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diff --git a/old/42817.txt b/old/42817.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0b65958..0000000 --- a/old/42817.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,32506 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Lord Randolph Churchill, by Winston Spencer Churchill - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Lord Randolph Churchill - -Author: Winston Spencer Churchill - -Release Date: May 27, 2013 [EBook #42817] -[Last updated: November 30, 2015] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif, University of Michigan Libraries -and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL - -VOL I. - -[Illustration: _Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_1883._] - - - - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL - -BY - -WINSTON SPENCER CHURCHILL, M.P. - -AUTHOR OF - -'THE STORY OF THE MALAKAND FIELD FORCE, 1897' -'THE RIVER WAR,' 'LONDON TO LADYSMITH VIA PRETORIA,' ETC. - -IN TWO VOLUMES - -VOL. I - -New York - -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY -LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. -1906 - -_All rights reserved_ - -COPYRIGHT, 1906, -BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - -Set up and electrotyped. Published January, 1906. - -Norwood Press -J. S. Cushing & Co.--Berwick & Smith Co. -Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. - - -TO - -CHARLES RICHARD JOHN SPENCER-CHURCHILL - -DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH - -THIS BOOK - -IN ALL FAITHFUL FRIENDSHIP - -IS INSCRIBED - - - - -_Deed of Trust Regulating the Papers of the late Lord Randolph -Churchill._ - - -I, THE RIGHT HONOURABLE RANDOLPH HENRY SPENCER-CHURCHILL, P.C., M.P., of -50 Grosvenor Square in the County of London by these Presents send -Greeting WHEREAS I am possessed of various Political and State Documents -Correspondence and Papers which are now contained in Tin boxes deposited -in my name at the Westminster Branch of the London and Westminster Bank -Limited and in Tin boxes and Drawers at No. 50 Grosvenor Square -aforesaid NOW I BY THESE PRESENTS DO assign transfer and make over from -and after the date of my decease the above mentioned political and State -documents correspondence and papers unto George Richard Penn Viscount -Curzon M.P., of 23 Upper Brook Street in the said County of London and -Ernest William Beckett M.P., of 138 Piccadilly in the said County of -London UPON TRUST that they the said George Richard Penn Viscount Curzon -and Ernest William Beckett shall from and after the date of my decease -deal with and use the said Political and State documents correspondence -and papers for any purpose which they in their absolute discretion may -think well PROVIDED that no such Political or State documents -correspondence or paper relating either to the Department of the India -Office or the Department of the Foreign Office shall be printed -published or used in any way either directly or indirectly without the -written consent of Her Majesty's Secretary of State for either of the -said Departments for the time being AND I HEREBY DECLARE that these -presents are executed by me in triplicate one Copy whereof is deposited -with the Right Honourable the Earl of Rosebery K.G., P.C., Her Majesty's -Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the second Copy is -deposited at the Western Branch of the Bank of England, Burlington -Gardens in the name of my Solicitor Mr. Theodore Lumley and the third -Copy is retained by me - -AS WITNESS my hand and seal this eighth day of March One thousand eight -hundred and ninety-three. - - Signed Sealed and Delivered } - by the above named Randolph} - Henry Spencer-Churchill in } RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - the presence of } - - THEODORE LUMLEY, - Solicitor, - - 37 Conduit Street, Bond Street, W. - - - - -AUTHOR'S PREFACE - - -In the spring of 1893 Lord Randolph Churchill, feeling that he had -slender expectations of long life, placed all his papers, private and -official, under a trust-deed which consigned them at his death to the -charge of two of his most intimate political friends, Viscount Curzon -(now Earl Howe) and Mr. Ernest Beckett (now Lord Grimthorpe). As he made -a practice of preserving almost every letter he received, the number of -documents was sufficient to fill eleven considerable tin boxes. Subject -to the conditions prescribed in the trust-deed in regard to matters -affecting the India Office or the Foreign Office--which have, of course, -been strictly observed--these papers were placed in my hands by my -father's literary executors in July 1902, for the purpose of my writing -a full account of his life and work. I am deeply sensible of the -confidence implied and of the honour conveyed in that commission, and -during the three and a half years which have passed since I accepted it, -I have diligently laboured--in spite of some political distractions--to -discharge it to the best of my ability. - -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach (having consulted with the late Lord Salisbury) -and Lord Rosebery have expressed the opinion that the story of Lord -Randolph Churchill's life may now be fully told without impropriety -towards individuals or the public. Indeed, it is high time to do so. -Lord Randolph's part in national affairs is not to be measured by long -years of office. No great legislation stands in his name upon the -statute book. He was a Chancellor of the Exchequer without a Budget, a -Leader of the House of Commons but for a single session, a victor -without the spoils. No tangible or enduring records--unless it be the -Burma province--exist of his labours, and the great and decisive force -which he exerted upon the history of the Conservative and Unionist party -might be imperfectly realised by a later generation, unless it were -explained, asserted, and confirmed by the evidence of those who came in -contact or collision with his imperious and vivifying personality. - -For a thing so commonly attempted, political biography is difficult. The -style and ideas of the writer must throughout be subordinated to the -necessity of embracing in the text those documentary proofs upon which -the story depends. Letters, memoranda, and extracts from speeches, which -inevitably and rightly interrupt the sequence of his narrative, must be -pieced together upon some consistent and harmonious plan. It is not by -the soft touches of a picture, but in hard mosaic or tessellated -pavement, that a man's life and fortunes must be presented in all their -reality and romance. I have thought it my duty, so far as possible, to -assemble once and for all the whole body of historical evidence required -for the understanding of Lord Randolph Churchill's career. Scarcely -anything of material consequence has been omitted, and such omissions as -have been necessary are made for others' sakes and not his own. -Scarcely any statement of importance lacks documentary proof. There is -nothing more to tell. Wherever practicable I have endeavoured to employ -his own words in the narration; and the public is now in a position to -pronounce a complete, if not a final, judgment. - -I have been fortunate in the abundance of the materials supplied me. In -addition to Lord Randolph Churchill's tin boxes with their ample stores, -there was at hand an invaluable series of scrap-books, containing every -conceivable newspaper comment and cartoon, collected by his sister, Lady -Wimborne, and covering the whole period of his active political life. -But most of all I am indebted to those many friends, irrespective of -political party, who either by allowing their letters to be printed, or -by reading the proof-sheets, have enabled me to compile what may, -without presumption, be called an authoritative account. I accept, of -course, in the fullest sense, exclusive responsibility for whatever is -written here; but to Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, first of all, my grateful -acknowledgments are due, for not only has he with the greatest care and -pains thoroughly revised the whole book, but furnished me, besides, with -extensive memoranda in respect of those chapters with the events of -which he was specially concerned. - -The biographer of an English statesman is often able to conduct his hero -prosperously through the recognised educational experiences, and to -instal him at an early age in some small office, whence his promotion in -due course is assured. It is otherwise with the life of Lord Randolph -Churchill. No smooth path of patronage was opened to him. No glittering -wheels of royal favour aided and accelerated his journey. Whatever power -he acquired was grudgingly conceded and hastily snatched away. Like -Disraeli, he had to fight every mile in all his marches. And this -account will, I think, be found to explain in almost mechanical detail -the steps and the forces by which he rose to the exercise of great -personal authority, as well as the converse process by which he -declined. - -I have naturally been led to deal more fully with his public career than -with his private life. With the exception of the first two chapters and -the last, this story lies in a period of only ten years--from 1880 to -1890, and not less than half of its compass is concerned with the -succession of fierce political crises which disturbed the years 1885 and -1886. The epoch is brief; but so crowded is it with incident and -accident, so full of insights and sidelights upon the workings of party -and constitutional machinery in modern times, that it deserves the -closest examination. And I hope it may be attributed to the author's -failings, and not to the actions and character of Lord Randolph -Churchill, if the reader is not attracted by an authentic drama of the -House of Commons. - -WINSTON SPENCER CHURCHILL. - -BLENHEIM PALACE, WOODSTOCK: -_November 1, 1905_. - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE FIRST VOLUME - - -CHAPTER I - -1849-1874 - -EARLY YEARS - -.....PAGE - -Blenheim--Woodstock--Birth and parentage--Childhood--Cheam--Eton--The -family borough--Merton--The Blenheim harriers--Life at Oxford--Cowes -1873--Miss Jerome--The Woodstock election--Marriage.....1 - - -CHAPTER II - -1874-1880 - -MEMBER FOR WOODSTOCK - -The Parliament of 1874--A maiden speech--A social quarrel--Ireland--At -the Little Lodge--FitzGibbon and Howth--The Historical Society--Irish -politics--Butt and Parnell--The beginnings of obstruction--An unguarded -speech--Irish education--The Eastern question--Correspondence with -Sir Charles Dilke--The County Government Bill--The Irish Famine -Fund--Ministerial embarrassments--Lord Beaconsfield's letter to the -Duke of Marlborough--The General Election of 1880--Mr. Gladstone's -triumph.....58 - - -CHAPTER III - -1880-1883 - -THE FOURTH PARTY - -Position of parties--Tory depression--Bradlaugh--The origin of -the Fourth Party--The four friends--The Employers' Liability -Bill--Fourth Party tactics--Differences with leaders--Sir Stafford -Northcote--Activities of the Fourth Party--The Fourth Party and -Lord Beaconsfield--Lord Salisbury at Woodstock--Correspondence with -Wolff--Joyous days.....119 - - -CHAPTER IV - -1881-1882 - -IRELAND UNDER STORM PAGE Outbreak of the storm--The Parnell -movement--Irish speeches--The Compensation for Disturbance Bill--The -winter of 1880--The Land League--The revolt of the Boers--Coercion--Mr. -Forster's misfortunes--The Kilmainham Treaty--The Closure--Lord -Beaconsfield gone.....172 - - -CHAPTER V - -1883 - -ELIJAH'S MANTLE - -The war in Egypt--The Conservative leaders--Minor tactics in the House -of Commons--Correspondence with Sir Stafford Northcote--The Beaconsfield -statue--Lord Randolph's letter to the Times--Party displeasure--Elijah's -mantle--The Affirmation Bill--The Primrose League--An Ishmaelite at -bay--His father's death--An interlude.....224 - - -CHAPTER VI - -1882-1885 - -TORY DEMOCRACY - -A period of crisis--Conditions in the House of Commons--Conservative -paralysis--The new champion--Power and popularity of Lord Randolph -Churchill--The Tory Democrat--A 'Trilogy' at Edinburgh--The -Blackpool speech--The Birmingham candidature--'Peace, Retrenchment -and Reform'--Tory democracy and Fair Trade--Tory democracy and the -Constitution--The Church of England--The main achievement.....268 - - -CHAPTER VII - -1883-1884 - -THE PARTY MACHINE - -A daring enterprise--The Fourth Party: final phase--The National -Union and the Central Committee--The conference at Birmingham--The -proceedings of the new council--Dispute with Lord Salisbury--Lord -Randolph elected chairman--The 'charter' letter--'Notice to quit'--A -declaration of war--Close fighting--Lord Randolph resigns--Satisfaction -in the House of Commons--Dismay in the Conservative party--Intervention -of the provincial leaders--Lord Randolph reinstated--Progress of the -conflict.....302 - - -CHAPTER VIII - -1884 - -THE REFORM BILL - -Embarrassments of the Ministry--'Too late!'--The advent of the -Reform Bill--Divisions in the Conservative party--Lord Randolph and -reform--The 'mud cabin' argument--Power of Lord Randolph Churchill -in the House of Commons--The second vote of censure--The Reform Bill -in the Lords--Conflict between the two Houses--The conference of -the National Union at Sheffield--Lord Randolph's victory--Agreement -with Lord Salisbury--The autumn campaign--Aston riots--The Aston -debate--Correspondence with Chamberlain--Differences with Gorst--An -Indian voyage.....332 - - -CHAPTER IX - -1885 - -THE FALL OF THE GOVERNMENT - -1885-1785: a comparison--Increasing weakness and perplexities of the -Ministry--Lord Randolph returns--His authority over the Conservative -party--Penjdeh and the Vote of Credit--Correspondence with Lord -Salisbury--Lord Randolph's attacks upon Mr. Gladstone and Lord -Granville--The Crimes Act--A mortal blow--Strange constitutional -situation--Relations with the Irish party--Defeat of the -Government--A threefold crisis--Formation of Lord Salisbury's First -Administration--Lord Randolph refuses to join--The _Interregnum_--Lord -Randolph's own account of these transactions--Appeals of various -kinds--At the Inns of Court--A Parliamentary incident--Sir Stafford -retires--Euthanasia of the Fourth party--_Moriturus te saluto_.....375 - - -CHAPTER X - -1885 - -THE 'MINISTRY OF CARETAKERS' - -Lord Salisbury's difficulties--The last of the Woodstock elections--The -new ministry--A truce at Westminster--A legislative feat--'Maamtrasna' -and its consequences--Lord Carnarvon's opinions--The 'empty house' -meeting--The Prime Minister's reticence--The Conservative Cabinet and -Home Rule--The election campaign--General confusion--The 'unauthorised -programme'--Parnell's demand--The lines of battle--Lord Randolph's -exertions and activities--A visit to Dublin--'Come over and help -us'--Dispute with Lord Hartington--The 'boa-constrictor' speech--The -contest in Birmingham--Popularity of the Conservative Government--The -poll--Victories of Tory Democracy in the boroughs--The loss of the -counties--The Birmingham Election--'Low water-mark'.....423 - - -CHAPTER XI - -1885 - -AT THE INDIA OFFICE - -A serener sphere--The Council of India--Lord Randolph in office--Railway -development in India--Mr. Moore--The Russian crisis--The Afghan -boundary--Correspondence with the Queen--Increase of the British and -Native Armies in India--Appointment of Sir Frederick Roberts--The -Indian Budget in the House of Commons--Lord Randolph and Lord -Salisbury as letter-writers--The Bombay command--Resignation of Lord -Randolph Churchill--Correspondence--Lord Salisbury yields--Settlement -of the dispute--Conquest and annexation of Burma--The New Year's -Proclamation.....474 - - -APPENDICES - -I. THREE ELECTION ADDRESSES, 1874, 1880, 1885.....527 - -II. FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE NATIONAL UNION OF -CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATIONS.....537 - -III. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S EXPLANATION OF HIS ACTION IN REGARD TO -THE REFORM BILL, 1884.....550 - -IV. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S LETTERS FROM INDIA, 1885.....554 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE FIRST VOLUME - - -.....TO FACE PAGE - -1. Lord Randolph Churchill, 1886 (Photogravure).....Frontispiece - -2. LORD RANDOLPH AT ETON AND AT OXFORD (_Photogravure_).....12 - -3. {LORD RANDOLPH AND HIS FATHER} (_Photogravure_) {LORD RANDOLPH AND -HIS MOTHER}.....28 - -4. LADY RANDOLPH CHURCHILL (_Photogravure_).....72 - -5. MEMBER FOR WOODSTOCK (_Photogravure_).....108 - -6. THE FOURTH PARTY ('_Vanity Fair_'), by Leslie Ward..... - -7. ATHWART THE COURSE (_Cartoon from 'Punch'_).....232 - -8. A DREAM OF THE FUTURE (_Cartoon from 'Punch'_).....252 - -9. THE FIRST DIPLOMA OF THE PRIMROSE LEAGUE (_facsimile_).....260 - -10. THE WAITS (_Cartoon from 'Punch'_).....472 - - - 'Heard are the voices, - Heard are the sages, - The worlds and the ages; - "Choose well; your choice is - Brief and yet endless. - - Here eyes do regard you, - In Eternity's stillness: - Here is all fulness, - Ye brave, to reward you; - Work and despair not."' - --_Goethe._ - - - - -CHAPTER I - -EARLY YEARS - - -The cumulative labours of Vanbrugh and 'Capability' Brown have succeeded -at Blenheim in setting an Italian palace in an English park without -apparent incongruity. The combination of these different ideas, each -singly attractive, produces a remarkable effect. The palace is severe in -its symmetry and completeness. Nothing has been added to the original -plan; nothing has been taken away. The approaches are formal; the wings -are balanced; four equal towers maintain its corners; and the fantastic -ornaments of one side are elaborately matched on the other. Natural -simplicity and even confusion are, on the contrary, the characteristic -of the park and gardens. Instead of that arrangement of gravel paths, of -geometrical flower-beds, and of yews disciplined with grotesque -exactness which the character of the house would seem to suggest, there -spreads a rich and varied landscape. Green lawns and shining water, -banks of laurel and fern, groves of oak and cedar, fountains and -islands, are conjoined in artful disarray to offer on every side a -promise of rest and shade. And yet there is no violent contrast, no -abrupt dividing-line between the wildness and freshness of the garden -and the pomp of the architecture. - -The whole region is as rich in history as in charm; for the antiquity of -Woodstock is not measured by a thousand years, and Blenheim is heir to -all the memories of Woodstock. Here Kings--Saxon, Norman, and -Plantagenet--have held their Courts. Ethelred the Unready, Alfred the -Great, Queen Eleanor, the Black Prince, loom in vague majesty out of the -past. Woodstock was notable before the Norman Conquest. It was already a -borough when the Domesday Book was being compiled. The park was walled -to keep the foreign wild beasts of Henry I. Fair Rosamond's Well still -bubbles by the lake. From the gatehouse of the old manor the imprisoned -Princess Elizabeth watched the years of Mary's persecution. In the -tumults of the Civil Wars Woodstock House was held for King Charles by -an intrepid officer through a long and bitter siege and ravaged by the -victorious Roundheads at its close. And beyond the most distant of these -events, in the dim backward of time, the Roman generals administering -the districts east and west of Akeman Street had built their winter -villas in that pleasant, temperate retreat; so that Woodstock and its -neighbourhood were venerable and famous long before John Churchill, in -the early years of the eighteenth century, superimposed upon it the -glory of his victories over the French. - -[Sidenote: 1849] - -Randolph Henry Spencer-Churchill, commonly called Lord Randolph -Churchill, was born in London on February 13, 1849. His father was the -eldest son of the sixth Duke of Marlborough by his first wife, Lady Jane -Stewart, daughter of George, eighth Earl of Galloway. The Marquess of -Blandford, as he then was, had married on July 12, 1843, the Lady -Frances Anne Emily Vane (of whom more hereafter), eldest daughter of the -third Marquess of Londonderry, by whom he had five sons and six -daughters. Of these sons three died in infancy, the elder of the -survivors ultimately succeeded to the title, and the younger is the -subject of this account. - -[Sidenote: 1857 AET. 8] - -In his father's lifetime Lord Blandford lived at Hensington House, an -unpretentious building outside the circumference of the Blenheim Park -wall and about half a mile from the palace. Here his numerous family -were brought up. Their childhood must have been a very happy one, with -such a fine and ample place for a playground, many dear playmates and -parents who watched over them with unremitting care. The boy grew up -with his brother and sisters, as little boys are wont to do; and when -his father became, in 1857, seventh Duke of Marlborough, they all moved -into the palace at the other end of the great avenue, and this became -for many years their home. Randolph was sent to Mr. Tabor's school at -Cheam when he was eight years old. This was very young for one who had -so much space and happiness at home; but he seems to have been most -kindly treated and to have been quite content. He did not prove -exceptionally clever at his letters, though he made steady progress at -school. He had an excellent memory, and was fond of reading books of -history, biography, and adventure. But much more pronounced than any -liking for study were his passion for sport and his love of animals. By -the time he was nine years old he rode well, and even at that early age -he showed decision and determination in his ways. In those days the -telegraph was some miles distant from Blenheim and the telegraph boy -used to ride in with his messages upon a ragged, wiry little pony called -'The Mouse.' Once he had seen this pony, Lord Randolph wearied his -father and family with requests to buy it and never rested till it was -his own. After the pony was purchased, he trained it and called it his -hunter. The next step was to go hunting. - -[Sidenote: 1860 AET. 11] - -On an autumn afternoon in 1859 he waylaid Colonel Thomas, the tenant of -Woodstock House and an old and valued friend of the family, on his -return from a day with the Heythrop hounds, and, riding up to him, -persuaded him to ask his father's permission to take him out hunting. -This was the beginning of a friendship between these two which lasted -through life. To the next meet of the Heythrop they accordingly repaired -together. The day was fortunate. Lord Randolph, carried to the front by -'The Mouse,' was in at the death in King's Wood, was presented with -brush or pad, went through the ceremony of being 'blooded,' and returned -home in great delight, with glowing cheeks well besmeared with fox's -blood. From that day he became passionately fond not merely of riding -to hounds but of hunting as an art. - -A glimpse of his later days at Cheam has been preserved by a schoolboy -friend who, early in 1860, under the fostering wing of an elder brother, -was entered as the youngest and newest of sixty-two boarders at the -school. 'Randolph Churchill,' he writes, 'was then very near, and before -he left I think he reached, the headship of the school. He and my -brother were "chums," whereby I was brought into closer touch with him -than otherwise would have been the case. His good-natured and somewhat -magnificent patronage of my shivering novitiate has imprinted on my -memory a few incidents characteristic of his personality. At any rate, -he must have bulked large in my regard, as I have of him a far more -vivid recollection than of any other boy, through the whole six years of -my Cheam schooling. - -'From the nature of the case my recollections are not of the class room. -He was in "the first class," as the top form was styled; I was in "the -sixth," or lowest. The general muster in the big schoolroom, or the -recreations of the playground, were the scenes in which I chiefly saw -him; and, of course, whatever of his doings I noticed, are glamoured by -the small boy's reverence for the big. I cannot "place" him in either -cricket or football; but there are some things with which he is in my -memory so closely associated that I cannot even now see their like -without recalling him in liveliest imagination. Thus I can never see -children playing at "horses" without the instant recollection of the -showy four-in-hand which Randolph Churchill "tooled" round the -playground, or of which he was an interchangeable part. Besides himself -the team and coachman consisted of Curzon, Suirdale (afterwards Lord -Donoughmore), and the two brothers Gordon (one of whom is now Lord -Aberdeen). The harness with which they were caparisoned belonged, I -remember, to the elder Gordon. But in my recollection Randolph Churchill -shares with him pre-eminence in the quintette. There was a large -magnificence about his Cheam days that impressed me with the idea that, -no matter how well another boy might acquit himself, Randolph Churchill -would always "go one better." - -'He was always ready with some surprise in the Sunday texts and -exercises for which Mr. Tabor assembled us in big school on Sunday -afternoons. I can never open the book of Ecclesiastes without recalling -the breathless astonishment with which I heard him recite, with that -vehemence he always showed in speech, those eight verses which tell us -that "to every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose -under the heaven." For me Churchill achieved a wonder. No boy, and I -should think hardly a man, is likely to have much more than an abstract -and somewhat perfunctory interest in the Thirty-nine Articles. But I can -never glance at the sombre sentences of the Article on Predestination -and Election without the passages ringing with his declamation as he -repeated the whole, _ore rotundo_, without hesitation or the tremor of -an eyelash. At that time there was at Cheam one of those holy and -blameless boys who come sometimes to sanctify the rough brutalities of -schoolboy life. He was Mackworth Dolben, from Finedon, in Northants, -where his memory is still kept green. He used once a week to assemble in -his cubicle a few of us, with whom he would read the Bible and pray. He -had enrolled my brother in the _coterie_, and through my brother, -myself. Churchill was one of the little band; and I can see him now, -kneeling down by the bed, with his face in his hands resting on the -white coverlet, leading us in fervent prayer. - -'I have alluded to his vehemence of speech; but I should be wrong if I -were thought to mean violence of language. He always at that time spoke -open-mouthed, with a full voice and great rapidity of utterance, as if -his thoughts came faster than his words could follow; the impression -conveyed being that he was determined to overbear all opposition and -gain the mastery of argument. - -[Sidenote: 1863 AET. 14] - -'Once when I had disfigured an Ovid which I had borrowed from my -brother, who came to reproach me in the playground, it was Churchill who -convinced me of the enormity of my offence, and it is his eager and -animated face that lives in my memory of the little scene. There was, I -think, in my boyish mind (I was little more than eight, and I never saw -him after he left Cheam) a distinct, if indefinite, sense of vigour, -fluency, masterfulness, and good-nature in his character. Living, as -boys do, in the present, I am sure that I had no idea of his -after-fame.' - -When Lord Randolph was in his fourteenth year he went in due course to -Eton, where he was placed in the form known as 'Remove,' and in the -house of the Rev. W. A. Carter. A year later he was moved into Mr. -Frewer's house, and there continued while at Eton. His career -henceforward was chequered, for he had already developed a will of his -own and a considerable facility in expressing it. I submit to the reader -the first extracts from the many letters which this story will -contain:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph to his Mother._ - -Eton College, Windsor, 1863. - - I am very sorry I did not write you before, but I wrote one letter - to you and I cannot find it anywhere, and I have not had a bit of - time since, for I had to bring a hundred lines every day to Mr.---- - for cutting my name on the new table in the new schools. Mr.---- is - such a horrid man; I had one or two punishments for him yesterday - and I put them in his pupil room and somebody must have taken them - away for he said he never saw them. He has been rude too; he called - me a 'little blackguard' the other day just because I was sitting - with my legs on the form, and he is always calling the fellows - names. I shall never do any good with him, he is so unjust. - - There is smallpox in the barracks and half Eton is being - vaccinated. They offered to perform on me, but I declined. The - Queen came to Windsor from Osborne on Thursday night and rushed off - on Friday morning to Balmoral, which struck me as being rather - eccentric. There has not been much going on here, though they have - had a grand reformation of the rifle corps. They made everybody - re-enlist and they had to take a sort of oath and sign their names - to a lot of nonsense. - -And another:-- - - - - _To his Father._ - -Eton College: March 11, 1863. - - It was not my fault that my letter did not reach you before, for I - gave it to the servant the same day to post, and she forgot all - about it. I have written to you about the reception on Saturday; I - will now tell you about the fireworks on Monday and the wedding - yesterday. - - On Monday night we were all ordered to be present in the - school-yard at nine o'clock. When we were all there we formed fours - and marched up Windsor with a large body of police before us (which - rather spoilt the fun) to clear the way. Then we got into the Home - Park by the South Western Station, just under the windows of the - State Rooms, and there we stood all the time the fireworks were - going on. I luckily had the forethought to take my great-coat, or - else I do not believe I should have got home, it was so dreadfully - cold. The fireworks were very pretty, only there was such an awful - lot of rockets and too few catherine-wheels and all that sort of - fun. - - The Princess Alexandra having never seen fireworks before, they - were on Monday night instead of on Tuesday night, because she - wanted to see them. We did not get home till nearly twelve o'clock. - There was no illumination that night. Yesterday morning was a whole - holiday without any early school or chapel. We were all mustered in - the school-yard about eleven o'clock, and then marched up Windsor - into the Castle by Henry the VIIIth's gate. There we had to stand - for a tremendous time without anything coming. (It luckily was fine - and not very cold.) At last the first procession came; it was the - King of Denmark and all those people. We had a beautiful view of - all the people. Then we had to wait about a quarter of an hour, - and then came the Princess Royal. She was sitting on our side, and - she bowed away as hard as she could go. (I think her neck must have - been stiff.) And then came the Prince; he looked extremely - gracious. I never saw him put his hat on, and he held it about an - inch from his head, and kept bowing, always in the same place. And - last of all came the Princess. And then there was such a row, in - spite of the Queen's express commands that there was to be no - cheering. I never heard such an awful noise in all my life. I - think, if the Queen heard it, she must have had a headache for a - long time afterwards. We were not allowed to go into the chapel, or - into the courtyard by the chapel. A whole lot of us charged the - policemen and soldiers to get in, but it was no use; they managed - to keep us back that time. But we had our revenge afterwards. After - they had come back we went back into college. Then at three o'clock - we all came to see the Princess go away. She did not come till - about a quarter past four in the afternoon--the Prince and Princess - in an open carriage; and then came the squashing. We all rushed - after the carriage. (I was right in the front of the charge; it was - a second Balaclava.) Nothing stood before us; the policemen charged - in a body, but they were knocked down. There was a chain put across - the road, but we broke that; several old _genteel_ ladies tried to - stop me, but I snapped my fingers in their face and cried 'Hurrah!' - and 'What larks!' I frightened some of them horribly. There was a - wooden palisade put up at the station (it was the Great Western), - but we broke it down; and there, to my unspeakable grief, I was - bereaved of a portion of my clothing, viz. my hat. Somebody knocked - it off. I could not stop to pick it up, I shrieked out a convulsive - 'Oh, my hat!' and was then borne on. I got right down to the door - of the carriage where the Prince of Wales was, wildly shouting - 'Hurrah!' He bowed to me, I am perfectly certain; but I shrieked - louder. I am sure, if the Princess did not possess very strong - nerves, she would have been frightened; but all she did was to - smile blandly. At last the train moved off while the band played - 'God save the Queen.' I am sure I wonder there were no accidents, - we were all so close to the carriage. There I was, left in the - station, 'hatless.' I met Lord Churchill there, who told me Lady - Churchill was in waiting. I was introduced to lots of soldiers by - one of the masters who caught me. And then I began to search for my - hat; but it was in vain, for I never saw it again. I was told to - get another one, for I had no other to wear. At last I got home, - and in the evening we went out again to see the illumination. There - was not much to see. I think I have given you a full account of the - wedding and the reception. - -Believe me ever to remain -Your affectionate son, -RANDOLPH CHURCHILL. - - P.S.--My holidays begin on the 27th of March. - -The letters which Lord Randolph received from his father during these -Eton years were affectionate and pleasant, and were evidently intended -to exert a considerable influence upon his education. Besides ordinary -family news and the accounts of sport, of partridges and pheasants, of -the health of dogs and ponies, of the exertions of the Heythrop -hounds--always industrious, and sometimes successful--there was -generally allusion to some more serious or public event, a political -opinion, an account of an election at Woodstock, or a few sentences -about Mr. Disraeli. Often the Duke would take pains to impart a lesson -in conduct under the guise of information. 'Your aunt,' wrote this -devout, yet not intolerant, man, 'who is with us now is most unhappy; -for I fear she is a Roman Catholic at heart, and does not like to say -so. If this be true, it would be much better for her to declare her -mind; and then, of course, however we might be grieved, the matter -would never be alluded to in conversation.' He encouraged his son always -to confide in him; nothing mattered so much as what could not be told; -and when it was necessary, as it often was, to reprove some schoolboy -misdemeanour--pert speeches to masters, an overbearing manner, the -unwarranted fagging of small companions, or the breaking of other -people's windows--he never founded his rebukes upon authority; but -always upon reason, arguing the matter quite fairly with his son, -pointing out to him the consequences of his actions, and appealing to -his good sense, his self-respect, and the love and honour in which he -held his parents. The care and patience thus displayed were not -unrepaid, and both Lord Randolph and his elder brother, throughout lives -strongly marked by an attitude of challenge towards men and things, -preserved at all times an old-world reverence for their father. - -Considering that mischief and a disposition to argue were the gravest -crimes imputed to the boy, the paternal rebukes were frequently rather -severe. They followed, if I may judge by old letters, a regular course. -First, on receiving the bad report, the father would, with much -deliberation, ask his son what he had to say in defence or in excuse. -Lord Randolph would reply with a long, carefully-written letter of -justification, defending himself with freedom and ingenuity. Next the -Duke, now duly in possession of both sides of the case, would take up -his largest pen and deliver majestic censure. 'To tell you the truth,' -he wrote on one occasion, 'I fear that you yourself are very impatient -and resentful of any control; and while you stand upon some fancied -right or injury, you fail to perceive what is your _duty_, and allow -both your language and manner a most improper scope.' The third stage of -these estrangements would be a frank letter of submission and promises -for future improvement, after which complete forgiveness and the return -of sunshine. - -[Illustration: _Eton_ _Oxford_] - -These are simple chronicles, and I have tried, so far as possible, to -use the actual words in which they have come to me; but it is well to -notice how early a strong, masterful character develops. How much can -parents really do? One would think that the future lay in their hands. -They are at the beginning supreme. They control with authority, from -which there is no appeal, all early impressions and actions and every -avenue of experience. It would not be strange if they could shape and -mould the child according to their fancies. Is it not, on the contrary, -wonderful how comparatively powerless they so often are? The tiny child, -scarcely out of the cradle, asserts his personality. This schoolboy, -pausing unembarrassed on the threshold of life, has made up his mind -already. Nothing will change him much. Lord Randolph's letters as a boy -are his letters as a man. The same vigour of expression; the same -simple, yet direct, language; the same odd, penetrating flashes; the -same coolly independent judgments about people and laws, and readiness -to criticise both as if it were a right; the same vein of humour and -freedom from all affectation; the same knack of giving nicknames, which -often stuck and sometimes stung--all are there. His mind, indeed, gained -knowledge and experience from instruction; but his essential character, -changing hardly at all by contact with the world, unfolded with -remorseless and unalterable persistency, as every seed brings forth in -its proper season its own peculiar flower. - -'He had,' wrote his mother a few months before her death, 'a wonderful -faculty for making firm friends, who remained through life devoted to -him. He was very constant and decided in his attachments, and -outspoken--often imprudently--in his likes or dislikes. He was always -pertinacious in his opinions. He never wavered in his plans, and, -whether right or wrong, he carried them out. This enabled him to succeed -in life, but also often brought him into trouble.... When I look back in -sadness to his youth, and remember his ready wit, his warm affection, -his bright spirits, and his energy in carrying out any undertaking, I -feel how great was the want of foresight and intellect on my part in his -training and management; for one of his most endearing qualities was -extraordinary affection for his father and me, and his constant interest -and pride in his family from his earliest days.... Alas!' she wrote in -unmerited self-reproach, 'had I been a clever woman, I must have had -more ability to curb and control his impulses, and I should have taught -him patience and moderation. Yet at times he had extraordinary good -judgment, and it was only on rare occasions that he took the bit between -his teeth, and then there was no stopping him.' - -Lord Randolph himself seems to have dreamed no dreams at Eton. He lived, -with his faithful bull-dog, entirely in the present, obeying with -spontaneity the varied impulses of a boisterous yet amiable nature. 'He -was,' we are told, 'an easy lower boy to catch, for his whereabouts -could be ascertained by his incessant peals of laughter. There was not a -boy in the school who laughed so much or whose laughter was so -contagious. There was scarcely one who was so frolicsome. His preferred -method of descending a staircase was to skate down it with a rush; and -if he had to enter the room of another lower boy, he would sooner bound -against the door and force it open with his shoulder than go through the -stale formality of turning the handle.'[1] He is furthermore described -as 'very fond of collisions with "cads"' when there was any event -drawing crowds at Eton or Windsor; but 'he would single out antagonists -much older or bigger than himself.' - -Two other fleeting impressions have been preserved.[2] 'I can just -remember young Churchill,' writes a well-known Eton authority, 'as a -striking, whimsical personality, with full, large, round, astonished -eyes and a determined bull-dog type of face. He was addicted to dressing -loudly, and I vividly recollect his appearance one day in a daring -violet-coloured waistcoat. Botham's Hotel was in those days a favourite -resort for Etonians, in the way of succession to Coningsby's -"Christopher," where the friends entertained each other at sumptuous -breakfasts and luncheons. A special feature of this hostelry, as well as -a powerful attraction to the younger boys, was a spacious fruit-garden, -celebrated for the size and flavour of its strawberries. During a -certain summer this Elysian enclosure was so pillaged as to cause the -proprietor to complain to the headmaster, Mr. Balston. As a consequence -Mr. Austen Leigh was despatched to watch, and, if possible, to catch the -offenders _in flagrante delicto_. That representative of the highest -Eton authority very soon flushed a large covey of juvenile depredators. -All of them, however, got away, except Randolph Churchill, who jumped as -far as he could towards the road with his pursuer close upon him. They -both fell together into the ditch, Mr. Austen Leigh uppermost. Lord -Randolph, seeing that any further attempt at escape would be useless, -crawled out, much scratched and bruised, into the middle of the road, -where, incensed at his own discomfiture, he deliberately sat down, -crossed his legs, glared at Mr. Leigh, and with all the vehemence of -enraged fourteen, exclaimed, "You beast!" How he escaped the birch after -this adventure tradition does not relate.' - -'I can recall him at Eton,' wrote 'J. S.' in the _Realm_ of March 1895, -'but only for one amazing moment. It was a summer evening, just before -"lock-up," and the whole wall, the little old wall so fitted for the -height of small boys, which separates the public road from the borders -of Upper School, was thronged with youths, resting after the labours of -the day. Even they felt the charm of the stillness. There was no -drumming of heels on the wall, only chatter and occasional laughter. On -the other side of the road, gathered at the top of Keate's Lane, where -in those days was an iron bar for the "seat of the scornful," were the -"Swells." Between these awe-inspiring _aristoi_ and us urchins -indiscriminate on the wall lay the empty road. Down the middle of that -road alone, ringing discordant music from a Volunteer's bugle, marched a -boy in jackets. It was Churchill, wending homeward to Frewer's. As I -recall the "Swells" of that time, this progress of a boy in jackets, on -his right a long line of his fellows, on his left, for one awful minute, -that sublime group at the corner, I feel once more the breathless wonder -at audacity so magnificent.' - -I cannot set down with exactness the time when Lord Randolph's parents -began to realise that their son possessed and was, underneath an -exuberance of animal spirits, developing character and qualities of an -unusual order; but, at any rate, before he left Eton they had begun to -hope that some considerable career lay before him. Henceforth they -neglected nothing that might stimulate his interest or his ambition. A -degree at Oxford in history and law, suitable and extended tours on the -Continent, frequent contact with men of affairs, seemed the most obvious -steps which were first required in preparation for political life. And -meanwhile the family borough of Woodstock was watched by the Duke with a -jealous and reflective eye. Its representation had lately caused him for -various reasons many heart-burnings. - -Woodstock possessed a Parliamentary history of such curious distinction -that perhaps no other seat in England could rival the interest of its -chequered fortunes. From the earliest beginnings of popular -representation to the Reform Bill of 1832, it had returned, with some -intermission, two members to the House of Commons; and among these -William Lenthall, the famous Speaker, was its representative in the Long -Parliament; William Eden, afterwards the first Lord Auckland and -Governor-General of India, sat for it in the Parliament of 1774; Charles -Abbot, also Speaker, in 1802; Sir John Gladstone, father of the famous -Prime Minister, in 1820; and the great philanthropist, better known as -the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, from 1826 to 1830. Down to the time of -Queen Anne the members for Woodstock had most often been drawn from the -old families of the neighbourhood; but after the delivery of the Manor -of New Woodstock to John, first Duke of Marlborough, and the building of -Blenheim, the seat practically became the property of the Churchills and -its representatives were uniformly the nominees of the reigning Duke. -This dominion, though always maintained, was not seldom challenged; and -the bitter and unscrupulous contests which were fought when some Indian -nabob or other wealthy champion made an effort to wrest the borough from -the great local influences under whose shadow it reposed were an almost -incredible source of profit to the electors. - -In April 1844 Lord Randolph's father, then Marquess of Blandford, was -elected member. Although always a staunch Conservative, he immediately -developed progressive tendencies in social and economic questions and -became a steady supporter of Free Trade measures. This speedily brought -him into collision with the Duke, whose interest in the Corn Laws was by -no means theoretical; and since he remained altogether unyielding, he -was forced in April 1845 to apply for the Chiltern Hundreds and to -retire from Parliament. The vacancy was filled (May 1) by Viscount -Loftus, a trusty Protectionist; and on his becoming Marquess of Ely, in -December, Lord Alfred Churchill was brought forward without opposition -in his stead. The question of the Corn Laws having been swept into the -past by the decisions of Parliament in 1846, domestic differences were -once more composed, and at the General Election of 1847 Lord Blandford -was again elected, and continued to sit for the borough at the General -Elections of July 1852 and March 1857, until in July 1857 he succeeded -as seventh Duke of Marlborough. - -[Sidenote: 1867 AET. 18] - -Lord Alfred Churchill, his brother, now became again the member for -Woodstock. For two years all had been smooth and satisfactory; but after -the General Election of 1859, and during the year 1860, Lord Alfred -began to manifest an increasing sympathy with the Whigs and Liberals, -and finally became ranged with the supporters of Lord Palmerston. His -vote in favour of Mr. Gladstone's famous Budget of 1860 was the first -definite step and it instantly drew a strong protest from the Duke, who -seems to have been less an admirer--after succeeding to great position -and estate--both of political independence and of Free Trade measures. -Lord Alfred explained that he considered his vote perfectly consistent -with his character as a Conservative. 'I really should like to know,' -replied his brother severely, 'by what change of terms a measure can be -called "Conservative" which substitutes direct for indirect taxation, -which has been prepared by Mr. Cobden, proposed by Mr. Gladstone, and is -the avowed policy of a Liberal Government.' The correspondence was not -on either side so couched as to repair the differences which had opened -between the brothers, and Lord Alfred's subsequent conduct produced a -complete estrangement. The Duke, a stalwart Churchman, had long been -warmly interested in the question of Church Rates. They were to him a -pet and special subject and he had publicly expressed on various -occasions a high Tory view. Lord Alfred now began to give Church Rates -his careful attention, and, as the result of his studies, he proceeded -to introduce into the House of Commons a Bill dealing with the whole -subject in an extremely Liberal--not to say Radical--spirit. He -expounded his plan with elaboration in a letter and forwarded it with -his Bill to his brother as a suggested 'compromise' greatly to be -desired in the public interest. This was decisive. The Duke replied that -he understood an affront was intended, and that he hoped, whatever line -of politics Lord Alfred might pursue in the future, he would not -consider it necessary to consult him upon it. Through the medium of -various persons it was presently arranged that, as no one could force -Lord Alfred to retire, he should be free to act as he pleased till the -General Election; and that at the election, as the Duke would once more -be the master of the situation, another candidate should be brought -forward. There the matter rested, to the extreme dissatisfaction of both -parties. So embittered were the relations between the brothers that, -when the departing Lord Alfred was entertained by his constituents in -Woodstock in 1864, the Duke would not attend the dinner, but sent Lord -Randolph in his place; and this schoolboy of fifteen, with impressive -gravity and unfaltering utterance, delivered--or, rather, recited--the -necessary speeches, and so made, under rather a lowering sky, his first -embarkation upon the uncertain waters of party politics. - -In 1867 Lord Randolph left Eton in order to obtain some education from a -private tutor before going to Oxford. In spite of these precautions his -first attempt to pass the entrance examination was unsuccessful; and it -was arranged that he should work for six months under the care of an -accomplished clergyman, the Rev. Lionel Dawson Damer, who lived at -Cheddington, near Aylesbury. - - - - _Lord Randolph to his Father._ - -Cheddington: March, 1867. - - I wrote to you in my last that we did not intend to go to Oxford, - but we changed our minds and went yesterday. It was a horrid day, - snowing and blowing from the East, and dreadfully cold. As we were - getting into the train we met Mr.---- to whom you offered the - living at Waddesdon. He seemed really a charming man, so very - gentlemanlike and quiet. I am sure you would like him very much. He - tells me he had at first declined the living, but now, having seen - it, he thought that if certain things were done he would accept it, - if you had not offered it to anyone else already. He wants to get - back into this neighbourhood, and really I should think he would be - a capital person from all Mr. Damer says, and from what I saw. I - asked Mr. Damer to go and call upon Dr. Scott. I thought he might - find out something about me. Dr. Scott told him a different story - from what he told you. He said that my papers as a whole gave the - Dons the idea that I made tremendous guesses at everything, and - that they thought they could not on that let me in. He said nothing - about the essay at all. I do not think he is much to be relied on. - - We also called upon Dr. Marsham. He was very civil and seemed to be - pleased at our calling. He was very glad he said at your taking - office, and said he would be able to offer me rooms in October, so - I think we did no harm by calling, but that he thought it very - civil. I only saw Dalmeny and Donoughmore, everyone else was out. - - I think General Peel's speech very clear and intelligible. I - suppose he will be a much greater loss than Lord Carnarvon or Lord - Cranborne. How very troublesome the Fenians are! I suppose you have - complete information now about it all. I am afraid the Whigs are - getting very disagreeable, but I hope their machinations will not - succeed. I think Dizzy gave it to Gladstone well. - - I am going out with the Harriers to-morrow. - - - - - _Lord Randolph to his Father._ - -Cheddington: March, 1867. - - I must say I think it very kind of Dr. Marsham letting us know so - soon that he can give me a room, for he said nothing about a chance - vacancy, so that I expect he has made some other arrangement. - - I cannot tell you how delighted I was when you wrote and told me - that you had accepted the office of Lord President of the Council. - I think it is just the office that you would like best. Do you know - who is to be Lord Steward? Do you at all expect a split in the - Cabinet? I do hope you will be able to do something now, as it - seems perhaps that the Conservatives have been placed in rather a - humiliating position. I am so glad you are in the Cabinet; but Mr. - Damer and I look forward to a change in the Cabinet policy. - - There has been very little to do here. I assisted Mr. Damer at some - penny readings the other night in the school here, as he had been - thrown over by a clergyman he had asked to come and read. I read - 'Reminiscences of Margot' and the 'Ingoldsby Legends.' They were - very much applauded. Mr. Damer and I have got a charming plan, I - think you will approve of it. He says that after the 20th of June, - which is the Choral Festival at Aylesbury of which he has the - management, he will be quite free, and we thought we might make a - very pleasant trip abroad for two months, beginning about July to - the end of August, if you did not mind. I should have passed the - examination for Merton and just come back in time for the October - term. Mr. Damer says he would like it very much. But should you - mind? - - Do you think you would be able to run down here some Saturday - afternoon and stay Sunday? I am afraid you will have a tremendous - lot to do now. I wish I could be your Secretary. - -[Sidenote: 1868 AET. 19] - -The Continental tour commended itself to the Duke, and Lord Randolph was -allowed to roam through Switzerland and Italy at his pleasure for two or -three months. On his return he matriculated and took up his residence at -Merton, under the tutelage of Dr. Creighton, afterwards Bishop of -London. It must have been with relief and satisfaction that he exchanged -the rough bigotry of school life for the free and generous atmosphere of -a famous University. At Eton he had gained neither distinction in games -nor profit from studies. He had learned to row and swim, without -aspiring to renown; and as for cricket and football, he heartily -detested them both. But Oxford opened opportunities of all kinds. Its -proximity to Blenheim enabled him to live practically at home. The happy -companionship of his family and the sporting possibilities of a landed -estate were both within easy and constant reach. His nature responded to -the glory and romance of Oxford; and in its cloistered courts, so rich -in youth and history, he found a scheme of life more varied, tolerant, -and real than any he had ever known. - -Meanwhile Lord Randolph had long outgrown 'The Mouse'; and even while an -Eton boy, upon a new and quickly distinguished animal called 'Pillbox,' -with occasional mounts from his elder sisters, he had begun in his -holidays to acquire some glory in the Oxfordshire fields. He is -described at sixteen as 'a very bold and good horseman, who also took -the greatest interest in the hunting.' Aided as he was by the light -weight of youth and his native knowledge of the country, few in the hunt -could beat him. His love of the art of venery grew into worship. At -fifteen the ownership of two beagles, the gift of his father, -transported him with delight. They proved the humble forerunners of a -pack which is not yet forgotten in Oxfordshire. Within the next two -years he became possessed of 'two or three hounds, kept in some pigsties -at the back of the gardens, under the care of a somewhat ragged and -disreputable "Boy Jim," whom he called his "whipper-in,"' and of an old -retired keeper--one of the Duke's pensioners--who, with his wife, -discharged the duties of 'feeder.' But it was not till he went to -Merton, in the autumn of 1867, that he aspired to a higher state and -created, in all the serious purpose of nine couple of hounds and the -pomp of 'a whip well mounted and in livery,' the celebrated 'Blenheim -Harriers.' September 21, 1867, is the first entry in his hunting-book, -thenceforward kept with the utmost regularity throughout the three years -of his Oxford life. - - +----------+--------+-------+--------------+---------+-------------+ - |Date |Horses |Hounds |Weather |Meet |Hares Killed | - +----------+--------+-------+--------------+---------+-------------+ - |Sept. 21, |Lady Di |7-1/2 |Cloudy, |Bladon | 1 | - |1867 | |couple |rain overhead |toll-bar | | - +----------+--------+-------+--------------+---------+-------------+ - - - - '_Remarks._ - - 'First time of taking out the hounds--rather wild and did not run - together.... Found in Margett's grass field, and ran a ring with a - bad scent. Jumped up in the middle of the pack, and ran a straight - line across the Hensington Road and Taylor's Farm, where three of - the hounds, getting away quietly (Resolute, Blameless, and - Careful), ran into her. Others got wrong. Cheerful not up at the - death. Did not find again, but went home at once. Fencer and - Blue-cap lame next day. Ground very hard. Scent very bad.--R. H. S. - C.' - -And so on through many pages of neat, compact handwriting, with which, -since these episodes are more diverting in the enterprise than in the -chronicle, the reader need not be concerned. The reputation, the -popularity, and the fields of the Blenheim Harriers grew steadily. 'I -became,' wrote Colonel Thomas, 'very proud of the way in which he hunted -his own hounds, as I never knew a more patient persevering Huntsman, -with great determination, self-confidence, and quickness in taking any -advantage that might occur.' 'Killed altogether last season,' writes -Lord Randolph contentfully at the end of February 1868, 'twenty-nine -brace of hares and one fox. Season commencing September 8, 1868.' - -The harriers required attention in the summer, and the eye of the Master -was never long astray. The pack steadily improved in numbers and -quality. Some were bred at the Blenheim kennels, others were purchased. -One hound he bought from Lord Granville, who sent an amusing letter with -him, explaining that he was called 'Radical.' Lord Randolph's -correspondence at this time seems to have been chiefly concerned with -these important matters. Here is a specimen letter:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Blake, one of -his father's tenants._ - -_Gloster Hotel, Cowes, Isle of Wight._ - - Dear Sir,--You were kind enough in the spring to say that if you - could overcome Mrs. Blake's objections you would bring up a puppy - for me. I have a very promising litter now by Dexter out of Crazy, - that are quite old enough to go out 'to walk,' and should be so - very much obliged to you if you would take care of one for me. I - have altogether seven couple of puppies, and shall have great - difficulty in finding walks for all of them. If you will let Mr. - Napier know you will take one, he will send you one, and by doing - so you will greatly oblige - -Yours faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Lord Randolph soon became one of the best-known and best-liked figures -in the county. He was tactful and considerate to the farmers, whose -hospitality he enjoyed, and courteous and composed with his field. Many -are the stories of merry lunches at farmhouses, of mournful tumbles into -muddy brooks, of jaunts and jollities and every varied chance or -mischance of the chase over all that pleasant countryside. Whenever the -responsibilities of the harriers permitted and a horse was fresh and -fit, he hunted besides with the Heythrop, the Bicester and other -neighbouring packs. - -But the world did not always smile upon him. It is odd how often persons -who in private life, and indeed on all other occasions, are the mildest -and kindest of men, develop, when engaged in equestrian sport, an -unwonted severity and even roughness of manner. Tom Duffield, the Master -of the Old Berkshire Hounds, was, like so many good sportsmen, somewhat -addicted to the use of firmer language in the hunting-field than the -occasion always required. One day, early in the winter of 1868, when -Lord Randolph was nearly twenty years old, he had the misfortune to ride -too close to the Old Berkshire Hounds and to incur the displeasure of -their Master, who rated him in a very violent fashion before the whole -company. Lord Randolph was deeply offended. He went home at once; but, -as he said nothing at the moment, the incident was for a while -forgotten. Towards the end of the season, however, a hunt dinner was -held in Oxford, to which Mr. Duffield and many of the Old Berkshire -field were bidden, and at which Lord Randolph was called upon to propose -the toast of 'Fox-hunting.' He described himself as an enthusiast for -all forms of sport. Fox-hunting, he said, in his opinion, ranked first -among field sports; but he was himself very fond of hare-hunting too. -'So keen am I that, if I cannot get fox-hunting and cannot get -hare-hunting, I like an afternoon with a terrier hunting a rat in a -barn; and if I can't get that,' he proceeded, looking round with much -deliberation, 'rather than dawdle indoors, I'd go out with Tom Duffield -and the Old Berkshire.' There was a minute of general consternation, -which the orator complacently surveyed. Then the company, overcome by -the audacity of the speaker, burst into laughter, led by Mr. Duffield -himself. The story has become a local classic, and, surviving the worthy -sportsman against whom it was directed, is still preserved among the -farmers from Banbury to Bicester. - -[Illustration: _Lord Randolph & his Father_ _Lord Randolph & his -Mother._] - -For three successive seasons (1867-1869), with unimportant intervals -occasionally filled by study, Lord Randolph harried the hares of -Blenheim and enjoyed himself hugely. His brother, Lord Blandford, to -whom he was much attached, was serving in the Blues. His sisters were -growing up, and the eldest three were already 'out.' He became the -autocrat of the family circle, and, like a wise ruler, took an intense -interest in all that concerned his subjects. What balls they had been -to, whom they had danced with, and all the similar incidents of a girl's -life were the constant objects of his inquiries; and upon all points he -expressed his approval or disapproval in the clearest possible terms. -Although the Duke might still assert a disciplinary control, there is no -doubt that his younger son was from this time forward increasingly -petted and beloved by his mother and sisters, to whom in return he -showed all the gay and affectionate sides of his nature. 'He was,' wrote -his mother, 'the soul of wit and fun and cheerfulness in those happy -days.' He made some good friends at Merton--not many in number, but -staunch and true. His Eton acquaintance with Lord Dalmeny (afterwards -Lord Rosebery) ripened at Oxford into a life-long friendship. Dalmeny's -rooms in the Canterbury quadrangle of Christ Church were within a -stone's-throw of Merton. The two young men were close companions in the -adventures and vicissitudes of undergraduate life and Lord Randolph used -often to bring his friend over to Blenheim. Here they met on many -occasions Mr. Disraeli, and the great Minister, who loved young people, -would talk and joke with them by the hour together. He seems to have -been delighted with both. His regrets were undisguised when, ten years -later, Lord Rosebery threw himself into the tides of the Midlothian -campaign. 'I remember,' wrote the Duchess of Marlborough, 'that he first -told me (in 1869) that it rested with Randolph to become a distinguished -man. From that time he was ever friendly to him, and he watched with -interest his early efforts in Parliament, and always wrote to -congratulate me when he approved them.' - -[Sidenote: 1869 AET. 20] - -Besides the harriers, Lord Randolph's greatest amusement at Oxford was -chess; and he soon acquired, for an amateur, more than ordinary skill in -the game. In conjunction with several friends he founded the University -Chess Club; and on the first visit of Mr. Steinitz, the champion -chess-player of the world, he conducted one of the boards at the -blindfold exhibition. Although his play necessarily lacked the strength -derivable from book knowledge and experience, it is described in this, -as in other affairs, as being 'original, daring, and sometimes -brilliant.' His game with Mr. Steinitz has been recorded; so that -competent persons may judge of his quality for themselves:-- - - Game No. 1 (published in the _Chess Players' Quarterly Chronicle_, - vol. ii., p. 110). - - ALLGAIER GAMBIT. - - White. Black. | White. Black. - | - Mr. Steinitz. Lord Randolph | Mr. Steinitz. Lord Randolph - (blindfold) Churchill. | Churchill. - | - 1. P--K 4 P--K 4 | 18. B x R Kt x B - 2. P--K B 4 P x P | 19. R--K sq P--Q Kt 3 [d] - 3. Kt--K B 3 P--K Kt 4 | 20. R x P (ch) K--Q sq - 4. P--K R 4 P--K Kt 5 | 21. B--Q B 4 B--Q Kt 2 - 5. Kt--K 5 Q--K 2 [a] | 22. R--Kt 4 Kt--K Kt 3 - 6. P--Q 4 P--Q 3 | 23. P--R 5 Kt--K 2 - 7. Kt x Kt P Q x P (ch) | 24. R--K sq Q Kt--Q B 3 - 8. Q--K 2 P--Q 4 | 25. P--Q 5 Kt--Q Kt 5 [e] - 9. Kt--K 5 Kt--K R 3 [b] | 26. P--Q B 6 B--Q B sq - 10. Kt--Q B 3 B--Q Kt 5 | 27. R--K Kt 7 Kt--Q B 3 - 11. Q x Q P x Q | 28. P x Kt Kt x P - 12. B x P Kt--K B 4 | 29. B--Q Kt 5 B--Q Kt 2 - 13. Castles B x Kt | 30. R--Q sq (ch) K--K sq - 14. P X B Kt--Q 3 | 31. R x Q B P K--B sq - 15. P--Q B 4 [c] P--K B 3 | 32. R--K B sq (ch) K--Kt sq - 16. P--Q B 5 P x Kt | 33. B--Q B 4 (ch), and mates in a - 17. B x P Kt--K B 2 | few moves. - -[a] This was once a common defence to the Allgaier opening, but it seems -to entail the loss of the gambit pawn. - -[b] B--R 3 would not have done, for White would then have exchanged -queens, and played B--Q B 4, &c. - -[c] This move loses White a piece, but he obtains for it a full -equivalent. - -[d] Black should have lost no time here in getting his pieces out; B--K -3, followed by K--Q 2 seems the best play. - -[e] Kt--Q R 4 would be, perhaps, better; but in any case he must have -the worst of it. - -It is not worth while to dwell on college scrapes, though of these some, -at any rate, have been recorded. Thus we learn that Lord Randolph -Churchill was fined ten shillings for the offence of smoking in his cap -and gown; that he broke the windows of the Randolph hotel; that he was -taken into custody by the police, with the rest of a noisy supper party, -and charged with being drunk; that, infuriated by such an accusation, -which was not sustained in court, he brought an action for perjury -against the police witness; that the college authorities appealed to the -Duke of Marlborough to stop the legal proceedings; that the Duke of -Marlborough replied that, on the contrary, they had his entire -concurrence; that learned counsel were brought by both parties from -London; but that in the end the summons was dismissed and the officer -exonerated of any wilful intention to deceive. We are also told that one -day he was sent for by the Warden to be rebuked for some delinquency. It -was winter, and the interview began with the Warden standing before the -fireplace and the undergraduate in the middle of the room. By the time -the next culprit arrived Lord Randolph was explaining his conduct with -his back to the fire and the Warden was a somewhat embarrassed listener -in a chilly corner. Such are the tales. - -Until he was in his twentieth year Lord Randolph's studies seem to have -been fitful. He had, indeed, enjoyed the ordinary education of an -English gentleman. He had consumed a vast number of hours at Eton and -elsewhere in making those intricate combinations of Latin words and -syllables which are perhaps as useful or as harmless a form of mental -training as youth can receive. He had--in addition to any acquaintance -with classical learning which these exercises may be supposed to impart, -and the wide but discursive reading of history and poetry that his -tastes had prompted--a peculiar, exact, and intimate knowledge (made -effective by an exceptional memory) of the Bible, Gibbon, and -'Jorrocks.' From these books--not so ill-assorted as they sound--he -could recite in an extraordinary manner whole pages at a time. In the -strong, simple, homely words and phrases, sonorous sentences, and veins -of rough spontaneous mirth which characterise the style and language of -his rhetoric and writings, the influence of these three varied -fountains, quaintly, yet not incongruously, intermingled, can be plainly -seen. - -Although it is much better for the brain, and for the practical purposes -of life, to know and understand one book than to have read a hundred, -such an educational outfit was no title to academic distinction; and -after he had been three years at Merton Lord Randolph determined to work -seriously for an honours degree in history and law. He forthwith -proceeded to put away his 'toys,' as he called them; and the Blenheim -Harriers were given up without delay. The county gentlemen and farmers -who had followed their fortunes with pleasure, if not with profit, -determined to mark their appreciation of the pack and its youthful -Master by the customary British ceremony of a dinner. A banquet was -accordingly held at the Bear hotel in Woodstock at which Lord Randolph -was hospitably entertained and generally praised. He replied to the -toast of his health simply and briefly, as one speaking in his own place -to his friends and neighbours. - -'Now that the harriers are gone,' he said, 'the future seems rather a -blank. Perchance, in the course of time and events, I may find myself -separated from these scenes of my youth. But you may rest assured that -my Oxfordshire home and my Oxfordshire friends will ever be present and -dear to my mind; and that, in whatever quarter of the world I may find -myself, among whatever people, or pursuing whatever occupation, you, -gentlemen, who have asked me here to dinner this evening, the happy -hours I have spent among you, the fields and pastures of our well-known -and favourite hunting grounds, and, last but not least, the old pack of -harriers, will remain amongst those pleasant and gratifying -recollections of days that are gone by, upon which I shall at all times -delight to dwell.' - -After this he began to work in earnest. The time which intervened before -the December examinations was all too short to repair the well-spent -idleness of previous years. It was fortunate that in these busy months -he came under the influence of that good and eminent man Dr. Creighton, -who took the greatest interest in him and aided and encouraged his -exertions by every means. 'He was always amenable to expostulation, when -wisely administered,' wrote Bishop Creighton in a letter to Mr. Escott -in 1895, 'and consulted me with freedom on all matters relating to the -daily conduct of his life. At first he did not read much, having a habit -of going to sleep in his chair after dinner, often for hours, which he -only gradually overcame. But from the first I was interested to see his -growing appreciation of the value of history, especially on its legal -and constitutional side. He would take up a subject and talk about it -till he had reached its bottom. As his interest grew he read more....' - -The Bishop proceeds to relate an incident which seems to have impressed -him. 'My attention was called to his marked ability for practical -politics early in his career. Soon after he came to Merton he deemed it -his duty to write a letter in defence of his father, who had been -attacked on some question of Woodstock politics. Before sending the note -he brought it to me. I was greatly impressed by its dignity and its -dexterity--the former as the composition of a son about his father, the -latter in the administration of a reproof without leaving a loophole of -escape.' Dr. Creighton advised him not to enter into political -controversy at his time of life. Lord Randolph's answer was: 'I have -thought it over, and decided that point for myself. What I came to ask -you was if you saw anything in the letter which you thought unbecoming.' -On this Dr. Creighton admitted, 'If you are going to send a letter at -all, you could not send a better one.' - -'That incident gave me,' writes the Bishop, 'a real insight into -Churchill's character, and showed me his capacity for practical -politics. He made up his own mind; having well reflected, he chose his -ground of attack, and then took every pains about the form of -expression. He sought no advice about what he was going to do, but was -anxious to do it "as well as possible."' - -[Sidenote: 1870 AET. 21] - -_Dr. Creighton to the Duchess of Marlborough._ - - - -November 14, 1870. - - I only wish that greater numbers took the same interest that you - and the Duke do in your son's proceedings at Oxford, and then its - results might be greater than they are. - - As regards Lord Randolph, I still think that he is wise in going in - for examination now rather than in the summer. It is, of course, - always difficult to predict the result of an examination; but I - think that it would be very improbable, so far as my experience - goes, that he should get any lower class than a second: some of his - subjects he knows remarkably well--quite up to the standard of a - first class--others he is not so much interested in. At present he - is quite in earnest with his work, and has vigour and freshness in - his treatment of it. He might no doubt, and probably would, be - better prepared in six weeks' time; but the interval of six months - would be too long, and would give him temptations to listlessness - and idleness which might leave him in a worse position at the end - of that time than he is now. - - I shall, however, require from him a rigorous account of what he - does in examination; and if I think he has not done himself - justice, I shall advise him to remove his name before the end, and - so put off his examination to the summer. Do not, however, suggest - this to him as a possibility. It is bad for anyone to have an - alternative before him, and it were better that I judged after the - event than that he thought of it during the process. At present I - certainly think he will get a second class at least. - -Lord Randolph himself was hopeful:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph to his Mother._ - -Merton College: Tuesday. - - I hope you won't hope for too much when I tell you that yesterday - and to-day I have been doing much better in my examination, which - has been chiefly about what I have been reading this term; so I - have been able to do it. I am very much afraid Saturday's work - will go against me. A great deal depends on how I do to-morrow - morning, which is the last day. There is no more writing work; it - is what they call _viva voce_ and that is the hardest. I hope that - I will have a little luck and be asked what I know best and then - perhaps it will come right, but even if it does the whole thing has - been a dreadful scramble and I see now, too late, that I had much - better have waited until June. However, I saw Creighton yesterday, - and he was all against my scratching, and thinks I shall get - through all right. I shall know by three or four o'clock to-morrow - and shall telegraph. I am not very sanguine, but shall be - dreadfully disappointed. - - I shall not be able to come home until Saturday or Monday anyhow, - as I must keep my term. Poor little Wasp died yesterday. I am very - much distressed, for she was so nice and was the first dog I had - you did not object to. I do not think I shall get another, they all - seem to die. - - Gladstone is safe to be beaten they say to-day. The Conservatives - are beginning to pick up a little now, but we shall be in a - shocking minority. I think Papa will be glad to get out of it - though, and that is the only thing that consoles me. The papers - seem to be in a dreadful fright for fear the Queen should send for - Lord Granville. How spiteful they are! - -Dr. Creighton's forecast was, however, justified by the result:-- - - - - _Dr. Creighton to the Duchess of Marlborough_, - -December 15. - - I must own I was sorry when I heard how narrowly Lord Randolph - missed the first class: a few more questions answered, and a few - omissions in some of his papers, and he would have secured it. He - was, I am told by the examiners, the best man who was put in the - second class; and the great hardship is, as your Grace observes, - that he should be in the same class with so many who are very - greatly his inferior in knowledge and ability. - - It is rather tantalising to think he came so near; if he had been - further off I should have been more content. Still I am glad he - went in for examination this time. I think he would only have idled - the six months before the next examination. - - On the whole I think he has learned a good deal during his time at - Oxford, and I do not think he regrets his residence here. I am - sorry to lose him. - -After leaving Oxford Lord Randolph made (1870) another and much longer -tour in Europe. He liked few things better than to prowl about at his -leisure from one new place to another, seeing all the sights, the -galleries, the monuments, the circuses, and above all the zoological -gardens, with eyes that never lost their interest even for the smallest -trifles. Through France, Italy, and Austria he rambled light-heartedly; -and when, after an absence of nearly a year, he came back to Blenheim he -had enlarged his fancy and extended his education in various directions -beyond the limits of a University curriculum. Behold him now at -twenty-three, a man grown, markedly reserved in his manner to -acquaintances, utterly unguarded to his intimate friends, something of a -dandy in his dress, an earnest sportsman, an omnivorous reader, moving -with a jaunty step through what were in those days the very select -circles of fashion and clubland, seeking the pleasures of the Turf and -town. - -This interlude was soon ended. - -[Sidenote: 1873 AET. 24] - -In August of 1873 Lord Randolph went to Cowes upon what proved to him a -memorable visit. In honour of the arrival of the Czarewitch and the -Czarevna the officers of the cruiser _Ariadne_, then lying as guard-ship -in the Roads, gave a ball, to which all the pleasure-seekers who -frequent the Solent at this season of the year made haste to go in boats -and launches from the shore and from the pleasure fleet. Here for the -first time he met Miss Jerome, an American girl whose singular beauty -and gifted vivacity had excited general attention. He was presented to -her by a common friend. Waltzing made him giddy, and he detested dancing -of all kinds; so that after a formal quadrille they sat and talked. She -was living with her mother and eldest sister at Rosetta Cottage, a small -house which they had taken for the summer, with a tiny garden facing the -sea. Thither the next night, duly bidden, he repaired to dine. The -dinner was good, the company gay and attractive, and with the two young -ladies chatting and playing duets at the piano the evening passed very -pleasantly. She was nineteen, and he scarcely twenty-four; and, if -Montaigne is to be believed, this period of extreme youth is Love's -golden moment. That very night Miss Jerome told her laughing and -incredulous sister of a presentiment that their new friend was the man -she would marry; and Lord Randolph confided to Colonel Edgecumbe, who -was of the party, that he admired the two sisters and meant, if he -could, to make 'the dark one' his wife. - -Next day they met again 'by accident'--so runs the account I have -received--and went for a walk. That evening he was once more a guest at -Rosetta Cottage. That night--the third of their acquaintance--was a -beautiful night, warm and still, with the lights of the yachts shining -on the water and the sky bright with stars. After dinner they found -themselves alone together in the garden, and--brief court-ship -notwithstanding--he proposed and was accepted. - -So far as the principals were concerned, everything was thus easily and -swiftly settled, and the matter having become so earnest all further -meetings were suspended until the Duke of Marlborough and Mr. Jerome, -who was in America, had been consulted. Lord Randolph returned to -Blenheim shaken by alternating emotions of joy and despondency. He had -never been in love before and the force and volume of the tide swept him -altogether off his feet. At one moment he could scarcely believe that -one so unworthy as he could have been preferred; the next he trembled -lest all his hopes should be shattered by circumstances unforeseen. Nor -indeed was his anxiety without reason; for many and serious obstacles -had yet to be encountered and smoothed away. From Blenheim he wrote to -his father. - - - - _To his Father._ - -Blenheim: Wednesday, August 20, 1873. - - I must not any longer keep you in ignorance of a very important - step I have taken--one which will undoubtedly influence very - strongly all my future life. - - I met, soon after my arrival at Cowes, a Miss Jeannette Jerome, the - daughter of an American lady who has lived for some years in Paris - and whose husband lives in New York. I passed most of my time at - Cowes in her (Jeannette's) society, and before leaving asked her if - she loved me well enough to marry me; and she told me she did. I - do not think that if I were to write pages I could give you any - idea of the strength of my feelings and affection and love for her; - all I can say is that I love her better than life itself, and that - my one hope and dream now is that matters may be so arranged that - soon I may be united to her by ties that nothing but death itself - could have the power to sever. - - I know, of course, that you will be very much surprised, and find - it difficult to understand how an attachment so strong could have - arisen in so short a space of time; and really I feel it quite - impossible for me to give any explanation of it that could appear - reasonable to anyone practical and dispassionate. I must, however, - ask you to believe it as you could the truest and most real - statement that could possibly be made to you, and to believe also - that upon a subject so important, and I may say so solemn, I could - not write one word that was in the smallest degree exaggerated, or - that might not be taken at its fullest meaning. - - I hope you won't feel any annoyance with me for not having - consulted you before saying anything to her. I really meant to have - done so; but on the night before I was leaving Cowes (Friday) my - feelings of sorrow at parting from her were more than I could - restrain, and I told her all. I did not say anything to her mother, - but I believe that she did after I was gone; for she wrote to me - just as I was starting (I did not, after all, leave Cowes till the - Monday), and she said in her letter that her mother could not hear - of it. That I am at a loss to understand. - - I told Mama when I got here and should have written at once to tell - you; but I was so wretched and miserable at leaving thus, I was - quite incapable of writing quietly. - - I now write to tell you of it all, and to ask you whether you will - be able to increase my allowance to some extent to put me in the - position to ask Mrs. Jerome to let me become her daughter's future - husband. I enclose you her photograph, and will only say about her - that she is as nice, as lovable, and amiable and charming in every - way as she is beautiful, and that by her education and bringing-up - she is in every way qualified to fill any position. - - She had an elder sister, and one younger, who is not yet out. Mr. - Jerome is a gentleman who is obliged to live in New York to look - after his business. I do not know what it is. He is reputed to be - very well off, and his daughters, I believe, have very good - fortunes, but I do not know any thing for certain. He generally - comes over for three or four months every year. Mrs. Jerome has - lived in Paris for several years and has educated her daughters - there. They go out in Society there and are very well known. - - I have told you all I know about them at present. You have always - been very good to me, and done as much and more for me always than - I had any right to expect; and with any arrangement that you may at - any time make for me I shall be perfectly contented and happy. I - see before me now a very happy future, almost in one's grasp. In - the last year or so I feel I have lost a great deal of what energy - and ambition I possessed, and an idle and comparatively useless - life has at times appeared to me to be the pleasantest; but if I - were married to her whom I have told you about, if I had a - companion, such as she would be, I feel sure, to take an interest - in one's prospects and career, and to encourage me to exertions and - to doing something towards making a name for myself, I think that I - might become, with the help of Providence, all and perhaps more - than you had ever wished and hoped for me. On the other hand, if - anything should occur to prevent my fondest hopes and wishes being - realised (a possibility which I dare not and cannot bring myself to - think of), how dreary and uninteresting would life become to me! No - one goes through what I have lately gone through without its - leaving a strong impress and bias on their character and future. - Time might, of course, partially efface the impression and - recollection of feelings so strong as those I have tried to - describe to you, but in the interval the best years of one's life - would be going, and one's energies and hopes would become blunted - and deadened. - - I will not allude to her. I believe and am convinced that she loves - me as fully, and as strongly if possible, as I do her; and when two - people feel towards each other what we do, it becomes, I know, a - great responsibility for anyone to assist in either bringing about - or thwarting a union so closely desired by each. - - Good-bye. I have written to you all I have done, all I feel, and - all I know. - -Anxiously wishing for an answer from you, -I remain -Ever your most affectionate son, -RANDOLPH. - - - -The Duke was very seriously disturbed at the news of his son's intention -and declined to commit himself to any expression of approval until he -had made searching inquiry into the standing and circumstances of the -Jerome family. He deplored the precipitancy with which the decision had -been taken. 'It is not likely,' he wrote upon August 31, 'that at -present you can look at anything except from your own point of view; but -persons from the outside cannot but be struck with the unwisdom of your -proceedings, and the uncontrolled state of your feelings, which -completely paralyses your judgment.' His rebuke was supported by his -wife, who urged affectionate counsels of caution, patience, and -self-restraint, and was pointed by a set of witty and satirical verses -from his brother, Lord Blandford, setting forth the unhappy fate of -those who marry in haste and repent at leisure. - -It will easily be understood how this attitude--most Americans being -proud as the devil--raised corresponding objections on the other side. -Mr. Jerome was himself in many ways a remarkable personality. He had -made and lost and made again considerable fortunes in the enterprise and -struggle of American life. He had founded the first two great American -racecourses, Jerome Park and Coney Island Jockey Club, and divides with -Mr. August Belmont the claim to be the father of the American Turf. He -owned and edited the _New York Times_. A vehement Federalist in the -Civil War, he was said to have subscribed nearly half his fortune to the -Federal war funds. When in 1862 the war party in New York was -discredited by the disasters of the campaign, and riotous mobs attacked -the _Times_ office, Mr. Jerome--having purchased a battery of cannon and -armed his staff with rifles--beat them off, not without bloodshed. -Altogether he was a man of force and versatility. He had at first, -indeed, written a conditional assent to his daughter's engagement, but -he withdrew it with promptness as soon as he heard a murmur of -opposition. Mrs. Jerome and her daughters retreated to France; and all -interviews, and even communications, were forbidden by all the parents. -Randolph Churchill, however, knew his own mind in many things, and most -especially in this. Such was his vehemence that the Duke was soon -persuaded, for the sake of his son's peace of mind and of his own -authority, to acquiesce--at any rate, provisionally--in a formal -engagement. But he insisted upon delay. Nothing, he declared, but time -could prove an affection so rapidly excited; and with this decision, -supported and emphasised by the Jeromes, the lovers had perforce to be -content. - -The control of parents over grown-up children was in those unregenerate -days much more severe than now. Letters were indeed allowed to pass -freely between the lovers; but visits were grudged and restricted. Only -at intervals of a month, or even six weeks, were they permitted to see -each other, and in these circumstances it may be imagined that both pens -were busy. In this field the young lady had a great advantage. The -placid succession of the duties and amusements of country life--the -round of shooting parties, the varying totals of slaughtered hares and -pheasants, the mornings on the Woodstock bench, and descriptions of -relations and county folk--however vivacious, were inadequate materials -to set against days spent in Paris during the autumn of 1873, when the -gossip of the world was reviving after the gag of the war, when Bazaine -was upon his trial for his life, when Gambetta declaimed in the -Assembly, and when the drawing-rooms, even of foreigners, were full of -Royalist and Bonapartist whisperings. For the most part his letters were -strictly confined to the subject of main importance. They told over and -over again, in the forcible, homely English of which he was a natural -master, the oldest story in the world. Indeed, but for the contributions -of Miss Jerome the correspondence would certainly have lacked variety. - -Towards the end of September the Duke committed himself with preciseness -to the opinion that one year's delay was necessary. To this Lord -Randolph was far from agreeing and he conceived himself possessed of a -lever which might be used to shorten considerably this weary period of -waiting. - - - - _To Miss Jerome._ - -Blenheim: Tuesday, September 23. - - I cannot tell you what pleasure and happiness your letter gives me; - it makes me feel quite a different being, so you really must not - threaten me with a long silence. You certainly have great powers of - perception, and I cannot but own that there is a good deal of truth - in what you say about my being one moment very despairing and - another moment very sanguine. I cannot help it; I was made so. - - My father has been away for a few days, and yesterday I got a - 'piece' from him on the subject of his consent. After a good deal - of unnecessary rigmarole and verbosity he says: - - 'The great question is still unsolved, whether you and the young - lady who has gained your affections are, or can be, after a few - days' acquaintance, sufficiently aware of your own minds to venture - on the step which is to bind you together for life. What I have now - to say is that if I am to believe that your future is really bound - up in your marriage with Miss Jerome you must show me the proof of - it by bringing it to the test of time. I will say no more to you on - this subject for the present, but if this time next year you come - and tell me that you are both of the same mind we will receive Miss - Jerome as a daughter, and, I need not say, in the affection you - could desire for your wife.' - - Now these are his words, but I do not mind telling you that it is - all humbug about waiting a year. I could, and would, wait a good - deal more than a year, but I do not mean to, as it is not the least - necessary; for though we have only known each other a short time, I - know we both know our own minds well enough, and I wrote a very - long and diplomatic letter to my father yesterday, doing what I - have never done before, contradicting him and arguing with him and, - I hope, persuading him that he has got very wrong and foolish - ideas in his head. You see, both he and my mother have set their - hearts on my being member for Woodstock. It is a family borough, - and for years and years a member of the family has sat for it. The - present member is a stranger, though a Conservative, and is so - unpopular that he is almost sure to be beaten if he were to stand; - and the fact of a Radical sitting for Woodstock is perfectly - insupportable to my family. It is for this that they have kept me - idle ever since I left Oxford, waiting for a dissolution. Well, as - I told you the other day, a dissolution is sure to come almost - before the end of the year. I have two courses open to me: either - to refuse to stand altogether unless they consent to my being - married immediately afterwards; or else--and this is still more - Machiavellian and deep--to stand, but at the last moment to - threaten to withdraw and leave the Radical to walk over. All tricks - are fair in love and war. - -These desperate expedients were not, however, necessary. The parents on -both sides only wished to be assured that the attachment of their -children was no passing caprice, but a sincere and profound affection; -and as the weeks grew into months this conviction was irresistibly borne -in upon them. In October the Duke was willing to admit that the period -of probation might be considerably curtailed. But he still had strong -reasons for not wishing the marriage to take place immediately. The -dissolution was certainly in the air. By-election after by-election had -gone against Mr. Gladstone's Government. Greenwich, Stroud, Dover, Hull, -Exeter, East Staffordshire, and Renfrewshire had renounced their -allegiance; Bath had been barely retained, and the Solicitor-General, -whose victory at Taunton had been a much-paraded compensation, was -threatened with a petition for bribery. It was most important that -Woodstock should be held for the Conservatives. No one could possibly -have so good a chance as the young cadet born and bred on the soil, who -knew half the farmers and local magnates personally, whose excursions -with the harriers had made him familiar with all parts of the -constituency, and whose gay and stormy attractiveness had won him a host -of sworn allies. - -Yet he had often in words and in letters expressed a disinclination for -public life. It is curious to notice how even in the days of buoyant -unconquered youth, moods of depression cast their shadows across his -path. Although possessed of unusual nervous energy, his whole life was a -struggle against ill-health. Excitement fretted him cruelly. He smoked -cigarettes 'till his tongue was sore' to soothe himself. Capable upon -emergency of prolonged and vehement exertion, of manifold activities and -pugnacities, of leaps and heaves beyond the common strength of men, he -suffered by reaction fits of utter exhaustion and despondency. Most -people grow tired before they are over-tired. But Lord Randolph -Churchill was of the temper that gallops till it falls. An instinct -warned him of the perils which threatened him in a life of effort. He -shrank from it in apprehension. Peace and quiet, sport and friends, -agricultural interests--above all a home--offered a woodland path far -more alluring than the dusty road to London. The Duke felt, and with -reason, that unless Lord Randolph were member for Woodstock before his -marriage, not only would the borough be seduced to Radicalism, but that -the son in whom all the hopes and ambitions of his later life were -centred might never enter Parliament at all. - -Lord Randolph was very grateful for the friendly attitude his family had -now assumed and was quite prepared to repay concession by patience in -one direction and by energy in another:-- - - - - _To his Father._ - -Blenheim: Thursday, October (?), 1873. - - I write by an early post to acknowledge your letter and to thank - you very much for it. It is indeed a most kind letter and I am most - grateful to you, as it is all I could have expected. Mama tells me - that you got up early in the morning to write it, and indeed I - thank you very much indeed for writing to me as you have done, and - I only hope you did not tire yourself very much before your long - journey. - - I go to London to-day and to Paris to-morrow. I enclose you a - letter from Hawkins about the registration, which seems to be - satisfactory. I am sure you need not fear my doing my very best to - get in, and therefore to be some credit to you. I feel that in this - you have acted very kindly to me and I feel very grateful to you, - although I know there are circumstances now which would have led - some people to very different conclusions. I am, however, perfectly - confident that ultimately you will never regret for a moment having - acted as you have done. - - - - _To Miss Jerome._ - -Blenheim: Monday, October (?), 1873. - - I was so happy to see your handwriting again; it is next best thing - to seeing you. As you will have seen from my letter of Friday, we - have no cause now to be disappointed or to be in bad spirits; - everything goes on as favourably as we could expect, and my father - does not wish, for a moment, to prevent my seeing you as often as I - can, and has promised to give his consent to our marriage when he - is sure we are fond of each other. As to the year, I have every - right to say that I do not think they will insist on it.... - - The clouds have all cleared away, and the sky is bluer than I have - ever seen it since I first met you at Cowes. It is exactly six - weeks to-morrow since we met on board the Ariadne, and I am sure I - seem to have lived six years. How I do bless that day, in spite of - all the worry and bother that has come since; and I am sure you - will not regret it. I have not had a further conversation with my - father since I wrote to you, for I think it is best to leave things - for the present as they are. Our early golden dreams of being - married in December won't quite become realised, but still it won't - be very long to wait; and I shall be able to see you from time to - time, and write as often as I like; in fact, we can be regularly - engaged, and all the world may know it.... - - It is curious what an effect books have on me; I have two old - favourites. When I feel very cross and angry I read Gibbon, whose - profound philosophy and easy though majestic writing soon quiets me - down, and in an hour I feel at peace with all the world. When I - feel very low and desponding I read Horace, whose thorough - epicureanism, quiet maxims, and beautiful verse are most - tranquillising. Of late I have had to have frequent recourse to my - two friends, and they have never failed me. I strongly recommend - you to read some great works or histories; they pass the time, and - prevent you from worrying or thinking too much about the future. - Novels, or even travels, are rather unsatisfactory, and do one no - good, because they create an unhealthy excitement, which is bad for - anyone. I wonder whether you will understand all this, or only - think me rather odd. - - There are three new elections to come off, owing to death - vacancies; and if they go against the Government, as they very - probably will, we are sure to have a dissolution, and then I shall - become member for Woodstock. But, after all, public life has no - great charms for me, as I am naturally very quiet, and hate bother - and publicity, which, after all, is full of vanity and vexation of - spirit. Still, it will all have greater attractions for me if I - think it will please you and that you take an interest in it and - will encourage me to keep up to the mark. - - I hope your sister is quite well, comforts you, and sticks up for - me when you abuse me to her or doubt me. - -[Sidenote: 1874 AET. 25] - -A fortnight later he insisted that he should be allowed to visit the -Jeromes in the middle of December; and this having been agreed to, the -process of counting the days began. But upon the eve of departure an -unexpected misfortune intervened. His aunt Lady Portarlington was taken -dangerously ill. The family were hurriedly summoned to Emo, and the -delightful anticipations of a fortnight in Paris under such -circumstances were exchanged for the melancholy reality of nearly a -month in Ireland, watching in daily uncertainty a painful and unavailing -struggle with death. It is easy to imagine the vexation of such delay -and the longings which possessed him to leave the house of mourning. But -the family leant on him and, while his presence was of real use and -value, he felt bound to wait wearily on from day to day. The course of -the illness was varied: once recovery seemed almost certain; but after -many relapses the end came in the middle of January. Immediately after -the funeral--which was celebrated with much Catholic pomp--Lord Randolph -tore himself away, crossed the Irish Channel the same night, and was -about to proceed the next evening to France, when another even more -imperative call arrested him. Parliament was dissolved. - -This event, long looked for, often rumoured, had come at last with the -suddenness of surprise. But Woodstock was not unprepared. The Duke of -Marlborough had waited impatiently for the first General Election after -his brother's lapse to regain his control over the representation of his -borough. When Parliament had been dissolved in July 1865, Lord Alfred -Churchill, according to his agreement, did not open his candidature; and -Mr. Henry Barnett, the Squire of Glympton Park, a well-known London -banker, was put forward as the Conservative candidate and (let it not be -overlooked) ducal nominee. A Liberal was found in Mr. Mitchell Henry, -afterwards better known as the Home Rule member for Galway; but the -Squire carried the election by 24 votes, and, having been again -successful in 1868, was the sitting member at the time when another -cadet of the great house had ripened to a Parliamentary age. - -Mr. Barnett now, as it turned out, very conveniently, expressed an -earnest wish to relinquish the toils and responsibilities of public -life; and the ancient borough, with an imperturbable solemnity and a -conservative reverence for the form in which things should be done, was -prompt in sending a regular requisition for Lord Randolph's services. -The electors, according to this document, declared that no one could -better champion their cause at this crisis, or more fitly represent -their views in the ensuing Parliament. They urged him to stand; and in -view of the fact that there happened to be that very afternoon a -coursing meeting in the Park which all the local farmers were expected -to attend, he had to set off for Blenheim without delay. - -The series of letters to Paris was sadly broken into by the contest, and -for the most part only telegrams had to fill the gap: but here and there -a moment could be snatched. - - - - _To Miss Jerome._ - -Blenheim: Monday. - - It was perfectly impossible for me to get any letter off by last - night's post, as I have not had a moment to spare. Since ten this - morning I went and saw several people at Woodstock, and had, on the - whole, satisfactory answers and assurances of support. It was a - most fortunate circumstance that the Annual Coursing Meeting, which - my father allows every year in the Park, had been fixed for to-day; - all the farmers were there, and as they had a good day's sport were - all in great spirits. I took the chair at their dinner at the Bear - hotel, and you cannot imagine how enthusiastic they were for me. - They all go as one man. I hear nothing certain as to any - opposition; there are no end of rumours, but no one as yet has - appeared publicly; I suppose we shall know for certain to-morrow. - - I am now off to a part of the borough four miles distant, to see - more people, and I have a large meeting of my committee at four in - Woodstock. I think I may say that for the present everything is - satisfactory. There are 1,071 voters, and I do not think more than - 800 will poll; out of these I calculate at least on 460, which will - be enough. But this is, of course, mere guess-work; it is all still - very uncertain, and I am glad I lost no time in arriving. - - - -Blenheim: Tuesday. - - The radical candidate, Mr. Brodrick, arrived this morning; I made - his acquaintance, and we shook hands and were very friendly. The - contest will be a hard one and the result doubtful; it is - impossible to say how the labourers will go. However, I have made a - very good start, and have nothing to complain of as yet. - - - -Blenheim: Saturday. - - I am sure it is not necessary for me to excuse myself for not - writing to you; you would not believe what work it is. We had a - great meeting last night, which was very successful; we had a good - speaker down from London, and I made a speech. How I have been - longing for you to have been with me! If we had only been married - before this! I think the reception you would have got, would have - astonished you. The number of houses I have been into--many of them - dirty cottages--the number of unwashed hands I have cordially - shaken, you would not believe. My head is in a whirl of voters, - committee meetings, and goodness knows what. I am glad it is - drawing to an end, as I could not stand it very long; I cannot eat - or sleep. - - I am now off again, 10 A.M., to see more people. - - - -Blenheim: Sunday. - - At last I have a pretty quiet day; but I have been very busy this - afternoon, and, in spite of its being Sunday, I have been active - among several little odd fellows whom it is important to pick up. - How this election is going I really can form no opinion, and the - excitement and uncertainty of it make me quite ill. Yesterday I was - canvassing all day in Woodstock itself. People that I think know - better than anybody, tell me it will be very close. You see, with - the ballot one can tell nothing--one can only trust to promises, - and I have no doubt a good many will be broken. Our organisation - and preparations for Tuesday are very perfect, and the old borough - has never been worked in such a way before. You have no idea how - this election gets hold of me. One can positively think of nothing - else except voters and committees, &c., till one's brain gets quite - addled and in a whirl. I have a presentiment that it will go wrong. - I am such a fool to care so much about it. I hate all this - excitement.... I saw my opponent to-day in church. He looks awfully - harassed. I feel quite sorry for him, as all his friends here are - such a dreadfully disreputable lot; and as I have got the three - principal hotels in the town, he has nothing except a wretched, - low, miserable pot-house to stay in. - -Unfortunate Mr. Brodrick! The result of the election in no way belied -the quality of his accommodation. - - Ever since I met you everything goes well with me--too well; I am - getting afraid of a Nemesis. I always hoped I should win the - election, but that under the ballot and against a man like Brodrick - I should have that crushing, overwhelming majority [of 165 out of - 973 voters] never entered into my wildest dreams. It was a great - victory--we shall never have a contest again. The last two - contests--'65 and '68--were won only by 17 and 21 majorities; so - just conceive the blow it is to the other side. You never heard - such cheering in all your life. The poll was not declared till - eleven, and the hours of suspense were most trying; but when it was - known, there was such a burst of cheers that must have made the old - Dukes in the vault jump. I addressed a few words to the - committee--and so did Blandford--and was immensely cheered; and - then they accompanied us, the whole crowd of them, through the town - and up to Blenheim, shouting and cheering all the way. Oh, it was a - great triumph--and that you were not there to witness it will - always be a source of great regret to me.... - - There is nothing more to be done except to pay the bill, and that I - have left to my father. - -The Woodstock election being out of the way, the road was cleared for -more important matters. The Duke, his political anxieties laid to rest, -journeyed to Paris, saw the young lady for himself, and, returning -completely converted, withdrew all remaining stipulations for delay. But -further difficulties presented themselves. The question of settlements -proved delicate and thorny. Mr. Jerome had strong and, it would seem, -not unreasonable views, suggested by American usage, about married -women's property and made some propositions which Lord Randolph -considered derogatory to him. Although he was to benefit considerably -under the arrangement proposed, he refused utterly to agree to any -settlement which contained even technical provisions to which he -objected; and after an embarrassing discussion went off to prepare -determined plans to earn a living 'in England or out of it,' as fortune -should dictate, for himself and his future wife--'a course in which,' so -he wrote to his father, 'I am bound to say she thoroughly agrees with -me.' - -Face to face with this ultimatum--the first of any importance and not -the least successful in Lord Randolph's forceful career--Mr. Jerome, who -after all only wished to make a proper and prudent arrangement, -capitulated after twenty-four hours' consideration. A satisfactory -treaty was ratified, and it only remained to fulfil the conditions. The -negotiations had already extended over seven months and the ceremony was -appointed without further delay. The Duke, though unable to be present -himself, sent his blessing in a most cordial letter. 'Although, my dear -Randolph, you have acted in this business with less than usual -deliberation, you have adhered to your choice with unwavering constancy -and I cannot doubt the truth and force of your affection.' On April 15, -1874, the marriage was celebrated at the British Embassy in Paris, and -after a tour--not too prolonged--upon the Continent, Lord Randolph -Churchill returned in triumph with his bride to receive the dutiful -laudations of the borough of Woodstock and enjoy the leafy glories of -Blenheim in the spring. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -MEMBER FOR WOODSTOCK - - Minutely trace man's life; year after year, - Through all his days let all his deeds appear, - And then, though some may in that life be strange, - Yet there appears no vast nor sudden change; - The links that bind those various deeds are seen, - And no mysterious void is left between. - CRABBE, _The Parting Hour_. - - -A profound tranquillity brooded over the early years of the Parliament -of 1874. Mr. Gladstone was in retirement. A young Irishman, Charles -Stewart Parnell, had been beaten at the General Election in his Dublin -candidature and did not enter the House of Commons or make a nervous -maiden speech till the spring of 1875. Mr. Chamberlain, a new though -already formidable English politician, had, as a Radical, vainly -attacked Mr. Roebuck, the Liberal member for Sheffield, and was not -returned as a representative of Birmingham till 1876. The Irish party -was led sedately along the uncongenial paths of constitutional agitation -by Mr. Butt; Radicalism was without a spokesman; and the Liberals -reposed under the leadership of Lord Hartington and the ascendency of -the Whigs. For the first time since the schism of 1846 a Conservative -Administration was founded upon a Conservative majority. The fiscal -period had closed. All those questions of trade and navigation, of the -incidence of taxation and of public economy, which had occupied almost -the whole lives of political leaders on both sides, were settled. New -strains, new problems, new perils approached--but at a distance; and in -the meanwhile the Conservative party, relieved from the necessity of -defending untenable positions, freed from controversies which had proved -to them so utterly disastrous, received again the confidence of the -nation and the substantial gift of power. - -The reasons which had induced, or perhaps compelled Mr. Disraeli to -refuse to form a Government on the defeat of Mr. Gladstone's Irish -University Bill early in 1873, seemed conclusive at the time. They were -certainly vindicated by the subsequent course of events. The Liberal -Ministry never recovered its credit. Nonconformist wrath at the -Education Act and Radical disdain continued fierce and enduring. Harsh -demands for social reforms began to come from Birmingham and grated on -the ears of the Whigs. The dissensions in the governing party cast their -shadows upon the Cabinet. Vexatious quarrels broke out among Ministers. -No reconstruction availed. Not even the return of Mr. Bright to the -Administration could revive its falling fortunes: by-elections were -adverse and the House of Commons was apathetic. The Government of 1868 -had been in its day very powerful. Scarcely any Prime Minister had -enjoyed the support of such distinguished colleagues as Mr. Gladstone -had commanded in the noonday of his strength. Few Administrations had -more punctually and faithfully discharged the pledges under which they -had assumed office. The statute-book, the Army, and the finances bore -forcible testimony to their reforming zeal. But their usefulness and -their welcome were alike exhausted and the nation listened with morose -approval to the charges which Mr. Disraeli preferred. 'For nearly five -years,' he wrote to Lord Grey de Wilton, October 3, 1873, on the eve of -the by-election at Bath, 'the present Ministers have harassed every -trade, worried every profession, and assailed or menaced every class, -institution, and species of property in the country. Occasionally they -have varied this state of civil warfare by perpetrating some job which -outraged public opinion, or by stumbling into mistakes which have been -always discreditable and sometimes ruinous.' - -Yet it is alleged that a cause much more personal than political -precipitated the dissolution. Mr. Gladstone had at the late -reconstruction become Chancellor of the Exchequer as well as First Lord -of the Treasury. Had he therefore vacated his seat by accepting an -office of profit under the Crown? The Opposition was alert; the law -officers were as doubtful in their published opinion as the constituency -of Greenwich in its temper. The question lay outside the control of the -Government and their supporters. If Mr. Gladstone sat and voted when the -session opened, he could be sued in the courts for substantial -penalties; and none could forecast the decision. On the other hand, the -defeat of the Prime Minister, as the culmination of a long series of -ill-fated by-elections, would be at once a personal humiliation and a -political disaster. It must therefore be reckoned almost a fortunate -coincidence that the Estimates both of the Admiralty and the War Office -to some degree exceeded the limits within which Mr. Gladstone had hoped -to confine them and that the Ministers responsible for those departments -should have been reluctant to reduce them. Who shall pronounce upon the -motives of men--in what obscure and varying relations they combine or -conflict, in what proportion they are mingled? Something of the vanity -of a great man irritated by a personal difficulty, something of the -weariness that waits on generous effort not acknowledged, something of -physical revolt from the interminable wrangles and compromises of a -Cabinet, much consideration, let it be said, for the proud dignity of -which the British Government should never be divested, induced Mr. -Gladstone in the first days of 1874 to advise the dissolution of -Parliament. - -The Conservatives reaped the advantage of their leader's self-restraint. -A year before they had rejected office. They now appealed for power. -Instead of coming hat in hand, a defeated, discredited, and degraded -Ministry who had held their places for a few months in order to wind up -a session at the contemptuous toleration of a hostile majority, they -presented themselves with authority and reserve to the good opinion of -the public. The result was decisive. In vain Mr. Gladstone promised the -abolition of the income-tax, the diminution of local taxation, and the -reduction of burdens upon articles of general consumption. In vain the -financial and administrative triumphs of Liberalism were paraded. The -elections resulted in a Tory majority of fifty--'really,' according to -Mr. Gladstone, 'of much greater strength'; and that strange prophet of -Israel who for thirty years had wandered in the wilderness of fiscal -heresy, led his astonished or doubtful followers back to the land of -place and promise. - -Liberal recriminations occupied the morrow of disaster. Mr. Gladstone -was blamed for an impulsive and precipitate dissolution. Mr. Chamberlain -described his address and its financial allurements as 'the meanest -public document that had ever, in like circumstances, proceeded from the -pen of a statesman of the first rank.'[3] Other critics asserted that -all would have been well had he waited till after the Budget with its -noble surplus, or till the genial weather of the summer-time, or till -some period still more remote. Under all ran a current of satire and -suggestion about the double office, the Greenwich election, and their -influence upon greater decisions. Mr. Gladstone for his part was not -backward in rejoinder. 'Not from anger, but because it is absolutely -necessary to party action to learn that all the duties and -responsibilities do not rest on the leaders, but that followers have -their obligations too,' he announced his retirement from the Liberal -leadership and his determination to secure some interval of private life -'between Parliament and the grave.' From this intention not the -consternation of his party, nor the appeals of his friends, nor the -taunts of his detractors could move him further than to promise a -limited and occasional leadership, which in the course of a session was -found to mean no leadership at all. - -Notwithstanding the risk of being forced to form a future -Administration, several eminent men stepped forward to the gap; but the -issue quickly narrowed itself to a contest between Mr. Forster and Lord -Hartington. Mr. Forster had, it seemed, the advantage in talent and -authority and the gift of speech. He may be described as the first of -the Liberal-Imperialists and on more than one occasion--notably the -Crimean War, the Volunteer movement, and the prosecution of Governor -Eyre--he had come into sharp conflict with the Manchester school. -Although at heart one of the kindliest and most benevolent of men, his -personal independence, a certain Yorkshire roughness of manner and an -ill-concealed dislike of doctrinaire Radicalism had made him many -enemies; and not even the Ballot Act, which he had carried in the teeth -of Conservative opposition, could redeem the mortal offence his -Education compromise had caused the Nonconformists. His enemies -prevailed; and in the early days of 1875 Lord Hartington was duly -installed in the vacant place. - -If the Opposition in 1874 were without a leader, the Government they -confronted was without a policy. The Conservatives owed their success at -the polls to the divisions and exhaustion of their opponents rather than -to any action or even to any promises of their own. The new Prime -Minister did not allow the violent attacks he had lately made upon the -conduct of his predecessors to lead him into any reversal of their -measures. The composition of the Cabinet was suited to a policy of -'honest humdrum.' With the exceptions of Lord Salisbury and Mr. -Gathorne-Hardy, Mr. Disraeli's old colleagues were regarded as 'safe' -rather than brilliant; and the one new man who joined them, Mr. Assheton -Cross, did not seriously alter the prevailing impression. - -At the head of a victorious party, with a substantial majority and an -overflowing Exchequer, Mr. Disraeli could afford to be generous and was -inclined to be conciliatory. He took occasion on the Address to pay a -handsome tribute to Mr. Gladstone's long public service and personal -fame. The Queen's Speech announced little more than a continuance of the -non-contentious part of the programme of the late Liberal Government. -The administration of the Irish Viceroy and Lord Northbrook's policy in -India were praised and endorsed. The Chancellors, new and old, consulted -together upon the reform of legal procedure. Sir Stafford Northcote bore -witness, in terms almost of panegyric, to the accuracy of Mr. -Gladstone's financial anticipations; and Mr. Gathorne-Hardy accepted in -their entirety Lord Cardwell's arrangements for the Army. - -In this last instance at least some disappointment was caused to their -supporters by the complaisance of the new Ministers. The proposal to -make Oxford one of the new territorial military centres had agitated the -University ever since the adoption of the Cardwell scheme of Army reform -in 1872. In October of that year a memorial, signed by nearly the whole -of the teaching staff, had vigorously protested against a plan which it -was somewhat fancifully alleged would prove detrimental by example to -University discipline and undergraduate morality. Lord Salisbury, as -Chancellor, had initiated a debate in the House of Lords in June 1873; -and in May Mr. Auberon Herbert had moved in the Commons for a select -committee. Mr. Cardwell, however, explained that the site was to be two -miles from Oxford, that the number of officers and men to be stationed -there was small, and that other University towns contained garrisons; -and Mr. Auberon Herbert's motion was defeated (May 23, 1873) by 134 to -90. - -Upon the accession of a Conservative Government and especially of a War -Minister who had himself strongly supported Mr. Herbert only a year -before, the motion was renewed on May 22 by Mr. Beresford Hope--not -unreasonably, as it would seem--with greater expectations of success. -Lord Randolph Churchill, who had taken the oath and his seat at the -beginning of the session (March 6), seized the opportunity to deliver -his maiden speech. Unlike the usual form of such productions, it was -prepared at very short notice and was a rather crude debating effort. -The Secretary of State, Mr. Gathorne-Hardy, explained that, since the -land had been bought and the contractor was at work, he could not now -reverse the decision to which his predecessor had come. He was supported -by Mr. A. W. Hall, one of the members for Oxford City, who enlarged on -the advantages of the place as a military centre, and complained that -the University had already succeeded in keeping away the Great Western -main line and the railway works. - -Lord Randolph spoke from the University point of view. The proposal, he -declared, amounted to the turning of an ancient University into -something like a modern garrison town, the mingling of learned -professors and thoughtful students with 'roystering soldiers and -licentious camp followers.' If it were adopted, Oxford might take the -place of Aldershot. The opinion of the City ought not to override that -of the University. The University of Oxford had made the City of Oxford. -The City depended for its very existence upon the University; and while -it could forget, it could not forgive, that fact. To save 52,000_l._ the -reputation and the future of the University were to be sold. What -comparison could be made between the University of Oxford and the -Universities of London, Dublin, and Edinburgh? Dublin was full of -soldiers 'from the notorious disaffection and insubordination of the -Irish people'; London because it was the Metropolis of the United -Kingdom; and Edinburgh because it was the capital of Scotland. But the -Universities of Oxford and Cambridge were founded before standing armies -were known or garrison towns existed. The ablest and the most -experienced leaders of the University had boldly said that, if they -could prevent it, they would not have Oxford turned into a manufacturing -town; they had protested against the town being overrun with railway -roughs and navvies; they now objected to its being converted into a -military station crowded with disorderly soldiers. Leave their quiet -cloisters undisturbed and Oxford would remain the greatest University -city in the world. - -Sir William Harcourt, who followed, complimented the new member upon the -ability of his speech. He professed himself greatly shocked that one who -bore a name so inseparably associated with the glories of the British -Army should have permitted himself to speak of 'roystering soldiers,' or -that one who was elected to the House by a majority all of whom did not -belong to the upper classes, should have spoken of 'railway roughs.' The -Lord Mayor of Dublin, who spoke later, complained of what he described -as an unfounded slander upon his constituents conveyed in the suggestion -that a large army was stationed in Dublin for the purpose of keeping -down a disloyal and disaffected population; and another member, a -graduate of Trinity College, protested against the sneers at Dublin -University which he said Lord Randolph's speech had contained. The -motion was rejected by 170 to 91; and it is fair to say that none of the -evils anticipated have yet occurred. The barracks have proved too far -from Oxford to interfere practically with its life, though their -presence is a convenience to University candidates for the Army, and the -officers form a valuable addition to academic society. - -Although it had chanced that Lord Randolph's first speech was against -the Government, Mr. Disraeli hastened to write a friendly account of it -to the Duchess of Marlborough:-- - - - -2 Whitehall Gardens, S.W.: May 23, 1874. - - Dear Duchess,--You will be pleased to hear that Lord R. last night - made a very successful _debut_ in the House of Commons. He said - some imprudent things, which was of no consequence in the maiden - speech of a young man, but he spoke with fire and fluency; and - showed energy of thought and character, with evidence of resource. - - With self-control and assiduity he may obtain a position worthy of - his name, and mount. He replied to the new Conservative member for - Oxford City, who also is a man of promise. I am going to Hughenden - this morning, and am very busy, or I would have tried to have told - you all this in person. - -Yours sincerely, -D. - - - -[Sidenote: 1875 AET. 26] - -But the course of the session and of the years that followed offered few -opportunities to young members for winning Parliamentary distinction. -The waters of politics flowed smoothly and even sluggishly. The Public -Worship Regulation Bill brought Mr. Gladstone promptly from his -retirement with six resolutions and much moving eloquence. During its -passage political leaders were thrown into novel combinations and -discords and the ordinary lines of party cleavage altogether -disappeared. The House of Commons, with an unconscious disregard of its -own rules, wrangled over the debates in the House of Lords. The Prime -Minister described the Secretary of State for India as a 'master of -gibes and flouts and jeers.' Mr. Gladstone and Lord Salisbury on the one -hand confronted Sir William Harcourt and Mr. Disraeli on the other. But -with this exception the sessions were dull and formal. Now and then an -incident or a scene, like Mr. Plimsoll's outburst or Mr. Biggar's -four-hour speech, excited a momentary interest or irritation. The -purchase of the Suez Canal shares or the Royal Titles Bill or an -academic debate upon Home Rule produced from time to time interesting -discussions. The mild dissipation of Mr. Gladstone's surplus by his -successor at the Treasury provoked a spurt of censure; but the -temperature of public life continued low and its pulse languid. - -Even in a period of political activity there is small scope for the -supporter of a Government. The Whips do not want speeches, but votes. -The Ministers regard an oration in their praise or defence as only one -degree less tiresome than an attack. The earnest party man becomes a -silent drudge, tramping at intervals through lobbies to record his vote -and wondering why he came to Westminster at all. Ambitious youth -diverges into criticism and even hostility, or seeks an outlet for its -energies elsewhere. Lord Randolph took scarcely any part in the -Parliament of 1874. During its first three years he did not occupy more -than an hour and a half of its time or attention. If he spoke at all, it -was usually on matters connected with Woodstock. A question here and -there, a few uncontroversial words during the debates on the Public -Worship Regulation Bill, a sharp little impromptu speech on a motion for -the release of Irish State prisoners in protest against an unkind -comparison drawn by Mr. O'Connor Power between the soldiers who had -become Fenians and the conduct of the first Duke of Marlborough in -deserting William of Orange--these are almost the only references to his -existence that 'Hansard' contains. - -At the end of May 1875 Sir Charles Dilke moved for a return of the -unreformed Corporations of England, making special reference to the -circumstances and behaviour of the excessively unreformed borough of -Woodstock. He attacked its self-elected corporation, which gave no -account of its dealings with its property and contributed apparently -only a small proportion to public purposes. He denounced its Mayor--the -landlord of a small public-house, let to him at an absurdly low rate by -the Corporation--who, having been summoned and convicted under pressure -from the inhabitants for permitting drinking on his premises after -hours, had said: 'I have always had a great respect for the police, but -I shall never have again.' This cruel indictment brought Lord Randolph -to the rescue in an amusing speech, in which he exhibited such -unexpected debating powers that it was alleged, and I dare say not -without some truth, that he did not hear Sir Charles Dilke's speech for -the first time in the House of Commons. He explained that the Foresters -had met at the King's Arms and that 'their business had been so -important as to last beyond closing time.' The application for the -summons, he said, had been delayed because the police had been kept busy -by the Shipton-on-Cherwell railway accident; the fines imposed had been -trifling, and the Mayor had really said, 'I have always thought highly -of the police of Woodstock, and shall henceforth think more highly of -them than ever'--a version of his remarks which, it must be admitted, -would seem to have indicated a very high degree of civic virtue. Lord -Randolph then justified the expenditure of the Corporation, and -deprecated 'the vivisection of an unfortunate Mayor and the persecution -of a few poor Aldermen.' 'The great beauty of this speech,' said Sir -William Harcourt, in reply, 'was that the noble lord, having admitted -all the most damaging facts against himself, persuaded the House that -they were of no importance whatever.' But at any rate Lord Randolph was -successful in saving his constituents from inquiry, and the debate ended -amid much good-humour on all sides. Indeed, when Sir Charles Dilke -renewed his motion in the following year, there was quite a considerable -attendance of members who had laughed at the first dispute and wanted to -hear another sparring match. - -For the first year after Lord Randolph's marriage he and Lady Randolph -lived in a small house in Curzon Street and indulged in all the gaieties -and festivities of the London season, which in those days was much -fuller and more prolonged than it is now. Balls and parties at great -houses long since closed; Newmarket, Ascot, Goodwood, Cowes, and -Trouville; filled the lives of a young couple in merry succession. -Little else was thought of but enjoyment; and though the member for -Woodstock liked discussing politics and took an intelligent interest in -affairs, his attendances at the House were fitful and fleeting. The -winter at Blenheim was occupied in hunting with the Heythrop Hounds and -varied by occasional visits to Paris, where Lady Randolph's family was -living. There he mixed in French society and met politicians and -writers, and it was at this time that he formed a friendship with M. de -Breteuil, which, like most of his intimate friendships, lasted the rest -of his life. It was also during these days that he cultivated a taste -for French novels, which ended by making him a fair French scholar, with -that comprehensive, peculiar, and correct knowledge of the subtleties -and idioms of the language which is often to be noticed in his letters. - -[Illustration: _Lady Randolph Churchill_] - -In the spring of 1875 Lord and Lady Randolph installed themselves in a -larger house in Charles Street, where they continued their gay life on a -somewhat more generous scale than their income warranted. Fortified by -an excellent French cook, they entertained with discrimination. The -Prince of Wales, who had from the beginning shown them much kindness, -dined sometimes with them. Lord Randolph's college friend, Lord -Rosebery, was a frequent visitor. One night Mr. Disraeli was among their -guests, and an anecdote of his visit may be preserved. 'I think,' said -Lord Randolph, discussing with his wife their party after it had broken -up, 'that Dizzy enjoyed himself. But how flowery and exaggerated is his -language! When I asked him if he would have any more wine, he replied: -"My dear Randolph, I have sipped your excellent champagne; I have drunk -your good claret; I have tasted your delicious port--I will have no -more"!' 'Well,' said Lady Randolph, laughing, 'he sat next to me, and I -particularly remarked that he drank nothing but a little weak -brandy-and-water.' In August 1875, Lord Randolph went with his wife to -America to spend ten bustling days at the Philadelphia Exhibition; and -in the United States, as in Paris, he made the acquaintance of many -politicians and persons of public note. - -Thus for two years his days were filled with social amusements and -domestic happiness. - - ' ...All the world looked kind - (As it will look sometimes with the first stare - Which youth would not act ill to keep in mind).'[4] - -[Sidenote: 1876 AET. 27] - -He was embarrassed chiefly by the necessity, which time imposed, of -having to select from a superfluity of pleasures. The House of Commons -was but one among various diversions. His occasional attendances -contributed an element of seriousness to his life, good in itself, -attractive by contrast, that provided, moreover, a justification (very -soothing to the conscience) for not engaging in more laborious work. But -for the recurring ailments to which his delicate constitution was -subject and the want of money which so often teases a young married -couple, his horizon had been without a cloud, his career without a care. -But in the year 1876 an event happened which altered, darkened, and -strengthened his whole life and character. Engaging in his brother's -quarrels with fierce and reckless partisanship, Lord Randolph incurred -the deep displeasure of a great personage. The fashionable world no -longer smiled. Powerful enemies were anxious to humiliate him. His own -sensitiveness and pride magnified every coldness into an affront. London -became odious to him. The breach was not repaired for more than eight -years, and in the interval a nature originally genial and gay contracted -a stern and bitter quality, a harsh contempt for what is called -'Society,' and an abiding antagonism to rank and authority. If this -misfortune produced in Lord Randolph characteristics which afterwards -hindered or injured his public work, it was also his spur. Without it he -might have wasted a dozen years in the frivolous and expensive pursuits -of the silly world of fashion; without it he would probably never have -developed popular sympathies or the courage to champion democratic -causes. - -When Mr. Disraeli formed his Government, he had asked the Duke of -Marlborough to go to Ireland as Viceroy. But the Duke, whose income -could ill support such pretended magnificence, and who was quite content -at Blenheim, declined. In 1876 the Prime Minister renewed his offer, and -urged the special argument that if the Duke took his younger son with -him the resentment in London would the sooner blow over in Lord -Randolph's absence. Thus urged, the Duke reluctantly consented. Blenheim -was handed over to housekeepers and agents and its household was bodily -transported to the Viceregal Lodge. His father hoped that Lord Randolph -could become the regular private secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant; but -various difficulties interposed, and in the end it was decided that the -appointment must be unofficial and unpaid. It was certain that his -acceptance of 'an office of profit' would involve the expense of another -election at Woodstock. It was uncertain whether, even after being -re-elected, that particular post could be held jointly with a seat in -the House of Commons. - - - - _Sir Michael Hicks-Beach (Chief Secretary -to the Lord-Lieutenant) to the Duke of Marlborough_ - -Chief Secretary's Lodge, Phoenix Park: Tuesday. - - My dear Lord Duke,--The Irish Lord Chancellor is _very doubtful_ - whether the office of Private Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant is, - or is not, a 'new office.' I believe it appears from old almanacks - that Lord-Lieutenants had private secretaries before the date of - the Act, as one would naturally suppose. But in one case a _Bishop_ - appears to have held the appointment; and the Lord Chancellor - thinks that since that time there may have been such changes made, - either in the duties of the office or in the mode in which its - holder is paid, as technically to make it a 'new office.' This, - however, is to a great extent a question of fact; and I have - therefore asked Sir Bernard Burke, who is _the_ authority here upon - such things, to look into the point and let me have his views in - the shape of a memorandum, which I will forward to you. - - Please let me know whether you have _quite_ settled to come over on - Monday night, 11th, reaching Dublin on Tuesday morning; as I must, - in that event, summon a Privy Council for Tuesday. And I hope you - have got the 'Queen's letter' and your patent, or will have them by - that time. - -Your Grace's very truly, -M. E. HICKS-BEACH. - - - -And again:-- - - - -Rockingham, Boyle: November 28, 1876. - - My dear Lord Duke,--I fear you will think my letters a decided - nuisance; but it is not my fault if I have to convey unpleasant - intelligence. - - At my request Lord Chancellor Ball has given me the enclosed - opinion as to Lord Randolph's position. You will see that it does - not in so many words touch the question whether Lord Randolph, if - re-elected, could hold the office of your private secretary - together with a seat in Parliament; but it rather implies that he - could. I will, however, on my return to Dublin on Friday next, ask - the Lord Chancellor to look into this point also. - - I am bound to say that I attach great importance to any view which - the Lord Chancellor may take on such a subject. Perhaps the only - lawyer in Ireland whose opinion on it might be more valuable is, - oddly enough, Mr. Butt. But his opinion could only be formally - taken, and it would be hardly wise to do this. - -Believe me -Your Grace's very sincerely, -M. E. HICKS-BEACH. - - - -[Sidenote: 1877 AET. 28] - -The state entry of the new Viceroy was conducted with its usual ceremony -on December 11, 1876. Lord Randolph, who with his wife and child -followed in the procession, made, amid the bustle and discomfort of this -day, a life-long friend. Mr. FitzGibbon filled in 1877 the peculiar -office of 'Law Adviser' at the Castle. The proper duty of the 'Adviser' -was to answer legal questions put by justices of the peace all over -Ireland, but he had also to give advice and opinions to all and sundry -at the Castle, in the constabulary, lunacy, valuation, and a dozen other -of the queerly-conceived and oddly-entangled departments through which -the Government of Ireland is administered. 'After the Duke's public -entry,' writes Lord Justice FitzGibbon, 'the legal maid-of-all-work -attended with the rest of the officials in the throne room, to be -presented. When I had made my bow I went back to my "files." Presently -the door opened, and Kaye, the Assistant Under-Secretary, came in with a -young man whom he introduced as "the Lord-Lieutenant's son," who "wanted -to ask the Law Adviser a question." So he left us. A footman had -jibbed--I suppose he did not like the look of Dublin Castle--and Lord -Randolph wanted to know whether he could "sack" him without paying his -fare back to London. He wanted to do this "as a lesson." I told him -that, whatever the law was, the Lord-Lieutenant's son couldn't do it; -and so began an acquaintance which ripened soon into a friendship that, -full though it was of almost constant anxiety and apprehension, is one -of the dearest memories of my life. How it grew so fast I can hardly -tell. I suppose electricity came in somewhere....' - -Five minutes' walk from the Viceregal Lodge, on the road to the -Phoenix Park, there stands, amid clustering trees, a little, long, -low, white house with a green verandah and a tiny lawn and garden. This -is the 'Little Lodge' and the appointed abode of the private secretary -to the Lord-Lieutenant. By a friendly arrangement with that gentleman -Lord Randolph was permitted to occupy it; and here, for the next four -years, his life was mainly lived. He studied reflectively the jerky -course of administration at the Castle. He played chess with Steinitz, -who was living in Dublin at this time; he explored Donegal in pursuit of -snipe; he fished the lakes and streams of Ireland, wandering about where -fancy took him; but wherever he went, and for whatever purpose, he -interested himself in the people and studied the questions of the -country. Disdaining the Ward Stag-hounds as not true sport, he hunted -earnestly each winter with the Meath and Kildare. Often on a summer's -afternoon he would repair to Howth, where the east coast cliffs rise up -into bold headlands which would not be unworthy of the Atlantic waves. -Here in good company he would make the 'periplus,' as he called it--or, -in other words, sail round 'Ireland's Eye'--in the 16-foot boat of -FitzGibbon's mate, Frank Lynch (the 'Admiral' of his letters), catch -lobsters, and cook and eat them on the rocks of the island. In the -evenings he played half-crown whist in Trinity College or at the -University Club or dined and argued with FitzGibbon and his friends. 'He -was,' writes FitzGibbon, 'always on the move. He had the reputation of -an "_enfant terrible_." Before long he had been in Donegal, in -Connemara, and all over the place--"Hail fellow, well met" with -everybody except the aristocrats and the old Tories; for he showed -symptoms of independence of view and of likings for the company of "the -Boys," which led to some friction with the staunch Conservatives and -strong Protestants who regarded themselves as the salt of the earth.' - -FitzGibbon's Christmas parties at Howth--an institution justly -celebrated since, but misunderstood by many, as a gathering of notable -men--had begun in the bivouac of six close friends in a half-finished -house on Innocents' Day, 1875. The number grew as the years passed by. -Lord Randolph came first in 1877 and was accepted as its youngest member -into a circle which included David Plunket, Edward Gibson, Baillie-Gage, -Webb-Williamson, Professor Mahaffy, Morris Gibson, Father James Healy, -Dr. Nedley, and other wise and merry Irishmen. The nights were consumed -with whist, chaff, and tobacco; and the intervening days spent in -climbing the Hill of Howth or listening to the 'words of wisdom from -Morris' which became one of the constant features of the entertainment. -These parties were always a great delight to Lord Randolph and during -the rest of his life nothing, which could by any effort be thrust aside, -was ever allowed to stand in the way of his visit. - -Lord Randolph had not been very long in Dublin when he was invited to -move a resolution at the annual meeting of the Historical Society of -Trinity College. This was a function of no little importance. The -Historical Society may be said to correspond to the Oxford Union and -members of the one are honorary members of the other. But it is the -custom of the Irish body to inaugurate the session of each year with -special ceremony. The President of the year, the Auditor, as he is -called, presents and reads an address which he has himself prepared, and -this then forms the subject of the speeches, in which various -resolutions are moved. A distinguished company assembles. The platform -is occupied by the leading figures of the Irish Church, Bench and Bar, -and the body of the great dining-hall is filled to overflowing with -keen-witted and usually uproarious undergraduates. Before this -audience--the most critical outside the House of Commons he had yet -ventured to address--Lord Randolph was now called. - -The Auditor of the year, Mr. C. A. O'Connor, had chosen for his address -'The Relation of Philosophy to Politics,' a subject not inappropriate in -a University that, as it proudly asserts, had 'nurtured the philosophic -mind of Burke and cradled the patriotism of Grattan.' The first -resolution, of which the Attorney-General had charge, was one of thanks -to the Auditor, and Lord Randolph was required to propose the second: -'That the Auditor's address be printed and preserved in the archives of -the society.' He began by suitable acknowledgments of the honour of the -invitation and in praise of the address. The Auditor, he said, had -deprecated the slenderness of the connection between politics and -philosophy at the present day and looked forward to a time when politics -would be subservient to philosophy. Well, but philosophy was a very -comprehensive word, and one would like to know to what system of -philosophy the Auditor referred. There had been in the ancient world -three principal schools of philosophy: there was the school of the -Stoics--a most disagreeable school; the school of the Platonists--a most -unintelligible school; and the school of the Epicureans--a most -attractive school. - -'Perhaps,' he continued, 'I may be permitted to think that there is a -connection, almost an intimate connection, between the philosophy of the -Epicurean school and what is known as Conservative politics. To let -things alone as much as we can; to accustom ourselves to look always at -the brightest side; to legislate rather for the moment than for the dim -and distant future, gratefully leaving that job to posterity, and thus -making all classes comfortable--these are, as I understand them, the -maxims of what we know as Conservative politics.' He went on to speak of -Ireland in 1877 and to praise 'New Ireland,' a book by Mr. A. M. -Sullivan, then lately published, which had excited much attention. All -this and more, delivered with much grace and humour, made a most -favourable impression on the assembly. The newspapers in their articles -and accounts the next day were flattering to the orator and the -confidence, which his Irish friends were beginning to feel in his -abilities, was sensibly increased. - -Before Lord Randolph had been many months in Ireland he began to form -strong opinions of his own on Irish questions and to take a keen -interest in politics. He was soon in touch with all classes and parties. -He watched Irish administration from the inside, and heard what was said -about it out-of-doors. All the official circle were quite ready to -impart their information to the son of the Lord-Lieutenant. At Howth and -in FitzGibbon's company he met all that was best in the Dublin world. He -became an active member of the Dublin University Club and a frequent -guest at the Fellows' Table in Trinity College. His relations in -Ireland, the Londonderrys and Portarlingtons, impressed him with the -high Tory view. He became very friendly with Mr. Butt, who with Father -Healy often dined at the Little Lodge and laboured genially to convert -Lady Randolph to Home Rule. Indeed, he saw a good deal more of -Nationalist politicians than his elders thought prudent or proper. The -fruits of this varied education were not long concealed by its green -leaves. - -A sentence at the end of a speech which he made during the session of -1877 on some small matter of Irish administration reveals the general -current of his mind. He expressed his regret for having said--in his -maiden speech three years before--that Dublin was 'a seditious capital.' -'I have since learned to know Ireland better.' It was time indeed that -some Englishman should 'learn to know Ireland better.' Under a glassy -surface forces were gathering for a violent upheaval. Mr. Butt's -leadership of the Irish party gave no pleasure to his countrymen. He had -united the various sections of Irish members in a policy of conciliatory -agitation for Home Rule. He had, indeed, invented the name 'Home -Rule'--since become the very war-cry of prejudice--to soothe and -reassure British minds likely to be offended by the word 'Repeal.' His -authority was now to be seized by a young man of very different temper. - -Parnell was a squire, reared upon the land, with all those qualities of -pride, mettle, and strength which often spring from the hereditary -ownership of land. Butt was a lawyer, and his world was a world of -words--fine words, good words, wise words--woven together in happy -combinations, adroitly conceived, attractively presented; but only -words. Butt cherished and honoured the House of Commons. Its great -traditions warmed his heart. He was proud to be a member of the most -ancient and illustrious representative assembly in the world. He was -fitted by his gifts to adorn it. Parnell cared nothing for the House of -Commons, except to hate it as a British institution. He disliked -speeches. He despised rhetoric. Butt trusted in argument; Parnell in -force. Butt was a constitutionalist and a man of peace and order; -Parnell was the very spirit of revolution, the instrument of hatred, the -agent of relentless war. - -The conduct of English parties did not strengthen the position of Mr. -Butt. They listened to his arguments with great good-humour, and voted -against him when he had quite finished. He was regarded as an exemplary -politician and his Parliamentary methods were considered most -respectable. Ministers paid him many compliments. They and their -followers and their Liberal opponents contributed cogent and interesting -speeches to the Home Rule debates which he inaugurated year after year. -Mr. Disraeli in particular made a very brilliant and witty speech upon -the subject in 1874. But they conceded him nothing. No British -Government could have desired a more temperate, courteous, or reasonable -opponent. Never were courtesy and reason more poorly served. The Irish -legislation for which Mr. Butt pressed was neglected by the Government -and disdained by the House. Session after session proved barren. At -every meeting of Parliament Mr. Butt was ready with his programme. At -every prorogation he departed empty-handed. The debates on Wednesday -afternoons were so largely occupied with his proposals that the Cabinet -and the Conservative party were wearied with perpetual Irish -discussions. 'What am I to say to this?' asked the Law Officer, on one -of these occasions, of the Prime Minister. 'Speak,' replied Disraeli, -'for fourteen minutes and say nothing'--a modest request well within the -compass of a semi-legal, semi-political functionary. This was typical of -the attitude of power towards Irish affairs. - -In the session of 1876 nine Bills dealing with land, education, rating, -electoral reform, Parliamentary reform, judicial and municipal -reform--all burning Irish questions--were introduced by the Irish party. -Few were considered. All, except two of minor importance, were cast out. -The claims of Ireland upon Parliament were real and urgent. The Chief -Secretary pressed upon the Cabinet earnestly, but in vain, the necessity -for land legislation. Neither the Parliamentary force nor time could be -found. Mr. Butt introduced a Land Bill of his own--very tame by -comparison with subsequent enactments. It was rejected by 290 votes to -56. Nearly thirty measures dealing with the land question alone, brought -forward by Irish members between 1870 and 1880, perished in the -wilderness. - -It should not be inferred that no Irish Bills were carried by the -Government. Indeed, some of the measures passed during this Parliament -are still the law on the matters to which they relate. But the Chief -Secretary was the youngest member of the Cabinet, and the Irish Tories -in the House, led by Mr. Kavanagh, being more numerous and even more -powerful than in our own time, were able to make anyone who displayed a -liking for change sensible of their severe displeasure. On one occasion -indeed, when Sir Michael Hicks-Beach had extended Government support to -the 'Municipal Privileges Bill' and to a Bill for assimilating the Irish -municipal franchise to the English, they lost no time in sending a -round-robin to the head of the Government requesting him to dismiss the -delinquent Minister. Disraeli returned a suitable reply to this; but the -Chief Secretary was forced to refuse the concessions he had desired to -make. And although from year to year he succeeded in passing a series of -Bills dealing with such subjects as Licensing, Public Health, Lunacy, -Jury Qualifications, Prisons, County Courts, and Intermediate Education, -he could not free Irish Parliamentary action from discredit in Irish -eyes. - -Mr. Butt was patient; he believed in patience; he counselled patience to -his followers. The majority of them were willing to accept his views. He -was opposed to 'a policy of exasperation.' He thought that reason would -prevail and that violence of any kind would estrange 'our best friends -in England.' He believed, not without foundation, that to injure a -representative institution was to strike democracy at its heart. -'Gentlemen first, patriots afterwards' was the motto of his followers. -And in return they received that form of respect which, being devoid of -the element of fear, is closely akin to contempt. Had the Government of -Mr. Disraeli been gifted with foresight beyond the scope of ordinary -British Administrations they would by timely concessions, by some few -substantial gifts, have vindicated constitutional agitation. But they -went their way, living from hand to mouth and from week to week, meeting -their daily troubles with such expedients as came to hand. 'If pure -advocacy--able, earnest, courteous--could have won the Irish cause,' -writes Parnell's biographer, 'Mr. Butt would have succeeded. It could -not, and he failed hopelessly.'[5] A new leader with new weapons was at -hand. - -Judged by all the available standards, Mr. Butt's position as leader of -the Irish party at the beginning of 1877 was secure. He was the most -brilliant Irishman in Parliament. He had defended, at much personal -sacrifice and with immense ability, the Fenian prisoners of the -'sixties. He was the founder of the Home Rule League and apparently its -perennial president. The whole Irish party in the House of Commons was -at his back. Whatever of Parliamentary prestige can be enjoyed without -executive power supported him. Moreover, in all the personal relations -of life he had great advantages. He was genial, tolerant, and kindly, -with a smile and a handshake for all, and generous to a fault with his -personal friends. Parnell had nothing to offer. He was almost unknown -and, even so, distrusted as a landlord. He was a young man with a -forbidding manner and almost inarticulate. In a nation preternaturally -eloquent he could scarcely jerk out his most familiar thoughts. No -conflict could well have appeared more unequal in conditions or more -contrarily decisive in result than the duel between these two men. - -Obstruction was an ugly novelty to the Parliament of 1874. Some ominous -improprieties had marked the resistance to the Irish Church Bill, the -Ballot Bill, and the Bill for the Abolition of Purchase in the Army, -during Mr. Gladstone's Administration; but no serious deadlock had -arisen. Suddenly the House of Commons awoke to the fact that -half-a-dozen of its members were persistently and deliberately engaged -in paralysing its business. The procedure of those days offered a virgin -field. No closure terminated the debate. No Supply rule regulated -financial business. No restriction was imposed upon the right of members -to move to adjourn the debate or the House or to report progress in -Committee. The minority was restrained only by custom and awe. It now -appeared that a few members were resolved to destroy conventions which -had been consecrated by centuries of observance. - -The mutineers were so few in number that they excited almost as much -surprise as irritation. Public reprobation, newspaper abuse, -Parliamentary disgust, were directed upon them in vain. The leaders of -the Opposition vied in terms of condemnation with Her Majesty's -Ministers. The Irish party was shocked and silent. Nothing availed -against men whose only object was to inflict an outrage upon Parliament, -and who gauged their success by the indignation and sorrow they created. -At length, during one weary sitting, in an evil hour for his own -authority, Mr. Butt was persuaded to denounce the obstructives and to -declare, amid resounding English cheers, his deep detestation of their -tactics. But the censure which was so general in England awoke its -counter-cry across St. George's Channel. The measure of British hatred -and contempt became the measure of Irish sympathy and partisanship. -'Parliamentarianism,' writes Mr. Barry O'Brien drolly, 'was apparently -becoming a respectable thing. It might be possible to touch it without -being contaminated.' The Fenian organisations, long disdainful of Mr. -Butt's constitutional methods and confronted at every session with their -utter futility, turned with interest to the new man who moved with -unconcerned deliberation into the centre of the stage and dealt with -others as though it was his birthright to command and theirs to serve -him. Delicate and subterranean negotiations followed with secret -societies who were reluctant to compromise the purity of their -revolutionary creeds by any paltering with half-measures or -pseudo-constitutional agitation. Sympathetic acquiescence--if not, -indeed, actual co-operation--was at length almost unconsciously -conceded. In two years Mr. Butt was broken. The Home Rule Confederation -cast him off; his friends sorrowfully but unhesitatingly deposed him; -his followers enlisted with the conqueror. Mr. Butt's end was -melancholy. Hunted and harassed by debt and illness, worn with prolonged -exertions and mortified by supersession and defeat, he lived only to see -his authority exercised by another and the land for which he had -laboured, not unfaithfully, darkened by famine and smouldering with -revolt. He died early in May 1879 and the usurper strode forward to -encounter many adventures and a still more tragic fate. - -Lord Randolph Churchill was a silent, though not unmoved, spectator of -the early stages of this drama in the House of Commons, and in the -autumn, at the dinner of the Woodstock Agricultural and Horticultural -Show (September 18), he expressed his opinion upon them with unguarded -freedom, much to the astonishment and displeasure of his family. This -speech is the first which reveals the perfectly independent movement of -his mind and the shrewd insight which guided it. He could not vote for -Home Rule, he said, because without the Irish members more than -one-third of the life and soul of the House of Commons would be lost. -'Who is it, but the Irish, whose eloquence so often commands our -admiration, whose irresistible humour compels our laughter, whose fiery -outbursts provoke our passions?' Banish them, and the House of Commons, -composed only of Englishmen and Scotsmen, would sink to the condition of -a vestry. 'I have no hesitation in saying that it is inattention to -Irish legislation that has produced obstruction. There are great and -crying Irish questions which the Government have not attended to, do not -seem to be inclined to attend to, and perhaps do not intend to attend -to--the question of intermediate and higher education, and the question -of the assimilation of the municipal and Parliamentary electoral -privileges to English privileges--and as long as these matters are -neglected, so long will the Government have to deal with obstruction -from Ireland.' Truths, he said, were always unpalatable, and he who -spoke them very seldom got much thanks; but that did not render them -less true. England had years of wrong, years of crime, years of -tyranny, years of oppression, years of general misgovernment, to make -amends for in Ireland. The Act of Union was passed, and in the passing -of it all the arsenal of political corruption and chicanery was -exhausted, to inaugurate a series of remedial and healing measures; and -if that Act had not been productive of these effects, it would be -entitled to be unequivocally condemned by history, and would, perhaps, -be repealed by posterity. It was for these reasons that he should -propose no extreme measures against Irish members, believing as he did -that the cure for obstruction lay not in threats, not in hard words, but -in conciliatory legislation. - -This speech attracted attention in various quarters. Mr. Parnell, who -spoke three days later in Paisley, alluded to it at some length and -declared that if the Government would pass certain measures dealing with -the questions mentioned, they would not be disturbed next session by -Irish obstruction. The _Morning Post_ expressed its displeasure in a -leading article. 'This is the language of Mr. Parnell and his -colleagues, and it is the argument on which the Home Rule movement as -well as the Obstructionist movement is based.' As to Lord Randolph's -remarks about the Union--'It is no exaggeration to say that neither Mr. -Parnell nor Mr. Butt could have used stronger language in support of -their respective lines of action. But it is not an Irish Rome [_sic_] -Ruler or an Irish Obstructive who has used it. It is the Conservative -representative of an English borough and the son of the Lord-Lieutenant -of Ireland.' But it was Sir Michael Hicks-Beach who read Lord Randolph -with the greatest surprise. He lost no time in writing a remonstrance to -the Duke of Marlborough. - - - - _The Duke of Marlborough to Sir Michael -Hicks-Beach._ - -Guisachan: September 25, 1877. - - My dear Beach,--The only excuse I can find for Randolph is that he - must either be mad or have been singularly affected with local - champagne or claret. I can only say that the sentiments he has - indulged in are purely his own; and, more than this, I was as much - amazed as you in reading them, and had no conception that he - entertained such opinions. The conjuncture is most unfortunate and - ill-timed; but at the same time it must be remembered that though - my son, and occupying by leave P. Bernard's house, he is not in any - way officially connected with me, and the assumption therefore that - he represented my opinions would be both unwarranted and unfair. I - quite appreciate your consideration in making no allusion to his - remarks, and perhaps, unless it should be absolutely required, the - less notice drawn to them the better. Should you, however, feel it - to be necessary to correct misapprehensions consequent on his - speech, I conceive you are perfectly entitled to do so. I can only - repeat that I am extremely annoyed at the folly of his utterance, - which I believe on reflection he will regret himself. Perhaps, if I - might suggest, a letter from yourself to him in your official - position and responsible for Irish business in Parliament might be - the best way of dealing with the occurrence. - -Yours very sincerely, -MARLBOROUGH. - - - -These chronicles do not record the explanations or rebukes which must -have followed; but Lord Randolph by no means withdrew or modified what -he had said, and is found writing a few days later to the _Morning Post_ -in a most impenitent mood:-- - - - -Junior Carlton Club: September 22. - - Sir,--In your article of this morning on my speech at Woodstock you - say: 'But what is even more faulty in Lord Randolph Churchill's - speech is the assertion, which he indirectly makes, that the Act of - Union had not been productive of those remedial measures which, as - he rightly contends, are the only justification of the means by - which it was passed.' Owing to an omission in the report of my - remarks you have unintentionally misrepresented me. I said that the - Act of Union was intended to inaugurate, _and had inaugurated_, a - series of healing and remedial measures, and I intimated that - perseverance in a course of conciliatory legislation for Ireland - might be a sure cure for obstruction, and a still further defence - of the methods used to pass the Act of Union. - - Again, you say I not only extenuated the conduct of the - obstructionists, but justified it. Nothing that I said at Woodstock - admits of this construction. I never even discussed the conduct of - the obstructionists; I merely discussed the remedies for - obstruction which had been proposed by many public men and by a - great portion of the English press. Surely you would not have said - that Liberal members, in advocating the Irish Land Act and the - Irish Church Act, were extenuating and justifying the Fenian - movement. - - You remark, further, that what I called 'unpalatable plain truths' - were certainly unpalatable, but were not true. Yet the - misgovernment of Ireland before the Act of Union, and the methods - used to pass that Act, are now matters of history. These were two - of my 'plain truths'; and the third, that the great questions on - which Irish feeling is most deeply interested have been neglected - during the last four years, is in my opinion equally undeniable. - You accuse me of forgetting the Judicature Act, the improved - position of the National school teachers, the grant of 10,000_l._ - towards the Irish fisheries. I do not for a moment forget them, but - would think it a mockery to say much of them to a people hungering - for moderate progressive reform, such as we have had in this - country, of their political, municipal, and educational - institutions. - - It was because I hope that these questions may be settled by the - Conservative party, and not by the Liberal party or the Home Rule - party, that I made the remarks on which you have animadverted; - little dreaming, however, that the utterances of so obscure an - individual as myself, in the quiet rural locality of Woodstock, - would attract the attention of any portion of the Metropolitan - press. As, however, they have attracted your comments, I am - confident that you will, with your usual love of fair play, insert - this attempt of mine at explanation. - -I remain, your obedient servant, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -As the differences between Butt and Parnell widened and developed into -the supremacy of the latter, Lord Randolph seems to have been more -amenable to his father's influence; for in 1879 he voted _against_ a -resolution for the assimilation of Irish to English privileges, and -explained that, although the theoretic argument was overwhelming, the -immediate extension of the franchise in Ireland would destroy the -moderate and constitutional Home Rulers and secure the ascendency of the -more lawless and embittered classes. - -During the winter of 1877 Lord Randolph devoted himself, with the -assistance of a young Dublin graduate, to the study of Irish -intermediate education. He took the question up deliberately, as the -first step in public life and a lesson in political work. He spared no -pains. He sounded every well of information. He consulted every shade of -Irish opinion. He questioned a host of Irish pedagogues and wrote to all -the headmasters of the English public schools. An evidence of his -activities is provided by a letter from him to the _Freeman's Journal_, -published on the last day of the year, on the extinction of the Irish -diocesan schools. These had been set up by Queen Elizabeth under the Act -of 1570. They were 'diocesan' only because the diocese was a more -convenient division than a county and were not meant to be under Church -control. The masters were to be appointed by the Lord-Lieutenant and the -endowment was in the form of a charge on the property of the Church. But -the system had only been partially established and the Irish Church Act -of 1869 had, by a strange blunder, treated the schools as Church -property, and, as amended in 1872, it allowed the masters to compound -like incumbents, a proportion of the commutation money accruing to the -'Church Surplus.' Money had therefore actually been diverted from -education and Lord Randolph was intent on reclaiming an equivalent sum -for intermediate instruction. - -[Sidenote: 1878 AET. 29] - -But the main purpose of his labours was to draw up a pamphlet taking the -form of a letter to his friend Sir J. Bernard Burke, Ulster -King-at-Arms--who, it appears, had first interested him in this -question--and dealing completely with Irish intermediate education. This -letter was finished in the beginning of 1878, was published in Dublin, -and sold at 6_d._ It showed, on the evidence of various Royal -Commissions, that intermediate education in Ireland was positively -declining, yet that a system of intermediate education had existed since -the days of Elizabeth, in the shape of Royal Free Schools, the Diocesan -Grammar Schools, and the Erasmus Smith Schools, which only required -rearrangement and development. It proposed to extend the system of Royal -Free Schools and to provide more money out of the Church surplus. The -religious difficulty was to be surmounted by appointing lay Catholic -masters in Catholic districts and Protestant masters in Protestant -districts, with a conscience clause, control by local boards (chiefly -lay) and a scholarship system, so as to enable the religious minority in -any district to get education elsewhere. This plan, admirable in itself, -would probably have been found to underrate the religious difficulty and -especially the reluctance of the Roman Catholic Church, evinced in every -country, to tolerate education that it does not absolutely control. - -Lord Randolph's early efforts in the cause of Irish education were not -confined to Ireland or to pamphleteering. From the day when he took it -up to the close of his life, he never ceased his endeavours to promote -progress and reform and to satisfy real wants and aspirations in that -department. In the session of 1878, with a perseverance and persistence -which disgusted the Irish Tories, he brought forward a motion (June 4) -for a Select Committee of the House of Commons to inquire into the -condition and management of the endowed schools of Ireland, with -instructions to report 'how far those endowments are at present -promoting, or are applicable to the promotion of, intermediate education -in that country, without distinction of class or religion.' In support -of this he delivered a considerable speech, moderate and argumentative -in tone and crowded with figures and quotations, to prove the many -abuses and anomalies of the Irish education system and the urgent need -of co-ordination and reform. - -He had induced Mr. Chamberlain, with whom he was already on friendly -terms, to second the motion; and the case unfolded in these two speeches -was sufficiently strong to impress the Government and the House. The -Irish Nationalists were profuse in their expressions of pleasure that -English members should display so keen an interest in an Irish question. -The O'Conor Don expressed his deep obligation and that of all the -members connected with Ireland, to Lord Randolph for the manner in which -he had introduced the motion. The Government, through its Chief -Secretary, Mr. Lowther (Sir Michael Hicks-Beach having by this time been -transferred to the Colonial Office), offered, in lieu of a select -Committee, a small Commission specially appointed to inquire into the -condition, management, and revenues of the schools; and this being -thought generally acceptable, the motion was withdrawn. The Commission -was duly appointed, Lord Rosse being Chairman and Mr. FitzGibbon and -Lord Randolph both among its members. It laboured zealously and Lord -Randolph travelled all over Ireland--north, west, and south--collecting -information and examining schools. In what manner its researches issued -ultimately, but not until 1885, in an Act of Parliament will presently -be related. - -The session of 1878 was dominated by the Eastern Question. The Russian -armies were at the gates of Constantinople. The British fleet lay at -Besika Bay. The early months of the year were passed under the shadow of -imminent war. Resignations broke the Cabinet circle; patriotic choruses -resounded in the streets; the Reserves were called out, native Indian -troops were brought to Malta, and a vote of credit of six millions was -granted by the House of Commons. The course of British diplomacy and -action in Lord Beaconsfield's hands was tortuous and dramatic. -Absolutely supreme in the Cabinet after Lord Derby's withdrawal, the -Prime Minister led an enthusiastic party and a puzzled nation through -the Salisbury-Schouvaloff secret agreement and the Anglo-Turkish -Convention to the Congress of Berlin, to the acquisition of Cyprus, to -'Peace with Honour' and the Knightsbridge banquet. It is not my purpose -to comment on this or to compare it with that other note which now began -again to resound with ever-growing vehemence and intensity through the -land, until it broke in a storm of passionate appeal and triumphant -eloquence from Midlothian. Never in their life-long conflict were Mr. -Gladstone and his great antagonist so fiercely opposed. Their -differences cut down to the roots of thought. In policy, in principle, -in feeling, in aspiration, they clashed together at every point, large -or small, of political method or morality, and behind them all Britain -was divided into two furious camps. On both sides their colleagues in -Parliament faded into insignificance. On both sides their followers in -the country were whole-hearted in their allegiance. The Conservative -majorities in the House of Commons were tremendous and inflexible on -every issue. The great newspapers, the powers of fashion and clubland, -the pledged partisans in the constituencies, had never before found a -leader so much to their temper as Lord Beaconsfield. Outside Parliament, -with its baffled and divided Opposition and triumphant Ministry, the -Liberal electors hung upon Mr. Gladstone's words as though he were, as -he often seemed, inspired. And while the imposing array of Toryism -marched proudly and confidently forward, enormous multitudes gathered -eagerly and not less confidently to encounter them. - -It is perhaps only in these great stirrings of the national mind that a -man may discover to which of the main groupings of political opinion he -naturally belongs. In all this conflict Lord Randolph Churchill took no -public part. An occasional sarcasm used at some small function, an -unadvertised abstention from some important division, might have -revealed his personal inclinations. But he did nothing to attract public -notice and it is only from his private letters that we may learn how -decided were his sympathies and by what circumstances he was prevented -from action which might easily have altered his whole career. - -Parliament met in January 1878, amid conditions of the keenest -excitement and of grave crisis, and the Government forthwith demanded -their vote of credit for six millions to make special naval and military -preparations. Having listened to Ministerial explanations Mr. Forster -moved a reasoned amendment amounting to a flat refusal.[6] After a -debate extending over a week, disturbed by the wildest reports from the -East, Mr. Forster was glad to withdraw his amendment, and, upon the -motion to go into Committee the Government, obtained a majority of more -than three to one (295 to 96). - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Charles Dilke._ - -St. James's Club, Piccadilly: February 7, 1878. - - My dear Sir Charles Dilke,--As I suppose this debate will come to a - close with an enormous and disproportionate majority for the - Government, and as I think the Opposition have made their stand on - unfortunate ground, and that another fight might yet be fought with - far greater chances of commanding sympathy in the country, I want - to know whether, if an Address to the Crown, praying Her Majesty to - use her influence at the Conference in favour of the widest - possible freedom to Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Thessaly, and - Epirus, and in favour of totally and finally putting an end to - direct Turkish Government in these provinces, was moved by me from - the Tory side of the House, it would be supported by the Liberal - party. I think I could almost make sure of a strong Home Rule vote - on this. I think some Conservatives would support it. If Northcote - does not give some very clear information as to what is going to be - the policy of the Government, I think a motion of this sort should - be made on the Report. The real cry for the country is--not - sympathy with Russia, still less with Turkey, but complete freedom - for the Slav and Hellenic nationalities. - - I am off to Ireland to-night. I don't care enough for the - Government to vote for them.... I shall see Butt in Dublin and - shall sound him on what I have written to you. My address is - Phoenix Park, Dublin. - -Yours truly, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -And the next day:-- - - - -The Castle, Dublin: February 8, 1878. - - Many thanks for your two letters. As you say, while everything is - in such an uncertain state nothing can be done. The Government have - too great an advantage; but I think if we are led into taking any - decisive steps hostile to Russia a great effort should be made for - an authoritative declaration that the ultimate aim and object of - any move on our part is the complete freedom and independence of - the Slav nationality, as opposed to any reconstruction of the - Turkish Empire. This, I am sure, should be the line for the Liberal - party and not the 'Peace-at-any-price' cry, which it is evident the - country will not have. In this I shall be ready to co-operate - heartily as far as my poor efforts can be any good. It is just - possible that if any movement of this kind be made, it would be - better to originate it from the Conservative side of the House. I - regret to see so much excitement getting up among the masses. It is - dangerous material for Beaconsfield to work on. Will you think me - very foolish or visionary if I say I look for a Republican form of - government for Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovina as far more to be - preferred to setting up some Russian or German Prince as a puppet - under the name of a constitutional monarchy? Perhaps if these ideas - seem at all to your liking, and if you think they will command the - support of the Liberal party, you would advise me what would be the - most favourable moment for bringing them forward. I shall have some - conversation with Butt, and have great hope of securing a solid - Irish vote on any proposition which might seem to favour the - principle of self-government for nationalities. - -A few days later, he telegraphed to Sir Charles Dilke:-- - - - -Careysville, Fermoy. - - I shall be in London Monday morning. Am not ambitious of taking any - prominent part, unless it might contribute to the advantage of - ideas which we have in common, that a motion should be made from my - side of the House. I leave it absolutely to your judgment. - -CHURCHILL. - - - -On this, Sir Charles Dilke wrote to Lord Granville, who replied:-- - - - -18 Carlton House Terrace. - - My dear Dilke,--Such a motion as Lord Randolph Churchill proposes, - supported by a certain number of Conservatives, might be well worth - consideration, but I doubt his getting any Conservative support, - and a contingent of Home Rulers would hardly justify us for making - another attack on Plevna just now, with the probable alternative of - a crushing defeat or withdrawal in the face of the enemy. I gather - that you are doubtful. What did Hartington think? - -Yours sincerely, -GRANVILLE. - - - -Meanwhile Lord Randolph wrote again:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Charles Dilke._ - -February 15, 1878. - - I have sent you a telegram which I think you will understand. I am - sure that my views, whatever they are worth, are in accordance with - your speech and Harcourt's and Gladstone's on the question of the - future policy of this country. I am convinced under the present - circumstances no motion should be unduly hastened on. There is lots - of time. If I were asked to move a resolution, my speech would be - an attack on Chaplin, Wolff, and the rest of the pro-Turkish party, - confidence in the Government, and an invitation to the Liberal - party to act as a whole. I feel I am awfully young to endeavour to - initiate such a motion; but I am so convinced of the soundness of - our view that I would risk a smash willingly to have that properly - brought forward. If only your party would agree as a whole to - support such a resolution moved from my side, the Government would - at the best have only a majority of 80 after 190; and that would be - a check. I shall see Butt before arriving in London and endeavour - to make him take up a position on this question. The Government - seem to be doing their level best to keep the peace, and perhaps - another debate would not be unwelcome to them. - -Lord Hartington, however, agreed with Lord Granville that it would be -useless to attack again without assurance of substantial Conservative -support. Sir Charles Dilke accordingly pressed Lord Randolph as to who -might be expected to vote with him; but Lord Randolph could not be sure -even of one, though he hoped that Mr. Spencer Walpole, the ex-Home -Secretary, would do so. The question of balloting for a private -members' night seems also to have been considered. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Charles Dilke._ - -Castle Bernard, Bandon. - - My dear Sir Charles,--I shall be over in London on the 26th - instant, and I think it will be time enough then to make my motion. - I should not like to make it unless it would command the support of - a large number of members. Such support could only come from your - side. I think the Conservative party are gone mad. Their speeches - are calculated to provoke war. As it is so uncertain whether we - shall go to war or a conference, I think I had better wait a little - as--though the motion should, I think, be made in any case--the - terms would vary very much according to either alternative.... I - know of no one but Forsyth whom I could ask to ballot for me. If it - commands much support, I should like to press it even to a - division. Cowen's speech and the vociferous cheers of the - Conservative party evidently show that the idea of the integrity - and independence of the Turkish Empire is still predominant on our - side; and against that I would try to go a great way. I send a - sketch of the motion and I should of course be very glad if you - would second one of this nature. - -Yours very truly, -Randolph S. Churchill. - - _Draft of Motion._ - - That, in view of the extreme suffering so long undergone by the - Slav, Bulgarian, and Hellenic nationalities of Bosnia, Herzegovina, - Bulgaria, Thessaly, and Epirus, and considering that the Turkish - rule over these provinces has now been definitely put an end to, - the efforts of Her Majesty's Government should in the opinion of - the House of Commons be principally directed towards the - establishment of complete freedom and independence for the - population of these provinces. - -All this, however, remained unknown. The Conservative Administration -pursued their course, with the unbroken assent of their followers and -amid the acclamations of London Society, through a succession of -diplomatic sensations and Parliamentary triumphs, towards a vast -electoral disaster. - -Devoted as he was to his party, Lord Randolph was by this time -thoroughly out of sympathy with them in their Irish and foreign policy. -The great Minister whose talk had fascinated him at Blenheim ten years -before inspired him no longer. He describes Lord Derby's resignation as -'a thunderclap.' 'I cannot,' he writes to his father, 'like the war -tactics. Calling out the Reserves is like throwing down the glove to -Russia, and I fear she will not hesitate to take it up.' He was -irritated by the movement of Indian troops to Malta. His college friend, -Lord Rosebery--the partner of those early conversations--was now the -ardent supporter of Mr. Gladstone's Midlothian campaign. A very little, -I think, at this time might have led Lord Randolph into open quarrel -with the Government. Indeed, it is not improbable, had he in fact moved -his resolution as he wished, that he would have been driven out of the -Conservative ranks altogether. When even Radicals and Liberals like -Cowen and Roebuck were proud and glad to swim with the stream, when -every man who stood against it, was liable to be called a 'Russian' or -even a traitor, a single Tory-Democrat must have been overwhelmed. Lord -Randolph no doubt realized this; for he must have felt that, unless he -could take striking and decisive action, it was useless taking any -action at all. But he seems to have looked for an occasion to strike at -the Government safely, and for a victim to appease his wrath. He found -the first in the County Government Bill and the second in Mr. -Sclater-Booth. - -The rejection of this measure, which proposed to transfer county -government from Quarter Sessions to boards elected partly by the county -magistrates and partly by Boards of Guardians, was moved, upon its -coming into the Committee, by Mr. Rylands (March 7) from the Liberal -benches. Lord Randolph seconded the motion on totally different grounds -and in a different tone. Inspired by a strong hostility to the -Government, he made his attack from that quarter most dangerous to a -Conservative Minister. The Bill was contrary to Tory principles. The -Cabinet were not responsible for it. All their time had been taken up by -considering how they could possibly get the Fleet into the Dardanelles, -and now their whole time was taken up in considering how they could -possibly get the Fleet out of the Dardanelles. In these agitating -circumstances it would be highly unfair to hold them responsible for -'the legislative freaks of a minor colleague.' - -Wrath was concentrated on the President of the Local Government Board, -who would annihilate Quarter Sessions and descend in all the pomp of -Ministerial authority and 'a double-barrelled name,' so often associated -with mediocrity, upon some unfortunate and over-awed Board of -Guardians. A President of the Local Government Board might deal, if he -chose, with amendments to the Poor Law or with sanitary questions, or -with the salaries of inspectors of nuisances. He should not come down to -the House, with all the appearance of a great lawgiver, to reform -according to his own views and to improve in his little way the leading -features of the British Constitution. He urged the Conservative party -not to barter away the old institutions of the country for such -'Brummagem trash.' Lord Randolph professed himself utterly unable, -though he had ransacked the whole arsenal, to find words in which to -characterise the measure. In default he described it as 'just the sort -of little dodge that would be proposed by a President of the Local -Government Board called upon to legislate on a great question;' 'another -of those futile attempts to make that impossible mixture of Radical -principles and Conservative precautions;' and 'to conciliate the masses -by the concession of principles dear to them, which concessions were -immediately nullified or modified by the details of the legislation.' -'The Government think the populace will be deceived. They are themselves -the only dupes. "O infortunati nimium sua si mala norint."' 'I have -raised,' he concluded, 'the last wail of the expiring Tory party. They -have undergone a good deal. They have swallowed an immense amount of -nastiness. They have had their banner dragged along many a muddy path. -It has been slopped in many a filthy puddle, until it is so altered that -nobody can possibly recognise it. I shall cry "No!" when this motion is -put from the Chair; and if I can only get any support--I care not whence -it comes or from what motive it is given--I should be prepared to offer -an opposition to this most Radical and democratic measure, this crowning -desertion of Tory principles, this supreme violation of political -honesty.' - -Such language had not been heard in the House of Commons since Lord -Cranborne had fought the Franchise Bill, and, coming as it did from a -member who so seldom addressed the House, at a time when party -discipline was so good and the prestige of the Government so high, it -created quite a commotion. Mr. Chamberlain, in following, criticized the -Bill from the extreme Radical's standpoint, but was markedly friendly in -his reference to Lord Randolph's speech. By the time he had finished, -the surprise of the Ministerialists had subsided sufficiently to reveal -their wrath, and they protested at once against the attack. Mr. Chaplin, -whose political antagonism to Lord Randolph was fated to develop early, -retorted roughly that if such were his opinions he should 'lose not a -moment in going over to the other side of the House'--advice which is -often given and sometimes accepted. The unfortunate Mr. Sclater-Booth -had hardly the spirit to reply. The Bill had passed its second reading -by a large majority. Its further progress was delayed by Nationalist -obstruction and Ministerial apathy. It was never again debated by the -House, and on July 15 was definitely dropped by the Government. The Duke -of Marlborough does not seem to have been very stern in his rebukes on -this occasion, and no doubt a large and influential section of the -Conservative party secretly rejoiced at the fate of the Bill. 'I do not -think,' wrote Lord Randolph to his father, 'the Government is at all -ill-disposed towards me for my speech against them. I have found them -lately singularly civil. Nobody regrets the Bill, except Sclater-Booth, -who is unapproachable on the subject.' Thus for the first time the House -of Commons had learned that this silent youth could bite. - -[Sidenote: 1879 AET. 30] - -[Illustration: _Member for Woodstock._] - -For the rest of the Parliament Lord Randolph was mute. Scarcely a -mention of his name occurs in the 'Debates.' He was absent from many -important divisions. His relations and feelings towards the Government -seem somewhat to have improved as the Russian war crisis receded, and he -remained an impassive spectator of their doings in Afghanistan, in -Zululand, and the Transvaal. Meanwhile the reader may be reminded of the -swift passage of time and of the considerable period which this account -has already covered. - - - - _To his Mother._ - -Ireland: April 15, 1879. - - I write to wish you very many happy returns of your birthday - to-morrow, which is also, as perhaps you may remember, our - wedding-day; and having been married five years I begin to feel - highly respectable. - - This weather is certainly very wintry and does not seem to lend - itself to anything congenial, while anything more odious or - unfortunate for fishing cannot be well imagined. I fished for two - days in the Suir and never moved a fish, nor did anyone else. - However, I have added another Irish county (Tipperary) to my - peregrinations in this island. - - This is now the fifth birthday you have spent in Ireland and I am - sure it must be satisfactory to you to look back on the years you - have spent there. I do not think you can recollect a _contretemps_ - or a cross; and I am sure, if I may say so, no one deserves a - pleasanter retrospect: and believe me, I sincerely hope next 15th - of April will find you as happy and untroubled as I hope you will - be to-morrow. - -The wet summer of 1879 produced something like a 'food and fuel famine' -in the South and West of Ireland. The potatoes failed, grain would not -ripen, and the turf could not be dried. The Government met the danger by -offering the landlords loans on easier terms than those recognised by -law, and cautioned the Irish Poor Law authorities to be ready to -administer additional relief. But official aid was wholly insufficient -without private charity and in these straits, the Duchess of Marlborough -came forward and appealed to the public. She was a woman of exceptional -capacity, energy, and decision, and she laboured earnestly and -ceaselessly to collect and administer a great fund. Its purposes were to -supply food, fuel, and clothing, especially for the aged and weak; to -provide small sums to keep the families of able-bodied men in temporary -distress out of the workhouse; and thirdly, while carefully guarding -against any kind of proselytism, to give grants to schools, so as to -secure free meals of bread and potatoes and, if possible, a little -clothing for the children attending them. The plan unfolded in her -letters to the _Times_ was welcomed not only by the Irish Conservative -press, but by the _Freeman's Journal_, which then supported Mr. Butt's -policy and which bore handsome testimony to the efforts made by the -Viceregal family to become acquainted with the Irish people, and to -their great popularity even in the disturbed district near -Portarlington, which was their country seat. The ultra-Nationalist -papers were less kindly, but the fund was warmly supported and grew -apace. The Queen sent 500_l._ and the Prince of Wales 250_l._ By the end -of the year 8,300_l._ had been subscribed; by March the receipts were -88,000_l._; and, before the Viceroy left Ireland (April 21) on the -change of Ministry, the fund was 117,000_l._ Although many subscriptions -were diverted to a separate fund raised by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, the -Duchess of Marlborough's fund ultimately reached 135,000_l._ Its -administration was entirely free from sectarian or party influence, -Roman Catholics and Protestants being equally represented on the -Committee. Upwards of 80,000_l._ was distributed in relief to the local -committees, 37,000_l._ expended in seed, and 10,000_l._ upon clothing. -The working expenses were under 1,700_l._ In all this Lord Randolph bore -an active part. His whole time was given up to the work of organisation -and distribution and before he left Ireland in the spring of 1880 he had -visited nearly every Irish county and had come into intimate contact -with every class in Irish life. His knowledge of Ireland was soon to be -of service to him. - -[Sidenote: 1880 AET. 31] - -The Government of Lord Beaconsfield approached the election of 1880 with -some inward misgivings. Their party was united and contented. The -_Times_ declared that Mr. Gladstone's language was extravagant and out -of proportion to any feeling that might exist in the country. The -by-elections were not especially unfavourable to Ministers. But -nevertheless there were causes for anxiety. The lustre had gradually -faded from the 'spirited foreign policy' and from the Imperialism of -Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Lytton. Taxation had been increased; deficits -had taken the place of surpluses; no legislative achievements could be -discovered. In India and South Africa useless bloodshed, clotted by -disaster, seemed to be the outcome of British activities. The policy of -the Government in the Near East was stridently asserted by its opponents -to be a failure, if not a fraud. Trade depression, as a reaction from -the 'boom' after the Franco-German war, was continuous. Revival was -delayed by the uncertainty of the European situation. Economic weakness -followed diplomatic strength and military exertion. There had been -serious strikes in 1878, and the winter of 1878-9 was marked by acute -distress. The elements of Nature were adverse. Agriculture was vexed -with wet summers and bad harvests and low prices. All Ireland was dark -with gathering storm. There was, no doubt, sufficient reason for -apprehension; but no one foresaw the extent of impending defeat. - -'Lord Beaconsfield,' wrote Lord Randolph Churchill in 1883,[7] 'was very -old and very worn when he got to the top of the tree, and he was but -indifferently served by some of his colleagues. Advancing years, an -enfeebled constitution, a singularly exhausting and painful form of -disease, had compelled him to give way to a disposition naturally -indolent and unsuited to the constant mastery of dry administrative -detail. He must often have thought that he had done nearly enough; that -he might with justice allow himself to seek in the distractions of -London society a pleasure and a repose to which, during most of his -life, he had been a stranger. Only the most captious mind could blame -him for this; but this it was, nevertheless, which greatly conduced to -the downfall of his Government. What time he gave to public affairs was -absorbed in studying, with the assistance of the Foreign Secretary, the -various phases of the Eastern complication. All else was neglected. -Finance was left entirely to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in whose -unaided hands deficits and floating debts grew apace. The other heads of -departments were all allowed to go their own way, doing what seemed good -in their eyes. There was no master mind pervading and controlling every -branch of the Administration. Election affairs and organisation went to -the dogs. The care, the experience, the personal supervision which Mr. -Disraeli, assisted by a few practised hands, had bestowed upon the -preparations for the General Election of 1874 disappeared. A weak but -wide-spreading centralisation enervated the vigour of the provincial -organisation. A stupefying degree of over-confidence, a foolish contempt -for the adversary, a fatally erroneous estimate of the revived -influence of Mr. Gladstone--these causes, and these alone, all of them -preventable, slowly but surely worked the ruin. - -On March 8, 1880, Sir Stafford Northcote announced to the House of -Commons its approaching dissolution. The next morning there appeared in -the papers Lord Beaconsfield's letter to the Duke of Marlborough, -assigning to Ireland the foremost place among the perils and -embarrassments of British dominion. The memorable and prophetic words of -this celebrated document, familiar though they be, require to be -recorded here:-- - -'Nevertheless, a danger, in its ultimate results scarcely less -disastrous than pestilence and famine, and which now engages your -Excellency's anxious attention, distracts that country. A portion of its -population is attempting to sever the constitutional tie which unites it -to Great Britain in that bond which has favoured the power and -prosperity of both. It is to be hoped that all men of light and leading -will resist this destructive doctrine. The strength of this nation -depends on the unity of feeling which should pervade the United Kingdom -and its widespread Dependencies. The first duty of an English Minister -should be to consolidate that co-operation which renders irresistible a -community educated, as our own, in an equal love of liberty and law. - -'And yet there are some who challenge the expediency of the Imperial -character of this realm. Having attempted, and failed, to enfeeble our -Colonies by their policy of decomposition, they may perhaps now -recognise in the disintegration of the United Kingdom a mode which will -not only accomplish, but precipitate, their purpose. - -'The immediate dissolution of Parliament will afford an opportunity to -the nation to decide upon a course which will materially influence its -future fortunes and shape its destiny.' - -Members of Parliament were forthwith scattered to defend their seats and -above the tumult and babel which arose from so many contests little was -heard except the reverberating thunders of Midlothian. Lord Randolph -hurried back to Woodstock and arrived, as we may judge from the account -he gave his mother, none too soon. The Blenheim estates had suffered -from the absence of their owner and those dependent upon them felt -acutely the diversion to Ireland and Irish purposes of that personal -sympathy and care without which the administration of landed property -becomes so often at once wasteful and harsh. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to his Mother._ - -Blenheim: March 21, 1880. - - I have to thank you very much for your many letters, which have - been so welcome to me. I have now been round the constituency and - seen everybody, except a few people in Woodstock whom I have not - yet seen, and a few in other parts who were not at home when I - called. I shall take them all up this week, but the work will be - easier now, and I shall have some time for writing to you. - - I assure you it has been hard work, and I have not spared time or - trouble; every day this last week I was out by nine and not home - till eleven at night. The results of the canvass will be arrived at - to-morrow when the Chairmen of the various Committees hand in their - reports, but I have no doubt the result will be satisfactory to - you. Every day, however, confirms what I wrote last week; the - continual expression of the labourer in Stonesfield, Coombe, - Handborough, and Bladon is, 'Yes, I voted for you last time, but I - have been very badly served since,' and then follows half an hour's - complaint. The other Party admit that they would never have tried - again, had it not been for these complaints of the labouring men - and the great scarcity of employment. - - I know well how difficult, almost impossible, it is to please poor - people. Nor do I blame your agent for not doing all they ask or for - not finding employment for them; that no doubt was out of his - power. What I do blame him for, and what I am sure my father and - you will blame him for, is for having provoked against himself a - great deal of ill-will, and having treated these poor people, and - farmers, with rudeness and worse than rudeness, and this, too, - during your absence, and at a time when the greatest discretion and - temper were wanted for the management of a great estate. - - You cannot think how people are looking forward to your return - here; they feel quite jealous of all you are doing and have done in - Ireland. You have made for yourself a great name among the Radical - working men, several of them have spoken to me about you. Several - of them who perhaps would have gone for Hall will vote for me, or - rather for you; but at the same time I feel as I never felt before - how greatly this place and all the neighbourhood depends upon your - care and my father's attention. - - I have a public meeting, probably the last, to-morrow night in - Kidlington. The election will be on April 2, but much work is - needed for the proper preparation and organisation for polling day, - so that the Liberals may this time get their 'quietus.' - - I hope you liked my speech at Woodstock. I was prepared for a row, - but though I had no one with me to help, and although the other - Party was there in great force, helped by a preacher and stump - orator, they heard me with the greatest patience for forty minutes. - The preacher asked some questions and made some remarks, but I am - told that what I said on the Foreign Policy and Home Questions - pleased them much, and that I was considered to have had the best - of the preacher. - - I feel so sorry for all this expense coming on at such a time, but - I hope things are going to mend this year. The weather has been - perfect--fine, bright, cold days, worth pounds to the farmers, who - are cleaning their fields with great activity and advantage. A good - harvest this year will do much to set things going; but the serious - part of the matter is that the farmers are so much worse off in - point of capital, and in addition the land is four years to the - bad, suffering from weeds and reduced manure. I fear that even with - good harvests the future is full of difficulties to the landlords. - - The outlook here at the outset was very alarming, but it is - clearing rapidly. I think I must attend more regularly this - session. Hall hit me rather hard on account of my slack attendance. - I think the Party will keep a fair majority, but they cannot expect - to have quite so many as they had nor do I think it would be a good - thing. I am afraid you will think I have become rather Jingo, but - any lukewarmness at such a moment would be most dangerous. - -The election at Woodstock took place on the second day of the polling -(April 1), and Lord Randolph Churchill was returned--in a total -electorate of 1,060--by 512 votes to the Liberal candidate's (Mr. W. -Hall, of Lancing, Sussex) 452. Thus Woodstock was snatched from the -burning; but throughout the kingdom general disaster overwhelmed the -Conservatives. In the first four days the Conservative majority had been -destroyed by their losses in the boroughs. The counties endorsed and -even emphasised the decision. When the returns were complete, Mr. -Gladstone had obtained a Liberal majority of 54 over all other sections -in the House. The dissolved Parliament had numbered 351 Conservatives, -250 Liberals, and 51 Home Rulers. The new Parliament assembled with 353 -Liberals, 237 Conservatives, and 62 Home Rulers. - -In two chapters two-thirds of Lord Randolph's life have been described. -Starting with many advantages, he was still at thirty-one obscure. Four -or five speeches in as many years had made no particular impression, and -the House of Commons had scarcely formed an opinion about him. Stirred -on the one hand by liberal and pacific sentiments and restrained on the -other by affection for the Conservative party, to which he was bound by -so many ties of friendship and tradition and above all by respect for -his father, he was prevented during those years from taking any clear or -decided action which might have enlisted sympathy or commanded -attention. Out-of-doors among the people he was unknown. Adverse social -influences denied the recognition of such ability as he had shown. His -party was now humbled in the dust. His own family borough lay under the -shadow of an approaching Reform Bill. New Ministers and new measures -occupied the public mind. Grave and violent dangers beset the State and -no one troubled to think about an undistinguished sprig of the nobility. -Nevertheless his hour had come. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE FOURTH PARTY - - His birth, it seems, by Merlin's calculation, - Was under Venus, Mercury, and Mars; - His mind with all their attributes was mixt; - And, like those planets, wandering and unfixt.... - His schemes of war were sudden, unforeseen, - Inexplicable both to friend and foe; - It seemed as if some momentary spleen - Inspired the project and impelled the blow. - HOOKHAM FRERE, _The Monks and the Giants_. - - -Great expectations were entertained of the Parliament of 1880 by the -Liberal members who assembled at Westminster after the election. Indeed, -the position of their party was one of immense strength and advantage. -The Government enjoyed the support of a majority in the House of Commons -who outnumbered the Conservatives and the Irish combined by more than 50 -votes and amounted for practical purposes to between 100 and 130. In the -House of Lords they could count upon the wealth and talents of the great -Whig houses, the influence of the Cavendishes and the Russells, the -experience of Lord Granville, and the eloquence of the Duke of Argyll. -They were led by the finest Parliamentarian of this or any other age, -whose incomparable powers had won him an almost superstitious -veneration; and around him were gathered a band of men of distinguished -ability, well known to the country, practised in public affairs and -yielding ready subordination to the genius of their chief. Upon the -Treasury Bench were seated statesmen like Mr. Bright, Mr. Forster, and -Lord Hartington. Sir Charles Dilke and Mr. Chamberlain represented the -growing Radicalism and the future hope of their party. And when the view -was extended from the walls of Parliament to the larger arena of the -electorate no less powerful resources were displayed. The tendency of -the day was strongly progressive. The ability and authority of the -Press--whether Metropolitan, provincial, or local--were ranged in -overwhelming preponderance upon the Liberal side. Scotland and London, -almost all the great cities, nearly every centre of active political -thought--Edinburgh, Birmingham, Glasgow, Manchester, Leeds, Bradford, -Sheffield, Bristol--sent their representatives in vast majority to -uphold the new Administration; and a Reform Bill promised an almost -equal advantage in the counties. Many active and vigilant societies and -a multitude of political clubs stimulated the energies of the rank and -file; and the whole was bound together and directed to a common end by a -formidable and opulent organisation. - -The position of the Conservative party, upon the other hand, was weak -and miserable in the extreme. The sympathies and the intellect of the -nation were estranged. Lord Beaconsfield, the only man who could touch -the imagination of the people, was withdrawn from the popular assembly. -Many of the Tory strongholds--family boroughs and the like--were -threatened by approaching Redistribution. The Front Opposition Bench, -cumbered with the ancient and dreary wreckage of the late -Administration, was utterly unequal to the Government in eloquence or -authority. The attendance of Conservative members, as in all dispirited -Oppositions, was slack and fitful. - -Outmatched in debate, outnumbered in division, the party was pervaded by -a profound feeling of gloom. They had nothing to give to their -followers, nothing to promise to the people: no Garters for Dukes, no -peerages for wealth, no baronetcies or knighthoods or trinkets for -stalwarts. Although the new spirit created by Disraeli--_Imperium_ -abroad, _Libertas_ at home--still lived in the Tory party, it had been -profoundly discouraged by the results of the election; and many of those -who swayed Conservative counsels could think of no plan of action except -an obstinate but apathetic resistance to change. Jeered at as 'the -stupid party,' haunted by profound distrust of an ever-growing -democracy, conscious that the march of ideas was leaving them behind, -these desponding counsellors could discern in the future no sign of -returning fortune and seemed to find the sole function of the -Conservative minority in delaying and restricting the movements of the -age by means of electoral inequalities, by Parliamentary procedure, and -through the prejudices of interest and of class. - -What political prophet or philosopher, surveying the triumphant Liberal -array, would have predicted that this Parliament, from which so much was -hoped, would be indeed the most disastrous and even fatal period in -their party history? Or who could have foreseen that these dejected -Conservatives in scarcely five years, with the growing assent of an -immense electorate, would advance to the enjoyment of twenty years of -power? It needed a penetrating eye to discover the method, and a bold -heart first to stem and finally to turn the tide. Who would have thought -of breaking up the solid phalanx of Liberalism by driving in a wedge -between the Radicals and the Whigs; or dreamt of using the Irish to -overthrow the great apostle of reconciliation between peoples; and who -without the audacity of genius would have dared to force the -Conservative party to base the foundations of their authority with -confidence upon the very masses they dreaded and to teach those masses -to venerate and guard the institutions they had formerly despised? - -The Liberal majority, who had arrived at Westminster in such excellent -spirits after their victory at the polls, were enabled quite early in -the session to take part in a Government defeat. The electors of -Northampton, which was in those days reputed the most Radical town in -England, had returned Mr. Bradlaugh as one of their representatives. -Charles Bradlaugh came to the House of Commons by strange paths of -thought and action. Forty-seven years before he had been born in a -religious family, the son of a very poor solicitor's clerk. For a time -he was a teacher in an Evangelical Sunday-school; but he began to ask -many questions about his faith and its foundations, which appear to have -been indifferently answered by a clergyman to whom he applied. Later he -was a Chartist, and spoke often at open-air meetings, at first on the -Christian side; but after a public disputation with an anti-Christian -opponent he became a declared atheist and found shelter for a while in -an anti-Christian family. Harassed by poverty he enlisted in the East -India Company's army, was exchanged into the British Service, served -with credit several years in the 7th Dragoon Guards, and bought his -discharge with a legacy that had come to him from an aunt. Next he was -an office-boy to a solicitor, whence he rose soon to manage the common -law department of the firm. These harsh and varied experiences had -inflamed his mind against many established institutions, human and -divine. As a bold and effective platform speaker, or under the pseudonym -of 'Iconoclast,' he was accustomed to set forth what occurred to him -against Christianity, the Bible, and the House of Brunswick, to the -severe displeasure of the more prosperous or more contented classes in -the nation. In the year 1877 he intruded upon still more dangerous -ground and made himself responsible for the republication of a pamphlet -about over-population, its evils and its remedies and other Malthusian -topics, which, being among the most tremendous of natural problems, have -long been judged unfit for public discussion. The pamphlet is said to -have attained a sale of 180,000 copies, and the publisher was sentenced -to six months' imprisonment, from which he only escaped through the -timely discovery of some legal flaw. Mr. Bradlaugh's struggles against -authority, penury, and obloquy were now to be transferred to a more -brightly-lighted stage. - -On May 3, 1880, Charles Bradlaugh presented himself at the table of the -House of Commons and claimed to affirm instead of taking the oath. The -Speaker, whom he had acquainted with his intention some days earlier, -decided on his own responsibility to leave the question to the decision -of the House, and Lord Frederick Cavendish, representing the Government -in the absence of Ministers--whose seats had been vacated by taking -office--moved accordingly for a Select Committee of Inquiry. Sir -Stafford Northcote, the Leader of the Opposition, being as it appears -personally willing to substitute an affirmation for the oath, seconded -the motion. When the House met again (May 5) Sir Henry Wolff gave notice -that he would oppose the reference to a committee; and when it was -nominated he moved (May 11) 'the previous question,' on the ground that -to proceed to general business before the Queen's Speech had announced -to members the reasons for which Parliament was summoned would be to -invade the Royal Prerogative. He was supported by Mr. Gorst, the member -for Chatham. A debate ensued, in the course of which some prominent -Conservatives deprecated Sir Henry Wolff's motion, and several of the -Conservative leaders abstained from the division in which it was -defeated by 171 to 74. But the question had already begun to excite -attention. The delay was fatal to its settlement. If Mr. Bradlaugh had -been content to take the oath unostentatiously among a crowd of members -at the beginning of the session, it is almost certain that no question -would have been raised. He chose instead in the most public manner to -cast down a challenge. It was eagerly accepted. From the caprice that -prompted one private member to stir a smouldering fire and the chance -interposition of another who happened to observe him arose a protracted -and ferocious controversy, which, in Mr. Morley's words, 'went on as -long as the Parliament, clouded the radiance of the party triumph, threw -the new Government at once into a minority and dimmed the ascendency of -the great Minister.' - -By a majority of one the committee decided against Mr. Bradlaugh's claim -to affirm. He thereupon wrote to the newspapers that he considered it -his duty to accept the mandate of his constituents and that if to do so -he had to submit to a form less solemn than the affirmation, so much the -worse for those who forced him to repeat words which were to him sounds -conveying no clear and definite meaning. Having by this, as he no doubt -supposed, settled the matter to the extreme discomfiture of his -opponents, he repaired to the House on May 21--the third day of its -meeting for regular business--resolved to take the oath in the usual -form. But in the meantime Sir Henry Wolff had not been idle. With the -assistance of Mr. Grantham--now one of His Majesty's Judges--he had -studied the legal aspect of the question and had drafted a resolution. -He had consulted with his friends and in particular with the young -member for Woodstock, with whom he had struck up a friendly acquaintance -in the last Parliament and of whose talents he had formed a high -opinion. Mr. Bradlaugh's letter had, moreover, produced an astonishing -effect. The House--almost irrespective of party--was profoundly offended -and even outraged by his words and by the action he intended. Anger -flamed in the Lobbies. Ministers were justly apprehensive of the -difficulties that might arise if the question of Mr. Bradlaugh's right -to take the oath was held to be one for the determination of the House. -They held a council in the Speaker's Library, and proposed to meet the -hostile motion, which was now certain when Mr. Bradlaugh should present -himself, by moving 'the previous question.' But the Whips reported that -the feeling in the House was 'uncontrollable.' The Liberal majority -could not be relied on to support 'the previous question' and the Prime -Minister was forced to content himself with proposing a new committee to -search for precedents. - -When the hour came, Mr. Bradlaugh advanced to the table to take the -oath. Thereupon Sir Henry Wolff sprang up and objected to its being -administered to him. Mr. Dillwyn, a Liberal member, intervened, -submitting that it was out of order to question the right of any member -to take the oath; but the Speaker, adhering to the intention he had -expressed in private, ruled--although in very doubting language--in -favour of Sir Henry Wolff. The Speaker directed the member for -Northampton to withdraw while Sir Henry Wolff explained his reasons. -These were, in short, that Mr. Bradlaugh's declared opinions upon -religion and Royalty necessarily rendered any oath of allegiance that he -might take meaningless in form and valueless in fact. - -The Prime Minister made an effort to narrow the issue to the simple -judicial question of whether a duly elected member could be prevented by -the House from fulfilling his statutory obligations and he proposed his -Select Committee. The debate which followed was long, serious, and -savage. Two views, both held with intensity, prevailed about the man: -first, that he was a blatant contumacious atheist who made a living by -blasphemy, republicanism, and indecent literature, and sought in -Parliamentary honours a fresh advertisement for his hateful trade; and, -secondly, that he was a martyr gone wrong, whose zeal and -convictions--honest, albeit pernicious--had caused him to suffer in -private prospects and public life. The unfavourable view predominated in -the House and was adopted with vehemence by the Conservative party. -There was a third view--that the House of Commons was no judge of such -matters, that it had received no evidence but common report, and even so -had no business to exclude members because of their opinions. But such -arguments, although urged by orators like Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright, -found little acceptance. Extracts were read from 'The Impeachment of the -House of Brunswick' and 'The Fruits of Philosophy.' Mr. Bradlaugh's -declaration that an oath was to him an idle and meaningless ceremony was -repeated over and over again. Was the House to connive at an act of -blasphemy? Mr. Gibson from the Front Opposition Bench, taking the Bible -in his hands from the table on which it lay, read out impressively the -solemn words which were to be mockingly invoked. Mr. F. H. O'Donnell, a -militant Irish Catholic, spoke in unmeasured abhorrence of the Bradlaugh -doctrines, which he said would degrade human love and human wedlock to -something lower than union of beast with beast. The speech of Mr. Walter -of the Times, which, although favouring the appointment of a Select -Committee, declared that Mr. Bradlaugh could not be permitted to go -through the form of taking the oath, was regarded as representing an -important element of moderate Liberal opinion. - -Partisanship was not slow to perceive its opportunity. Sir Stafford -Northcote and the whole Conservative party made haste to support Sir -Henry Wolff. Opposition speakers sought to identify the Liberal party -and Mr. Gladstone himself with the member for Northampton. He had been -their candidate, he was now their comrade. The division, according to -one gentleman, would be between those who were on the side of atheism, -disloyalty, and immorality and those who were not. Amid such fury many -very wise and worthy exhortations to preserve a judicial spirit were -overwhelmed. Lord Randolph Churchill resumed the debate on May 24. For -the first time he addressed a crowded House and was supported by the -cheers of a great party. There was in his character a strong element of -religious feeling. He spoke with a kind of half-restrained passion which -commanded attention. He opposed the appointment of a committee. The -matter was simple. Let it be decided by what Lord Beaconsfield had -called 'the unerring instinct of the House of Commons.' Like others who -had spoken, he quoted from the Bradlaugh writings. He stood at the -corner seat of the third bench below the gangway and when he had -finished reading the extract beginning 'I loathe these small German -breast-bestarred wanderers,' he cast 'The Impeachment of the House of -Brunswick' upon the floor and stamped upon it, to the surprise of the -assembly. Although this was his first entry into the dispute, he seems -at once to have been accepted as a principal. Henceforward, upon the -Bradlaugh question, he took his natural place as a leader and before two -years had passed he was credited by the public with having begun the -whole controversy. - -Sir Henry Wolff's motion was rejected in favour of the Ministerial -amendment proposing a committee by 214-289. There was another dispute on -May 28 over the names of the committee, Lord Randolph being ironically -or mischievously anxious that Nonconformists should be more numerous on -it. Mr. Gladstone, in reply, concerned himself almost entirely with the -arguments of Lord Randolph and Sir Henry Wolff. The committee was -appointed. Its search for precedents was barren. It reported that Mr. -Bradlaugh could not take the oath, but recommended that he should be -allowed to affirm at his own risk, in order that the matter might be -settled in the Courts. The Government accepted the view of the -committee. On June 21, therefore, Mr. Labouchere moved that his -colleague be permitted to affirm. Sir Hardinge Giffard, in the name of -the Conservative party, met this by an amendment which declared that Mr. -Bradlaugh should not be permitted either to affirm or swear. After two -days' debate (June 21 and 22) the first great division of the new -Parliament was taken. Mr. Labouchere's motion, although supported by the -whole Ministry, was rejected by 275 votes to 230 and Sir Hardinge -Giffard's amendment was adopted in its stead. In the clamorous -excitement which followed the declaration of the numbers some have -discovered the joy of the Tory party at their first revenge for -Midlothian. - -The account of this episode need not be pursued in detail. How Mr. -Bradlaugh presented himself the next day and claimed to swear; how the -Prime Minister, his solution having been rejected, refused his guidance -to the House; how the Speaker called upon Mr. Bradlaugh to withdraw; how -he resisted; how he was heard at the Bar; how he was expelled; how he -was committed to the Clock Tower upon the motion of the Leader of the -Opposition; how action was taken against him in the Courts for sitting -and voting without statutory qualification, are upon record. How he was -unseated and re-elected, and in what manner he finally took the oath, -must presently be described. The Bradlaugh case was inexhaustible in -scenes and sensations. It recurred almost month after month throughout -the Parliament, and whenever it occupied the stage the Government was -powerless; the leadership of the House was abandoned by its first and -greatest member; the overwhelming majority of the Midlothian campaign -became divided and untrustworthy. The credit of the Ministry was injured -in Parliament and in the country the Liberal party and its leaders were, -not unsuccessfully, represented as the champions of Bradlaugh and his -abominated doctrines. - -The Fourth Party grew out of the Bradlaugh incident. To Wolff belonged -the merit of discovery. The others in coming to his aid had learned the -value of co-operation. They had seized an opportunity while regular -leaders hesitated. They had helped each other to use it with -determination. The whole party had in the end been glad to follow their -lead and great and admitted advantage had ensued. They resolved -forthwith to make permanent that comradeship which had proved so happy -on occasion. Three of them already sat on the Front Bench below the -gangway, and during the early days of the session Lord Randolph -abandoned his perch on the back benches and came forward to sit with -them. An old and respected member of the Conservative party had been -accustomed to sit in the corner seat. In a few weeks he departed to -serener quarters, saying to Sir Henry Wolff, 'This is getting too hot -for me'; and Lord Randolph thenceforward was regarded as the rightful -owner of that coveted place. The compact which bound the 'Fourth Party,' -as they were soon called by general consent, was simple and elastic. No -questions of policy or leadership arose. Each was free to act in perfect -independence; but it was agreed that, whenever one of them was attacked, -the others should defend him. Upon these conditions was created a -Parliamentary group which proved, in proportion to its numbers, the most -formidable and effective force for the purposes of Opposition in the -history of the House of Commons. - -The four men who had thus come together were, each in his own way, -remarkable. The first mention of Sir Henry Wolff in Lord Randolph's -letters occurs in 1879. 'I am dining to-night at the Garrick with Sir -Henry Wolff and a large party of M.P.'s.' Then again, a few months -later, 'Wolff and I are going to London together in order that the -questions of the leadership of the party may be complicated by our -presence.' When the Parliament of 1880 assembled they seem to have -become already fairly intimate friends. Sir Henry Wolff, the son of a -distinguished traveller and scholar whose name in the early 'forties was -respected in many countries outside his own, had entered Parliament as -member for Christchurch in 1874, and had already, by his knowledge of -foreign affairs and diplomatic methods, gained a reputation in the -House of Commons. He was now member for Portsmouth. He was fifteen years -older than Lord Randolph and possessed a large and varied fund of -experience and information. Shrewd, suave, witty, and imperturbable, -versed in Parliamentary procedure, fertile in schemes, clever at -managing people, a master of smoothly-turned sentences and plausible -debating points, a ready speaker, an industrious politician, old enough -to compel respectful treatment from the House, young enough to love -fighting and manoeuvres for their own sake, Sir Henry Wolff was, at -the beginning of 1880, just the kind of man to make a Ministry -uncomfortable. If he contributed notably to the strength of the Fourth -Party in public, he added still more to the gaiety of its secret -councils. He rallied generously to the chaff in which Lord Randolph -always delighted, and the comradeship which grew between them was -abiding. No cloud darkened, no conflict of interests or opinions -disturbed it. Of the intimate relations between these four allies, the -friendship of Lord Randolph and Sir Henry Wolff was the only one to -survive unimpaired the vicissitudes of political life. - -Mr. Gorst possessed temper and talents of a different kind. His mood was -serious, his ability distinguished, his industry enormous. His career in -the past had been more noteworthy than that of any of his companions. He -was a rapidly rising lawyer. He had sat in Parliament as early as 1866. -He had been entrusted with the reorganisation of the Conservative party -machinery after the defeat of 1868, and Mr. Disraeli always regarded the -victory of 1874 as largely due to his arrangements, and treated him with -special favour and confidence. He probably knew more about politics, -public and secret, than all his three colleagues together, and his -knowledge of law proved on repeated occasions of inestimable value to -the rest. In conjunction with Lord Randolph Churchill his abilities -became doubly effective. A few years later Sir Henry James publicly -complained, in a Standing Committee, of such an alliance. It was, he -said, a poacher's combination--a pointer to find game and a greyhound to -run it down. - -The career of the remaining member of the Fourth Party is not yet -complete. Mr. Arthur Balfour in 1880 was an affable and rather idle -young gentleman, who had delicately toyed with philosophy and diplomacy, -was earnest in the cause of popular concerts, and brought to the House -of Commons something of Lord Melbourne's air of languid and well-bred -indifference. How he came at all to be drawn into that circle of fierce -energy which radiated from Lord Randolph Churchill was a puzzle to those -who knew him best. In the early days of the Fourth Party no -one--certainly not his comrades--regarded him as a serious politician. -Lord Randolph, who delighted in nicknames, used to call him -'Postlethwaite,' and made him the object of much harmless and friendly -chaff. In private life he already exercised that personal charm and -fascination which in later years were curiously to deflect the course of -great events. But he seemed so lacking in energy, so entirely devoid of -anything like ambition, so slenderly and uncertainly attached to -politics at all, that his friends feared he would withdraw altogether, -and none recognised or imagined in this amiable, easy-going member for a -family borough the calculating, tenacious, and unwearying Minister who -was destined through so many years to control the House of Commons and -shape the policy of the State. - -The Employers' Liability Bill afforded the new confederacy a wide and -fertile field for their exertions. The law, as it had been formed by -judicial decisions, was, according to modern ideas, strangely harsh upon -the workman. The employer was liable for any injury done to third -parties by the negligence of his servants but not for injuries done by -one servant to another. If, for instance, there occurred at his mills an -explosion which killed and wounded both outsiders and his own workmen, -the employer might be sued for damages in respect of person or property -by the outsiders or their representatives, but injured fellow-workmen -had no legal claim because they were in what was called 'common -employment.' Complaint against this anomaly had been loud and long. Two -extreme remedies were proposed by the respective interests. On the one -hand, the employers desired to be free from all liability for injuries -done, except by themselves personally; on the other, the workmen -demanded the abolition of the doctrine of 'common employment' and an -assertion of the consequent liability of the employer to all alike. A -Bill had been introduced in the preceding Parliament by Mr. Brassey, a -private member, which proposed a middle course. It sought to extend the -liability of the employer by nullifying the plea of 'common employment' -whenever the injury was caused by a defect in the machinery, by the -negligence of an authorised superintendent, or as the result of -obedience to the employer's rules or bye-laws. When the new Ministers -assumed office the session was already advanced; and under a hasty -necessity for providing a certain legislative pabulum for the activities -of Parliament, the Government adopted, with very scanty examination, Mr. -Brassey's Bill. The complications in which this plan involved them were -numerous. It had not originated in the great departments of the State -and was, both in principle and drafting, an amateurish suggestion which -might, indeed, sound very plausible and accommodating; but which had not -been clearly thought out in a scientific spirit with the advantages of -official information. No division was taken upon the second reading; but -the debate aroused the Ministers in charge of the measure to the -consciousness that they were committed to a confused and ill-considered -proposal. It was necessary to move that the Bill should be re-committed, -and before it reappeared it was almost entirely rewritten. Its general -character as a compromise was, however, preserved. - -The Fourth Party held deep council as to their policy upon this -measure. They saw that a Bill had practically been thrown to the House -to be moulded into shape by debate. They resolved to address themselves -conscientiously to the task of perfecting the crude conceptions of the -Government. But they resolved further the direction in which their -influence should be exerted. The manufacturers and capitalists, who in -those days were numerous and influential in the Liberal party, were -already greatly perturbed at the extent to which their liability was to -be increased, and the Government was constrained to listen to their -grumbles. Sitting immediately behind Ministers, Sir Henry Mather Jackson -groaned forth his anxieties. Not so the Fourth Party. They approached -the question with open minds, as independent persons who desired only to -do right between man and man and cared nothing for the sordid interests -involved. Whereas Ministers had expected that Tory opposition would -naturally take the form of a defence of the employers' position, the -Fourth Party proceeded to criticise the measure entirely in the -interests of the working class. This secured them two advantages, which -it may be presumed they desired equally. First, it was in accordance -with the spirit of Lord Beaconsfield's progressive Toryism and would -really benefit the labouring people, for whose sake the Bill was -designed. Secondly, nothing could be more embarrassing to a Liberal -Government than Conservative opposition on the grounds that the Bill did -not go far enough. 'Be thorough,' exclaimed these Tories to the -Government. 'Fulfil your election pledges. If you intend to deal with -industrial questions let it be in an honest and courageous spirit.' The -Government was gravely disconcerted. They found themselves between two -fires. Below the gangway the Radicals stirred uneasily at such -unanswerable argument; and behind the Treasury Bench the wealthiest -supporters of the party were gnashing their teeth at such reckless -proposals. - -Whenever the subject came before the House the four friends were in -their places. There was not a single sitting from which they were -absent, or a single clause which they did not amend, or seek to amend. -It is, moreover, true that many important alterations in the scope and -detail of the measure were conceded to their insistence and that many of -their proposals, though rejected by the Government of 1880, have now -become the law of the land. The unforeseen complexity of the measure -afforded an indefinite scope to their ingenious minds. All sorts of hard -cases were propounded, to which the Government could find no -satisfactory reply. An employer was to be liable for accidents which -occurred through his defective plant or stock. Did this include animate -as well as inanimate things? The Ministers in charge had not made up -their minds. They had contemplated in the word 'stock' a stack of timber -or bricks which might fall and cause injury through negligent stacking. -They were now invited to consider the case of live-stock. Lord Randolph -said that a farmer might have a horse which he knew perfectly well had -a disease of the foot and was liable to come down at any moment. Would -the workman riding home from plough and injured by the fall be secured -compensation under the Bill? 'No,' replied the law officers, 'for the -disease of the foot would not be due to the negligence of the employer.' -'But suppose,' asked Mr. Balfour, 'the employer had thrown down the -horse and broken his knees, and that on a subsequent occasion, in -consequence of the horse having been thrown down by his carelessness, -his servant was thrown and broke his arm, what then?' And it then -appeared there might be liability. - -And what was a defect in 'stock'? The bricks or timber might be stacked -so as to cause injury and yet be themselves most excellent materials. -The defect was not in them but in the person who stacked them. Someone -recollected that the rays of the sun had ignited lucifer matches lying -in a shop window, which in turn set fire to gunpowder and produced a -serious explosion. Where was the defect? If anywhere, it was in the -glass which had concentrated the rays of the sun. Amid such questionings -and the utter confusion to which they led, Mr. Dodson and his friends -passed many uncomfortable hours. Lord Randolph and Mr. Gorst were very -profuse in regrets for the slow progress of the Bill. But when the -Government themselves did not understand their own measure it was -necessary to be very careful indeed--and, after all, there was plenty of -time; better sit till November than scamp public duties and pass -slovenly or unworkable legislation. - -Another dilemma was supplied by the case of domestic servants. Mr. -Balfour and Lord Randolph together protested against their exclusion -from the benefits of the Act--'merely because they had no votes.' 'What -is the special characteristic of footmen or chambermaids,' asked the -latter, 'which disentitles them to compensation?' No answer could be -discovered except that the risks of such persons were not great. Lord -Randolph suggested the case of the man who worked both in the house and -in the stable: injured in the house, he received no compensation, -injured in the stable, it was his right. How could it be contended that -domestic servants ran no risks? 'Suppose,' inquired the member for -Woodstock, in a speech which caused keen irritation to the Ministers and -almost equal amusement to the House, 'an explosion of gas. An employer -comes home late at night. He does not, perhaps, altogether know what he -is doing. He blows out the gas. An explosion results, and the servant is -seriously injured; ought he not to receive compensation?' 'And what of -lifts?' chimed in Mr. Gorst. There were lifts in hotels as well as in -factories. Suppose through some defect in the machinery of the lift a -servant at a hotel was injured, why was his claim to compensation less -good than that of the workman injured through a similar defect in a -similar lift in a factory? To the reproach that zeal for the working -classes was a new-found virtue in the Tory party and had not been -apparent in the conduct of the late Government, Mr. Balfour replied -tartly that the late Government had not been formed from members below -the gangway, and that if it had the claims of the working classes would -no doubt have been met. - -So through all the sultry days of August the discussion went forward -tirelessly. But it should not be supposed that these objections of -detail were advanced frivolously with no general purpose behind them. -Lord Randolph had, early in the debates, denounced the doctrine of -'common employment'; and on the third reading Mr. Gorst moved the -re-committal of the Bill in the name of the Fourth Party, on account of -its multifold inequities and anomalies, and urged the recognition of -some simple general principle which would equally govern the rights of -all classes of outsiders, or workmen or servants, whether in factories, -private or Government employ, whether in or out of doors. This -conclusion is one which modern legislation has already largely secured -and which its progress must ultimately achieve. - -As with the Employers' Liability Bill, so with Hares and Rabbits, and so -with Burials, though the task of perfecting these two latter measures -seems principally to have been discharged by Mr. Balfour and Sir Henry -Wolff. At every point the Fourth Party were armed with facts and -arguments; on every question they had a plan, in all difficulties they -sustained each other. The Government were repeatedly exhorted to spare -no labour for the public weal. Legislation of an important character, -they were reminded, could not be passed in haste, or without proper -intervals for reflection on the part of those who were responsible for -it. Whenever the Government and their partisans showed signs of -impatience--and, judging by the interruptions which are sprinkled in the -columns of 'Hansard,' this was not infrequent--a motion, or the threat -of a motion, to report progress or to adjourn was found an admirable -weapon to employ; while all the time the House as a whole was kept in -subjection and often in good-humour, by the excellent quality of the -speeches, the wit by which they were adorned, the fertility of resource -which distinguished them and the reality of the arguments advanced. - -Not content with discharging--however conscientiously--the functions of -criticism, the Fourth Party aspired to legislate constructively. With -the object of encouraging private thrift and ready-money transactions, -Lord Randolph introduced in 1881 a Small Debts Bill which sought to make -debts of under one hundred pounds irrecoverable after one year from the -date of their being contracted. Sir Henry Wolff carried a measure -satirically described by Sir William Harcourt as the 'Bournemouth Reform -Bill,' which enabled the inhabitants of seaside resorts to let their -houses for short periods without impairing their voting qualification. -In every Parliamentary incident, great or small, the four allies were -prominent, if not supreme. The question of erecting a monument in -Westminster Abbey to the Prince Imperial of France, killed in the Zulu -War, produced differences in the Government, and from the division by -which the proposal was rejected several Ministers abstained by -withdrawing to the two small rooms behind the Chair which are used for -the minor consultations of colleagues or opponents. Sir Henry Wolff at -once raised a debate upon this alleged impropriety and, although Sir -Stafford Northcote deprecated his action, a long wrangle followed, from -which the Government emerged with ruffled plumes. When Mr. Dodson, the -President of the Local Government Board, by an absurd mistake got -himself elected for a second constituency without having previously -applied for the Chiltern Hundreds, it was Lord Randolph Churchill who -drew attention to the irregularity; and as the procedure of the House -rendered it difficult to debate the matter without some artful device, -he himself moved for a new writ for the borough of Chester, while Mr. -Gorst--by collusion, as Mr. Gladstone unwarrantably asserted--gave -notice of an amendment which would have brought the discussion within -the bounds of order. - -Nothing could excel the industry of the Fourth Party in Supply. They -presented themselves nightly as the vigilant guardians of the public -purse. No item of expenditure was too small to be criticised; no economy -too petty to be cherished. 'If,' said Lord Randolph Churchill, with a -paternal look at Sir Stafford Northcote and his colleagues, 'the late -Tory Government had been more attentive to the principles involved in -paltry matters of expenditure, they might still be sitting on the -Treasury Bench.' On one warm evening when the bulk of the Conservative -party was scattered on its holidays--in pursuit of grouse according to -tradition, indulging their wives and families at the seaside according -to fact--and when the weary Ministerialists gasped amid the parching -streets of London, Lord Randolph Churchill subjected to the most minute -examination the grants-in-aid accorded to various learned societies. He -inquired about the Meteorological Office and canvassed the value of -weather reports. He compared the weather forecasts of Greenwich with -those of America. Satisfied upon this, he turned to the Academy of Music -and raised further important points for the Minister, Lord Frederick -Cavendish, to explain. When the diplomatic vote was taken, Mr. Balfour -and Sir Henry Wolff were at hand with stores of knowledge and that keen -thirst for information which is only to be gained by personal -experience. With only seventeen men to go into the Lobby with them, the -Fourth Party were formidable and feared. Nothing could provoke them to -anger or to levity. Their dignity and politeness were undisturbed by -charges of obstruction. They desired only to further public business and -to aid the Government in their responsible duties; and they moved to -report progress lest ill-temper should result from the natural -impatience of weaker and less conscientious legislators. Under these -inflictions the Liberal party groaned and its champions grunted.[8] - -It was inevitable that disagreements should spring up between the -official leaders on the Front Opposition Bench and the active group -below the gangway. At first, to the amusement of the House and later -somewhat to its irritation, the Fourth Party claimed to be totally -distinct from and independent of all existing parties. 'There are two -great parties in the State,' said a member one night. MR. PARNELL: -'Three.' LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: 'Four.' (Laughter.) Fortified by this -assumption, the Fourth Party moved whatever amendments and took whatever -course seemed good to them, upon any and every question. As they did not -consult their leaders, it often happened that differences arose about -their tactics. And when, as we have seen, the influence of these -free-lances was so often employed in making Liberal Bills more Radical, -it was not surprising that the old Tories and ex-Ministers began to view -their busy allies with apprehension. - -The leader of the Conservative party in the House of Commons was an old -and distinguished man. Sir Stafford Northcote had held high office, -first as Secretary of State for India, afterwards as Chancellor of the -Exchequer, under Disraeli in 1867 and in 1874. He had led the Commons -upon Mr. Disraeli's retirement to the House of Lords. Upon finance he -enjoyed a reputation second only to that of Mr. Gladstone. He is said to -have possessed the common virtues in special excellence. Although Mr. -Gladstone, with that marvellous power great men acquire of looking at -things only from their own point of view, described him as 'not strong -enough to convince his party that they were wrong,' he also spoke of him -as admirable in good-temper, self-sacrifice, quickness, sound knowledge, -and general integrity. This eulogy was not undeserved at Mr. Gladstone's -hands. Sir Stafford Northcote had in ancient Corn Law days, when Peel -was the honoured leader of the Conservative party, been private -secretary to Mr. Gladstone at the Board of Trade. The reverence in which -he held his former chief was undiminished by the passage of years, and -his natural amiability of character led him to express it and display it -on many suitable and unsuitable occasions. But the virtues of Sir -Stafford Northcote were not those most needed in the stormy times amid -which he closed his long career. - -'His gentle disposition and good intentions,' said Lord Randolph long -afterwards, 'would have saved anyone from attack except a leader of -Opposition.' The very qualities which endeared him to his friends and -family and won him the compliments of his opponents, disheartened, -irritated, and paralysed his followers in the House of Commons. The -deference which he delighted to show to the Prime Minister, offended a -party which had just struggled back, smarting and reduced, from a -crushing electoral disaster. His lack of enterprising vigour was from -the first session of the new Parliament painfully apparent even to his -most faithful friends--and all of those who sat below the gangway were -not his friends. His speeches were tame and ineffective. When party -rancour festered to hate, when crisis at home followed hot on crisis -abroad, the mild expostulations with which Sir Stafford was accustomed -to conclude the debates, disappointed his followers. The Opposition, -always hopelessly outmatched in their official spokesman, were never -more plainly at a disadvantage than when their leader undertook to -encounter Mr. Gladstone. Sir Stafford Northcote's character was -estimable, his talents were distinguished, his experience had been long; -but scarcely any Parliamentary chief has been more unequal to the -particular work he had to do. And yet though his strength failed year by -year and extraordinary physical disabilities oppressed him with -increasing severity, his fingers, nerveless for aught else, closed -tenaciously upon the reins of power. Unfit for any serious exertion or -important business even in private life, he was willing--not, indeed, -from any selfish or sordid motive, but from a high sense of public -duty--to fill the most arduous offices of State. In a condition when, as -a doctor, lawyer, or business man, he would have been unable properly to -discharge his duties, he was prepared to form Governments, to grapple -with Mr. Gladstone at the head of a great majority, and to guide the -Conservative party through the fiercest political tumult of a hundred -years. Heedless of the warnings of Nature and blind to the plainest -teaching of fact, he struggled gallantly forward until he died in -harness beneath burdens he was utterly unable either to relinquish or -sustain. - -The Fourth Party were soon openly antagonistic to Sir Stafford Northcote -and took no especial pains to conceal their feeling. In private they -invariably called him 'the Goat.' This was at first a personal allusion -to his beard, but it was afterwards more generally applied to all -Conservatives who were thought to be 'weak-kneed.' They found themselves -hampered in their conflicts with Mr. Gladstone by those who should have -led the onset. They viewed the line of ex-Ministers on the Front Bench -with those feelings of impatience which are natural to able men who see, -or think they see, great opportunities of warfare cast away by persons -much less able. They suspected Sir Stafford himself of being anxious to -form a coalition with the Whigs; and, although they carefully preserved -in public an air of elaborate politeness towards their leader, their -true disposition was not in doubt. - -Their opinions were held by many others in the Conservative party before -the session of 1880 was ended; and, as always happens under such -circumstances, there grew up a counter-faction in Sir Stafford -Northcote's support. This was the beginning of strife. It would be -profitless to attempt to trace the petty differences upon which mutual -dislike was founded. But by the time the recess drew near disagreements -were rife. The Fourth Party decided openly to condemn the want of energy -and foresight which marked the leadership of the Opposition. The -opportunity presented itself at a party meeting held in the Carlton -Club on August 20. The plan was drawn up by the four colleagues in -convivial conclave at the Garrick Club. It was arranged that Mr. Balfour -should, in the name of his colleagues, indicate the failure of Sir -Stafford Northcote to lead the party in the House of Commons to the -satisfaction of its more active adherents. In pursuance of this Mr. -Balfour made a very clever speech, in which he contrived to deliver a -most damaging criticism of Sir Stafford Northcote's methods without -actually mentioning his name or using any discourteous phrase. He -obtained a considerable measure of assent from the meeting. - -On the same day Mr. Balfour, by arrangement with his three friends, -attacked the Government for their conduct of public business. His -indictment had been carefully drawn up by the four partners, and -involved a comprehensive survey of the whole session. He complained that -the attempt of Ministers to cram too much into a limited time had -resulted in general confusion and in the most improper invasion of -private members' rights, and he moved that it was inexpedient that -'important measures should be brought under the consideration of the -House at a period of the session when it is impossible that they should -receive adequate discussion.' Mr. Gladstone was absent through illness -and Lord Hartington undertook to reply to these reproaches. He read out -to the House some figures, which had been prepared, of the activities of -the Fourth Party during the four months since the dissolution. From this -it appeared that Mr. Gorst had spoken one hundred and five times, and -had asked eighteen questions; that Sir Henry Wolff had made sixty-eight -speeches and had asked thirty-four questions; and that Lord Randolph -Churchill had made seventy-four speeches and had asked twenty-one -questions. This statement caused much amusement; and after Sir Stafford -Northcote had defended the Conservatives at length from the general -charge of obstruction which had been urged on behalf of the Government, -Lord Randolph rose to vindicate the honour of the Fourth Party. He had -prepared himself for this not unexpected duty by a careful study of an -article written by Mr. Gladstone when in Opposition in 1879, justifying -or at any rate excusing obstruction. Some of the quotations were very -effective. 'The public,' wrote Mr. Gladstone, 'has lately heard much on -the subject of obstruction in the House of Commons.... But to prolong -debate even by persistent iteration on legislative measures is not -necessarily an outrage, an offence, or even an indiscretion. For in some -cases it is only by the use of this instrument that a small minority -with strong views can draw adequate attention to those views.... There -are abundant instances in which obstruction of this kind has led to the -removal of perilous or objectionable matter from legislative measures, -and thus to the avoidance of great public evils.' Lord Randolph -proceeded to read a sentence which seemed to have been specially -conceived in advance to protect the Fourth Party. 'Now, if a great party -may obstruct, it is hazardous to award narrower limits to the small -one; for it is precisely in the class of cases where the party is small -and the conviction strong that the best instances of warrantable -obstruction may be found.' Lord Randolph declared that these passages -would be the charter of himself and 'those who acted with him.' He -deplored the absence from the House of the Prime Minister and pleaded -that, acting upon the sanction of his great Parliamentary experience, -the Fourth Party ought to have escaped Lord Hartington's rebuke. He -ended by exhorting the Government to cultivate 'the magic of patience.' - -The last appearance of the Fourth Party in the session of 1880 was upon -the third reading of the Appropriation Bill, which was not reached till -September 4. Notwithstanding the heat of the season and the exhaustion -of the House, the member for Woodstock and his friends preserved an air -of unrelenting vigilance. Lord Randolph Churchill moved an amendment -dwelling on the gravity of the defeat at Maiwand, which he sought to -prove, by an elaborate argument based upon the Blue Books, to have been -'mainly attributable to want of foresight, of military knowledge and of -caution on the part of the Indian Executive.' His criticisms drew from -Lord Hartington a reasonable and weighty reply. Both Sir Henry Wolff and -Mr. Balfour spoke at later stages in the debate, and thus the session -reached its close. 'The rise of a small body of Conservative free-lances -below the gangway,' said the _Times_ (September 7), in its review of the -session, 'of whom Lord Randolph Churchill and Mr. Gorst are the chiefs, -is a curious incident, and has originated the half-serious nickname of -the "Fourth Party."' - -Such were the circumstances attending the rise of the Fourth Party in -the beginning of the new Parliament. It must be admitted that Mr. -Gladstone was at once their most powerful antagonist and their mainstay. -His quick eye discerned very early in the session the menace that was -growing below the gangway, and he hastened to respond to the challenge. -Perhaps, if he had not been a great and famous Parliamentarian, he would -have tried to treat with disdain the arguments of unproved or youthful -opponents. He would have left the House during their speeches or, -ignoring their criticisms altogether, have contented himself with -replying only to the ex-officials on the Front Bench. But his nature -prompted him to meet the strongest opposition from whatever quarter it -might be offered. His generous care for the life and vigour of the House -of Commons drew from him a frank recognition of talent wherever or -however displayed. He had his favourites on both sides of the House, and -he rallied with measureless good-temper and all his most formidable and -glittering weapons of debate to the attacks of the Fourth Party and -especially of their leader. Often and often he riddled them and crushed -them and pulverised them or reasoned with them patiently or cast them -aside with a stern rebuke; and as often they returned by other paths -unwearied to the attack. - -The Prime Minister was indeed on various occasions the innocent cause -of delaying his own legislation. He was always delighted to expound -obscure or difficult questions for the benefit of friends or opponents. -Of this amiable weakness Lord Randolph and his friends took, we may be -sure, the fullest advantage whenever the pace of Government business -seemed to be undesirably rapid. In his most insinuating manner the -member for Woodstock--'Woodcock,' it was irreverently called on one -occasion--would rise in his place and request the Prime Minister to -explain some clause or subsection of a Bill to the Committee. Mr. -Gladstone would invariably respond to this invitation with evident -alacrity and frequently at considerable length. The wealth of fact and -argument with which in a single unpremeditated speech he often enriched -the debate served lesser mortals with new ideas. When these were -exhausted, Mr. Gorst would get up and thank the Prime Minister for his -lucid exposition, which he would say had made everything perfectly -intelligible to him, with the exception of one point, upon which he -would be most grateful to receive further information. When Mr. -Gladstone had made a second lengthy speech upon this, it was Sir Henry -Wolff's turn to state how clear all had been made to his comprehension -also--with a single exception. 'If you speak again,' growled Sir William -Harcourt, a sterner partisan, on one celebrated occasion to his chief, -'we shall be here till morning.' But it should not be supposed from this -account that Mr. Gladstone lost by his invariable practice of giving his -best to the House. Although now and then his opponents may have -snatched some trifling advantage from the superabundance of his -strength, no qualities but his own could have surmounted the amazing -perplexities of the '80 Parliament or have guided the Liberal party -through its perils. So long as his light lasted the House of Commons -lived, and amid the fiercest passions and even scenes of violence -preserved its hold upon the sympathies and the imagination of the whole -world; and at his death it sank at once, perhaps for ever, in public -esteem. - -The proceedings and progress of the Fourth Party in the House of Commons -did not escape the attention of Lord Beaconsfield and that great man -regarded them from the first with high approval. Sir Henry Wolff had -already consulted him upon the Bradlaugh controversy. He had known Lord -Randolph since Oxford days. He was on friendly terms with all the four -friends; but it was Mr. Gorst with whom his relations were most -intimate. He took a keen interest in all their Parliamentary -manoeuvres. He liked to feel himself in touch with the new men and -especially with the young men whom the Parliament was bringing into -notice and, so far from frowning on their independence, he encouraged -them with advice and approbation. He did not often revisit the House of -Commons after his elevation to the peerage; but one of these rare -excursions was for the purpose of watching the Fourth Party at work and -to hear Lord Randolph speak. He made particular inquiries as to what was -thought of the Fourth Party in Ministerial circles. In the early spring -of 1881, immediately before the commencement of his last illness, he met -Sir Henry James at a dinner given by Sir William Harcourt. 'Well,' he -said, 'what do you think of Randolph?' Sir Henry James praised his -Parliamentary instincts and aptitude. 'Ah, yes, you are quite right,' -rejoined Lord Beaconsfield, 'when they come in they will have to give -him anything he chooses to ask for and in a very short time they will -have to take anything he chooses to give them.' During the autumn Lord -Beaconsfield invited Mr. Gorst to visit him at Hughenden, and talked to -him with much freedom about the policy and influence of the Fourth -Party, about Ireland and the general political situation. - -'Lord B.,' wrote Gorst to Lord Randolph Churchill (November 9), 'was in -his talk anything but Goaty: he generally expressed great confidence in -us, thought we had a brilliant future before us, and promised to help -and advise us as much as he could. I can in a letter only state -dogmatically what the oracle said, without giving all his arguments:-- - - '1. We ought _not_ to pledge ourselves to support the Government in - any coercive measures for Ireland. They have encouraged agitation: - they have adopted dilatory and inefficient proceedings: and they - don't deserve the confidence of Parliament. We should therefore - hold ourselves free to take what course we think best when the - Government lay their proposals before us. B. will prevent - Northcote, if he can, from making any more pledges. Meanwhile our - attitude may be ostentatiously one of reserve. There is a precedent - for suspending the Habeas Corpus to suppress Ribbon outrages in the - Westmeath Act of 1871. '2. B. himself broached the idea that - Gladstone may buy off the Irish landlords. He thinks this would be - to us a very dangerous move. But there is no use in talking about - it either in public or private. Nor can we say how the matter - should be dealt with till the move is made. B. has always been in - favour of the purchase by the tenant under Bright's clauses: Lord - Salisbury has always supported an extension of this. - - '3. He scouted the idea of Northcote thinking of coalition or being - inclined to Derby; and did not bear out what Wolff said about his - supporting Derby in the late Cabinet. We need not consult Northcote - when Parliament is not sitting. It would be good policy to abuse - Government for not summoning Parliament to consider the state of - Ireland, and to say that their object in not doing so was to - conceal their Eastern policy. We should always courteously inform - N., through the Whip, of any step we are about to take in the House - of Commons, and listen with respect and attention to anything he - may say about it; his remarks, even when we disagree with him, will - be well worth attention. But just at present _we need not be too - scrupulous about obeying our leader_. An open rupture between us - would, however, be most disastrous; but Lord B. thinks if we are - courteous and firm Northcote will make no open rupture, and will - not throw us over.... - - '4. Upon alteration of the rules of the House there is to be the - most absolute and unyielding resistance. Cairns has agreed to this, - and they will force N. to be firm. There was a committee on the - subject twenty years ago, which took some very interesting - evidence, including that of M. Guizot on the _cloture_, which we - ought to look up.' - -Mr. Gorst was not the only member of the Fourth Party who was encouraged -by the Tory leader. 'Lord Beaconsfield,' writes Sir Henry Wolff, 'whom I -had known nearly from my childhood, having asked me to call, I went in -the autumn of 1880 to the house in Curzon Street where he was then -living and where the next year he died. We discussed the situation and I -explained how the action of the Conservative party was crippled by the -over-caution--not to say indecision--of Sir Stafford Northcote, which -led him constantly to throw us over. He replied almost word for word as -follows:-- - -'When Mr. Gladstone announced his withdrawal from public life I fully -believed his statement, which was confirmed to me from special sources -in which I placed the most implicit reliance. I thought that when he was -gone Northcote would be able to cope with anyone likely to assume the -lead on the other side, and I wanted rest. I now much regret having -retired from the House of Commons, as Mr. Gladstone, contrary to my firm -persuasion, returned. I fully appreciate your feelings and those of your -friends; but you must stick to Northcote. He represents the -respectability of the party. I wholly sympathise with you all, because I -never was respectable myself. In my time the respectability of the party -was represented by * * * a horrid man; but I had to do as well as I -could; you must do the same. Don't on any account break with Northcote; -but defer to him as often as you can. Whenever it becomes too difficult -you can come to me and I will try to arrange matters. Meanwhile I will -speak to him.' - -The countenance and kindness thus shown to a rebellious group by so -great a man as Lord Beaconsfield filled the hearts of the Fourth Party -with a sense of elation. They reflected with satisfaction upon the -events of the session. With astonishing rapidity they had risen to a -position of influence in Parliament; their action attracted every day an -increasing interest from the public. They commanded the serious -attention of the Conservative party and enjoyed the favour of its famous -leader. Ministers and ex-Ministers eyed them with equal apprehension. -Older members were inquisitive about their plans. They looked forward to -the brightest future. Yet there were already gathering clouds. -Jealousies in a numerous troop had followed closely on success. Their -own contemporaries in the party were quick to resent the formation of a -clique and still more the prominence which was accorded to it. The great -Tory newspapers laboured assiduously to ignore their existence and, when -compelled, alluded to their proceedings only with a sneer. The life and -soul of the Tory Opposition, they were freely represented as hostile to -its interests. Sir Stafford Northcote seems from the beginning to have -scented danger. 'I am inclined to think,' he wrote complacently to -Gorst, as soon as Parliament had risen (September 15, 1880), 'that the -Fourth Party has done enough for its fame, and that it will be the wiser -course for its members now quietly to take their places in the main -body, where they will have work enough and to spare.' Gorst, in reply, -descanted on the advantages of combination. Each member of the Fourth -Party felt stronger for the support and wiser for the counsel of his -friends; and he assured Sir Stafford that together they would form a -weapon of political warfare which could not fail to be formidable 'in -his hands.' - -Thus Mr. Gorst to his leader. But the next day a new plan presented -itself to him and this he imparted half in fun to his friends. It was in -effect that Sir Stafford's proposition should be solemnly embraced, that -the Fourth Party should after mature deliberation, at his request, give -up the idea--which they had never seriously entertained--of a separate -party and 'take their places in the main body,' by sitting immediately -behind their leader on the second bench above the gangway. From this new -position, adopted at Sir Stafford's special desire, Mr. Gorst thought -that the conduct of the Opposition could be much more effectively -directed than from below the gangway and that its leader would very soon -fall completely under the control of the masterful men behind him. Lord -Randolph Churchill and Sir Henry Wolff both scouted this proposal and -supplied a number of reasons against it. Sir Henry Wolff was greatly -perturbed at the idea of relinquishing ground which seemed to give the -right to treat with party leaders, as he described it, _de puissance a -puissance_; and he pointed to Sir Stafford's anxiety as a proof of the -advantages of independence. Mr. Balfour's argument was single, -substantial, and conclusive. The length of his legs made it -indispensable to his comfort that he should sit upon a Front Bench and -nothing would induce him to change his quarters. So the matter was -settled accordingly; but it is curious that in after-years Lord -Randolph used often to relate this story as an instance of Mr. Gorst's -Parliamentary knowledge and shrewdness and would frankly admit that if -his advice had been followed all legitimate objects might have been -attained without the friction and disturbance that ensued. - -The Fourth Party had other friends beside Lord Beaconsfield. - - - - _Sir Henry Wolff to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -Cromwell House, Putney: September 29, 1880. - - My dear Randolph,--After you left yesterday I received two very - handsome tributes to the Fourth Party--one from Lord Cadogan, who - said that he would look with dread at its being done away with, as - being the only portion of the Conservative party that did any good - at all--the other was from a man whose name I cannot recollect, and - who came up to me in St. James Street to say he had been staying - with Chenery, the Editor of the _Times_, who had expressed himself - very warmly as to the future of the Fourth Party. I shall try and - see Chenery; and as Burrows was sent to the Wali's forces I shall - endeavour, I hope with better success, to confirm his fidelity, - -Ever yours sincerely, -H. D. W. - - - -While opinions were thus divided it was not unnatural that Lord Randolph -and his friends should wish to give some public demonstration of their -influence and to show that they were not without friends in high places. -Mr. Balfour became their ambassador and Lord Salisbury, probably after -consultation with Lord Beaconsfield, accepted an invitation to address -a meeting at Woodstock. Just outside the Woodstock gate of Blenheim Park -the road passes through a considerable courtyard, surrounded on every -side by lofty walls and pierced only by the gateway. A temporary roof of -tarpaulins erected over this converted the highway into a spacious hall; -and here on November 30, 1880, Lord Salisbury and Lord Randolph -Churchill first appeared together in political association. The meeting -attracted much notice in the country and the attitude of the Tory -leaders in the House of Lords towards the independent group which had so -severely hustled their colleagues in the House of Commons was, of -course, the subject of much comment and speculation. This delicate topic -was, however, handled with dexterous caution by the principal speakers. -Lord Randolph Churchill, who took the chair, enlarged upon the loyalty -of himself and his friends to Lord Beaconsfield but avoided all mention -of Sir Stafford Northcote's name. Lord Salisbury, on his part, was -careful to pay an ample tribute to the 'sagacious guidance' of Sir -Stafford early in his speech and then he proceeded to praise the energy -and ability of the member for Woodstock. The meaning of the -demonstration was variously interpreted by the newspapers. The Liberal -organs regarded it as a further proof of the growing power of the Fourth -Party. The Conservative papers believed, or affected to believe, that -the rebellious partnership was now dissolved and that the erring friends -had been welcomed back to the party fold. 'It appears,' said the -_Times_, 'that Lord Randolph Churchill and Sir Henry Wolff are not bent -on forming a new party with the assistance of Mr. Balfour and Mr. -Gorst.' - -The correspondence of the Fourth Party is extensive and would be highly -diverting to anyone who knew the Conservative side of the House of -Commons in the early 'eighties. Lord Randolph's private letters do not -lend themselves to publication as readily as those of some other eminent -persons. They are spontaneous and scrappy. They deal with the little -ordinary commonplaces of the writer's life. They reflect his mood at the -moment. They are full of personal allusions which would be pointless -without names and much too pointed with them. He abominated priggishness -in all its forms. No one ever wrote to his friends with less regard to -ceremony or with more unaffected frankness. Any piece of gossip, any -quaint conceit or joke or piece of solemn drollery, any sharp judgment -that occurred to him, went upon the paper without an after-thought. -Every passing shadow or gleam of sunlight which fell upon him marked his -pages with strong contrasts of feeling often extravagantly and -recklessly expressed. Nevertheless his correspondence with Sir Henry -Wolff has an air of gay and generous friendship, strong with an -attractiveness of its own. But there runs through it a recurring sense -of weariness and of disgust at politics, which seems to have alternated -with his periods of great exertion even during these most merry and -successful years of his life. - -[Sidenote: 1880-1884] - -He delighted in receiving Wolff's letters at all times: 'The only fault -I find with them is that they are too short; I should like several -volumes.' 'Your letters are to me like a glass of the best -champagne--exhilarating and stimulating.' 'You have such an entrancing -style, even when writing about the simplest matters, that one recognises -at once the statesman and the man of letters.' 'It is only your -versatile and brilliant genius which could produce such lively -correspondence in the dull season.' He paints his own oratorical -achievements in glowing colours: 'I had a most warm welcome at Oldham. -The meeting numbered some six hundred--all working men. I spoke for -fifty-five minutes--quite entrancing (my speech). What would you have -given to have heard it!!! I will, however, declaim it to you when we -meet. Fair Trade and taxing the foreigner went down like butter. How the -latter is to be done I don't know....' (September 10, 1881.) - -[Sidenote: 1880-1884] - -And a few weeks later: 'Well! Hull was a triumph. I never had such a -success with a large audience. Every point told surprisingly. In my -second speech my reference to your successful contest with Bradlaugh -provoked the greatest enthusiasm. I was received yesterday at the -Carlton _a bras ouverts_. I see the Radical provincial press is beside -itself with indignation' (November 3, 1881). 'I received the Glasgow -invitation--most politely worded it is, and I have accepted it. I only -hope it may turn out well, and that you are not trying me _au dessus de -mes forces_. It seems a presumptuous thing to go and preach to a lot of -Scotchmen on home politics, which they probably understand much better -than I do. However, _de l'audace_, &c.' (October 24, 1882.) - -When Lord Randolph was abroad--as he often was for his health, or in -1883 during his retirement after his father's death--Wolff kept him -informed about political things. These did not always allure him. 'All -your news,' he wrote in January, 1882, from Monte Carlo, 'about your -conversation with various distinguished people concerning myself is very -pleasant reading, but my disinclination to return to England for the -meeting of Parliament grows stronger every day and I seem to have lost -all interest in things political. I am happy in Capua, and the thought -of once more engaging with Goats and Gibsons _et hoc genus omne_ makes -me sick. Old * * * came and bored me yesterday for more than an hour, -and I had a providential escape from * * * the other day; and yet it is -this class of individual of whom the great Tory party is mainly -composed. I think I shall copy Gladstone and take to reading Dante and -Homer--after,' he adds prudently, 'I have got through one or two French -novels I have by me.' - -He always followed his friend's doings with attention. 'I have just -risen,' he writes July 31, 1883, 'in a state of singular emotion after -perusing your Demosthenic oration at Portsmouth'; and again, 'I wonder -how things are going to-night. I dare say you are delivering a telling -speech. (It is the dinner hour, 8.30 P.M.!) How I wish I was there to -listen and cheer!' And again (August 17, 1883): 'You appear to have been -sustaining the whole weight of Opposition. I hope you mean to take a -good holiday when it is all over. I am quite clear that W. E. G. has -been very much bothered by your Suez Canal questions.' At another time -he counsels reserve: 'I read with interest both your speeches at Banbury -and at Portsmouth, and think that they were as good as the occasion -admitted of or demanded. At the same time I wish I could convince you of -what Chief Justice Morris calls "the energy of silence." ... Gorst and I -took a walk on Sunday on Hampstead Heath. I have never been there -before. There is a capital inn there called "Jack Straw's Castle," where -Gorst and I agreed the Fourth Party ought to go for Saturday and Sunday -during the Session to recruit their strength' (October 2, 1882). He was -bitterly offended by the opposition which on various grounds--partly, no -doubt, to annoy him--was threatened against his brother's candidature -for the Carlton Club. 'I am more vexed,' he wrote from Gastein, 'than I -can tell you about this business of Blandford and the Carlton Club. I -wrote to Dyke before starting, particularly enjoining on him the -necessity of making no move unless the consent of the committee was -assured. And now how can anyone occupy a more unpleasant position than -Blandford does? He has publicly changed his politics, to please me more -than for any other reason, and owing to H. Chaplin's action his -overtures to the Conservatives are spurned.... H. Chaplin and Baron de -Worms together will soon make the Tory party too hot to hold me. I shall -certainly take my name off the Carlton when I return to town, and a very -little would make me consummate H. C.'s and B. de W.'s joy by retiring -altogether from the party and Parliament. They do not know how easy it -would be to get rid of me. I am sick of politics, which only play the -dickens with one's health, and are a dreadful tie. I think the party -occupies a worse position now than it did in 1880. But its leading -members are so purblind, so given over to the most utter infatuation, -that I believe they are of opinion that the country would replace them -in power. I only trust, for the sake of the country, that they are as -mistaken as I believe them to be.' (August 8, 1883.) - -Here is the account of a most famous event of which Gastein was the -scene:-- - -'You will be glad to hear that the Emperor of Germany had the honour of -being introduced to me on Saturday last at a tea-party at Count -Lehndorff's. This Count, I must tell you, is a Prussian who owns the -_bicoque_ which I am inhabiting with my suite. He waited on us on -Saturday afternoon, and with almost Oriental deference begged that we -would honour the Emperor by meeting him. I write all this, lest you -should see garbled accounts in the newspapers. The Emperor, I must -admit, was very guarded in his conversation, which was confined to -asking me how long I had been here and whether I had come for my health. -I imitated his reserve. My wife, however, sat by him at tea, and had -much conversation, which, I have ascertained, was confined to the most -frivolous topics. I have reason to believe, though it is humiliating to -confess it, that the fame of the Fourth Party has not yet reached the -ears of this despot. I must say he is a very fine old fellow, and the -Germans seem really to love him. There were several other Prussians and -Austrians present; but I was rather bored on the whole and so was my -wife. They wanted us to go the next night, when they had arranged some -_tableaux_ for the old boy; but I sent an excuse on the ground that I -was in deep mourning. We did not come here to kowtow to monarchs. - - * * * * * - -'I have just been reading a book on cribbage and I find that in all the -games we have played together we have played wrong. The non-dealer at -the commencement has the right to mark three holes as compensation for -his not having the crib. This you have never allowed me to do. Please -therefore send me, by return of post, a cheque for 25_l._, being the -amount you have unjustly and illegally taken from me.' (November 14, -1883.) - -Sometimes his letters take a graver tone:-- - - - -Blenheim Palace: October 30, 1883. - - My dear Wolff,--Your suspicions of intrigues are apparently so - deep-rooted that they do not even exclude me from the range of - their operations. I have not seen or heard of Chenery since he - dined with me last June, nor should I at any time have any - communication with him of which you would not be fully cognisant. - - I cannot explain the sentence in Saturday's _Times_ which seems to - have exercised you so much; but, in any case, I wonder that you do - not see that these recurring speculations or statements anent the - Fourth Party, as to whether it is alive or dead, whether it is - united or disrupted, is a strong testimony to its value as a - political instrument, and as to the proof of the interest and - curiosity of the public in its proceedings. The more Chenery or - others in the Press make statements about it, the more I am - pleased. I will be at the Carlton at eight o'clock on Thursday. - -Yours ever, -RANDOLPH S. C. - - - -And here is a rebuke:-- - - - -Blenheim Palace: December 31, 1883. - - My dear Wolff,--I have had a very curious letter from the Queen, - which I will not show you when we meet. - -Yours ever, -RANDOLPH S. C. - - - - - -Blenheim Palace: January 2, 1884. - - My dear Wolff,--You are not generally slow to take a hint, - therefore your failure to understand my letter which you received - on New Year's Day is, I think, a pretence. In political friendships - confidence must be mutual, and measure for measure the rule. You - wrote to me that you had received a very curious letter from Lord - S., and that you would show it to me when we met. When I receive - 'very curious letters from political personages' I have hitherto - sent them to you without delay. Your cautious behaviour about Lord - S.'s letter seemed to call for similar caution on my part. I - therefore wrote to you that I had received a very curious letter - from the Queen, which I should not show you when we met, and I - shall not. - -Yours ever, -RANDOLPH S. C. - - - -[Illustration: - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL SIR HENRY WOLFF MR. BALFOUR. MR. GORST. - -THE FOURTH PARTY. - -_Reproduced from Leslie Ward's Cartoon, December 1st, 1880, by -permission of the proprietors of "Vanity Fair."_] - -Lord Randolph's correspondence with Sir Henry Wolff has carried the -reader somewhat in advance of the regular course of the narrative. His -letters in 1883 and 1884 belong to a region of more serious disputes -than those with which this chapter deals. The swift unravelling of -events was to bring varied fortunes and many adventures to the four -friends who now delighted to 'act together.' They were to play a -decisive part in great affairs. Yet it is probable that the early -sessions of their comradeship were the joyous days of the Fourth Party. -'Politics,' wrote Lady Randolph, 'seemed more like a game of chess than -the life-and-death struggle it was so soon to become for some of them.' -Plots and ambuscades prepared with severe impartiality, amid fun and -laughter, against both Front Benches; stormy battles in the House; -generous comradeship and glorious discomfiture of foes; miniature -Cabinet Councils; toy whitebait dinners, filled the years with merry -excitement. One single enormous sofa could contain the whole -party--leaders and followers--at once. They were cartooned together in -_Vanity Fair_--Lord Randolph speaking from his famous corner seat, the -others and Mr. Balfour (who travelled from Scotland in order to be -painted) sprawling on the Bench beside him. Dinner with the Fourth Party -was regarded as a rare distinction and justly restricted in its scope. -Their political action was not always the result of long premeditation. -'On one occasion,' writes Sir Henry Wolff, 'Balfour gave a dinner at his -house, to which he invited the Fourth Party and some other members of -Parliament, amongst them Sir R. Cross and Mr. Pell. Someone at length -said, "We must return to the House on account of the Bill," of which I -do not remember the subject. Randolph said, "We will all go and all -speak." Cabs were sent for, and the one I drove in was a few minutes -later than his. When I arrived at the House he was already speaking.' -Sometimes their fiercest opponents, Sir William Harcourt or Sir Charles -Dilke, shared their board; though not, it is presumed, their secrets. -Nay, Mr. Chamberlain himself was invited, though this greatly shocked -the Duke of Marlborough, who did not understand how his son could -cultivate social relations with a person of such pernicious opinions, -and was quite sure House of Commons traditions must have greatly changed -since he succeeded. One member of the Government, mentioning to the -Liberal Whips that he was dining with the Fourth Party, was told that -'so long as he kept those four fellows away he could stay any length of -time he liked.' Lord Randolph's house, in St. James's Place, was _next -door_ to Sir Stafford Northcote's; but luckily the walls were thick; and -here we see the Fourth Party gathered in festive council round the -dining-room table, amid the haze of countless cigarettes. Wolff has -discovered some new intrigue among the 'Goats' or the Radicals or the -Parnellites. Gorst has a plan for meeting it. Their leader examines it -all with a gay and brilliant vivacity which made his companionship -precious to those to whom it was frankly given; and in the background, -rather silent, ready enough with chaff and counsel, but difficult to -rouse to action, sits Arthur Balfour, dreamily revolving longer -calculations of his own. - -Here, then, for the present we may leave them and their leader, happy in -the enjoyment of active and pugnacious irresponsibility, tasting the -first pleasures of success and fame and displacing with the haughty -assertions of youthful ardour the tame acceptances of age. It is time to -turn to those grave events which marched in crowded and uninterrupted -procession from almost every quarter of the Queen's dominions, to the -embarrassment and perplexity of her Ministers. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -IRELAND UNDER STORM - - 'Your oppression taught them to hate--your concessions to brave - you; you exhibited to them how scanty was the stream of your - bounty, and how full the tribute of your fear.'--LORD JOHN RUSSELL - (_Speech_, Feb. 7, 1837). - - -The decision of the constituencies in 1880 had no reference to Ireland. -Lord Beaconsfield's warning letter was regarded as a somewhat -transparent attempt to divert attention from the record of his -Government. Politicians were absorbed by controversies upon foreign and -colonial affairs, upon Turkish atrocities, Afghan disasters, and South -African annexations. The Prime Minister seemed to be under the -impression that the Irish Question had been settled, so far as he was -concerned, by the Church Act of 1869 and the Land Act of 1870. The -Queen's Speech contained no suggestion of Irish Land legislation; and -the supporters of the Ministry had assembled at Westminster eager to -discuss every subject--from the Treaty of Berlin to the shooting of -hares and rabbits--except the subject of Ireland. They soon found -themselves debating little else. 'I frankly admit,' said Mr. Gladstone -four years later, 'I had had much upon my hands connected with the -doings of the Beaconsfield Government in almost every quarter of the -world, and I did not know the severity of the crisis that was already -swelling upon the horizon and that shortly after rushed upon us like a -flood.' - -For more than three years Irish conditions had been growing steadily -worse. The yield and value of the crops had dwindled under three -successive bad seasons and the number of evictions had increased. There -was a deep and general feeling of unrest and discontent among the -peasantry. All the permanent elements of revolt were nervously awake. A -new man had seized upon the national leadership; a new movement was -gathering behind him. The Fenian societies and the Clan-na-Gael had long -been hampered in practical action by the purity of their principles. -Armed insurrection for the sake of national independence is a spirited -and uncompromising creed, but the opportunities in which it can be -carried into actual practice must necessarily be rare. Meanwhile it -blocked the way of less heroic expedients. The Fenians contained within -their ranks many men who were willing, 'when the time came,' to risk or -cast away life and liberty in their country's cause. They could not be -accused of insincerity. But 'the hour' lagged; the time did not come; -and nothing remained but to keep alive from year to year, in all its -orthodox integrity, the Fenian doctrine. - -The process, when maintained over a considerable period, of professing -opinions and intentions for the execution of which no occasion is -afforded, is apt to become artificial. The most blood-curdling oaths and -sentiments tend to degenerate into ritual. They may preserve in all -their vivid squalor the hateful memories of the past; they cannot be -said to exert much influence upon the politics of the present. Had the -flag of Ireland been unfurled in civil war, the Fenian societies would -have assumed a gigantic importance. Pending that event, they stood aside -and allowed the English Government to proceed on its path unmolested. -They had long despised Parliamentary agitation. They regarded the House -of Commons, not without reason, as a school for Anglicising Irishmen. -They expelled from their order any man who took the Parliamentary oath. -They abhorred constitutional methods, however effective they might be, -as involving some tacit recognition of British institutions. They paid -no attention to social movements or to agrarian conflicts. Looking with -profound distrust upon all who would not go the whole way with them, -they remained a great, secret, silent army, gathered around the -watch-fires of unquenchable hatred, morosely forecasting the chances of -a battle on which the day would never dawn. - -The rise of Parnell in Parliament and the anger which his obstructive -tactics evidently excited in England filled these fierce dreamers with a -new interest. The impression which his reserved yet commanding -personality made upon all who were brought into contact with it, was -intense. The deepening discontent and distress of the peasantry seemed -to herald the approach of a new opportunity. Fenian opinion was -perplexed and divided. Some scorned the hateful alliance with -constitutionalism. 'Freedom comes from God's right hand.' A pretence of -loyalty, but in reality treason all along the line, would dishonour a -national movement and end in sham loyalty and sham treason. Others urged -with Davitt that unless the Fenians threw their hearts into the real -stirrings of the Irish people, and helped them in their immediate and -material need, they would cease to represent the life of their country. -In 1879 the principles of doctrinaire treason were preferred. In 1880 a -more practical view prevailed and the 'new departure' was sanctioned. - -The situation was not brought into being by any deliberate or definite -action on the part of individuals. It developed of itself in the -mysterious unravellings of events. First came Mr. Butt with his -organised party of constitutional Home Rulers, then Parnell with his -band of fighting obstructives, then Michael Davitt with his schemes of -'agrarian agitation,' and finally the failure of the potato and the -cruel severity of the winter of 1879. Economic well-being often takes -the heart out of racial animosities. The cause of nationality may excite -the educated revolutionist; but the pinch of famine is required before -the humble tiller of the soil can be enlisted in his thousands. A -political movement to be dangerous must find its substance in social -evil. It was the combination of agrarian with national aspirations and -the gathering together of all their several forces in one determined -hand that imparted sinister and terrible a complexion to Ireland in -1880. Scarcity and poverty supplied the impulse, and misery brought -forth her progeny of outrage. - -All this formidable movement had already become defined and was rapidly -developing when the change of Government occurred. The elections in -Ireland had returned sixty pledged Home Rulers to the House of Commons, -and a majority of these elected Mr. Parnell as their leader. Mr. -Forster, the new Chief Secretary, found many causes for anxiety in the -accounts which were given him at the Castle. The sufferings of the -winter of 1879 had roused a spirit of violent discontent among the -people. The numerous tenant defence societies had been formed by Michael -Davitt into the one great organisation of the Land League. Mr. Parnell, -after some hesitation, had thrown in his lot whole-heartedly with the -agrarian agitation. In his speeches at Westport and Limerick he had -urged the farmers to keep 'a firm grip on their homesteads' and not to -allow themselves to be dispossessed. One thousand and ninety-eight -evictions, or more than double the number of 1877, had been carried out, -amid scenes of riot and misery, in 1879. A furious animosity against the -landlords convulsed the tenantry; and the Fenian and Parliamentary -leaders openly declared their intention of using the driving power of -the land movement as the means by which national independence was to be -achieved. - -In the face of these facts the first decision of the new Minister, or -that forced upon him by his colleagues in the Cabinet, was singularly -ill-judged. The Peace Preservation Act which had been passed in 1870, -and continued amended by the late Government in 1875, would expire on -June 1. It was a mild but not ineffective measure which provided for the -compulsory attendance of witnesses, for taxing localities with the -payment of compensation, for the suppression of seditious newspapers; -and prohibited the carrying of arms in party processions--and other -similar regulations. Certainly nothing in the state of Ireland disclosed -by every channel of official information, either in regard to agrarian -discontent or secret associations, justified its being allowed to lapse. -The draft of the Bill for its renewal, prepared by his predecessor, -confronted the new Minister on his arrival at the Castle. Out of -sixty-nine resident magistrates consulted, sixty-one had declared the -re-enactment indispensable and eleven of these had asked for further -powers. The growth of agrarian crime told its own tale. But Lord -Beaconsfield's letter, though it had not produced much impression on -British electors, had at least had the effect of throwing the Irish vote -in the English boroughs solidly on to the Liberal side. Many sympathetic -speeches and friendly offices had been exchanged between Liberal -candidates and Irish politicians, many lofty sentiments about the rights -of nationalities had been uttered, and all had proceeded together to the -poll as the equal friends of freedom. It would have been awkward after -this--as the late Government in fixing the date of the dissolution may -have uncharitably foreseen--to inaugurate the new era for Ireland by -'exceptional legislation in abridgment of liberty.' The Royal Speech -accordingly announced that the Peace Preservation Act would not be -renewed and that the Government would rely 'upon the provisions of the -ordinary law, firmly administered, for the maintenance of peace and -order.' Thus, at a time when measures of exceptional precaution, -together with large remedial legislation, were both indispensable, the -existing securities of the law were relaxed and remedial legislation was -entirely neglected. The failure to deal with so vast and complicated a -question as Irish land on the part of Ministers who had just taken -office may be understood. The abandonment of the Peace Preservation Act -in the face of growing danger cannot be defended. It was immediately -condemned in the House of Lords by the Duke of Marlborough fresh from -his Lord-Lieutenancy, and it was generally believed that the Cabinet had -not come to their decision without considerable misgivings. - -All illusions as to the comparative unimportance of Irish troubles were -quickly dispelled as the session advanced. The state of the country grew -worse from day to day. The Irish members maintained an unrelenting -clamour in the House of Commons. The good harvest of 1880 left the -peasantry still hampered with arrears and in many cases quite unable to -pay the rents demanded of them. More than a thousand evictions had -already been effected during the first six months of 1880. In June a -'Compensation for Disturbance Bill' was introduced by Mr. Forster with -the object of staying, or at least diminishing, the other evictions -which were threatening in hundreds all over the country. This Bill--'a -ten minutes' Bill, if ever there was one,' as Lord Randolph Churchill -called it--'an after-thought, not a deliberately counselled measure; an -inspiration, but not from above'--could be justified only by the acute -and imminent danger of the Irish situation. And as yet public opinion in -England was not sufficiently impressed with that danger. The Bill was -fiercely disputed in the House of Commons, the Fourth Party ever in the -forefront of the battle; and although Lord Hartington supported it in a -speech of exceptional power, many Liberals were absent from the division -when it passed and more than twenty voted with the Conservative party. -It was summarily rejected by the House of Lords. - -Upon this measure Lord Randolph delivered the first of those Irish -speeches which, in the course of the next three years, were to win him -acceptance as an authority upon Irish questions. The importance of -enterprise and pertinacity in the conduct of Parliamentary Opposition -cannot be underrated when Ministers have to be harassed and minorities -inflamed. But mere activity, however bold and tireless, will never by -itself make a Parliamentary reputation, and the readiest tactician in -the House of Commons will lack real influence unless he is master of -some important subject upon which he can add to the information and -distinction of debate. Lord Randolph's training in Ireland--official and -unofficial alike--equipped him as scarcely any other English member was -equipped for the discussion of the one vast and predominant question of -the day. He took rank almost at once among those to whom Parliament -would most gladly or most gravely listen upon Irish affairs, and in his -speeches he revealed a range of thought, an authority of manner, and a -wealth of knowledge which neither friends nor foes attempted to dispute. - -'I happened,' he said (July 5), 'for a period of ten weeks, when the -distress was at its height, to be associated with a committee that was -relieving that distress on a very vast scale, and my work in connection -with it occupied me from eight to ten hours a day. I was in constant -communication with the Local Government Board and its inspectors and -with the inspectors employed by the committee and with chairmen of -boards of guardians in all parts of the country. If any person, free -from official responsibility and perfectly unprejudiced, had an -opportunity of ascertaining the extent of the distress, I was that -person; and I do not hesitate to say that, although it was severe at -times and in certain districts, and would have been disastrous but for -the timely relief afforded; yet it never at any time justified, and does -not now warrant, the introduction of a Bill of this kind. Not only was -food distributed in enormous quantities, but clothes and bedding, and -excellent seed which would contribute to prepare for a return of former -prosperity. But although the distress was great, the fraud and imposture -which sprang up alongside of it were also great. If Ireland, under God's -providence, is this year favoured with a good harvest, the Irish people -will, I believe, be able to extricate themselves from their -difficulties, without recourse being had to any such legislation as is -now proposed.' - -Having described the Bill as 'the first step in a social war,' and -criticised it in correct and elaborate detail, he made an attack on the -Chief Secretary as true as it was unkind. 'When the right honourable -gentleman took office, he somewhat rashly accepted the popular verdict -that in so doing he conferred a great honour upon Ireland. He seemed to -be under the impression that his acceptance of the post would change the -face of the country and the nature of the people; that from the mere -fact of his disembarkation at Kingstown would result a state of things -in which the inhabitants of the country would be found contented, and -that law, order, property, and life would become immediately secure. He -declared that with himself at the helm, legislation of a coercive nature -was no longer necessary, that he could with ease carry on the government -of Ireland by means of the ordinary law. His conduct seems to resemble -the conduct of a miner going into a fiery and explosive mine and -declaring that safety lamps were unnecessary, that an ordinary tallow -candle was good enough for him. Meeting with difficulties at the -outset, the Chief Secretary came to the conclusion that the best thing -to do was to repair to the House with a policy of appeals. He appealed -to the Protestants and Catholics of Ireland to unite in an hysterical -embrace in celebration of his accession to office. He made a pathetic -appeal to the Irish members and landlords to help him; the whole burden -of the business being, "For God's sake, keep the country quiet, or what -trouble I shall be in!" The policy of appeals not proving altogether -satisfactory, the Chief Secretary produced the policy of bribes--a -policy which was marked by the generosity which is characteristic of -people who are dealing with the property of others. I fear that the next -phase of the Government policy will be one of repression.' - -The rejection of this Bill, although not unexpected, was a heavy blow to -Mr. Forster and the signal for a fierce accession to the Irish -agitation. The Government pocketed the affront which had been offered -them and had perforce to content themselves with promising a Land Bill -next session. Most disquieting reports continued to come from Ireland. -Evictions led to riots; tenants who took the places of evicted occupiers -were assaulted, their ricks were burned, their beasts were mutilated; -arms were stolen from a vessel in Queenstown Harbour; and rumours of -secret brotherhoods and of dynamite conspiracies were rife. So the -Parliamentary session came to an end. - -The winter of 1880-1 was cruel. In the very beginning, in a speech at -Ennis (September 19), Mr. Parnell prescribed the methods of the Land -League. 'Depend upon it,' he said, 'the measure of the Land Bill next -session will be the measure of your activity and energy this winter.' He -then explained his new invention; 'better than any 81-ton gun,' as it -was afterwards described by enthusiastic followers. 'When a man takes a -farm from which another has been evicted, you must _show_ him on the -roadside when you meet him [a voice 'shun him'], in the streets of the -town, at the shop counter, in the fair, in the market place, and even in -the house of worship, by leaving him severely alone, by putting him into -a moral Coventry, by isolating him from his kind as if he were a leper -of old--you must show him your detestation of the crime he has -committed.' - -The advice was taken. Three days later Lord Erne's agent, a certain -Captain Boycott, served ejectment notices upon a number of tenants. His -servants left him. The local shopkeepers refused to serve him. The -blacksmith and the laundress declined his orders. His crops remained -ungathered on the ground. He was 'left severely alone.' The tale of -these doings spread to Ulster. One hundred Orangemen offered to march -with arms to his relief and to the rescue of his crops. The Government -consented. Under protection of infantry, cavalry, and two field guns, -and amid the taunts of the cottagers, the harvest was gathered in and -the process of 'boycotting' was advertised to the whole world. It -spread throughout Ireland. Nothing was more unexpected than the -precision with which an impulsive and undisciplined peasantry gave -effect to this new plan. Whole counties conspired together to make it -complete. Every class in the population acquiesced. Public opinion -supported the Land League and no moral force sustained the government of -the Queen. - -Behind and beneath this strange system of excommunication came outrages -of various kinds upon property, upon animals, and upon life. There were -in 1880 10,457 persons evicted compared with 2,177 in 1877, and 2,590 -agrarian crimes compared with 236 in the earlier year. 'It rained -evictions,' says Mr. Parnell's biographer; 'it rained outrages. Cattle -were houghed and maimed; tenants who paid unjust rents or who took farms -from which others had been evicted were dragged from their beds, -assaulted, sometimes forced to their knees while shots were fired over -their heads, to make them promise submission to the popular desires in -future. Bands of peasants scoured the country, firing into the houses of -obnoxious individuals. Graves were dug before the doors of evicting -landlords. Murder was committed. A reign of terror had in truth -commenced.'[9] - -'I must say,' wrote General Gordon, who visited the West of Ireland in -1880, 'that the state of our fellow-countrymen in the parts I have -named, is worse than that of any people in the world, let alone Europe. -I believe that these people are made as we are; that they are patient -beyond belief; loyal, but broken-spirited and desperate; lying on the -verge of starvation in places where we would not keep cattle.' - -Amid such grim and gloomy surroundings the Lord-Lieutenant and his Chief -Secretary passed the winter. As early as October they were asking the -Cabinet for special powers. Strong reinforcements of troops were moved -into the island. In the first days of November a State prosecution was -instituted against Mr. Parnell and other leaders of the Land League. -Late in that same month the Viceroy, Lord Cowper, intimated that, unless -power was taken to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, he must resign. In -December he reiterated his intention and pressed that Parliament should -be called together. National and even international attention were -riveted upon Ireland. Cabinets were frequent, protracted, vexatious, and -indecisive. The harassed Chief Secretary hurried to and fro between the -two capitals. - -'What more lamentable and ridiculous spectacle,' exclaimed Lord Randolph -Churchill at Preston (December 21, 1880), 'has ever been presented than -this great Liberal statesman from Bradford, tossed like a shuttlecock -from the Irish Executive on to the English Government, tossed back again -contemptuously by the English Government on to the Irish -Executive--arriving in Dublin and being immediately seized by that -horrid, choking nightmare, Revolution--flying back to London and, -finding himself amongst its peaceful citizens and busy streets, fancying -that he had been the victim of a bad dream, laughed out of his -convictions by his sneering colleagues--and tearing back again to -Dublin, only once more to become a prey to hideous realities!' - -The two Ministers who were responsible for Ireland united in a demand -for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act and eventually, after -struggles which nearly broke up the Cabinet, they procured the assent of -their colleagues. The remedy was desperate, unwarranted, and ill-chosen. -Shocking as were the outrages, they were the least part of the dangers -that threatened the fabric of society. They were, moreover, much -exaggerated by the official figures. Only seven persons were actually -murdered during the winter. The statistics were swollen by 1,300 -outrages which proved on examination to consist merely of threatening -letters and notices. Many more were trivial annoyances. What rendered -them formidable were the temper of the people and the constant -apprehension of some fearful outburst. Boycotting was the weapon of the -Land League, and indeed it may be said that its sinister efficiency was -in great measure a preventive of worse crime. In one fashion or another -evictions were greatly diminished. Landlords did not dare to assert -their rights. The unwritten law of the Land League, supported by public -opinion, superseded the law of the land, backed as it was only by -physical force. - -It was not easy in 1880, though the science of Coercion has made some -progress since, to discover what remedies Mr. Forster should have -chosen. It is certain that the remedy he chose was wrong. He seems to -have imagined that the agitation depended for its vitality upon certain -local leaders; that a comparatively small number of 'village ruffians,' -against whom no legal proof existed, but the strongest moral suspicion, -were the indispensable and irreplaceable agents of the whole movement. -If they were removed, he believed the whole apparatus of terrorism would -collapse. If he could obtain power to arrest these men, who were -notorious, peace and order would ensue. No greater misreading of the -situation was possible. In dealing with a movement which was formidable -only because of its almost universal character, he struck at individuals -of minor prominence. He encountered profound communistic stirrings, -bitter racial hatred, and intense national aspirations by methods which -might have been effective against the rowdy larrikins of a slum. In face -of widespread lawlessness, principally petty in its character, the head -of the Irish Executive fell back on that supreme abrogation of civil law -which authorises arrest and imprisonment without trial. Staking his -official existence upon a demand for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus -Act, he prevailed upon a shivering and reluctant Cabinet. - -Parliament was summoned to meet on January 7. 'How,' asked Lord Randolph -Churchill (Preston, December 21), in a speech which, from the fact that -it was the first of his speeches to be reported _verbatim_ in a -Metropolitan newspaper, attracted much attention, 'will this Government, -who have been only eight months in office, meet Parliament; and what -will be the message which they will have to announce? They will have to -acknowledge the fact that Ireland is in open and successful rebellion; -that another government, which knows not the Queen, has supplanted the -Government which the English and Scotch people recognise; that this -alien government is now, with impunity, directing the destinies of -Ireland, issuing its decrees to the Irish people, and has, for six -months or more, suspended the liberties, confiscated the property, and -imperilled the lives of hundreds and of thousands of the Queen's -subjects. They will have to announce that this alien government has its -own revenues, its own executive, its own courts of justice, in which -persons are arraigned, tried, and condemned, and that persons who are -not provided with the passports of that government and who have not -enrolled themselves as its subjects, are unable to obtain the -necessaries of life and are cut off root and branch from the society of -their fellows. They will have to acknowledge that this alien government -is the growth of the brief period during which they have held office; -that nothing like it has yet been seen in the history of Ireland; and -that, before it, the Government of the Queen recoils paralysed and -impotent.' - -The turbulent course of Irish affairs and Mr. Forster's policy laid the -Government open to damaging attack from every quarter. Of this their -regular opponents took the fullest advantage and among them no one was -more prominent than Lord Randolph Churchill. It was not difficult for a -Conservative--or, indeed, for an economist--to find fault with the -Compensation for Disturbance Bill of 1880, or the Land Bill of 1881; and -the Fourth Party encountered both with zeal and ingenuity. But the -repressive measures, involving as they did immense abridgments of -liberty and wholesale suspension of the most elementary civil rights, -offended deeper instincts in Lord Randolph's nature. If as a party man -he disliked the Government, he hated Coercion for its own sake; and this -double tide of antagonism carried him to lengths which, for a time, -disturbed and even destroyed the harmony of the Fourth Party. - -'People sometimes talk,' he said, 'too lightly of Coercion; it means -that hundreds of Irishmen who, if law had been maintained unaltered and -had been firmly enforced, would now have been leading peaceful, -industrious, and honest lives, will soon be torn off to prison without -trial; that others will have to fly the country into hopeless exile; -that others, driven to desperation through such cruel alternatives, will -perhaps shed their blood and sacrifice their lives in vain resistance to -the forces of the Crown; that many Irish homes, which would have been -happy if evil courses had been firmly checked at the outset, will soon -be bereaved of their most promising ornaments and support, disgraced by -a felon's cell and by a convict's garb; and if you look back over the -brief period which has been necessary to bring about such terrible -results, the mind recoils in horror from the ghastly spectacle of -murdered landlords, tenant-farmers tortured, mutilated dumb animals, -which everywhere disfigure the green and fertile pastures of Ireland. -It is to me, and many others who, like myself, have had the good fortune -to live amongst the people of that country, to discover their high -qualities and their many virtues, and to know that, under a firm and -statesmanlike government, immense prosperity must have been their lot, -as it is their due--it is, I say, appalling to reflect that all this -promise has been for a time blotted out, all progress arrested, and all -industry thrown back by one reckless and wanton act on the part of a -Government who, at the outset of their career and in the heyday of their -youth and of their strength, knew no higher object and had no nobler aim -than to obtain at any cost a momentary and apparent advantage over their -opponents.' - -The troubles of the Ministry did not come singly. The storm in South -Africa, like the storm in Ireland, was gathering fast when the change of -Government occurred. In both countries the new Ministers were the heirs -of error or neglect; in both their own policy was unfortunate. The -freedom of races was perhaps the main inspiration of Midlothian. The -annexation of the Transvaal in 1879 had been denounced by Mr. Gladstone -again and again in terms of eloquent and indignant candour: 'A free -European Christian republican community "transformed" against the will -of more than three-fourths of the entire people' into 'subjects of a -monarchy.' 'Is it not wonderful,' he asked (December 29, 1879), 'to -those who are freemen and whose fathers have been freemen and who hope -that their children will be freemen and who consider that freedom is an -essential condition of civil life and that without it you can have -nothing great and nothing noble in political society, that we are led by -an Administration ... to march upon another body of freemen and against -their will to subject them to despotic government?' These were important -declarations, and they had been unmistakably approved by the nation. Was -it strange that the Boers were led to expect from a Government headed -and controlled by the man who had uttered them the restoration of the -liberties of which they had been deprived? - -Moreover, much could be urged in favour of the annexation of 1879 which -could not be urged in favour of its continuance. While the Transvaal and -Natal alike lay under the shadow of the great Zulu power, it may have -been a practical necessity to assume some control over the dealings of -the Boers with their terrible neighbour, lest a quarrel recklessly or -wrongfully provoked should not only bring massacre into the Transvaal, -but also upon those who dwelt within the Queen's dominions. Great -Britain was perhaps forced, in the interests of the white man in South -Africa, to afford protection to the Boers, and where she extended -protection she had a right to claim obedience. But the danger was now -removed; the Zulu power was broken; Cetewayo was a prisoner and his -armies and military system destroyed. With the close of the Zulu War the -all-important argument for annexation disappeared. - -The British Government had already carried forward a considerable -account with the Boers. 'They are,' said Mr. Gladstone, 'a people -vigorous, obstinate, and tenacious in character, even as we are -ourselves.' Driven ever northwards--across the Orange, across the Sand, -across the Vaal, by abiding dislike of British rule and organised -Government; retreating, like the game they hunted, from the noise of the -township and the whistle of the train, the huge white tilted ox-waggons -with their nimble horsemen had found a resting-place in a wilderness -more savage, more perilous, than any into which the white man had -broken. For nearly forty years they had lived alone--fierce, ignorant, -and devout, with no law but their rifles, no books but their Bibles and -scarcely any occupation but the chase. Gradually, in the valleys, by the -drifts of the rivers, under the shelter of gigantic boulders, farms and -tiny villages had crept into being. Gradually the long arm of the -detested Government, tampering, protecting, enfolding and at last -controlling, had embraced them--even here. Was it to be borne? Boer -prejudices, Boer sullenness, Boer obstinacy, were bywords. Boer -marksmanship was as yet unknown. - -To give back the country to the Boers would no doubt have provoked a -noisy conflict in Parliament. But the Minister was, partly for that -reason, provided with a large majority. The policy of retrocession was -right in principle; it would have proved eminently wise in practice; and -had Mr. Gladstone's Government acted in office up to the spirit of their -declarations in Opposition, South Africa might have escaped a long -concatenation of disasters. - -Ministers were ill served by their agents. On November 19, 1880, Sir -Owen Lanyon, in a despatch to the Colonial Office, stated that -three-fourths of the population were secretly in favour of the continued -annexation and that the excitement was the work of a few agitators.[10] -Less than a month afterwards nearly the whole male population of the -Transvaal was in arms. On December 20 the deadly rifle-fire at Bronker's -Spruit proclaimed the beginnings of serious war. The few regular troops -available hurried to the scene, were badly led and soundly beaten. What -the Government had denied to justice, they conceded to force. During a -series of small combats negotiations were actively pressed and reached a -successful termination a few days after the flight of the British -detachments from Majuba Hill (February 27, 1881). By this arrangement -all the disadvantages of every conceivable policy--and all abounded in -disadvantage--were combined. Territory was abandoned; reconciliation was -not achieved. The Boers owed little gratitude to the great Power from -whom they had shaken themselves free. They rejoiced in the victory of a -chosen race over the Midianites. Their Dutch kinsfolk throughout the -Colony were naturally proud of their unexpected victories. The British -settlers were everywhere humiliated. The British flag was in South -Africa associated only with surrender. The loyalists who had fought and -risked their all in faith of British power and justice were left to -shift for themselves. The attempt to make a virtue of necessity failed -ignominiously. And at home in England powerful classes, smarting under -insult and unaccustomed shame, sat down to nurse revenge. - -These errors or misfortunes were hardly to be retrieved. Time might have -healed all scars--was already, after fifteen years, in a fair way to -heal them--but a more tragic and tremendous history awaited South -Africa. When the Transvaal and its rugged inhabitants would have been -forgotten, they became famous. The rocks of their wilderness turned, in -the perversity of fortune, to gold and diamonds, and a scattered folk -who beyond all others shunned the eye of civilisation were thrust into -the very centre of the world's affairs. Their notoriety revived a -slumbering shame. Their new-found wealth armed at once their own -resentful ambition and directed upon them the envy and the malevolence -of their British neighbours; and from an unjust annexation and a -dishonoured peace there hung an unbroken chain of ever-expanding and -ever-darkening events. - -The circumstances of the military operations and of the Majuba peace -were vehemently denounced in Parliament by the Conservative party. Lord -Randolph Churchill seems to have taken little part in these debates. -Three years afterwards he condemned the Boers in strong terms for their -treatment of the natives, and when the Majuba peace had passed out of -the circle of real and burning questions and had become part of the -ordinary stock-in-trade of party patter and recrimination, he seems to -have bestowed upon it more than one passing taunt. But at the time, -vigilant as he was to seize every foothold for attacking Mr. Gladstone's -Government, he neglected this large opportunity. His silence finds an -explanation in the following curious letter to Sir Henry Wolff, written, -be it remembered, at a time when England was ringing with denunciations -of Boer 'treachery' in the 'massacre' at Bronker's Spruit:-- - - - -University Club: December 27, 1880. - - I attach the greatest importance to this news from South Africa, - and am of opinion that the question of reducing the Boers will - divide the Liberal party by a sharper and more insuperable line - than any Irish question. The arguments that formerly were of force - for the annexation of the Transvaal, can no longer be used with - effect. The Zulus are broken, and Secocoeni and his tribe gone, and - there is no danger of a native irruption into Natal. The Boers, on - the other hand, cannot be said to have ever ceased to be an - independent nationality, and are showing now their perfect fitness - to take care of themselves. - - Your natural and marvellous ingenuity will show you how the - strength of this position may be developed. Courtney, if he decides - to oppose the 'coercion' of the Boers, will have a great following - of Liberals and the entire Irish party. The Fourth Party are - individually and collectively unpledged to the annexation of the - Transvaal, and it occurs to me one of us (like a thunderbolt in a - clear sky) should on the Address pronounce for the independence of - the Boers, and protest against British blood and treasure being - wasted in reducing a gallant nationality which is perfectly able to - take care of itself, taking into consideration the immense - difficulties which beset the Home Government in Ireland, the East - of Europe, Afghanistan, and Basutoland. Think this over in your - 'anxious mind,' and consider the numerous advantageous features - which the position offers. - -Sir Henry Wolff was not to be persuaded into such a course. He reminded -his friend of the events of 1857, when Palmerston, confronted on the -China War by an adverse majority of Radicals and Conservatives, raised -the cry of the 'Honour of England,' dissolved Parliament, and was -returned to power by 'a rattling majority.' His counsels prevailed, and -the thunderbolt remained unexpended; but the sentiments expressed by -Lord Randolph, although partly concealed under the form of partisan -tactics, are not to be mistaken. And even the forecast that 'the -question of reducing the Boers will divide the Liberal party by a -sharper and more insuperable line than any Irish question' was in the -end to prove not wholly unfounded. His opinions seem to have been -strengthened by time, and ten years later, when he visited South Africa, -Lord Randolph wrote[11]:-- - -[Sidenote: 1881 AET. 32] - -'The surrender of the Transvaal and the peace concluded by Mr. Gladstone -with the victors of Majuba Hill were at the time, and still are, the -object of sharp criticism and bitter denunciation from many politicians -at home--_quorum pars parva fui_. Better and more precise information, -combined with cool reflection, leads me to the conclusion that had the -British Government of that day taken advantage of its strong military -position and annihilated, as it could easily have done, the Boer forces, -it would indeed have regained the Transvaal, but it would have lost -Cape Colony.... The actual magnanimity of the peace with the Boers -concluded by Mr. Gladstone's Ministry after two humiliating military -reverses suffered by the arms under their control became plainly -apparent to the just and sensible mind of the Dutch Cape Colonist, -atoned for much of past grievance, and demonstrated the total absence in -the English mind of any hostility or unfriendliness to the Dutch race. -Concord between Dutch and English in the Colony from that moment became -possible.' - -Lord Randolph could not foresee in 1891 the Raid of 1896 or the greater -catastrophe that lay behind it. Yet the forces which produced both were -steadily, though subterraneously, at work; and the Jameson -incursion--surprising, detached, eccentric though it appeared at the -time--was itself only one vicious consequence of a fatal past. - -Let us return to the session of 1881. - -Before Parliament met it was known that Ministers had prepared a -Coercion Bill and that the Houses were summoned to meet as early as the -first week in January for the express purpose of passing it. But the -nature of the powers for which Mr. Forster would ask, was a well-guarded -secret. The Fourth Party took counsel together betimes. Lord Randolph -proposed that they should move an amendment limiting the duration of the -Act to one year. The plan was audacious. It would have enabled all the -forces opposed to the Government--from whatever cause--the Irish -Nationalists, the Conservative party, the dissentient Radicals and -Liberals, to vote together. The passage of the Bill must have been -rendered more difficult and protracted than ever. And as in all -probability Mr. Gladstone would have had to submit to a yearly limit as -a compromise, the whole grim business must have been undertaken again in -the next session, after hanging like a sword over the Government in the -intervening months. On the other hand, it was a dangerous policy for a -Conservative party of law and order to adopt. The matter was long -debated by the four partners. It was at length decided to consult Lord -Beaconsfield; and Mr. Gorst, entrusted with this mission, laid the plan -before him on the last day of December 1880. Lord Beaconsfield at first -seemed not at all unfavourable. He listened attentively, and -acknowledged the idea to be shrewd and good. He asked for time to -consider it and promised to send a definite answer in a few days. On the -eve of the session the four friends dined together in state and, as no -negative reply had arrived, Lord Randolph was full of hope that his plan -would be adopted by the official leaders of the Conservative party. -Great was his disappointment when the next day Lord Beaconsfield decided -that the proposal, however good in itself as a Parliamentary -manoeuvre, was not practicable for a Conservative Opposition. - -The Fourth Party accepted Lord Beaconsfield's decision as final; not so -Lord Randolph. He had manufactured what he called 'political dynamite.' -He knew it to be deadly. With or without Lord Beaconsfield's approval, -he was prepared to go on. But he failed to persuade the others and in -the process their disagreement developed into a regular quarrel. He -seems at length to have been prevailed on by his father to give up the -idea and, although he said (February 4) in debate that he was very -strongly in favour of the Act being allowed to expire in 1882, by which -time the Coercion measures of the Government, coupled with their -remedial legislation, should have pacified the country, no such -amendment ever appeared on the order paper. But for the first three -months of the session of 1881 the Fourth Party, greatly to the -satisfaction of the Government, practically ceased to exist as a -political force or even as a friendly association. Not until the renewal -of the Bradlaugh debates was their comradeship restored. - -The Queen's Speech of 1880 had contained only a passing reference to -Ireland and the intention of the Government to rule without exceptional -legislation. The Queen's Speech of 1881 referred to little else but -Ireland and the intention of the Government to adopt measures of -Coercion. The course of the session followed the lines of the gracious -speech. Ireland monopolised attention. Coercion Bills were forced -through the House of Commons in the teeth of frantic Nationalist -opposition. Scenes and suspensions were the order of the day. A -forty-one hours' sitting was terminated only by the arbitrary and -extraordinary intervention of the Speaker. New rules of procedure, -lopping off Parliamentary liberties cherished for ages, were devised. -The Land Bill took four months to pass. Armed with his new powers, -which enabled him to lock up everyone and anyone he pleased, Mr. Forster -swept several hundred alleged 'village ruffians' into Kilmainham, where -they lived together in great comfort, consulted freely, received visits -from their friends, transacted their business, and even wrote letters to -the newspapers. They thus achieved cheaply-won martyrdom, often crowned -with Parliamentary honours, and their places were eagerly filled by -others. The land agitation increased in vehemence and outrages in -number. The measure, to obtain which so much had been sacrificed, proved -utterly futile. - -Through all this turmoil Lord Randolph pursued his wayward course alone. -After the Speaker's _coup d'etat_ (February 2) he spoke in support of -the Nationalist motion for adjournment, because, as he said, 'one -section of the House was greatly irritated, another section greatly -fatigued, and a third greatly alarmed' by what had happened. On this Mr. -Balfour at once declared his intention of voting with Sir Stafford -Northcote in the Government Lobby, though he contrived to defend Lord -Randolph from the criticisms which his speech drew upon him from the -highly strained nerves and tempers of the forces of law and order. On -the 4th Lord Randolph spoke on the first of the Coercion measures--the -Protection of Persons and Property Bill. - -'I support this Bill,' he said, 'with reluctance and distrust. I am -confident that a proper and vigorous administration of the ordinary law -last summer and last autumn would have saved us from this Bill. I -cannot with satisfaction entrust extraordinary powers to a Minister who -has proved unequal to the administration of the ordinary law of the -land. I know that those powers require to be administered with firmness -and decision. The more these qualities abound, the sooner the necessity -for extraordinary powers will cease; but I fear that we shall have -indecision and timidity and consequently injustice and protracted -Coercion.' - -On the 15th he supported an amendment to provide every person arrested -under the new Acts with a copy of the warrant and a statement of the -crime or crimes of which he was suspected, making at the same time a -contemptuous reference to 'members who still called themselves Liberals, -while they supported a Bill for the suspension of the liberties of the -Irish people.' On the 16th he voted for an amendment providing that -persons arrested on mere suspicion should be treated differently from -ordinary prisoners while incarcerated without trial. This was conceded -by the Government after much discussion. On the 18th he urged that the -arrest of members of Parliament under special legislation should in all -cases be reported to the House. Indeed, throughout these discussions his -conduct was considered very reprehensible and shocking. - -If Mr. Forster's policy was unfortunate, his position, although -supported by overwhelming majorities of both great parties, was -certainly unenviable. It is hard to cope with revolution; but to attempt -to do so without offending the susceptibilities of a Liberal Cabinet or -a democratic party surpasses the wit and patience of man. The reports -which reached him every day from magistrates and police, were alarming. -His office table at the Castle was littered with letters of fierce and -tragic reproach. Indignant landowners claimed imperiously that -protection for life and property which even the basest of civilised -Governments have rarely denied. The widow wrote from beside the body of -her murdered husband, declaring that his blood was upon the head of the -recreant Minister. The country seethed with sedition. Tales of tyranny -and terror lacerated the warm heart of the Chief Secretary; and although -police and detectives dogged his steps, his life was in constant -jeopardy. In Parliament he was the object of frantic and virulent abuse -from the Nationalist members. Many Chief Secretaries have faced that -form of attack since then. English ears have become accustomed to -it--and even deaf to it. But Forster was the first example, and an -impression was produced that he was a man specially repugnant to Irish -feeling. He was exposed to galling attack from every quarter. - -'It is unfortunate for Ireland,' observed Mr. Parnell, 'that the Tories -are not now in office. If they were, Parliament would not have seen this -measure of Coercion, because in that case the Irish would have had the -assistance of the united Whig and Radical parties. We should have had -all those platitudes as to the love of liberty which the Liberal party -entertain and all those stock phrases which do Liberal Cabinets such -good service when they are out of office. The two great parties are now -united, but only for one purpose--namely, to crush, put down, and bully -a poor, weak, and starving nation....' But although the Government were -supported in their repressive legislation by both parties and openly -opposed by scarcely any English or Scottish members, the dissatisfaction -against them on both sides of the House grew steadily as the session -advanced. The regular Opposition neglected nothing that could discredit -the Ministry, whether by accusing them of being responsible for the -disorder, or by cavilling at their remedies and pointing out how -inconsistent these were with their principles. - -Although he allowed himself to be persuaded against making a hostile -motion, Lord Randolph's detestation of the Coercion Bill grew as he -watched its course. 'This Bill,' he said (March 11, 1881), 'is now -passing away from the House, and with it disappears all that -liberty-destroying machinery--urgency, _clotures_, _coups d'etat_, and -dictatorships--never, I hope, to return again. We shall now be told to -turn our attention to remedial legislation. I make no remark beyond -this--that remedial measures which are planted under the shadow of -Coercion and watered and nourished by the suspension of the -Constitution, must be from their nature poor and sickly plants of -foreign origin, almost foredoomed to perish before they begin to grow. -It was upon their capacity to give contentment and happiness to Ireland -that the Liberals relied to gain for themselves immortal credit and to -secure a perpetual lease of power. The Chief Secretary went to Ireland -in April last, bearing with him the hopes and blessings of an -enthusiastic and victorious party. He gave us all to understand that he -was to become an emancipator greater even than O'Connell; and within -twelve months of office he has come to the House to ask for powers more -stringent and more oppressive than were ever granted to or demanded by -Lord Castlereagh, the Duke of Wellington, or Lord Grey. I wish the Chief -Secretary joy of these beautiful Bills; but I may tell the right -honourable gentleman that he has acquired by them the undying dislike -and distrust of the Irish people. While I have never denied that some -measure of this kind, owing to the conduct of the Government, and that -alone, was only too necessary for Ireland--and while I have always -admitted that as to the nature and extent of that measure her Majesty's -Government, who were the culprits, must be the judges--I still -recollect, with unqualified satisfaction, that Coercion is a -double-edged weapon and has before now fatally wounded those -Administrations which have been compelled by their own folly to have -recourse to it.' - -Sir William Harcourt, as Home Secretary, was put forward by the -Government to reply to this. 'It is difficult,' he said, 'to treat the -noble lord the member for Woodstock as a serious politician, or to -discover to which of the four parties he belongs. He once belonged to -his own--the Fourth Party; but he has managed by his conduct during the -discussion of this Bill to dissolve that minute party; and his feats in -that respect only afford a fresh illustration of the infinite -divisibility of matter.' Sir William went on to say, amid general -approval, that, being no more leader of the Fourth Party, Lord Randolph -had become adviser to the Third Party (the Nationalists). - -But, for all that, the undercurrents of disapproval of Ministerial -policy flowed ever more strongly in Parliament, and nothing less than -Mr. Gladstone's unparalleled authority and skill could have sustained -the Irish Secretary through the session. His colleagues in the Cabinet -were doubtful, and some actively hostile. There was a feeling of -suppressed resentment in the Liberal party against the Minister who had -been responsible for forcing them into courses so obnoxious to their -principles and so damaging to their reputation. Radicals below the -gangway became increasingly outspoken in their attacks. A considerable -section of the party press was openly hostile. Under these many -anxieties and embarrassments the hair of the Chief Secretary grew -visibly grey. - -Whatever may have been the demerits of the Land Bill of 1881, it was -sufficiently large and effective to threaten to take the agrarian wind -out of the sails of the revolutionary movement. Unable to oppose openly -a measure which conferred real benefits upon the tenants, Parnell -resolved to obstruct its working and to prevent the tenants from -resorting to the Land Courts. So soon as this intention was made clear -the Government seem to have decided upon his arrest. The Prime Minister -delivered a preparatory onslaught upon him at Leeds, where he charged -the Irish leader with 'standing between the living and the dead--not, -like Aaron, to stay the plague, but to spread it'; and he hinted that -the resources of civilisation were not exhausted. Parnell replied -savagely at Wexford. 'If you are arrested,' inquired apprehensive -friends, 'who will take your place?' '"Captain Moonlight" will take my -place,' replied Parnell. Two days later he was imprisoned in Kilmainham. -In the ten months preceding the Coercion Act (March-December 1880) the -number of outrages was 2,379; in the ten months which followed, 3,331. -The gravest increase was in crime affecting life. Murders and attempts -to murder were more than trebled. The Land League, when suppressed, was -replaced by an even more sinister and even less responsible -organisation. The failure of Mr. Forster's repressive measures was -signal. - -[Sidenote: 1882 AET. 33] - -The arrest of Mr. Parnell may be regarded as a single exception. As the -months slipped by the prisoner at Kilmainham began to grow uneasy. He -had regular and perfect information of the state of the country. He -found the control of the agitation passing from his hands into those of -unknown and desperate people. Captain Moonlight was exercising and -delegating his sovereignty. New associations, secret and deadly in their -purposes, were sprouting. Parnell required his liberty, and he resolved -to treat. Nothing could exceed the satisfaction of the Prime Minister -when this was conveyed to him. The mood of the principals being -agreeable, ambassadors were found on both sides to arrange conditions. -Upon the basis that no sort of agreement existed, Mr. Gladstone -undertook to introduce an Arrears Bill and the Irish leader promised to -'slow down the agitation.' A delighted Cabinet ratified the non-existent -bargain. Parnell and his colleagues were released; the Lord-Lieutenant, -Earl Cowper, and the Chief Secretary, who remained stubbornly -unconvinced, resigned. Such was the Kilmainham Treaty. Parnell, free -once more, set to work to gather up the threads of authority. It was too -late. He was released on May 2. On the 6th, the day of Earl Spencer's -entry as Lord-Lieutenant, Lord Frederick Cavendish, the new Chief -Secretary, and Mr. Burke, the Permanent Under-Secretary, were murdered -in the Phoenix Park. - -Mr. Forster's political fate was reached with the inexorable precision -of Greek tragedy. If ever a good man was overwhelmed with successive -waves of adversity, it was he. Called at a moment's notice to an office -with which he had no special acquaintance, and confronted with dismal -alternatives, he had chosen wrongly at the first. An evil fortune dogged -his steps. Had he assumed power a year earlier he might have guarded -against the outbreak; a year later he would have been free to stem it -without any accusation of responsibility for its cause. As a Tory Chief -Secretary he might have achieved a glorious reputation as a Coercionist. -As a Liberal Minister he was ruined. His errors of judgment were not -small. He was, wrote Mr. Gladstone, 'a very impracticable man in a -position of great responsibility.' The style and tenor of his letters -lend some sanction to this opinion. But, whatever may be thought of his -wisdom or, what is of more importance in politics, of his instinct, the -courage and integrity which he displayed, command the tribute of all who -review, however briefly, his public conduct. What a worthy Englishman -might do, he did. No labour was too exacting; no peril deterred him. He -faced obloquy and assassination with equal calmness. He chased away the -vigilant guards by whom he was surrounded. Almost alone and unprotected -he penetrated the most distracted regions, talking to the people face to -face and striving with hopeless optimism to allay by argument the -passions of centuries. - -'If I had thought,' he said in the House of Commons in introducing his -Coercion Bill, 'that this duty would devolve on the Irish Secretary, I -would never have held the office; if I could have foreseen that this -would have been the result of twenty years' Parliamentary life, I would -have left Parliament rather than have undertaken it.' 'If you think,' he -wrote to Mr. Gladstone, April 4, 1881, 'that _from any cause_ it would -be for the advantage of the public service or for the good of Ireland -that I should resign, I place my resignation in your hands. You might -come to this opinion ... without any disagreement with my official -action; and I earnestly beg of you not to allow yourself to be -influenced, for a moment, by any personal consideration for me of any -kind whatever. For instance, I must request you to pay no regard to the -fact that I should probably appear discredited--to have failed,' &c., -&c. On the morrow of the tragedy in the Phoenix Park he offered to -return to Ireland and fill his old place, so speedily made vacant. But -the Prime Minister had come to the conclusion that Ireland was no place -for his talents or his virtues. He passed for ever out of the Ministry, -to become during the rest of the Parliament one of its most dangerous -and vigilant opponents. He was neither the first nor the last able man -to be crushed between Irish national passions and English party needs. - -In all these moving events Lord Randolph bore little part. At the -beginning of the session of 1882 he was in his place with his three -allies, all thoroughly reunited and intent upon the Government's -misdeeds. Upon the Address the Fourth Party made a combined attack, in -which Mr. Forster was accused, with a good deal of evidence, of having -illegally transgressed even the wide limits of executive power which the -special legislation had assigned him. On February 21 there was another -Bradlaugh scene. The member for Northampton, advancing suddenly to the -table, produced a book, said to be a Testament, from his pocket, and -duly swore himself upon it, to the consternation of the members. Lord -Randolph was the first to recover from the surprise which this act of -audacity created. He declared that Mr. Bradlaugh, by the outrage of -taking in defiance of the House an oath of a meaningless character upon -a book alleged to be a Testament--'it might have been the "Fruits 1882 -of Philosophy"'--had vacated his seat and should be treated 'as if he -were dead.' In moving for a new writ he implored the House to act -promptly and vindicate its authority. Mr. Gladstone, however, persuaded -both sides to put off the decision till the next day. On the 22nd -therefore a debate on privilege ensued. Sir Stafford Northcote merely -moved to exclude Mr. Bradlaugh from the precincts of the House, thus -modifying Lord Randolph's motion for a new writ. Lord Randolph protested -against such 'milk and water' policy and urged the immediate punishment -of the offender. After a long discussion, in which the temper of all -parties was inflamed by Mr. Bradlaugh's repeated interruptions, Sir -Stafford substituted for his simple motion of exclusion a proposal to -expel Mr. Bradlaugh from the House; and this being carried the seat for -Northampton was thereby vacated. - -Lord Randolph seems to have gained much credit in Tory circles for the -promptness and energy with which he had acted; but it was to be almost -his last intervention in the debates of the session. At the end of -February he was afflicted with a long and painful illness and lay in -bed--at first at Wimborne House and afterwards at a little cottage near -Wimbledon--for nearly five months. His absence was a grievous loss to -the Opposition during the Irish crisis. The public announcement that the -imprisoned members had been released was accompanied by a well-founded -rumour of some political bargain between the Government and Mr. Parnell. -Mr. Forster's explanations exposed the fact that the Kilmainham -negotiations, whatever their nature, had been conducted independently of -the Irish Secretary by Mr. Chamberlain. Upon all this came the terrible -news of the murders in the Phoenix Park. The new Minister, 'an -innocent man' even to the fiercest Fenians, a man honoured and liked by -all who knew him, the envoy of peace and reconciliation, was stabbed to -death on the very day of his landing. The excitement throughout England -was tremendous. After the dead had been buried with every circumstance -of national grief and indignation the 'Kilmainham Treaty' came under -pitiless review. The Fourth Party headed the attack. They pointed out -Mr. Chamberlain as the mysterious 'Number One' of the Fenian inner -circle; and Mr. Balfour, speaking with altogether unexpected power, -denounced the 'Kilmainham Treaty' as 'an infamy.' This was the first -speech he ever made that commanded general attention, or gave any -promise of his future distinction. So intense was the feeling in the -House that it was freely stated, and acknowledged even on the Liberal -benches, that had Lord Randolph Churchill been at hand to strike the -blow the Government might have fallen. - -It was not until the autumn that he was strong enough to return to the -House of Commons. Irish obstruction had reached its inevitable -conclusion; and Parliament was assembled for a renewal of the session at -the end of October to effect a drastic revision in its procedure. Mr. -Gladstone's 'new rules' were ingenious and comprehensive. All sorts of -liberties and privileges of debate were ruthlessly lopped off or -deformed in the attempt to destroy the abuses by which they had been -encumbered. There were restrictions upon dilatory motions of all kinds -and devices for checking irrelevance or repetition in debate; but the -Closure--_cloture_, as its opponents called it with elaborate foreign -accent--was the most formidable instrument upon which the Government -relied. Into the discussion of all these grave and novel questions Lord -Randolph threw himself with a recuperated strength. The members had no -sooner met together than he was in possession of the House with a -constitutional protest--based on precedents going back to 'the ninth -year of King Henry the Fourth'--against the impropriety of taking -Government business after the Appropriation Act for the year had been -passed. And thenceforward, late and early, on small matters and on -great, he and his nimble friends were the tyrants of debate. - -Before the session was a week old it was everywhere admitted that the -whole conduct and temper of the Opposition had undergone a change and -that that change was ultimately connected with Lord Randolph's return. -Mr. Gladstone had barely had time to offer him some courteous -congratulations upon his recovery when they were engaged together in the -liveliest of disputes. He contrived over and over again, by repeated -allusions to the 'Kilmainham Treaty' (an expression which Mr. Gladstone -always regarded with extreme disfavour), or to the course of affairs in -Egypt (to which reference will presently be made), to provoke the Prime -Minister into indignant declamation. He jeered at the Liberal party--who -had been exhorted by their Whips not to take too much part in the -discussion--'for assisting in the capacity of mutes at the funeral -obsequies of free speech.' Irritated by various motions for adjournment -upon Irish and Egyptian affairs, the supporters of the Ministry covered -the notice paper with 'blocking notices,' then a newly discovered -device, relating to almost every conceivable subject. Lord Randolph -deliberately described these as 'bogus motions put down to prevent -discussion of _bona-fide_ motions.' 'Oh!' said Mr. Labouchere, much -shocked, 'I move that those words be taken down.' 'I second that,' -rejoined Lord Randolph instantly, and forthwith proceeded to repeat the -expression. The usual squabbles, unavoidable perhaps--certainly not very -earnestly avoided--soon sprang up between the solemn elders of the Front -Opposition Bench and the clever energetic men who impelled them forward -while they were supposed to follow. One night Mr. Gibson voted against -an amendment, proposed by the Fourth Party, to prevent the debate on -motions for adjournment being confined solely to the question of whether -the House should or should not adjourn. When, on the very next day, the -restricting rule having been passed with his concurrence, he was himself -called to order for breaking it, Lord Randolph's joy was unconcealed. - -But a more serious difference arose on the question of the closure. -Lord Randolph Churchill wished the Conservative party to meet this with -an utterly uncompromising resistance. He wrote (November 4) a fiery -letter to the _Times_ urging the Opposition, under the euphonious phrase -of making 'a determined use of the rights of Parliamentary minorities,' -to bring about a dead-lock before their powers were for ever destroyed -by the new rules, and so to force Mr. Gladstone to appeal to the country -against a Conservative cry of 'freedom of speech for the Commons.' 'It -is not altogether astonishing,' observed the _Times_ (November 6), 'that -the prospect of fighting a stout battle with ten times as many followers -as Mr. Parnell ever commanded should have a fascination for the ardent -spirit of Lord Randolph Churchill.' The leaders of the Conservative -party, however, resolved to assume a temperate and reasonable manner in -the hopes of obtaining larger concessions from the Government. In this -praiseworthy spirit Mr. Gibson moved an amendment, not challenging the -principle of the closure, but requiring the vote of two-thirds of those -present to make it operative. Lord Randolph delivered on this occasion -(November 1) one of those speeches by which his Parliamentary reputation -was established. At the moment it commanded absolutely the attention of -the House and its conclusions have been sustained by the practice of all -the years that have followed. - -'The _cloture_,' he said, 'has been called an innovation--a foreign -practice--but it appears to me that a proportionate majority, or what is -called a two-thirds _cloture_, is a much greater innovation than the -_cloture_ itself, and is absolutely foreign to all our principles, -ideas, or customs. I know of nothing in the history of this country, or -in its laws, or in its Constitution, which can be adduced as a precedent -or as an analogy for the proposal in the amendment that the House should -require two-thirds of its members to affirm any proposition. We do not -require proportionate majorities for the election of our -representatives, nor would any proposition to that effect have the -slightest chance of being accepted by the country. London, Manchester, -Liverpool, Birmingham, and Glasgow can return members to this House for -a period of seven years by simple majorities, and the member so returned -is as fully and as firmly the member of that constituency as if he had -been elected unanimously. And I think that the election of a member for -a great constituency for a period of seven years is a much more -important matter and would seem to require a much stronger title, than -the closing of an occasional debate in the House of Commons. We know, -moreover, that many of the greatest reforms in our laws have been -carried by majorities which did not number double figures; and it is -undoubtedly, in theory, in the power of Parliament, by a majority of -one, to change the Constitution of this country from a monarchy into a -republic--which, again, I should say, would be a much more important -matter than the closing of an occasional debate. I own I am a firm -believer in the general infallibility of simple majorities: they have -practically governed the British Empire from time immemorial; and I -must express my surprise that the Tory party, or the Constitutional -party, which recoils with horror from the Radical innovation of the -_cloture_, should propose with eagerness, with anxiety, almost with -desperation, the much greater Radical innovation of a two-thirds -majority.... - -'I imagine that many of those who support this amendment are animated by -a secret conviction that the palmy days of Tory government are over, and -that the Tory party have nothing to look forward to but a long period of -endless opposition, perhaps occasionally chequered by little glimpses of -office with a minority. I believe that view to be not only incorrect, -but absurdly incorrect. That it is held by many I have no doubt, and -those who hold it propose by this amendment to build, as it were, a -little dyke, behind which they fancy that they will be able to shelter -themselves for a long time to come. A more hopeless delusion never -before led astray a political party. How many times does anyone in this -House think that the present Prime Minister would permit the Tory party -to refuse him the necessary two-thirds majority for getting on with his -business? I think he might allow it twice, perhaps three times; but, as -sure as he sits there, after the third time, he would come down to this -House and declare that the state of public business was deplorable, that -the session was one of discomfort and disaster, and that the two-thirds -majority must be exchanged for a simple majority; and within a -fortnight or three weeks from the date of that declaration this precious -little dyke, which was to shelter the Tory party for a long time to -come, this little exotic which was so carefully introduced, nurtured, -and protected so that the Tory party might repose under its shade, would -be abolished, cut down, and swept away into the great dustbin of all -modern constitutional checks. The best protection, the best -constitutional check against a Liberal Minister which the Tory party can -look to is the House of Lords; yet how often does the House of Lords, -with its centuries of prescription, with all its vast territorial -influence, venture to stand in the way of a Liberal majority? And yet, -with this historic caution, not to say timidity, on the part of the -House of Lords in your minds, and before your eyes, does anyone really -seriously imagine that this wretched device, this miserable safeguard of -a two-thirds majority, could for one moment arrest the tide of popular -reform, a safeguard compared with which Don Quixote's helmet was a -miracle of protection, or Mrs. Partington's mop a monster of energy and -strength? - -'But let us look a little further ahead. No one will deny that there are -great and burning questions coming on rapidly for settlement--questions -relating to the franchise and to the representation of the -people--questions relating to the revenue and to trade--questions -relating to the land and agriculture--questions affecting the relations -between Great Britain and Ireland. Is the Tory party prepared--is it -determined--to abdicate and renounce all title to the initiative of -legislation on these great questions? Is the attitude of the great Tory -Democracy, which Lord Beaconsfield's party constructed, to be one of -mere dogged opposition? And is it true, what our foes say of us, that -Coercion for Ireland and foreign war is to be the 'be-all and the -end-all' of Tory Ministries? I think not; and yet it is on the ability, -and not only on the ability, but on the rapidity, with which, in the -face of unscrupulous opposition, you may be able to legislate on these -questions that your title to power and that your tenure of office will -mainly depend. Nevertheless, here you are, under the influence of an -Hibernian legal mind, elaborately and laboriously endeavouring to forge -for yourselves an instrument which, if you do come into office, will -paralyse you so effectually that your power will be as tottering as a -house of cards, your tenure of office as evanescent as a summer's day. -No, sir, oppose the _cloture_ if you will; defeat it if you can; resort -for that purpose, if you have the courage, to all those forms and -privileges which a Parliamentary minority still possesses, in order, if -possible, to compel the Prime Minister to abandon his project, or to -appeal to the country to decide between you and him; but, whatever you -do, for Heaven's sake do not be seduced by interested counsels into -following foreign fancies, and do not be persuaded by any desire to -think only of the moment, and to disembarrass yourselves of all care for -what is to come.' - -There was great discontent among the Conservative party at this speech. -Its force was undeniable, and the members recognised reluctantly and -uneasily that they had been led, in support of a vicious compromise, on -to ground equally unsuited for defence or attack. All the more were they -inclined to resent the proof of their leaders' unwisdom. Mr. Balfour -lost no time in making it clear that he disagreed with Lord Randolph -Churchill, and when he rose next day to renew the debate he declared -himself definitely in favour of the principle of the two-thirds majority -to enforce the Closure. Mr. Goschen had praised Lord Randolph's -arguments and Mr. Balfour, after alluding to the 'portentous coalition -between a discontented Whig and an independent Tory,' devoted his speech -entirely to refuting them. In this he was, according to Sir Stafford -Northcote, very successful. 'My noble friend, the member for Woodstock,' -said the leader of the Opposition naively, 'has somehow or other managed -to elevate himself into a position from which he finds himself capable -of looking down on the Front Benches on both sides and of regarding all -parties in the House of Commons with an impartiality which is quite -sublime. I do not know what can have taken my noble friend into such -heights, or whether he went there to consult the angel Gabriel, or, what -is sometimes suspected, to look for the lost principles of the Liberal -party--some of which have gone to the planet Saturn and some to the -planet Mars--but, whatever may have become of them, his argument seems -to me to have been completely answered by the honourable member for -Hertford, who sits near him, and I do not think it necessary to dwell -further upon it. It certainly seems to me that my noble friend has -overlooked, from the great heights from which he regards these matters, -the real importance of those safeguards which he treats as little lights -which would be very quickly swept away. I can only say that if he is -right, and if they would be quickly swept away, we would not be in a -worse position than if we never had them at all.' - -Even this rejoinder could not sustain the fortunes of the debate. The -division showed how ill-conceived the Opposition tactics had been. The -Irish party, who naturally looked upon a Closure which required a -two-thirds majority as a device specially directed against them, voted -in a body against the amendment. The Whigs were somewhat divided, but -the greater number followed Mr. Goschen into the Government lobby. The -Fourth Party, consisting of three persons, abstained. Mr. Gibson's -amendment was therefore defeated by 322 to 288, or nearly double the -majority that had been generally expected. Thus, against their will and -in spite of their leaders, the Conservative party became possessed of -that great engine of government by which during nearly twenty years of -power they were to silence and overcome their political opponents. - -Ever since then, obstruction and Closure have struggled against each -other in a warfare which has respected no neutral boundaries and -recognised no public law. Scarcely any Parliamentary custom or privilege -has escaped their joint depredations. Every device or formality designed -in the careful wisdom of former ages to safeguard the rights of a -minority has been recklessly exploited by the one faction and ruthlessly -demolished by the other. The historic procedure of the House of Commons -has been reduced to the rigid framework which had hitherto served a -purpose only in Continental or Colonial imitations. The whole theatre of -war has been devastated. Almost everything within the range of the -combatants that was destructible has perished--and has perished beyond -repair. So long as the House of Commons contains no body of opinion -which, because more or less independent of party organisations, is -capable of being won or estranged by argument or conduct, the vicious -conflict must run its appointed course. The end is, however, in sight. -The majority must prevail. An elaborate and comprehensive time-table, -fixed no doubt with some impartiality, may soon assign immovable limits -to all debate. The victory of Closure will be complete. Obstruction will -disappear through being at once unnecessary and impossible. But the -remedy may prove more painful than the disease and the strength and -reality of representative institutions may very easily disappear as -well. Certain it is that if the House of Commons is ever to regain its -vanished freedom and to preserve its vanishing authority, it will be by -new and original treatment and not by belated attempts to revive the -systems of the past. A larger and more generous freedom in choosing the -subjects to be discussed might compensate for the mechanical regulation -of the time allotted to discussion. The delegation of financial and -legislative detail to Committees, and the devolution upon local, -provincial, or national bodies of much contentious business proper to -their respective jurisdictions, would abundantly increase the total time -available. And perhaps those more complicated but more scientific -methods of Parliamentary election, generally described as 'Proportional -Representation,' will some day secure that detached, august, impartial -element in British councils whose influence and favour all factions -would strive to win. - -Lord Beaconsfield's death early in the year 1881 had been a heavy blow -to the Fourth Party. Great men at the height of their power often, to -their cost, refuse to recognise the ability of new comers. Peel had -scorned Disraeli. Gladstone never understood Mr. Chamberlain's capacity -till he faced him as a foe. Smaller persons, called from time to time to -the conduct of public affairs, exhibit the same failing in an aggravated -degree with greater regularity and more disastrous results to -themselves. The jealousy and dislike with which the leaders of the -Conservative party in the House of Commons regarded the activities of -Lord Randolph and his friends, had been apparent even before the session -of 1880 had come to an end. From all such feelings Lord Beaconsfield was -free. His character and the hard experiences of his earlier years made -him seek eagerly for the first signs of oncoming power. He was an old -man lifted high above his contemporaries and he liked to look past them -to the new generation and to feel that he could gain the sympathy and -confidence of younger men. If he liked youth, he liked Tory Democracy -even more. He had, moreover, good reason to know how a Parliamentary -Opposition should be conducted. He saw with perfect clearness the -incapacity above the gangway and the enterprise and pluck below it. Had -his life been prolonged for a few more years the Fourth Party might have -marched, as his Young Guard, by a smoother road, and this story might -have reached a less melancholy conclusion. He stood above personal -rivalries. He was removed from the petty vexations of the House of -Commons. Surely he would not have allowed these clever ardent men to -drift into antagonism against the mass of the Conservative party and -into fierce feud with its leaders. He alone could have kept their -loyalty, as he alone commanded their respect; and never would he have -countenanced the solemn excommunication by dulness and prejudice of all -that preserved the sparkling life of Toryism in times of depression and -defeat. But Lord Beaconsfield was gone; and those whom he had left -behind had other views of how his inheritance--such as it was--should be -divided. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -ELIJAH'S MANTLE - - 'Great men are not always wise: neither do the aged understand - judgment.'--JOB. xxxii. 9. - - -[Sidenote: 1883 AET. 34] - -For nearly three eventful years Mr. Gladstone's Administration had held -power. In the country the popularity and prestige of the great Minister -were still immense. His authority was as unquestioned by the rank and -file of his party as on the morrow of the Midlothian triumph. He was -still 'the people's William' to the crowd. But in Parliament and in the -Cabinet difficulties had arisen which scarcely any other leader could -have stemmed. Bradlaugh, Majuba, Kilmainham, were names full of gloomy -significance to the Liberal party, that promised renewed vexation and -discredit in the future. Colleagues had dropped off one by one. Lord -Lansdowne had left the Government as early as the Compensation for -Disturbance Bill. The Irish Land Act had cost the Prime Minister the -Duke of Argyll. Mr. Forster had fallen rather than consent to the -release of Parnell. A new question was at hand, opening a broad -indefinite vista of embarrassment and disaster and involving at the -outset a far more serious secession. - -[Sidenote: 1882-1883] - -The gradual withdrawal of European Powers and final retreat of France -left Great Britain alone to confront the growing anarchy in Egypt. A -medley of conflicting impulses and incidents--moral obligations, -material interests, the Suez Canal, the coupons of the Egyptian debt, -Arabi's national movement and the massacre of June--culminated in the -bombardment of Alexandria on July 11, 1882, by the British fleet. Mr. -Bright resigned from the Cabinet; but the House of Commons broke into -general cheering at the news and only eight Radicals testified to their -principles by their votes. Large military operations followed. -Twenty-five thousand British soldiers descended upon Egypt. Arabi and -his national movement were stamped out under the heavy heel of the -British Grenadier and England became responsible for the fortunes of the -Nile Valley. - -Their intervention was to carry the Government further than they -expected. The misrule which had produced in Egypt the national movement -of Arabi had created the rebellion of the Mahdi in the Soudan. The -inhabitants of vast regions were aflame with military fury and religious -fervour. Yusef Pasha had been overwhelmed. The army of General Hicks was -being collected for its fatal effort. The Khedival garrisons were -everywhere cut off and besieged. Khartoum almost alone was accessible -from the north. Inch by inch and hour by hour the Liberal Government was -dragged deeper and deeper into the horrible perplexities of the Egyptian -riddle and the Soudan tragedy. At each detested step they resolved to -go no further. Every act of interference was to be their last. Every day -they looked forward to an early evacuation. To get out of the country in -the shortest possible time and upon any conceivable justification was -their constant and controlling desire; and after every struggle to -escape they found themselves more hopelessly and inextricably involved. - -To Lord Randolph Churchill the whole policy of intervention seemed a -flagrant political blunder and a crowning violation of Liberal -principles. He had sympathised from the beginning with the revolt of -Arabi Pasha. He subscribed fifty pounds to the expenses of his defence -before the Egyptian Court Martial. He believed that the popular soldier -and Minister had been the head of a real national movement directed -against one of the vilest and most worthless Governments in the world. -That England should use her power to stamp out that movement, to crush -the army which sustained it, to banish the leader on whom all depended -and to hand back the wretched Egyptians to the incapacity of Tewfik and -the extortions of his creditors, was to him an odious crime. The war -was--in his eyes--a wicked war, an unjust war, 'a bondholders' war.' And -as he felt, so he spoke. While the fighting was actually in progress -criticism was necessarily ineffective; but at the beginning of 1883 the -excitement of Tel-el-Kebir and Kassassin had begun to subside and -Egyptian affairs became a leading subject of Parliamentary debate. - -While these embarrassments preoccupied the Ministry, the Conservative -Opposition was disturbed by questions of leadership. Who was to be Lord -Beaconsfield's successor? Sir Stafford Northcote, as the leader in the -House of Commons, seemed to have the most natural and formal claims. -Lord Salisbury had not then obtained any large measure of public -confidence. He was generally regarded as representing a form of Toryism -highly orthodox and respectable in principle, but rather too rampant and -unyielding for the practical necessities of the political situation. The -epigrams and epithets which slipped so easily from his tongue and pen -had won him the reputation of being rash and violent by nature. His -comparison of Lord Derby to Titus Oates was not soon forgotten; and, for -all the respect in which his character was held, Disraeli's celebrated -description of him had gained a very wide acceptance. Even in the House -of Lords there had been at first some doubt as to his leadership. Lord -Cairns, the Duke of Richmond and the Duke of Marlborough seem all at -times to have been considered as safer alternatives. Since his authority -had been conceded or asserted in the Upper Chamber some mistakes in -tactics had been made, and Lord Salisbury was thought on more than one -occasion to have committed his party further in resistance to Liberal -legislation than its strength warranted. For two years, however, the -leadership of the party as a whole had been in commission. A kind of -'dual control' had been jointly exerted by the leaders in both houses. -Between Sir Stafford Northcote and Lord Salisbury the most pleasant -personal relations prevailed and it will be shown in this account that -they behaved to each other, in many difficult and delicate -circumstances, with unquestionable loyalty. At the same time the great -prize and honour of supreme control, with its almost certain reversion -of the Premiership, lay between them, and only one could win it. As very -often happens in such circumstances, the good faith and good feeling -observed between the principals did not extend to their respective -supporters; and Lord Salisbury's excellent relations with Sir Stafford -Northcote did not prevent the growth of two sulky and jealous factions -to support their rival claims. - -The Fourth Party stood for a long time apart from these activities and -were individually divided as to the course to take. Mr. Balfour's -opinion was from the outset clear; and his evident wish that Lord -Salisbury, and not Sir Stafford Northcote, should head the Conservative -party may have been his chief reason for associating himself with the -free-lances below the gangway. Mr. Gorst, on the other hand, was much -more friendly to Sir Stafford Northcote. He did not altogether agree -with Lord Randolph Churchill in his very adverse estimate of Sir -Stafford Northcote's qualities and capacity as a Parliamentary leader, -which is generally reflected in these pages. Between these two choices -Lord Randolph seems long to have hung in doubt. He was much disquieted -by several of Lord Salisbury's actions in the House of Lords, which -seemed to indicate an attitude of uncompromising resistance to -democratic legislation. On the other hand, the Fourth Party came into -constant disagreement with Sir Stafford Northcote in the House of -Commons, and chafed keenly under his guidance. - -The evils of the 'dual control' were increasingly displayed as time went -by. The Arrears Bill in 1882 ended in the complete collapse of the -Opposition in both Houses. Lord Salisbury was for rejecting it in the -House of Lords on the second reading and courting a dissolution. In this -course he was supported by an enthusiastic meeting of Peers at his house -in Arlington Street. The leaders in the Commons dissuaded him from such -an extreme measure. It was agreed that the Bill should not be rejected, -but materially amended, and that the amendments should be fought for at -all risks. Lord Salisbury accordingly amended the Bill in the House of -Lords. But Sir Stafford and his friends in the Commons failed to support -him with the necessary vigour. A division of opinion grew rapidly in the -Conservative ranks. At a time when union and decision were both vital to -the success of the operations, neither was to be found. No great effort -was made to rally the party in the House of Commons. Grave doubts were -expressed as to the wisdom of provoking a conflict between the two -Houses. The word 'dissolution' seemed full of evil omen. Only 157 -Conservatives out of 242 voted in the decisive division for the Lords' -amendments and they were defeated by the crushing majority of 136. The -panic spread to the House of Lords. Lord Salisbury, deserted by the -Peers, was left in a very ignominious position; and, in spite of the -definite arrangement on which he had acted, the party Press resounded -with praise of Sir Stafford's prudence and blame of Lord Salisbury's -rashness. The need of a single supreme leader was, through the -occurrence of such incidents, very widely recognised at the beginning of -1883; but whether Lord Salisbury or Sir Stafford Northcote should be -chosen was still a matter of doubt and controversy. The prevailing -opinion inclined strongly towards Sir Stafford Northcote. - -Lord Randolph began the session of 1883 in great activity, and the -Fourth Party, with or without the assistance of Mr. Balfour, was -prominent, if not predominant, in almost every Parliamentary event. As a -leader of free-lances, Lord Randolph was for ever seeking for a chance -to drive a wedge into the Ministerial array. To split the Government -majority by raising some issue on which conscientious Radicals would be -forced to vote against their leaders, or, failing that, by some question -on which the Minister concerned would be likely to utter illiberal -sentiments, and bound to justify a policy or a system which the Liberal -party detested, was his perpetual and almost instinctive endeavour. Such -had been his method during the debates on Irish Coercion; it was his -plan upon 'Parliamentary procedure'; it would have been his course, had -he not been dissuaded therefrom, in regard to the suppression of the -Boer revolt; it was afterwards to be his attitude in much greater degree -upon the unending tangles of affairs in Egypt. If the tactics he pursued -were adroit, the sentiments he expressed were congenial. Alike from -conviction and partisanship he was drawn continually to the more Radical -view of political disputes. No one understood better than he the -difficulties with which Mr. Gladstone had to contend, or the stresses -which paralysed the Cabinet and racked the Liberal party. - -'You are no doubt aware,' he told a Manchester audience (December 1, -1881), 'of a curious fact in natural history--that there is an animal -more useful than picturesque, generally to be found in our farmyards, -which cannot swim. Owing to its ungraceful conformation, whenever it is -called upon to swim, it cuts its own throat with its feet; and the -spectacle of the Radical party attempting to govern reminds me -irresistibly of that animal trying to swim. The Radical party are -prevented from governing by what they are pleased to call their -principles; and in the act of governing they invariably commit suicide. -They are unable to govern Ireland because it was by stimulating disorder -that they attained power. They were unable to suppress the revolt of the -Boers, because it is their most sacred principle that any portion of the -Empire must be sacrificed rather than that they should incur the charge -of "blood-guiltiness." They were unable to retain the valuable -possession of Candahar, which had been gained at a cost of eighteen -millions, because another of their most sacred principles is that we -must rely on "moral barriers." Their Government is without an ally in -Europe because this is their diplomatic maxim--that foreign policy is -nothing more than an alternate succession of insults and apologies. -They are unable to conclude a treaty of commerce, vital though it be to -this country, because they have gratuitously tied themselves down to the -fetish of limiting Customs duties to six articles of foreign import. So -you see, gentlemen, that whenever they attempt to move in the ordinary -paths of government one of these so-called principles immediately rises -up, paralyses their action, and makes them an object either of mockery -or of compassion.' - -He took a grim delight in compelling the Under Secretary for the -Colonies--'this humanitarian Minister'--and even Mr. Gladstone himself, -to defend or palliate the use of dynamite by the Boers in their warfare -with the natives. When Mr. Evelyn Ashley was stung by much sarcastic -comment into condemning 'the ill-regulated impulses of humanity' which -appeared to prompt the Opposition attack, Lord Randolph replied that he -had passed the gravest censure on the Prime Minister, whose whole career -had consisted in giving way to such 'ill-regulated impulses' and -persuading the nation to agree with him. Now, as always, he was an -economist. He subjected the Civil Service Estimates to an unremitting -scrutiny. The repair of Royal Palaces, the up-keep of the Royal Mews and -Parks, formed the subject of protracted debate. He attacked the Royal -Buckhounds--''Arry's Hounds,' as he called them--and declared that only -a Cockney who did not know the difference between a field of oats and a -field of wheat, and no true sportsman, would take part in the pursuit -of a tame animal kept in captivity for the purpose of being hunted over -and over again. Against such criticisms the Liberal Ministers could -furnish no reply satisfactory to their own supporters. - -[Illustration: _Reproduced by permission of the proprietors of 'Punch.'_ - -ATHWART THE COURSE. - -R-ND-LPH CH-RCH-LL. (_an aggravating Boy_): 'In the way again! 'ooray!!' - -_Punch_, July 7, 1883.] - -Some of Lord Randolph's maxims in Opposition are well known. He is often -credited with, though he cannot rightly claim, the authorship of the -phrase, 'The duty of an Opposition is to oppose.' Lord Salisbury -condemned early in 1883 'the temptation, strong to many politicians, to -attempt to gain the victory by bringing into the Lobby men whose -principles were divergent, and whose combined forces therefore could not -lead to any wholesome victory.' 'Excellent moralising,' observed Lord -Randolph, 'very suitable to the digestions of country delegates, but one -of those Puritanical theories which party leaders are prone to preach on -a platform, which has never guided for any length of time the action of -politicians in the House of Commons, and which, whenever apparently put -into practice, invariably results in weak and inane proceedings. -Discriminations between wholesome and unwholesome victories are idle and -impracticable. Obtain the victory, know how to follow it up, and leave -the wholesomeness or unwholesomeness to critics.' His second maxim was -as follows: 'Take office only when it suits you, but put the Government -in a minority whenever you decently can'; and his third, 'Whenever by an -unfortunate concurrence of circumstances an Opposition is compelled to -support the Government, the support should be given with a kick and not -with a caress and should be withdrawn on the first available moment.' - -Lord Randolph always declared that in such things he was sustained by -the example of Mr. Disraeli. In 1852 Mr. Disraeli put Lord John Russell -in a minority by allying himself with Lord Palmerston. In 1857 he put -Lord Palmerston in a minority by allying himself with Mr. Gladstone and -the Radical party. In 1858 he put Lord Palmerston in a second minority -by following the lead of Mr. Milner Gibson and the Radicals. In 1866 Mr. -Disraeli, with the assistance of Lord Cranborne, placed Mr. Gladstone in -a minority by allying himself with the Whigs. Again, in 1873 Mr. -Disraeli placed Mr. Gladstone in a minority by making a temporary -alliance with the Radicals and with the Irish. Fortified by these -examples, the leader of Tory Democracy pursued his devious and -unexpected course, to the bewilderment of his friends and the -discomfiture of his foes. - -The chronic friction between the Front Opposition Bench and the corner -seat below the gangway developed in the first few weeks of the session -of 1883 a considerable degree of heat. Lord Randolph's opinion of the -worthies at the head of his party was not good, and the efforts which he -made to conceal it, were not apparent. They complained of the irritating -laugh with which he would sometimes mark his dissent from their tactics. -He spoke of them collectively in private as 'the old gang.' One by one -he fastened upon them nicknames which clung like burrs. Sir Stafford -Northcote had always been 'the Goat.' Mr. W. H. Smith and Sir R. Cross -were described as 'Marshall and Snelgrove.' Mr. Gibson was 'the family -solicitor of the Tory party.' The smoking-room of the House of Commons -was always laughing over some new witticism or sharp saying, faithfully -carried by mischief-makers from one to another till it reached its final -destination and roused the wrath of the potentate concerned. But while -in his conversation Lord Randolph was scarcely restrained by the limits -of decorum, he remained himself perfectly unapproachable. No man dared -to take any liberties with him, and party officials or ex-Ministers who -addressed themselves to him found themselves confronted by a suave and -formal courtesy through which it was impossible to break. - -A sharp and open difference with Sir Stafford Northcote grew early in -March out of some small incident of House of Commons tactics:-- - - - - _Sir Stafford Northcote to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -House of Commons: March 9, 1883. - - Dear Lord Randolph,--I understand that a good many of our friends - are annoyed at the appearance of a kind of _communique_ in the - morning papers yesterday to the effect that if I were to move the - adjournment of the House (as some persons supposed I intended to - do) the 'Fourth Party' would not support the motion by rising in - their places. - - You will, I am sure, understand that any steps taken with the - apparent purpose of marking out a separate party within the general - body of the Conservatives must be prejudicial to the interests of - the whole, and I therefore call your attention to the matter in - the hope of preventing similar embarrassments in the future. - -I remain -Yours very faithfully, -STAFFORD H. NORTHCOTE. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Stafford Northcote._ - - - -2 Connaught Place, W. - - Dear Sir Stafford Northcote,--In reply to your letter I have to - remark that members who sit below the gangway have always acted in - the House of Commons with a very considerable degree of - independence of the recognised and constituted chiefs of either - party, nor can I (who owe nothing to anyone and depend on nobody) - in any way or at any time depart from that well-established and - highly respectable tradition. - - I am not aware of any _communique_ on the matter about which you - write and I must decline to be responsible for the gossip of the - Lobby which may find its way into the daily or weekly Press. I - would suggest, however, that 'similar embarrassments' would be - avoided for the future, if the small party of Conservatives who sit - below the gangway were to be occasionally informed beforehand of - your intentions on any particular matter. They consider that they - have, during the whole of this Parliament, worked harder in the - House of Commons than any other members of the party, and they know - that a very considerable body of public opinion in the country - approves entirely of the course of action which they have adopted. - There would be less danger of 'marking out a separate party within - the general body of the Conservatives,' if you would use your - influence with some of your late colleagues so as to induce them to - abstain from holding my friends and myself up to ridicule and - dislike by their speeches in the country, or covertly by inspiring - that portion of the daily Press which is notoriously under the - influence of the Front Opposition Bench to attack and denounce us, - whose only fault is that at all times and by all means we have - never ceased from attacking, denouncing, and embarrassing the - present Government. I spoke on this point to Mr. Rowland Winn very - freely at the end of the autumn session, and I regret to find that - my so doing seems rather to have increased than modified the - mischief. - -I have the honour to remain -Yours very faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - _Sir Stafford Northcote to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -30 St. James's Place, S.W.: March 10, 1883. - - Dear Lord Randolph,--I am very sensible of the zeal and ability - which you and your immediate friends show in your Parliamentary - work. But to turn your work to the best account you really ought to - consider the first principles of party action, and, unless you mean - absolutely to dissever yourselves from the main body, you ought to - act heartily with it except upon occasions when you feel yourselves - bound to differ from it; and when those occasions arise, you ought - frankly but amicably to tell the leaders what your difficulties and - your intentions are. You may be well assured that I am only too - glad to confer with all members of the party on these terms, and - with yourself as frankly as with anyone. What I must object to is - the apparent maintenance of a distinct organisation within the - party. It produces infinite soreness and difficulty. - -I remain -Faithfully yours, -STAFFORD H. NORTHCOTE. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Stafford Northcote._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: March 11. - - Dear Sir Stafford Northcote,--I beg to acknowledge the receipt of - your letter. I do not see my way to complete acquiescence in the - views which you have been kind enough to express to me. Since I - have been in Parliament I have always acted on my own account, and - I shall continue to do so, for I have not found the results of such - a line of action at all unsatisfactory. It is not in the power of - any Conservative, however hostile towards me he may feel, to throw - the slightest doubt upon the orthodoxy of my political views, and - with respect to what may conduce to the ultimate benefit of the - Tory party I conceive that the widest latitude of opinion at the - present moment is not only allowable but, indeed, imperative. - - You have not thought it necessary to allude to the remarks I made - in reply to your first letter concerning the censure, the intrigue, - the dislike, open or imperfectly concealed, of several of those who - appear to be deeply in your confidence, and who may possibly be - comprised amongst those whom you designate as 'leaders.' These are - matters on which I am perfectly informed and equally unconcerned, - but at the same time their existence rather weakens the effect of - the second letter which I have received from you. The parties I - allude to have a past to get rid of; I have not; and the numerous - letters which I have for some time received, and which I continue - to receive, from all parts of the country, and from all sorts of - individuals and bodies, enable me to be confident that my political - actions and views are not so entirely personal as you would seem to - imagine. - - In conclusion, I would observe that I did not commence this - correspondence, but that, as you have done me the honour to - communicate to me your opinions on my attitude in Parliament, I am - under the impression that it would not be respectful to you if I - were not to avail myself of this opportunity to place clearly - before you what that attitude will continue to be. It will be the - same in the future as it has been in the past; and as I have no - particular personal object to gain, and therefore nothing to lose, - I can await the result with very considerable equanimity. - -I have the honour to remain -Yours very faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -This correspondence heralded a state of war. The Tory leaders affected -to regard Lord Randolph Churchill as a contumacious fellow who -represented no one but himself, and pushed inordinate pretension with -boundless impudence. They continued wilfully blind to the ever-growing -movement in his favour of popular opinion among their own party all over -the country. Lord Randolph, on his part, was not slow or reluctant to -assert his power. In December 1882 he had been visited by a deputation -of the principal Conservatives of Manchester, inviting him to be their -candidate for the then undivided representation of that great city. He -complained openly to the deputation of the feeble conduct of the -Opposition, and these serious gentlemen did not hesitate to greet with -unmistakable approbation censures which he passed upon their own -leaders. - -'I see no good object,' he said, 'to be gained by concealing my opinion -that the constitutional function of an Opposition is to oppose and not -support the Government, and that this function has during the three -sessions of this Parliament been either systematically neglected or -defectively carried out. More than once since the present Government -came into office legitimate opportunities have arisen for conflict, -which ought to have resulted in the overthrow of the Ministry or in -great damage thereto; and those opportunities have been allowed to pass -by unavailed of. I would venture to lay down with confidence the -principle that the healthy vitality of a party is not to be estimated by -great speeches in the country, but only by its action in Parliament; -and if its action in Parliament is observed to fall considerably below -the level of its great speeches in the country, depend upon it there is -something or other not altogether satisfactory in its constitution.' - -A more decisive declaration was soon to be required. The statue of Lord -Beaconsfield was now finished, and April 19, as the anniversary of his -death, had been fixed for its unveiling. Towards the end of March the -programme of the ceremony was made public and it was found that the -principal part of unveiling the statue and pronouncing the eulogy had -been assumed by Sir Stafford Northcote, while to Lord Salisbury was -relegated the very secondary function of proposing a vote of thanks to -Sir Stafford for his speech. The general, if tacit, acquiescence of the -Conservative party in these dispositions could only mean that Sir -Stafford Northcote was their recognised and adopted leader and would be -the head of any Conservative Government which might come into being. -Lord Randolph Churchill was so persuaded of the futility of such an -arrangement that he determined at any risk to make a protest, which -should at least prevent its unanimous acceptance. On March 29 a letter, -which was assigned especial prominence and attracted much attention, -appeared in the _Times_, from 'A Tory,' complaining that Sir Stafford -Northcote was to unveil the statue and denouncing his selection as the -triumph of a 'faction' over the more numerous adherents of Lord -Salisbury. Two days later (April 2) Lord Randolph struck his blow. - -He had prepared his statement with deliberation and he showed it -privately to several intimate friends. All, with the single exception of -Mr. Chenery, the Editor of the _Times_, who had a journalist's eye for -'copy,' disapproved of its terms and tone. Some urged him not to publish -it. One such appeal lies before me as I write. 'Let me beseech you to -stop your letter. I may be presumptuous; I may be importunate; but I am -sincere--so listen to me. Your letter is a libel on your own party; it -lacks finish; it will offend the _whole_ party; it will offend the -public. You impute as an offence the attention paid to tradesmanlike -counsellors. What will the tradesmen think of you? They will be -challenged to reject you, inasmuch as you despise them.... You are now a -power in the party; you have pressed heavily on the leaders; you do so -to-day, and may continue to do so if you will husband your resources. -They don't like it. If they can blow you out of the way they will, and -your letter gives them the chance they have been waiting for.... You are -attacking them at the wrong moment. Your victim has been ill, sent off -to recruit his strength, is back again at his post supported by good -wishes and receiving sympathy from all. Are you wanting in generosity? -No. _I_ say, "No"; but will the public, will your enemies say "No"?... -Such a letter could only be justified by its success. It will be a -failure. Your best friends will be unable to prove you right; and when -once the tyrant-throne you have raised for yourself, and by yourself, -begins to lose the support of the outside public, your enemies within -the party will hurry to overwhelm you in its ruins.' - -The letter was published forthwith. 'The position of the Conservative -party,' wrote Lord Randolph,[12] 'is hopeful and critical. Everything -depends upon the Liberals keeping their leader, and upon the -Conservatives finding one. An Opposition never wants a policy; but an -Opposition, if it is to become a strong Government, must have a leader. -The country, though it may be disposed to dispense with Mr. Gladstone -and his colleagues, is not likely to exchange them for an arrangement -which would practically place the Premiership in commission. The -Conservative party must decide at once upon a name. This is more -important with the modern electorate than a cry; but at the present -moment, when the battle may be joined any day, we have fixed upon -neither.' - -Yet the Conservative party had an ample choice. 'Lord Salisbury, Lord -Cairns, and Sir Stafford Northcote all possess great and peculiar -qualifications. If the electors are in a negative frame of mind they may -accept Sir Stafford Northcote; if they are in a cautious frame of mind -they may shelter themselves under Lord Cairns; if they are in an English -frame of mind they will rally round Lord Salisbury.' He proceeded to -review the conduct of the Opposition during the last three sessions. -'Such a series of neglected opportunities, pusillanimity, combativeness -at wrong moments, vacillation, dread of responsibility, repression and -discouragement of hard-working followers, collusions with the -Government, hankerings after coalitions, jealousies, commonplaces, want -of perception on the part of the former lieutenants of Lord -Beaconsfield, no one but he who has watched carefully and intelligently -the course of affairs in Parliament, can adequately realise or -sufficiently express; and if it be the case that Ministers have lost -ground in the country, they have only themselves to blame, nor have they -the slightest right to cherish feelings of resentment against the -regular and responsible Opposition in the House of Commons. - -'There are many, I know well, among the Conservative party out of the -House of Commons who are convinced that if the present opportunities for -success are neglected or inadequately turned to account, the days of the -Tory party, as we know it, are in all probability numbered; who are -convinced, further, that if these opportunities are handled by -third-rate statesmen, such as were just good enough to fill subordinate -offices while Lord Beaconsfield was alive, they will be neglected or -inadequately turned to account. Many of the party in the country are -determined that their efforts and their industry shall not result merely -in the short-lived triumph and speedy disgrace of _bourgeois_ placemen, -"honourable" Tadpoles, hungry Tapers, Irish lawyers. The Conservative -party was formed for better ends than these.... - -' ...Lord Salisbury alone among those who have endeavoured to guide the -action of the Conservative party, has agitated Scotland and arrested the -attention of the Midlands. His name and influence in Lancashire are more -than sufficient to counterbalance any advantages which may have accrued -to the Liberal party from the adhesion of Lord Derby. Even his opponents -admit that he has projected a policy rightly conceiving and eloquently -expressing the true principles of popular Toryism. Against him are -directed all the malignant efforts of envious mediocrity, and it is -essential to the future well-being of the Tory party that these -machinations should no longer be permitted to obscure the paramount -claims of the one man who is capable, not only of overturning, but also -of replacing Mr. Gladstone, and who--partly from a magnanimous trust in -the good faith of others, partly from a very high, perhaps an -exaggerated, idea of political loyalty--is in danger of being sacrificed -to the internecine jealousies of some of the most useless of his former -colleagues.' - -The publication of this letter excited, as his friends had foreseen, an -outburst of indignation against Lord Randolph Churchill. All sections of -the Conservative party--including many members who were thoroughly -dissatisfied with the conduct of their leaders--united in disowning him -and his opinions. When he went down to the House on the morrow of his -letter scarcely a member would speak to him, and he sat, alone and -abandoned, hunched up in his corner seat. When Sir Stafford Northcote -rose to address some questions to Ministers he received a tremendous -ovation. Even Mr. Gorst publicly signified his allegiance to him on -April 4. On the same day Mr. W. H. Smith denounced Lord Randolph's -letter as an attempt to sow discord in the Conservative ranks and as a -foul wrong to both Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote. Mr. -Chaplin, Mr. Northcote (speaking with the authority of his father), and -Mr. Lowther meted out their heavy and righteous censures. Tory and -Liberal newspapers vied with each other in wrathful or derisive comment. -Two hundred members of the Conservative party attached their names to a -memorial expressing their trust and confidence in Sir Stafford, which -memorial was duly presented to him by one of their most valued -representatives, Sir John Mowbray. Lord Salisbury preserved a golden -silence. Never was politician so utterly isolated, so totally -repudiated, so signally rebuked, by all of those persons of influence -and position upon whose support he must depend. - -But the results were curiously barren. The intense irritation at -Westminster and in the Carlton found no encouragement in the -constituencies. The vehement attacks to which Lord Randolph was -subjected aroused no echo in the great provincial centres. Country -newspapers were restrained in their criticism. The _Times_ gave him a -cautious, left-handed, but effective support. Manchester showed no wish -to withdraw its invitation. The working-class electors declined to have -their indignation manufactured from the London clubs and offices; and -the conviction steadily gained acceptance and assertion that, whatever -might be thought of his methods, on the merits of the case 'Randy was -right.' So, indeed, he was. In rough but perfectly unmistakable language -he had proclaimed a vital truth. He had declared that which most men -knew in their hearts, even though they would not or dared not admit it. -No amount of memorials or party demonstrations, no loud disclaimers, -could prevail against facts which were every day becoming more flagrant. - -For a week Lord Randolph remained silent and solitary in his corner -seat. Then, just as the storm showed signs of abating, just when the -worthies were asking themselves whether, after all, they had not been -too hard on a young man who could be, if he only chose, a powerful ally, -he published his second letter in the _Times_. In this he described the -utter breakdown of 'the dual control' by which the Conservative party -was afflicted, how Lord Salisbury had been deserted on the Arrears Bill -and how Sir Henry Wolff had been actually impeded in his original -opposition to Mr. Bradlaugh by Sir Stafford Northcote. 'The differences -of principle which sever the Conservatives from the Radicals are even -greater and more vital to the future of the nation than those which -agitated the times of Pitt and Fox, or the more recent days of the Duke -of Wellington and Lord Grey. The questions of the continuation of the -monarchy, the existence of an hereditary legislature, the preservation -of a central government for the three kingdoms, the connection between -Church and State, are all more or less rapidly coming within the range -of practical politics.... On all these and such like questions the -Conservative party hold strong opinions, and if these opinions are to -prevail it is essential that they should be represented by, and -identified with, a statesman who fears not to meet and who knows how to -sway immense masses of the working classes and who either by his genius -or his eloquence, or by all the varied influences of an ancient name, -can "move the hearts of households." Without such a leader the -Conservative party is beaten even before the battle is begun.... - -' ...I am not in the least alarmed,' the writer concluded, 'by the -violence of the replies to the letter which you were good enough to -insert a week ago. I know well that many of those who are expressing -with so much heat and indignation their disagreement with my views have -themselves on many occasions during the present Parliament been loud in -their condemnation of the apathy and irresolution of the Opposition and -of the fatal influence exercised by one or two of those who surround the -leader. It is because of my belief that the maintenance of the -Constitution and the existence of a strong, resolute, intelligent and -active Tory party are inseparably connected with each other that I have -referred to the incidents of the past with the object of averting grave -disaster in the future. If that object is even approached by my letters -to you, I am only too happy to bear the brunt of a little temporary -effervescence and to be the scapegoat on which doomed mediocrities may -lay the burden of their exposed incapacity....' - -Mr. Chenery was very doubtful about this letter and urged Lord Randolph -not to publish it. 'You have produced,' he wrote, 'a great effect by the -first letter, which this, in my opinion, would only undo.' But Lord -Randolph persisted and the letter was printed. On April 19 Sir Stafford -Northcote unveiled the Beaconsfield statue. Lord Randolph wrote for the -_Fortnightly Review_ of May a reflective description of this event. He -called the article, from which various quotations have already been -made, 'Elijah's Mantle.' He cannot claim in any special degree the gift -of letters. In private he wrote exactly as he would have spoken to his -friends. His public writings were for the most part speeches set forth -on paper. But 'Elijah's Mantle' shows a higher degree of literary -excellence than any other record he has left behind him. In its -picturesque presentment, in its well-chosen words, in the lucidity and -force of the argument, it proved not unworthy of the almost universal -attention which the personality of the writer drew upon it from the -political world. - -Lord Randolph described the unveiling of the statue 'under a murky sky -and amidst splashing rain'; the melancholy change which a few years had -effected in the position and prospects of the once mighty party Lord -Beaconsfield had led; the imposing majority of 1874, now transferred -bodily to the Liberal side; and the sudden and stunning nature of the -catastrophe of 1880. What a surprise it was to the placemen, the rank -and file and 'the old men who crooned over the fires at the Carlton'! -'That some malign and venomous genius must suddenly have possessed the -mind of the people' was their only explanation. And on all this Lord -Beaconsfield's death--'the crowning blow sent by a mischievous and -evil-minded fortune.' While 'the Chief' lived, hope had lived too. But -from the hour of his death every Tory, in and out of Parliament, high or -low, rich or poor, had exclaimed, muttered or thought: 'Oh, if Lord -Beaconsfield were alive!' That was a monument to the departed leader -more enduring than the bronze on the Abbey Green. Was it not also a -criticism, pointed and unanswerable, upon the conduct of affairs since -his death, which 'no amount of memorials of confidence, no number of -dinners in Pall Mall, no repetitions, however frequent, of gushing -embraces between the Lord and the Commoner,' could gainsay? - -Lord Randolph thought that Lord Beaconsfield's career could be painted -in a single sentence: 'Failure, failure, failure, partial success, -renewed failure, ultimate and complete triumph.' The victory of 1874 had -given a golden opportunity to the Tories; but owing to the natural decay -of Lord Beaconsfield's physical vigour, that opportunity had been -wasted. Would it return? 'The Liberals can afford better to sustain -great disasters than the Conservatives, for there is a recuperative -power innate in Liberal principles--the result of the longing of the -human mind for progress and for adventure--which enables them to recover -rapidly and unexpectedly from misfortunes which would seem to be fatal. -The Tories, though possessing many other advantages, fail in this -respect. As time goes on, their successes will be fewer and separated -from each other by intervals of growing length; unless, indeed, the -policy and the principles of the Tory party should undergo a surprising -development; unless the secret of Lord Beaconsfield's theory of -government is appropriated, understood, believed in, sown broadcast -amongst the people; unless the mantle of Elijah should fall upon some -one who is capable enough and fortunate enough, carrying with him a -united party, to bring to perfection those schemes of Imperial rule and -of social reform which Lord Beaconsfield had only time to dream of, to -hint at, and to sketch.' - -Lord Randolph then proceeded to outline for the first time the -conception of Tory Democracy which had now possessed his mind. - -'Some of Lord Beaconsfield's phrases will bear any amount of microscopic -examination. Speaking at Manchester in 1871, by the alteration of a -letter in a quotation from the Vulgate he revealed the policy which -ought to guide Tory leaders at the present tune: "Sanitas sanitatum, -omnia sanitas." Such was the quotation, in which a careful mind will -discover a scheme of social progress and reform of dimensions so large -and wide-spreading that many volumes would not suffice to explain its -details. By it is shadowed forth, and in it is embraced, a social -revolution which, passing by and diverting attention from wild longings -for organic change, commences with the little, peddling Boards of Health -which occupy and delight the Local Government Department, comprises Lord -Salisbury's plans for the amelioration of the dwellings of the poor, -carries with it Lord Carnarvon's ideal of compulsory national insurance, -includes Sir Wilfrid Lawson's temperance propaganda, preserves and -reclaims commons and open spaces--favoured by Mr. Bryce--constructs -people's parks, collects and opens to the masses museums, libraries, -art-galleries, does not disdain the public washhouses of Mr. Jesse -Collings. Public and private thrift must animate the whole, for it is -from public thrift that the funds for these largesses can be drawn and -it is by private thrift alone that their results can be utilised and -appreciated. The expression "Tory Democracy" has excited the wonder of -some, the alarm of others, and great and bitter ridicule from the -Radical party. But the "Tory Democracy" may yet exist; the elements for -its composition only require to be collected and the labour may some day -possibly be effected by the man, whoever he may be, upon whom the mantle -of Elijah has descended.' - -Lord Randolph's letters had aimed at establishing the leadership of Lord -Salisbury and had constituted an appeal to him to come forward and head -the 'New Tories.' They also intimated with tolerable plainness that if -Lord Salisbury were unable or unwilling to don the mantle, there was -another who would not hesitate to assume it. References to 'a statesman -who fears not to meet, and who knows how to sway, immense masses of the -working classes,' and who 'by all the varied influences of an ancient -name can move "the hearts of households,"' although directly applied to -Lord Salisbury, were obviously capable of an alternative interpretation. -The suggestion was perfectly understood by all and in political circles -a hearty, concerted, but deplorably unsuccessful attempt was made to -laugh it out of existence. - -By the end of April it was evident that the outburst against Lord -Randolph Churchill had in no wise injured his position in the country. -In order to meet the difficulties of the Bradlaugh case and the repeated -explosions of passion to which it gave rise, the Prime Minister had -introduced the Affirmation Bill, which would enable persons of no -religious belief to affirm, like Quakers, instead of taking the ordinary -oath. On this Mr. Gladstone delivered one of his most magnificent -orations. When Lord Randolph replied (April 30) he was heard with severe -and respectful attention in all parts of the House. He spoke long and -thoughtfully, and, although no one could maintain the elevation to which -Mr. Gladstone had raised the debate, it was felt that the Minister's -arguments had been not inadequately met. - -[Illustration: _Reproduced by permission of the proprietors of 'Punch,'_ - -A DREAM OF THE FUTURE. - -LITTLE LORD R.: 'Ah! they'll have to give me a statue--some day!!' - -_Punch_ April 28, 1883.] - -'The present Bill,' he said, 'is not for the benefit of the whole -nation; it is for the benefit of one man, and it is brought in in -deference to clamour and violence. Let us consider for a moment who -are the classes outside which are opposed to the representative of -atheism. They are the religious, the moral, the law-abiding, and the -industrious. Who are the personal supporters of atheism outside this -House? For the most part they are the residuum, the rabble, and the scum -of the population; the bulk of them are persons to whom all -restraint--religious, moral, or legal--is odious and intolerable. Why -are we so anxious to give these latter a victory and a triumph over the -former? - -'I take this Bill of the Government and I strip it of all those flimsy -disguises with which the Prime Minister so ingeniously but so uselessly -clothed it and I place it naked before the Parliament and before the -country--a Bill for the admission of avowed atheists into the House of -Commons--and I say that this is a fundamental change in the Constitution -of such vital and momentous importance that the people of this country -will not hastily ratify it and that the opinion of the country must be -ascertained before the Parliament can assent to it. - -'We must not only think of the relief of Mr. Bradlaugh, or of the relief -of this House from a slight difficulty; we must think what would be the -effect on the people of this State of a recognition of unlawful -doctrines, and of giving place in the immediate governing body to a man -who professes and who preaches that the Christian religion, on which our -law has been founded, is false, its morality defective, and its promises -illusory. Shall we not be giving to those doctrines a tremendous -impetus by altering the Constitution of this country, in order that they -may be officially represented in our Councils and may influence our -decisions? Can we contemplate without alarm the revulsion that such an -act might occasion among those masses of the people who, with some hope -of a happier state hereafter, are toiling their weary way through the -world, content to tolerate for a time their less fortunate lot--the -revulsion that would occur if they inferred from the action of the -Legislature that it was even possible for their faith to be false? -Surely the horrors of the French Revolution should give some idea of the -effect on the masses of the State recognition of atheism! It is from -disasters such as those that we have been very probably preserved by the -Christian characteristics of the community. Let me quote the words of -Lord Erskine: "The religious and moral sense of the people of Great -Britain is the sheet-anchor which alone can hold the vessel of State -amidst the storms that agitate the world." - -'The peculiarity of the English Constitution is that it is founded upon -and incorporated with the Christian morality. It is a characteristic -which is possessed by no other nation, however free or however great; -and does it not occur to you that the extraordinary prosperity and -duration and apparent future of our Empire is not, perhaps, unconnected -with this famous characteristic? - -'You,' he concluded, pointing to the Liberal party, 'proudly claim the -task of carrying the cause of religious liberty to its furthest -imaginable limits; be it ours, I reply, nor is it less noble, to -endeavour to restrain your aspirations within the bounds of reason and -of policy.' - -The division produced a great excitement. When the numbers were declared -it was found that the Affirmation Bill had upon its second reading been -cast out by a majority of three (292--289). - -The satisfaction of the Tory party and of some of the best and worthiest -people in it at this result was enormous. In the House of Commons very -largely, and outside in the Press and among the electors almost -entirely, the credit of the victory was assigned to Lord Randolph. 'The -best speech he has ever made' was Sir Henry James's comment. The _Punch_ -cartoon of the week represented him as Ariel urging his hounds to the -pursuit and expulsion of Caliban. Once again he was the hero of the -hour. One among many letters of approval and congratulation must have -given him especial pleasure, and may be quoted here. 'Though it is years -since we met,' wrote Dr. Creighton (May 1, 1883), 'and though I only -live as a vague memory in your mind, I cannot help writing you a few -lines to say how much I admired your speech last night. As an observer -of the course of politics who tries to give them an historical value, I -watch your career with growing interest. It seems to me that you combine -in a remarkable degree the real principles of statesmanship with an -attention to the conditions under which our political life has to be -carried on. It is easy to be a doctrinaire; it is easy to be a purely -party politician; it is not easy to combine the two into a distinct line -of policy. I recognise with admiration your increasing success in this -direction and your genuine devotion to the serious pursuit of politics.' - -'It is indeed a pleasure to me,' wrote Lord Randolph in reply, 'to know -that you have not forgotten your former rather unsatisfactory pupil and -that you follow, not without interest and perhaps with some hope, a -course of which Fate has not yet determined the form or the end.' - -The ceremony of April 19, 1883, was the origin of a new idea destined to -spread and flourish over an ever-widening area during all the years that -have followed. The Fourth Party had grown spontaneously out of the -Bradlaugh controversy. The Primrose League sprang from the unveiling of -Lord Beaconsfield's statue. Sir Henry Wolff did not attend in his place -to hear Sir Stafford Northcote's speech and Lord Salisbury's vote of -thanks, and he arrived at the House of Commons late in the afternoon. -The well-known superintendent of the members' cloak-room, Mr. Cove, said -to him, 'You must have a primrose,' and gave him one. Thus adorned, Sir -Henry entered the Chamber and found the whole Conservative party -similarly decorated with Lord Beaconsfield's favourite flower. The fact -impressed him vividly and he said to Lord Randolph Churchill as they -walked home together, 'What a show of Primroses! This should be turned -to account. Why not start a "Primrose League"?' Lord Randolph was -instantly interested. 'Draw up a plan,' he said, 'to carry out your idea -and we will see what can be done.' - -Sir Henry Wolff set to work at once. He looked for his models to the -Orange Society which was influential in his constituency of Portsmouth, -and to the numerous benefit societies--Foresters, Oddfellows, Good -Templars, and the like--with which he was acquainted. He saw how popular -the badges, grades, and honorary distinctions of these bodies were with -the working classes who supported them. He resolved that the Primrose -League should be inferior to none of these in the variety of its regalia -or the magniloquence of its titles. He discussed all this at length with -Lord Randolph Churchill from day to day; but it was not until the autumn -that anyone else was admitted to their councils. During October and -November the first practical steps were taken. Lord Randolph Churchill, -Sir John Gorst, Sir Henry Wolff, and Sir Alfred Slade met together to -form 'a new political society which should embrace all classes and all -creeds except atheists and enemies of the British nation.' All four were -members of the Council of the National Union. They had exceptional -knowledge of the state of Conservative organisations. They saw quite -clearly the failure of the existing Conservative and Constitutional -Associations to suit the popular taste or to succeed in joining all -classes together in defence of the essential doctrines of Toryism. The -constitution of the League, its objects and its machinery were settled -even in detail at meetings held during these two months. Specimen badges -were made. The declaration to be signed by every member of the League -was drawn up by Sir John Gorst in the following terms: 'I declare, on my -honour and faith, that I will devote my best ability to the _Maintenance -of Religion_, of the _Estates of the Realm_ and of the _Imperial -Ascendency of the British Empire_, and that, consistently with my -allegiance to the Sovereign of these Realms, I will promote with -discretion and fidelity the above objects, being those of the Primrose -League.' Finally on November 17, in the card-room of the Carlton Club, -these four gentlemen resolved themselves into the Ruling Council of the -League with power to add to their number. - -The circle was then gradually increased by the addition of Lord -Randolph's closest political allies. Colonel Burnaby, Mr. Percy Mitford, -Mr. Dixon Hartland and Sir Algernon Borthwick attended the next few -meetings. Great efforts were being made by the leaders of the -Conservative party in Birmingham to induce Lord Randolph to stand for -that city. Mr. Joseph Rowlands and other prominent Birmingham men were -frequently in London on that errand; all were pressed into the League. -Lord Randolph Churchill's numerous relations were enlisted. A Ladies' -Grand Council was formed, of which Lady Randolph and Lady Borthwick were -members and the Duchess of Marlborough the President. A humble office -was taken on a second floor in Essex Street, Strand, and the first -public announcement was made December 18, 1883, in the advertisement -columns of the _Times_ and the _Morning Post_, as follows:-- - - THE PRIMROSE TORY LEAGUE.--Gentlemen wishing to be enrolled in the - Primrose Tory League must apply in writing to the Registrar, - Primrose League, care of Messrs. Lacy, Hartland & Co., Bankers, - London, E.C., or Messrs. Hopkinson & Sons, Bankers, 3 Regent - Street, London, by whom all information will be supplied. - -The new political society was in its beginnings viewed with sour -distrust by all Conservatives who were officially orthodox, virtuous and -loyal. It was regarded as a dodge of the Fourth Party and a new weapon -of schism. The struggle on the council of the National Union during the -year 1884, which must soon be described, intensified these feelings. The -early Primrose knights and dames wore their badges everywhere in public -and faced in consequence the keenest ridicule. The _Morning Post_ was -their only substantial ally. The statutes and ordinances of the League -excited the derision of almost all of those who, a few years later, were -proud to subscribe to them. The idea in itself was vital; but only the -personality of Lord Randolph Churchill and the hopes and enthusiasms -which he excited, prevented it from being smothered during its first few -months of existence. As it was, only 957 members--including, however, -many persons of influence--had enrolled themselves by the end of 1884, -and 11,366 by the end of 1885. The Home Rule struggle raised these -numbers to 237,283 in 1886 and 565,861 in 1887. A million members was -reached in 1891 and the League claims at the present time, twenty-one -years after its foundation, to have 1,703,708 knights, dames, and -associates upon its rolls; and although its merits as a national -institution must necessarily be variously appraised, its power and -utility as a political engine have never been questioned. - -As the session drew on, the warfare in the House of Commons became -fiercer. Day after day Lord Randolph and his friends assailed the -Government with amazing variety and increasing violence. The Prime -Minister was repeatedly forced to defend himself and his colleagues from -reproach and his encounters with Lord Randolph Churchill were of almost -nightly occurrence. 'You will kill Mr. Gladstone one of these days,' -said some one to Lord Randolph. 'Oh, no!' he rejoined, 'he will long -survive me. I often tell my wife what a beautiful letter he will write -her, proposing my burial in Westminster Abbey.' - -[Illustration: Primrose League Diploma of Knighthood certificate] - -In all this fighting the hostility of the Front Opposition Bench to the -Fourth Party was very plainly marked. Sir Stafford Northcote repeatedly -dissociated himself from Lord Randolph, repudiated him, rebuked him, and -even supported the Government against him. A Treasury minute had been -issued forbidding Civil Servants to petition the Government through -members of Parliament. Forthwith Lord Randolph announced that on a named -day he would present 250 petitions signed by over 2,000 Civil -Servants. Although Ministers took no action against the signatories, -Lord Randolph raised the whole matter in the House as a question of -privilege. In his speech he attacked extravagantly Mr. Algernon West, -who, as Chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue, had signed the -offending circular. He condemned the practice of Cabinet Ministers--Sir -Stafford Northcote as well as Mr. Gladstone--of appointing their former -private secretaries to important posts in the Civil Service. The -training of a private secretary--'among the backstairs intrigues and -dirty work of office'--was no fit preparation for departmental -employment. An attack on a public servant 'who cannot defend himself' is -always resented by the supporters of a Government. On this occasion Mr. -Gladstone and Sir Stafford Northcote vied with each other in terms of -reprobation. Sir Stafford said he had never heard so many misstatements -in a single speech. Mr. Gladstone regretted that Lord Randolph should -degrade his Parliamentary position by such conduct. The House indulged -itself in that pleasant warmth which comes from righteous indignation. - -Lord Randolph had persuaded himself, upon a mass of evidence collected -for him by Mr. Wilfrid Blunt and others in Egypt, that the Khedive -Tewfik was indirectly responsible for the massacre of June 11, 1882, -which he believed had been instigated from the palace in order to -compass the ruin of Arabi and the national movement, and provoke -decisively the intervention of the European Powers. Having adopted this -opinion, he held tenaciously to it, and thrust it upon Parliament with -earnestness and even with passion. Although in the first instance he had -supported the pension to Lord Alcester for his services in bombarding -Alexandria, on the ground that it was a reward to the naval profession -as a whole, he availed himself of the passage of the necessary Bill -(June 8) to bring forward his charges against the Khedive. The House was -astonished at his vehemence. The Prime Minister's reply was, however, -curiously guarded. He did not absolutely deny the charge. All he said -was that the information in the possession of the Government afforded -not the least confirmation of it. It was a 'tremendous charge,' and the -Government would be glad to examine the evidence on which it was based. -Indeed, it was Sir Stafford Northcote who used the hardest language. -While admitting that he considered the warlike intervention in Egypt -wrong and unjustifiable, he expressed 'extreme regret' at Lord -Randolph's attempt to raise such an issue on the vote for a naval reward -to a distinguished officer. 'I decline,' he said, 'to be led by the -noble lord, and I trust the House will decline to be induced by the -noble lord to accept a position which I consider would be degrading to -its honour.' This, as Mr. Gorst said later in the debate, was a -statement which would have been better made by the Prime Minister than -by the leader of the Opposition, who, however he might view the opinions -of Lord Randolph Churchill, should leave it to opponents to attack him. - -The affair proceeded further. One of Arabi's officers, Suleiman Sami, -was brought before a courtmartial on the charge of burning Alexandria. -The witnesses demanded by the defence were not allowed to appear; the -trial was unexpectedly curtailed; and the prisoner was sentenced to -death. Lord Randolph exerted himself to procure at least delay before -the sentence was executed, in order that the irregularities at the trial -might be exposed. He declared that Suleiman Sami was himself a witness -whose death would be 'a god-send to the Egyptian Government.' Plied with -questions and appeals, the Government undertook to make inquiries; but -before any satisfactory information was obtained and while the House was -still under the impression that the matter was in suspense, Suleiman -Sami was hanged. On this being known the feeling in the Conservative -party was so strong that Sir Stafford himself moved the adjournment of -the House to discuss the conduct of Ministers in regard to the -execution, which Lord Randolph furiously described as 'the grossest and -vilest judicial murder that ever stained the annals of Oriental -justice.' In this attack the Fourth Party were supported by the great -mass of Conservative members. - -At Mr. Gladstone's invitation, Lord Randolph laid before him a quantity -of evidence which he had obtained in support of his assertions. This -evidence was examined by Ministers and officially rejected; but it is -remarkable that the Government took no steps, by rebutting it in detail, -to discredit their pertinacious assailant. They could not tell how far -a fearless and impartial inquiry into the labyrinth of sanguinary -intrigue which had cumbered the field of Egyptian politics before the -British intervention might carry them. They wrapped themselves in a -silence of prudence or disdain, and Lord Randolph continued to repeat -his statements with undiminished assurance. He forwarded formally to Sir -Stafford Northcote, among others, a copy of the evidence he had sent to -the Prime Minister. The style and superscription of the acknowledging -letter afford a key to their relations at this period:-- - - - -30 St. James's Place: July 1, 1883. - - Dear Lord R. Churchill,--I am much obliged to you for sending me a - copy of the papers you have submitted to Mr. Gladstone.--I remain - faithfully yours, - -STAFFORD H. NORTHCOTE. - - - -The Bill for the Suppression of Corrupt and Illegal Practices at -Parliamentary Elections brought the Fourth Party together almost for the -last time. As it passed through the Committee stage in the beginning of -July, all the four friends spoke frequently upon it and supported each -other. One night, July 3, having dined together at Lord Randolph's -house, they descended upon the House of Commons rather late and, not -having heard the early part of the discussion, demanded with perverse -audacity that the Chairman should read the clause, as it stood amended, -from the Chair. Sir Henry Wolff was the first to make the request and he -threatened to move to report progress unless it was granted. Mr. -Gladstone--always in attendance on the House--did not deny the right of -members to make such a demand; but hoped that an evil precedent would -not be established. Lord Randolph appealed to the Chair. The Chairman -intimated that, having read the clause twice, he would read it no more. -Mr. Balfour then made a conciliatory speech, proposing that as a -compromise the Attorney-General, Sir Henry James, should read the -clause. Sir Henry James refused. Sir Henry Wolff thereupon moved to -report progress. By this time the House was very full. Sir Stafford -Northcote supported the Government and urged Sir Henry not to persist. -Lord Randolph then, under repeated interruptions from Ministerialists, -amid growing excitement, attacked the Government and Mr. Gladstone and -Mr. Herbert Gladstone 'brought in to cheer the Prime Minister' and all -their works; but to Sir Stafford he was very polite and deferential and -he expressed in modest language the hope that the leader of the -Opposition would, after all, support them in their protest. The appeal -was, however, fruitless. - -On one occasion about this time Lord Salisbury himself seems to have -expostulated with Sir Henry Wolff. But the member for Portsmouth had his -own methods of defence. 'I do not understand,' said Lord Salisbury as -they walked together one day, 'what your real political position is.' -'Oh, I am a "Smithite," Lord Salisbury,' replied Sir Henry -reverentially,--'a convinced "Smithite" in politics.' 'But what is your -object?' inquired the Tory leader. 'To do good,' was the bland -response,--'simply to do good'; and the conversation passed on to other -topics. - -From these contentions Lord Randolph was suddenly withdrawn by a solemn -and unexpected event. On June 28 the Duke of Marlborough persuaded the -House of Lords to reject by a narrow majority (145--140) the Deceased -Wife's Sister Bill upon its third reading. His speech was perhaps the -best he had ever made. It was also his last. On the night of July 4, -when he went to bed, he seemed in the best of health and spirits. Early -the next morning he was found dead by his servants, struck down by that -same swift, unheralded affection of the heart which was a few years -later to end the life of his heir. Lord Randolph was profoundly shocked -and grieved by his father's death. He passed many hours reading over his -father's letters, all carefully preserved from his boyhood days. That -strong religious strain in his nature to which reference has already -been made, afforded him consolation in this season of trouble and, -though always a devout man, he became much more regular in devotional -exercises than at any other period of his life. He had in his hands the -threads of half a dozen political enterprises, for the success of which -his constant presence in the House of Commons was necessary. He cast -them all away from him and retired at once to Blenheim. Many appeals -were made to him to return to the arena, where his absence was instantly -felt and regretted even by those in his own party who were antagonistic -to him. But nothing would induce him to go near Parliament for the rest -of the year. 'You are very kind,' he wrote to Wolff, 'wanting me to come -back to the House; but it is quite impossible. I am not up to it -physically or mentally, and am longing to get away abroad.... It is very -melancholy here--sad recollections at every moment. Nothing can be nicer -than Blandford to everyone.' - -The two brothers were very closely drawn together by their common -mourning, and all bitterness faded at once out of the political world. -Sir Stafford Northcote wrote, in the gentle courtesy of his nature, a -generous and affectionate letter of sympathy and regret and a private -correspondence followed between them which stands in pleasant contrast -to the general course of their relations and shows that in modern times -personal kindness and good feeling lie never very far below the sullen -surface of English politics. - -Lord Randolph hurried away with his wife and son to Gastein before the -month was out and here his spirits gradually regained their usual -buoyancy. His brother joined him late in August and they dawdled home -together through Switzerland, visiting its beautiful places, climbing -the Rigi 'like the meanest and commonest of Tow Rows,' and so back to -Blenheim. During the autumn and winter the Duke of Marlborough persuaded -Lord Randolph to start again his pack of harriers; and this -pursuit--together with the project, about which the new master of -Blenheim was keenly excited, of bringing the railway from Oxford to -Woodstock--proved so absorbing that politics seem for a time to have -been almost abandoned. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -TORY DEMOCRACY - - 'The Tory party in this country is the national party; it is the - really democratic party of England. It supports the institutions of - the country, because they have been established for the common - good, and because they secure the equality of civil rights without - which, whatever may be its name, no government can be free, and - based upon which principle every government, however it may be - styled, is, in fact, a democracy.' - -B. DISRAELI: _A Vindication of the English Constitution_. - - - - -[Sidenote: 1882-1885] - -The conditions of British politics during the Parliament of 1880, -whether in the House of Commons or abroad in the country, were -peculiar--perhaps unprecedented. Mr. Gladstone's Administration, -outwardly so powerful alike in the capacity of its members and the -number and fidelity of its supporters, was divided by zig-zag, oblique, -inconsistent yet fundamental dissensions. Nor were these disturbances -the temporary or accidental effect of particular men or measures. There -were important measures. There were earnest, ambitious men. But -something more lay behind the unrest and uncertainties of the day. Not -merely the decay of a Government or the natural over-ripeness of a party -produced the agitations of 1885 and 1886. It was the end of an epoch. -The long dominion of the middle classes, which had begun in 1832, had -come to its close and with it the almost equal reign of Liberalism. The -great victories had been won. All sorts of lumbering tyrannies had been -toppled over. Authority was everywhere broken. Slaves were free. -Conscience was free. Trade was free. But hunger and squalor and cold -were also free; and the people demanded something more than liberty. The -old watchwords still rang true; but they were not enough. And how to -fill the void was the riddle that split the Liberal party. It happened, -moreover, that at this very time, already so critical, a Liberal -Government had been forced to deal with all kinds of affairs for the -efficient conduct of which their formulas furnished no clue. They were -compelled to intervene by force of arms in Egypt, to repress popular -movements, to banish popular leaders, to hang revolutionaries, to devise -ingenious instruments of Coercion, to mutilate Parliamentary procedure -and to curtail the freedom of debate. And thus, while half the Cabinet -were ransacking the past for weapons of Executive authority, others were -groping dimly towards a vague Utopia. - -All this confusion was still worse confounded by the imminence of a -further extension of the franchise. The 'ten-pounder' and the -'householder' had been stages of growth. The evolution was now to be -completed, or practically completed. The government of a world-wide -Empire was, for the first time in human experience, to be thrown -unreservedly to the millions. And no man could predict the results of -that experiment. There seemed to be no reason to assume that any large -body of working-class electors would ever vote Tory. Who could possibly -have foreseen that whether from conscious choice between men and parties -or from the unsuspected operation of irresistible forces till then -latent, the millions would peacefully hand back their powers to -political organisations and so to established authority; that -enfranchised multitudes would constitute themselves the buttresses of -privilege and property; that a free press would by its freedom sap the -influence of debate and through its prosperity become the implement of -wealth; that members and constituencies would become less independent, -not more independent; that Ministers would become more powerful, not -less powerful; that the march would be ordered backward along the beaten -track, not forward in some new direction; and that after a period of -convulsion and flux, twenty years of Tory Government would set in? Who -would have listened to such paradox with patience? - -The differences of mood and aim which racked the Ministerial party were -reflected, only less vividly, in the Tory ranks. A Conservative -Opposition smarting under what they regarded as most undeserved defeat -and hampered by leaders to whose defects no one could be blind, had been -forced constantly to support their antagonists upon the main issues of -their policy. They found the Liberal Government engaged in assertions of -authority, at home and abroad, with which all their deepest instincts -inclined them to sympathise. The enforcement of the sternest forms of -Coercion in Ireland, the suspension and suppression of disorderly -members at Westminster, the launching of great warlike enterprises -across the sea, were all public objects which upon the highest patriotic -grounds commanded Tory assent. Upon the other hand they hated with the -fiercest animosity of faction the Ministers who directed these affairs. -They knew that a crisis was approaching. They feared--not without -reason--the formidable union of Gladstone and democracy. They believed -that he was ruining the country and was prepared to dishonour the -Empire. Yet they found themselves repeatedly compelled to vote with him; -and even when opportunities of legitimate attack were offered, no one of -their champions seemed able to strike the blow. - -The hesitancy and incompetence which marked the conduct of the -Conservative Opposition--although to some extent due to very lofty -motives of public duty--filled with exasperation the militant Tories in -the country. Members of Parliament, confronted week after week by -definite issues on which votes had to be recorded, found themselves -drawn inch by inch into supporting whole spheres of Governmental action. -Their friends outside took a more general view. They saw what they took -to be a succession of feeble surrenders before Mr. Gladstone's prestige. -They saw their representatives, bewitched by his authority and -eloquence, in the same Lobby with their arch-enemy. They saw the -Liberal Government staggering ponderously forward, in spite of -disunion, difficulty, and peril, through a succession of mismanaged -warlike undertakings to a series of pernicious domestic reforms. And no -man apparently to stand in their path! And then, all of a sudden, a man -arose alone, or almost alone, to do battle on their behalf. They watched -him struggling day after day against overwhelming odds, overthrown a -score of times, deserted and even tripped up by those who should have -sustained him; yet always returning with inexhaustible activity to the -attack and gaining from month to month substantial and undoubted -successes. - -The Conservative party outside Parliament had as little real liking for -much that Lord Randolph Churchill said about Ireland and Egypt as their -leaders and representatives in the House. They could not find any -sympathy for the followers of Mr. Parnell. They did not enjoy being told -that British troops had been used in Egypt to collect the bondholders' -debts, or the description of such thrilling episodes as the bombardment -of a city by an ironclad fleet, a cavalry charge by moonlight, or the -storming of an entrenched position as 'tawdry military glories.' They -could not join whole-heartedly in eulogies of a Pasha whom British -justice had condemned to life-long exile, or in attacks upon the -morality and humanity of a Khedive whom British bayonets had replaced -upon his throne. All this, even while they cheered, seemed to them -unpatriotic. But they could not overlook the commotion which Lord -Randolph Churchill's denunciations wrought in the Gladstonian ranks, or -the embarrassments in which they involved the Radical supporters of the -Ministry. They loved their country much, but they hated Gladstone more; -and they consoled themselves with the belief (which did Lord Randolph -Churchill less justice than he deserved) that he did not really mean all -he said; that it was only his way of beating the Grand Old Man; and -that, after all, he was Jingo and True Blue at heart. - -During the years which had passed since the new Parliament had met, the -working-class supporters of the Conservative party, particularly in the -great towns, had come to look with especial favour upon Lord Randolph -Churchill. To these were added a considerable defection from those who -had hitherto counted themselves Liberals. He touched the imagination of -the English people; and he appealed especially to their youth. 'The -young men of England,' he exclaimed, 'are joining the Tory party in -great numbers. The youth of England is on our side.' He was, indeed, -soon forced to defend himself from the assumption 'that any expression -of opinion from a person who has no claim to the monumental age of 101, -is a breach of decorum, almost an act of indecency, and an indication of -incurable vice.' 'Youth,' he said (Edinburgh, December 20, 1883), 'is no -doubt a great calamity, and it appears to excite all the worst passions -of human nature among those who no longer possess it. But we may, I -think, chase away such depressing reflections by remembering that youth -is a calamity which grows less bitter and less poignant as the years go -by, and that by the sheer and simple process of living and survival we -must, each in our turn, approach the summit of the wave.' - -By the end of 1882 he was already unquestionably the most popular -speaker in the Conservative party. In 1884 and 1885 he equalled, if he -did not surpass, Mr. Gladstone himself in the interest and enthusiasm -which his personality aroused. Wherever he went he was received by -tremendous throngs and with extraordinary demonstrations of goodwill. In -times when good Conservatives despaired of the fortunes of their party -under a democratic franchise and even, making a virtue of necessity, -regarded it as almost immoral to court a working-class vote, and when -the chiefs of Toryism looked upon the resisting powers of small shop and -lodging-house keepers, of suburban villadom, and of the genial and -seductive publican as almost the only remaining bulwarks of the -Constitution, Lord Randolph Churchill boldly enlisted the British nation -in defence of Church and State. At a time when Liberal orators and -statesmen, 'careering about the country,' as Lord Randolph described -them, 'calling themselves "the people of England,"' were looking forward -to an election which should relegate the Conservative party to the limbo -of obsolete ideas, they were disconcerted by the spectacle, repeatedly -presented, of multitudes of working men hanging upon the words of a -young aristocrat; and Radicals, bidding higher and higher to catch the -popular fancy, heard with disgust the loudest acclamations of the crowd -accorded to Lord Randolph Churchill as he denounced 'the Moloch of -Midlothian'[13] or 'the pinchbeck Robespierre'[14] for war and tyranny -beyond the sea, profusion and misgovernment at home. - -Abuse was retorted on his head in vain. '"Yahoo Churchill,"' 'Little -Randy,' 'Cheeky Randy,' 'the music-hall cad,' 'the Champagne Charley of -politics,' were designations which measured at once his popularity and -the rising fury of his foes. His fierce moustache and 'note of -interrogation' head lent themselves to caricature. He was drawn as a -pigmy, a pug dog, a gnat, a wasp, a ribald and vicious monkey, so -habitually, that nearly everyone, who had not seen him in the flesh, -believed that his physical proportions were far below the common -standards of humanity; but the contrast between his reputed stature and -the majestic outlines of Mr. Gladstone and Sir William Harcourt only -enhanced his fighting qualities in the public eye. 'Give it 'em hot, -Randy,' cried the crowds in the streets and at the meetings, till he -himself was forced to complain that he was expected to salute his -opponents with every species of vituperation. But, to tell the truth, he -responded to the public demand with inexhaustible generosity. He spared -no one. Neither persons nor principles escaped an all-embracing -ridicule. The most venerated leaders of the Liberal party, famous in the -great days of its rise, fared no better at his hands than the crudest -and most violent of the New Radicals. One by one Mr. Bright, Mr. -Gladstone, Lord Hartington, Lord Granville, Sir Charles Dilke, Mr. -Chamberlain, Mr. Bradlaugh, and Mr. Schnadhorst were summoned before -that irreverent tribunal and exhibited to popular censure and derision. - -His speeches were effective far beyond the circles of his hearers. As -early as the spring of 1881 the _Morning Post_ began to report him -_verbatim_. Mr. Chenery, always a firm believer in his genius, followed -this example almost immediately. Instead of that paragraph of mutilated -misrepresentation with which so many eminent Ministers and ex-Ministers -have to remain dissatisfied, column after column of the _Times_ was -filled with the oratory of an unproved stripling of thirty-two. The -remonstrances which jealousy suggested did not discourage Mr. Chenery; -for, indeed, Lord Randolph's speeches were the best of 'copy.' His -wonderful memory enabled him to make the most elaborate preparations. -His earlier speeches were almost all written out beforehand and learned -by heart. He had the knack of being able to foresee the occasion and he -wrote not an essay or an argument, but just the kind of harangue that -would fit the mood of his audience. His style was essentially -rhetorical, and much more spontaneous than his peculiar methods of -preparation would imply. He seems to have written with scarcely a single -correction and without hesitation of any kind, as fast as he could set -pen to paper. Indeed, I fancy that he wrote his speeches chiefly for an -exercise of memory and to fix them clearly in his mind and did not by -any means make them up with a pen in his hand. Once written, they could -be repeated almost without notes and quite without alteration. But in -this laborious process they gained a logical sequence which, while it -did not in the least detract from the delivery, added vastly to their -virtues in reproduction. - -Above all, they were entirely fresh and original. Wit, abuse, epigrams, -imagery, argument--all were 'Randolphian.' No one could guess beforehand -what he was going to say nor how he would say it. No one else said the -same kind of things, or said them in the same kind of way. He possessed -the strange quality, unconsciously exerted and not by any means to be -simulated, of compelling attention, and of getting himself talked about. -Every word he spoke was studied with interest and apprehension. Each -step he took was greeted with a gathering chorus of astonished cries. As -Tacitus said of Mucianus: 'Omnium quae dixerat, feceratque, arte quadam -ostentator' ('He had the showman's knack of drawing public attention to -everything he said or did'). Before the end of 1882 a speech from Lord -Randolph Churchill had become an event to the newspaper reader. The -worthy, pious, and substantial citizen, hurriedly turning over the pages -of his _Times_ or still more respectable _Morning Post_, and folding it -to his convenience, crouched himself in his most comfortable chair and -ate it up line by line with snorts of indignation or gurglings of mirth. -'Look what he says about Gladstone. I wonder the _Times_ prints such -things. How lowering to the dignity of public life! I can't think why -they pay so much attention to this young man. Randolph Churchill, -indeed--preposterous! Give me the paper back, my dear.' - -Speeches are--next to leading articles--the most impermanent of -impermanent things. But the character and conceptions of that political -movement to the stimulation of which Lord Randolph Churchill devoted his -life, and by which he was now to be so swiftly carried forward, cannot -be better explained than in his own words; and, moreover, the reader is -entitled to have some opportunities of judging for himself. The winter -at Blenheim, with its diversions of the Harriers and the Woodstock -Railway, seems to have refreshed Lord Randolph's mind and added to his -stores of fancy. He emerged from his retirement to plunge into a -vehement political campaign. On three successive days in December he -delivered at Edinburgh what he called a 'trilogy' of speeches. The first -was upon Egypt. Here are its keynotes:-- - - The Court of Chancery repudiates loans made by money-lenders to - infants even though they may have actually received and spent the - money. Far more ought this country, acting as a great Court of - Equity, to protect the Egyptians in any efforts they may make to - free themselves from this frightful burden [of debt] which is - strangling the life out of them--these Egyptians whom Sir Evelyn - Wood so eloquently calls the infants of centuries: this burden for - the contraction of which they are absolutely innocent, forced upon - them by the great money-lenders of the Stock Exchanges of London - and Paris. The other day the poor Egyptians were very near - effecting a successful revolution; they were very near throwing off - their suffocating bonds; but, unfortunately for Mr. Gladstone, the - Prime Minister of Great Britain--Mr. Gladstone, the leader, the - idol, the demi-god of the Liberal party--Mr. Gladstone, the member - for Midlothian, came upon them with his armies and his fleets, - destroyed their towns, devastated their country, slaughtered their - thousands, and flung back these struggling wretches into the morass - of oppression, back into the toils of their taskmasters. The - revolution of Arabi was the movement of a nation; like all - revolutions, it had its good side and its bad; you must never, for - purposes of practical politics, criticise too minutely the origin, - the authors, or the course of revolutions. Would you undo, if you - could, the Revolution of 1688, which drove the Stuarts from the - throne, because of the intrigues of the nobles and of the clergy? - Would you undo the French Revolution because of the Reign of - Terror? Would you undo the Revolution of Naples because Garibaldi - might not be altogether a man of your mind? You know you would not; - you know that those revolutions were justified by atrocious - Governments. - - * * * * * - - I advocate, in the first place, the expulsion 'bag and baggage' of - the Khedive Tewfik, with all 'his Turks and his Circassians, his - Zaptiehs and his Mudirs, his Bimbashis and Yuzbashis, his Kaimakams - and his Pashas'[15]--no great number of them in all; two or three - ships would hold the lot. I advocate the recall of the exiles from - Ceylon, the resuscitation of the national party, the formation of a - genuine popular Government, at the head of which shall be placed a - Prince--either native or European, as you will--who shall be indeed - and in truth constitutional, enlightened, and just. I advocate a - great re-arrangement and reduction of the Egyptian national debt - and a clean sweep of the debts of the victimised, the bankrupt, and - the ruined fellaheen. I advocate the placing of Egypt under the - guarantee and guardianship of united Europe, so that no one single - Power shall be able to exercise there superior influence to - another, so that collective authority shall restrain individual - ambition. In a word, I advocate--I plead for--the real emancipation - of an historic land and the true freedom of an ancient race. - - * * * * * - - You will be told that Egypt is the high-road to India, and that - Britain must hold it at all costs. This is a terrible and a - widespread delusion. Similar delusions have before now led astray - the foreign policy of this country. At one time it was 'the balance - of power': that has passed away. At another time it was 'the - integrity of the Ottoman Empire': that has tumbled into an - abandoned and forgotten grave; and now we have 'the high-road to - India' will-o'-the-wisp, which in time will vanish too. Egypt is - not the high-road to India. The Suez Canal is a commercial route to - India, and a good route, too, in time of peace; but it never was, - and never could be, a military route for Great Britain in time of - war. In time of war there are no well-marked high-roads to and fro - across the British Empire. The path of Britain is upon the ocean, - her ways lie upon the deep, and you should avoid as your greatest - danger any reliance on transcontinental communication, where, at - any time, you may have to encounter gigantic military hosts. - (Edinburgh, December 18, 1883.) - -The second speech dealt with the question of the extension of the -franchise, and must be considered in its place. The third foreshadowed -the advent of the Home Rule struggle:-- - -[Sidenote: 1884 AET. 35] - - Develop, if you like, in any way you may, the material resources of - Ireland. Advance public money on the easiest terms for railways, - tramways, canals, roads, labourers' dwellings, fisheries, and - objects of that kind. We owe the Irish a great deal for our bad - government of them in the past; and if we are not stingy, there are - few injuries, however deep, which money will not cure. But do not, - if you value your life as an Empire, swallow one morsel more of - heroic legislation. By giving a continuous support to the Tory - party, let the Irish know that, though they cry day and night, - though they vex you with much wickedness and harass you with much - disorder, though they incessantly divert your attention from your - own affairs, though they cause you all manner of trial and trouble, - there is one thing you will detect at once, in whatever form or - guise it may be presented to you, there is one thing you will never - listen to, there is one thing you will never yield--and that is - their demand for an Irish Parliament, and that to their yells for - the repeal of the Union you answer an unchanging, an unchangeable, - and a unanimous 'No.' (Edinburgh, December 20, 1883.) - -A month later he spoke at Blackpool. Perhaps this speech affords the -best example of his rhetorical methods. Certainly it filled Tory -Lancashire with merriment and satisfaction:-- - - Mr. Chamberlain a short time ago attempted to hold Lord Salisbury - up to the execration of the people as one who enjoyed great riches - for which he had neither toiled nor spun and he savagely denounced - Lord Salisbury and all his class. As a matter of fact, Lord - Salisbury from his earliest days has toiled and spun in the service - of the State and for the advancement of his countrymen in learning, - in wealth, and in prosperity; but no Radical ever yet allowed - himself to be embarrassed by a question of fact. Just look, - however, at what Mr. Chamberlain himself does. He goes to Newcastle - and is entertained at a banquet there, and procures for the - president of the feast a live earl, no less a person than the Earl - of Durham. Now Lord Durham is a young gentleman who has just come - of age, who is in the possession of immense hereditary estates, - who is well known on Newmarket heath and prominent among the gilded - youth who throng the corridors of the Gaiety Theatre, but who has - studied politics about as much as Barnum's new white elephant, and - upon whose ingenuous mind even the idea of rendering service to the - State has not yet commenced to dawn. If by any means it could be - legitimate, and I hold that it is illegitimate, to stigmatise any - individual as enjoying great riches for which he has neither toiled - nor spun, such a case would be the case of the Earl of Durham; and - yet it is under the patronage of the Earl of Durham and basking in - the smiles of the Earl of Durham, bandying vulgar compliments with - the Earl of Durham, that this stern patriot, this rigid moralist, - this unbending censor the Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, flaunts - his Radical and levelling doctrines before the astounded democrats - of Newcastle. - -After Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Gladstone:-- - - 'Vanity of vanities,' says the preacher, 'all is vanity.' 'Humbug - of humbugs,' says the Radical, 'all is humbug.' Gentlemen, we live - in an age of advertisement, the age of Holloway's pills, of - Colman's mustard, and of Horniman's pure tea; and the policy of - lavish advertisement has been so successful in commerce that the - Liberal party, with its usual enterprise, has adapted it to - politics. The Prime Minister is the greatest living master of the - art of personal political advertisement. Holloway, Colman, and - Horniman are nothing compared with him. Every act of his, whether - it be for the purposes of health, or of recreation, or of religious - devotion, is spread before the eyes of every man, woman, and child - in the United Kingdom on large and glaring placards. For the - purposes of an autumn holiday a large transatlantic steamer is - specially engaged, the Poet-Laureate adorns the suite and receives - a peerage as his reward, and the incidents of the voyage are - luncheon with the Emperor of Russia and tea with the Queen of - Denmark. For the purposes of recreation he has selected the felling - of trees; and we may usefully remark that his amusements, like his - politics, are essentially destructive. Every afternoon the whole - world is invited to assist at the crashing fall of some beech or - elm or oak. The forest laments, in order that Mr. Gladstone may - perspire, and full accounts of these proceedings are forwarded by - special correspondents to every daily paper every recurring - morning. For the purposes of religious devotion the advertisements - grow larger. The parish church at Hawarden is insufficient to - contain the thronging multitudes of fly-catchers who flock to hear - Mr. Gladstone read the lessons for the day, and the humble - parishioners are banished to hospitable Nonconformist tabernacles - in order that mankind may be present at the Prime Minister's - rendering of Isaiah, or Jeremiah, or the Book of Job.... - -He proceeded to describe Mr. Gladstone's method of receiving a -deputation at Hawarden Castle:-- - - It has always appeared to me somewhat incongruous and inappropriate - that the great chief of the Radical party should reside in a - castle. But to proceed. One would have thought that the deputation - would have been received in the house, in the study, in the - drawing-room, or even in the dining-room. Not at all. That would - have been out of harmony with the advertisement 'boom.' Another - scene had been arranged. The working men were guided through the - ornamental grounds, into the wide-spreading park, strewn with the - wreckage and the ruins of the Prime Minister's sport. All around - them, we may suppose, lay the rotting trunks of once umbrageous - trees: all around them, tossed by the winds, were boughs and bark - and withered shoots. They come suddenly on the Prime Minister and - Master Herbert, in scanty attire and profuse perspiration, engaged - in the destruction of a gigantic oak, just giving its last dying - groan. They are permitted to gaze and to worship and adore and, - having conducted themselves with exemplary propriety, are each of - them presented with a few chips as a memorial of that memorable - scene. - - Is not this, I thought to myself as I read the narrative, a perfect - type and emblem of Mr. Gladstone's government of the Empire? The - working classes of this country in 1880 sought Mr. Gladstone. He - told them that he would give them and all other subjects of the - Queen much legislation, great prosperity, and universal peace; and - he has given them nothing but chips. Chips to the faithful allies - in Afghanistan, chips to the trusting native races of South Africa, - chips to the Egyptian fellah, chips to the British farmer, chips to - the manufacturer and the artisan, chips to the agricultural - labourer, chips to the House of Commons itself. To all who leaned - upon Mr. Gladstone, who trusted in him, and who hoped for something - from him--chips, nothing but chips--hard, dry, unnourishing, - indigestible chips.... - -Gradually the tone changed as the speaker passed from ridicule to -serious attack:-- - - The other startling advertisement I wish to allude to was as - follows: 'Hawarden Castle.--The Prime Minister attended divine - service this morning. He was guarded as usual' 'Guarded as usual!' - 'As usual!' Gracious Heavens! what a commentary on Liberal - government in those two words, 'as usual'! Do you know that from - the days when first what is called a Prime Minister was invented to - the present, there has been no Prime Minister about whom such a - statement could be made? Many Prime Ministers have come and gone, - good, bad, and indifferent; but the best and the worst have never - been guarded by aught else save the English people. And has it come - to this? Are the times so terrible, are bad passions so rife and - unrestrained, after four years of Liberal rule, that the apostle of - freedom, the benefactor of his country, the man for whom no - flattery is too fulsome, no homage too servile, cannot attend - divine service in his parish church without being 'guarded as - usual'? Surely a world of serious reflection is opened up; surely - the art of government must have sunk to a very low ebb when the - first servant of the Crown has to be watched night and day by - alguazils armed to the teeth. I hope and pray that they will guard - him well, for it would be an indelible stain on our name and our - fame if a man who has spent fifty years of his life in the service - of the State, were to be the victim of an infamous assassin. But I - ask myself, are we to blame humanity for this state of things? Is - our civilisation all in vain? Is Christianity but a phantom and a - fiction? Is human nature the awful and incurable cause? Surely not. - It is more natural to blame the policy of the statesmen who, to - possess themselves of power, to overthrow a hated rival, set class - against class and race against race; who use their eloquence for no - nobler purpose than to lash into frenzy the needy and the - discontented; who for party purposes are ready to deride morality - and paralyse law; who, to gain a few votes either in Parliament or - in a borough, ally themselves equally with the atheist or with the - rebel, and who lightly arouse and lightly spring from one delirium - of the multitude to another in order to maintain themselves at a - giddy and a perilous height. (Blackpool, January 24, 1884.) - -[Sidenote: 1884 AEt. 35] - -A few days later it became known that Lord Randolph Churchill had -accepted the invitation of the Birmingham Conservatives to contest that -city with Colonel Burnaby at the General Election against Mr. Bright and -Mr. Chamberlain. This unfurling of the Tory flag in the very heart and -centre of militant and organised Radicalism and against the most famous -and the most active of Radical leaders aroused the keenest interest -among Conservative working men all over the country. The Tories of -Birmingham had long been powerless under the rule of their opponents. -For years they had scarcely been allowed to hold a political meeting. -Almost every avenue of civic life and even of municipal employment was -closed against them. Now the fighting leader of Tory Democracy was -coming to their deliverance. It is impossible to describe the enthusiasm -which his bold challenge excited, or the encouragement which it spread -through the mass of the Conservative party. The newspapers were filled -with cartoons of 'Jack the Giant-killer' or of a diminutive David going -forth to battle with a vast screw-bearing Goliath. The mention of his -name, or any reference to the contest on which he had entered, drew -forth the loudest cheers at every Tory meeting. Letters of gratitude, -resolutions of confidence and support, poured in upon him from all parts -of the country. - -Before actually descending upon Birmingham he sounded a trumpet-call of -defiance from Woodstock. He attacked Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain with -an impartial and unmeasured ferocity:-- - - The battle which Mr. Bright has rashly challenged shall be fought - _sans treve ni merci_. The savage animosity which Mr. Bright has - breathed into his speeches, has raised a corresponding spirit among - his opponents. The robe of righteousness with which he and his - confederates have clothed their squalid and corrupted forms shall - be torn asunder; naked and ashamed shall they be beheld by all the - intelligent public, and all shall be disclosed which can be, - whether it be the impostor, and the so-called 'people's tribune,' - or the grinding monopolies of Mr. Chamberlain, or the dark and evil - deeds of Mr. Schnadhorst. - -A positive fury was excited in Radical Birmingham by these and similar -words. The political predominance of the Liberal party had been -overwhelming and absolutely unbroken in the whole history of the city -since the Reform Bill had enfranchised it. All kinds of criticism had -been suppressed in all kinds of ways and those who had attempted to -voice the opinion of the minority, had found it best to do so with a -prudent politeness. Here was insult in profusion, gross, elaborate, and -designed. 'The mode of warfare,' observed Lord Randolph, 'of the Radical -party resembles that adopted by savage tribes who endeavour to terrify -their opponents by horrid yells and resounding exclamations. I observe -that the reports of the speeches of Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain on -Tuesday were interspersed with "loud and prolonged groans," "groans," -"hisses," "renewed hisses," and "roars of laughter" and such like. These -resources will no doubt frighten any person of weak nerves and are -calculated to make old women and children run away. But the Tory party -in Birmingham, many thousands strong, will preserve its composure and -the candidate whom they have put forward, will not be intimidated one -little bit.' - -Upon April 15 Lord Randolph Churchill opened his campaign in Birmingham -in two speeches delivered on successive nights. He was a man of many -styles. The arguments which he submitted to the electors were the -sincere expression of his deepest convictions; they were in perfect -harmony with the whole of his political life and work, but they were -strange arguments for a Tory to employ:-- - - I am not here to deny the services which the Radical party have - rendered to English civilisation. I believe that the present - generation is considerably indebted to the struggles which were - carried on five-and-twenty and thirty years ago by those who were - then designated the Philosophical Radicals. They enlarged the - boundaries of freedom, they removed religious and civil - disabilities, they brought the Constitution into the home and the - cottage of the artisan, and they taught the people that there were - in the political life of monarchies and nations higher and nobler - aims than the perpetual waging of wars or constant striving after - territorial aggrandisement. The student of English history, fairly - recognising these lofty results, will not be concerned to discover - or disclose the faults and the follies--and, indeed, I may say the - absurdities--which the Philosophical Radicals mingled with their - creed. Here in Birmingham, amongst your fathers and forefathers, - those men found their home, their mainstay, and their trusting - friends. But parties, like Empires and like all human combinations, - wax and wane. The law of perpetual change, which is the motive - principle of the Radical, exercises its fatal effect upon the - Radical himself.... - - What was the great motto which expressed all their principles, - which enabled the Radical party of old days to guide and control - the course of events, to make and unmake Ministers and Governments, - to win and retain the confidence of mighty cities such as yours? - 'Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform!'--in other words, - Non-intervention, Rigid Economy, and genuine Progressive - Legislation. And so long as they adhered to those great rocks with - the tenacity of limpets, so long was their good name secure--so - long was their wisdom undoubted; and year by year they could appear - before you with clean hands and clear consciences to ask from you a - renewal of your confidence. Chancellors of the Exchequer, - Secretaries to the Treasury and of public departments, groaned - under the tyrannical economy of Mr. Hume, but were uncommonly - careful to give him as little handle as possible for what they - arrogantly called his cheese-paring mania. The genius and influence - of Mr. Cobden exercised a diminishing effect upon the estimates of - the War and Navy Ministers; and Mr. Bright and Mr. Milner Gibson - either averted or effectually censured unjust and unnecessary war. - -The Radical party of those days, he went on, was few in number, with no -representatives in the Government and no Caucus in the country. 'It was -their great principles,' exclaimed the speaker, 'which gave them power, -and which they asserted with obstinacy, irrespective of party, on all -occasions, small or great.' And now--with half a dozen Radicals in the -Ministry and nearly a hundred members in the House--What had been the -course of events? In 1880 a war in Afghanistan protracted for a whole -year under a Liberal Government; in 1881 the revolt of the Boers, 'with -which every Radical in England was bound to sympathise,' met by force of -arms, disgracefully and unsuccessfully applied; in 1882 'the struggle -for Egyptian freedom undertaken by Arabi Pasha, suppressed by Liberals, -great towns destroyed, bloody battles fought; and estimates swollen nine -millions beyond those of Lord Beaconsfield's Administration.' - -And what would be the policy of the Conservative party if power were -placed in their hands? - - I have no right, a humble member of the rank and file of the Tory - party, to declare to a great meeting like this what will be their - policy. I do not know what will be the policy of the Tory party. I - am not the least bit in the confidence of the leaders, and I must - admit that I do not enjoy the high honour of their friendship. Only - the other night one of them accused me in the House of Commons of - being in secret and fraudulent alliance with the Prime Minister for - the destruction of the Tory party. I have not been able to gather - from their speeches or their acts what would be the policy they - would adopt if the responsibility of government was placed upon - them. They have preserved a prudent, perhaps an over-prudent, - reticence. But though I cannot tell you what their policy will be, - I think I can tell you what their policy ought to be--and in - general terms what I will try and make it to be--if ever I should - represent this powerful constituency. It shall be a policy of - honesty and courage. It shall be a policy which will grapple with - difficulties and deal with them, and not avoid them or postpone - them. It shall be a popular policy, and not a class policy. It - shall be a policy of activity for the national welfare, combined - with a zeal for Imperial security. - -The Tory democratic movement in the English boroughs was powerfully -aided by and largely interwoven with the spread of Fair Trade doctrines. -In Lancashire especially the persuasive arguments of Mr. Farrer Ecroyd -had gained a wide acceptance, and twenty years have not effaced the -effects of his exertions. Lord Randolph Churchill, eager to attack the -Liberal Government, began in 1881 by urging the Fair Trade cause with -characteristic vigour and happy irresponsibility. As his influence and -knowledge increased, his assurance upon fiscal matters diminished; and -at Blackpool in 1884 he would not commit himself beyond an 'inquiry into -the present condition of British industry and as to how it is affected -by our present methods of raising revenue for the service of the State.' -But certainly no one could have painted in more vivid colours the -shocking and melancholy condition of British trade. The words have been -often quoted:-- - - What is the state of things in the world of British industry? We - are suffering from a depression of trade extending as far back as - 1874, ten years of trade depression, and the most hopeful either - among our capitalists or our artisans can discover no signs of a - revival. Your iron industry is dead, dead as mutton; your coal - industries, which depend greatly on the iron industries, are - languishing. Your silk industry is dead, assassinated by the - foreigner. Your woollen industry is _in articulo mortis_, gasping, - struggling. Your cotton industry is seriously sick. The - shipbuilding industry, which held out longest of all, is come to a - standstill. Turn your eyes where you will, survey any branch of - British industry you like, you will find signs of mortal disease. - The self-satisfied Radical philosophers will tell you it is - nothing; they point to the great volume of British trade. Yes, the - volume of British trade is still large, but it is a volume which is - no longer profitable; it is working and struggling. So do the - muscles and nerves of the body of a man who has been hanged twitch - and work violently for a short time after the operation. But death - is there all the same, life has utterly departed, and suddenly - comes the _rigor mortis_. Well, but with this state of British - industry what do you find going on? You find foreign iron, foreign - wool, foreign silk and cotton pouring into the country, flooding - you, drowning you, sinking you, swamping you; your labour market is - congested, wages have sunk below the level of life, the misery in - our large towns is too frightful to contemplate, and emigration or - starvation is the remedy which the Radicals offer you with the most - undisturbed complacency. But what produced this state of things? - Free imports? I am not sure; I should like an inquiry; but I - suspect free imports of the murder of our industries much in the - same way as if I found a man standing over a corpse and plunging - his knife into it I should suspect that man of homicide, and I - should recommend a coroner's inquest and a trial by jury. - (Blackpool, January 24, 1884.) - -In any case, even, if free imports were a wise policy, he would not -allow Mr. Bright and the Liberal party the credit of the discovery:-- - - Mr. Bright advised his audience at Birmingham to read over again - the speeches of Mr. Charles Villiers on Free Trade made fifty years - ago. I advise them to do nothing of the kind, because if they do - they will lose every shred of veneration and respect which they - still may feel for the name of Mr. Bright. They will find that the - great battle of Free Trade, of which Mr. Bright has never been - tired of boasting loud and long, was fought by Mr. Charles Villiers - long before Mr. Bright made his appearance in public; that Mr. - Charles Villiers bore the burden and heat of that protracted and - lengthened contest; and when Mr. Villiers had won the day Mr. - Bright and his dear friend Mr. Cobden stepped in and tried to rob - him of all his glory. All those who read Mr. Charles Villiers's - speeches will find that Mr. Bright and his dear friend Mr. Cobden - were nothing more nor less than two plundering cuckoos, who - shamefully ejected Mr. Charles Villiers from the nest which he had - constructed, and who reared therein their own chattering and silly - brood. (Woodstock, January 31, 1884.) - -After all this the Fair Traders were not unnaturally inclined to -complain when in 1887--three years afterwards--Lord Randolph Churchill -having acquired a responsible position, having studied the report of the -Commission on Trade appointed largely at his insistence in 1885, having -reflected upon the voting of the counties in the General Election, and -surveyed the problems of finance from the Treasury chambers, poured -buckets of cold water on their cherished schemes and declined to make -any exertions in their support. - -But the central proposition of the Tory Democratic idea was that the -Conservative party was willing and thoroughly competent to deal with the -needs of democracy and the multiplying problems of modern life; and that -the British Constitution, so far from being incompatible with the social -progress of the great mass of the people, was in itself a flexible -instrument by which that progress might be guided and secured. - - The Whigs are a class with the prejudices and the vices of a class; - the Radicals are a sect with the tyranny and the fanaticism of a - sect.... The Whigs tell you that the institutions of this kingdom, - as illustrated by the balance of Queen, Lords and Commons, and the - Established Church, are but conveniences and useful commodities, - which may be safely altered, modified, or even abolished, so long - as the alteration, modification, or abolition is left to the Whigs - to carry out. The Radicals tell you that these institutions are - hideous, poisonous, and degrading, and that the divine Caucus is - the only machine which can turn out, as if it was a patent - medicine, the happiness of humanity. But the Tories, who are of the - people, know and exclaim that these institutions, which are not so - much the work of the genius of man, but rather the inspired - offspring of Time, are the tried guarantees of individual liberty, - popular government, and Christian morality; that they are the only - institutions which possess the virtue of stability, of stability - even through all ages; that the harmonious fusion of classes and - interests which they represent corresponds with and satisfies the - highest aspirations either of peoples or of men; that by them has - our Empire been founded and extended in the past; and that by them - alone can it prosper or be maintained in the future. Such is the - Tory party and such are its principles, by which it can give to - England the government she requires--democratic, aristocratic, - Parliamentary, monarchical, uniting in an indissoluble embrace - religious liberty and social order. And this party--this Tory party - of to-day--exists by the favour of no caucus, nor for the selfish - interests of any class. Its motto is--'Of the people, for the - people, by the people'; unity and freedom are the beacons which - shed their light around its future path and amid all political - conflict this shall be its only aim--to increase and to secure - within imperishable walls the historic happiness of English homes. - (Blackpool, January 24, 1884.) - -Again and again in these years of strife Lord Randolph Churchill -returned to this central idea:-- - - The foundation [of the British Constitution] is totally new, purely - modern, absolutely untried. You have changed the old foundation. - You have gone to a new foundation. Your new foundation is a great - seething and swaying mass of some five million electors, who have - it in their power, if they should so please, by the mere heave of - the shoulders, if they only act with moderate unanimity, to sweep - away entirely the three ancient institutions and put anything they - like in their place, and to alter profoundly, and perhaps for a - time altogether ruin, the interests of the three hundred million - beings who are committed to their charge. That is, I say, a state - of things unparalleled in history. And how do you think it will all - end? Are we being swept along a turbulent and irresistible torrent - which is bearing us towards some political Niagara, in which every - mortal thing we now know will be twisted and smashed beyond all - recognition? Or are we, on the other hand, gliding passively along - a quiet river of human progress that will lead us to some - undiscovered ocean of almost superhuman development? Who can - tell?... My state of mind when these great problems come across - me--which is very rarely--is one of wonder, or perhaps I should - rather say of admiration and of hope, because the alternative state - of mind would be one of terror and despair. And I am guarded from - that latter state of mind by a firm belief in the essential - goodness of life, and in the evolution, by some process or other - which I do not exactly know and cannot determine, of a higher and - nobler humanity. But, above all, my especial safeguard against such - a state of mental annihilation and mental despair is my firm belief - in the ascertained and much-tried common sense which is the - peculiarity of the English people. That is the faith which, I - think, ought to animate and protect you in your political future; - that is the faith of the Tory democracy in which I shall ever - abide. (Cambridge University Carlton, June 6, 1885.) - - * * * * * - - 'Trust the people'--I have long tried to make that my motto; but I - know, and will not conceal, that there are still a few in our party - who have that lesson yet to learn and who have yet to understand - that the Tory party of to-day is no longer identified with that - small and narrow class which is connected with the ownership of - land; but that its great strength can be found, and must be - developed, in our large towns as well as in our country districts. - Yes, trust the people. You, who are ambitious, and rightly - ambitious, of being the guardians of the British Constitution, - trust the people, and they will trust you--and they will follow you - and join you in the defence of that Constitution against any and - every foe. I have no fear of democracy. I do not fear minorities; I - do not care for those checks and securities which Mr. Goschen seems - to think of such importance. Modern checks and securities are not - worth a brass farthing. Give me a fair arrangement of the - constituencies, and one part of England will correct and balance - the other. (Birmingham, April 16, 1884.) - -And in later years, after the battle had been won, and when the Tory -leaders had already begun to look upon their new supporters as if they -were an inalienable asset:-- - - I cannot but feel that we have nearly realised what was some years - ago apparently only a dream, the dream of Tory Democracy. You - remember with what scoffs and scornings and with what sneers and - ridicule the phrase 'Tory Democracy' was received when I first made - use of it in the House of Commons in the year 1882. Nothing was too - bad, nothing was too taunting, nothing was too absurd to apply to - the idea or to those who dared to sustain such an idea in public. - You in Birmingham were the first publicly to associate yourselves - with the policy which is contained in the phrase 'Tory Democracy.' - What is Tory Democracy? Tory Democracy is a democracy which - supports the Tory party; but with this important qualification, - that it supports a Tory party, not from mere caprice, not from - momentary disgust or indignation with the results of Radicalism, - but a democracy which supports the Tory party because it has been - taught by experience and by knowledge to believe in the excellence - and the soundness of true Tory principles. But Tory Democracy - involves also another idea of equal importance. It involves the - idea of a Government who in all branches of their policy and in all - features of their administration are animated by lofty and by - Liberal ideas. That is Tory Democracy. (Birmingham, April 9, 1888.) - -One more quotation--Lord Randolph's defence of the Established -Church--shall close this chapter. The speech from which it is taken was -delivered in the course of his Birmingham campaign and comprised a -general vindication of the British Constitution. Let it be remembered -that in those days the demand for organic change was real and fierce. -The vast unsounded problems of Collectivism and Individualism, the -intricate and varying relations between Capital and Labour, the almost -limitless power of combined or accumulated wealth and the racial -deterioration produced by civilised poverty, were issues which might be -considered by philosophers or fought out between master and man but -which approached only remotely the Parliamentary and political arena. -Disputes about forms of government still absorbed the activities of -democracy; and the hall-mark of a good Radical in the 'eighties was -secular republicanism:-- - - I see in the Church of England an immense and omni-present - ramification of machinery working without cost to the people--and - daily and hourly lifting the masses of the people, rich and poor - alike, from the dead and dreary level of the lowest and most - material cares of life, up to the comfortable contemplation of - higher and serener forms of existence and of destiny. I see in the - Church of England a centre and a source and a guide of charitable - effort, mitigating by its mendicant importunity the violence of - human misery, whether mental or physical, and contributing to the - work of alleviation from its own not superfluous resources. And I - urge upon you not to throw that source of charity upon the - haphazard almsgiving of a busy and a selfish world. I view the - Church of England eagerly cooperating in the work of national - education, not only benefiting your children, but saving your - pockets; and I remember that it has been the work of the Church to - pour forth floods of knowledge, purely secular and scientific, even - from the days when knowledge was not; and I warn you against - hindering the diffusion of knowledge, inspired by religion, amongst - those who will have devolved upon them the responsibility for the - government of this wide Empire. - - But I own that my chief reason for supporting the Church of England - I find in the fact that, when compared with other creeds and other - sects, it is essentially the Church of religious liberty. Whether - in one direction or another, it is continually possessed by the - ambition, not of excluding, but of including, all shades of - religious thought, all sorts and conditions of men; and, standing - out like a lighthouse over a stormy ocean, it marks the entrance to - a port where the millions and the masses of those who are wearied - at times with the woes of the world, and troubled often by the - trials of existence, may search for and may find that peace which - passeth all understanding. I cannot, and will not, allow myself to - believe that the English people, who are not only naturally - religious, but also eminently practical, will ever consent, for the - petty purpose of gratifying sectarian animosity, or for the - wretched object of pandering to infidel proclivities--will ever - consent to deprive themselves of so abundant a fountain of aid and - consolation, or acquiesce in the demolition of an institution which - elevates the life of the nation, and consecrates the acts of the - State. (Birmingham, April 16, 1884.) - -'The work of inspiring a beaten and depressed party with hope and -courage,' wrote Mr. Jennings in 1888,[16] 'was substantially left to one -man.' What had become meanwhile of the acknowledged leaders of Toryism? -Where were the names which in after years were to fill the newspapers -and the Government offices? It is curious to reflect that all this time, -while Lord Randolph Churchill was straining every nerve in the service -of his party, he was the object of almost passionate jealousy and -dislike in its high places. The world of rank and fashion had long been -hostile to him. The prominent people and party officials who formed and -guided opinion at the Carlton Club, on the Front Opposition Bench, and -in the central Conservative offices, regarded him with aversion and -alarm. They could not understand him. Still less could they explain his -growing influence. He was as unwelcome and insoluble a riddle to them as -ever Disraeli had been. To them he seemed an intruder, an upstart, a -mutineer who flouted venerable leaders and mocked at constituted -authority with a mixture of aristocratic insolence and democratic -brutality. By what warrant did he pronounce in accents of command on all -the controverted questions of the day, when men grey in the service of -the State, long installed in the headship of the party, held their peace -or dealt in platitude and ambiguity? By what strange madness of the hour -had this youth who derided Radicals for abandoning their principles and -preached Liberalism from Tory platforms, gained acceptance throughout -the land? The Conservative benches were rich in staid, substantial -merchants and worthy squires. They had their blameless young men of good -family and exemplary deportment who never gave the party Whips an -anxious moment and used their talents only to discover what 'older and -therefore wiser' people would wish to have them say. Why was no honour -shown to them? Did not they address meetings in the provinces? Did they -not utter sentiments to which every sensible and patriotic man might -listen with unruffled contentment? And no one marked them! Was there -not enough in these evil days to bear from Mr. Gladstone and his -legions, without this turbulent uprising in their own ranks? - -In truth, at this crisis in their fortunes the Conservative party were -rescued in spite of themselves. A very little and they would never have -won the new democracy. But for a narrow chance they might have slipped -down into the gulf of departed systems. The forces of wealth and rank, -of land and Church, must always have exerted vast influence in whatever -confederacy they had been locked. Alliances or fusions with Whigs and -moderate Liberals must from time to time have secured them spells of -office. But the Tory party might easily have failed to gain any support -among the masses. They might have lost their hold upon the new -foundation of power; and the cleavage in British politics must have -become a social, not a political, division--upon a line horizontal, not -oblique. - -There are, without doubt, some who will be inclined to think that no -element of the heroic enters into these conflicts, and that political -triumphs are necessarily tarnished by vulgar methods. The noise and -confusion of election crowds, the cant of phrase and formula, the -burrowings of rival Caucuses, fill with weariness, and even terror, -persons of exquisite sensibility. It is easy for those who take no part -in the public duties of citizenship under a democratic dispensation to -sniff disdainfully at the methods of modern politics and to console -themselves for a lack of influence upon the course of events by the -indulgence of a fastidious refinement and a meticulous consistency. But -it is a poor part to play. Amid the dust and brawling, with rude weapons -and often unworthy champions, a real battle for real and precious -objects is swaying to and fro. Better far the clamour of popular -disputation, with all its most blatant accessories, hammering out from -month to month and year to year the laboured progress of the common -people in a work-a-day world, than the poetic tragedies and violence of -chivalric ages. The splintering of lances and clashing of swords are not -the only tests by which the natural captains and princes among men can -be known. The spirit and emotions of war do not depend upon the weapons -or conditions of the conflict. A bold heart, a true eye--clear, plain, -decided leading--count none the less, although no blood is spilled. 'To -rally the people round the Throne,' cried Lord Randolph Churchill, 'to -unite the Throne with the people, a loyal Throne and a patriotic -people--that is our policy and that is our faith.' Much of the work that -he did, was turned to purposes very different from his own. His -political doctrines were not free from error and contradiction. But he -accomplished no mean or temporary achievement in so far as he restored -the healthy balance of parties, and caused the ancient institutions of -the British realm once again to be esteemed among the masses of the -British people. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE PARTY MACHINE - - 'There is rarely any rising, but by a commixture of good and evil - arts.'--BACON. - - -In the spring of 1883 Lord Randolph Churchill had invited Lord Salisbury -to come forward and head the Tory Democratic movement. In the autumn he -determined to persevere alone. The enterprise which he had matured -during his retirement at Blenheim was perhaps the most daring on which -he ever embarked. It has been stated that he cherished no smaller design -than the 'wholesale capture of the Conservative party organisation.' How -far in his secret heart he was determined to go cannot be known; but it -is certain that he now set to work deliberately upon a twofold -plan--first, to obtain the control of the National Union of Conservative -Associations; and secondly to secure for that body substantial authority -and financial independence. - -Nothing but Lord Randolph Churchill's undisputed predominance in debate -and his unequalled popularity in the country could have sustained him -against the forces which he had determined to engage. From one motive -or another, from conscientious and perfectly intelligible distrust, from -vulgar jealousy, from respect for discipline and authority, from a dull -resentment at the disturbance he created, nearly all the most -influential Conservatives in the House of Commons and the Carlton Club -were leagued against him. Lord Salisbury was hostile to him. Sir -Stafford Northcote had good reason to be so. All the old men who had sat -in the late Cabinet, were alarmed; all the new men who hoped to sit in -the next, were envious of his surprising rise to power. Scarcely a name -can be mentioned of those who had held office in the past or were to -hold it in the future, which was not at this time arrayed against him. -And with all of them he was now to come into violent collision. - -With the beginnings of this intricate conflict around the party -machinery the Fourth Party entered upon its final phase. It had grown -out of a House of Commons comradeship amid the Bradlaugh debates. It had -soon become the centre and soul of opposition to Mr. Gladstone's -Government. It had next been drawn into a vehement effort to displace -Sir Stafford Northcote from his primacy in Conservative councils and -instal Lord Salisbury in his stead. In all this Mr. Balfour may be said -to have worked with the Fourth Party more or less formally and to have -sympathised generally and even cordially with their aims. But in the -process of fighting several unexpected things had happened. A new -political situation was created; new forces had been awakened; a new -leader was at hand. - -Mr. Gorst and Sir Henry Wolff declared themselves ready to follow Lord -Randolph Churchill further. Mr. Balfour immediately diverged. Although -during the fight for the party machine he continued nominally to act -with the Fourth Party and remained on friendly terms with its members, -he now began to oppose Lord Randolph Churchill. He spoke against him in -the House of Commons. He canvassed against him in the National Union -Council. It has been suggested[17] that Mr. Balfour's course at this -time was open to the reproach of disingenuousness. Certainly Lord -Randolph Churchill's correspondence lends no support to such a charge. -He liked Mr. Balfour as a companion. He did not consider him formidable -as an opponent. He was delighted to bear the evils of his antagonism for -the pleasure of his society. Moreover, he saw quite clearly that Mr. -Balfour's main political sympathy was inseparably attached to Lord -Salisbury. To come into conflict with Lord Salisbury was to come into -conflict with Mr. Balfour. The difference was natural, inevitable, and -legitimate; and no doubt, while it lasted, Lord Randolph was careful to -confine his conversation with his friend only to those subjects upon -which they were still able to cooperate. - -After the electoral disaster of 1880 a meeting had been held at -Bridgewater House, under the auspices of Lord Beaconsfield, to examine -the causes of defeat. A committee, formed chiefly of members of the -Carlton Club, had been appointed to consider various methods of -reforming, popularising, and improving the party organisation. This -committee was never dissolved. It continued to exist, and under the -title of the 'Central Committee' assumed the direction and management of -all party affairs and controlled the large funds subscribed for party -purposes. The National Union of Conservative Associations, upon the -other hand, was a body formed on a basis of popular representation. Its -branches had spread all over the country and its membership included -many of the more active local leaders of the Conservative party in the -great towns. It was, however, deprived of all share in party government -by the Central Committee and jealously excluded from possessing any -financial independence. Mr. Gorst was already its Vice-President and had -long exercised an influence sustained by an unrivalled knowledge of -party machinery. Sir Henry Wolff was one of its original members. But -Lord Randolph Churchill's election by co-optation to a seat upon that -body in 1882 had led to an unprecedented division of opinion. His -personal antagonists had banded themselves together and attacked him -upon various ingenious pretexts. One gentleman undertook to prove from -elaborately prepared and complicated statistics that the member for -Woodstock was a Fenian. Another endeavoured to convince the Council -that he was a devoted slave of Mr. Chamberlain--apparently on the -curious ground that he had voted against a plan for making a Channel -Tunnel. When the Council had divided, the numbers for and against him -were exactly equal. The duty of giving a casting-vote fell upon the -Chairman. Although consistently hostile to Tory Democracy in all its -forms and representatives, Lord Percy refused to use his vote to exclude -a distinguished opponent and Lord Randolph Churchill had thus been -elected. - -The three faithful members of the Fourth Party were thus brought -together. They were not alone or unsupported. The discussions of a year -had disclosed unmistakable discontent on the part of a powerful section -of the National Union. Many active local politicians--men claiming to -speak upon the Council in the name of some of the greatest cities in -England--were profoundly dissatisfied both with the conduct of the -Opposition and the organisation of the party. They resented their utter -lack of influence over either. Themselves above, or at least outside, -the jealousies and cabals of the House of Commons, they regarded the -free-lances below the gangway as the best fighting men in the -Conservative ranks and they looked with enthusiasm to Lord Randolph -Churchill as the one man who could revive the failing fortunes of their -party and beard the majestic authority of the Prime Minister. It was by -the unwavering support of a majority of these gentlemen that Lord -Randolph's power upon the Council was maintained through the struggles -that followed. - -'The National Union,' writes Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, 'was galvanised -into life by a desire very prevalent in the party outside the House of -Commons--or, at least, in the democratic part of it--to support the more -active policy in Opposition of which Lord Randolph was the type, and by -the personal differences which were necessarily connected with that -subject.' - -During the year 1883 Lord Randolph's position on the Council had been -one of influence but not of power. The selection of Birmingham as the -scene of the Conference of 1883 was a circumstance especially favourable -to him. He resolved to seize the opportunity. 'I have seen Gorst,' he -wrote (September 28, 1883) to Sir Henry Wolff, 'and arranged with him -that at the meeting of the delegates at Birmingham I am to declare war -against the Central Committee and advocate the placing of all power and -finance in the hands of the Council of the National Union. This will be -a bold step--the Austerlitz of the Fourth Party; but I fancy I may be -able to put my views in a manner which will carry the delegates.' - -These anticipations were fully sustained at the Conference on October 2. -Lord Randolph laid his case before the delegates with the utmost -candour. He reminded them of the differences his former election to the -Council had occasioned. He wished them quite clearly to understand what -his course would be if he were elected again. He denounced the Central -Committee, which he justly declared had arrogated to itself powers, it -was never intended to possess and was incompetent to exercise. He -described the National Union as kept by this committee 'in a state of -tutelage, if not of slavery,' and its delegates as 'solemnly invited -year by year to elect a Council which does not advise and an Executive -which does not administer.' - -'I wish,' he said, 'to see the control and guidance of the organisation -of the Tory party transferred from a self-elected body to an annually -elected body. I wish to see the management of the financial resources of -our party transferred from an irresponsible body to a responsible body. -I say that this so-called Central Committee is an irresponsible and -self-elected body and that the Council of the National Union is a -responsible and an annually elected body, and I wish the control of the -party organisation to be in the hands of the National Union and taken -out of the hands of the Central Committee. There is no instance in -history of power, placed in the hands of a self-constituted and -irresponsible body, being used otherwise than unwisely at first and -corruptly at last.... I hold it is of the last importance that all -finance should be collected and administered by your Council. The -corrupt practices at the last General Election on our own side, when the -organisation was directed by a secret and irresponsible Committee, were -so grave and flagrant that our party in Parliament were absolutely -prevented from exposing the graver and more flagrant corrupt practices -of the Liberal party.... I should like all the finances of the Tory -party to be open for inspection for anyone who may wish to look at them, -be he friend or foe. Where you allow secret expenditure you will -certainly have corrupt expenditure; and where you have corrupt -expenditure you will have vitiated elections, disfranchised boroughs, -party disgrace, and public scandal.... - -'There is another point. The great bulk of the Tory party throughout the -country is composed of artisans and labouring classes. They are directly -represented here to-day; they are always directly represented on your -Council; no party management can be effective and healthy unless the -great labouring classes are directly represented on the Executive of the -party. I hope before long to see Tory working men in Parliament.... - -[Sidenote: 1883 AET. 34] - -'Now some of our friends in the party have a lesson to learn which they -do not seem disposed to learn. The Conservative party will never -exercise power until it has gained the confidence of the working -classes; and the working classes are quite determined to govern -themselves, and will not be either driven or hoodwinked by any class or -class interests. Our interests are perfectly safe if we trust them -fully, frankly, and freely; but if we oppose them and endeavour to drive -them and hoodwink them, our interests, our Constitution, and all we love -and revere will go down. If you want to gain the confidence of the -working classes, let them have a share and a large share--a real share -and not a sham share--in your party Councils and in your party -government.... - -'I would bespeak your earnest consideration of this grave question of -party organisation. Whatever your judgment may be, I shall humbly -acquiesce in it. If you are satisfied with the present arrangements, if -you think the National Union possesses the power to which it has a -right, if you think that things are going well with us and that the -future is sure and promising--well then, so do I. But if, on the other -hand, you are of opinion, after careful consideration of events since -1880, that we have not yet learnt enough from the experience of the past -to avoid disaster in time to come; if you think that we have not yet set -our house in order, that we are not as well prepared for battle as we -ought to be; if you are dissatisfied and distrustful of our present -arrangements and anxious about the prospects of our party; if you are -ready to consider and carry out needful and timely reforms--well then, -so am I.' - -'We had a real triumph,' wrote Mr. Gorst to Sir Henry Wolff (October 3), -'at Birmingham yesterday in carrying without division a resolution -directing a new Council to take steps to secure for the National Union -"its legitimate influence in the party organisation." They got ----, ----, -and ---- and a whole bevy of Goats to attend; but Randolph, who was -received by the delegates with a regular ovation, made a capital speech -attacking the Central Committee and carried all before him. The -election, however, went off badly. Clarke, Chaplin, Claud Hamilton, and -a lot of other hostile men got elected and it will require the greatest -care and skill in the selection and election of the twelve co-optated -members to secure us the necessary working majority.' - -Lord Randolph's own account was laconic:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Henry Wolff._ - -October 3, 1883. - - Dear Wolff,--The proceedings yesterday were interesting and, on the - whole, satisfactory, but I could not give you an account of them in - a letter--it would be far too long. I shall be in town on Saturday, - when you must dine with me. Tell Gorst I expect him too, and you - will hear all about the infant Caucus. The Goats yesterday had got - wind of our proceedings and came down in great numbers. Ashmead - Bartlett also went dead against us and 'entraved' our schemes to - some extent. I made my remarks, which appeared to me not to - displease the Assembly, though they must have been poison to the - Goats. R----, who was present at the beginning, sniffing a row, - prudently recollected he had an engagement and withdrew. - -Yours faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -The consequences of the unsatisfactory election were evident in the -protracted and evenly-balanced conflict which broke out at once upon the -new Council. The twelve co-optated members seem to have been upon the -whole favourable to Lord Randolph. Some of them were men of such -influence in the large towns that the Orthodox Conservatives did not -care to oppose them. No doubt much forethought had also been exercised -in their selection. At any rate, from that moment Tory Democracy -secured a small but solid majority upon the Council. - -The first meeting was upon December 7. Lord Randolph moved for an -Organisation Committee to consider the best means of carrying into -effect the rider passed at the annual conference. A Committee was -accordingly appointed. It consisted principally of Lord Randolph -Churchill's friends. Its first act was to exclude the honorary -secretaries of the Council from its deliberations and to elect Lord -Randolph its Chairman. It next resolved unanimously to seek an interview -with Lord Salisbury, and the Chairman was instructed to write to him -with that purpose. - -Nothing could exceed the politeness with which the correspondence -opened. Lord Randolph Churchill recounted the events of the Birmingham -conference and the formation of the new Organising Committee, and he -requested on their behalf the honour of an interview with the leader of -the party. Lord Salisbury replied that it would give him great pleasure -to confer with members of the National Union upon any subject which, in -their judgment, was of importance to party interests. Some delay was -caused through the Christmas holiday; but the meeting took place early -in January and was friendly in its character. - -[Sidenote: 1884 AET. 35] - -When, however, the Council of the National Union met on February 1, Lord -Percy complained that Lord Randolph Churchill should have been elected -to the Chair of the Organisation Committee, as it had always been the -custom for the Chairman of the Council to preside at all Committees at -which he was present. Mr. Chaplin then moved that Lord Percy be -requested to resume his position as Chairman of the Organisation -Committee. Other motions of a similar character were made. All were -rejected by the Council after close divisions, and Lord Percy thereupon -resigned the chairmanship. Although Lord Randolph Churchill subsequently -himself proposed and carried a unanimous vote of confidence in him, he -declined to withdraw his resignation. Lord Randolph Churchill and Mr. -Chaplin were then respectively proposed for the vacant office, and Lord -Randolph was elected by seventeen votes to fifteen. But Lord Salisbury, -ignoring this decision, continued to communicate with the Council -through Lord Percy, and the majority was greatly offended thereby. - -On February 29 Lord Salisbury, as he had promised, wrote a formal letter -to the Organisation Committee setting forth the views of the party -leaders upon the powers and duties of the Council of the National -Union:-- - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -20, Arlington Street: February 29, 1884. - - My Lord,--I have the honour to acknowledge your letter of the 17th. - The pressure of public business must be my apology for not having - sent you an earlier reply. - - Sir Stafford Northcote and I have carefully considered the matters - which you mentioned at the small meeting which took place here in - January. Our task has been rendered more difficult by the - circumstance that no proposals were put forward on the part of the - National Union. Their communication was confined to the - representation that, possessing an efficient organisation, and - consisting, as it undoubtedly does, of highly competent men, the - Council had not the opportunity of concurring largely enough in the - practical organisation of the party. - - It appears to us that that organisation is, and must remain, in all - its essential features local. But there is still much work which a - central body like the Council of the National Union can perform - with great advantage to the party. It is the representative of many - Associations on whom, in their respective constituencies, the work - of the party greatly depends. It can superintend and stimulate - their exertions; furnish them with advice, and in some measure with - funds; provide them with lecturers; aid them in the improvement and - development of the local press; and help them in perfecting the - machinery by which the registration is conducted and the - arrangements for providing volunteer agency at election times. It - will have special opportunity of pressing upon the local - Associations which it represents the paramount duty of selecting, - in time, the candidates who are to come forward at the dissolution. - - The field of work seems to us large--as large as the nature of the - case permits--and ample enough to give scope for such co-operation - as the able men who constitute the Council of the National Union - may be in a position to offer. But if, on consideration, the - Council should desire to submit to us any proposal with respect to - the above matters or to other subjects, it will, of course, receive - our attentive consideration. - -Believe me -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -The arrival of this letter was hailed by Lord Randolph and his friends -with delight, and with elaborate gravity they made haste to accept it -as a 'charter' establishing for ever the rights and position of the -National Union. It might seem at first sight that Lord Salisbury's -utterances were sufficiently vague and guarded; but this was not the -view of the Organisation Committee and they forthwith proceeded to draw -up a report, in which, it must be confessed, the assigned duties of the -National Union seemed to be of a very responsible and definite -character. The next step was, of course, to ask for funds to carry out -such important work, and the report proceeded to indicate the sources to -which the Organisation Committee would look:-- - - The Council will, no doubt, perceive that for the proper discharge - of these duties now imposed upon them by the leaders of the party - the provision of considerable funds becomes a matter of first-class - necessity. Your Committee have reason to believe that there exists - at the present moment a large fund, collected for the general - purposes of the Conservative party, and collected principally owing - to the exertions of the Marquess of Abergavenny, from which the - Council has from time to time received irregular and uncertain - contributions, more or less of an eleemosynary character. Your - Committee would strongly recommend to the Council that this - arrangement, which in view of the new duties now devolving upon the - Council must be considered as of a most unsatisfactory nature, - should be modified, and that your Committee should be authorised by - the Council to claim from the aforesaid fund a certain definite - allocation, which shall be set apart absolutely for the uses of the - National Union, and shall, in some measure, enable them to commence - the effective discharge of their labours. In view, however, of the - large field of work marked out by Lord Salisbury's letter, your - Committee are of opinion that whatever funds they may be able to - obtain from the aforesaid source should be supplemented by a - vigorous and earnest appeal to the Conservative party generally - throughout the country for donations and annual subscriptions. - -Lastly, the Committee drew up a number of practical suggestions--some of -which were subsequently followed, with excellent results--for the -purpose of carrying out 'Lord Salisbury's scheme.' - -Full information of the framing of this report and of its character was -conveyed to Lord Salisbury through a channel which could not then be -traced and he was much taken aback at the construction which had been -put upon his letter. He therefore wrote immediately to Lord Randolph -Churchill. - - - -_Private and Confidential._ - -March 6, 1884. - - My dear Lord Randolph,--I have been told on good authority that you - had inferred, as the result of our recent communications, that in - our contemplation the National Union was in some manner to take the - place of the Central Committee and to do the work which the latter - exclusively does now. - - As my letter does not mention the Central Committee, this - misapprehension (if, indeed, it has arisen) must be due to - something that passed in our conversation at the Carlton on Sunday. - I should blame myself severely if I had misled you as to our views - on this point. The Central Committee are appointed by us and - represent us: and we could not in any degree separate our position - from theirs. - - I hope, however, that there is no chance of the paths of the - Central Committee and the National Union crossing: for there is - plenty of good work for both to do. - - I am sure you will forgive my giving you the trouble of reading - this letter--which only issues from my desire that we should all - work together in good understanding. - -Believe me -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -'With reference to the hope,' replied Lord Randolph Churchill, 'which -you express, that "there is no chance of the paths of the Central -Committee and the National Union crossing," I fear it may be -disappointed. In a struggle between a popular body and a close -corporation, the latter, I am happy to say, in these days goes to the -wall; for the popular body have this great advantage--that, having -nothing to conceal, they can, at any moment they think proper, appeal -fully (and in some measure recklessly) to a favourable and sympathising -public, and I am of opinion that in such a course as this the National -Union will find that I may be of some little assistance to them.' - -The report, together with the 'Charter' letter, was presented to the -Council at their meeting on the 7th, and their consideration was -adjourned till the 14th. At this adjourned meeting Lord Percy read a -letter which he had received from Lord Salisbury strongly disapproving -of the report and deprecating its adoption. He thereupon moved its -rejection. The Council divided, and Lord Percy's motion was negatived by -19 votes to 14. The report was then adopted by 19 votes to 7. - -The consequences of this decision were surprising. On March 18 Lord -Randolph Churchill received a letter from Mr. Bartley, the principal -agent at the Conservative Central Office, informing him that Lord -Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote thought it desirable that the -Central Committee and the National Union should work with separate -establishments, and requesting the National Union to take the necessary -steps for removing their belongings. - -It is very easy to see what a great tactical mistake Lord Salisbury and -his friends committed by authorising such a letter to be written. The -premises in question were not the property of Lord Salisbury and Sir -Stafford Northcote and they had no legal power to eject the National -Union. The National Union had since 1872 contributed from their own -funds 175_l._ annually towards the rent and the office expenses. -Moreover--and all this was carefully and forcefully put before the -Organisation Committee by its Chairman--Lord Salisbury had directed such -a letter to be written without waiting for any official information as -to what the action which was complained of really was, and without -communicating, except informally through Lord Percy, with the Council. -The members of the Council therefore, many of whom were able men of -local influence and importance, felt themselves affronted by -discourteous usage. The opinion was expressed that when the leaders of -the party had communications to make to the National Union, those -communications should be made through their Chairman; and the 'notice to -quit,' as it was called, was regarded as a cause of deep and undeserved -offence. - -Lord Randolph Churchill was careful, however, not to make too much at -the moment of this substantial advantage; and he persuaded the Committee -to modify the report in several important particulars, so as to remove -what were believed to be Lord Salisbury's objections. The revised draft -was then, after several parleyings, forwarded to the party leaders, and -on April 1 Lord Salisbury replied in a letter[18] which strictly limited -the functions of the National Union and provided for its complete -control by the Central Committee:-- - - To ensure complete unity of action, we think it desirable that the - Whips of the party should sit, _ex officio_, on the Council, and - should have a right to be present at the meetings of all - Committees. Such an arrangement would be a security against any - unintentional divergencies of policy, and would lend weight to the - proceedings of the Union. Business relating to candidates should - remain entirely with the Central Committee. On the assumption, - which we are entitled now to make, that the action of the two - bodies will be harmonious, a separation of establishments will not - be necessary--unless business should largely increase. There is - some advantage, undoubtedly, in their working under a common roof, - for it is difficult to distinguish between their functions so - accurately, but that the need of mutual assistance and - communication will constantly be felt. - -On the receipt of this letter Lord Randolph Churchill resolved to -abandon all pretence at further friendly negotiation. He summoned -immediately a special meeting of the Organisation Committee, on which, -as has been noticed, his personal influence predominated. Only three -members besides himself--namely Colonel Burnaby, Mr. Cotter and Mr. -Gorst--were able to attend; but these nevertheless took the -responsibility of sending to the leaders of the party what was, as will -presently appear, little less than a declaration of open war. - -All these proceedings came before the Council of the National Union at -their meeting on April 4. Lord Randolph Churchill, as Chairman, read Mr. -Bartley's 'notice to quit' letter of March 17, which, he stated, was the -result of an 'unauthorised, unofficial, and inaccurate communication' on -the part of some member of the Council to the leaders of the party of -what had taken place at the last meeting. But although the letter was a -great obstacle to amicable intercourse, he had endeavoured to negotiate -with the leaders, and had had many conferences with persons of -influence, such as Lord Abergavenny and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach; and, -finally, Mr. Gorst and he himself had had the honour of an interview -with Lord Salisbury on March 21. The results of the interview had been -very satisfactory, and it was understood that the leaders would -communicate thereafter with the Council; but in spite of repeated -requests, and even visits, no reply of any sort had been received. The -Organisation Committee had therefore drawn up their report, making such -alterations in it as they believed might make it acceptable. On the day -following the circulation of this report to the Council the Chairman had -received the letter from Lord Salisbury of April 1, to which the -Organisation Committee had sent a reply.[19] - -This reply, after recalling the proceedings at Birmingham and the -unsatisfactory features in the Conservative organisation--'the control -of Parliamentary elections by the leader, the Whip, and the paid agent -drawing their resources from secret funds'--suitable perhaps 'to the -manipulation of the 10_l._ householder,' but utterly obsolete in the -face of an extended franchise--described the gratification and -encouragement with which the Council of the National Union had learned -that Lord Salisbury was willing to entrust them with large and important -duties. The Council, however, committed the serious error of 'imagining -that your Lordship and Sir Stafford Northcote were in earnest in wishing -them to become a real source of usefulness to the party.' They had been -'rudely undeceived.' The day after the adoption of their report they had -been ordered to quit the premises they occupied. Their report had been -disapproved on the ground that their activities would trench upon the -functions 'of an amorphous and unknown body styled the Central -Committee.' The precise language of Lord Salisbury's 'Charter' letter -had been completely abandoned and refuge had been taken 'in vague, -foggy, and utterly intangible suggestions.' In order that the Council of -the National Union might be 'completely and for ever reduced to its -ancient condition of dependence upon and servility to certain -irresponsible persons who find favour in your eyes,' it was demanded -that the Whips of the party should sit _ex officio_ on the Council, with -a right of being present at all committees. Finally, in the event of the -Council--representing upwards of 500 affiliated Conservative -Associations and composed of men eminent in position and political -experience, enjoying the confidence of the party in populous localities -and sacrificing continually much time, convenience and money to the work -of the National Union--acquiescing in such a view of its functions, it -might be graciously permitted to remain the humble inmate of the -premises which it occupied. - - We shall lay your letter and copy of this reply before the Council - at its meeting to-morrow and shall move the Council that they - adhere substantially to the report already adopted, in obedience to - the direction of the Conference at Birmingham; that they take steps - to provide themselves with their own offices and clerks; and that - they continue to prosecute with vigour and independence the task - which they have commenced--namely, the _bona-fide_ popular - organisation of the Conservative party. - - It may be that the powerful and secret influences which have - hitherto been unsuccessfully at work on the Council, with the - knowledge and consent of your Lordship and Sir Stafford Northcote, - may at last be effectual in reducing the National Union to its - former make-believe and impotent condition; in that case we shall - know what steps to take to clear ourselves of all responsibility - for the failure of an attempt to avert the misfortunes and reverses - which will, we are certain, under the present effete system of - wire-pulling and secret organisation, overtake and attend the - Conservative party at a General Election. - -Lord Randolph finished reading the letter, and after moving the -appointment of an Executive Committee to carry out the recommendations -of the report, sat down abruptly. He was immediately asked to state the -names of those who had authorised the sending of such a letter, and the -fact that they were only four in number was received with murmurs of -astonishment. Lord Percy and Mr. Chaplin declined to serve upon the -Executive Committee until the letter was withdrawn, and Lord Claud -Hamilton moved at once the following amendment: 'That this Council -regrets the disrespectful and improper tone of the letter of the -Organisation Committee of the 3rd inst. to the Marquess of Salisbury, -and declines to accept any responsibility for the same.' This was -seconded by Mr. Stuart-Wortley, M.P., and supported by Mr. Chaplin and -others in an acrimonious debate. The issue appeared doubtful, but Lord -Randolph Churchill waved aside all suggestions of postponement and -insisted upon an immediate decision. So great was his influence that the -amendment was rejected by 19 to 13, and the original resolution -(appointing an Executive Committee) was carried by 18 to 14. The Council -then adjourned till May 2. - -The month which followed was a month of intrigue and counter-intrigue. -The majority which Lord Randolph commanded upon the Council, was small. -He had been elected Chairman by a majority of two. The report of the -Organisation Committee had escaped destructive amendment by five votes. -The vote of censure on the Chairman had been rejected by no more than -six and the Executive Committee appointed by no more than four. If two -or three, or even one man, could be detached, the movement might be -crushed and its leader overthrown; and to this end every effort of power -and authority, by appeals, by local pressure, by threats and promises, -was employed. Against this Lord Randolph could set nothing but his -personal influence on the Council and his popularity in the country. It -was evident, moreover, that a great trial of strength between the two -sections of the Conservative party was impending, and moderate men had -to choose once and for all on which side they would be found. It is, to -say the least of it, remarkable that the majority on the Council -remained till the end of April solid and unwavering. - -In the face of this attitude Lord Salisbury and his associates prepared -for compromise, and the leaders of Tory Democracy, who knew well how -slender were their resources, showed every disposition to meet them. -Lord Randolph Churchill declared that he would agree to anything 'which -offered an honourable _modus vivendi_ to the National Union consistent -with the resolution of the Birmingham Conference.' Lord Salisbury -appeared willing to concede a large part of what was demanded, including -a grant of 3,000_l._ a year to the National Union funds. This compromise -was to have been formally agreed to at the meeting of the Central -Committee on April 29, but at the last minute an unexpected event -occurred. - -Mr. Maclean, the Member for Oldham, had hitherto been one of Lord -Randolph's consistent supporters on the Council, but his private object -had been[20] to overthrow the dual control of Lord Salisbury and Sir -Stafford Northcote, rather than to place the organisation of the party -upon a democratic basis. If he had to choose, as he conceived himself -compelled to choose, between Lord Salisbury and Lord Randolph Churchill, -his intention was to support the former. He was a man of independent -views, who was not likely to be influenced against his decision by -either faction, and his intervention at this stage was for that reason -all the more effective. He, knowing nothing of the impending compromise, -now placed upon the agenda paper of the Council the following motion:-- - -'That, having regard to the paramount importance of complete harmony and -united action between the Central Committee of the Conservative party -and the Council of the National Union, a Committee of the Council be now -appointed to confer with the Central Committee for the purpose of -securing these objects.' On learning this Lord Salisbury at once broke -off all negotiations, pending the result of the motion. Mr. Edward -Stanhope was put in communication with Mr. Maclean and nothing was -neglected to induce him to persist. - -The Council met again on May 2. Lord Randolph informed Mr. Maclean -privately that he would regard his motion, if carried, as a vote of -want of confidence in the Chairman. But Maclean was not to be dissuaded, -and upon a division--several of Lord Randolph's friends being -absent--his motion prevailed by seventeen votes to thirteen. Lord -Randolph Churchill thereupon immediately resigned the chairmanship of -the Council. He determined to withdraw entirely from active politics, -and it was said that he would seek rest and amusement abroad. He even -prepared a letter to Mr. Satchell Hopkins explaining at length his -reasons for abandoning his candidature at Birmingham.[21] - -Awful joy was manifested at the Tory headquarters upon the sudden and -complete suppression of the mutiny. At the Carlton and in the Lobby the -'old gang' were full of nervous self-congratulation. They had borne with -him long enough. They had always warned him what the end would be. Now -it had fallen out as they had always foreseen. Was it not sad to see a -young man--of undoubted talent--destroy what might have been a -meritorious career? &c., &c. The _Standard_ chanted a solemn paean of -triumph. The victorious section upon the Council made haste to publish -glowing accounts of their action, and incidentally communicated to the -press the full terms of the 'irritating letter' which had been sent to -Lord Salisbury on April 3, and which was, of course, a strictly -confidential document. Sir Stafford Northcote said in his haste that -Lord Randolph was 'a bonnet for the Liberal party.' This mood lasted for -a little while. Then came a chilling reaction. - -The news of Lord Randolph Churchill's resignation became generally known -on May 4, and it was received through all Conservative circles--except -the highest--with something very like consternation. The publication of -his letter to Lord Salisbury made a great sensation, not at all to his -disadvantage. Telegrams, letters, resolutions, deputations poured in -upon him in a stream. Within forty-eight hours a formidable movement in -his favour had begun. The _Times_ supported him in a powerful article -(May 8). 'The main question at issue between him and the official -leaders of the Opposition is whether the internal organisation of the -party should be for the future established on a popular and -representative or on a secret and irresponsible basis.' It declared that -the quarrel, until it was repaired, left the country without an -alternative Government. It urged Lord Salisbury not to delay in making -friendly overtures. He had 'before this effected a not less difficult -reconciliation.' If he delayed, it was quite possible that he might find -himself 'in the position not so much of dictating terms of -reconciliation as of accepting them.' Many other important Conservative -newspapers took a similar view. In the Tory clubs of the large towns it -was freely said that the one man who really knew how to fight Mr. -Gladstone, had been tripped up by the jealous intrigues of an effete, -incompetent clique of aristocrats. A loud outcry was raised against 'the -back-parlour' management of a great party. - -A more remarkable and effective demonstration followed. On May 8, the -respective Chairmen of the Liverpool, Manchester, Brighton, Sheffield, -Hull, Edinburgh, and Bristol Conservative Associations, representing -300,000 electors, met together in London under the presidency of Mr. A. -B. Forwood. They invited Lord Randolph Churchill to confer with them, -and having heard his views drew up a memorandum to the Council of the -National Union, of which the principal recommendation was that he should -be 'earnestly requested to withdraw his resignation.' They added, -moreover, that the National Union was not as representative of the -feeling in the country as it ought to be and urged that immediate steps -should be taken to broaden the basis of its organisation. They addressed -themselves also to Lord Salisbury both by letter and deputation. - -Among the many tokens of public goodwill of which Lord Randolph was at -this time the object, there was one which seemed peculiarly welcome. It -was a deputation of undergraduates from the Cambridge University -Carlton, who travelled to London for the purpose of offering what -encouragement lay in their power. A year later, when as a Minister of -the Crown Lord Randolph was able to accept the invitation of this club -to a House dinner, he alluded to the incident in terms which cast an -intimate light upon his feelings at this tempestuous moment:-- - -'There was a time last year when it happened to me to be engaged in -something partaking of the nature of a struggle with men of great -position, great responsibility, and great experience, as to the form -which modern Conservative political organisation ought to take. That -difference of opinion at one time became very sharp, and I did not know -what the result of it might be; and I was getting extremely anxious, -more for the sake of the Conservative party than for my own sake. One -evening I came home from the House of Commons very anxious and rather -discouraged, because at the House of Commons, among people whom I ought -to look upon as my political friends, I had met nothing but gloomy -looks; and I felt very much inclined to retire from the game, thinking I -was doing more harm than good, and rather--to use a slang -expression--disposed to cut the whole concern. However, when I arrived -at my house I found there waiting for me a deputation from the -University Carlton. Three gentlemen--three, I will venture to say, of -the most accomplished and able envoys ever sent out on any mission--were -waiting for me; and the only error which they committed was that, -instead of going into my house and waiting for me there, with whatever -accommodation that dwelling might afford, they waited for me in the -street, and had been waiting for me some time. I do not think you can -imagine the effect that expression of sympathy and that cordial -invitation had upon me at the time. Before I received it I felt that I -was very young, very inexperienced, and very much alone, and I did not -know to what extent any portion or fraction of public opinion might be -with me. But the expression of opinion from your club filled me with -hopes that, after all, I was not going so very far wrong--that I might -still persevere a little longer. I did persevere; everything came all -right, everything settled down, both to the harmony and, I think, to the -advantage of the Tory party. That was, to my mind, and must always be, -as far as I am concerned, a most interesting and memorable incident. It -was an encouragement from youth to youth.' - -This temper among the rank and file was not lost upon the leaders of the -party. The olive branch was held out publicly, though patronisingly, by -Mr. Stanhope at a Finsbury meeting as early as May 7. Lord Salisbury -replied with grave courtesy to the representations of the provincial -Chairmen. All sorts of busybodies ran to and fro like shuttles weaving -up a peace. On the 9th a party meeting was called at the Carlton Club to -plan the contemplated second vote of censure on Egyptian policy. Upwards -of 170 members of Parliament attended. To the astonishment of many, who -thought he had been drummed out of the Conservative ranks, Lord Randolph -strolled in unconcernedly, was warmly welcomed by the leaders, and, -rising immediately after Sir Stafford Northcote, expressed his entire -approval of the terms of the vote of censure and of the general -arrangement of the debate. The meeting was loud in its satisfaction at -these signs of concord. The negotiations with the Central Committee were -resumed, almost at the point where they had been broken off. When the -Council of the National Union met again on the 16th, it was evident that -the tide of opinion flowed strongly in Lord Randolph's favour. Upon the -motion of Lord Holmesdale he was unanimously re-elected Chairman. He -thus returned stronger than ever, neither disarmed nor placated, and the -movement which he had launched was driven steadily and relentlessly -forward. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE REFORM BILL - - Nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri, - Quo me cunque rapit tempestas deferor hospes. - HORACE. - - Sworn to no master, of no sect am I, - As drives the storm, at any door I knock. - POPE'S _Imitations_. - - -The Parliamentary session of 1884 began ill for Her Majesty's Ministers -and its first month was like enough to have been their last. While the -mover and seconder of the Address to the Crown in either House were -purring ceremonious optimism about the improvement of the Egyptian -situation, the news arrived that General Valentine Baker's wretched army -had been utterly destroyed by Osman Digna in a vain attempt to relieve -Tokar. So little disposed, indeed, were the Government to discuss -Egyptian affairs that they allowed the debate in the Commons to collapse -in a single night without any official reply to the serious attacks -which had been made; and it was only revived next day through Lord -Randolph's moving the adjournment of the House, in somewhat unusual -procedure, to protest against their silence. - -Hard upon the heels of Soudan disaster, and equally unwelcome, came Mr. -Bradlaugh. Judgment had been delivered in the Court of Queen's Bench -upon the suit Bradlaugh _v._ Gosset, brought by the member for -Northampton against the Serjeant-at-Arms for excluding him from the -precincts of the House. The Court, while admitting the absolute command -of the Houses of Parliament over their own discipline, rules of -procedure, and interpretation thereof, asserted that resolutions of -either House could not affect Acts imposing fines and penalties. The -opportunity was thus presented to Mr. Bradlaugh of testing in the Courts -the value of a self-administered oath followed by a vote in Parliament. -Once again, therefore (February 11), he presented himself at the table. -Once again the members broke into a storm of shouting which drowned his -voice. Once again the Leader of the House sat silent and powerless. But -the battlefield had now become familiar to the Opposition. Sir Stafford -Northcote moved that the member for Northampton be not permitted to go -through the form of repeating the words of the oath. Mr. Labouchere -provoked the House to a division, in which Mr. Bradlaugh voted. Motion -was made forthwith to expunge his vote. Mr. Bradlaugh voted again upon -this. When it was realised that his vote could always be recorded once -oftener than it could be disallowed, the numbers of the first division -were read out and Sir Stafford Northcote's motion was carried by 280 to -187. A further motion to exclude Mr. Bradlaugh from the precincts of the -House was agreed to without voting. Mr. Bradlaugh thereafter applied for -the Chiltern Hundreds and, his seat being thus vacated, Mr. Labouchere -moved for a new writ. This was granted by the House in spite of Lord -Randolph's opposition. The electors of Northampton returned Mr. -Bradlaugh without delay by a largely increased majority. Sir Stafford -Northcote again moved his old motion to exclude him from the House and, -although the Prime Minister spoke impressively against it, the motion -was carried (February 26) by 226 to 173. - -The Government were scarcely free from the humiliations of this affair -when fresh tidings of massacre and disaster arrived from the Soudan. -Despairing of relief after the destruction of Baker's army, the garrison -of Tokar surrendered. The garrison of Sinkat perished in an attempt to -cut their way to the coast. While the fate of these places was -inevitably approaching, votes of censure were moved in both Houses of -Parliament. In the Lords the motion of Lord Cairns and Lord Salisbury -was affirmed by 181 to 81. In the Commons the debate followed what was -becoming the usual course. Sir Stafford Northcote made a long, mild, and -moderate speech, to which Mr. Gladstone replied vigorously. The moment -he sat down Lord Randolph Churchill sprang up to attack him in rhetoric -which can only be sustained by passion in few men and on rare occasions. -'"Too late!"' he cried. '"Too late!" is an awful cry. From time -immemorial it has heralded and proclaimed the slaughter of routed -armies, the flight of dethroned monarchs, the crash of falling Empires. -Wherever human blood has been poured out in torrents, wherever human -misery has been accumulated in mountains, wherever disasters have -occurred which have shaken the world to its very centre, there straight -and swift, up to heaven, or down to hell, has always gone the appalling -cry, "Too late! Too late!" The Opposition cannot but move a vote of -censure upon a Government whose motto is "Too late!" The Liberals should -be chary of giving support to a Government whose motto is "Too late!"; -and the people of this country will undoubtedly repudiate a Government -whose motto is invariably "Too late!"' - -The Conservative party, profoundly stirred by tales of blood and shame, -continued shouting at this fierce conclusion long after the orator had -ceased. - -From these embarrassments and humiliations the Government found a happy -escape which for a while entirely transformed the Parliamentary -situation and placed them, in the fifth year of their troubled -existence, once again in a position of great advantage. The story of the -Reform Bill of 1884 may be briefly told. By enlargements of the -household franchise and by assimilation of the county and borough -franchise, two million new electors would be called into being and the -total electorate raised from three to five millions. The momentum which -this ponderous measure acquired was great enough to carry it forward -through all sections of the Liberal party and over all opposition in the -House of Commons, and to throw on one side or the other, as irrelevant -or impracticable, principles as democratic as 'one man one vote,' causes -as cherished as 'Female Suffrage,' devices as intricate and attractive -as proportional representation. The Bill itself became an object of -paramount desire. 'It is,' said Mr. Gladstone in introducing it, 'a Bill -worth having; again I say it is a Bill worth your not endangering. Let -us enter into no by-way which would lead us off the path marked straight -out before us. Let there be no wanderings on the hill-tops of -speculation or into the morasses and fogs of doubt. What we want to -carry this Bill is union, and union only. What will endanger it is -disunion, and disunion only.' And so it proved. - -The position of the Conservative party had been very ill-defined on the -question of Parliamentary Reform ever since 1867. Mr. Disraeli's action -had deprived them for ever of the right to oppose large extensions of -the franchise on principle. Tory Democracy, especially in Lancashire, -though hostile to the Government, looked with favour on their proposal. -Reform was a national as well as a party movement. Yet, on the other -hand, some of the strongest and most unyielding forces in the Tory -ranks--the county members in the House of Commons and Lord Salisbury in -the House of Lords--were prepared to offer a stubborn resistance to the -change. - -Nor, indeed, were they without grave reason from their point of view. -Hitherto the county Conservatives had been mainly, if not entirely, -selected and returned by farmers and landowners. The great labouring -population had been altogether excluded from political power. Now that -the franchise was offered to them, they welcomed it with greater -earnestness and enthusiasm than they have ever displayed on any other -question. Social reforms were good enough in their way but it was the -_vote_ on which they had set their hearts. There was a temper among them -that no one who understood county politics, could mistake and that -filled the Conservative representatives of a hundred seats with a -profound dismay. The overwhelming electorate that was to be, regarded -the interest of the farmer and landlord as fundamentally antagonistic to -their own. Any representative or candidate who was agreeable to the -farmer, must therefore be an enemy of theirs. Gratitude for the boon -which was offered, threw them still more completely on the Liberal side; -and the country party, once all powerful, long predominant, always -exercising enormous influence, now looked political extermination in the -face. - -Lord Randolph Churchill's course through this memorable controversy is -not marked by that clearness of view or consistency of action which may -be claimed for him during his whole life upon so many important -questions. In a letter written some years afterwards he speaks of it as -'the only sharp curve' revealed by his published speeches. But, in -truth, the forces which he employed, as well as those with which he was -contending, were complex and uncertain to a degree beyond description. -Tory Democracy wanted to pass the Bill, yet wanted to destroy the -Government. The Conservative party, as a whole, hated the Bill, hated -the Government, yet were unable to agree upon uncompromising -opposition. These perplexities were multiplied by the struggle for -mastery which was proceeding between the rival Parliamentary groups upon -the Council of the National Union and by the varying relations of Lord -Randolph Churchill towards Lord Salisbury and the official party -leaders. The Fourth Party was fated to perish amid this intricate -confusion. Its members criticised and even attacked one another and, -though they still all sat together in their old places, their old -comradeship was utterly destroyed. - -It was known during the autumn of 1883 that the question of Reform was -occupying the Cabinet and would probably issue in a Bill. On December -19, 1883, when Lord Randolph was delivering his 'trilogy' at Edinburgh, -he had dealt among other matters with the question of Reform. Attacking -the Government, he was easily led into attacking their project. As the -representative of a small agricultural borough he could not, as he -himself said afterwards, be expected to look upon a measure for the -extinction of Woodstock 'with any very longing eye.' The divided state -of opinion in the Conservative party had not then been disclosed. He -believed that they would insist upon fighting the Bill to the death and -he was willing to stand with them in such a struggle. He therefore spoke -against Reform--not, indeed, in principle--but on the ground of (1) the -inopportuneness of the moment chosen and the far more urgent character -of other questions; (2) the obvious risk of any large addition to the -Irish electorate; (3) the transparent design of the Government to -divert public attention from foreign affairs; (4) the absence of any -indication, on the part of the unenfranchised masses, of any great -desire for the voting privilege.[22] His words, though listened to with -attention and respect, were plainly not acceptable to the audience of -Scotch artisans. They wanted to cheer the Tory Democrat: but they also -wanted Reform. A more surprising incident followed. Mr. Balfour and Lord -Elcho, who were on the platform, both thought it necessary then and -there to declare themselves in favour of the assimilation of the county -and borough franchise. Before Parliament assembled the utter lack of -unanimity in the Conservative party against the Bill was evident and all -chance of resisting it consequently perished. - -The attempt to overthrow the Government on their Egyptian policy having -failed, the Reform Bill was introduced. Lord Randolph proposed to meet -it on the second reading by moving the previous question--'that the -question be not now put.' This form of opposition asserted most of the -objections he had stated at Edinburgh, without committing anyone who -might support it to resistance to Reform on principle. He secured -precedence for his motion. But the Conservative leaders, who were also -unable to meet the Bill squarely, attempted a parry of their own. They -declared that they could not agree to the extension of the franchise -unless it were coupled with provision for a redistribution of seats. A -motion in this sense was placed upon the paper by Lord John Manners in -the name of the Opposition. In so far as this motion allowed it to be -assumed that the leaders of the Conservative party were favourable to -the extension of the franchise, if only it were accompanied by -redistribution, it was plainly a pretence. But there was one element of -grim reality about it. A dissolution upon the extended electorate before -redistribution had taken effect would have been peculiarly injurious to -Conservative interests both in town and country. At Sir Stafford -Northcote's request Lord Randolph Churchill removed his motion of 'the -previous question' from the paper and issue was accordingly joined upon -the motion of Lord John Manners. Even this modified and rather -meaningless form of resistance did not secure the support of the entire -Conservative party. At the beginning of the session the Government -majority had fallen to 17. They carried the second reading of the 'Bill -for the Representation of the People,' as it was officially styled, by a -majority of 130 (340-210). - -Confronted with such evidences of the impossibility of further resisting -the measure as a whole, Lord Randolph Churchill now abandoned altogether -his opposition. He thought that if the Conservative party were not -prepared to fight the Bill, there was no reason why they should incur -the odium and the hazards, without the satisfactions of war, or the hope -of victory. Moreover, he had in the meanwhile accepted the invitation to -contest Birmingham at the General Election, and in exchanging a large -democratic constituency for a family borough he was naturally freed from -those special reasons connected with Woodstock which had previously -influenced him. - -These arguments were no doubt fortified by the progress of the debates -in the House of Commons. It soon became certain that the Bill would pass -and that the Conservative party could offer it no united and general -resistance. It became, moreover, evident that the most bitter opponents -of Lord Randolph Churchill personally and of Tory Democracy as an idea, -were also the most bitter opponents of Reform. The line of cleavage -between the New and the Old Tories ran through the whole question. The -very fact that the 'old gang' were obstinately against the measure -influenced Lord Randolph powerfully in its favour and he was not the man -to allow a single precipitate speech to separate him from those -progressive forces in the Conservative party whose representative he -was. 'An unchanging mind,' he observed on one occasion, 'is an admirable -possession--a possession which I devoutly hope I shall never possess.' -He declared publicly that he now regarded Reform as inevitable, and that -the principles of the assimilation of the county and borough franchise -and of equality of political rights between England and Ireland must -henceforth govern Conservatives as well as Liberals. The Fourth Party -therefore, after the second reading, became the friends of the Reform -Bill and genuinely and materially assisted its passage. - -While the Bill was passing through Committee the quarrel in the National -Union was at its height, and Lord Randolph and his handful of friends -became increasingly hostile to the Conservative leaders and consequently -more favourable to Reform. He and Mr. Gorst voted and Sir Henry Wolff -spoke against Sir R. Cross's amendment which affected the principle of -the Bill. The question of the date at which the Reform Bill should come -into force, exercised the Conservative party and was vital to the -position of conditional resistance they had perforce adopted. Sir Henry -Wolff, in the name of the Fourth Party, made a motion which would have -had the effect of postponing the decision upon this point until a later -stage. His suggestion was willingly accepted by Mr. Gladstone in the -interests of a compromise. Colonel Stanley, however, proposed from the -Front Opposition Bench at once to insert words delaying the operation of -the Franchise Bill until Redistribution had been effected. Lord Randolph -Churchill on this said bluntly that he had changed his mind since the -beginning of the session and he argued that while it might have been -possible to fight the Bill with a united party, it was foolish to incur -popular displeasure by futile attempts to wreck it. Colonel Stanley's -amendment was dismissed by a large majority (276-182). - -The tactics of the Fourth Party were supported by a few independent -members, but the serious cleavage in the Tory ranks was revealed more -evidently by the number of Conservatives who failed, during various -divisions in Committee, to sustain the Opposition leaders in the Lobby. -Lord Randolph's refusal to fight provoked indignant complaints from -those old-fashioned country Tories who, faced by political ruin in their -seats, naturally wished to offer the Bill an unyielding resistance, no -matter at what cost to party interests in general; and, as may be -imagined, they did not neglect to quote Lord Randolph's Edinburgh speech -against him. To charges of inconsistency which were not indeed denied, -Lord Randolph and his supporters retorted by accusing the Conservative -leaders of being secretly anxious to kill a measure they did not dare -openly to assail. During these debates the separation of Mr. Balfour -from the rest of the Fourth Party became notorious. Lord Randolph, -reproached with having abandoned his attitude of strong opposition to -Reform, adroitly attributed his conversion to Mr. Balfour and Lord -Elcho, who had proclaimed at Edinburgh their dissent from his earlier -opinion. Mr. Balfour replied with some acidness that 'his noble friend's -efforts to be in perfect accord with the Conservative party, numerous -and well-intentioned as they were, did not seem to be crowned with -success.' Through the ineptitude of some of their leaders and the -perversity of others the Opposition, alike above and below the gangway, -cut a poor figure during the debates on the 'Bill for the Representation -of the People.' - -Perhaps the most direct divergence occurred on Mr. Brodrick's amendment -to omit Ireland from the scope of the new franchise. We have seen how -Lord Randolph, as a young man in the Parliament of 1874, had first -supported and later on--when circumstances had changed--opposed the -extension to Ireland of electoral privileges similar to and simultaneous -with those enjoyed in Great Britain. His speech at Edinburgh had laid -emphasis on the danger of any large accession to the Irish vote. Only a -few days before the question was discussed he had been re-elected, as -described in the last chapter, to the chairmanship of the Council of the -National Union. It was popularly assumed that he had come to terms with -Lord Salisbury, and their reported reconciliation had been -ostentatiously paraded in the party press. But when Lord Randolph -resumed the debate on May 20, it soon appeared that he was still -recalcitrant. Amid an ominous silence on the Conservative benches he -asked Mr. Brodrick to withdraw his amendment, and declared that he had -made up his mind to vote against it if it were carried to a division. He -then declared once and for all in favour of the equal and similar -treatment of Ireland in all matters of electoral reform; and this -principle of 'similarity and simultaneity,' as it came to be called, has -since been commonly identified with his name. One passage in this speech -was at the time greatly admired and applauded. Mr. Smith during the -autumn had argued that no votes should be given to Irish peasants who -lived in mud-cabins, and the 'mud-cabin' argument had become a very -prominent feature in the debate. Lord Randolph dealt with this -contention in his most polished Parliamentary style. - -'I have heard,' he said, 'a great deal of the mud-cabin argument. For -that we are indebted to the brilliant, ingenious, and fertile mind of -the right honourable member for Westminster.[23] I suppose that in the -minds of the lords of suburban villas, of the owners of vineries and -pineries, the mud-cabin represents the climax of physical and social -degradation. But the franchise in England has never been determined by -Parliament with respect to the character of the dwellings. The -difference between the cabin of the Irish peasant and the cottage of the -English agricultural labourer is not so great as that which exists -between the abode of the right honourable member for Westminster and the -humble roof which shelters from the storm the individual who now has the -honour to address the Committee.' When the cheers and laughter had -subsided he went on to quote the famous lines:-- - - Non ebur, neque aureum - Mea renidet in domo lacunar; - Non trabes Hymettiae - Premunt columnas ultima recisas - Africa. - -'But if the right honourable member for Westminster were to propose to -the Committee that he himself should have a vote at Parliamentary -elections and that I should have none, I feel sure the House of Commons -would repudiate the proposal with indignation and disgust.' The -'mud-cabin' argument seems after this to have disappeared altogether -from Parliamentary warfare and Mr. Brodrick's amendment was rejected by -the enormous majority of 332 to 137. After this the resistance of the -Opposition in the House of Commons was at an end. The third reading of -the Bill was allowed to pass _nemine contradicente_ and entered -accordingly on the journals of the House. The Bill then went to the -House of Lords at the end of June; and there, by amendments supported by -majorities of 59 and 50, it was incontinently destroyed. The collision -between the two Houses was direct, and a dangerous excitement arose in -the country. - -Although unwilling to impede the progress of the Reform Bill and -decidedly predisposed to take action contrary to the views of his own -pastors above the gangway in order to put a spoke in their wheel, Lord -Randolph was the most unrelenting and vigilant opponent of the Liberal -Government. Whenever and wherever a favourable chance of fighting -occurred he was the foremost man, and many furious wrangles between him -and Mr. Gladstone, or Mr. Chamberlain or Sir Charles Dilke marked the -course of the session. In the quarrel between the two Houses after the -rejection of the Bill in the House of Lords, he exerted himself to his -utmost on behalf of the House of Lords and laid on the Prime Minister -the whole responsibility for the dangerous constitutional situation -which had arisen and was becoming increasingly grave. Hansard and the -newspapers record these battles in ample detail. Sometimes he found -powerful support. On one occasion, when a dispute arose with Sir Charles -Dilke as to the accuracy of a quotation from Lord Randolph's speeches, -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach said abruptly that 'he preferred to believe the -word of his noble friend to that of the right honourable baronet'--an -observation which he was required by the Speaker to withdraw. On another -occasion Lord Randolph charged the Prime Minister with having 'traduced' -his opponents by representing that Lord Salisbury had said in the course -of a confidential conversation that he would not discuss Redistribution -'with a rope round his neck,' and he moved the adjournment of the House. -Mr. Gladstone, violently incensed, described this word 'traduce'--which -he declared implied a wilful and disgraceful act, not arising from -error--as 'foul language.' Lord Randolph immediately rose to order, and -asked the Speaker whether the Prime Minister was to be allowed to use -words which would not be tolerated in any other member. The Speaker -hoped that Mr. Gladstone would not insist on employing the expression. -The Prime Minister's reply was accepted as a withdrawal, though his -actual words do not favour that construction. It is said that this was -the only time in his whole career when Mr. Gladstone incurred the rebuke -of the Chair. Lord Randolph seems to have been distressed at having -offended his great antagonist so deeply. Later in the debate he rose -again. 'Recollecting,' he said, 'the vast difference which separates me -from the Prime Minister, I wish to say that it never has been and never -will be my intention, during the many years I hope he will remain in -this House, to use language in any way incompatible with his lofty -position.' Mr. Gladstone received this assurance with much magnificent -urbanity. 'I was no doubt at the moment a little irritated at language -that I thought very strong; but on reflection I must own that the noble -lord has always been very courteous to me.' - -But whether, in these vexed and protracted debates, Lord Randolph -Churchill attacked the Prime Minister or harassed his own leaders; -whether he was supported by loud applauses of Conservative members or -heard by them in chilly silence; whether he seemed to be the accepted -spokesman of the Opposition or a solitary politician--his hand against -every man and every man's hand against him--his almost unerring eye for -a Parliamentary situation, his mastery over the House and his formidable -power for good or evil upon the fortunes of his party became continually -more evident. Alone, or almost alone, he waged his double warfare -against Government and Opposition. Assailed on all sides--from the -Ministerial box, from the Front Opposition Bench, from those who sat -before him and behind him and even beside him; confronted with his own -contradictory statements, now by one side, now by the other; rebuked by -the Prime Minister, repeatedly repudiated by his colleagues and -leaders, he nevertheless preserved throughout an air of haughty -composure and met or repelled all attacks with resourceful and undaunted -pluck. 'Tory Democracy,' said Mr. Chamberlain during a vehement speech -in favour of the Reform Bill (House of Commons, March 27), 'of which we -shall hear a good deal in the future, is represented in this House by -the member for Woodstock. I pay the greatest attention to anything he -says because I find that what he says to-day his leaders say to-morrow. -They follow him with halting steps, somewhat unwillingly; but they -always follow him. They may not always like the prescription he makes up -for them; but they always swallow it.' - -Meanwhile the second vote of censure upon the conduct of Egyptian -affairs had been debated. On May 12 Sir Michael Hicks-Beach moved: 'That -this House regrets to find the course pursued by Her Majesty's -Government has not tended to promote the success of General Gordon's -mission and that even such steps as may be necessary to secure his -personal safety are delayed.' The attack was vigorously delivered. The -Prime Minister's reply was judged inadequate and disquieting, even by -many of his own supporters. Mr. Forster assailed him during the debate -harshly and sternly. The weight and earnestness of Lord Hartington alone -retrieved Ministerial fortunes. Lord Randolph Churchill spoke (May 13) -to a larger audience, according to the newspapers, than had gathered to -hear any other speaker; and the benches, the gangways and the spaces -below the bar and behind the Chair were all filled to overflowing. -Despite the bitterness of the struggle in the National Union, the -wrangles over the Reform Bill of almost nightly recurrence and the -antagonisms which these had excited, the Conservative members broke into -loud acclamation at his rising. Before he had spoken for a quarter of an -hour he was sustained by the cheering of the whole party. He scourged -Mr. Gladstone relentlessly. He applied to him the well-known story of -the Duke of Wellington sitting down after making a speech on Reform amid -a great buzz of conversation and, on asking the reason for the -excitement, being told: 'My Lord Duke, you have announced the fall of -your Government.' It was curious, he said, how different individuals -appealed to the Prime Minister's sympathies. 'I compared his efforts in -the cause of General Gordon with his efforts in the cause of Mr. -Bradlaugh. If a hundredth part of those invaluable moral qualities -bestowed upon the cause of a seditious blasphemer had been given to the -support of a Christian hero, the success of Gordon's mission would have -been assured. But the finest speech he ever delivered in the House of -Commons was in support of the seditious blasphemer; and the very worst -he ever delivered, by common consent, was in the cause of the Christian -hero.' At this there was a great tumult. - -Towards the end, when he had his party thoroughly behind him, Lord -Randolph took occasion to declare, in the form of an elaborate eulogy -upon Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, his intentions as to the leadership of -the House of Commons. 'I hear a great deal about the deplorable weakness -of the Opposition; but I did not detect any deplorable weakness in the -speech of the right honourable gentleman who proposed this motion; nor -did I detect any deplorable weakness in the sonorous and resonant cheers -which greeted that speech continually from beginning to end--a speech -with reference to which I may be permitted to remark that it was a -magnificent indictment, all the more magnificent because it was so -measured and so grave; and I think it must have recalled to the Prime -Minister himself the palmy days of Tory leadership.' - -'The Government,' he concluded, 'when they went to Egypt abandoned every -atom of principle which they possessed. Egypt has been a Nemesis to them -and will, I believe, be their ruin. But the whole question is at last, -thank God, presented to us in an intelligible form. Will you or will you -not rescue Gordon? Answer "Aye" or "No." The people of England and -Scotland, and of Ireland also, I believe, say "Aye."' (Cries of "No" -from the Ministerial benches and cheers.) 'The Prime Minister and a few -Radical fanatics say "No"; but great as is the Prime Minister's power, -long as has been his career and dazzling as his eloquence is, the odds -against him on this question are so overwhelming that even he must -either submit or resign.' The Government escaped defeat only by -twenty-eight votes. Thirty-one Home Rulers voted with the Tory party; -and fifteen, or enough to have carried the censure, voted with -Ministers. The debate and the division alike foreshadowed the events of -1885. - -While the fortunes of battle in the House of Commons varied thus from -day to day, the attention of both factions in the National Union was -concentrated on the approaching Conference of delegates from all parts -of the country, when the new Council must be elected. The chairmanship -depended upon the complexion of the Council. Lord Percy, the official -candidate, and his friends entertained hopes that an appeal to the -delegates to stand by the official leaders of the party and to repudiate -disloyalty would result in the election of a Council hostile to Lord -Randolph Churchill. To this end nothing was neglected. A careful and -earnest canvass was set on foot, supported by all the influence which -the representatives of the old and high Toryism could command. -Sheffield, it appears, was specially selected for the meeting-place, as -the local members were hostile to Lord Randolph; and that authority in -its highest embodiment should not be lacking, Lord Salisbury himself -undertook to address the assembled delegates at the evening meeting. - -On the other hand Lord Randolph Churchill's friends were not idle, and -Mr. Gorst's great experience in all matters of organisation proved -invaluable; but when all had been done, the event rested upon a popular -vote, the character of which none could forecast. The Conference was -awaited by all parties with anxiety and excitement, and passion ran high -in the weeks that preceded it. Lord Randolph had promised informally to -speak for Mr. Stuart-Wortley at Sheffield. Consequent upon that -gentleman's hostility he now refused. He was pressed to reconsider his -decision in order to avoid making differences public. He refused. The -report of the Council of the National Union was now prepared for the -Conference. It contained a succinct account of the course of the -quarrel, with many of the letters published in the last chapter. It was -felt that its circulation would be damaging to party interests. Mr. -Hartley, 'at risk even of annoying you,' wrote (July 9) to urge that it -should be suppressed or modified. Lord Randolph curtly replied that the -report unanimously adopted by the Council for presentation to the -Conference could not now be altered without authority. A requisition -under the rules of the National Union, duly signed by five members of -the Council, was forwarded to Lord Randolph (July 10) demanding a -special meeting for the purpose of revising the report. Availing himself -of the discretionary power reserved to the Chairman under by-law No. 23, -Lord Randolph declined to act upon the requisition. - -The following correspondence also passed at this time between him and -Sir Stafford Northcote:-- - - - - _Sir Stafford Northcote to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -30 St. James's Place, S.W.: July 10, 1884. - - Dear Lord Randolph,--Will you be able to give me a few minutes' - conversation after Mr. Gladstone has made his statement to-night? - - We ought, I think, as soon as the intentions of the Government have - been disclosed, to come to some arrangement for a meeting in - London (either St. James's Hall, Duke of Wellington's Riding - School, or elsewhere, but _not_ out of doors) in order to give the - keynote for the party in the country. I would not make it a meeting - about the Reform Bill exclusively, but have three or four - resolutions--one a general review of the Ministerial misdeeds; - another a growl about Egypt; another on the question of the - Franchise Bill; and a concluding one urging a dissolution, unless - Gladstone has already announced one. - - I should like to consult you about the resolutions and about some - other points. - -I remain -Yours very faithfully, -STAFFORD H. NORTHCOTE. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Stafford Northcote._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: July 10, 1884. - - Dear Sir Stafford Northcote,--It is my duty always to hold myself - at your service whenever it may be your pleasure to do me the - honour of asking my opinion on any political question; at the same - time I feel bound to remark that former occasions on which on your - invitation I have offered an opinion have almost invariably led to - considerable misunderstandings, for which, of course, I blame no - one but myself. - - The Conference of Associations which is to meet on the 23rd will - have to decide upon important and serious differences which have - arisen between myself and certain other parties who claim to be - acting (with what amount of justice I cannot determine) as the - representatives and agents of yourself and the Marquis of - Salisbury; and till that Conference has taken place I am certain - that it is not in my power to attend public meetings with the - slightest usefulness or effect. - -Believe me to be -Yours very faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -The Conservative Associations assembled at Sheffield on July 23. Lord -Randolph did not attend Lord Salisbury's meeting, though Mr. Chaplin -naively assured him that he would have been welcome. Upwards of 450 -delegates gathered under his presidency in the Cutlers' Hall. He made a -conciliatory speech, urging the necessity of adapting the organisation -of the Conservative party to the changed political requirements of the -day. He expounded the report at length and concluded by declaring that -in the contest between himself and Lord Percy he was actuated by no -personal ambition, but anxious for the welfare of the party. Lord Percy -thereupon attacked him, asserting 'that he had broken away from the -leaders of the party and not adhered to them as he ought to have done.' -It was known that he spoke with official authority and that the -candidates whom he proposed were those favoured by Lord Salisbury and -Sir Stafford Northcote. After a long debate the delegates voted. Lord -Randolph Churchill was placed at the head of the poll by 346 votes. Mr. -Forwood, his principal supporter, was second, but after a great interval -(298). Six of his nominees occupied the first six places. Lord Percy did -not appear till the eighth place (260). Lord Salisbury's private -secretary, who was also a candidate, was rejected. Out of thirty -candidates proposed by Lord Randolph Churchill, twenty-two were elected. -The whole official authority of the party exerted by Lord Percy secured -only eighteen out of thirty-six put forward by him. 'The result,' said -the _Times_ (July 24), 'showed that the substantial victory rested with -Lord Randolph Churchill.' His main reforms in organisation had been -conceded by the Central Committee and adopted by resolution at the -Conference. His own re-election as Chairman was assured. - -But now a strange and unexpected turn was given to the course of events. -Lord Randolph Churchill's victory, remarkable as it was, had been -narrowly won. A powerful and inflamed minority remained upon the Council -of the National Union to hamper and assail the leader of Tory Democracy. -The proverbial three courses lay before him. To renew his chairmanship -and to continue an internecine quarrel up to the very verge of the -General Election; to withdraw for a time from public life; or to make a -peace with Lord Salisbury. He chose the third. Sir Henry Wolff was -authorised to open negotiations. Mr. Balfour's good offices were freely -tendered. Lord Salisbury was prompt in seizing the opportunity. Indeed, -the suicidal results to the principals and to their party of a -continuance of the quarrel were obvious. Terms of reconciliation were -speedily arranged. The Central Committee was abolished, and the -democratic reforms in the organisation of the National Union were -confirmed; the Primrose League was formally recognised and supported by -the official leaders. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, who had been elected to -the Council of the National Union as an independent member on the list -of neither contending faction, and who was liked and trusted by both -sides, was nominated as the new Chairman. There was, moreover, a -general understanding that Lord Randolph Churchill and his friends were -to act in harmony with Lord Salisbury and were to be treated with full -confidence by him and the ruling members of the Conservative party. - -Such were the conditions, so far as they could be, or have ever been, -put on paper. But it is evident that their moral consequences were of -much graver importance. No record has been preserved of what passed at -the interview between Lord Randolph Churchill and Lord Salisbury. But -certain very significant facts are plain. Lord Salisbury did not select -a lieutenant. He formed an alliance on terms of comradeship for the -general advantage of the party. The two men met as chiefs of almost -equal powers. Although Lord Salisbury's primacy was never disputed by -Lord Randolph Churchill, they exercised from the very first a divided -authority; and it is in the light of this unusual relationship--based -not, indeed, upon any definite agreement, but arising out of the hard -facts of the situation--that the conduct of both, amid the political -turbulence of the next two years, can alone be fairly judged. - -Lord Salisbury was loyal throughout to Sir Stafford Northcote, even in a -degree which was often detrimental to party interests. But, whatever his -wishes may have been, the settlement of the National Union dispute -sealed that unfortunate statesman's fate--so far as the leadership of -the House of Commons was concerned. The dinner to which, in celebration -of the peace, Lord Salisbury invited the Council of the National Union, -including a majority of those who had been his most active opponents -during the past year, was the public acceptance of Tory Democracy in the -councils of the Conservative party. The great meeting held in the Pomona -Gardens at Manchester in August and addressed by Lord Salisbury, Lord -Randolph Churchill, and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, was a plain indication -of the Cabinet and Parliamentary arrangements which would be a necessary -consequence of that acceptance. - -Sir Henry Wolff, who had been throughout these conflicts Lord Randolph's -most intimate and trusted friend, entirely approved of the steps which -had been taken to end the quarrel.[24] Mr. Gorst also wrote to Lord -Randolph on July 27, 1884, expressly and explicitly signifying his -concurrence and describing Lord Randolph Churchill's refusal to continue -as Chairman of Council of the National Union as 'a good stroke of -policy.' But it has since been suggested, upon apparently unimpeachable -authority,[25] that Mr. Gorst disapproved of the reconciliation; that he -thought greater advantage to the Conservative party would have followed -from the prosecution of the dispute; and that he conceived himself in -some measure deserted by its abandonment. Of Lord Randolph's behaviour -to his able, energetic supporter the reader will be able to judge before -the story is complete. But there is no doubt that Mr. Gorst was for a -time, after the _concordat_, in a position of much weakness and -isolation. He had incurred very bitter enmities by the part he had taken -in the quarrel. It was especially resented that those talents of -organisation which had so greatly aided the Tory victory of 1874, should -have been employed against the recognised leaders of the Conservative -party ten years later. Men who did not think it wise, in view of what -had happened in the past, and still more of what might happen in the -future, to anger Lord Randolph Churchill, were glad enough to indulge -their spite upon Mr. Gorst. His real feeling--that he had been thrown -over--must have become apparent to Lord Randolph Churchill, in spite of -his written agreement in the course adopted; and a coolness ensued -between them, diversified with occasional heats. - -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach laid the National Union peacefully to rest in an -obscurity from which its members have only emerged at infrequent -intervals to pass Protectionist resolutions. Nearly twenty years elapsed -before it recovered, at another Sheffield Conference, a passing shadow -of its old importance, and the distinction which it achieved on that -occasion may excuse the hope that its future repose will long remain -unbroken. - -The reconciliation of Lord Randolph Churchill with Lord Salisbury which -followed on the Sheffield Conference, was comprehensive and loyally -observed. The tactics of the Opposition became more effective in the -House of Commons and their councils more harmonious. But strife in the -constituencies was to succeed this session of storm and effort. Faced -by the rejection of a great popular measure at the hands of hereditary -legislators, the Liberal Government did not waver. The autumn was -consumed in angry agitation and Parliament was specially summoned for a -winter session to pass the Bill again. The Radicals were full of hope -that no compromise would be offered or accepted. Never before or since -had they laid hands upon so good a battering-ram as the Franchise Bill. -Never since those days has the House of Lords placed itself on ground so -insecure. But the pressure of public opinion proved effective; Mr. -Gladstone was benevolent; and the Queen urgent for a settlement. Lord -Randolph Churchill was deeply impressed with the danger of a continuance -of the constitutional struggle between the Lords and the Commons. 'It -was not a little owing to the urgency,' writes Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, -'with which he pressed on me the need of some arrangement that, with the -consent of Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote, I had the -preliminary conferences with Lord Hartington which led to the more -formal meetings of the leaders of both parties.' Finally, after weeks of -haggling, expostulation, menace, and intrigue, it was finally arranged -that the Franchise Bill should pass first and that Redistribution upon -lines agreeable to both parties should follow forthwith. - -To mark and proclaim the newly compacted alliance within the -Conservative party, Sir Stafford Northcote came during the autumn recess -to speak in Lord Randolph's support at Birmingham. Of all the -demonstrations organised against the House of Lords for its rejection of -the Franchise Bill scarcely any had exceeded that held at Soho Pool, -near Birmingham, on Bank Holiday. Aston Park, in the same neighbourhood, -had been secured on October 13 by the Conservatives for a -counter-demonstration, which was to open a week of campaigning -throughout the district. Besides Sir Stafford and Lord Randolph -Churchill, Colonel Burnaby and many other members of Parliament and -candidates were to address the concourse at five simultaneous political -meetings, and the well-known attractions of the Park and of the orators -were to be strengthened by bands of music and a firework display. -According to the Conservatives, the Aston demonstration was to represent -the Midlands in general and Birmingham in particular, and special trains -were run from all the surrounding constituencies with detachments of -enthusiastic Tories and holiday-makers. - -These well-conceived arrangements caused much offence to the Radicals of -Birmingham. They declared that an attempt was to be made to misrepresent -the feeling of their city by importing outsiders and excursionists to -swell the numbers of the demonstrators; and as the meetings had been -called from the citizens of Birmingham and were in local parlance 'town -meetings' rather than ordinary 'party meetings,' they resolved to attend -them too. Admission to Aston Park was by ticket. It was stated that -120,000 tickets would be issued to those who applied for them. Everyone -applied. Trade Union secretaries, great Liberal manufacturers like the -Tangyes, officials of the Radical organisations, applied for, in some -cases, as many as 800 at a time. The promoters of the demonstration -became alarmed; and as it was now clear--and even avowed--that the -Radicals would attend in force and spoil the effect, the issue of -tickets was stopped and the applications were refused. Elaborate, -formidable, and, as it proved, thoroughly effective measures were -thereupon adopted to enable the voice of Birmingham to be heard. It -became known that large numbers of tickets were being forged. Of course, -no one in authority in the Liberal party lent any countenance to such -proceedings. Mr. Schnadhorst went away for the day upon important -business. A few working men--a mere handful of trampled -toilers--spontaneously, with no help from their party, inspired by no -other emotion than zeal for freedom and Reform, organised a -counter-demonstration. The place of meeting was selected, by an unlucky -coincidence, just outside the walls of Aston Park; and there also it -happened that, on the appointed day, a cart containing ladders and other -useful appliances drew up. The bills announcing this innocent -counter-demonstration summoned the 'Men of Birmingham and the Midlands' -to assemble for deliberation in Witton Road (just outside the Park), -after which 'let all who can get admittance attend the Tory meetings, -wear the Gladstone badge, and show you are not ashamed of your -colours.' In order that nothing should interfere with the discharge of -these civic duties, Tangye's and other large works in the city closed -for the afternoon. - -The day arrived. The weather was suitable to outdoor political debate. -The holders of tickets--forged or genuine--assembled by road and rail -from all parts of the Midlands. The Aston grounds were soon crowded with -demonstrators. Outside, the counter-demonstration, made up of three -large processions, estimated at 15,000 strong, converged upon a waste -plot of land hard by the Park wall. Individuals began to climb over but -were stopped by broken glass. Earnest hands seized the ladders which -stood there by chance and the broken glass was demolished. A waggon -which had served as the platform was dragged towards the wall; and by -this, by the ladders, and also, it appears, by a convenient tree, many -persons swarmed over. Inside they found a single policeman, who could do -nothing to gainsay them, and a tool-house containing a number of planks. -By using the planks as battering-rams a breach was made in the wall and -thousands of excited people poured through it into the Park to join by -force their friends who had entered by fraud. - -The open-air meetings were broken up by riot. Stones, potatoes, and even -chairs were flung at the members of Parliament who attempted to address -the crowd. The platform of the great hall was stormed. Sir Stafford -Northcote, who showed much pluck throughout these turbulent experiences -which his physical condition ill fitted him to endure, and Lord -Randolph Churchill were overwhelmed by furious clamour and finally -driven from the hall in the midst of a battle royal of sticks and -chair-legs. Lord Randolph, not following promptly enough, was picked up -and carried away bodily by a burly admirer from Wolverhampton. The crowd -at first followed at a walk and afterwards at a run, and so menacing and -dangerous was their temper that Sir Stafford Northcote was dragged along -by his guards at full speed and even so narrowly avoided capture. Other -members of Parliament had rougher experiences and Mr. Darling[26] was -lucky to make an escape from a window before the door of the room in -which he had taken refuge was battered down. The platform of the Skating -Rink collapsed while a free-fight was raging upon it. The fireworks -perished ignominiously in broad daylight; the set-piece of Sir Stafford -Northcote being received with storms of groans and fired off, by a -refinement of cruelty, _upside down_. Such were the Aston riots. No -persons were actually killed in them, but not a few were seriously -injured, and hundreds carried away scars and bruises from the fray. - -The indignation caused among the Conservatives of Birmingham, and indeed -throughout the country, by these events was fierce and bitter. Lord -Randolph Churchill turned to the fullest advantage the blunder into -which his adversaries had been drawn. Every day for a week, in spite of -repeated threats of personal violence, he journeyed to and fro in -Birmingham and in a series of speeches, published and read in every part -of the country, he fastened the responsibility for disorder and -intimidation upon Mr. Chamberlain and his Caucus. He urged Conservative -working men to take effective measures to protect themselves from -tyranny and not to hesitate to meet force by force. 'I do not think,' he -said, 'the Conservative party ought to look to the police for -assistance. We are quite capable of taking care of ourselves.' Formal -resolutions were accordingly passed by Conservative Clubs, pledging -themselves to take concerted measures of defence and of reprisal. Upon -the connection of the Birmingham Corporation with Radical politics he -was explicit. - - The contest in Birmingham is not a contest, such as is carried on - in other constituencies in England, between party and party. It is - a contest between popular self-government and a corrupt oligarchy; - between electoral freedom and Russian despotism; between open - dealing and Venetian espionage; between individual security and - public order and all the resources and ingenuity of terror and - intimidation. The whole of the governing power of the borough of - Birmingham is almost absolutely in the hands of the Caucus. The - patronage disposed of is enormous. The Caucus, acting under the - name of the Corporation, own the gasworks; they own the water - supply; they control the lunatic asylums; they control the grammar - school; they control some large establishments in the nature of a - drainage farm; they manipulate the borough funds to the extent of - nearly one million a year; they pay something like 80,000_l._ a - year in wages; and their number of employees, as far as I can - ascertain, is about 25,000. And all these enormous resources are - directed principally, not so much to the good of the town of - Birmingham, as to the maintenance of the power of the Caucus. Every - one of their employees knows that he holds his office, his - position, his employment, upon the distinct understanding that in - all political and municipal matters he must blindly submit himself; - and upon the slightest sign even of independence--to say nothing of - opposition--he will lose his employment; he will be thrown upon the - world with all his family, even if it should lead to his ruin or - his starvation. - -These charges were furiously denied, and were no doubt exaggerated in -form; but they bore a sufficiently accurate and substantial relation to -circumstances well within the knowledge of Birmingham citizens to be -highly damaging. Moreover, the argument that the Radical party, although -already possessed of all the machinery of national government, were -preparing--by the abolition of the Second Chamber on the one hand, and -the suppression of public meetings on the other--to subvert the -Constitution and to enter upon revolutionary paths, gained acceptance in -England far beyond the ordinary limits of Conservative opinion. - -So soon as Parliament met, a week later, for the winter session, Lord -Randolph placed upon the paper an amendment to the Address taking the -form of a vote of censure on Mr. Chamberlain for speeches which -encouraged interference with freedom of discussion and incited to riot -and disorder. The debate was heralded for several days by much -preliminary snarling. Mr. Chamberlain, irritated by constant -cross-questioning, referred to Sir Henry Wolff as Lord Randolph -Churchill's 'jackal.' 'With his usual insolence,' observed Sir Henry -Wolff in reply; and, on being rebuked by the Speaker, he substituted -'with his usual courtesy.' Mr. Chaplin inquired whether the President of -the Local Government Board would not proceed to describe his opponents -as 'hyaenas'; and Lord Randolph Churchill, availing himself of the -Speaker's ruling that the word 'jackal,' if looked upon as a figurative -expression, was not out of order, proceeded to state that at the -earliest possible opportunity he would move his amendment and 'draw the -badger.' - -This occasion was provided on October 30, and led to a singularly -unpleasant debate. Lord Randolph Churchill quoted numerous extracts from -Mr. Chamberlain's speeches. He asserted that no Minister of the Crown -had ever used such language and that Irish members had been committed to -prison for language much less strong. He declared that Mr. Chamberlain -knew beforehand of the counter-demonstration and of what it was intended -to effect and that he might easily have prevented the riot had he chosen -to do so. Mr. Chamberlain exerted himself greatly, and not -unsuccessfully, in replying. He in his turn was able to discover in Lord -Randolph Churchill's speeches some traces of violent language. He flatly -denied that he had had any personal complicity in the riot, which, he -explained, had arisen solely from the mismanagement of the Tory -organisation and from their attempt to give their meeting the character -of a national demonstration. But the most effective part of his speech -consisted in a number of affidavits of roughs, said to have been engaged -by the Secretary of the Conservative Association to turn out Liberals -from the meeting, whose violence it was alleged had provoked the -outbreak. When he sat down he had in great measure stemmed the tide -which had been running strongly against him. As his speech was drawing -to a close Lord Randolph leaned across the gangway and asked Sir Michael -Hicks-Beach if he would reply. Sir Michael, much impressed by Mr. -Chamberlain's argument, declined; but Sir Hardinge Giffard, to whom Lord -Randolph then turned, stepped into the breach, and with little -premeditation made a most admirable and effective rejoinder, which -swayed the opinion of the House and threw the gravest doubt upon the -authenticity and credibility of the documents from which Mr. Chamberlain -had quoted. Upon the division Lord Randolph's amendment was defeated by -214 to 178. 'The majority,' observes the _Annual Register_, 'exonerating -Mr. Chamberlain from any blameworthy act, was far smaller than a member -of the Cabinet commanding the confidence and sympathy of his supporters -had a right to expect.' - -The dispute was then carried by both parties into the Courts. The -summonses and counter-summonses were heard together at Birmingham on -successive days during the month of November, and when Mr. Chamberlain -was examined as a witness (November 26) attempts were made to fix upon -him the responsibility of suggesting that the affidavits should be -procured. But he denied it. On December 6, the compromise upon the -Franchise and Redistribution Bill having been achieved nearly three -weeks before, the proceedings came to an abrupt close. But at the -Assizes (February 28 and March 2, 1885) a man named Peter Joyce, said to -be 'Larry Mack,' a notorious rough whose affidavit had been quoted in -Parliament, was tried before Mr. Justice Field on the charge of criminal -libel and sentenced, despite the lukewarmness of the prosecution and -strong recommendation to mercy, to six weeks' imprisonment. A Liberal of -respectable antecedents was found guilty of having had the 'forged -tickets' printed and was heavily fined. No evidence was ever produced to -sustain any charge against Mr. Chamberlain of having himself fomented -the disorders; but an impression was created that the whole -affair--especially the discharging of the fireworks upside down--showed -that he had been only partially successful in exerting those influences -of moral restraint which are so much to be commended in political -leaders during times of popular excitement. - -The Aston riots led to some curious consequences. When Lord Randolph was -arranging for the prosecutions of the 'roughs' whose depositions Mr. -Chamberlain had read to the House of Commons, he asked one of his -friends to find him a lawyer of repute who would conduct the case so as -to make 'as much political capital out of it as possible.' A Mr. Henry -Matthews--already a barrister of distinction upon the Midland -Circuit--was recommended to him. They met at dinner on two successive -nights. Lord Randolph was perfectly delighted with his conversation and -his personality and formed the very highest opinion of his powers. At -his insistence Mr. Matthews became a candidate for a Birmingham seat. -Eighteen months later, when he was reading in the Athenaeum Club the -newspaper rumours of the composition of Lord Salisbury's second -Administration, he was startled and astonished by Lord Randolph breaking -in upon him with the offer of the office of Home Secretary. - -The course of their violent political quarrels and the harsh language -and personal charges with which they were accompanied produced a total -breach in Lord Randolph's private friendship with Mr. Chamberlain. They -no longer addressed or saluted each other and such correspondence as was -necessary was conducted on both sides with frigid formality. Thus:-- - - - -House of Commons: October 28. - - Mr. Chamberlain presents his compliments to Lord R. Churchill and - begs to thank him for his courtesy in communicating the grounds on - which he is prepared to support the charge which he has brought - against Mr. Chamberlain. - -Lord Randolph had been much exhausted in health and strength by the -unremitting exertions of the year, and late in November it was announced -that he purposed to start almost immediately for a four months' holiday -to India. Mr. Chamberlain no sooner heard this than he was anxious to -make friends. His letter speaks for itself:-- - - - - _Mr. Chamberlain to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -40 Prince's Gardens, S.W.; November 27, 1884. - - My dear Churchill,--You see that I have returned to the old - superscription. If you object, I will not offend again; but I do - not like to allow you to leave the country for what, I understand, - is a long voyage, necessitated by circumstances that I sincerely - regret, without saying that recent occurrences have, in my case at - all events, left no personal bitterness behind. - - I am sorry that we have been forced into public conflict; I should - be still more sorry if political opposition degenerated into a - private quarrel. - - I heartily wish you a pleasant holiday, and hope that rest and - change of scene may thoroughly restore your health and strength. - -Believe me, -_Sans rancune_, -Yours very truly, -J. CHAMBERLAIN. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Chamberlain._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: November 27, 1884. - - My dear Mr. Chamberlain,--I hasten to answer your very kind letter, - which caused me the greatest pleasure. - - I had always hoped that the friendship which existed between us and - which, for my part, I most highly valued, might at all times be - altogether unaffected by any Parliamentary conflicts, however - brisk, and even sharp, the latter might be. - - It is indeed very pleasant to me to know from the generous - expressions in your letter that my hopes are in no way illusory, - and as long as I continue in politics it will be a source of pride - to me to endeavour to the best of my abilities to mitigate the - asperities of party warfare as far as you and I are concerned. I am - not likely to forget that in the last Parliament you gave me the - most valuable and effective support in a matter in which at that - time I was greatly interested, without which support I should have - been unsuccessful. - - I like to think that it is neither impossible nor improbable that - political circumstances may from time to time find us again in - agreement; and although your position and power will be far above - mine, I shall be on the look-out for those occasions. - - Believe me, I am very sensible of your amiable wishes as to the - results of my travels to India, and that I hope always to remain - -Yours very sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -One more incident which arose out of the Reform Bill must be noticed in -its place. When Parliament assembled for the winter session the -Conservative leaders agreed with Lord Randolph Churchill to offer a -regular though perfunctory resistance to the second passage of the -Reform Bill through the House of Commons, in order to strengthen the -position of the House of Lords in effecting the compromise which was now -recognised as inevitable. Lord Randolph accordingly placed on the paper -an amendment to the second reading, setting forth 'that any measure -purporting to provide for the better representation of the people must -be accompanied by provisions for the proper arrangement of electoral -areas.' This seemed to repeat as a general principle the amendment which -Colonel Stanley had moved as a precise instruction on May 23, when the -Bill was for the first time in Committee, which amendment Lord Randolph -and the Fourth Party had opposed and indeed denounced. The political -situation was entirely changed; but the verbal similarity did not escape -one acute, retentive mind. - -In Lord Randolph's absence at the funeral of Lord Londonderry his -amendment was moved by Mr. Stanhope. To the surprise of his party Mr. -Gorst rose from below the gangway and thereupon criticised and opposed -the amendment in terms which bore a sufficiently close resemblance to -those in which Lord Randolph had opposed it when it had last been moved. -By this very able and perfectly consistent speech Mr. Gorst gave great -offence to all sections of the Conservative party, who were now united -in an embrace of unaffected love. Lord Randolph, when he read the -newspapers next day, accepted it as a personal declaration of war. He -was very angry. 'Gorst,' he said, 'must be punished'; and accordingly on -the next sitting of the House (November 7) he administered to his -mutinous lieutenant a castigation prolonged, deliberate, and severe. 'I -have yet to learn,' he observed, with undisturbed gravity, 'that either -the traditions of party warfare or Parliamentary etiquette teaches one -to desert one's party and stand aloof from it and refrain from giving -assistance to it, simply because of the very inadequate and miserable -reason that in one's own poor and very feeble judgment one does not -altogether approve of the course which may have led them into that -difficulty.' The mirth which this grimace excited was strengthened by -the joy and relief alike of Government and Opposition at the breaking-up -of the formidable confederacy at whose hands they had endured so much. - -On December 3 Lord Randolph sailed in the _Rohilla_ for India. Since the -beginning of history many travellers have visited the East. Few have -neglected to record their adventures. But if the reader is inclined to -follow the subject of this story into an atmosphere remote from that of -Westminster his own letters will be found to supply an easy and -connected narrative.[27] After several years of strife he entered upon a -brief interval of peace. The battles of the Reform Bill had ended in a -compromise far less unsatisfactory to Tory interests than could have -been expected. The agitation which menaced the House of Lords was at an -end. His dispute with Lord Salisbury was settled. The Conservative party -had acclaimed the return of the prodigal son. The Aston riots were -forgotten in his renewed friendship with Mr. Chamberlain. And as the -English coast-line faded, a passing temper of tranquil benevolence led -him to send through Wolff messages of amity to all his friends--'even to -the erring Gorst.' - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE FALL OF THE GOVERNMENT - - 'Of this, however, I am well persuaded, that it is better to be - impetuous than cautious. For Fortune is a woman who to be kept - under must be beaten and roughly handled; and we see that she - suffers herself to be more readily mastered by those who treat her - so, than by those who are more timid in their approaches. And - always, like a woman, she favours the young, because they are less - scrupulous and fiercer, and command her with greater - audacity.'--MACHIAVELLI: _The Prince_, chapter XXV. - - -[Sidenote: 1885 AET. 36] - -This account, which has hitherto been concerned with the doings of Lord -Randolph Churchill and the steps by which he attained power in his party -and in Parliament, must now for a time be greatly extended. However -strictly the thread of personal narrative be followed, biography -broadens insensibly into history, and the career of a private member -becomes a recognisable part of the fortunes of the nation. We enter upon -a period of tumult and change. Within little more than a year two -General Elections were fought and four separate Administrations took -their seats on the Treasury Bench. In order to find an equal convulsion -it is necessary to go back almost exactly a hundred years, to the time -between the fall of Lord North's Administration in 1782 and the final -triumph of Mr. Pitt after his dissolution in 1784. In each period -Ministries were constructed and fell like houses of cards; in each a -new, young figure sprang suddenly into universal attention; in each, one -of the historic parties in the State entered into a disastrous -coalition; and the other, after taking office in a minority, secured a -predominance which lasted for a generation. - -The Administration of 1880 tottered to its fall in tragedy and disaster. -General Gordon perished and Khartoum fell in February. The expeditionary -columns recoiled in sorrow and failure from the desert and the Nile. The -Queen telegraphed her displeasure openly to the Prime Minister; and on a -vote of censure the Government escaped only by a majority of fourteen -(February 27). Few more critical divisions have been taken in modern -times; for the defection of eight more discontented Whigs or Liberals -would have procured a dissolution before either the Reform or -Redistribution Act could have come into operation. In the temper of the -moment, upon the votes of the old electorate, the Conservative party -could hardly have failed to gain a clear majority. With such a prize in -view the attacks of the Opposition increased in vehemence, bitterness, -and effect. Votes of censure succeeded each other with almost -bewildering rapidity. Early in the year Mr. Chamberlain began to -proclaim the new demands of Radicalism in a series of crudely impressive -speeches. Nationalist Ireland struggled in the grip of Dublin Castle. -The menace of Russian aggression towards the Indian frontier grew into -reality. Dynamite explosions tore up the Treasury Bench and shook the -structure of Westminster Hall. A momentous General Election drew near. -It was indeed, as Mr. Gladstone noted in his diary, 'a time of _Sturm -und Drang_.' - -Lord Randolph Churchill returned from India in March, to find himself in -a position of unusual importance. He had won no battle, negotiated no -peace; he had passed no great measure of reform; he had never held -public office; he was not even a Privy Councillor; yet he was welcomed -on all sides with interest or acclamation. The political temperature was -steadily rising with the approach of the General Election. The Fourth -Party received him with joy and the House of Commons with satisfaction. -Mr. Gladstone in his courtly way walked across the House to shake hands -with him. His absence had been felt on his own side. He was looked to as -a man who would infuse a belligerent energy into the Opposition and -range their lines for the impending battle. It was evident to all men -that he occupied a position in which he might turn the balance of many -great things. 'What place will you give him when the Government is -formed?' Sir Stafford Northcote was asked by a friend. 'Say rather,' -replied the leader of the Opposition, 'what place will he give me?' 'I -had no idea,' said Lord Randolph calmly when this was repeated to him, -'that he had so much wit.' - -The passage of a year had wrought important changes. Birmingham, divided -by the Reform Bill into seven seats, was no longer the great -three-member constituency which had invited him to stand. Colonel -Burnaby, his good comrade, had been killed at Abu Klea.[28] But the -Central Division sent a pressing requisition. Although the acceptance -involved a direct contest with Mr. Bright himself, Lord Randolph -considered himself bound by his former promise to come forward; but, -lest fortune should be adverse in Birmingham, Mr. Kerans voluntarily -withdrew from the candidature of South Paddington, so that that seat -also might be at his disposal. - -It is not easy to estimate, and quite impossible to explain, the -personal ascendency which he had by this time acquired in the House of -Commons. The Conservative Opposition almost instinctively yielded to his -decisions. His authority seemed to have grown in his absence. On the -motion to go into Committee on the Egyptian Loan Bill (April 16) Sir -Richard Cross moved an amendment urging that the Suez Canal Convention -should be submitted to the House before it was finally settled. The -ground was ill-chosen and the occasion inauspicious. The speech of the -mover could not fully surmount these disadvantages. But the amendment -was moved with all the sanction and authority of the official -Opposition, and the party Whips had summoned their followers from far -and near to support it. Lord Randolph Churchill made a short speech, -suave and friendly in substance, elaborately polite in form, but with -just a suspicion of irony. He deprecated the amendment. He persuaded -both sides of the House that it was unfortunate. The debate came -abruptly to a conclusion. All determination of dividing oozed out of -the Opposition. The amendment was withdrawn. This was a typical -incident. - -Lord Randolph had returned from India at a time when Indian problems -occupied all minds. The turbulence of English politics was hushed for a -space by a perilous interlude. In the year 1884, after the occupation of -Merv, the Russian Empire attained the limits of its expansion southwards -and came at last into contact with the territories of the Amir, to whom, -by the engagements of 1880, Great Britain had given a pledge of -protection against external aggression. A joint demarcation of the -northern boundary of Afghanistan was decided on by the British and -Russian Governments, from the Persian border eastwards to a point on the -Oxus, beyond which that river had been recognised by the agreement of -1873 as constituting the limits of Afghan territory. The Commissioners -of the two Powers had met on the frontier in November 1884, and devoted -themselves to their task with that air of leisurely diligence -inseparable from international undertakings. On March 30 the tangled -negotiations were torn to pieces by an act of violence. While -diplomatists were groping for scientific frontiers upon imperfect maps -and amid unfamiliar names, General Komaroff advanced, 'covenant' -notwithstanding, collided with the Afghan pickets upon the debatable -ground, and in a short but bloody action at Penjdeh drove the Amir's -forces from the field. All England was stirred. The newspapers were hot -to counsel war. A wave of double panic swept across the country. The -national temper rose and the funds fell. A period of acute suspense -followed. - -On all that concerned the safety of India Lord Randolph spoke in -picturesque and thoughtful language. 'Our rule in India,' he said at the -Primrose League banquet in the St. James's Hall on April 18, 'is, as it -were, a sheet of oil spread out over the surface of, and keeping calm -and quiet and unruffled by storms, an immense and profound ocean of -humanity. Underneath that rule lie hidden all the memories of fallen -dynasties, all the traditions of vanquished races, all the pride of -insulted creeds....' He spoke of the advance of Russia on the North-West -Frontier--'that sometimes stealthy, sometimes open, always gradual, -always sure advance of countless hosts, now resembling the gliding of a -serpent, now the bound of a tiger'--as a perpetual injury to stability -and progress in the Government and people of India. And his counsels, -like those of Lord Salisbury, seemed full of the menace of war. - -On April 27 Mr. Gladstone asked the House of Commons for his vote of -credit of 11,000,000_l._ He unfolded the 'case for preparation' in an -impressive harangue. Tory blood, long chilled, stirred in his veins. The -eloquence and authority of his great war speech covered everything -behind it--even the total abandonment of the Soudan, which was -foreshadowed almost incidentally--and carried everything before it. He -sat down while the House was ringing with the united acclamations of -Radicals who hated war and of Tories who hated him. The debate -collapsed. Notices of motion and amendment disappeared as if by magic. -The vote was carried without a single protest. - -But it was no part of the policy of the Opposition to allow Mr. -Gladstone to obtain personal triumphs of this character. Though for the -time they were dazzled by his rhetoric, they felt no confidence that the -honour of the country was safe in his hands; and the parlous condition -to which British relations with Russia had come, only made them more -anxious to get possession of the Government. Lord Randolph, who had -freed himself altogether from the Gladstone spell, saw in the collapse -of the debate only another proof of that feeble and ineffective -leadership of the Opposition against which he had warred so ruthlessly. -Hitherto his communications with Lord Salisbury had been scanty and -formal. Since the settlement of the National Union dispute no letters -had passed between them; and although they were supposed to be working -in harmonious agreement, they hardly knew each other at all. But Lord -Randolph's vexation prompted him to write with much more freedom than he -had yet allowed himself; and this proved the beginning of an intimate -correspondence and association only to cease after the crisis in British -politics was over. - - - -_Private._ - -Turf Club, Piccadilly: April 27, 1885. 11 P.M. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--The Opposition cannot be conducted to any - other goal but smash if things are to go on as they did to-night. - At first all went well. We divided, and were only beaten by 43--a - respectable position, the only unpleasant feature of which was the - slack attendance of our party. A four-line whip had been out for a - week. Many telegrams had been despatched yesterday, and yet only - about 160 Tories came up to the scratch. The worst was to come, and - I blame myself as much as anyone for what happened. Mr. Gladstone - was evidently much annoyed by the opposition to his vote of credit - arrangements and commenced his statement in Committee by the most - wanton, outrageous, violent, and yet wretchedly weak attack upon - the late Government. He then went on into a very elaborate and - easily exposed apology for the evacuation of the Soudan, and - finally wound up (and this part I did not hear) with a very warlike - denunciation of Russian aggression, which H. Fowler of the Home - Office told me he thought was too strong. Would you believe it? The - whole Front Opposition Bench sat as mute as mummies--though, after - all, it was they who had been flouted--and the Prime Minister got - his 11,000,000_l._ at one gulp, without a remark of any sort or - kind. I have not really the right to complain or criticise, as I - went away in the middle of his speech to dine; but it never - occurred to me for a moment that Sir S. N. would allow his - intemperate remarks to pass unnoticed, or that the debate would - collapse in such an ignominious manner for the Opposition. - - It is quite possible that the Metropolitan Press may not notice - this so strongly, but the Liberal provincial Press will; and the - fact remains that at this time of day Gladstone has the audacity to - revive in their worst form all the stale and exploded charges - against the Beaconsfield Government, and that Northcote, the man - most concerned, has not a word to say in reply. The effect in the - House of Commons has been deplorable. All the Liberals are - cock-a-whoop, and Gladstone has been allowed to obtain, - gratuitously, an unparalleled Parliamentary triumph. It is probable - that in the next few weeks crisis and sensation will follow each - other closely. You know that under these circumstances, in the - House of Commons, if the leader of the Opposition does not move, - no one else can; and if to-night's proceedings are to be repeated, - we are done. Excuse, I pray you, a hurried scrawl. I thought you - might like to have an account fresh from the House of Commons. - -Yours very sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -The reply was prompt and friendly. - -'I sympathise with you very heartily,' replied Lord Salisbury late the -same night. 'But what can I do? It is not a case where advice would be -of any service. In fact, I sometimes think my advice does more harm than -good; for, if only partially followed, it may produce exactly the -reverse of the intended effect. I hope the papers will attribute the -collapse to our exalted patriotism. At least, that is the only hope with -which one can console oneself.' - -Lord Randolph wrote again:-- - - - -_Private and Confidential._ - -Carlton Club: April 28, 1885. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I have been thinking of nothing else but the - events of last night in the House of Commons and, encouraged by - your kind note received this morning, I venture to inflict upon you - another letter. - - The tone of the Metropolitan Press this morning is not unfavourable - to us; but the Metropolitan Press is most misleading. I see every - day the provincial Press, and I know well how in their London - correspondence and in their articles they will magnify the personal - triumph of Mr. Gladstone. He had been running down for some time, - but has now, _for the time_, completely recovered his old position - by the extraordinary and unprecedented _coup_ he carried off last - night. That _coup_ has done us, as a party, more real harm with the - constituencies than any event in this Parliament which I can - remember. This sort of thing did not matter in 1880; but we are now - within six months of a General Election, and any event which - greatly elevates the Liberals and depresses our own people has a - terrible effect. That triumph of last night will be repeated unless - very decided and energetic steps are taken now. The personal - ascendency of Mr. Gladstone is our great difficulty. If we can - destroy or mitigate that, we gain adherents. I know what the little - Fourth Party did in '80 and '81 and what support and sympathy they - acquired in the country on that account. That old Fourth Party has - disappeared; but the time has come when another body of the same - nature, but on much better and weightier lines, might be formed, - and might effect astonishing Parliamentary success. - - I quite perceive that anything in the nature of open revolt against - Sir S. N. would be fatal in every way. At the same time _it is - madness_ to blind yourself to the fact that whatever abilities he - once possessed for guiding a party are utterly gone and that his - influence upon the vigour and vitality of the party now enervates - and enfeebles; and _that_ at a moment when the greatest possible - party life and vigour is a matter of life and death. - - I have suggested to Sir Michael Hicks-Beach that he should remain - permanently in town for the remainder of the Session and should be - always in the House of Commons when it is sitting; and I have told - him that if he can pledge himself to this, I believe a certain - number of M.P.'s would pledge themselves to be always at his back. - I allude principally to the old Fourth Party, to Raikes and - Chaplin, to Dyke and Gibson, and to one or two more very talented - and ambitious young members of the party. The effect of the - constant attendance and skilful action of such a body night after - night upon the Government cannot be over-estimated. It might lead - them to throw up the sponge, either by one or more unexpected - defeats. But, in any case, it would keep our party in the country - alive and in good heart and should supply them with endless topics - for local controversy. It is absolutely essential that some member - of real position and influence upon the Front Bench should be at - the head of such a combination. The weakness of the old Fourth - Party was that they had no _point d'appui_; they were always a body - of skirmishers altogether _en l'air_. And yet House of Commons - history would be altogether misread if their disintegrating effect - upon the Liberal party was underestimated or ignored. To show you - what might have been done last night, I have ascertained from so - reliable a source as Lord R. Grosvenor that all the elements of the - Courtney faction and the Labouchere faction might have been let - loose last night, if only Sir S. N. had not weakly yielded to an - evanescent impression created by Gladstone's gingerbread rhetoric, - and allowed the debate to collapse. I think under high persuasion - Sir M. Hicks-Beach would be prepared to make great sacrifices and - run some personal risks, and it is for that reason that I bring all - these matters to your notice. I may, without overmuch presumption, - claim some little authority on these party interests. My letters to - the _Times_ in 1882 and my article in the _Fortnightly_ clearly - foretold the ultimate effect of Sir S. N.'s leadership. They - brought much odium upon me at the time and may indeed have - embarrassed persons I wished not to embarrass, but my word has been - justified by events and by present public opinion. - - I pray you not to allow yourself to imagine that either then or now - was I or am I actuated by much, or indeed any, personal ambition. - My only desire is to see the game properly and scientifically - played, and the Conservative party fairly strong in the next - Parliament; and I do not care a rap who carries off the laurels or - the credit. The plan I propose for efficient Parliamentary action - during the remainder of the Session may be skilfully carried out - without any formal communication to Sir S. N. But not only does it - depend upon Sir Michael being supported by a certain number of - M.P.'s; that body will have to be inspired by yourself and will - have to show that in their action they are receiving and deserving - your support and approval. - - I am ashamed of myself for worrying you with this interminable MS. - It is only the critical condition of our party prospects which - enables me to do it. - -Yours very sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -'I concur very much,' wrote Lord Salisbury in answer to this lengthy -appeal, 'in your estimate of the evil; and your idea of surrounding the -Sultan with a body of Janissaries under Sir M. Beach is likely to be -very effective if vigorously carried out. I will gladly do anything I -can to help, but always with one reservation. I am bound to Sir S. -N.--as a colleague--by a tie, not of expediency, but of honour; and I -could not take part in anything which would be at variance with entire -loyalty to him. But what you propose will rather take the form of -assistance than supersession. I think that, properly managed, your -_jeune garde_ may do great things and acquire considerable practical -authority. I will talk the matter over with Beach whenever I can see -him. But he must abandon agriculture.' - -The Conservative party had repented of their enthusiasm by May 4, when -the Committee stage of the vote of credit was again set down for -discussion. The decision to abandon the Soudan altogether and admit -defeat in that quarter of the world had soaked in. They now learned, -besides, that--vote of 11,000,000_l._ notwithstanding--Anglo-Russian -differences were to be submitted to arbitration--'surrender disguised as -arbitration,' as Lord Randolph Churchill called it. They were indignant -at what they considered a betrayal. But how to show their displeasure? -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach protested against the vote of credit being -proceeded with in the altered circumstances without further delay. Lord -Randolph, who had a speech all ready, intimated meekly that, unless the -vote of credit was forthwith debated, he would obstruct the passage of -Supply. The Government, anxious to get their business through, and -uncertain which section in the Opposition would prove the more -recalcitrant, proposed a compromise. Lord Randolph waved it aside and -remained obdurate. The vote of credit came on at once. - -The speech which he then delivered was a speech of minute detail, but of -accurate detail. In twenty-four hours he had mastered an enormous Blue -Book. No one could contradict him at any point. 'So far as I know,' said -Lord Salisbury later, 'that description [of Russian proceedings] is -historically unimpeachable.' Into the entanglements of General -Komaroff's action, of the strategic value of Merv, of the opinions of -Baron Jomini, or of the territorial rights of the Amir in the disputed -regions of the Murghab and Khushk rivers it is not, fortunately, -necessary to enter. But one episode in Lord Randolph's second speech on -May 11 is worthy of record. The complacency with which the Government, -and particularly the Prime Minister, had abandoned, in the Soudan, -enterprises for the sake of which so many lives, British and Arab, had -been sacrificed, had excited general wonder and even disgust. - -'I was reading in the _Times_ this morning,' said Lord Randolph, -dropping his voice and buttoning up his coat--'does the Prime Minister -ever read the _Times_?' Mr. Gladstone tossed his head disdainfully. 'It -is a pity, because if the Prime Minister had read the _Times_ this -morning he could not have failed to notice the review of a very -interesting book--"The Home Letters of Lord Beaconsfield"--edited by Mr. -Ralph Disraeli, who is, I believe, a friend of the Prime Minister's.' -('Nothing of the sort,' said Mr. Gladstone.) 'Lord Beaconsfield, it -appears, went many years ago to Yanina, where he had an interview with a -very celebrated Minister--Redschid Pasha. There had recently been a -great insurrection in Albania which had been put down by the Turks. This -is Lord Beaconsfield's account of the interview: "I bowed with all the -nonchalance of St. James's Street to a little, ferocious-looking, -shrivelled, careworn man, plainly dressed, with a brow covered with -wrinkles and a countenance clouded with anxiety and thought. I seated -myself on the divan of the Grand Vizier ('who,' the Austrian Consul -observed, 'has destroyed in the course of the last three months--not in -war--upwards of four thousand of my acquaintance') with the -self-possession of a morning call. Our conversation I need not repeat. -We congratulated him on the pacification of Albania. He rejoined that -the peace of the world was his only object and the happiness of mankind -his only wish."' Here there was a long pause, intensified by the hush -with which the House awaited the delayed conclusion. 'There,' cried -Lord Randolph, raising his voice suddenly, hissing his words and -pointing savagely across the House at Mr. Gladstone--'there, upon the -Treasury Bench, is the resuscitated Redschid Pasha.' - -I have tried to revive the spirit of this attack as some of those who -listened describe it, for _Hansard_ reduces it to a very bald account. -But, although Lord Randolph Churchill never commanded the surge and -majesty of Mr. Gladstone's oratory, he held the House docile and -responsive in his grip. Whatever liberties he chose to take, they chose -to cheer. So through a speech of an hour and a half, all devoted to a -pitiless reproach of 'that policy of base and cowardly surrender to -Russia which marks your daily life.' Was it wonderful that party -newspapers and party men rallied to this bold champion of their -grievances? 'Why was it left to Lord Randolph Churchill,' they asked, -'alone to raise a protest against Mr. Gladstone's treacherous conduct? -Where were the occupants of the Front Opposition Bench? Have they -resigned their functions? If so, let them resign their position'; and so -forth. The next day Lord Granville took occasion to refer to this speech -at length in the House of Lords. He declared that he had marked no less -than nine passages, 'some of them inaccurate and some exactly opposed to -the truth.' Lord Randolph rejoined, through the columns of the _Times_, -in a celebrated--or perhaps I should write 'notorious'--letter. He -accused Lord Granville, among other things, of showing 'the petty -malice of a Whig'; 'of his usual shamelessness'; and of 'sneaking down -to the House of Lords to make without notice a variety of deliberate -misrepresentations, deliberate misquotations, and false assertions which -were quite in accordance with the little that was known about the public -career of Earl Granville, Knight of the Garter, and, to the misfortune -of his country, Her Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign -Affairs.' The _Times_ was so horrified at this that, not content with -printing the letter in a column of its largest type, it devoted another -column and a half to repeating, for the purpose of dissociating itself -from, its insults, and rebuking the bad taste of the author. - -But the fate of the Government was not to be settled by anything arising -out of the stormy events in the East. Another cause, nearer home and -more intimately affecting party politics, was to operate decisively. The -Crimes Act was to expire in August. Lord Spencer insisted upon its -renewal and his demand was backed by most of the Whig Ministers. The -Radical representatives, however, refused to associate themselves with -such legislation and moderate Liberals were scarcely less reluctant to -tar their hands with Coercion before presenting themselves to the -electors as the champions of liberty. On May 15 Mr. Gladstone gave -notice that the Government would propose what was, at any rate, a -partial continuation of the measure. Five days later Lord Randolph -Churchill, at the St. Stephen's Club, struck what was, according to Mr. -Morley, a mortal blow. He intimated that a Conservative Government would -not think it necessary to renew the Act. His language was guarded and -carefully chosen. He had to carry his audience with him and he knew with -what satisfaction many of his colleagues in the House of Commons would -repudiate his words if they thought their repudiation would be -effective. He said, in short, that he was shocked that so grave an -announcement as the renewal of a Coercion Bill should be taken as a -matter of course. The state of Ireland must be much worse than was -commonly supposed for the Radical members of the Cabinet to assent to -such a proposal. What a comment it was on Liberal administration, and on -the boasted Viceroyalty of Lord Spencer, that the Liberal party could -not govern Ireland without that arbitrary force 'which all their -greatest orators have over and over again declared is no remedy for -lawlessness!' 'I believe most firmly,' he concluded, 'that this ought to -be the attitude of the Tory party--that while they are ready and willing -to grant to any Government of the Queen whatever powers may be -necessary, on evidence adduced, for the preservation of law and order, -they ought to be anxious and careful beyond measure not to be committed -to any act or policy which should unnecessarily wound and injure the -feelings and the sentiments of our brothers on the other side of the -Channel of St. George.' That was all, but it was enough. The speaker was -not disavowed. The Tory party remained mute. The words were observed -and weighed both by the Irish Nationalists and the English Radicals. -Within a few days Mr. Morley gave a notice of motion to oppose the -renewal of the Crimes Act. The Radical members of the Cabinet stiffened -their backs, and the days of the Ministry were numbered. - -As the weakness and embarrassments of the Government and the dissensions -in the Cabinet became glaring, it was evident the end could not be -distant. But no one could tell when the moment would come; and the -imminent possibility of a transference of power forced grave -considerations into the minds of the chiefs of the Opposition. They -hated the Government. They believed its continuance to be deeply -injurious to the country. They were mortified by the dishonour which had -been inflicted on British arms and British reputation. The cry of their -supporters in the country for unceasing Parliamentary attack was -vehement. They were bound to fight their hardest. But, upon the other -hand, what if they succeeded? They could not dissolve, because of the -Reform Bill. Until the new registers for the reconstructed -constituencies had been prepared, and other indispensable mechanical -details settled, a General Election was physically impossible. Could -they, then, take office? Even if some Ministers were anxious to escape -from power, willing to ride for a fall--and this was certainly not the -disposition of the Prime Minister--the Government majority was enormous. -The only chance of overturning the Gladstone Administration was by a -division on some issue which should at once divide the Liberals and -secure the Irish vote. No mere lukewarmness on the part of -Ministerialists would suffice. - -It was quite plain that an incoming Government, in a minority, without -the power of dissolution, brought into office by Nationalist votes, -could never carry a Coercion Bill through Parliament. But was a Coercion -Bill necessary? Mr. Gibson on whom the Conservatives relied as their -Irish authority, was of opinion that it would not be necessary. But -certainly Mr. Parnell could make it necessary! The question was long and -painfully debated. Clearly they had to fight. Not to do so was to -discourage the whole party on the eve of the election. Clearly they -might win. To refuse then to undertake the task, to admit that the -Conservative party had neither the men nor the cohesion to carry on the -Government, would equally injure them in the national estimation. It was -a grim dilemma. But the decision did not lie altogether in the hands of -particular men. Had it been possible for any one man to give orders -which would be obeyed with military discipline, he could not have -failed, were he a Conservative, to decide against any attempt to turn -out the Government; and, conversely, a Minister must have sought for any -decent pretext to resign. But the forces at work were not to be so -nicely governed. It is in the nature of Ministries to survive in spite -of their inclinations. It is in the nature of Oppositions to strive to -win, even in spite of their interests. Borne along by the stream, the -Conservative leaders determined to overthrow the Government if they -could, and they solaced themselves with Mr. Gibson's assurances that the -state of Ireland did not require the renewal of the Crimes Act to -protect the lives and liberties of Her Majesty's lieges. - -Lord Randolph Churchill made a regular practice of preserving every -letter he received. He made notes of many important interviews. Nothing -that related to politics, whether creditable or not, whether important -or petty, seems to have been excluded from his archives. Had any -agreement been made with Mr. Parnell sufficiently definite or formal to -be called a 'compact,' it is most unlikely that no written record would -have been preserved. No scrap of paper referring directly or indirectly -to this subject can, however, be traced. On the other hand, it is -certain that he had more than one conversation with the Irish leader; -that he stated to him his opinion of what a Conservative Government -would do should it be formed; and that he declared that he considered -himself precluded by public utterances from joining a Government which -would at once renew the Crimes Act. No bargain could, in the nature of -things, have been made. The chances of Lord Randolph joining a -Conservative Administration were undetermined. The Conservative party -would certainly not have ratified such a bargain. Lord Randolph -Churchill could not presume to speak in their name; and even if their -official leaders had bound themselves, their action might well have been -repudiated by important sections of their followers both in Parliament -and in the country. 'There was no compact or bargain of any kind,' Lord -Randolph said to FitzGibbon a year later, 'but I told Parnell when he -sat on that sofa [in Connaught Place] that if the Tories took office and -I was a member of their Government, I would not consent to renew the -Crimes Act. Parnell replied, "In that case, you will have the Irish vote -at the Elections."' - -So far as the vote in the House was concerned, the Nationalists wanted -little temptation to turn out a Coercionist Liberal Administration. They -had long been looking for an opportunity of revenge. They shared the -general expectation that the lowering of the franchise would give a -great advantage to the Liberal party. Their interest was clearly, and -their intention was notoriously, to play for an equalisation in party -strength by supporting the weaker side at the dissolution. If the -Conservatives would give them any reasonable excuse for preferring them -to the Liberal Government, if they would avoid studied causes of -offence, the Irish party would be content to support them in the House -and to throw their vote--so far as it could be thrown--for the -Conservative candidates in the election. On some such tacit -understanding as this Lord Salisbury's first Administration came into -power and held sway. Neither party gave away any point of practical -importance, or entered into any confidential relationship. Both Tories -and Nationalists pursued their own ends. They used each other for their -own purposes; and in the end the Conservatives came off the winners. -All suggestions of a more definite compact belong to the regions of -romance. - -Within the space of a single year both great English parties were -supported by the votes of the Irish members and were to some extent -dependent on their good-will. But there was an important difference -between the relations which respectively existed. The Conservatives, -consciously or unconsciously, used the Irish party. The Liberals, -willingly or unwillingly, were used by them. And whereas the former -moved on through that association to prosperous years of power, the -latter sank into paralysis and decay. But it should not be inferred from -these unedifying reflections that Lord Randolph Churchill in his -declarations against the re-enactment of the Crimes Act in 1885 was -animated solely by a hard desire to effect a political combination. His -views on Irish men and Irish matters were very different in character -from the general opinion of his party. He knew Ireland well and liked -her people. He had been in former days the friend of Mr. Butt. For five -years of hard Parliamentary fighting he and his associates had sat in -front of the Irish Nationalists, and many a reciprocal service or -manoeuvre had built up a House of Commons comradeship. 'You can always -trust them,' he used to say, 'if you know them and understand them.' In -office or Opposition, in good fortune or defeat, he detested the use of -special legislation in Ireland; and, although he remained an unwavering -opponent of Repeal, these pages will show that he at least did not -approach Irish questions in a spirit of selfish opportunism. - -Lord Randolph's votes and speeches during all the Coercion struggles of -the Parliament were, moreover, upon record. The Irish members, on their -part, knew that he had often supported them, to the detriment of his -reputation among his own friends, while the most brilliant -representatives of the Liberal Cabinet were scourging them without pity. -They remembered that he had always been civil and friendly to them in -days when scarcely any other English member would speak to them. They -were attracted by his stormy, rebellious nature. They delighted in his -attacks upon the Government. Parnell, we are told, liked him personally, -though their acquaintance was scanty. Among prominent English -politicians, he was at that time the best friend, and the only friend, -Nationalist Ireland could find. Any Government in which he was powerful -must be better than the Ministry from which Irish members had received -so much ill-usage. It was upon the opinion they had formed of him during -several years as a man, and upon their estimate of his influence with -his party, and not on any compact or bargain, that they acted in 1885. - -In some fashion or another, however, Cabinet and Administration had held -together till the Whitsuntide holidays. The third period of the session -is dangerous to Governments. Most of the measures of the year, and -usually the Budget, are in the Committee stage and liable at any moment -to be challenged by a vote. At the same time, when vigilance is most -needed, a feeling of languor or exhaustion steals over the House of -Commons. With the advent of hot weather weary members seek escape from -London. Divisions are frequent; majorities precarious; an accident -always possible. Rumours had, however, gained acceptance that Cabinet -differences on Irish policy were not incapable of adjustment, and many -Liberal members thought that for the session at least the danger of -defeat was passed. But meanwhile a third and, as it proved, a fatal blow -had been aimed against the Ministry. An amendment to the Budget had been -framed at a meeting in Mr. Balfour's house in Carlton Gardens, at which -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, the Fourth Party, and Mr. Raikes alone were -present. It was approved by Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote -and placed upon the paper in the name of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. To a -casual observer the amendment might have appeared unimportant. It -condemned the proposed increase of the beer and spirit duties in the -absence of a corresponding increase in the duties upon wine, and -declined to add to the duty on real property without relief to the -rates. But it was, in fact, artfully and deliberately contrived to unite -the Opposition on an issue easily defensible in the country and likely -to secure support from the Irish and from the liquor interest in the -House. It acquired significance from a rumour that the Radical section -of the Cabinet had severely criticised Mr. Childers's increase of the -beer duties and wished to substitute therefor an additional duty on -spirits. - -The debate was not remarkable and until late in the evening neither in -the House nor outside it was there any expectation of the actual result. -But after the dinner-hour a feeling of apprehension seemed to pervade -the air. When the division was about to be taken, the ranks of the -Ministerialists were unusually thin. Suddenly it was realised that the -result must be narrow. A thrill of excitement swept through the House. -The doors were closed, and the counting proceeded. When the tellers -advanced to the table it was seen that Lord Richard Grosvenor, the -Government Whip, stood at the left instead of at the right of the line. -For a moment the significance was not appreciated; then the Opposition -burst into exultant cheering, renewed again and again. Four Liberals and -42 Irishmen had voted against Ministers: 74 Liberals were absent, mostly -unpaired: the Government was defeated by 12. - -It had come, after all. The mighty Government which had towered up -august and formidable in 1880, which during five long years, in spite of -disastrous enterprise and so many evil turns of fortune, had presented -an unbroken front to all attacks, was overthrown at last. So often had -good and careful plans miscarried; so often had skill, patience, and -courage led only to disappointment that, although a dark curtain of -perplexity obscured the future, this at least was triumph now. Lord -Randolph had seen the shot strike home. The aim was shrewd and sure. His -famous antagonist was down at last and he did not care, or was not able, -to contain his joy. He jumped on his seat below the gangway and, waving -his handkerchief, led the cheers of the astonished and delighted -Conservative party. Well might they have cheered if they had only known -that events would follow from that June division which should lead in -direct and unbroken sequence to their long supremacy in the State; and, -having regard to the repression and firmness which the next few days -would require of Lord Randolph Churchill, his jubilation may be -pardoned. - -A threefold crisis now supervened: first, the national emergency, -arising from grave affairs in Egypt and with Russia, and the political -fermentation at home and in Ireland; secondly, a constitutional -situation peculiar and unprecedented in character; and thirdly, the -struggle within the Conservative party. All these operated -simultaneously and sympathetically affected each other. The Liberal -Administration was defeated on June 8. On the 9th Mr. Gladstone tendered -his resignation to the Queen. The Queen expressed surprise that he -should make his defeat a vital question and inquired whether, if Lord -Salisbury were unwilling to form a Government, the Cabinet would remain. -Mr. Gladstone replied that they would not remain. The Queen thereupon -accepted the resignations, which were announced to Parliament on the -12th, and sent for Lord Salisbury. Anticipating, or having private -notice of, the formal summons, Lord Salisbury had already approached -Lord Randolph Churchill through Sir Michael Hicks-Beach:-- - - - -June 10, 1885. - - My dear Lord Randolph,--Lord Salisbury has asked me to tell you - that he would be very glad to talk to you on the general position, - if you would call on him: and I very much hope that no such ideas - as those which you seemed to entertain this afternoon will prevent - you from doing so. - - I feel convinced (though I am not authorised to give you more than - my own belief) that he has asked no one to call on him, and that - his reason for not doing so is that he thinks that to do so would - be to usurp the position of leader, which no one has as yet - conferred on him. - - It would be simply ridiculous that this idea on his part, combined - with your idea as to 'place-hunting,' should keep you two apart - just now. - -Yours sincerely, -MICHAEL HICKS-BEACH. - - - -And the next day, on the eve of his departure to Balmoral, Lord -Salisbury himself wrote:-- - - - -_Confidential._ - -20 Arlington Street, S.W.: Thursday, June 11, 4.45. - - My dear Churchill,--I have just received a communication which - makes me anxious to see you. Could you call on me to-night after - dinner, or to-morrow morning? - -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -Lord Randolph thought it better to defer his visit until after Lord -Salisbury had seen the Queen. His opinion had already been given as to -the conditions under which it would be desirable for the Conservatives -to take office, and was involved in the decision to try to turn out the -Liberal Government by means of the Irish vote on the Beach Amendment. He -had nothing new to say about that. If Lord Salisbury should decide not -to undertake the commission, there would be no necessity to raise the -thorny and painful questions connected with Sir Stafford Northcote. - -In ordinary circumstances Lord Salisbury's course would have been -simple. He would have advised a dissolution of Parliament. This solution -was, however, impossible until November, owing to the Franchise and -Seats Acts. Therefore his legal and constitutional right of recommending -a dissolution was in abeyance; and, upon the other hand, the party of -which he was the head would be compelled, if he took office, to carry -the Budget, Supply, and other indispensable business of the year through -a House of Commons in which they were in a minority of nearly 100. Lord -Salisbury was so impressed by the difficulty of the situation that he -went to Balmoral with the intention of declining to form a Government. - -At Balmoral, however, the Queen persuaded him to make the attempt if Mr. -Gladstone would not resume; and several attempts to induce Mr. Gladstone -to resume having failed, Lord Salisbury accepted the duty and returned -to London to discharge it. His first care was to seek from Mr. Gladstone -an assurance of support in the measures absolutely necessary to bring -the session to a close. The negotiations were protracted for many days; -but eventually Mr. Gladstone agreed that facilities for expediting -Supply might reasonably be provided, so long as the liberties of the -House of Commons were not placed in abeyance; and he added the -assurance that there was no idea on the part of the Opposition of -withholding the Ways and Means required for the public service. During -this discussion Lord Salisbury addressed himself to the formation of a -Government. He forthwith invited Sir Stafford Northcote to become -Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons; and Sir -Stafford Northcote agreed. He asked Sir Michael Hicks-Beach to be -Colonial Secretary; and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach agreed. Lord Salisbury -then applied to Lord Randolph Churchill, whom he desired to take the -India Office. But Lord Randolph refused to join the Government if Sir -Stafford Northcote continued to lead in the House of Commons. - -From this position nothing could move him. He remained silent and -stubborn. While Lord Salisbury was still undecided whether to go on -without him or not, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach intervened. He was, in his -own words, 'deeply impressed with the conviction that Lord Randolph -Churchill's active assistance as a member of the Government was vital to -any hope of Conservative success at the General Election, for his -popularity with the new electorate was greater than that of any other -member of the party';[29] and therefore, as soon as he learned that Lord -Randolph had refused to join, he told Lord Salisbury--though without -Lord Randolph's knowledge, and entirely without pre-arrangement of any -kind--that in the altered circumstances he could not join either. The -dead-lock was again complete. - -The narrative must here be somewhat interrupted, so far at least as -chronology is concerned, to admit Lord Randolph Churchill's own account -of his action. He left behind him a considerable memorandum from which I -quote all that is relevant to this situation. - -'In the events,' he wrote (as I should judge, early in 1889, though the -paper is undated), 'which led to the formation of the Conservative -Government in June 1885, I bore a part, and am induced to record my -recollection of their nature; for one reason among others, that in my -belief they were the main cause which led to the adoption by Mr. -Gladstone of the policy of Repeal. - -'In the spring of 1885 it was a matter of notoriety among well-informed -and studious politicians that the question as to the expediency of the -renewal by the Government then in power of the Irish Crimes Act--which -was to expire in September[30]--was one on which the Cabinet could come -to no agreement. In the speeches which I made in the month of May at the -St. Stephen's Club and at Bow I endeavoured by diffuse examination of -the question to do what I could to add to the difficulties which in -connection with this subject embarrassed the Ministry. - -'My remarks at the former place were followed by a decisive intimation -from Mr. J. Morley that he would oppose any measure for the renewal of -any portion of the Crimes Act. This intimation practically terminated -the duration of Mr. Gladstone's Government. Agreement in the Cabinet on -this question became impossible. The Ministers determined to court -defeat in Parliament as a method of escape from the dilemma by -resignation. A General Election was impending and the Opposition eagerly -clutched at any opportunity of discrediting and defeating the Liberal -party, and with this eagerness I was in thorough accord. Two attempts to -place Ministers in a minority failed--one arising out of the events in -the Soudan, the other out of a dispute concerning election expenses and -local rates. A third attempt, against the Budget, met with unexpected -success. The hostility of the licensed victuallers, who considered -themselves aggrieved by Mr. Childers's financial proposals, and the -almost admitted connivance of Lord Richard Grosvenor, then the Head Whip -of the Liberal party, secured the absence from the division of some -sixty or more members of the Ministerial forces. The Government was -placed in a minority and resigned. - -'The Opposition now found themselves in a position of immense -difficulty, and though the difficulty had been foreseen by the leaders -it was not on that account in any degree diminished. - -'The difficulty was twofold: personal and political. - -'1. For a long time there had been a division of opinion in the -Conservative party on the question of the leadership--on the question as -to whether Lord Salisbury or Sir Stafford Northcote ought to be the -head of any Conservative Administration which events might bring into -existence. While, on the one hand, there was a unanimous recognition by -the party of the sterling worth and high character of the latter, there -was, on the other, an equally unanimous but certainly not equally -expressed opinion that he was indisposed by nature and training to place -himself in entire harmony with the intense and acute party polemics of -the moment; that he was, as he once admitted in a public speech, -"deficient in go"; and that Lord Salisbury, though he was much less -personally known to members of the House of Commons and much less -popular than Sir Stafford, was more qualified for the conduct of a -pitched battle such as we had to face. - -'I had identified myself with this latter opinion, and had expressed it -publicly and privately in one way and another since the year 1883. In -that year I had committed myself to such an extent that my action was -much resented by the party in the House of Commons, who adopted and -presented to Sir Stafford an address expressing their full confidence in -and great admiration of him. My belief is that in this controversy, the -existence of which was notorious, the principals had no share; that Sir -Stafford and Lord Salisbury behaved with the utmost loyalty to each -other, and remained throughout on the most intimate and friendly terms. - -'In June 1885, the crucial moment came. Mr. Gladstone resigned. "Whom -would the Queen send for?" was a question in everyone's mouth. Lord -Salisbury was sent for. His intention was, if he formed a Government, -that Sir Stafford should become Leader of the House of Commons. To this -proposition, when proper opportunity offered, I declined to agree, -adhering to my former opinions as to the indisposition of Sir Stafford -for acute party warfare. Whether I was right or wrong I do not argue; -public opinion in the party and outside was certainly not with me, and -soon after, and since, I have been strongly drawn to the conclusion that -I was in error. The fact remains for record: I declined to take office -unless there was a change in the leadership of the party in the House of -Commons. - -'My conviction is that Lord Salisbury was most reluctant to attempt to -form a Government. It was most distasteful to him to be brought into any -conflict with Sir Stafford, to be preferred above him--thus shattering -what had been Sir Stafford's great and honourable ambition. Finally, -when it was demanded of him that he should put a slight upon Sir -Stafford, and depose him from the leadership of the party in the House -of Commons, Lord Salisbury almost determined to renounce the duty -imposed upon him by the Sovereign. For days the matter was in suspense. -Conversations, suggested arrangements, even intrigues were rife in the -Carlton and in the Lobby. I have only a general and second-hand -knowledge of what then went on. I kept entirely aloof, saw hardly -anyone, and took no part in the controversy beyond what I had originally -taken. Ultimately representations were made to Sir Stafford--how and by -whom I do not know--which induced him to consent to accept the sinecure -office of First Lord of the Treasury and a peerage with the title of -Earl of Iddesleigh and Viscount St. Cyres. All I do know is that in -these _pourparlers_ Lord Ashbourne (then Mr. Gibson) was very busy and -prominent and that he constantly and to many expressed his astonishment -and displeasure that the susceptibilities or predilections attributed to -Sir Stafford should form any obstacle to the formation of a Conservative -Government. At that time Mr. Gibson exercised considerable influence -with the Conservative party in the House of Commons.' - -Lord Randolph seems to have overrated the importance of the part played -in these negotiations by Mr. Gibson, though there is reason to believe -that his influence was, so far as it was effective, exerted--and -properly exerted--in the direction described. It is probable that Mr. -Smith was the principal agent. Like other colleagues who sat beside him -on the Bench, he knew, perhaps better than Sir Stafford Northcote's -family, how often the progress of heart disease incapacitated the Leader -of the Opposition from Parliamentary work, and sometimes even reduced -him to a lethargic condition. Mr. Smith had recently taken Sir Stafford -for a long cruise in his yacht, the _Pandora_, and had the best reasons -for judging his true condition, as well as the best right to make -representations to him about it. But to return to Lord Randolph. - -'The second part of the difficulty,' proceeds the memorandum, 'which -confronted Lord Salisbury was political and arose entirely out of the -question whether it was or was not essential and necessary to seek from -Parliament a renewal of the expiring Irish Crimes Act. This question had -been more than once discussed in small conciliabules before the fall of -Mr. Gladstone's Government, and a sort of decision arrived at. I alluded -publicly to the subject in a speech I made at Sheffield in the following -September. But the former semi-decision did not help Lord Salisbury much -when the actual crisis came. The whole question was again gone over with -great care. Mr. Gibson in this difficulty was the real arbiter. He was -the principal, and indeed the only, adviser to whom Lord Salisbury and -his friends could have recourse for Irish information. In all the -recurring debates on the state of Ireland and on the Irish land -legislation which had marked the preceding sessions since 1880 he had -been the real leader, and with him naturally it rested now to decide -practically this grave and difficult question. I use the adjective -"grave" because I believe that the decision not to attempt to renew the -Crimes Act, more than any other event, finally determined Mr. Gladstone -no longer to resist Repeal, and by some process or calculation not open -to ordinary persons led Mr. Gladstone to the conclusion that there was a -real working alliance arrived at between the Tories and the party of Mr. -Parnell, the legitimate results of which would be proposals by the Tory -Government in the nature of very large concessions to the Irish in the -direction of Repeal. - -'My own part in the matter was to express no opinion beyond what was -contained in the following formula, from which I never departed, and -which was accepted by Lord Salisbury and his friends: If it is decided -that the state of Ireland is such as to require the further continuance -of the Crimes Act, then the Conservative party cannot accept office, as -the period of the session and the Parliamentary weakness of the party -preclude the possibility of their passing through the House of Commons -the necessary measure. If a contrary decision is arrived at--viz. that -the Act may be allowed to expire--then the Conservative party might -succeed the Liberal Government with safety and advantage. It was well -known that personally I would not have taken office had it been thought -necessary by a Conservative Government to attempt to renew the Crimes -Act. - -'Such was the nature of the difficulty which Lord Salisbury had to -solve. I repeat my impression that he was most reluctant to form a -Government. The personal difficulties alluded to above deterred him, and -the recollections of Lord Derby's Ministries of 1852, 1858, and 1866 -were heavily against an attempt to carry on the business of the country -without the support of a majority in the House of Commons. The pressure, -however, from the local organisations in the country was strong to cause -him to undertake the unattractive duty, and the prevalent feeling of -the party in Parliament was in accord with this pressure. - -'For the decision he ultimately arrived at I can claim little -responsibility and in it I had little or no share. I had no -prepossession one way or the other, unless it was that the precedent set -by Mr. Disraeli in 1873 under similar circumstances, and the apparent -results of Mr. Disraeli's action, were very vividly before my mind. I -would have consented with equal cheerfulness to one decision or the -other; nor do I believe that either decision would have affected -numerically the results of the General Election which took place in -November. - -'Looking back on those events after January 1886, and after the -resolution arrived at by Mr. Gladstone to introduce a measure for the -Repeal of the Union, I came to the conclusion that in June 1885, we had -been most unfortunately inspired. I can trace a clear connection of -cause and effect between Lord Salisbury's accession to office in 1885 -and Mr. Gladstone's new departure in 1886.' - -For five days uncertainty and rumour were supreme. Lord Randolph -maintained an unbroken reserve. Good friends who had knowledge of what -was going forward pressed him hard. Those who cared about his career -thought he was ruining himself. Even Sir Henry James, a political -opponent, but a personal friend, was provoked to address him. - -The letter is interesting for its frank recognition that 'Tory -Democracy' was a faith of its own. - - - - _Sir Henry James to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -Temple: Saturday Morning. - - My dear Friend,--I am so afraid that you are about to make a grave - mistake, most injurious to your interests, that I _must_ intrude my - thoughts upon your breakfast. - - I assume Salisbury 'accepts the commission'; of course he will - offer you office. If there be any definite measure--say the Crimes - Act--which he insists upon and you object to, you will be quite - justified in refusing office. For you will have a justification - which you can make public, and everyone will give you credit for - having acted according to your principles and conscience. But if - your reasons are indefinite--say, for instance, because you cannot - obtain a declaration in favour of a Liberal Toryism--you will have - no explanation to give which the public will ever be able to - understand. Between this and November no policy can be carried into - effect by legislation, and so it is scarcely possible that any - difference existing between the Salisbury Tories and yourself could - be brought to a practical issue. And so, if you now refuse office - on theoretical grounds which you can never explain, you will obtain - the credit amongst the whole Tory party of having plotted against - Salisbury and of having prevented him and them from coming into - office. It will be time enough for you to fight the battle of Tory - Democracy when some action (by way of legislation or - administration) is taken adverse to the principles you hold. - - Surely you ought to be catholic _now_, and let all shades of - Toryism enjoy a gleam of success. If you do not, you will much - endanger the cause of 'Tory Democracy'; for although you can at any - time be the leader of a Democracy, your power with the Tory element - will be sadly shaken. - -Ever yours, -H. J. - - - -Men who presume to deal with great affairs must cultivate an unyielding -disposition. It is easy to withstand the reproaches or attacks of -opponents; but the honest advice of a friend and well-wisher at once -disinterested and experienced saps the foundations of judgment. There -was one appeal which must have greatly disturbed Lord Randolph. Nothing -in his private life was more striking and constant than his affection -for his mother and his respect for her opinion. 'I have been thinking,' -she wrote (June 14), 'very quietly and calmly over your position, and I -think you might go to see Lord Salisbury before his meeting, to show him -your friendly feeling while you maintain your own position. You see, in -the winter you felt acutely he did not consult or notice you. He may say -on this critical occasion he came to you before anyone else and offered -you one of the highest places in his Cabinet, and you refused your -assistance. Yesterday he sends his secretary to bid you to go to his -meeting. This, from reasons, you are obliged to decline. But do you not -think you owe him some explanation?... He told you to consider his -offer; so that, it seems to me, you are almost in duty bound to go to -see him; and if you simply refrain from going, he will think you -decidedly hostile. There is no doubt he is in a very difficult position, -and may say you require _not_ any policy or special measure, but simply -that he should _kill_ an old friend whom _all_ respect.... I do hope you -may be guided rightly.' - -But Lord Randolph Churchill remained unresponsive. No communication of -any kind passed between him and Lord Salisbury until the crisis was -ended. - -'At this time,' writes a Bencher of the Middle Temple, 'an event -occurred which strangely evidenced the strength of Lord Randolph's -popularity. But a description of the scene needs some explanation. -Amongst the Inns of Court the Middle Temple is fortunate in the -possession of a Hall grand in its construction and rich in evidence of -associations extending over seven centuries. In this Hall, during Term -time, the barristers and students dine. From amongst the barristers a -governing body, called the Benchers, is selected. On the Grand Day of -the summer Term the Benchers entertain distinguished guests at a -sumptuous banquet held in the Hall. On these occasions Benchers and -guests enter the Hall walking two and two, in procession, to the Dais, -upon which they dine. After the dinner is concluded, in like procession -they leave the Hall, walking throughout its full length from the Bar to -the door which leads to the Parliament Chamber. - -'A Grand Day of the Middle Temple occurred on June 10, 1885. Never -before or since has so remarkable a company gathered within that Hall. - -'Nearly every Bencher was present, for fifty-five were there. Amongst -them were the Prince of Wales and his eldest son, Prince Albert Victor, -who on that day was called to the Bench. But many distinguished visitors -were also present, for amongst the guests were the Archbishop of -Canterbury, Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar, Lord Derby, Lord Cranbrook, -Sir Stafford Northcote, Mr. John Bright and other leading politicians; -and yet it seemed as if there was only one of whom the gathering was -thinking--and he was Randolph Churchill. The first sign of the great -interest was shown when the loving-cup was being handed round; for when -it was placed in Lord Randolph's hands and he stood up to drink from it, -the whole assemblage in the body of the Hall sprang to their feet and -cheered him vociferously. No such demonstration had ever occurred in the -Middle Temple Hall. And, again, when the dinner was concluded and the -Benchers and their guests, walking two and two, proceeded to leave the -Hall, a still more marked demonstration took place. The Royal Princes -passed almost unheeded, whilst the Hall rang with shouts of "Randolph!" -"Randolph!" "Churchill!" "Churchill!" No other name was uttered. It -seemed as if all present wished to show that they regarded him--and him -alone--as being the political victor of the hour.' - -Yet, in contrast with these signs of triumph, what inward misgivings -darkened Lord Randolph Churchill's mind! In the presence of a trusted -friend he dropped with relief his mask of unconcerned reserve and -revealed himself plunged for a while in one of those fits of despondency -which so often followed or preceded the crisis and action of his life. -'I am very near the end of my tether,' he said to this friend who met -him at the Turf Club in these anxious days. 'In the last five years I -have lived twenty. I have fought Society. I have fought Mr. Gladstone -at the head of a great majority. I have fought the Front Opposition -Bench. Now I am fighting Lord Salisbury. I have said I will not join the -Government unless Northcote leaves the House of Commons. Lord Salisbury -will never give way. I'm done.' To the remark that Lord Salisbury could -not form a Ministry without him he answered drily, 'He can form a -Ministry if necessary with waiters from the Carlton Club.' His companion -on this proceeded amiably to suggest that if all was really over with -the Conservative party, Liberalism offered a wide field for the -activities of a Tory Democrat. 'Ah, no!' said Lord Randolph in utter -pessimism, 'Chamberlain and the Birmingham Caucus will swallow you all. -It is they who will govern the people of England for the future.' 'The -working classes must have leaders.' 'Yes, but they will not want -aristocrats.' - -The whole country was agog about the political interregnum and busy in -the fascinating employment of Cabinet-making. Two main opinions were -focussed by the newspapers--one was for a Cabinet of 'old and tried -public servants,' to maintain an orderly and decorous Government during -the few months that must elapse before the election; the other for a -'Cabinet of Compromise,' which should include the Tory Democrats and -secure their powerful aid in the coming fight. But meanwhile the -business of the House of Commons was not wholly interrupted and a -curious Parliamentary incident occurred. On the evening of the 15th Mr. -Gladstone proposed to consider, before adjourning, the Lords' -amendments to the Seats Bill. He moved accordingly; but on the question -being put Sir Henry Wolff at once moved the adjournment of the debate. -He pointed out that the Lords' amendments were matters of substance and -importance--as, indeed, they were--and ought not to have been inserted -by them into the Redistribution Bill. He declared that such matters -could not be decided upon in the absence of a responsible Government or -a responsible Opposition. Sir Charles Dilke replied on behalf of the -Government that the insertion of these amendments in the Redistribution -Bill had the approval of Lord Salisbury himself, and was, in fact, -adopted to avoid inconvenient delay. Sir Stafford Northcote thought it -right to confirm the statement that it had been agreed that the matter -should be dealt with in the Redistribution Bill instead of by a separate -Bill. But the Fourth Party were not inclined to change their minds on -that account. Mr. Gorst argued against haste without good reason for -haste. Lord Randolph also spoke sharply in favour of the adjournment. -What were the leaders of the so-called constitutional party about that -they should tolerate the transaction of important business connected -with reform under prevailing conditions? He also accused the Government -bluntly of having produced the difficulty by procuring defeat. - -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach then got up from the Front Opposition Bench and, -to the astonishment of his colleagues on the Treasury Bench, spoke in -favour of the adjournment and against his leader. In the division the -Conservative party split into puzzled fragments, and persons who thought -they might be Under-Secretaries--and in such circumstances they are a -respectable body--suffered acutely. Thirty-five members voted with Sir -Michael and Lord Randolph for the adjournment. Sir Henry Wolff and Mr. -Gorst were their tellers. The rest, with Sir Stafford Northcote at their -head, went into the Government lobby to support Mr. Gladstone. Sir Henry -Wolff's colleague in the representation of Portsmouth was a venerable -member of the orthodox Conservative party. As he passed the Front -Opposition Bench on his way to vote with Lord Randolph Churchill, Sir -Stafford Northcote said reproachfully: 'These are the times when one can -tell one's friends.' 'At such a crisis,' replied the old gentleman -ruefully, 'and with such an election before us, the representation of -Portsmouth must be undivided.' - -This was the end. Two days later it was formally announced that Sir -Stafford Northcote would retire to the House of Lords and that Sir -Michael Hicks-Beach would lead the House of Commons. It has been -asserted that this division settled the struggle and that Lord -Salisbury, confronted with this plain proof that Sir Stafford -Northcote's leadership would not be accepted by a powerful and active -section of his party, capitulated to Lord Randolph Churchill. This is -not quite true. No doubt the division clinched the issues; but the -personal negotiations which resulted in Sir Stafford's elevation were -already far advanced; and he himself notes in his diary of June 15: -'This has apparently been my last night in the House of Commons.' -Indeed, there seems to have been less design in the affair than is -commonly supposed. Few people--even among the most intelligent and -informed--will believe how much in modern English politics is settled by -the accident or caprice of the hour. Lord Randolph Churchill had often -voted and spoken against the leader of the Opposition before. He thought -the acquiescence in Mr. Gladstone's wishes on this occasion stupid, and -he said so. He thought the House should adjourn without transacting -business and he voted in that sense. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach was party -to no plot. He did not enter the House until late and had not heard Sir -Stafford's speech. He gathered from the debate that the Fourth Party and -the 'Janissaries' were attacking the Government and he supported them on -general principles. Not until he sat down did he learn what he had done. -Moreover, before the division had taken place Lord Salisbury's hopes of -a settlement were already so good that he had sent the following letter -to Lord Randolph Churchill:-- - - - -_Private._ - -20 Arlington Street, S.W.: June 15, 1885. - - My dear Churchill,--I was very sorry you were not able to come to - our meeting this morning. The general sense of those present, with - one or two exceptions, was that we could not well refuse to take - office, after all that has happened this year, if the Government - have finally determined not to resume it. Still I think everyone - present recognised that in a party sense this obligation was a - misfortune. - - Though I fear I must draw an unfavourable inference from your - absence, I still venture to express a hope that you will allow me - to put down your name for the Indian Secretaryship on the list - which I must submit to the Queen on Wednesday. - - I should be very glad to talk these matters over if you like to - come and see me. I shall be in all the morning. - -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -Lord Randolph replied as if nothing had happened:-- - - - -2 Connaught Place: June 16, 1885. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I am deeply sensible of the extreme kindness - towards myself which you show me by your letter received this - morning, and if not inconvenient to you I will do myself the honour - of waiting upon you about eleven o'clock to-day. - -Believe me to be -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -That the interview was friendly and in the main satisfactory may be -inferred from the following letter written later in the day, which -shows, among other things, that in the hour of victory Lord Randolph -Churchill was not inclined to desert those who had worked with him:-- - - - -2 Connaught Place: June 16, 1885. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I do hope you will not be annoyed if I add to - your many difficulties by these few lines. Of course, since I saw - you this morning I have thought about little else than all that you - were kind enough to say to me on many subjects. I do feel very - uneasy indeed about Wolff and Gorst, and I cannot think that I have - submitted to you their position as regards myself with the urgency - which they are entitled to expect from me. If it were possible for - you to consider whether it might not be in your power to recommend - Wolff for the high dignity of a Privy Councillor I should be easy - in my mind about him, and I venture to press this desire of mine - upon you. - - Gorst ... knows his powers, his position in the House, his hitherto - barely recognised claims, and it makes me perfectly wretched to - feel that it must occur to his mind that his failure to obtain that - for which so many persons of knowledge consider he is fitted in - every way is due to lukewarmness on my part. If I did not know what - the general feeling of the House of Commons will be as regards - myself on this point, I would have hesitated to trouble you; but I - am certain that if with respect to these two cases things remain in - the position you gave me to understand this morning they would be, - I shall be considered to have failed my friends, and my powers, - whatever they may be, of being useful to your Government will be - impaired. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Lord Salisbury, thus appealed to, consented to submit Mr. Gorst's name -to the Queen for the office of Solicitor-General and Sir Henry Wolff's -for a Privy Councillorship. When the lavish hand with which high -appointments were distributed among persons who had borne no share in -the battle is remembered, it cannot be said that these rewards were -disproportioned to services or talent. - -The difficulties within the Conservative party were now settled; but the -delays in the formation of the Government and consequent uncertainty -were prolonged in order to extract from Mr. Gladstone further -assurances in regard to the passage of necessary public business while -the Government were in a minority in the House of Commons; and meanwhile -Lord Salisbury retreated to Hatfield. Of the interviews and negotiations -incidental upon this, a complete account was afterwards given to -Parliament; and on June 23 the acceptance of office by Lord Salisbury -and the composition of the Ministry, the main features of which had -become generally known, were formally announced, and the constitutional -and party crisis came to an end. - -'What a triumph!' wrote Mr. Chamberlain on June 18, when the issue -became apparent. 'You have won all along the line. _Moriturus te -saluto_.' And with this an important chapter in Lord Randolph -Churchill's life may be conveniently closed. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE 'MINISTRY OF CARETAKERS' - - 'This is no man of system, then; he is only a man of instincts and - insights. A man, nevertheless, who will glare fiercely on any - object; and see through it, and conquer it; for he has intellect, - he has will, force beyond other men. A man not with - _logic-spectacles_; but with an _eye_!'--CARLYLE on Mirabeau, - _French Revolution_, bk. iv. ch. iv. - - -The first trials of a Prime Minister are often the most severe. The most -formidable obstacles lie at the beginning. Once these have been -surmounted, the path is comparatively smooth. Nearly all the rest of -Lord Salisbury's life was spent at the head of the Government. In a -period of seventeen years he filled for more than twelve the greatest -office in the State. Four separate Administrations were formed under his -hand. Responsibilities not less grave than those of 1885, far more -important legislation, wide acquisitions of territory, vast decisions of -peace and war attended their course. But, as with Mr. Pitt, the first -two years of his service perhaps exceeded in personal stress all the -years that were to follow. And it is probable that no part of those two -years was more clouded with anxious perplexity than the autumn of 1885. -His own position was not assured. Public confidence in his character and -judgment had yet to be won; his authority within his party had yet to -be consolidated. That party itself had struggled back to power, weak in -numbers, nervously excited by its efforts, upon curious and compromising -terms. It was torn by the very inspiration that revived its strength. It -awaited in acute apprehension an imminent and momentous election, the -result of which no man could foretell. Very different were those -after-years, when the old statesman, towering above his colleagues in -the Cabinet and commanding the implicit obedience of his followers, had -gathered patiently together round the standards of Conservatism almost -all the strongest forces in the country. - -Yet while resources were still slender the difficulties and dangers of -the situation were tremendous. The dispute with Russia about the Afghan -boundary was in its most critical stage. For at least two months the -Cabinet faced the chance of war with a formidable military Empire. The -triumphant Mahdi was ravaging the Soudan, and Egypt, withdrawn behind -her narrowest frontiers, was threatened without and utterly disorganised -within. The British finances were oppressed by a deficit. Ireland -smouldered. All the elements of Irish national life were banded together -under the supreme authority of Parnell and that efficient Protestant -rebel was methodically preparing his campaign for an Irish Parliament. -In the English provinces Mr. Chamberlain, released from such partial -restraint as official obligations had hitherto imposed, unfolded the -'Unauthorised Programme' to an exulting Radical democracy. And behind -all 'two million intelligent citizens,' newly enfranchised, impatiently -awaited the opportunity of casting their votes. Such were the perils and -embarrassments amid which the 'Ministry of Caretakers' came into being. -Nor was it strange that eminent politicians were willing to prophesy -that after a brief and inglorious career they would be 'swept off the -face of the earth.' But Lord Salisbury, reminding the House of Lords -that several of the longest Administrations in English history had come -into being under precarious conditions, and fortifying himself by the -examples and experiences of Mr. Pitt in 1784, of Lord Liverpool in 1812, -and of Lord Palmerston in 1855, addressed himself to his heavy task with -serene determination. - -The Fourth Party was translated bodily to a higher sphere. Lord Randolph -Churchill became Secretary of State for India--at that time, with the -exception of the Foreign Office, the most anxious and important of all -Ministerial posts. Mr. Balfour, though not admitted to the Cabinet, was -appointed President of the Local Government Board. Sir Henry Wolff was -despatched on a special mission to Turkey and Egypt with wide and -peculiar authority over the whole field of Egyptian affairs. Mr. Gorst -accepted the position of Solicitor-General. Three out of the four -friends who had worked together more or less harmoniously in Opposition -were sworn Privy Councillors upon the same cushion; and it was also -noticed that an unusual proportion of the thirty-five members who had -voted with the Fourth Party in the division upon Sir Henry Wolff's -motion during the _interregnum_ were included in the Government. - -Lord Randolph's popularity was enhanced by his promotion. Those -commanding qualities which the House of Commons had so frankly accepted, -and Tory Democracy so loudly proclaimed, were now recognised by persons -and by classes who had hitherto schooled themselves to regard him merely -as an unedifying example of irresponsible audacity. The vigorous -assertions of youth were stamped with the seal of official authority and -over all hung the glitter of success. His friends, old and new, hastened -to offer their congratulations. One of his acknowledgments may be -recorded:-- - - - -June 25, 1885. - - Dear Mr. Tabor,--I was so pleased to receive this morning your kind - letter and I trust that your congratulations may be to some extent - justified by results. As it is the fact that whatever of success I - may have attained is mainly owing to the six years which I passed - at Cheam, may I ask as a favour for a holiday for all those young - gentlemen who are now deriving from you similar advantages to those - which befell me? It would be a pleasure to me to know that I have - not asked anything which was not in your power to grant. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Now that Lord Randolph had accepted 'an office of profit under the -Crown' his seat at Woodstock was vacated and he had to submit himself to -re-election. The leaders of the Liberal party did not encourage -opposition to Ministers in such circumstances at this juncture. When -they had themselves forced upon the Conservative party the task of -Administration, it seemed factious to impede the return of individuals -necessary for that purpose. Moreover, they were sensible of the -advantage which almost always accrues to anyone who is singled out for -attack by the opposite side. But the personality of the candidate gave -promise of distinction to his opponent, the nice balance of parties in -the old Borough held out a hope of success, and Mr. Corrie Grant hurried -down from London to voice the hot and not unreasonable resentment of the -Radical rank and file. This gentleman appealed to the electors upon a -single issue. It was not, he declared, a fight of politics against -politics, or of principle against principle--it was a fight against a -man. The statements and expressions which Lord Randolph had employed -against the Liberal party, its leaders, and in particular Mr. Gladstone, -made it necessary at all costs to challenge his return. - -Because of the immense pressure of work at the India Office and also no -doubt not to treat his opponent too seriously, Lord Randolph declared -himself unable to take part in the contest personally and left his -election entirely to his constituents and friends. He contented himself -with a short address. Having never held office before, it was necessary -for him to give double the time of more fortunate persons to acquiring -knowledge of his duties. 'Under these circumstances it is impossible for -me to leave London and to go among you as has been on former occasions -my practice and my pleasure. But I console myself with the recollection -that I am no stranger to any of you, that for nearly twelve years my -public life has been before you, and that on no occasion had I any -reason to imagine that I had forfeited your confidence or gone against -your general political sentiments.' 'Whatever may be, in your opinion, -the position I now occupy, that position you have made; it is mainly -your work. And that position I am perfectly certain no stranger or -carpet-bagger or any hirelings from the Birmingham Caucus will persuade -you to damage or destroy.' - -The campaign was opened immediately and with determination on both -sides. Sir Henry Wolff, Lord Curzon, Sir Frederick Milner, Mr. St. John -Brodrick,[31] a nephew of the former Liberal candidate, arrived in -Woodstock to support Lord Randolph; and the Opposition was aided by a -zealous contingent from Birmingham to such an extent that at the opening -meeting Sir Henry Wolff described Mr. Corrie Grant as 'the delegate of -Mr. Schnadhorst and Mr. Chamberlain.' This statement caused Mr. -Chamberlain annoyance and he wrote at once to Lord Randolph disclaiming -all responsibility for the contest and any desire to cause him trouble. -Lord Randolph replied as follows:-- - - - - _To Mr. Chamberlain._ - -July 1, 1885. - - I think the mention of your name in Wolff's speech was either - wrongly reported or else not in the least meant ill-naturedly.... - In any case, no mischief is to be made by anyone between you and - me as far as I am concerned. I was quite sure that you had nothing - to do with the Woodstock contest, but even if you had, I never - should have thought it anything else but perfectly fair and - legitimate. In the meantime many thanks for your kind letter, which - I much value. Don't be angry with Wolff. - -There were, notwithstanding, several reasons for uneasiness as to the -result. The absence of the candidate was an undoubted drawback. The -propaganda of Mr. Joseph Arch had produced a considerable impression -upon a section of the labourers. A more formidable consideration was the -attitude of the Duke of Marlborough. Lord Randolph's father had wielded -immense personal influence in the borough and had neglected nothing that -might constitutionally be done to secure the return of his nominee. Two -years before, the new Duke would no doubt have exerted himself to the -utmost to help his brother; but the sale of the Blenheim pictures had -produced a serious quarrel in the family. Lord Randolph had vehemently -protested against the dispersal of so many of the treasures for which -Blenheim had been famous and a complete estrangement had ensued. The -Duke, moreover, after the opposition which had been threatened to his -candidature for the Carlton, had relapsed into political independence. -He now declared himself so strictly neutral during the contest that Lady -Randolph and the friends who came down to fight the election for her -husband, were fain for the first night of their arrival to shelter at -the Bear Hotel. Sir Henry Wolff's diplomacy soon proved equal to those -difficulties. Friendly relations were restored; Blenheim opened its -gates to the Conservatives; and the Duke, stung by a statement in the -press that he had himself been a party to Mr. Corrie Grant's -candidature, finished by lending his carriages to convey Lord Randolph's -supporters to the poll. The election was nevertheless fought under some -disadvantage as compared with former occasions. - -But the Secretary for India found in Lady Randolph and in his sister, -Lady Curzon, a mainstay of support and enthusiasm. 'I should be very -glad,' he wrote to his wife on June 29, 'if you could arrange to stay in -Woodstock till Friday. If I win, you will have all the glory.' Driving -about the widely extended constituency in a smart tandem profusely -decorated with pink ribbons, well known to most and with a smile for -all, these ladies canvassed indefatigably from morn till night. Their -Primrose badges--still an object of amusement in high Tory circles--were -the first to be worn in actual political warfare; and their influence, -supplying as it did that personal element without which enthusiasm is -scarcely ever excited, became a factor in the fight, against which the -eloquence of two Liberal ladies from Girton--specially imported to meet -the emergency--was utterly unable to prevail. - -The result of the election was announced on the evening of July 3:-- - - Lord Randolph Churchill 532 - Mr. Corrie Grant 405 - -The majority for Lord Randolph Churchill was 127, or more than double -that by which he had been returned in 1880. Needless to relate, the -declaration of the poll was received with the utmost satisfaction by the -crowd in front of the Bear Hotel, to whom Lady Randolph, Lord Curzon, -Sir Henry Wolff, and later on Mr. Corrie Grant made brief but -appropriate speeches; and the fact that over six hundred 'result -messages' were despatched from the local post-office that evening showed -the interest taken by the world at large in this the last of the -Woodstock elections. - -Even before Lord Randolph was re-elected for Woodstock, he was required -in the House of Commons. Portentous extracts were read from his speeches -as a private member, and his secretary in the House was cross-questioned -about them. Did he still adhere to his charges against the Khedive? Were -his views on Ireland what he had declared them to be at Edinburgh? To -all such inquiries Lord Randolph sent a simple answer, which may be -recommended to others similarly circumstanced: 'I neither withdraw nor -apologise for anything that I have said at any time, believing as I do -that anything which I may have said at any time was perfectly justified -by the special circumstances of that time, and by the amount of -information I may have had in my possession.' - -The new Ministers met Parliament with general statements of their views -and intentions on July 6. In both Houses they made a good appearance. -They achieved at once the requisite pomposity of public utterance, and -handled power as to the manner born. To the Peers Lord Salisbury -declared that the pledges of any British Government were sacred, and -that all existing obligations would be faithfully observed in the -further conduct of the negotiations with the Court of Russia. In answer -to the taunt, made out-of-doors, that the Conservatives would postpone -the date of the election for the purpose of prolonging their enjoyment -'of what some persons are pleased to call the sweets of office,' he -invited Lord Granville to admit that the new Government had endeavoured -to amend the Redistribution Bill so as even to accelerate the -dissolution. Lord Carnarvon justified the attempt to govern Ireland -under the ordinary law by statistics which showed the diminution of -agrarian crime. He spoke of former statesmen who had failed in -Ireland--'so many that the wrecks of them lie strewn about'--and he -seemed to wrestle modestly, but hopefully, against the conviction that -he himself would be added to the number. In the Commons Mr. Bradlaugh -again presented himself and was received by the new Leader of the House -with the usual resolutions of prohibition and exclusion, affirmed by the -usual majorities. The next day Sir Michael Hicks-Beach explained the few -uncontentious legislative projects which the Government would try to -carry through and asked for the time of the House to enable them to wind -up the business of the Session. Mr. Gladstone declared that the request -was not unreasonable and that he would himself endeavour to help the -Ministry by his vote and by the example of his silence. Lord Randolph, -in what is called 'a statesmanlike tone,' described the late Prime -Minister's conduct as magnanimous and considerate; and a Radical motion -of want of confidence in the new Administration finding only two -supporters, the prevailing harmony remained unbroken. - -The position of the Government, faced by a large majority in nominal -opposition, dependent upon Nationalist favour for the avoidance of -defeat at any moment and on any question, mistrusted by many of their -own friends, bitterly hated by Whigs and Radicals, and unable to escape -from constant humiliation by resignation or dissolution, was one of -extreme discomfort. But there seemed to be a kind of truce at -Westminster, in vivid contrast to the rising strife elsewhere. Under -such happy conditions, and with the cessation of Irish obstruction, the -end of the Session proved curiously fruitful. The Budget was -uncontroversial. The Government helped Lord Rosebery to carry his -Secretary for Scotland Bill through both Houses. Lord Salisbury passed a -measure dealing with the housing of the working classes, in spite of -some murmurings among the Peers at its socialistic flavour. Mr. Balfour -took charge of a Medical Relief Bill which ultimately became law, -although the Liberal majority 'improved' it to such an extent that the -Government disclaimed responsibility for it. Mutual concessions and -genuine co-operation placed both a Land Bill and a Labourers Bill for -Ireland upon the statute book. The Land Bill, or the 'Ashbourne Act,' -as it was called, took extensive effect, and was the foundation and the -precursor of all subsequent Land Purchase Acts, culminating in the Land -Act of 1903. Sir William Harcourt and the new Home Secretary aided each -other to effect most important amendments in the criminal law; and, -finally, the Colonial Secretary, firmly refusing to allow the objections -of New South Wales to defeat the wishes of the other Australian -Colonies, succeeded in passing a Federation Bill which opened the door -to a Commonwealth of Australia. Indeed, a Parliamentary Paradise, albeit -enduring only upon sufferance, seemed to have sprung into being in the -midst of a Political Inferno. The good sense and tolerance of the nation -were gathered within the sheltering walls of Parliament, while discord, -faction, and electioneering clamour reigned supreme outside. - -One curious legislative feat must be recorded. An Irish Educational -Endowments Bill had been brought down from the Lords and read a first -time in the Commons early in the session (May 12) as one of Mr. -Gladstone's Government Bills. It had been practically abandoned before -the change of Ministry. Not one of the members of the new Government had -read a line of it; but Lord Randolph--interested as ever in Irish -education--was persuaded by FitzGibbon, in the early days of August, -that the Bill might be so altered as to make a useful measure and he -exerted himself to salve the derelict. The difficulties seemed -insuperable. The Chief Secretary for Ireland, Sir William Hart-Dyke, -indignant at a proposal to introduce important legislation in the last -week of the last session of an expiring Parliament, refused to have -anything to do with it. The Leader of the House only consented to allow -the attempt upon the condition that the session should not be prolonged -by a single day. The Bill had to be redrafted from beginning to end. It -could not be advanced a stage without the concurrence of the Nationalist -party. Three or four perfectly distinct and usually antagonistic -sections of Irish opinion had to be conciliated and the negotiations -between Lord Randolph and FitzGibbon on the one hand, and Mr. Sexton and -Mr. Healy on the other, afforded some beautiful specimens of Hibernian -diplomacy. All obstacles were surmounted. The Irish Attorney-General, -Mr. Holmes--with whom Lord Randolph had made friends--undertook the -conduct of the redrafted Bill. It was read a second time on August 11. -The amendments, covering whole pages of the order paper, entirely -altering the Bill from its original shape, unintelligible to everyone -except the Minister who moved them and the two or three Irish members -who discussed them, were considered on the 12th. On the 13th the Bill -was recommitted, to introduce the necessary money clauses, read a third -time and sent to the House of Lords: and the next day, on which the -session closed, it passed and received the Royal Assent. None of its -thirty-eight sections have given rise to any difficulty and during the -nine years which followed its passing it was constantly renewed until -the endowments and management of upwards of 1,350 Primary Schools and -more than 100 Intermediate and Collegiate Institutions had been -reorganised under its operation. - -Mr. Holmes, the Attorney-General, like many others who worked under Lord -Randolph Churchill, became warmly attached to him. Their joint labours -on this Bill impressed him with the extraordinary power of conciliating -persons and overcoming difficulties possessed by a man so often -associated only with violence. Above all he admired his courage. 'I -feel,' he wrote two years afterwards, when the leader of Tory Democracy -was leader no more, 'like one of Rupert's soldiers serving under a Dutch -Burgomaster.' - -One harsh note jarred upon the ears of these Elysian legislators. The -new Ministers had scarcely taken office before the shadowy relations -which existed between the Conservative Government and the Irish party -issued in a substantial form. Nationalist opinion in Ireland had long -been excited over one of those dark and curious police cases the -savagely disputed details of which are thrust from time to time before -the House of Commons, to the bewilderment of British members. In August -of 1882 a whole family of the name of Joyce had, with the exception of -one young boy, been murdered under circumstances of peculiar atrocity at -Maamtrasna. Ten men were arrested upon the evidence of three witnesses -who professed to have seen them enter the house in which the crime was -committed. This evidence was confirmed by two of the prisoners who -turned approvers. After three successive trials three men were condemned -to death and executed, and the remaining five, having pleaded guilty, -received death sentences, afterwards commuted to penal servitude for -life. So far the story was grimly simple. But it was now alleged that -two of the murderers hanged had, in their dying depositions, declared -the innocence of the third, Myles Joyce; while this man himself had -protested always and to the last that he was not guilty. One of the -informers next came forward and swore that he had been told by an -official that his evidence would not be accepted by the Crown unless it -applied to all the prisoners, that he was given twenty minutes to -decide, and that then from 'terror of death' he had been induced to -swear away the life of Myles Joyce. An appeal from the Archbishop of -Tuam to the Lord-Lieutenant had led to an inquiry by Lord Spencer and -this inquiry resulted in the conclusion that the verdict and sentence -were right and just. - -Hatred of a Coercion Viceroy and the profound distrust which divided all -who administered the law in Ireland from the mass of the people, -magnified this squalid tragedy into a political issue of importance. It -was asserted that as a result of Coercionist procedure and the -overweening desire of the Government to secure convictions, not only had -an innocent man been done to death, but that some of those still in -prison had been wrongfully convicted. When the case was raised in -Parliament during the Autumn Session of 1884, the Government, -representing the vote as one of confidence or want of confidence in Lord -Spencer, refused all further inquiry. In this they were generally -supported by both great parties and the Irish motion was rejected by 219 -to 48. But Lord Randolph Churchill, Sir Henry Wolff, and Mr. Gorst had -voted in the minority with the Nationalists and Lord Randolph had spoken -strongly in their favour. - -Almost as soon as the formation of the new Cabinet was complete Mr. -Parnell moved (July 17) a resolution reflecting on Lord Spencer and -demanding a fresh inquiry. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach opposed this -resolution in the name of the Government; but at the same time he said -that it was the right of every prisoner at any time to appeal to the -Lord-Lieutenant for the reconsideration of his sentence. 'The present -Lord-Lieutenant [Lord Carnarvon] has authorised me to state that, if -memorials should be presented on behalf of those persons referred to in -this motion, they will be considered by him with the same personal -attention which he would feel bound to give to all cases, whether great -or small, ordinary or exceptional, coming before him.' That was all; and -it may not seem a very large concession to Irish national feeling, but -it was enough to draw upon the head of the Minister a storm of reproach. -Sir William Harcourt, undisturbed by the significant absence of Mr. -Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke, rose to express the indignation of -the Liberal party that law and order should be subverted to political -expediency and the decision of a Viceroy impugned. These sentiments were -received with undisguised approval on the Conservative benches. Lord -Randolph Churchill replied. So far as he was personally concerned his -task would have been easy. He, at least, had consistently supported the -Irish demand for an inquiry. He was to defend in office a smaller -concession than he had urged in Opposition. But what with Ulster -growlings, sympathetically echoed by the Tory party on the one hand, and -on the other the plain need of Nationalist good-will, if peace and order -were to be maintained in Ireland under the ordinary law, the path was -not easy to find and perilously narrow to tread. His speech, in fact, -resolved itself into a series of depreciatory comments upon Lord -Spencer's administration. Sir William Harcourt had spoken of it with -pride. 'We were proud of the administration of Lord Spencer.' Who did -'_we_' include? It was the prerogative of royalty to speak in the plural -number. Sir William Harcourt had once before electrified the country by -claiming royal descent. Was it in that exalted character that he used -the 'we,' or did he mean that the late Cabinet were united in their -admiration of Lord Spencer's Viceroyalty? The division list would show. -For himself he had had no confidence in the administration of Lord -Spencer. For that reason he had a year before voted in favour of an -inquiry into this particular case. The new Government ought not -unnecessarily to go out of their way to assume responsibility for the -acts of the late Administration. They would now pronounce no opinion -upon the merits of the case. The new Lord-Lieutenant would inquire -carefully and impartially into it; and pending that inquiry, having full -confidence in Lord Carnarvon, Ministers would vote against the motion of -Mr. Parnell which seemed to prejudge the issue. On this Mr. Parnell rose -at once and said that he was content to await Lord Carnarvon's decision. -He therefore asked leave to withdraw his motion. But the discussion did -not terminate. The Ulster members and their friends--always so powerful -in the Conservative party--were offended by the concession, small though -it was, which had been made to their hereditary foes. The friendly tone -of the Irish leader, and the Nationalist cheers with which Lord -Randolph's strictures upon Lord Spencer had been received, excited -Orange wrath and Tory disapproval. Liberals who had smarted under the -taunt 'Kilmainham Treaty' were not slow to retort 'Maamtrasna Alliance.' -Mr. Brodrick, a young Conservative who had not been included in the new -Government as his talents deserved, and who believed, perhaps with -reason, that his exclusion was due to the fact that he had voted with -Sir Stafford Northcote and against Lord Randolph Churchill in the -_interregnum_ division, expressed with much force the Conservative -discontent. He was supported by the vehement outcry of an Ulster member. -Mr. Gorst, who now for the first time defended the Government as -Solicitor-General, unwittingly fanned the flames by allowing himself to -use the candid but unfortunate expression 'reactionary Ulster members.' -The stern reproaches with which Lord Hartington closed the debate, were -endorsed by many Conservatives in the House and by an influential -section of the party press. - -The Maamtrasna incident was a factor in great events. It profoundly -disturbed the Conservative party. It thrust the Whigs for a space back -upon Mr. Gladstone. It prepared Mr. Gladstone's mind for the reception -of other impressions which were to reach him later. Upon Lord Spencer -its influence was perhaps decisive; and the Viceroy who for three years -had ruled Ireland with dignity and courage, yet with despotic power, -whose name had become a synonym for the maintenance of law and order by -drastic measures, finding the standard of Coercion abandoned even by -Tory Ministers, came by one wide yet not irrational sweep to the -conclusion that Home Rule in some form or other was not to be prevented. -There can be no doubt that he was deeply wounded by Lord Randolph -Churchill's speech. Connected though they were by many ties of kinship, -their friendly relations were not for several years repaired and were -never perfectly restored. - -Heavy censures have been laid upon Lord Randolph Churchill for his share -in this affair. The Maamtrasna inquiry has often been described as part -of the purchase price paid by the Conservative party to Irish -Nationalism for power. On this a word may be said. Although no bargain -of any kind existed, it is obvious that Lord Salisbury's -Government--which had come into office upon Nationalist votes, which was -forced to govern Ireland by the ordinary law, and which possessed no -majority in the House of Commons--was dependent largely upon Nationalist -good-will. To preserve that good-will was vital to their power to bring -the necessary work of the expiring Parliament to a creditable conclusion -and to the success of their struggle with Mr. Gladstone. Many other -issues of domestic and Imperial politics, far greater in their -importance than Irish affairs, were at stake in the approaching -election. The times were tempestuous; the need was great; the concession -pitifully small. In the event, Lord Carnarvon received, considered, and -in due course rejected the memorials which were sent him. No decision -was reversed; no prisoners were released; but the Irish people, -satisfied that the inquiry had been fair, accepted its conclusions. It -would not be difficult, from another point of view, to justify on its -merits an examination into the administration of justice in an island -which for five years had lain in the grip of what was almost martial -law, where the most elementary civil rights had been in abeyance and -where nearly every safeguard of British judicial procedure had been -destroyed--more especially when that examination was demanded by -recognised representatives from a Government of which they were in a -sense constituents. This is, however, to raise questions beyond the -scope of these pages. The merits of the Maamtrasna inquiry will be -variously appraised. Lord Salisbury's first Administration must -collectively share the responsibility, as they shared the advantage. -But, whether right or wrong, Lord Randolph Churchill's personal -sincerity cannot be doubted by anyone who reads his consistent -declarations upon this and kindred Irish subjects or who studies his -life and opinions as a whole. - -The feeling excited among the Ulster members and so largely shared by -orthodox unbending Conservatives was not concealed. The _Standard_ -abused the Tory leaders in the Commons as vigorously as any Liberal -newspaper. Lord Randolph Churchill had promised to attend a great -meeting at Liverpool at which Conservative working men from all parts of -Lancashire were to present him with a great number of addresses. July 29 -was fixed for the ceremony. On the afternoon of the 28th he learned that -Lord Claud Hamilton, one of his old opponents in the National Union -fight, and another local member declined to attend. Regarding this as a -deliberate insult to the Government and to himself, he telegraphed at -once to the Chairman of the meeting:-- - -_Telegram from Lord Randolph Churchill to A. B. Forwood, Esq._ - - Lord Claud Hamilton has just informed me that he and Mr. Whitley do - not intend to be present at the meeting to-morrow, assigning as - their reason that they disapprove so strongly of the policy of the - Government on Irish questions that, if they were present, they - would be obliged to express publicly their disapproval. Under - these circumstances I distinctly decline to attend a meeting of the - Tory party in Liverpool at which the two senior members refuse to - be present. I think it in the highest degree ungenerous and - unpatriotic that two gentlemen professing Tory principles should - show at a difficult and critical time such a deplorable want of - confidence in a Government which, in all other parts of the United - Kingdom, has received from its friends a hearty and cordial - sympathy. - -From this determination the most frantic appeals from Liverpool failed -to move him, and the meeting was abandoned at the last moment, to the -great disappointment and inconvenience of all concerned. The Lancashire -Tories were not, however, to be discouraged from their purpose and -resolutions were immediately passed by the Liverpool Conservative -Association inviting Lord Randolph to another similar meeting a few -weeks later and urging the local members to attend. - -The relations of Ministers with the Irish party which were thought so -improper by good Conservatives, and were certainly compromising, did not -end with the Maamtrasna inquiry. The appointment of Lord Carnarvon as -Viceroy had been a part of the general policy of concession to Irish -feeling which the new Government was forced to adopt. His opinions were -known to be sympathetic to Irish aspirations and he was for that reason -agreeable to the Nationalist party. That he had carried Federation in -Canada, had tried to carry it in South Africa, and was well known to be -familiar with the machinery of subordinate legislatures and Colonial -Parliaments, were facts not in those days devoid of significance. His -first speech, in the House of Lords, as Lord-Lieutenant had been a -declaration of the abandonment of Coercion and an appeal, in terms of -generous sincerity, for a kindlier feeling between the two countries. -Beginning thus, Lord Carnarvon was soon treading that path of hope and -peril which seems to possess an almost irresistible fascination for -English statesmen who are invited to watch at close quarters the -detailed workings of Irish administration. - -Lord Randolph Churchill was always inclined to blame Lord Ashbourne for -his absence from Ireland at this critical time. 'The Irish Chancellor's -constant presence in Dublin,' he wrote in 1889 in the memorandum already -quoted, 'might have been of inestimable service to the Viceroy and the -Government.... Lord Carnarvon, a nobleman of broad sympathies, liberal -mind, and warm imagination, was left alone, without any previous -knowledge of the country, to survey Ireland, to realise its condition, -to appreciate the difficulties of its government, under the influence -and guidance of Sir Robert Hamilton, at that time permanent -Under-Secretary, who was possessed of great ability and long experience -of the Civil Service, and who had some time previously arrived at the -conclusion that the concession of Home Rule in some shape or other was -inevitable. There was no countervailing influence of knowledge and -authority with the Viceroy such as Lord Ashbourne might have afforded -and Lord Carnarvon glided gently into the heresy which so grievously -embarrassed and damaged his colleagues and correspondingly strengthened -the party of Repeal.' - -At the end of July Lord Carnarvon's opinions were so far advanced that -he sought an interview with Mr. Parnell. The famous 'empty house' -meeting was arranged. In a drawing-room in Grosvenor Square, dismantled -and deserted at the end of the London season, the representative of the -Queen in Ireland and the executive head of the Irish Government met the -man whom the mass of the English people, high and low, had been taught -during five years, by the leaders of both political parties, to regard -as guilty at least of high treason and probably of complicity in murder. -From the accounts which have since been made public, the conversation -that ensued seems to have been interesting and agreeable. Lord Carnarvon -carefully explained that he spoke for no one but himself, that he sought -for information only, and that as the Queen's servant he could listen to -nothing inconsistent with the Union of the two countries. After this -formality had been assented to by Mr. Parnell, the two rulers of -Ireland--coroneted impotence and uncrowned power--rambled discursively -over such topics as self-government and national aspirations, Colonial -Parliaments and a central legislative body which might, it appeared, -possess--a remarkable licence--the right of protecting Irish industries. -Altogether a very instructive afternoon! - -When Lord Carnarvon first explained this incident in the House of Lords -(June 10, 1886) he stated emphatically that he had had no communication -with the Cabinet on the subject either before or after the interview -took place and that he had received 'no authorisation' from the Cabinet. -Not until two years more had passed (May 3, 1888) did he reveal the fact -that he had acted throughout with Lord Salisbury's consent. 'I should -have been wanting in my duty if I had failed to inform my noble friend -at the head of the Government of my intention of holding that meeting -with Mr. Parnell, and still more should I have failed in my duty, if I -had not acquainted him with what had passed between us at the interview, -at the earliest possible moment. Accordingly, both by writing and by -words, I gave the noble Marquess as careful and as accurate a statement -as possible of what had occurred within twenty-four hours after the -meeting and my noble friend was good enough to say that I had conducted -that conversation with perfect discretion.'[32] - -Lord Salisbury, however, kept this matter entirely to himself. No one of -his colleagues, not even the Leader of the House of Commons, was made -aware of the incident until the fact was declared in Parliament. Lord -Randolph Churchill was subsequently both astonished and offended at this -concealment of such an important political event from Cabinet Ministers -by the head of the Government. - -The fact that Lord Carnarvon met Mr. Parnell and, with the knowledge and -assent of the Prime Minister, discussed at large with him projects of -Home Rule, has been held by many people to prove that the Tory Cabinet -was considering such a policy in the autumn. But, as Lord Salisbury -never apprised his colleagues of this interview, the inference is -obviously incorrect. No Home Rule proposals were ever submitted to the -Cabinet of 1885. Had proposals of this kind been submitted, taking the -form of the establishment of a Parliament in Ireland, the Cabinet would -inevitably have rejected them. If Lord Salisbury had been a convinced -Home Ruler he could not have imposed his view upon his colleagues. -Principle, prejudice, obstinacy, conviction, would each and all together -have paralysed him. Apart from the Irish Viceroy, the two Ministers who -might have been expected--according to prevailing impressions and -suspicions--to give the most favourable consideration to such proposals -were Lord Randolph Churchill and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. It is certain -that both Lord Randolph and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach would have resigned -rather than support such proposals, still less be responsible for their -conduct through the House of Commons; and in resigning they would have -been followed by the great majority of their colleagues. If these two -leading Ministers had agreed with Lord Salisbury upon a plan, the -Cabinet would have broken in pieces; and even if the entire Cabinet had -agreed, it is by no means likely that they would have succeeded in -carrying the Conservative party with them. - -What ground is there for believing that Lord Salisbury was ever inclined -towards Home Rule, or contemplated, even in the vaguest terms, making -proposals to the Cabinet? No one knew better than he the character of -his party and the disposition of his Government. His method had always -been to obtain and use power only _through_ the party and _by_ the party -and no English statesman in the nineteenth century was less likely to -split his party or to lead some forlorn, uncalculated crusade of -enthusiasm or adventure. Certainly, if any idea had crossed his mind of -making a settlement on Nationalist lines with Mr. Parnell, Lord Randolph -Churchill would have been the Minister he would earliest have -approached. Lord Salisbury was on intimate terms with Lord Randolph. -They communicated with the greatest freedom and fulness almost every day -and almost always by letter. In all the extensive correspondence that -remains no trace can be discovered which suggests even remotely the -existence or the recognition of such an idea. The Prime Minister's -letters to Lord Randolph, so far as they relate to Ireland, proceed on -the fundamental assumption that they are leagued together to resist Home -Rule. They speak of the 'onslaught that is impending.' They examine the -resources with which it can be met. But that either or both could join -the attacking forces is a suggestion in itself so widely improbable, of -such inherent absurdity and unimagined remoteness, that it is not even -mentioned for the purpose of being dismissed. The same may be said -generally of the correspondence of the 1885 Cabinet of which Lord -Randolph's archives contain an extensive store. - -Why, then, did Lord Salisbury allow and authorise the Irish Viceroy to -confer with Mr. Parnell? It is not for me to attribute motives to -persons with whom this story is only indirectly connected; but the -question cannot be avoided and certain interpretations of his action -irresistibly obtrude themselves. It seems, in the first place, a -reasonable assumption that Lord Salisbury allowed the Viceroy to meet -Mr. Parnell because the Viceroy was anxious for such a meeting and -because Lord Salisbury did not think that such a meeting would do any -harm. If the officer responsible for the Government of Ireland thought -that his task would be made easier by private consultation with any -particular Irishman, why should the head of an Administration avowedly -pursuing a conciliatory policy to Irish Nationalism and earnestly -endeavouring to preserve order without a special Act, refuse to allow -such consultation? Lord Carnarvon was warned to make it perfectly clear -that he was acting for himself and by himself, that the communications -were from his lips alone, that the conversation was with reference to -information only, that no agreement or understanding--however -shadowy--was in question, and that the Viceroy must neither hear nor say -a word that was inconsistent with the union of the two countries. Lord -Carnarvon always asserted that he had made these conditions perfectly -clear. Mr. Parnell did not in all respects concur. He declared that he -did not recollect that these conditions were made. The conflict of -evidence was direct. Even if it were admitted that Lord Carnarvon -failed to convey fully to Mr. Parnell these important preliminaries to -their discussion, the fact that he honestly tried to do so to the best -of his ability and believed that he had in fact done so, relieves him -from any imputation of intentional bad faith as regards Mr. Parnell and -clears _a fortiori_ the Prime Minister--a person more remote from the -transaction. But if Mr. Parnell chose to place upon Lord Carnarvon's -words a construction which they would not bear or to attach to them an -authority which they did not possess; if he chose deliberately, or -through natural inclination, to magnify the importance of the whole -incident, to treat it as a formal negotiation of a treaty, was Lord -Salisbury to blame for that? And if Mr. Parnell thought fit for his own -purposes to convey a detailed and highly-coloured account of his -interview to Mr. Gladstone and other Liberal leaders, was Lord Salisbury -responsible for that? And if Mr. Gladstone jumped at conclusions upon -insufficient and questionable evidence, was Lord Salisbury responsible -for that? Could he foresee these possible consequences of the permission -he had given to Lord Carnarvon? Ought he to have foreseen them; and if -he had foreseen them, ought he to have refused to allow the meeting to -take place? These are questions which it is difficult to answer here. A -sufficient explanation is that Lord Salisbury allowed the interview to -take place in order to pacify the Viceroy and soothe Mr. Parnell and -that he did not communicate the fact to his colleagues because he -thought the matter would make more trouble in the Cabinet than it was -worth. Mr. Parnell's biographer has explained with ingenuous candour the -delicate and elaborate manoeuvres in which his hero was at this time -engaged. 'The course of the Irish leader,' he tells us, 'was perfectly -clear. He had to threaten Mr. Chamberlain with Lord Randolph Churchill, -and Mr. Gladstone with both, letting the whole world know meanwhile that -his weight would ultimately be thrown in the scale that went down upon -the side of Ireland.' Tactics like these, though perfectly legitimate -for a public object earnestly cherished, are not of a character to -entitle those who adopt them to any special consideration. - -The session had no sooner ended than the campaign in the country began. -The Liberal party went down to the General Election of 1885 in a spirit -of comfortable over-confidence. Their leaders occupied themselves more -in correcting each other than in assailing the Conservative Government. -Indeed, it would seem that in the fulness of their power, with all the -prestige of the 'Old Man' and the 'old cause' and the expected -reinforcement of 'two million intelligent citizens,' they believed -sincerely that the future lay exclusively in their hands and that the -only questions of real importance were those which divided the ranks of -the predominant party. Of these questions, however, there seemed to be -no lack. Mr. Chamberlain's views upon Local Government, free education, -graduated taxation and, above all, upon the transfer, tenure, and -compulsory acquisition of land, set forth in a series of remarkable -addresses, soon drew him into a lively controversy with Lord Hartington -and Mr. Goschen. Speech for speech they followed him about the country, -until in the end he declared that he would accept office in no -Government which 'deliberately excluded' the reforms he had -advocated--in other words, in no Government of which they were members. -Next came the question of Disestablishment, raised by stern Liberals, -who found phrases about 'the old cause' and 'the old ship' soothing -rather than satisfying in point of precision and substance. It was -supported positively, as it appeared, by 374 Liberal candidates, and -eagerly snatched at as a bone of contention by Wales and by English and -Scotch Dissenters on the one hand and by Tory Churchmen and--let it be -added--Tory politicians, on the other. In the last week of August Mr. -Parnell demanded a national Parliament for Ireland. The whole press, -Metropolitan and provincial, Liberal and Conservative, denounced his -claim as destructive and impossible. 'There was no sign,' said the -_Manchester Guardian_, 'of any appreciable section of Englishmen who -would not unhesitatingly condemn or punish any party or any public man -who attempted to walk in the path traced by Mr. Parnell.' Lord -Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain--differing so widely on all -else--representing as they did the extreme limits of Whig and Radical -opinion, rivalled each other in terms of prompt, explicit, and -unqualified condemnation. Ministers were silent. Lord Randolph -Churchill, speaking at Sheffield a few days later, ranged over many -subjects, dwelt long upon the state of Ireland and the decision not to -renew the Crimes Act, but made no reference of any kind to Home Rule. - -Upon all these grave matters Mr. Gladstone was called to pronounce; and, -like other party leaders under similar circumstances, he exerted himself -rather to find a common basis of agreement between followers who -fundamentally disagreed than to point a path of his own. He would -apparently go as far with Mr. Chamberlain in domestic reform as he could -carry Lord Hartington. Disestablishment, he observed cautiously, was a -gigantic question, 'and I am very far from saying that if I were twenty -years younger, and circumstances were ripe for taking a matter of this -kind in hand--either on the one side or the other--I should urge you not -to give it the first place in your thoughts and actions.' Upon Ireland -and the future he was majestically mysterious and uttered stately -phrases about the supremacy of the Crown, the unity of the Empire, and -the authority of Parliament, mingled with aspirations towards 'an -equitable settlement' and 'another effort to complete a reconciling -work.' Mr. Gladstone's utterances were officially declared to have -united the Liberal party and, fortified by this assurance, all its -sections resumed their warfare with ever-increasing turbulence, amid a -babel of conflicting voices. - -From this clamour and darkness the lines of battle slowly but surely -ranged themselves much as Lord Randolph Churchill had expected and -desired. The menace to the Established Church and to denominational -teaching consolidated the Conservative party. It provided a new and -perfectly unimpeachable bond of union between them and the Irish -Nationalists. The cry of the 'Church in danger' rendered Lord Salisbury -very tractable on all other questions. To preserve that sacred vessel, -to him precious beyond all else in English life, there was scarcely any -concession he was not prepared to make--no merchandise he would not -jettison. At Newport (October 7) he showed in unmistakable language that -he was ready to make common cause with Tory Democrats, though they were -Radicals at heart, and with Irish Nationalists, who were rebels by -profession, thereby the better to resist the onslaught of secularism and -atheism. Viewed in this light, boycotting seemed to him a very small -matter, probably intangible to the law, depending 'on the passing humour -of the population,' 'more like the excommunication or interdict of the -Middle Ages than anything we know now'; and in fine his Conservative -principles made shift to accommodate themselves to a political programme -which was morosely admitted by friends and foes alike to be little less -than the Gladstonian manifesto. - -The Irish vote came over solid and unstinted into the Tory lines upon a -Parnellite denunciation of Mr. Gladstone and all his works, which in -tone and language might have been an extract from one of Lord Randolph's -speeches. 'In 1880,' ran this document,[33] 'the Liberal party promised -peace, and it afterwards made unjust wars; economy, and its Budget -reached the highest point yet attained; justice to aspiring -nationalities, and it mercilessly crushed the national movement in Egypt -under Arabi Pasha. To Ireland more than to any other country it bound -itself by most solemn pledges. It denounced Coercion, and it practised a -system of Coercion more brutal than that of any previous Administration, -Liberal or Tory.' - -Among the millions who at the General Election of 1885 exercised, many -of them for the first time, the proud privilege of the franchise, no -human being could have explained with any approach to accuracy what a -vote for either of the great parties in the State actually involved, -whether in principle or action. Leaders on both sides, swept to and fro -by turbulent cross-currents, took refuge in ambiguous obscurity, even -where the most fiercely contested questions were concerned. Official -Liberalism had no decided opinion about Disestablishment, nor Toryism -about Fair Trade. Every politician had his own ideas about a social -programme; and Ireland was a riddle at which neither party cared to -guess in the absence of the electoral returns. What a mockery of -statesmen's leadership and foresight the future was to unveil! The -Parnellite manifesto and the Irish vote weakened, perhaps fatally, the -Liberals who a few months later were to stake their fortunes upon Home -Rule. Sir William Harcourt, who derided the Conservative party for -'stewing in Parnellite juice,' was himself to stew in that juice for -the rest of his life. Lord Salisbury, whose philosophic defence of -boycotting had excited general consternation, stood on the threshold of -a Coercion Bill and 'twenty years of resolute government.' Mr. -Gladstone, appealing for a majority independent of Irish members, became -evermore dependent upon them. Mr. Chamberlain was soon to fight for -political existence side by side with that same Lord Hartington whom he -now described as Rip Van Winkle, to sit for years in the same Cabinet as -the Mr. Goschen he now ran up and down the land to denounce, and to be -driven from the Liberal party, locked in fast alliance with the very -Whigs he was now striving in the name of Radicalism to expel. Whether -Lord Randolph Churchill surpassed these standards of consistency the -reader will be able to judge as the account proceeds. - -These were perhaps the busiest days of his life, and the amount of work -of the most exhausting character which he contrived to discharge -astonished all who knew him. Besides the anxious and incessant attention -which the India Office required, and the ordinary labours of a Cabinet -Minister, he had to watch the Irish situation and to prosecute his -Birmingham candidature from week to week. In addition to all this he -darted to and fro about the country--to Dorsetshire, Sheffield, -Worcester, Lynn, Manchester--commending the Conservative cause to the -electors in speeches in which serious argument was garnished with a -vigour of metaphor and a raciness of language that delighted the Tory -Democracy and attracted universal attention. Lord Salisbury, who knew -what the management of the India Office at this time involved, seems to -have been genuinely concerned lest his lieutenant should break himself -down by attempting a platform campaign as well as his departmental work. -'The strain of doing the two things together,' he wrote (September 13) -in a letter almost paternal in the kindness of its tone, 'is enormous: -and if you once go a step too far--if you once break the spring--you may -take years to get over it.' But Lord Randolph persevered; and though he -was forced by ill-health to take a few weeks' rest at the end of -September, he managed to carry out nearly all the engagements he had -undertaken. - -Such brief leisure as he could secure he spent mainly salmon-fishing in -the Carron at Auchnashellach--a house and river in Scotland then the -property of his brother-in-law, Lord Wimborne. Thither also went Sir -Frederick Roberts before leaving to take up the Indian command. Lord -Randolph was delighted to renew a friendship so happily begun the year -before at Rewah.[34] - - - - _To his Wife_. - -Auchnashellach: September 27. - - I have written twenty-one letters to-day, some of them long ones, - so you won't be vexed if I only send a short scrawl. I think your - letter to Lady Dufferin admirable and all your plans with regard to - her Fund most excellent. I am sure Moore will do anything you want. - I should advise you to get hold of Mr. Buckle and fascinate him, - and make him write you up. I have been very glad to get Sir - Frederick Roberts here, and have had long conversations with him on - many Indian subjects. Did you not find him very nice? It has been - everything for me getting him up here. I never could have had any - real satisfactory _pow-wow_ in London. He is coming to dine with me - on October 6, to meet some of the other Ministers--only a man - party. I hope the new cook will be on his mettle.... - -He found time to pay a flying visit to Howth--thus combining pleasure -with certain matters of importance which drew him to Dublin. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Justice FitzGibbon_. - -Auchnashellach, Dingwall, N.B.: September 21, 1885. - - A line to tell you that on Tuesday, 29th inst., I commence my - journey to Howth. A considerable business. I shall go by Carlisle - to Holyhead, and imagine I ought to arrive at Kingstown on Thursday - morning. From there I shall proceed to the Attorney-General's abode - at Monkstown, and later in the day move on in the direction of 'the - Eye.'[35] Will you keep me for two nights? I have asked the - Lord-Lieutenant to let me go to him on the Saturday. Can you - possibly manage to put up my secretary, Cecil Wolff? He is here - with me and, while we are exploring the bay and deluding the wily - lobster, will decipher telegrams and look after papers--a work I am - perfectly unequal to. I hope the 'Tutissimus'[36] will be on the - spot and David Plunket--also I shall have to go and see O. V. G. - L.,[37] who wrote to me from Buxton the other day; and there are - many other old friends I am greatly looking forward to seeing - again--you first. - - - -Auchnashellach, Dingwall, N.B.: September 27, 1885. - - Many thanks for your letter and telegram. My complete physical - restoration absolutely depends upon an evening with Father James - Healy. - - I shall try to get to you early Saturday morning, and I fear I must - leave Monday night, as our great Prime Minister has summoned a - Cabinet for Tuesday. I shall go to the Attorney-General's on - Thursday morning in order to get myself into a proper state of mind - and body before meeting the Lord-Lieutenant. Could you not run out - to Monkstown in the early morning, in order that we may deliberate - as to the proper employment of Saturday and Sunday and Monday, and - also that I may hear at first hand from authentic sources what the - FitzGibbon Commission (Endowed Schools) has been up to. I see you - have made a lot of jobbing appointments. Wolff is very pleased with - your kind letter. - - Can't you get O. V. G. L. over to Howth on Sunday? This would be - better than any amount of Church. - - Please tell Baillie Gage privately that an intelligent telegraph - clerk at Howth while I am there would be a great advantage. The - cypher telegrams require care, or else are worse than useless. They - come pretty thick now. - -The Irish capital under Lord Carnarvon was disturbed by many whisperings -of Parnellite intrigue, Maamtrasna alliances, Catholic Universities and -Repeal. What if they had known of the conversation in Grosvenor Square? -Lord Randolph's sudden arrival in Dublin created a new flutter. It had -been very freely said that he had committed himself to the Parnellites -on Home Rule, and his visit was attributed in some newspapers to the -purpose of further negotiation. He soon reassured his Irish friends. At -the Vice-Regal he had a long conversation with Lord Carnarvon. The -Viceroy made no mention of his communications with Parnell; but his -language excited Lord Randolph's suspicions. He called upon Mr. Holmes, -the Attorney-General, early one morning, as he had proposed. They -talked much on Irish politics. At length Lord Randolph got up to go. As -he reached the door he paused, and, pointing with his finger, said, -almost harshly and in a tone of command: 'Now, mind. None of us must -have anything to do with Home Rule in any shape or form.' For the rest -of his visit he amused himself at Howth, playing whist, chaffing his old -friends, and catching lobsters in the bay. The cypher telegrams came in -thickly. The short holiday was soon at an end. - -Election oratory is not illuminating. The tags, the personalities, the -arguments which spring into being in the excitement of the moment, may -pass muster in the scrimmage. It were a harsh measure to call them forth -one by one in cold blood to justify themselves before austere tribunals -of taste and truth. The passions of these stormy months drew Lord -Randolph Churchill into a dispute with Lord Hartington very soon to be -regretted by both. It was natural that Whigs and Tory Democrats should -eye each other with mutual dislike. The Whigs saw with jealousy the hold -which the Tory party were gaining upon popular sympathies; with disgust -their readiness to outbid old-fashioned Liberalism in all that appealed -to the new democracy; and with alarm the excesses to which their own -Radicals were encouraged or goaded thereby. The Tory Democrat, on the -other hand, was incensed to see the aegis of aristocracy and wealth and -all the solid assurance of respectability spread, however reluctantly, -in protection over levelling and revolutionary doctrines. Both exerted -influences upon their respective parties--the one of restraint, the -other of propulsion--contrary to the general tendency of those parties. -It needed but a step from these considerations for each to regard the -other as insincere. The Whig accused the Tory Democrat of unscrupulous -opportunism; the Tory said that the Whig was a humbug. - -The actual dispute arose in this wise. Lord Hartington's examination of -Mr. Chamberlain's programme led him to utter many sentiments about the -rights of property which were not less gratifying to the Conservative -party than his blunt repudiation of Mr. Parnell and Home Rule. 'If,' -said Lord Randolph Churchill at Sheffield, after reading one of Lord -Hartington's speeches, 'this is really all you can bring yourself to -utter on political questions, you cannot indicate any difference between -yourself and your friends and the Government now in power. If, on the -contrary, you are compelled by the honesty of your nature to indicate -the strongest possible difference with a certain section of the Liberal -party with whom for years you have hopelessly and vainly tried to agree, -then I say you have no longer the right as a patriot and a citizen to -oppose the Conservative Government simply on the ground of antiquated -names; nor the right to act with Mr. Chamberlain and his friends, who -would not only destroy the Constitution, but would destroy with it that -great party of the Revolution--the Whigs--under whose guidance that -noble Constitution was framed.... I say to Lord Hartington before you -all--not by any backstairs intrigue, not by any secret negotiations, but -in the face of this meeting and before all England--to Lord Hartington, -to his friends, and to his following, words which were said to men -nearly two thousand years ago, who were destined to become great -political guides, "Come over and help us."' - -This invitation was rejected by Lord Hartington with some asperity. It -was comically suggested that he had written to inquire 'Who's "us"?' and -had received the answer '"Us" is me.' Radicals earnestly besought him to -follow the advice which had been offered. He would be much happier in -the Conservative camp. It would be better for all parties if he took the -plunge. To a proud man profoundly attached to historic Liberalism, -painfully conscious of the increasing difficulties of his position, -these taunts were galling in the extreme. In more than one speech he -denounced the New Conservatives, of whom he said that they arrogated to -themselves the title of Tory Democracy, had no distinctly marked -political opinions, and looked on politics only as a game by which they -might attain office. One shaft at least was shrewdly aimed. He taunted -Lord Randolph Churchill with going about the country with 'a great -policy of grand pretensions but absolutely no legislation.' - -The Secretary of State for India spoke in Manchester on November 6. It -was the eve of the poll. The election fever was at its height. The -streets leading to the St. James's Hall were impassable, through the -crowd waiting to catch a glimpse of their favourite.[38] The vast hall -itself was crammed with excited people. Lord Randolph was in his -element. He cast away every kind of restraint and devoted himself for an -hour and a half with zeal and relish to an unmeasured attack upon the -Whigs, their record, their leaders, their influence, and their aims. He -showed how Lord Hartington had opposed almost every reform that the -Liberal party had ultimately carried--the ballot, household suffrage, -the abolition of flogging in the army--and yet under pressure had in the -end consented to them all; how he was still professedly opposed to -manhood suffrage and Disestablishment, but how in the near future he -would be forced to support them; how he already advocated that extension -of Local Government to Ireland which only the year before he had -denounced. This was political principle! And now? 'Did any of you ever -go,' inquired the speaker, 'to the Zoological Gardens? If you go there -on some particular day in the week you may have the good fortune to -observe the feeding of the boa-constrictor, which is supplied with a -great fat duck or a rabbit. If you are lucky and patient and if the -boa-constrictor is hungry, you may be able to trace the progress of the -duck or the rabbit down his throat and all along the convolutions of his -body. Just in the same way, by metaphor and analogy, the British public -can trace the digestion and the deglutition by the Marquess of -Hartington of the various morsels of the Chamberlain programme which -from time to time are handed to him; and the only difference between the -boa-constrictor and the Marquess of Hartington is this--that the -boa-constrictor enjoys his food and thrives on it and Lord Hartington -loathes his food and it makes him sick....' 'Ah! the Whigs hate the New -Conservatism and the Tory Democracy because they are democratic and -because they are popular. They hate the Tory Democracy because it has -cut the ground from under their feet; because Tory Democracy has taken -the place of the Whigs and swept away that baffling and confusing medley -party which at every crisis obscures the issues before the people. No; I -quite admit that there is nothing democratic about the Whig. He is -essentially a cold and selfish aristocrat who believes that the British -Empire was erected by Providence and exists for no other purpose than to -keep in power a few Whig families, and who thinks that our toiling and -struggling millions of labourers and artisans are struggling and toiling -for no other purpose than to maintain in splendour, opulence, and power -the Cavendishes and the Russells.' - -The audience were delighted at this hard hitting. Certainly Lord -Randolph had set his mark upon the Whig leader in unmistakable fashion. -It is said by some who were present and who followed his movements -closely, that on no occasion in Lancashire, not excepting the celebrated -'Chips' speech at Blackpool in 1884, was his command from minute to -minute of a meeting containing a large proportion of opponents so -strikingly displayed. Lord Hartington was deeply and personally -offended. 'I hear,' wrote Lord Randolph to his wife a few days later, -'that Hartington says he will never speak to me again. _Je m'en moque._' -But 'never' is a hard word in political strife. - -The contest in Birmingham was watched with the keenest interest all over -the country. The fame of Mr. Bright, the popularity of his young -challenger, the antagonisms which Mr. Chamberlain and his doctrines had -excited, the daring of the assault upon the stronghold of Radicalism, -the incidents of the Aston Riots, still fresh in the public mind, united -so many picturesque and personal elements that the rough and tumble of a -modern election assumed the glamour of a Homeric combat. Even Mr. -Balfour seems to have become enthusiastic. Considering how intimate his -relations with Lord Randolph must have been during these years, it is -curious how few of his letters are to be found among Lord Randolph's -extensive correspondence. But the Birmingham election drew from him a -warm private message of encouragement and congratulation, written in his -own hand, in the midst of his own fight in Manchester. Every word -uttered by Lord Randolph was diligently reported. Not merely the regular -speeches in the Town Hall with which the campaign was opened, but -accounts of every petty ward meeting were telegraphed verbatim to the -newspapers. Lord Randolph's address[39] had been issued as early as -October 10. From October 24 till the poll a month later he prosecuted -his candidature with seemingly inexhaustible vigour and fertility; and -as the days slipped by the tide of popular approval seemed to flow ever -more strongly in his favour. At the Radical headquarters there had been -at first some disposition to treat the attack with indulgent and -superior contempt. But soon feelings of incredulous anxiety broke in -upon complacency, and Mr. Schnadhorst and his myrmidons bent again over -their finished--'perhaps too highly finished,' as Lord Randolph -suggested--organisation, ciphering their pledged electors out again by -wards and streets and alleys with all that American thoroughness for -which the Caucus was remarkable. The progress of the fight, strangely -enough, provoked no personal ill-feeling between Lord Randolph and Mr. -Chamberlain. Their renewed friendship continued unimpaired. They -exchanged various small civilities and avoided, so far as possible, -attacking each other in irritating terms. When, for instance, Mr. -Chamberlain described Lord Randolph's address as 'colourless' and the -reporters wrote 'scurrilous,' Mr. Chamberlain at once telegraphed to -explain the mistake and added a friendly inquiry about Lord Randolph's -health. For the rest, the contest in all the seven divisions was bitter -and fierce. Lord Randolph was helped from morn till night by his wife -and his mother, at the head of their Primrose Dames. These ladies -canvassed the whole of the Central Division street by street and house -by house; and the Duchess of Marlborough--who was, as these pages -perhaps suggest, a woman of remarkable character and capacity--visited -the factories and addressed the workmen effectively on her son's behalf. -If it were in human power to command success, the Central Division of -Birmingham would have been won. Against any other candidate Lord -Randolph must have prevailed. But the personal loyalty of the people to -their famous representative resisted all efforts. 'I like your husband,' -said an old fellow to Lady Randolph on one of her canvassing tours, 'and -I like what he says; but I can't throw off John Bright like an old -coat.' - -Not until the very eve of the General Election did the Liberal party -realise that their victory in England and Scotland would not be complete -and was even doubtful. For the first time since the Conservatives had -taken office in June all talk of triumphant and crushing Gladstonian -majorities died away. Tales of distress came in on every hand from the -boroughs. Crowds of ardent Conservative working men--utterly unexpected -phenomena--assembled to cheer and support the Government candidates. The -Conservative party was found, moreover, to have gained vastly in -prestige by its short tenure of power. Lord Salisbury's conduct of -foreign affairs extorted admiration even from his opponents. The Afghan -difficulty had been removed and the Russian crisis was at an end. The -Egyptian settlement was proceeding smoothly. Good relations had been -restored between Great Britain and the two Empires of Germany and -Turkey, from which under the late Government she had been estranged. -The charges of 'rashness' and 'Jingoism' which it had been so -fashionable to make against Lord Salisbury found their answer in actual -events. The new Ministers had shown themselves competent and capable -men. It was no longer denied that the Conservative party could produce -an efficient alternative to any Government Mr. Gladstone might form. - -The voting began on November 23. Forty-four borough constituencies which -had been represented in the late Parliament by 35 Liberals and 20 -Conservatives now (after redistribution) returned 26 Conservatives and -18 Liberals. Liverpool elected 8 Conservatives and 1 Parnellite (Mr. T. -P. O'Connor); Manchester 5 Conservatives to 1 Liberal; Leeds and -Sheffield 3 Conservatives each to 2 Liberals. Other large towns like -Stockport, Blackburn, Oldham, Staleybridge, Bolton, Brighton, hitherto -for the most part strictly Liberal, were now represented mainly or -wholly by Conservatives. London, which in 1880 had sent up 14 Liberals -and 8 Conservatives, now returned 62 Members, of whom 36 were -Conservatives and 26 Liberals. Wherever the influence of Lord Randolph -Churchill upon the Tory Democracy had been the strongest, that is to -say, in the great centres of population and of active political thought, -victory--all the more dazzling because so desperately won--rested with -the constitutional cause. Two ex-Cabinet Ministers and quite a litter of -underlings from the late Government fell before the storm. Whereas, in -1880, 287 English borough members had mustered only 85 Conservatives; -in 1885, 226 English borough members numbered 116 Conservatives to 106 -Liberals, 3 Independents, and 1 Parnellite. And it was, moreover, -noticed that even in boroughs where the Tories were outnumbered the -increase in their vote was heavy and almost universal. - -Yet it is remarkable that, amid so many successes, the Conservative -party should have derived enormous encouragement from a defeat. The -result of the Birmingham election was declared late on the night of the -24th. Seven Liberals or Radicals were returned for its seven divisions. -But the Conservative minorities were everywhere largely increased, and -raised in the aggregate from 15,000 voters to 23,000. Whereas in 1880 -the proportion of Liberals to Tories in Birmingham was as 2 to 1, it was -in 1885 as 3 to 2. Mr. Alderman Kenrick, the Chairman of the National -Liberal Federation, saved his seat by scarcely 600 votes from Mr. -Matthews. In the Central Division Lord Randolph Churchill was defeated -by Mr. Bright by 4,989 votes to 4,216, a majority of less than 800. It -was claimed by Conservative, and generally admitted by Liberal, writers -that no more significant proof of the change of opinion in English -cities could be furnished than this result. But while the political -world was fully aware of the meaning of the Birmingham elections, the -Tories who had fought the battle with so much earnestness and enthusiasm -were bitterly disappointed. Hope, growing stronger, had even ripened -into confidence as the contest had proceeded, and the crowd of local -leaders in the Midland Conservative Club awaited the declaration of the -poll in intense excitement. As one by one the adverse results came in, -the hum of eager conversation died away and gloom overspread every face. -The figures of the Central Division were still delayed. 'Churchill's -in!' shouted a voice from the street; and a frantic cheer went up. 'At -the bottom!' cried the mocker; and fled. Then the truth arrived. There -was a sickly silence. In a moment Lord Randolph was upon his feet. -'Gentlemen,' he said, 'the man who cannot stand a knock-down blow isn't -worth a damn.' The Midland Conservative Club were accustomed to regard -this remark with a respect which they did not always extend to more -edifying political pronouncements. - -Lord Randolph returned to London next day and was almost immediately -elected by a majority of more than 2 to 1 for South Paddington, where he -then lived. The Fourth Party had fought everywhere in the front line. -Mr. Balfour, forsaking the shelter of Hertford, had captured an immense -working-class constituency in Manchester. Mr. Gorst was returned again -for Chatham. Only Sir Henry Wolff--still far away in Egypt--fell at -Portsmouth, and passes as a Parliamentary politician out of this story -altogether. Tory confidence flared high during the first few days of the -election and 'Back to 1874' was everywhere the word. Lord Justice -FitzGibbon was in London when the returns from the boroughs were coming -in, and after spending the small hours among an excited crowd at the -tape machine in the Grand Hotel, he hurried round to Connaught Place to -see his now famous friend. 'Ah!' said Lord Randolph, pacing up and down -in excited satisfaction, 'the Whigs can no longer call us the party of -the classes. If they do, I'll chuck big cities at their heads.' - -But after the boroughs, the counties. While Liberals all over the -country were beginning to lose heart, while whispers of utter defeat and -panic were flying about among the wire-pullers, Mr. Gladstone stoutly -proclaimed his undiminished confidence that the new voters would reverse -the decision of the old; and so it proved. Scotland voted solidly -Liberal--only nine Conservatives being returned. In the English counties -the agricultural labourers tramped doggedly to vote down the farmers' -and landlords' candidates. Mr. Farrer Ecroyd's Fair Trade movement, -which had proved so popular in Lancashire towns, exerted an opposite -effect in villages, where Corn Law memories were still wakeful. Mr. -Chamberlain's speeches had fallen upon a fertile soil. The country -party, with all its immense territorial influence and candidates of -county families, was shattered, never to be restored, except as a shadow -of its old strength. Henceforth the Conservative leaders, if they were -to rule the land, must build in town and country upon the foundation of -democracy. - -[Illustration: _Reproduced by permission of the proprietors of "Punch."_ - -THE WAITS. - -_Punch._ December 26, 1885.] - -Ireland was a portent. Not a single Liberal was returned. The Irish -Whigs were as a party and a force totally exterminated. Ulster elected -16 Tory members and 17 Nationalists. Out of 89 contests Mr. Parnell -won 85, the greater part by overwhelming majorities. Upon such national -authority could he base his demand for Home Rule. The leaders of both -the great English parties understood the meaning of the Irish elections. -On November 30 Mr. Gladstone was still appealing to his counties for a -clear and strong majority over the combined forces of Conservatives and -Parnellites. 'There seems to be still hope,' wrote Lord Salisbury to -Lord Randolph Churchill, as late as December 3, 'that we may be above -low-water mark--_i.e._ Tories + Parnellites = Liberals.' The hopes of -both were falsified by the event. The final result of the General -Election of 1885 sent to the House of Commons 335 Liberals, 249 -Conservatives, and 86 Parnellites. 'Low-water mark' it was. - -'What will happen now?' Lord Randolph was asked by a friend. 'I shall -lead the Opposition for five years. Then I shall be Prime Minister for -five years. Then I shall die.' In respect to the span of his life the -words came true almost to the day. But his personal fortunes and the -destinies of Britain were about to receive a vast and unanticipated -twist. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -AT THE INDIA OFFICE - - [Greek: archhe andra deixei.] - - 'Great command proves the man.' - - -The reader, having persevered so long amid the intrigues of party and -the warfare of Parliament, may now be glad to escape for a while into -the calm atmosphere of a public department. The India Office rejoices in -a character and constitution of its own. The cost of its maintenance and -the salaries of its officials, from the Secretary of State downwards, -are defrayed by India and do not appear upon the votes of the House of -Commons. The opportunities of debating the policy or conduct of the -responsible Minister, except upon formal votes of censure, are therefore -perhaps inconveniently few. Any apparent laxity of control by Parliament -is, however, corrected by the Council of India--a body consisting of -gentlemen of long and distinguished service in the East--with whom the -Secretary of State is by law compelled to act and by whose decisions he -is in many matters of the highest importance absolutely bound. Under -these restrictions the Minister brings the opinion of his colleagues and -of Parliament and his own personal influence to bear upon the majestic -organisation of the Government of India. - -Modern conditions increasingly enhance the power of the political chief -over all officials, military and civil. If the Secretary of State is -possessed of sufficient personal authority to enforce his will upon the -Cabinet, no hierarchy, however glittering, no Constitution, however -venerable, can withstand him. He has it in his power to change the -hierarchy and to remould the Constitution till the implement is -convenient to his hand; and his decisions will in almost every case be -acclaimed by the party press and ratified by driving a party majority -through the division lobbies of the House of Commons. But to employ -methods so costly and even ruinous, in their violence, is in itself -usually a confession of failure on the part of the Minister. His -business is to exert his authority by modes of persuasion, patience, and -adjustment which may secure in the end the triumph of his opinions -without the sensible abasement of others. - -The Council of India is for all such purposes an invaluable instrument -to a wise Secretary of State. Having in subordination to him officers as -great and independent as the Governor of nearly three hundred million -persons and perhaps as intractable as a Commander-in-Chief at the head -of nearly three hundred thousand soldiers, he should naturally fortify -himself with the unique authority of his Council, now in his dealings -with the Cabinet and now with the Viceroy. At the time at which Lord -Randolph became Secretary of State the Council of India consisted of -fifteen men, nearly all of whom had spent their lives, whether as -soldiers or as civilians, in India; nearly all were old or elderly men, -and many of them were men of very high distinction and reputation. In -these circumstances it was not an easy task for a Secretary of State -thirty-six years of age and absolutely devoid of all official -experience, to preside over their meetings and to bring to bear on them -the personal influence which, for the proper conduct of business, should -be exercised by the responsible head of the office. Lord Randolph -himself, after his first experience of a meeting of Council, said to a -friend that he had felt 'like an Eton boy presiding at a meeting of the -Masters.' - -'Yet it is probable,' writes Sir Arthur Godley (who was then, as now, -Under-Secretary of State for India) in a memorandum for which I am much -indebted to him, 'that no Secretary of State ever showed greater skill -and address in the discharge of this part of his duties. His treatment -of it was characteristic and in a degree peculiar to himself. For some -time and until he had mastered the methods of procedure and the -idiosyncrasies of the individual members, he took no part whatever in -the debates, but sat in his Presidential chair absolutely silent. As -soon, however, as he began to feel at home, he adopted a method to which -he strictly adhered as long as he was at the India Office. Having gone -carefully through the list of agenda, he would decide some days -beforehand which were the subjects as to which he desired to use his -influence. He would then send for the papers on these subjects and would -study them most thoroughly. Then, when the day of meeting arrived, -having thus mastered his brief, and possessing the immense advantages of -his natural readiness, his powers of speech and his Parliamentary -training, he would intervene with decisive effect, and rarely, if ever, -failed to carry his point. The other subjects--those which he had -deliberately left unstudied--he never touched, relying entirely upon -those members of Council who were specially qualified to deal with them. -He treated his Council with great consideration and with marked -politeness; but he nevertheless spoke always with confidence and -decision and occasionally with a touch of vehemence and of "the personal -note" which, though natural enough in the House of Commons, came as a -slight surprise in the serener regions of the India Council room.' - -Railway construction was one of the first subjects which commanded his -personal attention. The opinion had been for some time gaining ground in -the Railway Department that the necessary development of Indian lines -could only be attained if private enterprise were enlisted to supplement -the efforts of the State. Bargains between public departments and -limited companies are subject to such severe scrutiny in Parliament that -hitherto the India Office had not ventured to offer sufficient -inducement to attract commercial interests. Lord Randolph Churchill had, -however, no fear of the House of Commons and always believed in his -power to persuade them to any reasonable proposal. The construction of -the Indian Midland and Bengal-Nagpur Railways had been recommended as -famine-protective lines by a select committee which sat in 1884. Under -his hand both projects moved forward at once. The stimulus of a four per -cent. guarantee on capital, together with one-fourth of the amount by -which the net receipts might exceed the guarantee, led to the formation -of the Indian Midland Railway Company in July 1885. The railway was 589 -miles in length; it connected the Great Indian Peninsula with the East -Indian Railway system by continuous broad-gauge lines, opened out a -populous and fertile country, and shortened the distance by rail from -Bombay to Cawnpore by 134 miles. The Bengal-Nagpur Railway, though, -owing to financial considerations, not actually floated till 1887, was -eventually founded on the same conditions. The transfer of the Mysore -State Railway to the Southern Mahratta Railway Company for extension and -working was another important railway scheme arranged while Lord -Randolph was in office. - -Nothing pleased the officials of the India Office more in their new -chief than his total freedom from anything like humbug. On one occasion -the Finance Committee were to deal with the question, then so vital to -India, between bimetallism on the one hand, and a gold standard on the -other. Before going into the committee he said to the Permanent -Under-Secretary, who happened to be in his room: 'I've asked Arthur -Balfour to come across and sit with us at this Committee: he knows all -about bimetallism, but I'm as ignorant about these things as a calf.' -Accordingly Mr. Balfour came and a very interesting discussion took -place, at the end of which Lord Randolph (though he probably had not -greatly exaggerated his own previous ignorance) delivered an admirable -summing-up, worthy of an experienced Chancellor of the Exchequer. - -'He was, in fact,' Sir Arthur Godley continues, 'an excellent head of a -great department. He occupied himself instinctively and naturally with -the great questions and kept his work upon a high plane, leaving petty -matters to his subordinates, but always maintaining his own ultimate -control. He was, as everyone knows, exceedingly able, quick, and -clear-sighted. Besides this, he was very industrious, very energetic and -decided when once his mind was made up and remarkably skilful in the art -of devolution--that is to say, in the art of getting the full amount of -help out of his subordinates. He had the gift of knowing at once whether -a given question was worth his attention or should be left to others. If -he took it up, he made himself completely master of it; if he left it -alone, he put entire confidence in those to whom he left it, endorsed -their opinions without hesitation, and was always ready to defend them -or to further their wishes. This quality, it is needless to say, was -invaluable both to himself and to those who worked with him. His perfect -candour and straightforwardness were not only admirable in themselves -but were a great assistance to business. What he said, he meant; and if -he did not know a subject he did not pretend to know it. Few high -officials can ever have been his superior, or indeed his equal, in the -magical art of _getting things done._ Those who worked under him were -sure of a friendly and favourable hearing and they felt that, if they -had once convinced him that a certain step ought to be taken, it -infallibly would be taken and "put through."' - -Lord Randolph enjoyed his official work greatly, and made no secret of -it. His tenure of the post was brief but it would be safe to say that -there was not a single individual among those who had worked with him -who was not sorry to lose him. He, on his side, was extremely sorry to -go, and freely said so. Just before Christmas, when it was known that -the Government would be turned out as soon as Parliament met, he was -talking to one of his Under Secretaries and said: 'I suppose you are -going away for a holiday?' 'Yes,' was the reply; 'I am going away for a -week; what holiday are you going to take?' 'I shall take none,' he said; -and then, with the air of one who is making a confession, 'The fact is, -you know, it is all very well for you: but I'm new to office: I enjoy it -thoroughly; and I'm going to be kicked out very soon. So I mean to stay -here and get as much of it as I can.' - -Lord Salisbury in after-years distinguished as perhaps Lord Randolph -Churchill's greatest quality his power of commanding the personal -devotion of his subordinates. In coming to the India Office the new -Minister was lucky in finding available as his Private Secretary a -remarkable man, who rendered invaluable service to him, to the India -Office, and (it is hardly too much to say) to the two Governments of -which Lord Randolph was a member. Mr. A. W. Moore had come at an early -age to the India Office as a clerk, with no special reputation for -industry or ability, and, being placed in the Finance Department, was -soon regarded as a somewhat idle and not very efficient member of the -establishment. After some years, however, he was by a lucky chance -transferred to the Political Department, which is concerned with Indian -Foreign Affairs and with the relations between the Government of India -and the Native States and conducts the correspondence which is -constantly passing between the India Office and the Foreign Office. No -more important work could be found; but it requires special -qualifications which are not very commonly met with. 'Mr. Moore,' writes -Sir Arthur Godley, 'as soon as he was transferred, was a new man: he set -to work with extraordinary energy and zeal and in a very short time -acquired the reputation, which he never lost, of being among the most -valuable servants of the Crown. His industry was immense, possibly -excessive; his knowledge of his work, and of everything connected with -it, was unrivalled: he had it always at his finger-ends; and his gift of -rapid but clear, lucid and effective conversation and writing was hardly -to be surpassed. When Lord Randolph came to the Office, it happened -fortunately that, owing to some changes in the Department, Moore's -services were available, though his age and position were by this time -such as might have been expected to debar him from the office of Private -Secretary. In this capacity he was exactly the man Lord Randolph needed; -he supplied whatever was at first wanting to his chief, who treated him -not only with the most complete confidence but really more as a -colleague than as a subordinate; and it may safely be said that he -contributed in no small degree to the success with which Lord Randolph -discharged the duties of the two great offices which he successively -held.' - -Moore followed his chief from the India Office to the Treasury when Lord -Salisbury's Administration of 1886 was formed, and Lord Randolph -Churchill's resignation of the Chancellorship of the Exchequer seems to -have struck him a fatal blow. In a sense it may be said to have broken -his heart. His health had for some time suffered from the amount of work -he imposed upon himself. He was an active, athletic man, a great hero in -the annals of the Alpine Club; but he had undoubtedly over-tasked both -his mind and his body in the service of a master to whom he was not only -personally but politically devoted. Fortunately, as it seemed, an -opportunity occurred just then of offering him the headship of his old -branch, the Political Department, in the India Office. He accepted it, -and went abroad to the Riviera for a few weeks' rest. But he never -recovered from his exhaustion and depression, caught a fever at Cannes -and died there two months later (February 2, 1887) at the age of 46. -'The Home Civil Service,' writes Sir Arthur Godley, 'has not, for very -many years, sustained a greater loss.' - -When Lord Randolph Churchill became Secretary of State for India on June -24, 1885, the imminent danger of war with Russia had been dispelled by -the agreement of May 4. Under this it was arranged that Penjdeh should -be neutralised till the boundary on that section of the frontier had -been settled and that negotiations should be resumed at once in London -as to the main points of the line of delimitation, the details of which -alone would be examined and settled by Commissioners on the spot. Some -progress had also been made towards defining the general line of the -frontier by an agreement arrived at on May 22. That agreement, however, -left open what was then the crucial question of how to reconcile the -full possession by the Afghans of the Zulficar Pass, on which we -insisted with the maintenance of the existing communications between -points on the Russian side of the frontier which the Russian Government -considered essential. This difficulty had declared itself before the -change of Government took place and the negotiations on the subject were -resumed by Lord Salisbury from the point at which they had been left by -Lord Granville. - -Little progress was made for some considerable time and the situation -again became somewhat critical owing to the local excitement on both -sides of the border and recollections of what had taken place at -Penjdeh. Finally, however, an agreement was arrived at and embodied in -a Protocol signed on September 10, which stated, in sufficient detail to -ensure the completion of the work, the conditions under which the -Commissioners on the spot were to carry out the actual demarcation. The -agreement was one which, though it necessarily involved mutual -concessions, enabled both parties to it to claim that they had made no -sacrifice of vital points. From the British point of view the really -important objects attained by the settlement were the maintenance of -British credit with the Amir, whose interests had been successfully -guarded, the escape from what for a long and anxious period had seemed a -diplomatic impasse and the establishment of a frontier which has -remained unaltered to this day. - -The actual demarcation commenced on November 10, when Sir Joseph West -Ridgeway met the Russian Commissioner at Zulficar. The work proved long -and difficult; and the position of the British Agent, forced to winter -with a small escort in that wild country, was full of peril to himself -and caused constant anxiety at home. It was not until July 1887 that a -Protocol was signed at St. Petersburg completing the delimitation of the -whole frontier between the Hari Rud and the Oxus. - -Lord Randolph's letters to the Queen throw a clear light on his views -and temper during this critical time. The dignified and ceremonious -style which flowed so naturally from his pen may surprise the reader who -is familiar with his platform speeches and his private letters. - - - -India Office: July 11, 1885. - - Lord Randolph Churchill presents his humble duty to your Majesty, - and begs to submit the accompanying telegrams which have passed - between the Viceroy of India and himself. - - There can hardly be any doubt, in view of the remarkable - expressions made use of by Mr. Gladstone on Tuesday last in the - House of Commons, giving such strong confirmation as to the - absolute pledge given by the Government of Russia, that the pass of - Zulficar should be ceded to the Amir. Your Majesty's Government is - in an exceptionally favourable position for taking up an unyielding - attitude on this question. Parliament as a body is practically - committed to the policy of faithful observance of pledges given to - the Amir, and it may well be that so much Parliamentary unanimity - on any large question of foreign policy may not occur again for a - very long time. It is most earnestly to be hoped that this dispute - with the Government of Russia, which really involves the whole - Afghan Question as far as Russia is concerned, may be definitely - decided one way or another before Parliament separates for the - recess. - - The negotiations have been extremely protracted. Troops are being - massed, both by Russians and Afghans, near the frontier; the strain - on the finances of India, caused by the obligation of keeping our - military preparations in a very advanced state, is evidently - causing the Viceroy uneasiness; and the character and credit of - this country cannot well sustain any further concessions to Russia - at the expense of our ally the Amir. - - If this matter is not resolutely treated and definitely settled - now, before Parliament separates, not only does the state of - military emergency, so trying both to this country and to India, - continue indefinitely, but there is great reason to believe that in - September or October the Russians will make a further advance or - aggression, just before the General Election here, causing the - greatest alarm, confusion, excitement, and party feeling among the - people, and consequently the greatest possible danger to the - interests and security of India. Lord Randolph Churchill would - humbly submit that no possible precaution should be neglected now - in order, if possible, to obviate such an eventuality. - - Lord Randolph Churchill humbly submits to your Majesty a memorandum - he has drawn up on the subject of proposing to the Government of - Russia and, if possible, concluding a comprehensive and to some - extent permanent treaty, providing generally for the integrity of - Afghanistan and the regulation of all frontier matters, and having - appended to it a rough draft of the possible clauses of such a - treaty. - - - -India Office: July 13, 1885. - - Lord Randolph Churchill presents his humble duty to your Majesty, - and begs to submit that, as is pointed out by your Majesty, it - would be in the highest degree desirable to have some information - as to the manner in which a proposal for a comprehensive treaty on - the Afghan Frontier Question would be received by the Government of - Russia. - - Lord Randolph Churchill has never supposed that a proposal of this - kind would be favourably received by the Government of Russia - unless it was known to that Power that such a proposal was - favourably received by other European Powers, or that a refusal to - view it in a friendly manner would place so singular an - interpretation on Russian policy that the continuation of - negotiations might become very difficult. - - Such a state of things, favourable to the proposal for a treaty the - rough draft of which has been humbly submitted to your Majesty, - does not exist at the present moment. Whether such a state of - things may be brought into existence Lord Randolph Churchill would - not venture to determine positively, but he has often expressed to - Lord Salisbury the opinion that an effort in this direction could - not well be at variance with sound policy, and would in no way - conflict with public opinion. - - The observation which your Majesty graciously records, that under - such a treaty as has been sketched your Majesty's Government would - become responsible for the acts of the Amir, is profoundly - accurate; and it may well be that such a policy is liable to most - searching criticism, and might lead to serious evils. The whole - policy which is best known as 'the buffer State policy' is herein - called in question, and Lord Randolph Churchill is possessed by the - gravest doubts as to whether that policy is the best which could be - adopted for the security of your Majesty's Indian Empire. - - In its defence it may be urged, [1] That that policy has been - adopted by this country for very many years; with short and abrupt - intervals it was the policy pursued when Dost Mahomed and when - Shere Ali Khan ruled in Afghanistan. [2] That it is a policy to - which both political parties in this country are deeply committed, - and therefore it is a policy which, if it does not actually unite - public men, perhaps divides them the least. [3] Under that policy - pledges of a very binding character have been given to the present - Amir, on several occasions, that as long as he is guided by the - advice of your Majesty's Government in the conduct of his foreign - relations your Majesty's Government will hold themselves - responsible for, and will protect him from, any dangers and evils - arising from that advice being followed. [4] It is a policy which, - if it can be carried out (a very large and wide assumption), - undoubtedly has the merit of keeping Russian influence very remote - from actual contact with India. - - The great danger of the policy alluded to is that it is dependent - upon the caprice or the design of the Amir; that it may be upset at - any moment by the revolt of the Governor of Badakshan in the north - and of the Governor of Herat in the south-west of Afghanistan, by - the escape of Ayoub Khan from Teheran, or by a decidedly aggressive - movement of the Russian forces. - - It may be doubted whether there is any real solution of our - difficulties and dangers except in the breaking-up by force of arms - of the Russian Asiatic Empire, an enterprise far less hazardous and - doubtful, in Lord Randolph Churchill's opinion, than is generally - supposed, but nevertheless an undertaking the responsibility of - which would, except under extraordinary circumstances, terrify an - Administration which at the present day has to face a House of - Commons. - - Lord Randolph Churchill humbly submits that in acknowledging the - great force of your Majesty's observations graciously conveyed to - him he has ventured to offer for your Majesty's consideration views - and opinions which have for long been upon his mind, and Lord - Randolph Churchill earnestly hopes that he may not have - transgressed your Majesty's pleasure by too diffuse an exposition. - - No further action could well be taken with regard to a treaty until - the opinion of the Viceroy has been fully ascertained. - - - -India Office: July 15, 1885. - - Lord Randolph Churchill presents his humble duty to your Majesty, - and begs to submit that there can be little doubt that your - Majesty's apprehension that the Government of Russia will try to - evade the half-promise they gave to cede the pass of Zulficar to - the Afghan Amir is well founded. Lord Randolph Churchill would - humbly submit to your Majesty whether the original pledge given by - the Russians was not very full and unreserved, the difficulty about - communications being raised subsequently. In the note to M. de - Staal Lord Salisbury has taken this view very plainly. Colonel - Ridgeway's telegrams cannot well be regarded as at all reassuring, - though there is reason to hope that the news in No. 97 may not be - altogether so grave as at first seemed to appear. The sequence of - events from day to day does not at all weaken the views on the - whole boundary question which Lord Randolph Churchill has from time - to time humbly submitted to your Majesty, and Lord Randolph - Churchill is more than ever of opinion that a firm and resolute - insistence on the faithful fulfilment of Russian pledges is not - only vital to your Majesty's interests, but perhaps in reality the - best method of averting an eventual rupture of negotiations. - -While Lord Salisbury at the Foreign Office was rapidly gathering into -his skilful hands the tense and tangled threads of British diplomacy, -the Secretary of State for India took pains to secure an effective -defence upon the spot. Until the advance of Russia had reached the -borders of Afghanistan, the functions of the military forces of India -had been limited to maintaining internal peace or to frontier operations -against adversaries of limited power. Now that a great European Power, -liable at any time to become hostile, was in close proximity to the -Afghan border, it was evident that the existing military establishments -must be strengthened. The British troops in India were accordingly -increased by 11 batteries of artillery (30 guns and 1,373 men), by the -addition of a fourth squadron to each British cavalry regiment (1,332 -men), and by the addition of three battalions of infantry and the -augmentation of each of those already serving by 100 rank and file, -amounting to 196 officers and 10,567 men. The increase of the British -garrison allowed an expansion--in recognised proportion--of the native -army. Most of the cavalry regiments were raised to four squadrons each -and three new native cavalry regiments were formed, making an increase -of 56 British officers and 4,572 natives of all ranks. Nine new native -infantry battalions were enlisted and the strength of the existing -regiments was increased--a total addition of 63 British officers and -11,968 natives of all ranks. Various improvements were made in the -position of the native soldier and a native Army Reserve was formed of -23,000 men. The Ordnance and Commissariat Departments were reorganised -and an Army Transport Department was formed. The construction of -strategical railways, roads and bridges on the North-West Frontier was -undertaken, and Karachi harbour was improved as part of a general scheme -of defence. Although all these military preparations were rapidly pushed -forward, this substantial increase of power was secured at an initial -cost of about one and a half millions sterling and maintained at an -annual charge of not much more than one million pounds a year. Lord -Randolph also approved, shortly before he left the India Office, of a -proposal for arming the native army with the best rifle available and -placing it in this respect on an equal footing with British troops. This -change, however, was long delayed. - -Scarcely anything that Lord Randolph Churchill did as a Minister gave -him more pleasure than the appointment of Sir Frederick Roberts to be -Commander-in-Chief in India. It was almost the first important step -which he took on coming into power. Very powerful influences supported -the high claims of Lord Wolseley and, as the appointment of the Indian -Commander-in-Chief rested according to practice with the Secretary of -State for War, the matter hung for some days in suspense. But Lord -Randolph was insistent. His long and friendly talks with Sir Frederick -Roberts during his visit to India had made a great impression upon him. -All his life he continued to assert that Roberts was the first soldier -of his age. The Russian crisis and Sir Frederick's unequalled service -and experience in the theatre of possible war constituted in his eyes -overwhelming qualifications. He won the agreement of Lord Salisbury; he -persuaded the Queen. In less than five weeks after the Government had -taken office, the appointment was announced and was received with -general assent and satisfaction. - -In conjunction with this appointment and with the military preparations, -orders were given and money supplied for a Camp of Exercise to be -prepared upon a much larger scale than had ever been held in India -before. The troops were mobilised early in 1886 in two Army Corps. They -assembled at Umballa and Gurgaon--towns 150 miles apart--and after a -fortnight of brigade and divisional tactics, the opposing forces came -into contact near the famous battle-ground of Panipat. This was the -first occasion on which representatives from foreign armies had been -invited to be present at Indian manoeuvres. Lord Randolph Churchill -arranged that the invitations should be sent through the Foreign Office; -and Lord Dufferin, who was present during the closing days of the -operations, was accompanied by twelve officers from the principal armies -of Europe and America. - -On August 6 the Secretary of State for India laid the Indian Budget -before the House. This statement, coming as it does during the 'Dog -Days,' at the end of the Session, is usually heard in its ponderous -complexity with apathy by an empty and exhausted House. But the -importance of public departments varies with the authority of the -Minister who directs them. The Chamber was filled with members in all -the interest and eagerness of a great Parliamentary occasion. Nor were -they disappointed. Lord Randolph had no difficulty in holding their -attention for upwards of an hour and three-quarters while he unfolded in -stately language, but with the utmost simplicity and clearness, the wide -scroll of Asia. Intricate and unfamiliar figures, facts and problems -tangled with strange names and novel conditions, submitted themselves -willingly to his interesting narration. The account was not cheering in -its character. The confusion of Indian finances had permitted an -astounding error in the Budget calculations of Lord Ripon's Government -and the new Minister had to announce to Parliament a heavy deficit, -largely unforeseen. The Russian crisis, moreover, imposed upon India the -necessity of extensive military preparations. Before he had spoken very -long the House realised that Lord Randolph was developing an elaborate -indictment of the late Viceroy. - -'The most unpardonable crime,' he said, 'of which the Governor-General -of India can be guilty, is not to look ahead and make provision for the -future. The Government of England cannot from its very nature look far -ahead; its policy is always one of month to month, of week to week and -sometimes of day to day; it is always more or less a policy of hand to -mouth. The reason is, that our Government in England depends upon a -Parliamentary majority which is violently assailed and swayed by an -enlightened, but at the same time by a capricious public opinion. The -Government of England has to think, in shaping its policy, of the state -of Europe, of the Colonies and of Ireland; of the state of England; and -last, not least, of the state of business in the House of Commons. It -has to think of all those subjects, and the result is, that although we -in England possess an unrivalled Constitution and unexampled freedom, -yet for the purpose of that freedom we have to put up with the -disadvantage of little stability and little continuity in our Government -and hardly any forethought in our policy. The Government of India is -exempt from all these disadvantages. It is a Government in its nature -purely despotic, but it is not an hereditary despotism. We do our best -to supply India from time to time with statesmen who shall exercise this -tremendous power of government, but who shall at the same time be wise, -experienced and courageous. In India it is not as in England. In India -there is no public opinion to speak of, no powerful press, and hardly -any trammels upon the Government of any sort or kind. For that reason I -say that if the Governor-General of India does not look ahead and -provide for the future, he not only commits a blunder but is guilty of a -crime. - -'I am compelled to apply this general statement to the Government of -Lord Ripon. Lord Ripon went out to India with a full knowledge of the -state of affairs; he knew of all the events which had occurred--of the -Russo-Turkish War which led to the Treaty of San Stefano and the -Congress of Berlin; he knew of all the events which had caused the great -preparations of Russia for advancing on India. He must have had -knowledge of the gradual but sure extension of the Russian Empire in -Asia.... I say nothing of the abandonment of Candahar. I say little of -the destruction of the Quetta Railway. I come rather to the acts of Lord -Ripon's Government which seriously affected the finances of this year. -Lord Ripon had prosperous times to deal with and an increasing revenue. -The sky overhead, to the careless observer, seemed very blue. All -dangers apparently had passed away so far as foreign affairs were -concerned and so far as they had any bearing upon Indian finances, and -Lord Ripon and his counsellors laid themselves down and slept. All -indirect taxation of any value was remitted, the Customs duty was almost -totally abolished and the salt duty was reduced. In 1882-3 the Indian -army was reduced by five cavalry regiments and sixteen infantry -regiments. The British army was allowed to fall to 10,000 men below its -proper strength. To bring it up to its full strength, which it has now -nearly attained, has cost the Indian Government 100,000_l._ No frontier -railways were commenced; no roads were begun; no preparations were made -for the defence of a long and difficult frontier. Surely in prosperous -times a wise man would have provided for the event of a rainy day. But -Lord Ripon slept, lulled by the languor of the land of the lotus. Yet -there was much which ought to have warned and to have roused him. In -1882 the Russian Government, with the frankest candour, called our -attention to their proceedings in Central Asia and invited us to delimit -the frontier of Afghanistan; but the only reply they received was a dull -and sullen reply, as of a man under the influence of a narcotic. Our -ally, the Amir of Afghanistan, also sent many warnings. It is most -curious to observe, in the account of the interview of the Amir with -Lord Dufferin at Rawul Pindi, how frequently we come across that -familiar saying "I told you so." All this time the cloud grew bigger, -the distant darkness nearer and blacker and the great military Power -loomed larger and more distinct upon our borders; yet Lord Ripon and his -counsellors slumbered and slept, never dreaming that any foreign danger -could by any possibility come nigh those dominions which had been -entrusted to their watchful care, taking no thought for the morrow, -heedless and ignorant of the future which was shaping itself with the -utmost clearness under their very eyes. Then, sir, there came a sharp -and sudden awakening. Russia's hosts absorbed the territory of Merv, -rapidly filled up the vacuum to the south which had been so blindly left -unprovided for by us, and Lord Ripon and his counsellors were found, -like the foolish virgins, with no oil in their lamps. Then followed the -fruitless frontier negotiations and Lord Ripon came home and Lord -Dufferin went out, not one hour too soon for the safety of India and the -tranquillity of the East. Next we see the lonely and unsupported -British Commissioner endeavouring to stay the advance of the Russian -troops--troops flushed with success and animated by the highest hopes of -glory and of booty. Then came the incident of Penjdeh and, following -that, the vote of credit of eleven millions. Next we see the hasty and -hurried recommencement of the Quetta Railway which had been so foolishly -abandoned. Then came the announcement of the frontier railways and roads -too fatally postponed. And then came the additional military -expenditure, from three to four millions; and the result of it all is -now before the House in the deficit in the Indian accounts of a million -and a half and in the permanent extra military charge of no less than -two millions a year.[40] The good time has gone; the advantages which we -had, have been thrown away. No economy whatever was practised by that -Government. The expenditure on civil buildings was allowed to be -increased by over one million a year. The Famine Insurance Fund, on -which we prided ourselves, has been proved in time of trial to be -illusory. I declare that I endeavoured to contemplate the action of the -late Government of India without party passion. I found in it not one -redeeming feature. Indian interests were so clumsily, so stupidly, -handled that progress has been thrown back almost for a generation; and -having to place those results before the House of Commons in the -practical and matter-of-fact form of figures and finance, I disown and -repudiate on behalf of the present Government all responsibility of any -sort or kind for that policy and I hold up that Viceroyalty and the -Government responsible for it to the censure and the condemnation of the -British and Indian peoples. - -'This Parliament,' he concluded, after a survey of many matters -interesting in themselves, but too specialised for quotation here, 'has -done little or nothing for India. It would appear as if members of -Parliament of the present generation considered Indian affairs to be -either beneath their attention or above their comprehension, and India -is apparently left to pursue its destiny alone--some might even think -uncared for--as far as Parliament is concerned. That was not always the -case. In the last century, when our Indian Empire was forming, the -greatest men--Mr. Pitt and Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox--did not disdain to -apply their minds to the most careful examination and exposition of the -difficult and complicated Indian questions, and with great advantage. At -the present time, when everything around is changing fast and when -nothing seems secure or firm or free from assault and danger, as far as -India is concerned, we shall act wisely if we revert to the more -patriotic practice of earlier days. I would ask those who have been so -kind as to listen to me, and those who possibly may not have concurred -in many remarks I have made, to join with me in what I would call an -appeal, or even, almost, a command, to those who will be our successors, -some faint echo of which may possibly linger around these walls and -influence the new Parliament so shortly to meet here: I would ask those -who hear me to join in an appeal to the members of the new Parliament to -shake themselves free from the lassitude, the carelessness, the apathy, -which have too long characterised the attitude of Parliament towards -India. I would appeal to them to watch with the most sedulous attention, -to develop with the most anxious care, to guard with the most united and -undying resolution, the land and the people of Hindostan, that most -truly bright and precious gem in the crown of the Queen, the possession -of which, more than that of all your Colonial dominions, has raised in -power, in resource, in wealth and in authority this small island home of -ours far above the level of the majority of nations and of States--has -placed it on an equality with, perhaps even in a position of superiority -over, every other Empire either of ancient or of modern times.' - -With this impressive harangue the 'Ministry of Caretakers' may be said -to have brought the Session and the Parliament to a close. - -Upon Lord Randolph's acceptance of office begins a constant, intimate -and candid correspondence with Lord Salisbury, which ranges over the -whole field of politics at home and abroad, continues with almost equal -fulness in Opposition and in Government and ends abruptly in January -1887. Their letters were never more frequent than when Lord Randolph was -at the India Office. The fortunes of India were at this time inseparably -interwoven with the conduct of the Foreign Office--at first in regard -to Russia and Afghanistan, and later on in regard to France and China on -account of Burma--and Lord Randolph was always most particular to -consult the Prime Minister on any matter of importance and to take no -serious step without his concurrence. Lord Salisbury, on the other hand, -had much to give to an Indian Secretary. He possessed a vast knowledge -of Indian affairs, gained during his prolonged administration of that -department; and in all matters of official method, of procedure and -etiquette, his guidance was especially valuable to a Minister altogether -unversed in the details of administration. - -Lord Salisbury was, like Lord Randolph Churchill, a prodigious -letter-writer, and he seems to have written no fewer than 110 letters to -his lieutenant--many of them very long ones--all in his beautiful -running handwriting, during the seven months of his first Ministry. How -he ever found time to write so many to a single Minister is a marvel. -Often three letters passed between them in a day. On July 25, for -instance, Lord Salisbury wrote four times to Lord Randolph on different -subjects, all of considerable importance. Two of these letters cover -between them five separate pieces of closely written notepaper. To a -later generation, accustomed to shorthand writers and anticipating a -time when it will be regarded as inconsiderate to address a person on -business otherwise than in type, such manual energy is astounding. -Whether elaborate letter-writing between Ministers is conducive to the -facile conduct of public affairs is doubtful. Strength and time are -consumed, difficulties are multiplied and differences only look wider -and more formidable when marshalled by ink and paper. Many of the -questions laboriously discussed on both sides of this correspondence -could have been despatched immediately at an interview or even upon a -telephone. But Lord Salisbury did not like political conversations. He -felt that he could not do so much justice to himself or his opinions in -an informal discussion as he could either in a letter or a speech. He -belonged, moreover, to a formal, painstaking, old-fashioned school; and -in Lord Randolph Churchill he had a pupil unexpectedly apt and -energetic. - -Whatever may have been lost at the time has been gained by posterity, -for Lord Salisbury's letters have a character and interest apart from -and even superior to the important matters with which they deal. A wit -at once shrewd and genial; an insight into human nature penetrating, -comprehensive, rather cynical; a vast knowledge of affairs; the quick -thoughts of a moody, fertile mind, expressed in language that always -preserves a spice and flavour of its own, are qualities which must exert -an attraction upon a generation to whom the politics of the '85 -Government will be dust. - -Throughout their association the letters of both men--whether in -agreement or in sharpest dispute--are marked by personal goodwill; and -Lord Randolph never for a moment drops the air of respect and deference -with which he invariably treated Lord Salisbury and which is never more -pronounced than in moments of stress. Lord Salisbury's counsels and -comments are always instructive and so often amusing that I may be -allowed to transcribe a few at random: 'My dear Randolph,' the letters -begin (June 25), '(if I may venture to address a Secretary of State in -such familiar fashion!),--So much has been made of Herat, that we must -do more than is possible to defend it' (July 25). 'I quite agree with -your doctrine that it is better to go at the principal offender rather -than the instrument--with one important qualification--_if you can_' -(August 4). 'It is curious to notice how the "buffer State" policy has -gone down in the world. When first I had to do with India, nineteen -years ago, it was the supremest orthodoxy: you might as well have -impugned one of the doctrines of Free Trade' (August 4). Upon a curious -little question of Portuguese ecclesiastical establishments in India he -writes (August 24): 'I am glad to see you take the same view as on the -first blush I was inclined to take. The Government of India by its -nature must ignore religious questions, except so far as they take the -secular form of furnishing a pretext for either robbery or riot.' 'I am -inclined to think you underrate H----. He knows these odd people in a -way we cannot do. I should be as much inclined to set up my opinion -against that of the keeper of an asylum on the best way of keeping -lunatics quiet' (November 24). Again, in another letter on the same -day: 'I am afraid F.O. and I.O. have hopelessly divergent opinions on -H----'s trustworthiness. But I think that when Departments differ on a -point which is not worthy of reference to the Cabinet, the best rule is -that the Department should prevail which will have the trouble of -dealing with the consequences of a mistake if a mistake is made. The -India Office view should therefore prevail.' - -'Honours' and promotions of various kinds prove a thorny business to -handle, more especially after an episode soon to be recorded. 'I was not -aware that Mr. * * * had been disappointed. He bears a high character in -the service, and I shall be glad to assist him if I have the -opportunity. But it is perilous to go out of the beaten track in matters -of promotion. I remember doing it in 1878, and I had a vote of censure -moved on me in the House of Commons by a Conservative' (January 8, -1886). 'I am afraid that in the matter of honours I am as destitute as -you are. The C.B.'s are all exhausted' (June 20). And again (November -13): 'My Baths are all run dry.' 'There can be no doubt that * * * is a -very fit candidate for the Privy Council and I will submit his name at -once. We may take more time to consider over the other two--who are less -distinguished: it will be time enough to settle whenever a -much-to-be-regretted accident befalls us. Unless * * * is very much -changed, I doubt your getting him to resign for a Privy Councillorship. -If I might follow the precedents of the early Church I should like to -make * * * a Bishop' (December 5). 'That fountain which you desire to -have turned on for the benefit of Birmingham is frozen up--and only runs -with a dribble. It is very difficult to restore it to activity' -(November 13). - -The pleasant flow of this correspondence was very soon disturbed by an -interlude which might have broken up many other things as well. The -Bombay command, which at that date was a post of much dignity and -importance, carrying the title of Commander-in-Chief and giving the -holder a seat on the Governor's Council, became vacant about the same -time that the new Government took office. In the prevailing uncertainty -upon the frontier Lord Randolph Churchill desired that it should be -filled at once. He agreed with Mr. Smith at the War Office upon an -officer. The Queen, however, was anxious that the Duke of Connaught -should serve in high command in India and Lord Salisbury strongly urged -her wishes upon the Secretary of State. 'Though I am quite ready to -accept the responsibility of your decision,' he wrote (July 25), 'I -cannot, speaking confidentially, take quite your view. I hold that in -India the monarchy must seem to be as little constitutional as possible; -that it is of great importance to obtrude upon the native Indian mind -the personality of the Sovereign and her family; and that, therefore, -the policy of giving high military command to one of the Queen's sons is -a step of political importance; and that its value is far from being -outweighed by the more restricted considerations attaching to military -susceptibilities or the details of military administration.... However, -though my opinions on it are clear, the matter is one for your -decision.' - -Lord Randolph Churchill resisted the appointment with an obstinate -determination. It need scarcely be said that his reasons were not based -on any suggestion that the Duke of Connaught was not fully qualified to -discharge the military duties of the office. They consisted entirely in -the grave constitutional objections which exist to the employment of -Royal Princes in positions, such as the Bombay command then was, which -carry with them the necessity of speaking and voting constantly in -Council, and where numerous and important _political_ functions, apart -from military duty, may at any moment devolve upon the General officer -in command. These reasons were unanimously accepted as decisive by the -Cabinet on October 9. While the matter was still in suspense there -occurred an incident which is, on various grounds, indispensable to the -completeness of this story. The letters tell their own tale:-- - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -(_Very Confidential._) - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: -August 14, 1885. - - My dear Randolph,--About ten days ago the Queen wrote to me and - told me to send a private telegram to Lord Dufferin in the - following words: - - 'How would it be for the Duke of Connaught to succeed to the - command at Bombay? I wish for your opinion by telegraph after you - have consulted Sir Donald Stewart and Sir Frederick Roberts, both - of whom, I know, think very highly of the Duke of Connaught's - qualifications.' - - As it is quite regular for the Queen to communicate directly with - the Viceroy, I simply cyphered and sent the telegram without note - or comment on my part. - - At the beginning of this week I received from the Viceroy and - forwarded to the Queen, also without any comment, the following - reply: - - 'Secret and Personal. Please submit following to Her Majesty. Both - Sir Frederick Roberts and the Commander-in-Chief entirely approve - of the idea of the Duke of Connaught's appointment to the command - of the Bombay army. The Commander-in-Chief observes that the Duke - was the best of his General officers, and he considers that he - possesses great tact in dealing with the natives. Speaking from a - political point of view, I have always considered it a very good - thing that one of H.M.'s sons should be in India. The presence of - the Duchess of Connaught also exercises a very wholesome effect - upon Indian society. Personally I should welcome H.R.H.'s return - with the greatest satisfaction.' - - The next day there came the following from the Viceroy, which was - also sent on to the Queen: - - 'I conclude you know that in a despatch which will go home next - week, or the week following, we are reiterating the proposals - already made by the Indian Government for the amalgamation of the - Presidential armies, in which case the command at Bombay would be - that of a Lieutenant-General. Perhaps you will mention this to Her - Majesty.' - - I then requested the Queen that I might be allowed to communicate - these telegrams to you, which I have received permission to do. - - I have not offered her any advice on this matter since I last wrote - to you about it--except to defer any public decision till after the - election. - - My advice to you, however, would be to give way, so far as the - Lieutenant-Generalship is concerned; that is to say, subject to - the last telegram. It is probable that these three men are sincere - in substance in what they recommend; and, if so, there is no doubt - they are probably right--and our position (if we oppose them) will - be a very difficult one to maintain. On the other hand, I think no - declaration should be made before the elections. - -Believe me -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -Carlton Club: August 14, 1885. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I have just received your two letters; one - about the succession to the Bombay Command, and the other about - giving Mr. Gorst[41] a nomination for the examination for the F.O. - I am very greatly obliged to you for your kindness in this latter - matter. - - The first subject is very serious, to my mind. I cannot continue to - hold with any advantage the high position which H.M. the Queen has - conferred upon me unless I feel I have the confidence of the - Sovereign and her principal advisers. This elementary qualification - I am without. Some time ago I placed you in possession of the - objections which I and others saw to the Bombay Command being - conferred upon the Duke of Connaught. I was not aware that it was - possible, under such circumstances, that communications should pass - between the Prime Minister and the Viceroy, at the instance of H.M. - the Queen, without the knowledge of the Secretary of State, on a - matter on which the latter held very strong and deliberate - opinions. - - I have for some time felt that the India Office, while I was there, - had little influence with respect to other matters of great - importance. But from what has passed between yourself and the - Viceroy about the Duke of Connaught, it must be obvious to the - Viceroy that I no longer possess either the confidence of the - Sovereign or of yourself, and, under these circumstances, I - respectfully ask you to submit to H.M. the Queen my resignation of - the office which I have now the honour to hold. - -Yours very sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: August 14, 1885. - - My dear Randolph,--I am sorry you take such a view of a - correspondence that is perfectly regular. The Queen has always - written private letters to the Viceroy, and has always received - private answers from him, both received and sent without any - knowledge of any of her Ministers. She would have telegraphed in - the same way, only the Viceroy did not happen to have her cypher. I - did nothing else but cypher and decypher the message for her. I - could no more inform you of her private telegram, without her - leave, than I could inform you of a private letter, if I had been - asked to copy it for her, without her leave. - - I regret very much that you should think I have not shown you - confidence. I have done my best to give effect to your wishes as - far as I possibly could. In this case I think you are really under - a misapprehension. What has passed does not pledge your liberty of - action, or decide the question in issue. The question is exactly - where it would have been if the Queen, instead of telegraphing, had - written to Lord Dufferin. It would still have remained to be - decided by her responsible Ministers. The only effect of the - telegraphing has been to ante-date the issue by five or six weeks. - - I trust I have removed from your mind all misapprehension of the - character and effects of the Queen's correspondence with Lord - Dufferin. - -Believe me -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Moore._ - - Dear Mr. Moore,--Will you copy the enclosed letter to Lord S., and - send it to Hatfield? A special messenger is not necessary. - -Yours very truly, -RANDOLPH S. C. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - - -2 Connaught Place, W.: August 15. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--You write to me, as usual, very kindly, for - which I am indeed grateful; but the impressions with which I - received your letter of yesterday remain as strong as ever. God - forbid that I should allow myself for one moment to throw a shadow - of a doubt upon the right of the Sovereign to communicate with the - utmost freedom on any conceivable matter with any one of her - subjects; but I submit that a very different question arises when a - communication from the Queen to so high an official as the Viceroy - of India on a matter of high State importance passes through the - Prime Minister. Such a communication, so sent, acquires a character - of responsibility which it would not otherwise possess. - - Moreover, the matter becomes complicated indeed when it happens to - be the fact that it is in the knowledge of the Prime Minister that - the Royal communication which he forwards contains a suggestion--or - rather, I may say, makes a proposal--to which the responsible head - of the Department chiefly concerned entertains the strongest - possible objections. - - The communications from the Queen direct to the Viceroy may be - frequent--I can see no reason why they should not be; but it would - appear that telegraphic messages on matters of a very confidential - and important nature have not been usual hitherto; otherwise surely - the Viceroy would have been provided with a copy of the Queen's - cypher. - - Generally, I would further submit to you the following: My - position in relation to Lord Dufferin is in many ways anomalous. He - is old enough to be my father, has been all his life in public - affairs, has acquired an immense reputation. Clearly, therefore, it - is curious that I should be placed in a position of superiority - over him--I who have had no experience of official life, a very - short experience of public life, and have not acquired any - reputation worth speaking of. - - Under the circumstances the relations between the Secretary of - State and the Viceroy can be attended with no advantage to the - public service, on the contrary must be attended with the utmost - disadvantage, unless it is, more than usually even, obvious to the - latter that the former possesses the full, complete and perfect - confidence of the Prime Minister. - - Lord Dufferin is no ordinary man. He has a greater faculty for - putting two and two together than most men. I have not the smallest - doubts as to the nature of the impression left upon his mind by the - Royal communication on the subject of the Duke of Connaught as it - has reached him. In about a week he will get a letter from me in - which I gave at great length, and with all the arguments that had - occurred to me, my strong objections to the appointment in - question. He will find that he has committed himself somewhat - lightly, and after the manner of a courtier--influenced, no doubt, - by the fact that the inquiry came through you--to an opinion - diametrically at variance with that of the Secretary of State, and - he will know that in so doing the Prime Minister is on his side. If - you follow my argument and concur in the premises on which it is - based, I think you will easily see that satisfactory and - advantageous relations between me and Lord Dufferin, which under - the best circumstances were difficult, will now have become - impossible. - - The superiority of the Secretary of State over the Viceroy, as - intended by the Constitution of the Indian Government, will exist - only in name as far as I am concerned, and this must have a most - unfortunate effect on all questions of Indian administration. I - shall never know, moreover, what communications may not be passing - between the Queen, the Prime Minister and the Viceroy on matters of - great and small importance; and this element of uncertainty and - ignorance of events will prevent me from being of the smallest - utility. - - The appointment of the Duke of Connaught to a high and very - responsible military command in India is, as it appears to me, a - question of the utmost importance. It is not my business to point - out how largely is raised by it the constitutional position of - Royal Princes in these days; though I infer that you are aware of - the existence of objections of very considerable weight, from the - stipulation which you make with the Queen that no public - declaration of the appointment should be made till after the - elections. I am concerned only with the matter as it affects India - generally, and the Indian Army in particular. Although the - Secretary of State is not solely responsible for such an - appointment, he practically is the person most identified with it - in the public mind: and if it was not for my inexperience of - official life, I should have thought that it was absolutely - impossible that the freedom of action of the Secretary of State on - so important a matter could be so absolutely demolished as it has - been in this case. - - I may add, to show the extreme inconvenience of allowing matters of - this kind to be prematurely settled without the knowledge of the - Department chiefly concerned, that the Viceroy's proposal that the - Duke of Connaught should have the command of a Corps d'Armee with - the rank of Lieutenant-General is absolutely impracticable at the - present time. Even assuming that the new proposals of the - Government of India for the amalgamation of the Bombay and Madras - Commands were approved of by the Secretary of State in Council, and - this is very uncertain, they would require, before they could be - entered upon, an Act of Parliament. A Bill introduced into the - House of Commons for this purpose would lead to much debate; it - would necessarily raise very large questions of Indian government, - military and political; might easily fail to pass into law, and at - the best would hardly receive the Royal Assent till the early - autumn of next year. It cannot be supposed that all this while the - Bombay Army could be left without a responsible chief. - - Under all these circumstances I remain of the opinion which I - expressed to you yesterday. From the first I always had great - doubts whether my being in the Government would be any advantage to - the Government or to the party. All doubts on the point are now - removed from my mind. A first-class question of Indian - administration has been taken out of my hands, and at any moment - this action may recur, and it is clear to the Viceroy that I do not - occupy towards himself the position which the Secretary of State - ought and is supposed to occupy. - - I therefore with much respect adhere to the views which I put - before you yesterday. - -Believe me to be -Yours very sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - P.S.--I enclose for your consideration an extract from my letter to - Lord Dufferin of July 31. - - His advice, which I asked for, will not be worth much now. - -_Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - - - -_Private._ - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: August 15, 1885. - - My dear Randolph,--I had no intention of taking any decision out of - your hands, and I think in attributing it to me you do not put - fairly the position in which I was placed. The Queen's desire for - privacy was very natural. The question she was asking about her son - might have had an unfavourable answer: and then she would naturally - wish that as few should know it as possible. I could not, - therefore, do otherwise than I did--send the message, and urge her - to communicate it to you as soon as I knew it could be done - satisfactorily. It would not have been honourable to communicate it - before. Perhaps I might, if I had thought of it, have sent the - cypher to Ponsonby--but that would hardly have been civil; and it - did not occur to me that you would take this objection. As a matter - of fact I did not communicate with the Viceroy otherwise than by - transmitting that which was sent to me. But if I had done so I - should not have done anything unusual. Lord Beaconsfield used to do - it occasionally: and Lord Dufferin wrote to me and asked me to - correspond with him. The Viceroy is nominated by the Prime - Minister, not by the Secretary of State. I only say this because I - am concerned to show that I have not behaved unfairly to you, or - taken anything out of your hand. But I do not hold to this power of - corresponding either by letter or wire with the Viceroy: and if you - really feel that 'you will never know what communications are - passing between the Queen, the Prime Minister, and the Viceroy,' I - am quite ready to give up for myself the right of communicating - with him. - - Of course, you must take what course you think right. I should be - sorry if, out of mere suspicion of me, you took a step which will - tend to break up the party at a critical time: and still more that - you should do it on a matter which can hardly fail to make the - Queen's name and actions matter of public controversy. But, at all - events, before you take any definite step I trust you will talk to - me about it. I shall be going through town on Tuesday to Osborne. - If you are still there, would you come to me at two o'clock? - -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: August 16. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I feel I cannot persist easily in urging my - view upon you after your letter received this morning, though it - does appear to me that you have not allowed yourself to appreciate - with perfect justice the consideration which I tried to convey to - you. It can be no satisfaction to me to be the means of depriving - Lord Dufferin of the advantage, instruction and pleasure which - correspondence direct with you cannot fail to afford him, and I do - not quite understand how you can think me capable of such a - purpose. - - Further, I am much distressed that you should suppose that the step - which I was anxious to take (and which I still firmly believe would - be for the advantage of all concerned) could be animated by so - unworthy a motive as 'suspicion of you.' - - My argument was that, viewing all the surrounding circumstances - together, the peculiar occurrence about which I wrote had - seriously, if not irreparably, impaired my power of being useful to - your Government. - - Perhaps, before finally putting aside what I have pressed upon you, - you will kindly give Mr. Moore an interview. He understands and can - explain the position as I regard it much better than I can make it - clear by letter. - - I shall be happy to wait upon you on Tuesday in accordance with - your desire, if I am allowed to leave the house, to which for the - last two days I have been kept a prisoner. - -Yours very sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -_Note by Mr. Moore._ - - I went to Hatfield on Sunday August 16, and saw Lord Salisbury. The - result was that he spontaneously proposed to send the subjoined - telegram to the Viceroy, which he thought would remove any - misapprehension on the part of Lord Dufferin. I took the draft to - Lord Randolph, who quite concurred. The matter was thus - settled.--A. W. M. - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Mr. Moore._ - -_Private._ - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: -Sunday, August 16, 1885. - - Dear Mr. Moore,--I am not sure that the last phrase in the draft - telegram I gave you is sufficiently accurate. It should run: - - 'My own view--_though inclining towards the proposal_--is not very - decided on the subject.' - - That is very much what Lord R. C. said in his letter. - -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -DRAFT TELEGRAM. - -_Lord Salisbury to Lord Dufferin._ - - Most secret. Your telegraphic correspondence with the Queen. It may - be as well to put upon record that the telegram I sent you was from - the Queen and that I merely transmitted it. The Cabinet have not - considered the question; there is much difference of opinion on the - subject, and my own view, though inclining to the proposal, is not - very decided. - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: August 16, 1885. - - My dear Randolph,--I was very glad to receive your letter, for it - would have been very painful if we had 'come in two' over this - matter. I saw Mr. Moore, whose power of exposition I knew of old. I - gave him a draft telegram which, if you approve, I will send, and - which will prevent any possible misapprehension in Dufferin's mind. - I do not the least fear any such misapprehension--for he is an old - public servant, and knows the Queen's ways well. You need not have - the least anxiety about your authority with Dufferin. I shall be - very glad if your health is sufficiently restored to enable you to - come about two on Tuesday to my house. I can explain any point you - wish explained, and I can tell you what Staal has said. - -Ever yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -Opinions vary on the merits of this dispute. Some of those who have held -great office have informed me that the Secretary of State for India had -no choice but to tender his resignation after such an incident: and it -is certainly curious that so high an authority upon Ministerial -propriety as Lord Salisbury should have allowed the difficulty to arise. -On the other hand, it may be urged that personal slights, however -provoking, ought never to be allowed to compromise a great political -situation. Probably Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, in his dry way, summed the -question up correctly:-- - -_Sir Michael Hicks-Beach to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - - Many thanks for sending me the correspondence, which I return. I am - the more glad of its conclusion, because I think there is reason on - both sides. The Queen put Salisbury in an almost impossible - position by asking him to forward the telegram. He could not tell - you of it and it would have been very difficult, perhaps - impossible, for him to interfere with her _private_ correspondence - by suggesting that she should reconsider it. But, on the other - hand, I agree with you that the very fact of _his_ forwarding it - must have suggested to Dufferin that it was something more than the - Queen's private opinion. - - Salisbury has written to tell me what has passed and I have - therefore ventured to suggest to him that Ponsonby should have the - cypher, so that what has occurred should not happen again. So far - as I know, the Queen exercises her right of private correspondence - with great care, to avoid anything that would affect the decisions - of Ministers; and this exception to the rule was obviously due to - the personal nature of the question, which Dufferin (had the - telegram been sent by Ponsonby) would have quite appreciated. - - But please forgive me for saying that I think you looked at this - matter rather too seriously last Friday. I think I should have been - more inclined to laugh at the story of the telegram than to treat - it as a proof of want of confidence on the part of the Queen and - Prime Minister. If you had not been ill you would never have said - of yourself in your letter to me that 'I have no longer any energy - or ideas, and am no more good except to make disturbance.' And I - suspect the same reason has influenced your view of this telegram - affair. - -The sequel, so far as concerned the Bombay command, was simple. Lord -Dufferin perceived from Lord Salisbury's second telegram that grave -differences had arisen in the Cabinet and that the matter would not be -settled with easy and deferential good-humour. Upon receiving Lord -Randolph's despatch on the subject, the Viceroy, while seeming to -re-iterate his opinion, ranged himself with the Secretary of State in -the following dexterous sentence: 'The fact of our having proposed the -abolition of the Presidential Commanderships-in-Chief has got rid of -what otherwise would have been _an insuperable objection_[42]: namely, -the political responsibilities of the Bombay Commander-in-Chief as a -member of Council' (August 21). As this proposal involved the carrying -of a Bill through the House of Commons, the 'insuperable objection' must -have held good until the autumn of 1886--even had the Government -survived. The Cabinet, to whom the matter was referred, unanimously -decided (October 9) 'that the political position of the -Commander-in-Chief of a presidency army could not be filled by a son of -the Queen';[43] and the Bombay command remained vacant during the -remaining tenure of the Government. It should, however, be added, lest -anything in the foregoing correspondence should seem to reflect upon the -Duke of Connaught, that under Lord Salisbury's second Administration, -the 'insuperable objection' being removed by the abolition of -Presidential Commanders-in-Chief with their customary political -functions, he was appointed to the Bombay command and discharged its -military duties with conspicuous advantage to the public. - -But the consequences were more lasting outside the actual subject of -dispute. Although the correspondence between Lord Randolph and the Prime -Minister ripples on as pleasantly as ever, although in the next few -months their comradeship became increasingly cordial, it cannot be -supposed that such a conflict could pass away without leaving scars. -Lord Salisbury could not forget, Lord Randolph Churchill could not but -remember, what the result of a resignation had been. - -Last in chronology, first in importance, among Lord Randolph Churchill's -enterprises at the India Office came the conquest and annexation of -Burma. When Lord Randolph Churchill had travelled in India in the -winter of 1884, he had consulted a native fortune-teller and thought it -worth while to keep a note of what he said. The astrologer, after -saying, perhaps ambiguously, 'that he had never seen so good a star -since Lord Mayo's (for during his Viceroyalty Lord Mayo was assassinated -in the Andaman Islands), repeatedly asserted that his visitor would -'return to India shortly in connection with a warlike expedition,' and -that he was 'about to go on a warlike expedition.' The prediction may -perhaps in a sense have come more nearly true than many others of its -class. When the Conservatives came into power, the British -administration in Burma was confined to the maritime province at the -mouth of the Irrawadi and the strip of sea-coast bordering on the Bay of -Bengal. The inland country up to the confines of China still remained an -independent State under its native ruler, the King of Ava. The relations -of the British Government with that State had long been unsatisfactory. -By the Treaty of Yandaboo, which terminated the first Burmese War in -1826, the right of a British representative to reside at Mandalay had -been secured, and until 1876 this agent of the Imperial Government had -from time to time--sitting on the ground and barefooted, according to -the inflexible ceremonial of the Burmese Court--endeavoured, with small -success, to safeguard the ever-growing commercial interests of British -and British-Indian subjects. - -In 1878 the old King of Burma died, leaving behind him thirty sons with -families on the same generous scale. A palace intrigue secured the -throne to Prince Theebaw and the new reign was inaugurated by an -indiscriminate massacre of the late King's other sons, with their -mothers, wives and children. Eight cart-loads of butchered princes of -the blood were cast, according to custom, into the river. The less -honourable sepulchre of a capacious pit within the gaol was accorded to -their dependents. Two of the thirty sons had had the prudence to take -refuge with the British Resident, who not only stoutly refused to -surrender them but addressed a strong remonstrance to the Burmese -Government. The Burmese Minister for Foreign Affairs replied tartly that -the procedure followed was in accordance with precedent and that under -the existing treaties of 'grand friendship' the two great Powers were -bound to respect each other's customs. With this answer the Government -of India were forced to be content, though Ministers at home seem to -have had some difficulty in persuading Queen Victoria to sign the -necessary message of cousinly congratulation to the new monarch. - -The unpleasant feelings which had been aroused were not readily allayed. -Since 1876 the British representative had been instructed not to sit -upon the ground barefooted when enjoying the honour of a royal audience -but to sit upon a chair, clothed in the ordinary manner. The etiquette -of the Burmese Court could not, however, be relaxed. The King refused to -countenance the innovation and all direct access to the Sovereign -ceased. Forced now to deal only with the Minister of State, the British -representative found his personal influence vanishing and his personal -safety impaired. For nearly a year the British Residency remained -guarded by a scanty escort, wholly indefensible in itself, within a mile -of the palace where 'the ignorant, arrogant, drunken boy-king, -surrounded by a set of parvenu sycophants, the men of massacre and -bloodshed, ignorant and savage enough to urge him on to any further -atrocities,'[44] disposed of a body of two thousand soldiers. It was -therefore decided in 1879 to recall the whole Residency and the -Government of India, whose patience was inexhaustible, were left without -a representative at the Burmese capital. - -For the next five years disorder and misgovernment gripped the land of -Upper Burma. In 1883 a hideous massacre was perpetrated upon three -hundred prisoners in the gaol. Outrages upon British subjects and upon -British vessels on the Irrawadi were frequent. The protests of the -Viceroy were treated with disdain. Innumerable vexations arose. Trade -was strangled. The life and property of a large European-Indian -community were insecure. So threatening was the Burmese attitude that a -considerable addition, involving much expense, had to be made in the -garrison of the maritime province, and this necessary precaution -aggravated the prevailing uncertainty. To complete the tale of -grievances, Burmese Missions were found in March 1885 to be negotiating -treaties of commerce in various foreign capitals. Such was the -situation when Lord Randolph Churchill became Secretary of State. - -Events were now to force a crisis. The Burmese Mission had already -negotiated in Paris a Franco-Burmese Convention. The French Consul at -Mandalay, an energetic man, had acquired great authority. French -influence was rapidly becoming predominant and ousting British -interests, both diplomatic and commercial. Banks, railways, mining and -timber concessions were falling almost daily into their hands. The long -procession of facts which advanced upon the British Government in July -1885, left no room to doubt the imminence of a dominant foreign -influence in Upper Burma, involving the most serious and far-reaching -consequences to the British province of Lower Burma and to the Indian -Empire. The whole question at once became urgent. - -While these considerations were causing Her Majesty's Government the -utmost anxiety, a lucky incident occurred. King Theebaw, partly from -want of money, partly in a spirit of sheer bravado, imposed a fine of 29 -lacs of rupees upon an important British company trading in his -dominions, on a pretext that certain Customs duties had not been paid, -and with the intention of ruining the company and transferring their -concession to a French firm. With this final and definite provocation -Lord Randolph Churchill considered the case for action complete both as -regards Parliament and the country. He threw himself into the enterprise -with characteristic vigour. The official papers show on almost every -page the driving power which he exerted. As early as July 25 he drew -Lord Salisbury's attention to the rumours of a new Franco-Burmese -Convention. Lord Salisbury's reply was terse: 'The telegram, if not a -_canard_, is painfully important. The King of Burma must not be allowed -to conclude any such convention.' Unofficial remonstrances having -produced no effect, Lord Randolph addressed the Foreign Office formally -on August 28, urging that a communication should be made to the French -Government stating that any further prosecution of the commercial -projects in contemplation 'will necessitate such prompt and decided -measures as may most effectually satisfy the paramount rights of India -in the Indo-Chinese Peninsula.' The French Government recognised frankly -that the British interest in Burma was much more intimate and -substantial than their own. Their Ministers temporised politely and -deprecated, while they did not arrest, the activities of the Consul. - -Meanwhile King Theebaw, in his great unwisdom, rejected almost -insolently the remonstrances of the Government of India and their -proposal that the case should be referred to arbitration. On October 16, -therefore, Lord Dufferin transmitted to the India Office the draft of an -ultimatum insisting that a special envoy of the British Government -should be received at Mandalay to settle outstanding disputes and that a -British Resident, suitably guarded, should be permanently admitted, -without being forced to submit to any humiliating ceremony, to the -Court of Ava. It was further intimated to King Theebaw that he would be -required in future to accept the same position in regard to his foreign -relations as the Amir of Kabul and to regulate them in accordance with -British advice. Lord Randolph Churchill, in approving the despatch of -the ultimatum, telegraphed as follows:-- - - The terms of your ultimatum are approved. But I am strongly of - opinion that its despatch should be concurrent with movement of - troops and ships to Rangoon. If ultimatum is rejected, the advance - on Mandalay ought to be immediate. On the other hand, armed - demonstration might bring Burmese to their senses. Also, on account - of security of many British subjects and Europeans in Upper Burma, - it is of vital importance that Burmese should feel that any injury - to them or their property would be followed by rapid punishment. - Under all the circumstances of the case, and in view of public - opinion here, I do not think that considerations of expense should - deter you from these precautions. Lord Salisbury concurs. I would - suggest that you should demand an answer within a specified time. - -Overwhelming force was employed. An expedition, consisting of a naval -brigade of 433 seamen and marines, with 49 guns and machine-guns, and -3,029 British and 6,005 native soldiers, with 28 guns, was ordered to -assemble, together with a flotilla, at Thyetmyo by November 14, under -command of General Prendergast, with Colonel White (afterwards Sir -George White) and Colonel Norman as Brigadiers. These troops were -collected swiftly and unostentatiously. No sufficient reply having been -received by the appointed date--November 10--General Prendergast was -ordered to advance. The strength of the force employed, prevented any -effectual opposition in Burma. Its rapid movement allowed no time for -serious complications to develop either with France or China. The -Burmese army was routed at Minhla on November 17, at a cost of one -officer and three men killed and five officers and twenty-four men -wounded. On the 27th Mandalay was occupied and King Theebaw was a -prisoner. Injuries and embarrassments tolerated for fifty years were -swept away in a fortnight. General Prendergast's advance was pressed -forward to Bhamo, on the Chinese frontier, which was soon occupied -without any serious fighting. - -Although a sporadic resistance--euphemistically termed -'dacoity'--disturbed the less accessible regions for several years, -Burma was now in British hands. What was to be done with it? Lord -Randolph Churchill was for annexation simple and direct. The Council of -the Governor-General disapproved of this course, which they feared would -excite the hostility of China. Many important authorities preferred the -establishment of a native prince under British advice. Lord Salisbury -thought the great cost of British administration would overweight the -new territory. In the end, however, the Secretary of State for India -prevailed. The Chinese Government was reassured by the abandonment of -Lord Randolph Churchill's projected mission to establish commercial -relations between India and Thibet, to which they had been persuaded to -give a rather reluctant consent. They were soothed and even gratified -by the establishment of a Llama in Burma--'a spiritual king sending -decennial presents,' as Lord Salisbury with relish describes him, -'though,' he adds, 'the Chinese Empire is no more Buddhist than -Chartist.' The annexation was resolved. Lord Randolph arranged that the -proclamation should be made on January 1, 1886, as 'a New Year's present -to the Queen.' On the last day in December he was staying with -FitzGibbon for his Christmas party; and as the clock struck midnight he -lifted his glass and announced, with due solemnity, 'Howth annexes Burma -to the British Empire.' The next morning the Viceregal proclamation was -published. It is one of the shortest documents of the kind on historical -record:-- - - _By command of the Queen-Empress, it is hereby notified that the - territories formerly governed by King Theebaw will no longer be - under his rule, but have become part of Her Majesty's dominions, - and will during Her Majesty's pleasure be administered by such - officers as the Viceroy and Governor-General of India may from time - to time appoint._ - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -I - -_THREE ELECTION ADDRESSES_ - -1874. - -_To the Electors of Woodstock._ - - -I gladly avail myself of the opportunity afforded me by the retirement -of your late member, Mr. Barnett, to offer myself as your representative -in the coming Parliament. - -The politics I profess are strictly in accordance with those of the -great leaders of the Conservative party which the Borough of Woodstock -has now so long supported. - -Many questions of great political importance which formerly divided the -Conservative from the Liberal party have passed for the present out of -the field of conflict; their settlement, whether for good or evil, being -now stamped on the face of our Statute Book. The essential features of -the Constitution of this country continue, however, to defy the attacks -of extreme Reformers. All legislation should, in my opinion, be based -strictly on the outlines of these features, which are capable of being -developed and expanded in accordance with the demands of a progressive -age. - -Any measures that would ameliorate the condition of the working classes -would ensure my best and most earnest assistance. My desire would be to -place at their disposal, if it were possible, the common necessaries and -comforts of life free from the prohibitory impost of taxation. - -Some reforms of the systems of rating and local taxation are much -required. This subject, however, I hold to be one which should be dealt -with largely in one comprehensive measure, and not piecemeal or by -small instalments after the manner of recent futile attempts. - -Legislation tending to the severance of the Established Church from the -State would be vigorously opposed by me. On the other hand, measures -which would increase the great sphere of usefulness of the Church of -England and render her more and more the Church of the nation, I would -as vigorously support. - -With regard to Foreign Policy, it is impossible to blind oneself to the -fact that the position of England among foreign nations has deteriorated -in the hands of the recent Liberal Administration. While deprecating -unnecessary interference in Continental affairs, I am of opinion that in -cases where the honour of our country is implicated, the security of the -nation can only be attained by a bold and uncompromising policy. To that -end I should oppose any large reduction of our naval and military -establishments. An economical policy might, however, be consistently -pursued, and the efficiency of our forces by land and sea completely -secured, without the enormous charges now laid upon the country. - -The Colonial Empire of Great Britain, offering as it does a field of -development for the talent, energy and labour of the sons of our -overburdened island, will continually demand the attention of the -Legislature. I would support all efforts which would tend to facilitate -the means of emigration, and would at the same time strengthen and -consolidate the ties which unite the Colonies with the mother country. - -With regard to education, both in this country and in Ireland, I am of -opinion that the existing means are capable of a large and liberal -development, and that while the rights of conscience should be most -sacredly respected, religious teaching should not wholly be forgotten. - -The Education Act of 1871 has, on the whole, successfully settled the -question and opened the doors of knowledge to all our countrymen without -regard to sect. I agree with the spirit of that Act, but any alterations -that may be needful to ensure its more perfect working will always -receive my best consideration. - -The principles of true Conservatism I hold to be those of gradual, -unceasing progress, adhering strictly to the lines of a well-founded -Constitution and avoiding all violent and unnecessary changes. It is in -these principles, in which I firmly believe myself, that I aspire in -hopeful confidence to become the Representative of the Electors of the -Borough of Woodstock. - -Should I be so fortunate as to be successful in gaining your confidence, -I can safely promise that the interests of the Borough will not suffer -from any neglect at my hands, and the wishes and views of every -individual member of the constituency, of whatever political party, will -always receive my best and most earnest attention. - -I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, -Yours very faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - -Woodstock, January 26, 1874. - - 1880. - -_To the Electors of Woodstock._ - -Parliament is about to be dissolved, and I venture again to solicit a -renewal of your confidence, which for six years I have enjoyed. - -When in 1874 you did me the honour to return me as your representative -to the House of Commons, I pledged myself to give a general support to -the policy and the principles of the Conservative party. - -And now that I again offer myself as a candidate for the Borough I -confidently appeal to you on the same grounds, renewing my former -pledges. - -The attention of the Parliament which is about to expire has been -chiefly occupied by momentous questions of Foreign Policy involving -almost the existence of the Empire. - -Her Majesty's Government have had to contend not only against the -dangerous ambition of a great Foreign Power but also against a -determined and powerfully-led Opposition at home. - -By repeated and unusually large majorities the policy which the -Government pursued has been sanctioned by Parliament. A few weeks will -surely demonstrate that it has been approved by the country. - -In giving a consistent support to that policy I am convinced that I have -been carrying out the wishes of a vast majority of this constituency, -and I believe that the safety of this Empire can only be secured by a -firm adherence on the part of the country to the course pursued by the -present advisers of the Crown. - -To their credit it may be stated that they have hitherto achieved the -great result of 'peace with honour' without having added perceptibly to -the burdens imposed upon the people by taxation. - -My opinions on domestic matters have been more than once stated to you -during the six years which have elapsed since my election in 1874. The -Conservative party have been instrumental in placing on the Statute Book -many comprehensive and useful measures. I would instance the Act to -Consolidate and Amend the Law relating to Friendly Societies; the -Artisans' and Labourers' Dwellings Act; the Act Consolidating and -Extending the various Laws relating to the Sanitary Condition of the -People; the Act for Modifying and Improving according to Modern -Experience the Regulations affecting the Discipline and Control of our -Army; and other Statutes which I need not now particularise. - -Her Majesty's Government have now in hand carefully considered measures -for the consolidation of the Criminal Code, and for the improvement of -the Law of Bankruptcy; also three most important measures relating to -the settlement of landed estates, enlarging the powers of life owners -and reducing the cost of land transfer, to which, as you may imagine -from my remarks to you in the autumn, I shall be prepared, if you return -me as your Member, to give a most cordial support. - -The present condition of Ireland must be a cause of uneasiness to every -thoughtful person and will no doubt occupy the anxious consideration of -the new Parliament. - -The party led by Mr. Parnell, which has for its object the -disintegration of the United Kingdom, must, in my opinion, be resisted -at all costs. - -At the same time, I do not see how the internal peace of Ireland can be -permanently secured without a judicious reconsideration of the laws -affecting the tenure of land; and should measures with that object be -introduced by her Majesty's Government, I shall be inclined to give them -an unprejudiced support. - -It must not be forgotten that the successful and wise solution of the -difficulties surrounding the question of Irish education effected by -ministers and the Conservative party will greatly contribute to the -rapid progress of a future prosperity of the sister Island. - -I am in favour of the present system of County Government by Quarter -Sessions, but I think that the hands of the magistrates might be -strengthened by the addition of elected representatives of the -ratepayers. - -The contribution from the Imperial revenue to the expenses of Local -Government, which was the work of the Conservative party, has no doubt -proved a boon to the agricultural community. I should be glad to see -this principle further carried out by throwing a portion of the cost of -maintenance of highways upon the moneys annually voted by Parliament. - -To secure the freedom and to encourage the enterprise of the tenant -farmer, it would be expedient to abolish the Law of Distress in its -present form. - -It appears to me that all matters dealt with by that law should be a -subject of agreement between landlord and tenant. - -I shall heartily co-operate with any party which brings forward -carefully considered measures for the amelioration of the condition of -the agricultural labourer, and I think it would be well if powers were -given to municipalities and local bodies for the purchase of land to be -let in allotments and for the improvement of the dwellings of this -valuable class of men. - -Trusting that the principles above enunciated will commend themselves to -your consideration and will secure your approval, - -I have the honour to remain, -Very faithfully yours, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - -Woodstock, March 9, 1880. - - 1885. - -_To the Electors of Birmingham._ - -The time is near when you will be called upon to express your judgment -on the past and your desires for the future. Two schools of political -thought strive against each other to win your confidence. The one, -composed of those who, having had under their complete control the -Government of the Empire from May 1880 until June 1885, are unable to -justify their claims upon you by any record of foreign or colonial or -home achievement, but, contenting themselves with incomplete and -misleading extenuation of acknowledged failure, seek to attract you by a -renewal of promises, and even bribes, which bitter experience has shown -they have neither the capacity nor the strength to fulfil. The other, -whose views I share, and whose policy I will endeavour soon, as best I -may, personally to uphold among you, appeals to the electoral body in -Great Britain and Ireland to confirm the adverse judgment pronounced on -June 9, against Mr. Gladstone's Administration by the Parliament which -in a few weeks will be dissolved. That judgment, striking and -wide-reaching as it was in its immediate results, was literally wrung -from a House of Commons the majority of which would have been only too -glad to have continued their support of Mr. Gladstone had it not been -for the irresistible influence of popular discontent, excited by various -causes--Irish troubles, Colonial losses, Indian dangers, costly wars, -fruitless sacrifices of many heroes, financial excesses, Parliamentary -impotence, imperilled industries, commercial and agricultural depression -growing greater and more alarming year by year. All this was expressed -by the action of the House of Commons on June 9. Mr. Gladstone's -Government, the author of these many and long-continued disasters, fell; -that Government in 1880 so popular, so powerful, with such immeasurable -opportunities for promoting the peace, progress and prosperity of the -people, fell, and not a voice was raised, either in Parliament or the -country, of sympathy for the vanquished or of mourning over their fall. -Mr. Bright will request of you to contribute to restore to power that -most unlucky Administration. To this end will be directed all the powers -of his unrivalled oratory, his simple but forcible invective, his -personal position and experience. But very little of patriotism, very -little of self-interest, very little of recollection, reflection and -calculation will compel you to remain outside the influence of that -persuasive voice. The British Empire is great and powerful from the -character of its people, the extent of its dominions and the varied -nature of its resources. More than all other Western nations, we can -afford to indulge ourselves in experiment and, indeed, caprice, as -regards our system of Government or the direction of our Home and -Imperial policy. But there are limits even to the strength of the -British Empire, and a repetition of the policy of the last five years -will, without doubt, transgress those limits. Yet such will be the -inevitable consequence of a restoration to office of the Liberal party, -as that party is at present constituted. The old divisions, the -irreconcilable differences, personal and political, which all the -ascendency of Mr. Gladstone was unable to compose, much less conceal, -while he was Prime Minister, which were the chief cause of the failure -of his Administration, are now blazing forth most fiercely, and Mr. -Gladstone, with all honesty, warns you that his controlling hand will be -stretched forth only for a little time. To this party, which even -hatred of the Tories cannot decently unite, which comes before you with -such a past, you will be asked to commit for another six years perchance -the destinies of the Empire. You cannot yield to this appeal. - -The policy of the Tory party is before you:--To regain the friendship of -the European Powers which prejudice, presumption and poltroonery had all -but forfeited; and to use that friendship so as to maintain effectually -the united European action by which alone the peace and the liberties of -the peoples of the Continent and of these islands can be secured and -developed; to evolve from the region of sentiment such forces as may -enable the mother country to tighten the bonds of union between herself -and our colonies and to rear on a practical and permanent basis, for -defensive and commercial purposes, that Imperial federation of the -subjects of the Queen which many wise and far-seeing minds regard as -essential to the perpetuation of our power; to conciliate by equal laws -and by just and firm administration our Irish brethren, now much -irritated and estranged, so that the Union which Nature, as well as -policy, has effected may for all time endure; to place, by material -provisions and constructions, the security of our Indian dependency -beyond the influence of panic, alarm or even anxiety, and -simultaneously, by careful Parliamentary inquiry, to ascertain how we -may most safely and most speedily bring to the strengthening of our -Government all that is high and good of the traditions, the intellects -and the aspirations of the native races; to give to our rural and -agricultural population that machinery of self-government which has been -of advantage to our great towns; to strive, as far as the laws of -political economy may permit, to multiply the number of freeholders and -occupiers; to utilise the powers of the House of Commons, in recent -years almost forgotten, so as either to effect financial retrenchment -and departmental reform, or else to make sure that the present -expenditure of the people's money is justifiable and thrifty; to -develop still further the efficiency of Parliament by alterations in its -methods of transacting business and in its hours of labour; to restore -public confidence; to revive commercial enterprise by a patient -continuance of good and prudent administration; in a word, to govern the -British Empire by the light of common sense. That is the policy of the -Tory party. - -Measures are now recommended to you by our opponents which the Tory -party will not only not attempt to carry out, but which I hope and -believe they will always resolutely oppose. They are the dismemberment -of the Empire, under the guise of National Councils, the abolition of -the House of Lords, the disestablishment of the Church and the -appropriation of its endowments to the support of irreligious education, -the compulsory acquisition by local bodies of landed estates for the -purposes of arbitrary division, the wholesale plunder of all who have -acquired properties, great or small, by thrift or by inheritance, under -the names of 'ransom' and of 'graduated taxation.' These and other -similar projects, if they are decided by the nation to be wise and -prudent, I freely admit must be confided to the hands of Mr. Chamberlain -and his friends. I will have none of them, for I know that they mean -political chaos and social ruin. - -Such, gentlemen, are to my mind the circumstances of the time, as far as -they can be conveniently and concisely summarised in an election -address. No one can be more convinced than I am that I should be guilty -of intolerable presumption if I based my candidature for the Central -Division of Birmingham on any other ground than the truth of the -political principles I have endeavoured in this document to set forth; -moreover, I am profoundly aware that from many causes, some of them -physical, I have feebly and inadequately served in the House of Commons. -My opponent has the immense advantage of long-established possession, -amounting in the minds of some almost to prescriptive right; he is -further supported by a highly (perhaps too highly) finished political -organisation. But the experience of the past and the essential truth of -the principles which I will endeavour to sustain may, in all -probability, outweigh these considerable forces. The people, in the -widest acceptance of the expression, are now, for the first time in the -history of England, called upon to decide and define their future. If -they are guided by reflection and by knowledge they cannot err. But if, -unmindful of the last five years, they recur, like the constituencies in -1880, for government and for policy to those who have so misled them and -betrayed them, I, in common with the party with which for twelve years I -have acted, will patiently accept their judgment; but history will mourn -and will wonder long at the blindness and the folly, ay, even the -insanity, of a people who, called to the more free and perfect enjoyment -of their ancient liberties, deliberately and in spite of warnings writ -large and full, flung away a priceless heritage, and consigned to the -grave of the past a great and glorious Empire. - -I am your obedient servant, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - -India Office, St. James's Park: -October 10. - - - - -II - - _FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE NATIONAL UNION OF - CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATIONS_ - - - - - 1884. - -_The Marquess of Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -Hatfield: April 1, 1884. - - My Lord,--I had the honour of receiving a letter from you, dated - the 19th ult., in which, on behalf of the Organisation Committee of - the National Union, you requested that Sir Stafford Northcote and - myself would give our early consideration to a report and other - documents which you enclosed. - - We had already expressed our disapproval of the report; therefore, - in the absence of any explanation, we could not have entered - further upon the consideration of it. We had the advantage, - however, of a conference with yourself and Mr. Gorst, in which some - passages of the report, which seemed to us objectionable, were - explained. It was made clear to us that there was no intention on - the part of the Council of the National Union either to trench on - the province of the Central Committee or to take any course upon - political questions that would not be acceptable to the leaders of - the party. The 'large and general principles of party policy' - reserved for the determination of the Council by the fourth - recommendation of the report were explained to refer exclusively to - questions affecting the organisation of the affiliated - Associations. - - It was very satisfactory to us to find from your language that the - Council were at one with us in the conviction that harmonious - co-operation between them and the Central Committee was of great - importance to the interests of the party, and that the matters - which have hitherto been disposed of by the leaders and Whips of - the party must remain as heretofore in their hands, including the - expenditure of the funds standing in the name of the Central - Committee. - - It was thought desirable that, in place of further discussing the - report, Sir Stafford Northcote and I should indicate with more - precision the objects to which the efforts of the Council may with - the greatest advantage be directed. It appears to us that these - objects may be defined to be the same as those for which the - Associations themselves are working. The chief object for which the - Associations exist is to keep alive and extend Conservative - convictions, and so to increase the number of Conservative voters. - This is done by acting on opinion through various channels, by the - establishment of clubs, by holding meetings, by securing the - assistance of speakers and lecturers and by the circulation of - printed matter in defence of Conservative opinions, by collecting - the facts required for the use of Conservative speakers and - writers, and by the invigoration of the local press. - - In all these efforts it is the function of the Council of the - National Union to aid, stimulate and guide the Associations it - represents. - - Much valuable work may also be done through the Associations, by - watching the registration and, at election time, by providing - volunteer canvassers and volunteer conveyance. But in respect to - these matters it is desirable that the National Union should act - only in concert with the Central Committee, because there are in - many constituencies other bodies of Conservatives who do not belong - to the Associations, but whose co-operation must be secured. - - To ensure complete unity of action, we think it desirable that the - Whips of the party should sit, _ex officio_, on the Council, and - should have a right to be present at the meetings of all - Committees. Such an arrangement would be a security against any - unintentional divergencies of policy and would lend weight to the - proceedings of the Union. Business relating to candidates should - remain entirely with the Central Committee. On the assumption, - which we are entitled now to make, that the action of the two - bodies will be harmonious, a separation of establishments will not - be necessary--unless business should largely increase. There is - some advantage, undoubtedly, in their working under a common roof, - for it is difficult to distinguish between their functions so - accurately but that the need of mutual assistance and communication - will constantly be felt. I have the honour to be - -Your obedient servant, -SALISBURY. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to the Marquess of Salisbury._ - -The National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations, -St. Stephen's Chambers, Westminster S.W.: April 3, 1884. - - My Lord,--I have laid your letter of the 1st inst., in which you - indicate your reconsidered views and those of Sir Stafford - Northcote concerning the position and functions of the National - Union of Conservative Associations, before the Organisation - Committee. It is quite clear to us that in the letters we have from - time to time addressed to you and in the conversations which we - have had the honour of holding with you on this subject, we have - hopelessly failed to convey to your mind anything like an - appreciation either of the significance of the movement which the - National Union commenced at Birmingham in October last or of the - unfortunate effect which a neglect or a repression of that movement - by the leaders of the party would have upon the Conservative cause. - The resolution of the Conference at Birmingham in October--a - Conference attended by upwards of 450 delegates from all parts of - the country--directed the Council of the National Union to take - steps to secure for that body its legitimate share in the - management of the party organisation. This was an expression of - dissatisfaction with the condition of the organisation of the - party and of a determination on the part of the National Union that - it should no longer continue to be a sham, useless and hardly even - an ornamental portion of that organisation. - - The resolution signified that the old methods of party - organisation--namely, the control of Parliamentary elections by the - Leader, the Whip, the paid agent, drawing their resources from - secret funds--which were suitable to the manipulation of the 10_l._ - householder were utterly obsolete and would not secure the - confidence of the masses of the people who were enfranchised by Mr. - Disraeli's Reform Bill, and that the time had arrived when the - centre of organising energy should be an elected, representative - and responsible body. The delegates at the Conference were - evidently of opinion that if the principles of the Conservative - party were to obtain popular support, the organisation of the party - would have to become an imitation, thoroughly real and _bona fide_ - in its nature, of that popular form of representative organisation - which had contributed so greatly to the triumph of the Liberal - party in 1880 and which was best known to the public by the name of - the Birmingham Caucus. The Caucus may be perhaps a name of evil - sound and omen in the ears of the aristocratic or privileged - classes, but it is undeniably the only form of political - organisation which can collect, guide and control for common - objects large masses of electors; and there is nothing in this - particular form of political combination which is in the least - repugnant to the working classes in this country. The newly-elected - Council of the National Union proceeded to communicate these views - to your Lordship and Sir Stafford Northcote, and invited the - assistance of your experience and authority to enable them to - satisfy the direction which had been imposed upon them by the - delegates. - - It appeared at first from a letter which we had the honour of - receiving from you on February 29 that your Lordship and Sir - Stafford Northcote entered fully and sympathetically into the - wishes of the Council, in which letter it was distinctly stated - that it was the duty of the Council-- - - 1. To superintend and stimulate the exertions of the local - Associations. - - 2. To furnish them with advice and in some measure with funds. - - 3. To provide lecturers on political topics for public meetings. - - 4. To aid them in the improvement and development of the local - press. - - 5. To help them in perfecting the machinery for registration and - volunteer agency at election time. - - 6. To press upon the local Associations the paramount duty of a - timely selection of candidates for the House of Commons. - - Nothing could have been clearer, more definite or satisfactory than - this scheme of labour; and accompanied as it was by observations of - a flattering character concerning the constitution of the National - Union, the Council was greatly gratified and encouraged by its - reception. - - The Council, however, committed the serious error of imagining that - your Lordship and Sir Stafford Northcote were in earnest in wishing - them to become a real source of usefulness to the party, and - proceeded to adopt a report presented to them by us, in which - practical effect was given to the advice with which the Council - have been favoured, and they were under the impression that they - would be placed in a position to carry out their labours - successfully by being furnished with pecuniary resources from the - considerable funds which your Lordship and Sir Stafford Northcote - collect and administer to the general purposes of the party. - - The Council have been rudely undeceived. The day after the adoption - of the report, before even I had had time to communicate that - report officially to your Lordship, I received a letter from Mr. - Bartley, the paid Agent of the leaders, written under their - direction, containing a formal notice to the National Union to - quit the premises occupied by them in conjunction with the other - organising officials, accompanied by a statement that the leaders - declined for the future all and any responsibility for the - proceedings of the National Union. - - Further, in your letter of the 1st instant you express your - disapproval of the action of the Council, and decline to consider - the report, on the ground that the contemplated action of the - Council will trench upon the functions of an amorphous and unknown - body, styled the Central Committee, in whose hands all matters - hitherto disposed of by the leaders and Whips of the party must - remain, including the expenditure of the party funds. - - In the same letter you state that you will indicate with more - precision the objects at which the Council of the National Union - should aim, the result being that the precise language of your - former letter of February 29 is totally abandoned, and refuge taken - in vague, foggy and utterly intangible suggestions. - - Finally, in order that the Council of the National Union may be - completely and for ever reduced to its ancient condition of - dependence upon, and servility to, certain irresponsible persons - who find favour in your eyes, you demand that the Whips of the - party--meaning, we suppose, Lord Skelmersdale, Lord Hawarden and - Lord Hopetoun in the Lords, Mr. Rowland Winn and Mr. Thornhill in - the Commons--should sit _ex officio_ on the Council, with a right - of being present at the meetings of all Committees. - - With respect to the last demand we think it right to state, for the - information of your Lordship, that under the rules and constitution - of the National Union the Council have no power whatever to comply - with this injunction. The Council are elected at the Annual - Conference and have no power to add to their number. All that they - can do is that, in the event of a vacancy occurring among the - members, they have power by co-optation to fill up the vacancy. - - I will admit that in conversation with your Lordship and Sir - Stafford Northcote, with a view to establishing a satisfactory - connection between the Council and the leaders of the party without - sacrificing the independence of the former, I unofficially - suggested an arrangement--subsequently approved by this - Committee--under which Mr. R. N. Fowler, one of the Treasurers of - the National Union, might have been willing to resign that post, - and Mr. Winn might have been elected by the Council to fill it--an - arrangement widely different from the extravagant and despotic - demand laid down in your letter of the 1st instant. - - You further inform us that in the event of the Council--a body - representing as it does upwards of 500 affiliated Conservative - Associations, and composed of men eminent in position and political - experience, enjoying the confidence of the party in populous - localities, and sacrificing continually much time, convenience and - money to the work of the National Union--acquiescing in the view of - its functions laid down in your letter of April 1, it may be - graciously permitted to remain the humble inmate of the premises - which it at present occupies. - - We shall lay your letter and copy of this reply before the Council - at its meeting to-morrow and shall move the Council that they - adhere substantially to the report already adopted, in obedience to - the direction of the Conference at Birmingham; that they take steps - to provide themselves with their own officers and clerks; and that - they continue to prosecute with vigour and independence the task - which they have commenced--namely, the _bona fide_ popular - organisation of the Conservative party. - - It may be that the powerful and secret influences which have - hitherto been unsuccessfully at work on the Council, with the - knowledge and consent of your Lordship and Sir Stafford Northcote, - may at last be effectual in reducing the National Union to its - former make-believe and impotent condition; in that case we shall - know what steps to take to clear ourselves of all responsibility - for the failure of an attempt to avert the misfortunes and reverses - which will, we are certain, under the present effete system of - wire-pulling and secret organisation, overtake and attend the - Conservative party at a General Election. - -I have the honour to be -Yours obediently, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - _Draft of Lord Randolph Churchill's letter resigning his -candidature for Birmingham._ - - Dear Mr. Satchell Hopkins,--You will not be surprised, after what - passed yesterday at the Council of the National Union, to receive a - communication from me with reference to the electoral contest which - the Conservative party in Birmingham intend to wage at the General - Election, and to the part in that contest which I have been invited - to take. It will be within your recollection that in last November, - when you first inquired of me whether I would be willing to have my - name submitted to the Conservative party in Birmingham as one of - the candidates for the Parliamentary representation of the town, I - hesitated greatly before complying with your very flattering - request. My hesitation was not due to any great fear of defeat, but - rather to doubts which I entertained as to whether the political - principles, both as regards foreign and domestic affairs, which I - held to and which I should advocate as candidate for Birmingham, - were in any degree coincident with the political principles of the - present leaders of the Tory party or would be adopted by them if - they came into power. You are also aware that shortly before I went - to Birmingham at Easter for the purpose of addressing public - meetings at the Town Hall I again expressed to you those doubts, - which had been rather confirmed than dissipated by various - circumstances which had marked the interval between April and - November last. It is within your knowledge that the Council of the - National Union has been since its election by the Conference of - Associations at Birmingham in October 1883 engaged in a struggle - to acquire for itself a large share in and control over the - organisation of the Tory party throughout the country, to become - the principal centre and source of organising energy, and to - transform itself from a thoroughly sham and artificial into an - active and powerful body. The Council in undertaking this effort - was acting in obedience to the positive direction of the delegates - at the Conference. The principles of political organisation which - animate the Council are the encouragement, extension and formation - of popular Associations combining all classes and electing a - representative and responsible executive in electoral districts for - the carrying-on of all business relating to Parliamentary - elections. This is the form of political organisation which has - been widely and successfully adopted by the Liberal party, which is - the only form of political combination suitable to the present vast - electorate but which as far as the Conservative party is concerned - is solely confined to some of the most populous constituencies of - Great Britain. I would also add that this is the only form of - organisation which can bring the Parliamentary action of the - Conservative party into harmony and sympathy with the masses of the - people in the country who are inclined to support the principles of - that party. A popular organisation and a popular policy follow - naturally the one upon the other, and without the former you will - not have the latter. The efforts of the Council from the outset met - with the strongest opposition from those who have great influence - with the leaders of the party, who at present control such - organisation as exists, and dispense in irresponsible secrecy the - considerable funds subscribed for party purpose. - - To thwart the efforts of the Council every pretext of delay was - seized upon, promises and menaces being freely resorted to. The - Council, however, succeeded in procuring from the leaders a - document recognising largely the legitimacy of their demands and - conceding much of that which they claimed; but so soon as they - embodied its substance in a report for the purpose of immediate - action, an attempt was first made to prohibit this step, and when - the Council had the independence to persist, the National Union - received a prompt notice to quit the premises it had so long shared - with the agents of the party leaders. Thereupon the Council were - careful not to communicate this hostile measure to the Associations - in the country, ever hoping that a conciliatory spirit might yet - avert a public rupture. Unfortunately no corresponding spirit - restrained those who had been opposed to the Council. Independents - in the Conservative party could not be brooked for a moment, and a - circular was hurriedly issued from the Central office to every - Association and agent in the country intimating that the National - Union was an outcast, and that a small Committee nominated by the - leaders themselves, in whose appointment the Associations had no - voice, would conduct all the functions for the discharge of which - the National Union was originally constituted. Notwithstanding the - issue of this document, which threw local bodies and local leaders - into the greatest confusion and embarrassment, the Council of the - National Union continued their efforts to bring about an - arrangement which, while preserving their independence and - usefulness, would enable them to act harmoniously with all - authorities in and sections of the party. - - These efforts proved unavailing, and on the 2nd instant the - majority of the Council was induced under great pressure to recede - from the line of action which it had for six months adopted, and a - Committee was appointed to supersede the Chairman and the Executive - Committee. - - The advocates of popular control on the Council were suppressed, - the inchoate work of invoking energy and co-operation among the - Associations was abruptly stopped, and the Council has been in - effect reduced to the position of dependence and unreality from - which the delegates at the Birmingham Conference had directed it to - emancipate itself. - - Such is the summary of the abortive effort of the National Union to - infuse a popular element into the organisation and policy of the - Tory party. The jealous guardians of aristocratic privilege have - proved for the time too powerful for those who would base the - strength of the Tory party upon the genuine and spontaneous - attachment of the masses of our people. The interests of the many - are still to be sacrificed to the love of power and interested - ambition of a favoured few. - - These things being so, I have arrived at the irresistible - conclusion that it would be impossible for me, consistently even - with the lowest standard of political honesty, to solicit the - suffrages of the citizens of Birmingham in support of the obsolete - policy still adhered to by the Tory party; basing my solicitations - upon those principles of government, whether domestic or foreign, - which I endeavoured to set forth in your Town Hall at Eastertide; - knowing, as I know now, beyond all doubt of contradiction, that - notwithstanding the immense changes effected by the Reform Bill of - 1867, and about to be effected by the Reform Bill of 1884, those - principles are inexpressibly repugnant to the authorities of the - party and would never be carried into effect by the Tory party - under their guidance. - - The malignant influences which for four years have had complete - possession of the Tory party and hopelessly muddled the conduct of - the Opposition, rendering us an object of derision even beyond the - limits of these Islands, ought not in my opinion to be permitted to - overshadow the destinies of the British people. - - Caring less than nothing for results personal to myself, and using - what lights I possess, what knowledge and experience I have - acquired for the purpose of laying the whole truth on political - matters before the public on the eve of a great national decision, - I have, after much reflection and perhaps unduly prolonged - self-restraint, indited to you this communication. You and your - friends will surely perceive that, hampered and shackled by the - animosity of those whose support is essential, and which I had a - right to anticipate, it would be out of the question for me with - any hopes of honourable success to realise the aspirations of the - Conservatives of Birmingham. - -I remain -Yours faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - _Sir Henry Wolff to Mr. Harold Gorst._ - -28 Cadogan Place, S.W.: Jan. 5, 1903. - - My dear Harold Gorst,--Only on Saturday I saw the recent number of - the _Nineteenth Century_, in which was published your third article - on the so-called 'Fourth Party.' - - It contains two passages which I should like to see corrected. - - On page 138 you write: 'Lord Randolph Churchill, on his own - initiative and without consulting his colleagues, made terms for - himself with Lord Salisbury.' - - This statement does not accord with my recollections. - - After the Sheffield conference on July 23, 1884, it appeared to me - and to some other friends of Lord Randolph Churchill, that the - election of a majority of his supporters on the council of the - National Union placed him in a position so strong as to enable him - without any misconstruction or sacrifice of dignity to negotiate - with Lord Salisbury for more harmonious action. Your father was out - of town, and there was no time to lose, as the election of a - chairman of the Union was impending. I was therefore authorised to - inquire whether Lord Salisbury would be willing to discuss certain - points with Lord Randolph Churchill. The same day they met, and an - agreement was come to on the following terms:-- - - (1) Lord Randolph Churchill and his friends were to act in harmony - with Lord Salisbury, and were to be treated with full confidence by - him and the ruling members of the Conservative party. - - (2) Sir Michael Hicks-Beach was to be elected chairman of the - National Union. - - (3) The Primrose League was to be officially recognised by the - leaders of the party and by the Council of the Union. - - (4) In order to celebrate this concordat--as you have put it--Lord - Salisbury was to give a dinner to the Council. - - The conditions were carried out within a few days. Sir Michael - Hicks-Beach was elected chairman and the Primrose League - recognised, by resolution, at the first meeting. - - As above mentioned, your father was at the time absent, but until - now I had always understood that he concurred in the course taken. - I had attributed his absence from the dinner to some other cause, - and I the more believed in his approval of the reconciliation from - the support given the next year, after conference, both by himself - and Lord Randolph Churchill, to a motion made by me in the House of - Commons to adjourn the third reading of the new Reform Bill during - the interregnum between the resignation of Mr. Gladstone and the - accession of Lord Salisbury. This motion is, I think, referred to - by Sir Herbert Maxwell in his 'Life of Mr. W. H. Smith.' - - I had regretted in later years to perceive that there was some - tension between your father and Lord Randolph Churchill; but, - through ignorance, I had imputed it to disagreements on the - formation of Lord Salisbury's second Administration in 1886, when I - was absent from England. - - The second passage which, to my mind, requires explanation occurs - on page 140. It runs thus:-- - - 'But no member of the Fourth Party, except himself (Lord R. C.), - was admitted to the Cabinet. Mr. Balfour, though made President of - the Local Government Board, was excluded from the latter - distinction.' - - I have always understood that at the time Lord Randolph Churchill - not only advised, but urged the admission of Mr. Balfour to the - Cabinet; and that this advice was not followed on account of Lord - Salisbury's reluctance to give to a near kinsman an advancement to - which others might think they had greater claim. - -Yours very truly, -H. DRUMMOND WOLFF. - - - - - - -III - -REFORM BILL, 1884 - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to H. H. Wainwright, Esq., M.P._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: June 9, 1884. - -My dear Mr. Wainwright,--You tell me in your letter of the 30th ult. -that you find some difficulty in understanding my recent action in the -House of Commons with respect to the Reform Bill. - -The position of the Conservative party on the question of Parliamentary -Reform ever since 1887 has been very ill-defined. The action taken at -that time by Mr. Disraeli and his colleagues made it impossible for the -Conservative party at any future date to oppose on principle large -extensions of the franchise. That this result was clearly perceived by -the authors of the Reform Bill of 1867 is proved by the fact that in no -single speech of Mr. Disraeli or of Sir Stafford Northcote on the -question of Parliamentary Reform can any trace be found of opposition to -assimilation of county and borough suffrage on principle. The old Tory -attitude of 1832 has been for ever abandoned. I think, if you refer to -Mr. Disraeli's address to the Buckinghamshire electors in 1874, you will -find a passage clearly intimating that he himself was prepared, if -necessary, to supplement his work of 1867 by doing what Mr. Gladstone is -at present engaged on. If these facts had any meaning at all they meant -this--that extension of the franchise was no longer a monopoly of the -Liberal party, and was not attended by any danger to the Constitution. - -Lancashire, which is usually in the van of the Conservative party in -Great Britain, was quick to detect the change. When I went to Oldham -and to Manchester in the autumn and winter of 1881 for the purpose of -addressing public meetings I was particularly enjoined by the leading -gentlemen in those places not to say a word against the assimilation of -the county and borough franchise. During the sessions of 1880-81, -1881-82, 1882-83, the question of Parliamentary Reform was permitted to -remain in a dormant state, and the position of both parties with regard -to it was to no inconsiderable extent forgotten. - -Suddenly in the autumn of 1883 it was rumoured that Parliament would be -called upon to deal with the question; the recess oratory of Ministers -and their followers confirmed the intelligence; the Conservative leaders -were singularly reticent of their opinions, and I found myself (then, as -now, a mere member of the rank and file of the party) obliged to go at -length into this question of Reform before an Edinburgh audience without -having at my command any certain indication as to the course which the -Conservative party would pursue. As the representative of a small -agricultural borough which any new Reform Bill must extinguish I could -not be expected to look upon the measure with any very longing eye; -further, in accordance with the maxim that it was the duty of the -Opposition to oppose, I considered that it would be right and reasonable -for Conservatives to resist the proposed Reform Bill on the ground of -(1) the inopportuneness of the moment chosen and the far more urgent -character of other questions; (2) the obvious risk of any large addition -to the Irish electorate; (3) the transparent design of the Government to -divert public attention from foreign affairs; (4) the absence of any -indication, on the part of the unenfranchised masses, of any great -desire for the voting privilege. On those grounds at Edinburgh I spoke -against Reform; but I perceived that my views, though listened to with -kindness and courtesy, were not highly acceptable to the intelligent -audience of Scotch artisans which I was addressing, and moreover the -disagreement with those views which was expressed from the platform by -Mr. Balfour, M.P., and Lord Elcho, M.P., voiced unmistakenly the -prevalent opinion of the meeting. - -In the ensuing period, before the opening of Parliament, I ascertained -by communications with members of the party at the Carlton that no -unanimity of feeling on the subject of Parliamentary Reform existed; -that many borough members, and particularly Lancashire members, were -positively in favour of the change; and that direct opposition on -principle was only to be expected from a highly influential but -numerically small circle of members representing county and borough -constituencies exclusively of a rural character. - -Under these circumstances, after Parliament had met, and after the -Opposition had failed to overthrow the Government on the Egyptian -policy, and the Reform Bill had been introduced, I proposed on the -second reading of the Bill to move the previous question--a form of -opposition which appeared to combine most of the objections which I had -stated at Edinburgh, while not committing anyone who might support it to -resistance to Reform on principle. Sir Stafford Northcote requested me -not to persevere with this motion, which had precedence over the -amendment of Lord John Manners, and it was accordingly removed from the -paper. Now Lord John Manners' motion, if it meant anything at all (and -on this I am not prepared positively to decide), meant that the -Conservative party was prepared to deal with extension of the franchise, -provided that the measure was accompanied by provisions for the -redistribution of seats. Yet even this modified form of resistance did -not secure the support of the entire Conservative party, and was -defeated by the overwhelming majority of 130. Finally, on the motion to -go into Committee, Mr. Chaplin's proposal to exclude Ireland from the -Bill met with so little favour from the leaders of our party that he -wisely declined to press it to a division. - -These things being so, I am sanguine that all impartial persons will -agree that a frank and open departure from the position of strong -resistance to Reform which I had taken up in December was not only -pardonable but incumbent upon any practical politician. Had that -position been the position of the Conservative party generally, I would -certainly have adhered to it at any sacrifice; but, far from that, it -was not even the position of any considerable section of the party, who -as a body recurred to the policy of Mr. Disraeli. Moreover, since -December I had by the favour of the Conservatives in Birmingham become a -candidate for the Parliamentary representation of that immense -constituency, and undoubtedly in Birmingham there existed no serious -differences between Liberals and Conservatives as to the propriety of -the assimilation of the county and borough franchise. Having thus been -guided to the conclusion that Reform was inevitable, and that equality -of political rights between England and Ireland was to govern the -Conservatives as well as the Liberals, I did not conceal my change of -mind from the House of Commons or the public. It appeared to me to be as -reasonable and intelligible a change of mind as it could be possible for -any M.P. to undergo; brought about not by one short debate, as has been -most erroneously asserted, but by a careful study of a continued -succession of circumstances extending over a period of four months. I am -sure that it is well for our public life that a change of opinion on any -great question, should it take place, should be frankly and fearlessly -avowed; and I believe that violent censure of such a change, if -generally adopted, would tend to produce hypocrisy and political -dishonesty: and possessed by that idea I do not now hesitate to remark -that if the Government were to give a definite guarantee to Parliament -that their Reform legislation should not be operative until the -redistribution of seats has been provided for, by the announcement that -Parliament will be called together in the autumn to complete the scheme, -and by the insertion of a proper date in the present Bill before which -no election shall take place under it, then I see no strong or -overwhelming reason why the labours of the present session should be -rendered abortive by the rejection of the Bill for the representation of -the people. - - - - -IV - -_LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S LETTERS FROM INDIA_ - - - - - _To his Wife._ - -S.S. _Rohilla_: December 13, 1884. - - We had a very enjoyable day yesterday at Malta; the steamer dropped - anchor at 9.30, and greatly to my surprise the Governor, Sir - Lintorn Simmons, whom I did not know, sent his barge and an - aide-de-camp to fetch me off and take me to the Palace. I had a - long interview with the Governor, who was most polite and - agreeable. He was very gloomy about Wolseley's expedition and - generally about the Army, Navy, fortifications, &c.; and as he is - considered one of our greatest authorities, I suppose he is right - as to the unsatisfactory condition of everything. But they want - such a lot of money! - - He showed me all over the Palace, which would have delighted you; - it is one of the finest buildings I ever saw. His sitting-room used - to be the Grand Master's bedroom, and the whole place is in much - the same condition as it was 300 years ago. The tapestries exceed - in beauty any I ever saw. After we had seen the great church, a - magnificent edifice, Lord John Hay gave us his barge to go round - the dockyard, which fortunately happened to be full of ships. We - went over the _Dreadnought_ and _Inflexible_, and on the latter - enjoyed the pleasure of moving the turrets and 80-ton guns with - just the same ease as one winds up one's watch--the whole thing - very wonderful, very complicated and perfectly unintelligible, and - all the more interesting on that account. - - At 1.30 luncheon with the Governor; large party; Admiral Tryon and - Lord Elphinstone, going out to Australia, Lord John Hay and - others. We returned on board in the Governor's barge in great - state, the object of admiration and envy of the other passengers. - - At five o'clock the ship started again for Port Said, where we hope - to arrive Tuesday night. The weather keeps very fine. To-day - (Sunday) muster of the crew at 10.30: 120 Lascars, Negroes, Turks, - heretics and infidels; curious objects. After that, church in the - saloon, the chief merit of which was its brevity. The ubiquitous - parson, of course, presided, and gave us a silly address on the - dislike the clergy felt for the laity and _vice versa_, and several - silly reasons for same. I thought if the clergy are like him the - whole thing was very easily accounted for, but have not yet - communicated to him this suggestion. - - They are talking of getting up some theatricals and concerts; I - hope they won't. The two junior officers on board are very cheery - fellows, and give smoking concerts in their cabin, which is about 6 - ft. square, and which seats comfortably about a dozen persons, - smoking, drinking whiskey-and-water and singing choruses. I have - twice attended these concerts, which are of a very cheerful - character; and so wonderful is the sea air that though the - concert-room atmosphere might be cut with a knife and the whiskey - is copiously supplied, one feels rather the better than the worse - for it the next morning. - - I saw the _Morning Post_ of the 4th at Malta with Borthwick's - valedictory article; the article is so very friendly that I fear - people will think I wrote it myself. - - - -December 18. - - Here we are in the Canal, which is very much what I expected; a - dirty ditch with nothing remarkable except the multitudes of - flamingoes, pelicans, and wild fowl in the lakes we passed. It is a - great nuisance having to change ships. I have got so accustomed to - the _Rohilla_, and the captain is such a good fellow that I am - quite sorry to leave him. I doubt if the _Nizam_ will be as - pleasant. - - - -S.S. _Nizam_: December 22. - - Yesterday we had adventures. At 10.30 the machinery broke down; - something had got into the cylinder. At first they thought it would - only be an affair of half an hour, but in the end we did not start - again until seven in the evening. In the meantime we had church on - deck, the captain doing clergyman; and after that there was great - excitement over some sharks which were swimming about the ship. In - the clear water we could see them beautifully, each attended by a - shoal of pilot fish, a most beautiful creature about the size of a - 10-lb. salmon and streaked with the brightest blue. The sailors - fixed a piece of pork on a hook at the end of a chain, and - instantly hooked one. Such a business to get him on board!--and he - flapped about finely, making us all beat a hasty retreat, in which - two or three unfortunate people were knocked down and trampled on. - Then we caught another, and after that a very large one, which - turned out to be 7 ft. 6 in. long and weighed 210 lbs. This one had - three live sharks inside, which we cut out and handed round. The - vitality of these brutes is extraordinary. After their tails had - been cut off and their insides taken out they kept flapping and - struggling, and the heart of one placed on a bit of wood kept - beating for hours. - - In the meantime the _Rohilla_, which left Suez after us, came in - sight and, seeing something was wrong, bore down. Captain Barrett - and his chief engineer came on board, and there was much joy at - meeting again, and drinks were partaken of. As they found we could - go on again in a short time they departed and steamed away, and - were soon out of sight; and then we felt gloomy, as it was quite - uncertain whether the machinery would not collapse again, and if it - did we should have no _Rohilla_ to pick us up, and might be days in - the Red Sea. But while we were at dinner another ship appeared, and - this turned out to be the _Rohilla_, which felt nervous about us - and had come back. Much relief was experienced at this amiability - and soon after, after much struggling, our machinery was in motion; - but this delay will make us get to Aden in the dark, which is most - tiresome. - - - -Government House, Bombay: January 1, 1885. - - We got here Tuesday morning early, after a very pleasant voyage - across the Indian Ocean. I found the Governor's carriage waiting at - the dock, and we came up here. Sir James Ferguson is most kind and - pleasant and so are all the Staff. I have not done any sight-seeing - yet, except going into Bombay and walking about the streets and - looking at the people, an endless source of interest. It would be - quite useless my endeavouring to describe to you my impression of - this town. The complete novelty and originality of everything is - remarkable, and one is never tired of staring and wondering. I - cannot tell you how much I am enjoying myself or how much I wish - you were with me. The Bombay Club asked me to a dinner but I - declined, as there would have been speeches and more or less of a - political demonstration against the Ripon party, which would never - have done. I did not come out to India to pursue politics or to - make speeches. - - - -January 9. - - We have been going about a great deal, seeing various things and - people. Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, a great Parsee, took us to see - the Towers of Silence, where they place all the dead Parsee bodies - to be eaten by vultures. I was asked to write my opinion of their - process in their books, and composed a highly qualified and - ambiguous impression which would have done credit to Gladstone. - - Last night we dined at the Byculla Club with several gentlemen, - when an American lady gave us some very dull recitations from - Tennyson; we were all much bored. I had a long interview with eight - of the leading native politicians on Wednesday morning on Indian - politics, in which they set forth with great ability their various - grievances. We leave to-night for Indore, and after that go to - Jaipur, Agra, Delhi and Lucknow, which last place we hope to reach - about the 21st. From there I go to spend a week or ten days with - Colonel Murray in the district which he administrates, somewhere - on the borders of Nepaul. We shall be in camp, and moving about - every day, and I shall be able to see something of the details of - Indian administration and also lots of sport; but of this last I - shall be a spectator rather than an actor. You have no idea how - extraordinarily polite people are out here, and what trouble they - take to amuse me. - - - -The Residency, Indore: January 14. - - We were met at the junction for Indore by Captain F., of Holkar's - service, who informed us that Holkar was away from his capital and - was ill, but would come to a station near and meet us; and - presently there we found him, drawn up with all his Court. We had - an interview of about half an hour, while the other unfortunate - passengers were kept waiting. He was most gracious and very - intelligent, and when we left he embraced me. At Indore we found - his son, also drawn up, and more _pow-wow_. In the evening - fireworks, Hindoo drama, Nautch, conjurers, &c. All very Hindoo and - delightful the first time one sees it, but I can quite imagine that - after a time it would pall. In the morning Holkar sent us out - cheetah-hunting for black buck; however, the cheetah was sulky and - would not run well, so did not catch one. We then took our rifles, - and I shot three and Thomas two. - - - -The Residency, Lucknow: January 24, 1885. - - Poor Fred Burnaby's death[45] is a great blow to me, and it was so - sad getting his letter enclosed in yours this morning. I wrote to - him as I passed through Egypt; I wonder if he got my letter. I - shall miss him greatly. I see Airlie has been wounded, but am - delighted not to find the names of any more of our friends in the - list of casualties. I have had a most exasperating letter from - Wolff, saying that he has a great deal to tell me, but that it is - so important he cannot write it for fear the letter should be - lost. Did you ever know such tiresomeness? - - I have no intention to hasten my return in order to increase the - embarrassments of the Government. I am starting off to-night for - Colonel Murray's camp. - - - -In camp Dudna: February 1. - - Here we are in camp in the middle of an immense Government forest - at the foot of the Himalayas. We have been leading a very enjoyable - life since we left Lucknow and Colonel Murray. Out all day - careering round on elephants after game, sleeping in tents at - night, always at a different place, always hungry for breakfast, - very hungry for dinner--two sensations to me which have the - attraction of novelty. The whole thing is a charming change after - racketing about in railways from town to town. We have not seen - much game, I must admit, as it is far too early in the year and, no - grass being burnt and much water being about, the wild animals are - very widely scattered, and shots are few and far between; though - yesterday we hunted one leopard which ultimately escaped after - being much fired at and, I think, grievously wounded. I shot a very - nice swamp deer and Thomas a nilghai or blue bull. We also shot - pea-fowl, bustards and partridges, and every variety of bird. We - have fifteen elephants, and these creatures are an unfailing source - of interest and amusement. I think an elephant is the best mode of - conveyance I know. He cannot come to grief; he never tumbles down - nor runs away (at least, not on the march); nothing stops him; and - when you get accustomed to his paces he is not tiring. You would - not believe what steep places they get up and down or what thick, - almost impenetrable jungle they go through. If a tree is in the - way, and not too large a one, they pull it down; if a branch hangs - too low for the howdah to go under, they break it off. They are - certainly most wonderful animals, and life in many parts of India - would be impossible without them. The scenery all round here is - lovely--very wild, and with splendid woodland effects. We have - spent more days in camp here than we meant, which has altered our - plans a little, but I like so much seeing the country and the - people. - - What explosions these are in London! I think it very amiable of the - dynamite people to blow up the House of Commons when we are all - away; they might have chosen a more inconvenient moment. - - - - _To his Mother._ - -Government House, Calcutta: February 8. - - I have had the great good fortune to kill a tiger. It was our last - day, and the party proposed to shoot ducks and snipe; but for that - I did not much care and suggested that I and a Mr. Hersey (an - English gentleman who is living in the district) should go into the - forest on the chance of seeing deer and perhaps getting a - sambur-stag, while the others went to shoot ducks. This was agreed - to, and the others bet fifty rupees they would have the heaviest - bag. Well, Hersey and I, each on an elephant and accompanied only - by two other elephants, were beating an open space in the forest - when I came upon the recently killed carcase of a hog, half - devoured. Hersey, when he saw it, declared it was quite fresh, and - that the tiger must be close by. You may imagine the excitement. We - beat on through the place and then came through it again, for it - was very thick high grass. All of a sudden out bundled this huge - creature, right under the nose of Hersey's elephant, and made off - across some ground which was slightly open. Hersey fired, and - missed. I fired, and hit him just above the tail. (A very good - shot, for he only showed me his stern, and he was at least forty - yards off.) Hersey then fired his second barrel, and broke his - shoulder, which brought him up (literally with a round turn). He - took refuge in a patch of grass about fifty yards from us, where we - could just see bits of him. Heavens, how he growled and what a rage - he was in! He would have charged us but that he was disabled by - Hersey's last shot. We remained still, and gave him four or five - more shots, which, on subsequent examination, we found all told; - and then, after about five minutes' more awful growling, he - expired. Great joy to all. The good luck of getting him was unheard - of at this time of year; the odds were a hundred to one against - such a thing. He was a magnificent specimen, nine feet seven inches - in length, and a splendid skin--which will, I think, look very well - in Grosvenor Square. This is certainly the acme of sport. I never - shall forget the impression produced by this huge brute breaking - cover; or, indeed, the mingled joy and consternation of the other - party when they saw him--for they had to pay up fifty rupees. They - had got a black buck and a blue bull, and thought they had - certainly won. - - Tigers in the Zoo give one very little idea of what the wild animal - is like. - - - -Government House, Calcutta: February 10. - - I hope to leave Bombay March 20th and return via Marseilles, in - which case I should be back in London about the 11th or 12th April. - I do not think I shall be able to stop in Paris, as I guess the - House of Commons will be just reassembling after Easter, and it - would be a good moment to drop in upon that body. It is extremely - pleasant here. The Dufferins are very kind and easy-going; the - Staff, too, are amiable; and Bill Beresford does everything he can - for one. Yesterday the Government telegraphed to Dufferin to - despatch a brigade of Indian troops and thirty miles of railway - plant to Suakim. Great preparations at once made; late at night - comes an order from London countermanding the whole thing. - Dufferin, diplomatist that he is, could not conceal his disgust at - this vacillation when they handed him the telegram on our return - from dinner. I telegraphed to Borthwick, and I hope I put the fat - in the fire. - - - -Rewah: February 17. - - I got a telegram from Wolff yesterday, through Pender, saying that - affairs were pressing and a crisis impending, and inquiring when I - was coming back. _Mais je connais mon Wolff_; he has crisis on the - brain and, in any case, no political contingency will hasten my - return by an hour. I expect the Government will try and get put out - and the Tories will try to come in; I wish them joy of it. - - On Sunday morning General Roberts turned up, and we had a jolly - day; lots of talk. The General is all I had imagined him to be. He - is very keen on taking me up the frontier to Peshawar and Quetta. - It would be most pleasant if it could come off, and one would learn - a great deal about that most mysterious problem, 'the dangers of - the Russian advance'; but there is no chance of it. - - - -Benares: February 24. - - This place is the most distinctly Hindoo city I have yet seen; old - and curious in every part. We are leaving for one of the - Maharajah's palaces, or villa rather. We are extremely _bien loges - et nourris_, with a retinue of servants and carriages at all times - ready. There is an old Rajah, Siva Prasad, an interesting and - experienced old man who acts as guide; he speaks English perfectly, - though at the top of his voice, and indulges in endless - dissertations on Indian politics. Yesterday morning we started off - to see the Maharajah's royal palace of Ramnugger. Very great - reception; all the retainers, elephants, horses, &c., together with - army--the latter about 100 strong--drawn up in a long avenue from - the gates to the door. The army gave a royal salute, and the band - played 'God save the Queen,' which I had to receive with gravity - and dignity; rather difficult! The Maharajah's grandson, a boy of - ten, met us at the door, and his son, a man of thirty, half-way up - the staircase; such are the gradations of Oriental etiquette. The - Maharajah was not there, as he is old and infirm, and was keeping - himself for the evening. Then Nautch girls and mummers, which, so - early in the morning, were out of place; and so on. - - Later we took a boat, came down the Ganges, and saw all the Benares - people bathing--thousands. As you know, this is part of their - religion. The water is very dirty, but they lap up quantities of - it, as it is very 'holy'; also there were to be seen the burning - Ghats, where all the dead are cremated. There were five bodies - burning, each on its own little pile of faggots; but the whole - sight was most curious and I am going again this morning to have - another look. Benares is a very prosperous city, as all the rich - people from all parts of India come here to spend the end of their - days. Any Hindoo who dies at Benares, and whose ashes are thrown - into the Ganges, goes right bang up to heaven without stopping, no - matter how great a rascal he may have been. I think the G.O.M. - ought to come here; it is his best chance. - - In the evening the Maharajah gave a party to all the native - notabilities of the city; great attendance of Baboos. Many of them - speak English, and some appear to be very clever men, but I have - had so much _pow-wow_ that I did not talk to them much. I - discovered a great scandal here the evening of my arrival. I found - the magistrate and police were impressing Bheesties, or - water-carriers, for service in the Soudan; great consternation in - the profession, and all the Bheesties were hiding and were being - actively hunted up by the police. I investigated the matter, - questioned the head of the police, and went and saw three of the - victims for the Mahdi. The poor creatures fell at my feet in the - dust, screaming not to go. I was very angry, and telegraphed it to - Sir Alfred Lyall, the Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West - Provinces, and an inquiry is being made which will, I hope, save - these unfortunate persons from a service to them terrible. This - little incident of our rule goes far to explain why we make no - progress in popularity among the people. - - - -Jaipur: March 3, 1884-5. - - We only remained at Delhi two days, as the hotel was piggy, and we - moved to the Club at Agra, which is very comfortable, with - excellent food and wine. This also gave us the opportunity of - seeing the 'Taj' by moonlight, which we were not able to do last - time, and which is an unequalled sight. Also we went to dine at the - house of a native judge--a very interesting and clever man; we met - a most curious collection of native notabilities. The natives are - much pleased when one goes to their houses, for the officials out - here hold themselves much too high and never seek any intercourse - with the natives out of official lines; they are very foolish. - - We go on to-night to Baroda, where the Guicowar is organising a - tiger hunt. I almost think I am getting a little tired of - travelling, and shall be glad to find myself on board ship. - - - - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL - -VOL II. - -[Illustration: _Lord Randolph Churchill, - -1886._] - - - - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL - -BY - -WINSTON SPENCER CHURCHILL, M.P. - -AUTHOR OF -'THE STORY OF THE MALAKAND FIELD FORCE, 1897' -'THE RIVER WAR,' 'LONDON TO LADYSMITH VIA PRETORIA,' ETC. - -IN TWO VOLUMES - -VOL. II - -New York - -THE MACMILLAN COMPANY -LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. -1906 - -_All rights reserved_ - -COPYRIGHT, 1906, - -BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. - -Set up and electrotyped. Published January, 1906. - -Norwood Press -J.S. Cushing & Co.--Berwick & Smith Co. -Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE SECOND VOLUME - - -CHAPTER XII - -1886 - -THE TWENTY-SIXTH OF JANUARY - -.....PAGE - -Mr. Gladstone's meditations--The Home Rule disclosures--Lord Randolph's -Irish policy--Hopes of a Coalition--Lord Randolph's programme--Lord -Salisbury's reply--Resignation of Lord Carnarvon--Procedure -discussions--Rumour and report--Mr. Gladstone's offer--The Queen's -Speech--Lord Salisbury and Coercion--Divisions in the Cabinet--Meeting -of Parliament--The policy of the 26th of January--Mr. Jesse Collings' -Amendment--Defeat of the Conservative Government--Their record.....1 - - -CHAPTER XIII - -1886 - -HOME RULE - -Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Administration--The reality of the -struggle--Mr. Chamberlain's position--Lord Randolph and Home -Rule--Ulster, 1886--'The Union party'--Waiting for the Bill--Mr. -Chamberlain resigns--Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Randolph--The great -debate--Mr. Chamberlain's speech--The Whig peers--The Land Bill--The -dissentient Liberals--Mr. Chamberlain and Birmingham--The Foreign -Office meeting--A critical interlude--'Never! Never!'--The Home Rule -Division--Parliament dissolved.....48 - - -CHAPTER XIV - -1886 - -LEADER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS - -The General Election--'An old man in a hurry'--Birmingham--Triumph -of the Unionist party--Formation of Lord Salisbury's second -Administration--The lead in the House of Commons--Chancellor of the -Exchequer--The short session--Lord Randolph as leader--Conduct of -public business--Correspondence with Lord Hartington--End of the -session--Golden opinions--Foreign affairs--A grave divergence--Eastern -policy--The Dartford programme--'Mr. Spencer's journey'--Bradford--'The -Grand Young Man'.....115 - - -CHAPTER XV - -1886 - -THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER - -At the Treasury--Lord Randolph as an official--Secret Service money--The -Metropolitan coal and wine dues--Preparation of the Budget--Democratic -finance--The death duties--The inhabited house tax--New stamp -duties--Horses, cartridges and theatre tickets--The Sinking Fund--Large -reductions of taxation--A fivepenny income tax--The means for Local -Government--The Budget in the Cabinet--A silence.....179 - - -CHAPTER XVI - -1886 - -RESIGNATION - -Lord Randolph Churchill's resignation announced--Consideration of rival -forces and principles in the Conservative party--The conflict in the -Cabinet--Various differences--Retrenchment--The Army Estimates--The -Prime Minister's choice--Windsor Castle--Letter of Resignation--Lord -Salisbury's reply--Publication of the news--General reflections -thereon.....213 - - -CHAPTER XVII - -1887 - -THE TURN OF THE TIDE - -A private member--Mr. Chamberlain's letters--Outcry against Lord -Randolph Churchill--Lord Salisbury and Lord Hartington--Failure -of a coalition--Protracted Cabinet crisis--A New Year's Day -letter--Explanation to the Queen--Mr. Jennings--Mr. Goschen--Death of -Lord Iddesleigh--The Government reconstituted--Final correspondence with -Lord Salisbury--The two courses--Meeting of Parliament--Lord Randolph's -statement--Algiers and Italy--Public results of Lord Randolph's -resignation--Displeasure of the Conservative party.....251 - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -1887 - -ECONOMY - -Difficulties of an ex-Minister--Lord Randolph's course--Mr. -Goschen's Budget--The Army and Navy Committee--Economy and -efficiency--Departmental mismanagement--Wolverhampton speech--The -Hartington Commission--Effect of Lord Randolph's agitation--Lord -Randolph abandons Fair Trade.....302 - - -CHAPTER XIX - -1887-1888 - -THE NATIONAL PARTY - -Ireland still--The Liberal Unionists--Coercion--Lord Randolph Churchill -and Mr. Chamberlain--Dream of a central party--Difficulties of -co-operation--A severance--Correspondence with Lord Hartington--Weakness -of the Government--Irish educational schemes--Lord Randolph in -Russia--His conversation with the Czar.....334 - - -CHAPTER XX - -1888-1889 - -CROSS CURRENTS - -Irish Local Government--A disregarded pledge--Suakin--Vacancy at -Birmingham--Mr. Chamberlain's attitude--Mr. Jennings' account--Lord -Randolph withdraws--Disappointment of Birmingham Conservatives--Mr. -Balfour's intervention--Correspondence with Mr. Chamberlain--Royal -grants--Speeches in the Midlands--'Mr. Podsnap'--Hostility of the -Conservative party.....370 - - -CHAPTER XXI - -1890-1891 - -THE PARNELL COMMISSION - -The Pigott letter--Action of the Government--Lord Randolph's -warning--The forgery exposed--Report of the Special Commission--Mr. -Jennings' amendment--Lord Randolph's speech--Mr. Chamberlain -replies--Mr. Jennings offended--Wrath of the Conservative -party--Estrangement from Mr. Jennings--Tendency of Lord Randolph -Churchill's later views--Ministerial discredit--Lord Randolph on the -turf--At home and abroad--Barren years--Loyalty to the Conservative -party--Expedition to Mashonaland--Lion-hunting--Mr. Balfour becomes -Leader of the House of Commons.....405 - - -CHAPTER XXII - -1892-1895 - -OPPOSITION ONCE MORE - -A new situation--General Election of 1892--Lord Randolph -unopposed--Friendly dispositions of Conservative leaders--Lord -Randolph rejoins their councils--Speech on the Home Rule Bill--Fatal -symptoms--His last success--Correspondence with FitzGibbon--Riot -in the House of Commons--Increasing infirmities--A desperate -campaign--Kissingen--Meeting with Bismarck--Preparations for a long -journey--The end.....453 - - -APPENDICES - -V. TWO ELECTION ADDRESSES, 1886 AND 1892.....491 - -VI. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEDURE: THE CLOSURE.....500 - -VII. POLITICAL LETTERS OF LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: FREEDOM OF CONTRACT; -TEMPERANCE; HOME RULE.....504 - -VIII. MR. JENNINGS' ACCOUNT OF HIS QUARREL WITH LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: -LORD JUSTICE FITZGIBBON'S NOTE THEREUPON.....512 - -IX. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S MEMORANDUM ON ARMY AND NAVY -ADMINISTRATION.....517 - -INDEX.....525 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - -TO - -THE SECOND VOLUME - - -1. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL, 1886 (_Photogravure_)....._Frontispiece_ - -.....TO FACE PAGE - -2. 'ULSTER WILL FIGHT AND ULSTER WILL BE RIGHT' (_Photogravure_).....64 - -3. THE GRAND YOUNG MAN (_Cartoon from 'Punch'_).....140 - -4. LETTER FROM QUEEN VICTORIA (_facsimile_).....154 - -5. 'YOUTH ON THE PROW AND PLEASURE AT THE HELM!' (_Cartoon from -'Punch'_).....168 - -6. BELLEROPHON JUNIOR (_Cartoon from 'Punch'_).....184 - -7. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S BUDGET (_facsimile_).....192 - -8. LADY RANDOLPH CHURCHILL (_from a drawing by John S. Sargent_).....438 - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE TWENTY-SIXTH OF JANUARY - - 'When it was said that the noble lord, the member for Paddington, - had not declared a policy, he pointed, and he was justified in - pointing, not to a sentence, nor even to a phrase, but to a date, - and he said, "Our policy is the 26th of January."'--_Speech of Mr. - Gladstone, Second Reading Government of Ireland Bill, May 10, - 1886._ - - -According to Mr. Morley, the month that followed the General Election -was passed by Mr. Gladstone 'in depth of meditation.' The questions -which he revolved were vast and grave. Important and even vital factors -in their decision were hid from him. He saw that the Liberal party was -ripe for schism. He faced the united demand of Nationalist Ireland. He -knew that the balance of power was held by Mr. Parnell. But he could not -know whether the Government would meet Parliament or not; whether they -wanted to be dismissed or not; whether they would seek to gain Whig and -Liberal support, or would try to preserve the combination which had -placed them in power; nor what, in the last alternative, was the Irish -policy Ministers would be prepared to offer or parties disposed to -accept. Yet time was short and the country waited tip-toe on his -deliberations. - -The suspense was not prolonged. The results of the elections could not -be estimated till after November 30 and were not determined until -another week had passed. But on December 17, after ten days of -whisperings and rumour, a public announcement of his Home Rule scheme, -apparently authentic in character and circumstantial in detail, appeared -simultaneously in Liberal and Conservative papers. Mr. Gladstone was -prompt to repudiate, as a mere 'speculation' upon his opinions, this -premature and unfortunate disclosure. But the next day he was writing to -Lord Hartington, who had asked for explanations, a frank and full -account of his 'opinions and ideas,' which shows how closely newspaper -assertion corresponded with the workings of his mind. The process by -which his conversion was effected, has been at length laid bare. His -internal loathing of the Coercive measures he had been forced to impose -during the past five years; his suspicion and entire misconception of -the cold-blooded manoevres by which his Government had been -overturned; his hope of repairing, remoulding and consolidating the -great party instrument which he had directed so long; the desire of an -'old Parliamentary hand' to win the game; the dream of a sun-lit -Ireland, loyal because it was free, prosperous and privileged because it -was loyal--the crowning glory of an old man's life--all find their place -in that immense decision. And then the whole mass of resolve, -ponderously advancing, drawing into its movement all that learning and -fancy could supply, gathering in its progress the growing momentum of -enthusiasm, wrenching and razing all barriers from its path, was finally -precipitated like an avalanche upon a startled world! All has been set -forth. What communications Mr. Gladstone made to his colleagues; how he -addressed himself to Lord Granville, to Lord Spencer, to Lord -Hartington, to Mr. Chamberlain; and how he was variously met, have now -become matters of published fact. An authoritative analysis of the -workings of his mind has been published and may be checked or extended -by a score of conversations, letters and chance remarks, all carefully -recorded. Judgment may be formed of the part he played, upon evidence -perhaps more full and accurate than attaches to any similar transaction. -But a veil of mystery and even suspicion still hangs over the inner -councils of Lord Salisbury's Government. What were the leaders of the -Conservative party thinking about during these anxious weeks? What plans -did they resolve, what difficulties did they face within the secrecy of -the Cabinet? Their final decision was declared on January 26. But what -alternatives were they weighing meanwhile in conclave or consultation? -How far were they prepared to go in satisfaction of Irish demands? What -purpose lay behind Lord Randolph Churchill's silence at Sheffield or -lurked in Lord Carnarvon's 'empty house'? Upon these much-disputed -matters it may now be possible to cast some light. - -Lord Randolph's view of the policy which the Conservative party should -pursue in Irish matters is described with the utmost candour in a -letter which he had written to a friend of mark before the result of -the General Election was known:-- - - - -_Private._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: October 14, 1885. - - I have no objection to Sexton and Healy knowing the deliberate - intention of the Government on the subject of Irish Education; but - it would not do for the letter or the communication to be made - public, for the effect of publicity on Lancashire might be - unfortunate and might cripple the good intentions of Her Majesty's - Government. - -...It is the Bishops entirely to whom I look in the future to turn, - to mitigate or to postpone the Home Rule onslaught. Let us only be - enabled to occupy a year with the Education Question. By that time, - I am certain, Parnell's party will have become seriously - disintegrated. Personal jealousies, Government influences, Davitt - and Fenian intrigues will all be at work on the devoted band of - eighty: and the Bishops, who in their hearts hate Parnell and don't - care a scrap for Home Rule, having safely acquired control of Irish - education, will, according to my calculation, complete the rout. - - That is my policy, and I know that it is sound and good, and the - only possible Tory policy. It hinges on acquiring the confidence - and friendship of the Bishops; but if you go in for their mortal - foes the Jesuits on the one hand, and their mortal foes the - anti-clerical Nationalists on the other, for the purpose of - humiliating and beating back Archbishop Walsh and his colleagues, - this policy will be shattered.... My own opinion is that if you - approach the Archbishop through proper channels, if you deal in - friendly remonstrances and in attractive assurances, ... the - tremendous force of the Catholic Church will gradually and - insensibly come over to the side of the Tory party. - -Lord Randolph furthermore openly avowed and defended his Irish policy -during these months--in its general scope--on March 4, 1886, in the -House of Commons _after_ the election and after the accession to power -of Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Government. 'I am not going to deny,' he -said, 'that at one time I had an idea that the Tory party might -co-operate with the Irish party. I have often worked with Irish members. -I hope to be able to do so again. I have never concealed in the last -Parliament that I thought it possible that on many Irish subjects the -Tory party might co-operate with the Irish National party.... It always -appeared to me that the Tory party were well qualified to deal with many -questions of Irish interest in a manner agreeable to the Irish people -and not in the least dangerous to the general welfare of the British -Empire. I particularly allude to the question of education and to the -question of the land. Judging by past history, I imagined that the cry -of Repeal might be raised as strongly as ever and that Irish members -might say again: "Live or die, sink or swim, we go for Repeal." Still, I -imagined that might merely turn out to be a sentiment for keeping -together a powerful political party; and that, if Repeal were shown to -be absolutely against the will of the Imperial Parliament, the policy of -Repeal would be dropped.' Whatever may be thought of the merits of such -a policy, there is nothing disingenuous or obscure either in its private -handling or its public declaration. - -Lord Randolph's Irish opinions were not altered by the verdict of the -constituencies. His natural delight at the Tory victories in the -boroughs led him to form a more sanguine estimate of the mood of the -counties than the event sustained. But even his highest anticipations -did not place the number of Conservative members at more than 300; and -his mind turned at once towards a Whig coalition:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: November 29, 1885. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,-- ...If we have any luck this week we ought to - number 300 in the House. - - I saw Sir Erskine May yesterday--very grumpy. He said the first - trial of strength would be a vote of want of confidence. I said - that did not follow; that the first trial of strength in a new - Parliament often took place on the election of a Speaker. He said: - 'What, oppose Mr. Peel!' I intimated that, though we were very fond - of Peel, he had no prescriptive possession of the Chair, and that - his election would require something in the nature of a _quid pro - quo_. I also gave him to understand that we have quarrelled with - the Irish, and, having put these and various other false ideas into - his head, left him in a state of exasperated perplexity. - - I hope you may be a little in town next week, for the future seems - to require the most careful consideration before any policy is - submitted to the collective luminosity of the Cabinet. I think you - ought to negotiate with the other side, giving Hartington India, - Goschen Home Office and Rosebery Scotch Office. You will never get - Whig support as long as I am in the Government, and Whig support - you must have. I should like to contribute effectively to your - getting it, for my curiosity as to the internal and mysterious - mechanism of Government is completely satiated. Very indifferent - health makes me look forward irresistibly to idleness regained. If - you wanted another bait for the Whigs, ----'s elevation to the - Lords might supply it, for I hear on the very best authority that - chaos and the ---- Office are at present indistinguishable. I - believe that by some process of this kind you could institute a - Government which would keep the Parnellites and Radicals at bay for - years; and, after all, that is what must be arrived at. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Lord Salisbury's answer reads strangely in the light of after-events:-- - - - -November 30, 1885. - - My dear Randolph,--I am afraid your patriotic offer of giving place - to Goschen for the sake of making a coalition will be of little - avail. They hate me as much as they hate you--and if retirements - are required for the sake of repose and Whig combinations I shall - claim to retire with you in both respects. - - The time for a coalition has not come yet--nor will, so long as the - G.O.M. is to the fore. But I don't expect we shall be long in - office this time. I must try and see you some time this week about - our future measures. Are you staying in town? I have not yet had - time to read your Burma papers, but will send them you back, with - any comments that occur to me, when I have. - -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -Lord Randolph, however, held tenaciously to the idea of a coalition. The -fact that the accession of Lord Hartington to the leadership of the -House would block his own path effectively and that the acceptance of -office by important Whig Ministers must diminish his personal influence, -does not seem to have affected this self-seeking and unscrupulous man; -and about December 4 or 5 he sent the Prime Minister a formal and -elaborate account of his views, which is for many reasons worthy of -attention:-- - - MEMORANDUM.[46] - - Assume that the supporters of the Government will number 300. - - Under ordinary circumstances Government would probably resign at - once, there being a clear majority of seventy against them. The 370 - opponents of the Government are so singularly disunited that there - is no reason to suppose the Government need be placed in a - minority, and there is every reason to suppose that no other - Government could command so large a following as the present - Government. - - CONSTITUTION OF THE 370 OPPONENTS. - - It is almost certain that there are in this number some twenty-five - members who without doing any violence to their political - principles would habitually support the Government. It may be - reckoned that 200 will follow the lead of Lord Hartington as long - as he remains leader of the Liberal Opposition. The party more - immediately under the control of Messrs. Chamberlain, Dilke, Morley - and Labouchere may be estimated at sixty-five votes. There remain - eighty Nationalists under the leadership of Mr. Parnell. - - It is certain that no Vote of Censure or of Want of Confidence will - be moved at the assembling of Parliament because-- - - 1. Neither Mr. Gladstone, nor Lord Hartington, nor Mr. Chamberlain - could form a Government. - - 2. Without the support of the eighty Nationalists a Vote, of - Censure or otherwise, would be heavily defeated. - - 3. The support of the Nationalists would demand a heavier price - than any large portion of the Liberal party would be prepared to - pay. - - On what occasion can a trial of party strength arise? - - 1. On the election of Speaker. - - 2. On the question of Parliamentary Oath. - - SPEAKERSHIP. - - The Irish are hostile to Mr. Peel. - - The Whigs equally strong in his favour. The Government can displace - Mr. Peel with the help of the Irish. The Whigs will be bitterly - alienated. On the other hand, the Government can support Mr. Peel - and carry his election. The Irish will find their revenge in voting - for Mr. Bradlaugh. The triumph of Mr. Bradlaugh would be a shaking - blow to the Tory Government and party. The alienation of the Whigs - by the defeat of Mr. Peel would certainly in the course of a few - weeks or months destroy the Government. - - Which course to choose? - - Seeing that the Irish support can never be other than momentary, - seeing that by no possibility can [that] support be clothed with - any elements of stability, seeing that the alienation of the Whigs - from the Government must lead to great evils, seeing that Whig - support, if attained, is honourable, stable, and natural, in my own - mind I pronounce for the re-election of Mr. Peel and for running - the risk of the triumph for Mr. Bradlaugh. - - We have proceeded thus far. - - The Whigs will not be displeased by the election of Mr. Peel. The - Whigs will not be indignant at the seating of Mr. Bradlaugh. Is it - possible to convert this negative frame of mind of non-hostility - into one of positive co-operation? - - Three methods suggest themselves. - - 1. The offer of places in the Government. - - 2. The production of a large, genuine and liberal programme. - - 3. After such a programme has been produced and proceeded with - satisfactorily, the renewal of the offer of places in the - Government. - - I think that all these three methods should be honestly tried in - their order. The first must be done with liberality. The leading - members of the Whig party who should be offered places in the - Government are Lord Hartington (with the lead of the House of - Commons), Mr. Goschen, Lord Rosebery and Sir Henry James. - - I do not imagine that these offers would be now accepted. - Nevertheless the fact that they have been honestly made may before - long be a powerful weapon in the hands of Lord Salisbury, either as - influencing his own party or the public. The making of these offers - in a generous spirit cannot possibly do harm. - - II. THE PROGRAMME. - - On foreign questions there does not at present appear to be any - difference of opinion, nor on colonial questions. Attention may be - concentrated on domestic questions. I suggest that the programme - should include:-- - - 1. Parliamentary Procedure } - 2. Departmental Reform } Executive. - 3. Indian Inquiries. (H. of C. Committee) } - 4. Education Inquiries. (Royal Commission) } - 5. Local Government } - 6. Land Laws } Legislative. - 7. University (Ireland) Education } - 8. Codification of Criminal Law } - - PARLIAMENTARY PROCEDURE. - - The following measures might be informally submitted to the leaders - of parties in the House of Commons:-- - - _A. The Resort to Autumn Sessions._--The session at present is too - long and too short--too long for a consecutive session; too short - for the decent and efficient transaction of executive, financial - and legislative business. - - If this is granted, the following reform suggests itself:-- - - That Parliament should meet not later than the first week in - February, and, with the usual Easter and Whitsuntide holidays, - should continue in session not later than the first week in - August. That an adjournment should then take place to a period not - later than the second week in October, and that the annual session - should formally be brought to an end by prorogation not later than - the first week in December. - - _B. The Alteration of Hours of Business._--That the House should - meet four days in the week at 1 P.M., adjourn from 7 P.M., and rise - at midnight. - - _C. Cloture._--That, in addition to existing regulations, it shall - be within the right of the Minister to demand a division on the - subject under discussion a quarter of an hour before the - adjournment of or rising of the House. - - _D. Questions._--That the Speaker should appoint a Committee of - three, not being Privy Councillors, who shall decide what questions - can be answered in the House, and which in the votes; and that no - question shall be put without notice, other than explanatory - questions, except by the leave of the House on the demand of 100 - members. - - _E. Adjournment, Motion for._--That the existing rule be altered, - substituting the number 100 members for the present number 40. - - _F._ That Grand Committees deal with the report stage of any Bill - referred, as well as with Committee stage; and that all Bills be - referred to Grand Committees after second reading. - - _G._ That the bulk of private business relating to local - development and local enterprise be transferred to local boards - whose proceedings must be sanctioned by provisional orders. - - _Departmental Reform._--That Committees of the House of Commons be - appointed to examine and report upon the constitution, staff, work - performed, comparative cost of all public departments, with a view - to the effecting of economies and the rearrangement of salaries, - promotions and retirements. - - _Indian Inquiry._--This has been agreed upon. - - _Elementary Education Inquiry._--This requires no further notice. - - LEGISLATIVE. - - _Local Government._--Two essentials: (1) purely popular election by - ratepayers; (2) large and liberal measure of executive and local - legislative powers. Workhouse management need not be touched, nor - education arrangements. But all Quarter Sessions business, all - sanitary matters, registration of votes, survey of land and - registration of titles should be among the duties of the local - boards. Also powers might be given, as in Ireland, to local boards - to advance money on security of rates for purchasers of small - holdings and allotments. - - LAND LAWS, REFORM OF. - - 1. Abolition of primogeniture in cases of intestacy. - - 2. Compulsory registration of title. - - 3. Enfranchisement of future leaseholds. - - 4. Enfranchisement of copyholders. - - 5. Enfranchisement of lands held in mortmain. - - - UNIVERSITY (IRELAND) EDUCATION. - - This should take the form of-- - - 1. The transference of Cork College to a Catholic board of - management. - - 2. The endowment of the Catholic University College in Dublin. - - 3. The establishment of a Catholic College in Armagh. - - 4. The transference of the Belfast College to a Presbyterian board - of management. - - CODIFICATION OF AND REFORM OF CRIMINAL LAW. - - This can never be attained if it is left to the action of - Parliament entirely. The procedure suggested is:-- - - 1. The proposing and carrying of certain general resolutions - through both Houses. - - 2. The appointment by statute of jurisconsults with full power - under aforesaid resolutions to codify; and - - 3. That the code as drawn shall, after lying on the table of either - House for six months, become the criminal code of the United - Kingdom. - - This, as above, is my second method for attracting Parliamentary - support from the ranks of the nominal Opposition. Should this - programme, or one more or less closely analogous to it, be - introduced, generously received by the bulk of the Whigs and - honestly supported, a further offer of places in the Government - might with advantage be made. - - 'The success of foregoing,' concluded Lord Randolph, 'turns upon - Ireland. I assume two facts: - - '1. That Coercion is impossible now. - - '2. That anything in the nature of an Irish Parliament is - impossible always. - - '_Similarity_ of treatment between England and Ireland in respect - of Local Government: - - '_Liberality_ of grants from Treasury towards Irish objects: - - '_Concession_ to the Roman Catholic hierarchy on education - questions: - - 'These are the main lines of a policy towards Ireland which will - secure a great amount of Parliamentary and public concurrence and - will, if vigorously and boldly followed, bring about inevitably the - disintegration of Mr. Parnell's party. The great size of this party - is its chief danger. Its members are open to various - influences--jealousy of each other and of Parnell; want of funds; - Ministerial influences, priestly influences; and last, but not - least, the capricious, unstable and to some extent treacherous - character of the Irish nature. If that party is boldly dealt with - at the outset it will soon dissolve. I do not consider that the cry - for an Irish Parliament now need be more dangerous than was the cry - for Repeal in the days of O'Connell. As that latter danger - altogether disappeared, so may this present danger if the - Government is strong in Parliament, undivided in council and - unwavering in action. - - 'I wish to express my firm conviction and belief that if the - general spirit of this Memorandum could be acted up to, the - Queen's Government might well be carried on with dignity and - efficiency, and the Parliament will have every reasonable chance of - running a normal course and of being the means of benefit to the - people.' - -Lord Salisbury did not answer until the 9th:-- - - - -_Private._ - -Foreign Office: December 9, 1885. - - My dear Randolph,--Lord Melbourne used to say that if you only - would let a letter alone, it would answer itself. Your very - interesting memorandum is not quite in that condition: but some - important parts of it have been answered by events. After - Hartington's speech of Saturday, there can be no longer any - question of offering office _just yet_ to the Moderate Liberals; - and, therefore, no question of your or my resigning to facilitate - that operation. He evidently said what he did to prevent his - friends from suspecting him of any intention, under any - circumstances, to join us. His resolves are not eternal, but he has - effectually debarred himself from any such course until some little - time has passed or something new has happened. Then, again, I don't - think the Irish will expect us to upset the Speaker; but, if they - did, I quite agree with you in thinking that it would be poor - policy to do so. - - But we shall have to make a Queen's Speech--at least, I can hardly - imagine the Cabinet resolving on an immediate resignation. It would - be deliberately excusing the other side from the necessity of - showing their hand. - - In making this Queen's Speech I entirely agree that our leaning - must be to the Moderate Liberals, and that we can have nothing to - do with any advances towards the Home Rulers. The latter course - would be contrary to our convictions and our pledges, and would be - quite fatal to the cohesion of our party. - - But in leaning towards the Moderate Liberals we should take note - of the fact that the moment for bargaining with them has not yet - come. Whenever it does come, two results will follow: (1) Our own - people will recognise the political necessity of admitting a - somewhat stronger ingredient of Liberal policy into our measures, - and (2) the Moderate Liberals will require some such concession as - a condition of their joining us and as a proof to their own friends - that they have not been guilty of any _apostasy_ in so doing. That - being so, the extra tinge of Liberalism in our policy will be part - of the bargain when it comes, and must not be given away before - that time comes. If we are too free with our cash now, we shall - have no money to go to market with when the market is open. - - In this view I should offer one or two suggestions in revisal of - your programme. The abolition of primogeniture is in itself of no - importance except on strategic grounds--it is not worth the trouble - of resistance. But it is a bit of a flag. The concession would be - distasteful to a certain number of our people now, and it might be - acceptable as a wedding-present to the Moderate Liberals whenever - the Conservative party leads them to the altar. I would not proffer - it, therefore, now; though, if carried against us, I should make no - serious fight over it. - - The proposition of Leasehold Enfranchisement in the future requires - more thrashing out. I doubt whether it would effect your object, - which is that more occupiers should be owners of the houses they - inhabit. I quite agree in the object. I should be more disposed to - follow the Irish precedent and give local authorities the power of - advancing (on the security of the tenement) some large fraction of - its value at low interest, limiting the advance to cases where the - occupier was owner of the whole lease--and, of course, confining it - to voluntary purchase. This for existing leaseholds. For future - buildings the most effective plan would be to allow exemption from - the rates and house tax for five years in all cases where the - occupier was also the owner. (3) With respect to Local Government, - I admit that a general ratepaying franchise may be difficult to - avoid; and, on the whole, I think the Local Government Bill should - be mentioned in the Queen's Speech. But I should mention in the - same sentence, and as part of the same subject, a London Local - Government Bill, which might be drawn in a very popular manner. The - multiplication of municipalities--say eight or nine--would please - the local leaders, who hope to figure in them and become Mayors. I - should introduce this before the big Local Government Bill. If we - are turned out, we shall be able to fight the question better for - not having shown our hand. - - I should be disposed--subject to counsel--to introduce a Church - Reform Bill giving an easy method for getting rid of criminous - clergy, and perhaps also of incompetent clergy; but that craves - wary walking. Then a Bill for making the sale of all corporate land - easy; a Bill to enable marriages to take place in Dissenting - chapels without the presence of the Registrar; and, perhaps, a Bill - for dealing with the Scotch marriage law, but that is doubtful. - With respect to the other articles of your programme--such as - Parliamentary Procedure, Criminal Code, and Roman Catholic - Education--I need say nothing, because I generally agree with you. - I have inflicted on you an abominably long letter, but I thought it - better to put my thoughts before you.... - -Lord Randolph replied:-- - - - -India Office: December 9, 1885. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--It will be a great pleasure to me to wait - upon you to-morrow afternoon at three o'clock at the Foreign - Office. - - It is very kind of you writing to me at such length; but as this - will require no answer, other than what you may give in - conversation to-morrow, I venture a few additional observations. - - As to offer of places to Whigs. - - I can imagine a crisis supervening, to deal with which might - require heroic measures and a great appeal to your followers in - both Houses of Parliament for confidence and support. Under such - circumstances the fact of the offer having been made and sulkily or - arrogantly refused would be of great moral value to you. A proper - recognition of two leading features of the situation seems to me - almost to compel you to make an attempt _now_ at such a - negotiation, even though you may be certain that it will fail:-- - - 1. The fact that your Government is in a minority in the House of - Commons. - - 2. The division in the Opposition, so glaringly and so recently - shown by Mr. Chamberlain's speech at Leicester and Lord - Hartington's in Derbyshire. - - I submit with great deference that, your task being to carry on the - Queen's Government, it is incumbent upon you to take advantage of - every apparent circumstance which may be made to contribute to the - efficiency and solidity of the Government; nor ought you, under - such grave conditions as now exist, to shrink unduly from any - reasonable sacrifice of friends or colleagues which might enable - you honourably to attain the end in view. Having put your hand to - the plough under the uninviting conditions of June last, it is - hardly possible to look back, or to act as if the responsibility - for Government was not upon you. - - It is very pleasant to me to learn that my suggestions with regard - to Parliamentary Procedure, R.C. University Ireland, Education, and - criminal law reform and codification meet with your general - concurrence; and that being so, I allow myself to risk a few - arguments which seem to me to militate somewhat against the views - expressed in your letter on the question of the programme - generally, and in particular the questions of Local Government and - Land Law reform. - - If I apprehended your meaning rightly, you would make your - programme rather rigidly orthodox Tory, with a view of expanding it - into Whig heresy when the time for a fusion should seem to have - arrived. Now I hold very strongly that in that case the moment for - a fusion will never arrive. If the Newport programme is not at once - presented to Parliament in a large and generous measure, the Whigs - will be justified in their contention that it did not signify real - progressive legislation--that they were right and discriminating - when they mocked at it. That has been Lord Hartington's cry all - along, which he reiterated with emphasis last Saturday. The - difference between the Newport programme and the concrete portions - of the Midlothian address was not easy to be distinguished, and I - doubt its existence. That being so, if you produce the former, - without timidity, skimping, paring, or scraping, and if the Whigs - turn you out, obviously their motive is office, and office only. - The country will not be deceived or edified by such purely party - manoeuvres. And as by your administrative record, so with your - legislative programme, you will have laid up for yourself treasure - in the constituencies, you will have cast bread upon the waters - which you will find after many days. - - This is indubitably the lesson of 1835. - - I do urge as strongly as I may that you should decide in your mind - how far you can go in legislation--not under Whig pressure, not - with a view solely of gaining Whigs, but solely with a view of what - appears to be best for the country without infringement of any - great Tory principle; and that, having so decided, you should offer - the result to Parliament without delay, without stint, without - qualification, and with all confidence. It is, I am convinced, by - 'showing your hand,' by showing how many good trumps you have in - it, that you will gain support--if not immediate, at any rate in - the near future. It is by hiding your hand--by giving cause for the - belief, or ground for the accusation, that it is a poor hand and - that you have no trumps, that you will lose support now and make it - most difficult to gain later. The boroughs have gone for you so - strongly because they believe in the fulness and genuineness of the - Newport programme. Our task should be to keep the boroughs, as - well as to win the counties; this can only be done by an active - progressive--I risk the word, a democratic--policy, a casting-off - and a burning of those old, worn-out aristocratic and class - garments from which the Derby-Dizzy lot, with their following of - county families, could never, or never cared to, extricate - themselves. - - This being so, in my mind, I find the suggested postponement of - rural Local Government a course open to the deepest suspicion; the - preference given to London government an error in tactics of the - largest kind. No one in the country, or in London either, cares a - damn about a London municipality, nor would many municipalities - attract them. But county government, involving as it does a - redistribution and relief of burdens, to which every man of our - party is deeply pledged, is without doubt anxiously expected by the - constituencies, and will not brook delay. So I would say about land - law reform. I am very sure that the feeling of the boroughs is in - favour of extensive changes in our land system, on the ground that - the labour in the towns is depreciated by agricultural migration, - and that this latter is the effect of an antiquated land system. - This, rightly or wrongly, is the notion in the manufacturing minds, - and failure on our part to come up to their legitimate and - reasonable expectations would produce incalculable disappointment - and mortification. - - If you decide that the large constructive measures which the times - seem to demand are beyond the capacity of the Tory party, or the - scope of their political principles, though I should regret the - decision I would accept it without demur. But in that case I would - press upon you the advisability of prompt resignation, on the - ground that the country had for the time decided that the function - of the Tory party would be more usefully displayed in Opposition, - in efforts purely critical, in attempts to amend Liberal - legislation and moderate Liberal zeal. If you show your hand at - all, show it fully and show a good one; but if you have no hand - good enough for the game or the stakes, place the cards face - downwards on the table, decline to play, and leave the Downing - Street table. I cannot think there is any safe _via media_ between - these two courses. - - Lastly, I will not conceal my repugnance to dealing with Church - reform. Surely the Russell-Gurney-Disraeli Church legislation is a - warning. The time of Parliament will be wasted in furious - ecclesiastical differences, and votes will be lost on every side by - the party responsible for the effort. The Public Worship Regulation - Act was one of my first House of Commons experiences, and I cannot - forget it. The Nonconformists, so powerful, will offer every - opposition; and nothing will be gained except loss of time, of - temper, and of strength. If those ornamental but, on the whole, - rather useless and expensive Lords Spiritual care to justify their - privileges by attempts at legislation, smile on them, beam on them, - give them every encouragement for bringing the Lords Temporal into - a devout and heavenly frame of mind. Some good may possibly issue - from such a source, if such should be the will of Providence. But - Church reform which is the product of a Cabinet checked and - controlled by party Whips and guided by House of Commons lobbies is - surely in its nature a monstrosity, possibly a profanity, certainly - a farce. - - Please pardon me this long letter. I feel that my constant and - lengthy epistolary communications to you may lead you to look - forward to resignation of office as an immense relief, but I find - my excuse in your kindness hitherto, and am - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Ireland swiftly overclouded all other projects and puzzles which -Ministers might consider. It was late in July that Lord Carnarvon had -met Parnell. Four anxious months had passed and the Viceroy had now -arrived at definite conclusions. He saw with alarm that the National -League was strengthening and expanding every day. The fall in prices had -affected the payment of rents. Serious social and economic discontents -stimulated the increasing political excitement. Boycottings were -flagrant, pitiless and widespread. Alike by his convictions and his -public pledges he felt himself debarred from asking for special -legislation. Another policy forced itself upon him with crushing weight. -He declared that unless the Cabinet could move in the direction of Home -Rule he could not continue their servant. It became a question for the -Cabinet whether the retirement of Lord Carnarvon on the grounds stated -would be so heavy a blow to the Government and so injurious to their -main political position that, if he persisted, it would be better for -the Government to resign in a body, ostensibly as a consequence of the -election. Lord Salisbury desired his principal colleagues to express -their opinion upon Lord Carnarvon's views and intentions. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -December 10, 1885. - - Dear Lord S.,--I return you Lord Carnarvon's memorandum, which was - carefully considered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Smith, - and myself. - - We came to the conclusion that if the Lord-Lieutenant insists on - the choice being made between the adoption of his policy and - resignation, the latter course becomes compulsory on us. If we go - out merely on the ground of our Parliamentary position, we remain - for the purposes of opposition to Home Rule, as a party, _totus - teres atque rotundus_; but if that blessed man sets the signal for - concession flying, our party will go to pieces, as it did on the - Irish Land Act. The only hope for the country is to keep this - present Tory party well together; and unfortunately Lord Carnarvon - has it once more in his power, as on two former occasions, to - disintegrate, demoralise, and shatter. - - However, I wish to say for myself--and I feel pretty certain it - will be the view of Sir M. Hicks-Beach and Mr. Smith--that, - whatever course you may finally decide upon, I will gladly see it - through to the best of my ability, no matter what may be the - result. - -Yours most sincerely, -R. S. C. - - - -But Lord Salisbury preferred to face the consequences of the Carnarvon -resignation, whatever they might be. 'The fact,' he wrote (December 11), -'that Gladstone is mad to take office, will force him into some line of -conduct which will be discreditable to him, and disastrous, if we do not -prematurely gratify his hunger. The Carnarvon incident is vexatious. I -hope he will be induced to stay with us till Parliament meets. But even -if he does not, I doubt if his retirement will produce any very serious -confusion. He will nominally retire on the ground of health or some -private reason. The truth may ooze out. But we shall not mend matters by -all retiring with him. The true reason will equally ooze out; and we -shall have proclaimed our own impotence very loudly.' - -The Irish situation oppressed all minds and from every quarter doubt and -foreboding streamed in upon the Conservative leaders. Was it possible in -face of Mr. Parnell and his United Ireland, in face of Mr. Gladstone -and his ponderous meditations, in face of Lord Carnarvon and his open -sympathies, to remain utterly unyielding? Would it not be well to make -terms while time remained? Could not a joint conference of parties -arrive at some compromise in regard to Irish government? And if not, how -could the land be ruled? Everywhere during this month of December the -sands were shifting underneath men's feet. Few were firm. Lord Randolph -Churchill was a rock. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Chief Justice -Morris._ - -_Very Confidential._ - -December 7, 1885. - - My dear Chief Justice,--I am very grateful to you for your letter, - which I have sent on to Lord Salisbury for his consideration. - - In a memorandum on the situation which I submitted to the Prime - Minister a week ago, I laid down as an axiom that with regard to - any policy towards Ireland in the nature of, or containing an Irish - Parliament, the attitude of the Tory Party could only be an - absolutely 'non possumus' one. You suggest a Committee of leading - men on both sides to inquire, and you base the suggestion on the - proceedings which took place with regard to the Reform Bill. - - Two objections seem to me to arise. - - 1. With regard to Irish Government the Ministers cannot yet with - honour or even decency shift the responsibility from off their - shoulders on to Parliament. In so great a matter surely Ministers - must take the lead and state their policy or abdicate. - - 2. The precedent of the proceedings on the Reform Bill does not - yet, it seems to me, apply at all closely. Those proceedings were - taken to extricate Government, Opposition, and Parliament generally - from a deadlock and to avert a great constitutional crisis. In - this matter of Irish Government neither deadlock nor crisis has yet - arisen. In the event of their arising, the co-operation of parties - may well be resorted to, but this machinery would, I think, be - spoilt by premature recourse to it. - - This may happen: Mr. Gladstone may persuade his colleagues and - party to a policy which Parnell might think too good to refuse - absolutely. The policy might be embodied in an amendment to the - Address and carried against the Government by a large majority. - What should be the course of Government under such circumstances? - - To resign or to dissolve? - - I should be strongly in favour of the latter if Royal sanction - could be obtained. If the Government resign, Gladstone succeeds in - forming an Administration and carrying a Bill through the Commons - by great majorities. Then will crop up again the eternal question - of resistance of the House of Lords to the will of the people, and - an appeal to the people on that ground will cause the essential - question of Repeal or no Repeal to be obscured or perhaps - altogether lost sight of. By dissolution, a clear issue is - presented to English and Scotch constituencies, and the House of - Lords is kept out of the battle. - - Then there is no reason, it is true, why the agricultural - labourers, revolving many things in their anxious minds, should not - gladly agree to Repeal in order to obtain three acres and a cow, - and therefore no great change in the state of parties might result, - and the Tories would be definitely and decisively beaten on a - distinct issue. Well, what then? We should have fought our battle - as well as it could be fought, and the Repeal of the Union would be - the work of the people, the responsibility resting absolutely upon - them and not upon us. - - This is my own way of looking at the situation, and why I adhere to - the policy, which you think will be 'brushed aside,' of changes in - County Government, &c. That policy may fail, but at any rate it is - a Conservative policy; the surrender to Home Rule, no matter how - you disguise it, is the reverse of conservative as you will be the - first to admit. The Disraeli epoch of constant metamorphoses of - principles and party has passed away. - - Radical work must be done by Radical artists; thus less mischief - will arise. - -Yours sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -'I cannot say,' wrote Lord Salisbury, to whom this correspondence had -been referred (December 6), 'how heartily I agree in the tone of your -letter to Morris.' - -The whole political situation was considered at a Cabinet Council on the -16th. Decision was taken to go on with the Government, to meet -Parliament and await results. The outlines of the Queen's Speech were -considered. Lord Randolph was most anxious to assign a foremost place to -the reform of Parliamentary Procedure, as described in his memorandum. -The Cabinet, having listened to long speeches on Irish matters, were -tired and disposed to be irritable. The subject was one with which they -were very familiar and on which many of them had already committed -themselves. One Minister whom Lord Randolph thought he had conciliated -the day before, pronounced absolutely against it. Lord Salisbury -practised what he called 'the decorous reserve proper to one who had -been so long out of the House of Commons.' The whole question was -abruptly postponed. This defeat filled Lord Randolph with mortification. -He loved his own plans ardently. He cared too much for the objects at -stake to be skilful in personal diplomacy. He could fight; he could -lead; he could drive; but a stolid junta of Cabinet Ministers--'holy -men,' as he called them, vexed his soul. He was grievously disappointed -at what he took to be the summary dismissal of a most important subject. -He wrote in deep despondency to the Prime Minister. Lord Salisbury -consoled him in a letter almost affectionate in character. All would -come right if he drafted his proposals and chose a better opportunity of -taking the sense of the Cabinet upon them. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -India Office: December 17, 1885. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I am very grateful for your kind letter, and - intensely relieved to learn that you consider the question of - giving to Procedure a prominent place in our programme as still - quite open. I shall do as you tell me, and place on paper - elaborated proposals for the more efficient and speedy transaction - of 'business.' You are, I know, quite right in blaming me for - having been precipitate on Tuesday. I cannot help it, and shall - never be able to attain to that beatific state of chronic - deliberation which is the peculiarity of * * *, * * * & Co., and - also of the Turk. - - This I add--that Procedure reform does not necessarily entail rapid - legislation. 'Business' includes Estimates, Budget, and Supply. It - is the transaction of this that I am more especially anxious to - promote. Further, assuming that owing to some miraculous exercise - of superhuman control H.M. Government remained in office, I would - suggest that there might be very considerable tactical advantages - from not plunging immediately into legislation, and from gaining - time by setting the House of Commons to work on a difficult - question in the consideration and settlement of which no issue of - party or of confidence need arise. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -The Cabinet did not meet again until the New Year, but Christmas was not -a season of unbroken peace and good-will to Her Majesty's Ministers. Not -one, however experienced and imaginative, could penetrate the obscurity -of the future or calculate the crisis to which events were hurrying. The -election had left them in a large minority. The Government of Ireland -was rapidly passing into the hands of the National League. The Viceroy -had resigned. Mr. Gladstone was revolving vast and unfathomable schemes. -Parliament was to meet for regular business upon January 21. Meanwhile -the days were disturbed by every kind of rumour and alarm. Lord Randolph -Churchill, who always cultivated the acquaintance of clever men -irrespective of their political opinion, had friends in every camp and -possessed many special channels of information. All he could gather he -wrote to his chief:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -India Office: December 22, 1885. - -... Now I have a great deal to tell you. - - Labouchere came to see me this morning. He asked me our intentions. - I gave him the following information. I can rely upon him: (1) That - there would be no motion for adjournment after the 12th, but that - business would be immediately proceeded with after three or four - days' swearing. On this he said that, if we liked to go out on a - motion for adjournment, he thought the other side might - accommodate us. I told him that such an ineffably silly idea had - never entered our heads. Then he told me that he had been asked - whether he could ascertain if a certain statement as to a Tory Home - Rule measure which appeared recently in the _Dublin Daily Express_ - was Ashbourne's measure, and if the Tories meant to say 'Aye' or - 'No' to Home Rule; to which I replied that it had never crossed the - mind of any member of the Government to dream even of departing - from an absolute unqualified 'No,' and that all statements as to - Ashbourne's plan were merely the folly of the _Daily News_. Then I - was very much upset, for he proceeded to tell me that on Sunday - week last Lord Carnarvon had met Justin McCarthy, and had confided - to him that he was in favour of Home Rule in some shape, but that - his colleagues and his party were not ready, and asked whether - Justin McCarthy's party would agree to an inquiry, which he thought - there was a chance of the Government agreeing to, and which would - educate his colleagues and his party if granted and carried - through. I was consternated, but replied that such a statement was - an obvious lie; but, between ourselves, I fear it is not--perhaps - not even an exaggeration or a misrepresentation. Justin McCarthy is - on the staff of the _Daily News_. Labouchere is one of the - proprietors, and I cannot imagine any motive for his inventing such - a statement. If it is true, Lord Carnarvon has played the devil. - Then I told Labouchere that if the G.O.M. announced any Home Rule - project, or indicated any such project, and by so doing placed the - Government in a minority, resignation was not the only course; that - there was another alternative which might even be announced in - debate, and the announcement of which might complete the - squandering of the Liberal party, and that his friend at Hawarden - had better not omit altogether that card from his calculations as - to his opponents' hands. Lastly, I communicated to him that, even - if the Government went out and Gladstone introduced a Home Rule - Bill, I should not hesitate, if other circumstances were - favourable, to agitate Ulster even to resistance beyond - constitutional limits; that Lancashire would follow Ulster, and - would lead England; and that he was at liberty to communicate this - fact to the G.O.M.[48] - -Meanwhile Mr. Gladstone, although embarrassed and forestalled by the -disclosures in the newspapers, was deep in his Irish schemes. A chance -conversation which he had had with Mr. Balfour in the middle of December -had encouraged Mr. Gladstone to make a proposal to Lord Salisbury. He -wrote (December 20) of the 'stir in men's minds' and of the urgency of -the question, how it would be 'a public calamity if this great subject -should fall into the lines of party conflict.' Only the Government could -deal with such a question, and on public grounds he specially desired -that the existing Government would deal with it. If Lord Salisbury and -his friends would bring forward 'a proposal for settling the whole -question of the future government of Ireland,' he would desire to treat -it in the same spirit as he had shown in respect to Afghanistan and the -Balkan Peninsula. - -We are assured that Mr. Gladstone laid great stress upon this proffer of -support. He had told the Queen two years before that the Irish question -could only be settled by a conjunction of parties. He seems to have -imagined that such a proposal would be regarded us a fair and -magnanimous undertaking, and would receive, as some may think it -deserved, the unprejudiced deliberation of the Cabinet. He had received -full information--denied to Lord Randolph Churchill--of Lord Carnarvon's -interview with Parnell. He believed in all sincerity that the -Conservative Government were seriously considering, even if they were -not already committed to, a policy of Home Rule in some form or other. -He remembered the conferences on the Reform Bill, and the support which -he had lately given to the new ministry. Neither he nor his friends seem -fully to have appreciated the fear and aversion with which his opponents -regarded him. His letter was treated with contempt. No other word will -suffice. 'A public calamity,' forsooth! 'If this great question should -fall into line of party conflict!' 'His hypocrisy,' wrote a Minister to -whom this letter had been shown, 'makes me sick.' In the Tory Cabinet -there was but one opinion about him. He was 'mad to take office'; and if -his hunger were not 'prematurely gratified,' he would be forced into -some line of conduct which would be 'discreditable to him and -disastrous.' - -Mr. Gladstone wrote again on the 23rd, pressing for a definite answer. -'Time,' he said, 'was precious.' Lord Salisbury suavely replied through -Mr. Balfour, in a letter which has since been made public, that a -communication of the views of the Government would at this stage be at -variance with usage. As Parliament would meet for business before the -usual time, it was better 'to avoid a departure from ordinary practice -which might be misunderstood.' There, of course, the matter ended; and -thus idly drifted away what was perhaps the best hope of the settlement -of Ireland which that generation was to see. Mr. Gladstone tarried no -longer. On December 26[49] he drafted a memorandum for submission to the -various noblemen and gentlemen with whom he proposed to act, setting -forth with all possible precision his immediate intentions. If the -Government were ready to deal with Ireland in a manner that would -satisfy him and satisfy the Irish Nationalists, he would support them. -If not, he would turn them out at the earliest convenient opportunity; -and if in consequence entrusted with the duty of forming a Government, -he would make the acceptance of a plan of 'duly guarded Home Rule' an -indispensable condition. - -Ministers meanwhile preserved an impenetrable silence. No one knew in -what spirit, with what intention or with what allies they would meet -Parliament. The Queen's Speech still engaged the attention of the -Cabinet. Lord Randolph Churchill was indebted to a friend for a happy -suggestion, which he did not delay to forward to Lord Salisbury:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -India Office: January 14, 1886. - - Mr. Buckle has just been to see me, full of an idea of his own - which struck me as good, and which I persuaded him not to spoil by - bringing it out in to-morrow's _Times_. - - [Sidenote: 1886 AET. 36] - - He wishes the Queen's Speech of 1833 to be imitated, when, after - the agitation of O'Connell, the Government declared in the Speech - their intention of maintaining the Union. I send you the paragraph - and also the paragraphs from the Speech of 1834, which seem still - more to the purpose. Mr. Buckle very forcibly argues that some - declaration of such a kind will force on the question at once, and - prevent Gladstonian shuffling being resorted to successfully. The - Irish would be obliged to meet such a challenge, and all parties - would have to declare themselves.... - -The paragraph which was finally adopted was modelled on the lines of the -Speech of 1834:-- - - _The King's Speech, Feb. 4, 1834._ - - But I have seen, with feelings of deep regret and just indignation, - the continuance of attempts to excite the people of that country to - demand a repeal of the Legislative Union. - - This bond of our national strength and safety I have already - declared my fixed and unalterable resolution, under the blessing of - Divine Providence, to maintain inviolate by all the means in my - power. - - In support of this determination I cannot doubt the zealous and - effectual co-operation of my Parliament and my people. - - _The Queen's Speech, Jan. 21, 1886._ - - I have seen with deep sorrow the renewal, since I last addressed - you, of the attempt to excite the people of Ireland to hostility - against the Legislative Union between that country and Great - Britain. I am absolutely opposed to any disturbance of that - fundamental law, and in resisting it I am convinced that I shall be - heartily supported by my Parliament and my people. - -But the Tory leader was meditating a more decided challenge. He proposed -to meet Parliament with a declaration of a Coercion policy which should -disperse all doubts as to the relations of his Government with the -Parnellites and should throw upon the Opposition the odium of defeating -a Government upon a measure affecting law and order. He may have been -led to this decision partly by a desire that the armies should face -each other squarely in the coming battle. Partly, no doubt, he was -persuaded thereto by the growing clamour and pressure of those sections -of his own party who are always powerful to urge repressive measures. -Sulky murmurs at the Carlton; loud complainings in the _Times_; -trumpeted advent of Loyalist and Orange deputations claiming the -protection of the Crown--all the storm-signals were flying. But there -was a considerable case upon the merits. When Lord Randolph Churchill -had visited Ireland in October he found the Viceroy anxious and alarmed -by the growing power of the National League, and that organisation was -now greatly extended. Throughout those parts of Ireland where the -National League was supreme, liberty and law were gravely endangered. -There was not, indeed, that kind of treasonable organisation which had -existed in 1865 and 1867; nor was there such an amount of capital crime -as culminated in the Phoenix Park murders; but a sullen, widespread, -and well-organised spirit of resistance to the laws of property had -taken possession of the Irish people and grew worse week by week. 'There -were in Ireland, and there are in Ireland now,' said Lord Randolph at -Paddington (February 13, 1886), 'two governments--there is the -Government of the Queen and the government of the National League--and -the Government of the Queen is not the stronger government of the two in -many parts of Ireland.' - -Lord Salisbury first mentions the subject on January 13. 'I am very -perturbed,' he writes, 'about the state of Ireland.' Three days later -he met the Cabinet with definite proposals. Lord Ashbourne had prepared -a Coercion Bill, and the Prime Minister had drafted a paragraph for the -Queen's Speech announcing its immediate introduction. The Cabinet was -startled. Lord Randolph Churchill and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach had not -prepared themselves for such a departure, grave as they knew the -situation in Ireland to be. They were not satisfied that a case for -special legislation was disclosed, still less that it could be sustained -in the House of Commons. Both remembered their speeches of the previous -summer. Neither responded sympathetically to the militant and autocratic -temper of the mass of the party. The council was long and stormy and -Ministers separated without having come to any decision. Meanwhile the -resignation of Lord Carnarvon was publicly announced. - -The decision of Lord Salisbury's Administration to introduce a Coercion -Bill in January 1886 has been the subject of much hostile criticism. It -has been censured as a resort to extra-constitutional measures, not for -the sake of public safety, but as a party manoeuvre. It has been -denounced as the callous and unscrupulous reversal of a policy of -conciliation so soon as the Irish vote had been cast at the election. -There is a degree of justice and truth in these harsh accusations, but -it is only a degree; and if the Ministers concerned require a defence, -that defence is best supplied by their own secret letters during these -days of perplexity and stress. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -Carlton Club: January 16, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I cannot resist writing to you on Ireland - while the proceedings of to-day's Cabinet are fresh in my mind. As - far as I could ascertain, the exact difference of opinion between - the view which you hold and the view which I ventured to express - amounts (in the measure of time) to a month at the outside. You - would announce and produce a Bill at once. It appears to me that at - present there is no sufficient Parliamentary case for a Bill, - estimated by the weight of facts adduced; and that the Bill which - you may decide upon now, upon your incomplete grounds, may and will - in all probability be utterly insufficient to meet the facts which - you will have to deal with in abundance in a period of time which - may be calculated by weeks and even days. - - What I would like to know, if I am not asking too much, is - this--What influence or information not yet disclosed is compelling - you to lay such a heavy burden on your sadly inefficient colleagues - in the House of Commons? I assume as indubitable that you consider, - and almost entirely guide your action by, the state of parties in - the House of Commons--that is involved in the decision come to in - December to carry on the Government--yet I am certain that you know - that none of us could sustain a case for Coercion. Yet you press it - on us--for we could have come to an agreement to-day on Lord - Cranbrook's suggestion, only that evidently it was not acceptable - or good in your eyes. - - I wish I knew what you really wanted, and how you wished it to be - worked out. I have never thought of anything except the success, or - at least the credit, of _your_ Government; and, knowing how much - depends on the House of Commons, I am at the present moment only - occupied in imagining how the action which you seem to favour could - be effectively sustained from a House of Commons point of view. I - do not think you will accuse me of arrogance or conceit if I avow - my belief that, unless you show me the way very clearly, that - action must fail disastrously. I do not want it to fail so. I know - how very great and high your position is, what a really fine party - you have behind you, how great their confidence in you is (on these - points I do not believe I am capable of making an error), and I am - most anxious that that great instrument on which depends not merely - the item of Ireland, but also the interests of the entire Empire - and home community, should not be damaged or blunted by weak and - inefficient House of Commons action such as the immediate demand - for Coercion will in practice involve. - - One word as regards the Government of Ireland. You think the - situation so serious that it demands a Coercion Bill. That - necessitates a strong Irish Government. That Government you have - not got. I think there are three men in the Government who would - answer to the requirements of the position--Lord Cranbrook, Mr. - Smith, and (please don't be shocked) myself. Of the three I greatly - prefer Mr. Smith. But, assuming that you have decided it is your - duty to carry on the Government until you are turned out, I implore - you not to think of [the arrangement Lord Salisbury had suggested]. - No extra laws could make that good or stable. I hope you won't be - vexed with me for writing so freely. I am only anxious to find - myself on Monday loyally and strenuously supporting whatever you - may think best to be done; but I admit I have not been able - hitherto to refrain from shrinking to take part in an enterprise - desperate in its nature, involving certain and immediate - Parliamentary death, and which, if determined on, will only leave - you without one or two of your most faithful supporters in the - House of Commons. Not that they will refuse to obey what you order, - but that the order itself will be their ruin. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -_Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - - - -_Confidential._ - -Foreign Office: January 16, 1886. - - My dear Randolph,--I cannot say how much touched I am by the great - kindness and loyalty of your letter. I cannot help feeling how - little I deserve it. I will tell you at once what my dominant - feeling is. It is that we should be a united Cabinet--if possible - with a united party. I have been throughout ready to postpone my - individual opinion to this primary consideration. We have no right - to the luxury of divided councils in a crisis such as this. It is - evident that the great majority of the Cabinet--and, I believe, the - great majority of the party--wish earnestly for a policy which will - show that we do not shrink from the duty of government, and that we - mean to stand by the Loyalists. The disaster I am afraid of is that - we should be driven from office on some motion insisting on the - necessity of a vigorous step, and our position in Opposition would - then be very feeble and we should be much discredited. - - I really feel very strongly and deeply all the kindness you have - shown to me, and the great and most successful efforts you have - made to sustain the Government. I should differ from you and Beach - with the most extreme reluctance. But do not let us take any line - which will brand us in the eyes of our countrymen--or will enable - our opponents to do so--as the timid party, who let things float - because they dared not act. The time is coming on us when people - will long for government: do not let us get a character of - shrinking from responsibility. - - The question of the _personnel_ of the [Irish] Government must be - considered, but the Speech presses for settlement in the first - instance. I should have thought that the notorious growth of this - 'second government' throughout Ireland, overshadowing the law and - the Queen's authority and securing its power by organised terror, - would have sustained a case for such a Bill as Gibson produced. If - you remain of the opposite opinion, let us consider whether some - such phrase as the enclosed could unite us.[50] It is merely a - suggestion. I confess I have a heavy heart in the whole matter. I - have serious doubts whether I am doing my duty. But my train is - going. Perhaps I may write again from Hatfield. - -Ever yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -Lord Randolph now surrendered his view altogether. Never before or -afterwards did the two men stand in such cordial relationship. A -comradeship in anxiety had drawn these contrasted natures, each so -vehement and earnest after its own fashion, very close together:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -India Office: January 16, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I am very grateful for your letter, which - enables me to enter more fully into the position from which you - view things than I have been able hitherto to do. I greatly like - the paragraph suggested, and believe firmly that it meets with - wisdom, tact, and courage the necessities and the possibilities of - the situation. But, _after all_, you are the head of the - Government, and have had a very long experience of public affairs; - and if you think it absolutely incumbent to go further--well, - then, further we must go. A collapse of the Government at the - present moment would be a catastrophe too hideous to contemplate. - - I have said all that occurs to me at much too great length and with - far too much reiteration. _Kismet._ - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -There is a passage in the speech of Sir R. Peel on the Address in '33, -where the constitutional position required before a Coercion demand is -very clearly and weightily laid down. - -He wrote to Beach accordingly. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was more -unyielding and his letter shows the variety of strong characters arrayed -against Mr. Gladstone:-- - - - - _Sir Michael Hicks-Beach to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -January 17, 1886. - - My dear Churchill,--Of course I should readily accept the sentence - Salisbury suggests. But though his letter touches and influences - me, it does not persuade me to anything more; and I am sorry your - reply goes so far. I do not in the least believe that, with such - Irish paragraphs as we are all ready to accept, any motion - insisting on the necessity of a vigorous step would be ever - proposed, much less carried, against us. I do not think in such a - matter we ought to be governed by the ignorant wish of 'the great - majority of the party' or be forced to action we do not approve for - fear of being branded as the 'timid party.' If these are - Salisbury's reasons for Coercion, my opinion remains the same. - - But his last sentences require explanation. If by 'serious doubts - whether I am doing my duty' he means that he is himself persuaded - that the moment has come when the government of Ireland cannot be - carried on without it, and that he ought not therefore to agree to - delay, that is another matter. I would yield my opinion, strong as - it is, to his convictions, but _only to his convictions_. And in - that case he _must_ have a man to govern Ireland. - -Yours sincerely, -M. E. HICKS-BEACH. - - - -Monday's Cabinet was united upon the Queen's Speech. Lord Salisbury -decided to entrust the Irish Office to Mr. Smith. Lord Randolph -Churchill, who had acquired much influence with him, was chosen to press -it upon him. The task was thankless and unpromising; the occasion -momentous; but the post of difficulty and peril was also the post of -honour. Gravely and reluctantly Smith accepted, and Lord Cranbrook -became Minister of War in his stead. 'I saw Mr. Smith this morning,' -wrote Lord Randolph to the Prime Minister (January 20), 'and used every -argument to persuade him to take in hand the government of Ireland. The -appointment should be settled to-day and announced to-morrow morning -without fail. If there is any weakness in our attitude on Coercion -(which I do not at all admit) it will be more than contradicted by the -appointment of Mr. Smith. This of itself will do much to restore -confidence. Please do not, if possible, allow any delay. On second -thoughts,' added Lord Randolph mischievously, 'would Lord Iddesleigh -like to go as Lord-Lieutenant?' - -The appointment of the new Irish Secretary was announced on the morning -of the 21st, and that same day formal business, including election of -Speaker, having been previously completed, Parliament was opened in -state and the Session began. - -The Government prolonged a precarious existence for five days. Both -parties were in a turmoil. On the one side Whigs and Moderate Liberals -endeavoured, without success, to extract from Mr. Gladstone definite -declarations upon Ireland. In the Tory camp the demand for a Coercion -Bill was loud and insistent. Although the party as a whole had been -beaten in the elections, the bulk of its members came fresh from -remarkable victories in the big towns. Their temper was aggressive. They -welcomed the declaration of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that Mr. -Smith would go to Ireland at once to consider what special measures were -necessary. - -We are told that Mr. Gladstone did not resolve to overturn the Ministry -until they definitely declared for Coercion on January 26. That act, he -considered, imposed the responsibility of government upon him. But Lord -Randolph Churchill's correspondence shows that he had information as -early as January 13 that some independent member would move an amendment -to the Address regretting that no announcement was made of provision for -the wants of the agricultural population. Whether this would fail, or -would gain the support of a united Opposition, could not be ascertained -till the House met. A few hours of Westminster were, however, sufficient -to convince the Tory leaders that the temper of the majority was -adverse to them, that virtual and effective agreement existed between -Mr. Gladstone and Parnell, and that Whig and Moderate Liberal support -would almost certainly be insufficient to sustain them. They had decided -on Coercion; they resolved, if possible, to place the details of their -policy and the case in support of it before the country. The adroit and -experienced Parliamentarians on the Treasury Bench used all their wits -to obtain the necessary delay. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had given -notice on the 21st that immediately on the conclusion of the debate on -the Address he would move resolutions for the Reform of Procedure and -that these would be pressed to the exclusion of other matters, 'subject -to the intervention of any specially important or urgent business.' On -the following day Lord Randolph Churchill suggested that the general -debate on the Address should be brought to a conclusion and that the -reforms in Parliamentary Procedure, the consideration of which Mr. -Gladstone had declared in his election address ought to take precedence -of legislation, might be decided before the amendments to the Address -were considered. The changes which Ministers proposed were in themselves -sufficiently startling to have absorbed the House in calmer times; and -Lord Randolph no doubt calculated upon this. But Mr. Gladstone found no -difficulty in persuading his party that Procedure reform might safely be -a little delayed. Lord Randolph's proposal was ignored and the debate -continued. - -On the 23rd Mr. Smith started for Dublin, which he reached on the -morning of the 24th. The imminent defeat of the Ministry had now become -certain. An amendment relating to Burma was moved on the 25th. Mr. -Gladstone, though recommending that no decision should be taken upon it, -as other more convenient opportunities of discussing Indian matters -would occur, indulged in acid criticism of the Burmese policy. 'Shall I -answer him now?' asked Lord Randolph, taking up the red box in which the -India Office papers reposed, 'or shall I wait for the Indian Budget?' -'Now or never,' answered the Leader of the House; and Lord Randolph -thereupon, using the precise information of a great department with the -skill of a practised debater, made a vigorous rejoinder. Upon the spur -of the moment he managed to cite a number of instances from the record -of the late Government where they had themselves been drawn into warlike -operations, with, as Lord Randolph contended, far less justification -than was presented in Burma. Mr. Gladstone was much provoked by such -comparisons. He could not speak again himself, and as the Secretary for -India proceeded he was observed repeatedly turning to those about him -and behind him, explaining how this did not apply; how that was wholly -unfounded: how this, again, was a travesty; and so forth. The -Conservatives were delighted at Lord Randolph's prowess. The attack was -repelled. On the next amendment the Liberal Front Bench abstained, and -the Government survived by twenty-eight. But this was the end. - -Faced by approaching destruction, the Government cared only to rally -their friends, to make one last bid for Whig support, and to declare -plainly the issue on which they were to be dismissed. The Cabinet which -met on the morning of the 26th desired the immediate introduction of a -Coercion Bill. But Mr. Smith was not inclined to be hustled. He could -not realise the rapid developments which had taken place in his absence. -Harassed by telegrams, he appealed to Lord Randolph. The friendship -between them was steadily ripening. Of all the characters with which -this story deals, scarcely one improves so much upon acquaintance as -this valiant and honest man. He was the true type of what Disraeli calls -'an English worthy.' Here is his letter:-- - - - - _Mr. Smith to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -Chief Secretary's Office, Dublin Castle: January 25, 1886, 6 P.M. - - My dear Churchill,--I have had a telegram from Salisbury which - affords evidence of pressure for what is termed 'prompt action,' - and I have replied by letter. Another telegram has just come in - from Beach, which cannot be deciphered before post leaves. - - There is only one opinion here--that the League must be suppressed - and large powers obtained to protect life, property and public - order, unless the Government is prepared to treat for terms of - capitulation with the Parnellites. But the Land Question is at the - bottom of the trouble, and gives all the force to the agitation. As - at present advised, I should be unwilling to ask for large - repressive powers unless I had authority to promise a large land - scheme. - - But these telegrams indicate restlessness in my colleagues. So big - a question cannot be decided offhand. It is more than peace or war - with a foreign Power. We are at a crisis in the relations of the - Imperial Government with Ireland. I may very possibly fail to do - any good, but I will not be hurried into a positive decision on - such momentous issues by the party or the papers; and if my - colleagues think the three or four days I propose to take too long, - I will return to London with pleasure. Let me hear from you either - by telegraph or post. - -Yours sincerely, -W. H. SMITH. - - - -The correspondence was continued by cypher telegrams:-- - - - - _Lord R. Churchill to Mr. Smith._ - -January 26. - - Greatly obliged by your letter. - - Absolutely necessary for Government to state to-night their - intentions with regard to Ireland--viz. suppression of National - League followed by Land Bill. This is the only method of averting - defeat on Jesse Collings. Notice should be given to-day of - introduction of repressive Bill on Thursday, coupled with revival - of rules of urgency. Telegraph to me your views. I would earnestly - press your return to London. - -_Mr. Smith to Lord R. Churchill._ - - I think proposed action looks precipitate. There is no excessive - urgency here, and great care is required in framing and describing - measure. I should prefer, if possible, to provide against the - intimidation of League than denounce it by name. I cross to-night. - -Lord Randolph replied from the House of Commons at six o'clock the same -day:-- - - Your telegram received half-hour after Cabinet separated. Beach has - just announced introduction of Bill by you on Thursday for - suppression of National League and other dangerous associations, - for the prevention of intimidation and for the protection of life, - property and order in Ireland.[51] Of course, great sensation. - - It is not improbable, however, that we shall be defeated to-night, - in which case we shall resign. I showed your wire to Lord - Salisbury. We both agreed you would not wish unanimous decision of - Cabinet modified. - -Mr. Smith arrived in London with the daylight, to read upon the early -placards that the Government was out. - -The famous Jesse Collings Amendment produced an interesting debate; but -as the members listened to the opposing views of Mr. Chaplin and Mr. -Joseph Arch, of Mr. Goschen and Mr. Bradlaugh, of Mr. Gladstone and Lord -Hartington, they knew that behind the relevant arguments of the -speakers, behind all the talk of peasant-proprietors, allotments, -vegetables, and cows, stood a far greater issue. 'If the result of this -division,' said the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 'should be unfavourable -to Her Majesty's Government we shall accept that decision without -regret. We assumed office reluctantly, and we shall leave it willingly -as soon as we are assured that we do not possess the support of the -House. But the success of this motion will have another and graver -effect.... It will not only be a defeat of Her Majesty's Government, but -it will be a defeat of the policy ... which they believe it to be their -duty to pursue with respect to Ireland.' - -The Government were beaten on the division by seventy-nine votes, -notwithstanding that sixteen Liberals, including Lord Hartington, Mr. -Goschen and Sir Henry James, voted with them and fifty-six others stayed -away. The next day Lord Salisbury's Cabinet resigned. - -Thus, after a brief but exciting reign, fell the 'Ministry of -Caretakers.' They had confronted enormous difficulties with small -resources. They existed at the caprice of their enemies. They had -office, but not power. Yet they faced their task and their opponents -with courage and skill. Their Administration was defended by powerful -oratory; it was sustained--except in its dying moments--by sedate and -efficient Executive action. In a few short months the Conservative party -were freed from the reproach of irresponsibility and their capacity for -government was recognised by the country. The peace of Europe was -preserved amid grave embarrassments and under their guidance the nation -emerged safely and honourably from the Russian crisis. They legislated -with unexpected good fortune. They inaugurated a new policy, never since -abandoned, of Land Purchase in Ireland. They restored and greatly -strengthened the defences of India. They laid the foundations of -Australian Federation, and by a successful, inexpensive and almost -bloodless military expedition added a vast and fertile province to the -dominions of the Crown. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -HOME RULE - - 'Vote it as you please. There is a company of poor men that will - spend all their blood before they see it settled so.'--CARLYLE, - _Cromwell_. - - -On the last day in January Mr. Gladstone undertook to form his -Administration. Its complexion was indicated by the first of the new -appointments: for Mr. Morley became Chief Secretary to the -Lord-Lieutenant. This was followed, without delay, on the one hand by -the statement that Lord Spencer had acquiesced in the new Irish policy -and would be Lord President of the Council; and upon the other by -rumours of Whig refusals. For some days negotiations were protracted -with Lord Hartington, Mr. Goschen and Sir Henry James; but, whatever -signs of hesitation had marked their previous course, their action now -was decided. Sir Henry James was offered successively both the Lord -Chancellorship and the Home Secretaryship, and even more important -Executive offices were pressed upon the others. All were declined. Doubt -and reluctance were also manifested by Mr. Chamberlain and Sir George -Trevelyan and both required and received assurances that they were not -committed, by joining the Government, to the support of any Irish policy -which involved the creation of a separate Parliament. For the rest it -may be noticed that Sir William Harcourt became Chancellor of the -Exchequer; that Lord Rosebery went to the Foreign Office; and that -neither Lord Derby nor Mr. Forster was included in the Government. - -The traveller who visits an old battlefield can never fully understand -what its various natural features meant to the combatants. He is shown, -perhaps, a rocky ridge which is called the key of the position. He reads -that it was taken and repurchased on hard terms more than once during -the day. But it is an ordinary object in the landscape. A dozen such -eminences have been seen during the morning's ride. Was it really so -important? Were the fortunes of kingdoms actually for some hours -involved in the possession of those few acres of rank grass and -scattered stone? As he stands serenely on ground where once the bravest -soldier hardly dared to crawl, he can scarcely believe it. Yet, to the -men who fought, those rocks meant much more than life or death. Duty was -there; honour was there; and in the end victory. And if the smoky -curtain that hangs about the field were lifted and the view enlarged, it -might be seen that great causes of truth, or justice, or freedom, and -long tranquil years in smiling lands depended indeed upon this ragged -ridge, made famous by the blundering collision of two armies, worthless -except for the tactical purpose of the moment and probably ill-adapted -and wrongly selected even for that. - -The actual provisions of the Home Rule Bill do not at all convey the -magnitude of the issue or explain the gravity with which it was -regarded. A proposal to establish by statute, subject to guarantees of -Imperial supremacy, a colonial Parliament in Ireland for the transaction -of Irish business may indeed be unwise, but is not, and ought not to be, -outside the limits of calm and patient consideration. Such a proposal is -not necessarily fraught with the immense and terrific consequences which -were so generally associated with it. A generation may arise in England -who will question the policy of creating subordinate legislatures as -little as we question the propriety of Catholic Emancipation and who -will study the records of the fierce disputes of 1886 with the superior -manner of a modern professor examining the controversies of the early -Church. But that will not prove the men of 1886 wrong or foolish in -speech and action. - -The controversy of 1886 can never be resolved. Whatever may happen in -the future, neither party can be brought to the bar of history and -proved by actual experience right or wrong. The cases of Catholic -Emancipation, of the Great Reform Bill, of the Repeal of the Corn Laws, -are differently placed. We know that in certain circumstances a great -change was made and that that change was immediately vindicated by -events and afterwards ratified by posterity. The opponents of the change -stand condemned. No such assured conclusion of the Home Rule Question of -1886 can ever be reached, unless by some unthinkable coincidence the -actual circumstances of that time were reconstructed. - -Mr. Gladstone ultimately succeeded in convincing not only his personal -friends and half his fellow-countrymen of his entire sincerity, but his -most capable opponents also. Yet at the time his motives were impugned, -and not without much reason. Concessions to Ireland made by any British -Government which depends for its existence on the Irish vote, will -naturally and necessarily be suspect. There must always be a feeling in -English minds that such a government is not a free agent, that it is -trafficking for personal or party advantage with what belongs to the -nation. In 1886 Mr. Gladstone's Administration lay under deep suspicion. -His own appeals for an independent majority at the election; the sudden -conversion of his principal colleagues; the absolute dependence of his -power upon Mr. Parnell's followers; the precipitate haste with which he -had taken office; all tended to confirm the distrust and prejudices of -his opponents. Whether his Bill was proposed upon its merits or not, it -was not considered, and could not be considered, upon them. It looked -like surrender--not advance; and surrender made shameful by the party -advantage that was its first-fruits. The violent scenes in the House of -Commons, the declarations of hatred towards England reiterated by Irish -Nationalism, however historically excusable, the long nightmare of -outrage and unrest through which Ireland was struggling, the American -gold, the dynamite explosions, the bloody daggers in the Phoenix -Park, had bitten deep into British minds and memories. The tireless -conflicts of Catholic and Protestant, of landlord and tenant, provoked -and disquieted statesmen of every complexion. Some there were who rose -to Mr. Gladstone's level of enthusiasm, who shared his consciousness of -unswerving rectitude and dreams of glorious achievement; but by most of -the eminent men in England the Irish proposals of 1886 were regarded as -the surrender of national heirlooms at the compulsion of public enemies, -involving an act of practical secession with potential consequences of -revolution and civil war. And once this conviction was adopted, all -chance that the plan itself would be fairly weighed was inevitably -destroyed. Radicals who, like Mr. Chamberlain, were committed to all -sorts of schemes of devolution, who looked with favour upon National -Councils or Legislatures of the Canadian provincial type, were, by the -stroke of crisis, united with the ultra-Conservatives and -authoritarians. A state of war existed and political leaders selected -their positions upon tactical reasons alone. Here it was good to fight; -there it was bad. At this point a stand might be made; that it would be -well to concede. All question of a reasonable settlement vanished. Every -man chose his ground and fought upon it to win. 'Never,' said Lord -Randolph in after years to a friend, 'have we approached the Irish -Question _avec de bonnes paroles et de bons procedes_.' - -Thus it happened that in the tremendous enterprise upon which Mr. -Gladstone had now determined to embark, he found arrayed against him -nearly all the leading men and most of the strongest forces in England -and Scotland. When a party has been for many years supreme in the State, -it draws into itself by its prestige and authority many men who are not -really with it in sympathy and opinion. The Whigs and many moderate -Liberals had long been estranged. They were held by the force of party -associations alone and most of them welcomed a shock which ended the -strain and freed them from obligations they could no longer faithfully -discharge. The wealthy Whig Peers were glad to escape from Radical -associates and to be ranked in the mass of their order. Statesmen of the -old school like Mr. Bright, Lord Hartington and Mr. Goschen, with many -followers whose talents adorned the Liberal party, were quite unprepared -to adapt themselves to the new conditions which a democratic franchise -had imposed. The Home Rule proposals--already in themselves a sufficient -cause for final separation--were, besides, a convenient opportunity. All -this was to have been expected, and no doubt the Irish accession was -estimated to fill the gap. But a Radical defection was utterly -unforeseen. - -Of all the men who followed Mr. Gladstone into the Lobby on the night -when the Jesse Collings amendment dismissed the 'Ministry of Caretakers' -from office, Mr. Chamberlain stood to gain the greatest profit, both in -the furtherance of his political opinions and in his personal -advancement, from the turn events were taking. For five years he had -battled with the Whigs in the Cabinet; for five years they had checked -him. He had declared he would not serve with them again. Now they were -going. Their influence alone had enabled the Prime Minister to moderate -the Radical demands, of which he was the champion. In the place of that -influence was now to be substituted the party of Mr. Parnell. If Mr. -Chamberlain had been powerful before, what would he be in the Liberal -Governments of the future? If Mr. Gladstone had yielded much to his -insistence in the past, what must he concede thereafter? At the very -moment when the Radical movement was growing in strength, after an -election in which the 'Unauthorised Programme' had saved the counties -from the Tory triumph in the towns, the whole composition of the Liberal -party was to be changed--and changed wholly in his favour. The Prime -Minister was a very old man. The path was already almost clear. The -future of the party lay at the feet of the leader of thorough, precise -and militant Radicalism. - -And if in one direction all prospects looked so bright, the other seemed -entirely barred. He was in acute antagonism with Lord Hartington. Lord -Salisbury had just called him 'Jack Cade.' The Whigs regarded him as the -cause of their undoing. To the Tories he was a warning of the wrath to -come. By many acts of his public life, by a hundred speeches, by the -affirmation of important principles and the support of definite -measures, he had cut himself off from Whigs and Tories alike. Many men -will wrestle with their own party or change to another party, but few -will face political extinction. That such a man, careless perhaps of -office, but ambitious for power, should in such circumstances quarrel -with Mr. Gladstone, tear his own Radical following to pieces and go -forth into the night-storm almost alone, was a fact not in human wisdom -to be known or imagined in dreams. Yet his reply to Parnell's demand had -been prompt and plain. 'If these, and these alone, are the terms on -which Mr. Parnell's support is to be obtained,' he declared as early as -September, 'I will not enter into the compact.' - -That Lord Randolph Churchill was consistent and sincere in his -opposition to Home Rule was at the time much questioned by both sides, -and some shadow of that suspicion has remained. He it was who had -rendered possible the co-operation between the Irish party and the Tory -Opposition, which had placed and maintained the late Government in -office. He was known to hold liberal views on Irish problems. He was -described as being unscrupulous in Parliamentary manoeuvre. He had -opposed the renewal of Coercion. He had defended the Maamtrasna inquiry. -If it were true that the Conservative Government had had any Home Rule -dealings as a Government, he was reputed their agent. If any Minister -had trafficked independently, he was that Minister. Many Home Rulers and -Orangemen, agreeing in nothing else, agreed in believing that he at any -rate had been ready upon a Home Rule basis to bargain with Parnell. -These suspicions are injurious. No man was more vigorous in his public -resistance to Home Rule or more vehement in his language than Lord -Randolph Churchill; and if in the midst of his denunciations of Mr. -Gladstone, while he was rousing England and inflaming Ulster, it had -been true that he was fortified by no real conviction, and had been -ready a few months before to sell all that he now declared sacred, an -odious charge would have been brought home. - -The documents printed in preceding chapters constitute an unassailable -defence. No Unionist politician has a clearer record. Lord Randolph -Churchill was perfectly willing to work with the Irish members. He -understood how much they had in common with the Conservative party, and -with the best part of the Conservative party. He had no prejudices and -many sympathies in their direction. But his arrangement with them, or -with any of them--for he counted on dividing their forces--would have -been social, religious or economic in its character. It would never have -been of a National character. To give the Irish the educational system -they desired, to court and coax the Bishops, to win the Catholic Church -to the side of the Conservative party--these were objects which all his -life he faithfully pursued. The first political pamphlet he wrote was on -Irish intermediate education. Whether as a Minister in 1885, or out of -office in 1888 and 1889, he will be found deep in schemes of Catholic -conciliation by Irish educational reform--primary, intermediate and -university. One of the last letters this account contains returns to and -reiterates this long-cherished idea. Almost his last speech in the House -of Commons was in defence of Catholic schools. But to the repeal of the -Parliamentary Union he was always unalterably opposed. He did not even -think it worth while to consider seriously the many modified -alternatives in which the times abounded. They might be wise or unwise; -but they were not, he thought, within the functions of the Conservative -party. He knew nothing of the Carnarvon incident, and was incensed to -discover it. His letter to Lord Morris of December 7, 1885, shows how -unyielding he was even to the suggestion of a conference, before the -great attempt was made. His correspondence with Mr. Chamberlain, who -always inclined to alternative proposals, proves him quite unconvinced -in later years by the course of the struggle or by the change in his own -position. 'It would require circumstances widely different and pressure -of an almost overwhelming kind,' he wrote in August 1887, 'to induce any -portion of the Tories to look at any scheme of Home Rule. Gladstone -alone can deal with that measure; and I hope that if he does, and when -he does, he may be kept in check and controlled by a powerful -Opposition.' - -The advent of this great crisis therefore threw him for the first time -into complete sympathy with the whole Conservative party. All his -energies and talents were freely expended in a cause for which he cared -intensely. Mr. Gladstone's vast personal power may perhaps be measured -by the opponents by whom he was confronted, and by whom he was so -narrowly overborne. It would be profitless to compare the relative -services of the various distinguished men who now ranged themselves -against him; to observe that Sir Henry James made the heaviest -sacrifices, that Mr. Chamberlain ran the greatest risks, that Lord -Salisbury showed commanding wisdom or that Lord Hartington struck the -weightiest blows. But when the history of the famous battle for the -Union in 1886 comes to be worthily written, it will be found that no -single man fought with effect in more different quarters of the field -than Lord Randolph Churchill or was in the heart and centre of more -decisive frays. - -Outside the walls of Parliament the issue was determined chiefly in the -cities of Birmingham and Belfast. The transference of the whole -political strength of the great Midland centre of Radicalism to the -Unionist cause and the fierce resistance of the Irish North, were the -two most serious obstacles which Mr. Gladstone encountered. In both -cities the conflict was marked by every circumstance of passion and -excitement. In both Lord Randolph intervened as a leader. He possessed -in an eminent degree many of the qualities which may be discovered in a -successful military commander. He could detect with almost unerring -skill the weak points in his enemy's array. He could make up his mind -with bewildering rapidity and act upon the decision so formed with -absolute confidence. He knew well how to separate what was vital from -what was merely important or desirable. He was quite ruthless in casting -away smaller objects for the sake of a greater. Few men were better -suited to the storms of violent times. Till the explosion of Home Rule -in the early days of December, he was deep in schemes of educational -concession to the Catholic hierarchy--schemes which were in themselves -delicate and complicated and which, on account of the suspicion they -would have excited in Protestant Lancashire, were necessarily secret -while a General Election was pending. But no sooner did Mr. Gladstone's -intentions become known with certainty than Lord Randolph looked towards -Ulster. All plans of Catholic Universities and nice correspondence with -princes of the Church had to be unceremoniously stowed away till calmer -weather. Christmas found him planning his visit to Belfast. By the New -Year the arrangements were completed. The Ulster Hall was prepared and -the Orange drums were beating. 'I decided some time ago,' he wrote -bluntly to FitzGibbon, on February 16, 1886, 'that if the G.O.M. went -for Home Rule, the Orange card would be the one to play. Please God it -may turn out the ace of trumps and not the two.... I expect,' he added, -'your old Commission will go to the devil now.' - -Lord Randolph was the first of the out-going Ministers to break silence -and in Paddington, on February 13, he defended the violent oscillations -in the Irish policy of the late Government--the contrast between the -policy of August 1885 and that of January 1886. The reader is already in -possession of the main features of that defence, but it is set forth in -this speech in a complete argumentative shape; and though it is -naturally a partisan account, it will be found to bear a close -comparison with the facts now published. The situation in Ireland in -August had not, he declared, necessitated the renewal of the Crimes Act. -The provisions of the Crimes Act were not suited to deal with the -National League; and by January the growth of that organisation required -the creation of new and different weapons. 'If the hateful and malignant -domination of the National League had been finally and for ever -suppressed, if the restoration of order had been effective--then Lord -Salisbury's Government were prepared to propose to Parliament measures -which would to a large extent have met the legitimate aspirations of the -Irish people, whether as regards Local Government or as regards the -further settlement of some portions of the eternal Land Question, or as -regards those wishes of the Catholics of Ireland on higher education -which a large concurrence of the opinion of this country is disposed to -look upon as right and reasonable.' He concluded by appealing for the -support and encouragement of his constituents in his mission to Ulster -upon which he was about to embark. - -Lord Randolph crossed the Channel, and arrived at Larne early on the -morning of February 22. He was welcomed like a king. Thousands of -persons, assembling from the neighbouring townships, greeted him at the -port. At Carrickfergus, where the train was stopped, he imitated--almost -for the only time--a historic example by addressing a 'great crowd on -the platform.' In Belfast itself a vast demonstration, remarkable for -its earnestness and quality and amounting, it is computed, to more than -seventy thousand people, marched past him. One who knew Ireland well -declared that he had not believed 'there were so many Orangemen in the -world.' That night the Ulster Hall was crowded to its utmost compass. In -order to satisfy the demand for tickets all the seats were removed and -the concourse--which he addressed for nearly an hour and a half--heard -him standing. He was nearly always successful on the platform, but the -effect he produced upon his audience in Belfast was one of the most -memorable triumphs of his life. He held the meeting in the hollow of his -hand. From the very centre of Protestant excitement he appealed to the -loyal Catholics of Ireland to stand firm by the Union and at the same -time, without using language of bigotry or intolerance, he roused the -Orangemen to stern and vehement emotion. - -'Now may be the time,' he said, 'to show whether all those ceremonies -and forms which are practised in Orange Lodges, are really living -symbols or only idle and meaningless ceremonies; whether that which you -have so carefully fostered, is really the lamp of liberty and its flame -the undying and unquenchable fire of freedom.... The time may be at -hand when you will have to show that the path of honour and safety is -still illuminated by the light of other days. It may be that this dark -cloud which is now impending over Ireland, will pass away without -breaking. If it does, I believe you and your descendants will be safe -for a long time to come. Her Majesty's Government hesitates. Like -Macbeth before the murder of Duncan, Mr. Gladstone asks for time. Before -he plunges the knife into the heart of the British Empire he reflects, -he hesitates.... The demonstrations to-day will have a very useful -effect not only upon the public mind in England, but also on the -Ministerial mind, and many more of them must be held. And those -demonstrations ought to be imposing not only from their numbers, but -also for their orderly character. We are essentially a party of law and -order and any violent action resorted to prematurely or without the most -obvious and overwhelming necessity might have the most fatal and -damaging effect upon the cause which we so dearly value and might -alienate forces whose resistance would be beyond all price. The -Loyalists in Ulster should wait and watch--organise and prepare. -Diligence and vigilance ought to be your watchword; so that the blow, if -it does come, may not come upon you as a thief in the night and may not -find you unready and taken by surprise. - -'I believe that this storm will blow over and that the vessel of the -Union will emerge with her Loyalist crew stronger than before; but it is -right and useful that I should add that if the struggle should continue -and if my conclusions should turn out to be wrong, then I am of opinion -that the struggle is not likely to remain within the lines of what we -are accustomed to look upon as constitutional action. No portentous -change such as the Repeal of the Union, no change so gigantic, could be -accomplished by the mere passing of a law. The history of the United -States will teach us a different lesson; and if it should turn out that -the Parliament of the United Kingdom was so recreant from all its high -duties, and that the British nation was so apostate to traditions of -honour and courage, as to hand over the Loyalists of Ireland to the -domination of an Assembly in Dublin which must be to them a foreign and -an alien assembly, if it should be within the design of Providence to -place upon you and your fellow-Loyalists so heavy a trial, then, -gentlemen, I do not hesitate to tell you most truly that in that dark -hour there will not be wanting to you those of position and influence in -England who would be willing to cast in their lot with you and who, -whatever the result, will share your fortunes and your fate. There will -not be wanting those who at the exact moment, when the time is fully -come--if that time should come--will address you in words which are -perhaps best expressed by one of our greatest English poets:-- - - The combat deepens; on, ye brave, - Who rush to glory or the grave. - Wave, Ulster--all thy banners wave, - And charge with all thy chivalry.' - -'As I was bold enough to trouble you about your speech,' wrote Lord -Salisbury the next day, 'I may be allowed to say that I thought it -singularly skilful. You avoided all shoals, and said nothing to which -any Catholic could object--and yet you contrived to rouse a great -enthusiasm among the Protestants. And that I gather to be the general -opinion. I am sure the effect of the speech will be very great in -Ulster.' Lord Salisbury made no secret of his opinion, and on March 3 -publicly alluded to the Belfast speech as a 'brilliantly successful -effort.' The Ministerialists, upon the other hand, were furious. Lord -Randolph was accused of inciting to insurrection and treason and -denounced as 'a rebel in the skin of a Tory.' The Parnellites were -especially indignant that one whom they had been accustomed to regard -with friendly feelings, should so far forget his duty as to make an -inflammatory speech in Ireland; and as the delinquent entered the House -of Commons the next night, he was greeted by a loud demonstration of -hostility from the Nationalist benches, taking, if contemporary -descriptions may be trusted, the form of prolonged and dismal groaning. - -[Illustration: "_Ulster will fight, & Ulster will be right._"] - -On the 26th Mr. Sexton requested the Government to afford an opportunity -to the House for discussing a vote of censure upon Lord Randolph -Churchill; and the Prime Minister, in refusing, was careful to base -himself on the needs of public business alone. Lord Randolph, however, -persisted in his courses and a few weeks later, in a letter to a -Liberal-Unionist member, he repeated his menace in an even clearer -form: 'If political parties and political leaders, not only -Parliamentary but local, should be so utterly lost to every feeling and -dictate of honour and courage as to hand over coldly, and for the sake -of purchasing a short and illusory Parliamentary tranquillity, the lives -and liberties of the Loyalists of Ireland to their hereditary and most -bitter foes, make no doubt on this point--Ulster will not be a -consenting party; Ulster at the proper moment will resort to the supreme -arbitrament of force; Ulster will fight, Ulster will be right; Ulster -will emerge from the struggle victorious, because all that Ulster -represents to us Britons will command the sympathy and support of an -enormous section of our British community, and also, I feel certain, -will attract the admiration and the approval of free and civilised -nations.' - -The jingling phrase, 'Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right,' was -everywhere caught up. It became one of the war-cries of the time and -spread with spirit-speed all over the country. The attitude of the -Protestant North of Ireland became daily more formidable. The excitement -in Belfast did not subside. Dangerous riots, increasing in fury until -they almost amounted to warfare, occurred in the streets between the -factions of Orange and Green. Fire-arms were freely used by the police -and by the combatants. Houses were sacked and men and women were killed. -So savage, repeated and prolonged were the disturbances, breaking out -again and again in spite of all efforts to suppress them, that they -became in the end the subject of a Parliamentary Commission, the -evidence and report of which are not pleasant reading and proved, when -finally published, damaging to the Orange party. - -The subject was not, however, discussed in the House of Commons until -May 20. An interlude in the Home Rule debate was required for the -passage of an Arms Bill which the state of Ireland generally, and of -Ulster in particular, had rendered necessary. Lord Randolph was, of -course, the object of severe attack from the Irish party and especially -from Mr. Parnell, who accused him of inciting, unintentionally, to -murder and outrage. To this charge, and to a statement of Sir Henry -James that his Ulster speech proved him 'half a traitor,' he replied -indignantly. He was able to cite the authority of Lord Althorp, Sir -Robert Peel, Mr. Morley and of the Prime Minister himself in support of -the contention that circumstances might justify morally, if not -technically, violent resistance or even civil war. He declined to recede -in any way from his words, and the Conservative party cheered him loudly -when he said so. Sir Henry James made a soft answer; but the -extraordinary feature in the debate was the intervention of the Prime -Minister. He did not arrive in the House until after Lord Randolph had -spoken, but without delay he launched out upon a sonorous denunciation -of his proceedings. He declared that such conduct reminded him of Mr. -Smith O'Brien, who in 1848 had risen in his place and announced that, -regarding constitutional means exhausted, he would forthwith return to -Ireland and proceed to levy war against the Queen. But Mr. Smith -O'Brien, argued Mr. Gladstone, was only a private member and a -representative of the people. How much more reprehensible was such -conduct when displayed by a former Minister of the Crown, by an -ex-Secretary of State and by a Privy Councillor! It almost seemed, from -the measured severity of the Prime Minister, that he intended to -conclude by intimating that he had advised the Queen to strike Lord -Randolph Churchill's name from the list of the Privy Council. But he -avoided this natural conclusion to his argument. 'If,' he said, 'we were -a weaker country, with less solid institutions, such occurrences as this -would, in my opinion, have called for severe and immediate notice.' Mr. -Plunket from the Front Opposition Bench defended Lord Randolph, but the -Irish continued to attack him all the evening in an acrimonious fashion. -The next day Lord Randolph wrote to the Prime Minister, pointing out -some inaccuracies in the words attributed to him. Mr. Gladstone replied -tartly:-- - - - -10 Downing Street, Whitehall: May 21, 1886. - - Dear Lord Randolph,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your - letter of this day, and it would be a matter of great regret to me - if I had used words which misrepresented your statements on so - important a question as that of resistance to the law. - - My words rested mainly on a recollection of your speech in Ulster, - and of your letter of May 7 to Mr. Young. To abridge or avoid any - controversy which is avoidable, I will at once say I am content to - take your opinions as you have yourself expressed them in the - closing paragraph of your letter to Mr. Young. - - Let us, then, if you please, consider that paragraph as already - substituted for my words. - - The only difference will be that to that paragraph I should feel - constrained to apply the words in which last night I endeavoured to - describe your opinions, without any subtraction or modification, in - lieu of applying them to the description from memory which on the - moment I endeavoured to give. - -I remain, dear Lord Randolph, -Faithfully yours, -W. E. GLADSTONE. - - - -There the matter ended, being crushed in the throng of greater events. -Constitutional authorities will measure their censures according to -their political opinions; but the fact remains that when men are -sufficiently in earnest they will back their words by more than votes. -'I am sorry to say,' said Mr. Gladstone in 1884, in defence of Mr. -Chamberlain's threat to march 100,000 men from Birmingham to London in -support of the Franchise Bill, 'that if no instructions had ever been -addressed in political crises to the people of this country except to -remember to hate violence and love order and exercise patience, the -liberties of this country would never have been attained.' - -Lord Randolph immediately on his return from Ulster, at the end of -February, threw himself heart and soul into his favourite project of a -coalition. To bring all Unionists together in one line of battle, -strengthened by trust and comradeship, to spread with roses the path of -every man or Minister who would separate from Mr. Gladstone, was his -unwearying endeavour. He would not allow personal differences to -disfigure that array. As early as January he had made friends with Lord -Hartington, who was still deeply offended by the 'boa constrictor' -speech. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Hartington._ - -India Office: January 13, 1886. - - Dear Lord Hartington,--I learnt some time ago that you had - considered some remarks which I made in Manchester in November - concerning yourself in your public position considerably exceeded - the proper limits of political controversy. From your manner this - afternoon when we met I venture to think that you will not - misunderstand me when I endeavour to assure you that in case I am - open to blame in this matter I greatly regret it; and indeed will - admit that it is probable that on the occasion alluded to I dwelt - upon events which I feel must ever be to you of a deeply painful - memory in an unguarded and stupid manner. - - There was, however, I hope you will believe, no intention on my - part to say aught that you could object to on these grounds, and I - am very sorry if it is the case that I gave you cause for - reasonable and just complaint. - -Yours faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -This, of course, put everything right. Lord Hartington replied with much -cordiality, and the friendly relations thus re-established were -thereafter consistently preserved and improved. - -On March 2 Lord Randolph visited Manchester again, was received by -enormous crowds in the streets and spoke at almost proportionate length -in the evening to upwards of 12,000 people in the Pomona Gardens--a -spot now occupied by the central pool of the Ship Canal. Certainly the -offer which, with Lord Salisbury's consent, he made to the Whigs and -Liberal seceders could not well have been more fair or handsome. 'Tell -us what you want,' he said: 'dictate your terms. We believe in your -hearts you are animated only by a desire for the welfare of the country; -we believe that you possess the capacity, mental and otherwise, for -contributing to that welfare. If you like to form a Government -yourselves, we will support you. If, on the other hand, you wish for our -personal co-operation in that Government, we will give it you. If there -are persons to whom you object and with whom you do not wish to serve, -those persons will stand aside cheerfully.' And then he went on, in a -passage which those he so faithfully served ought not perhaps to -overlook, to urge the formation of a new party. 'Do you not think,' he -asked, 'that the time has arrived--and fully arrived--when we might -seriously consider together how we might form a new political party in -England? Do you not think that that party might be an essentially -English party? I say English from no spirit of prejudice whatever. I -mean a party which shall be essentially English in all those ideas of -justice, of moderation, of freedom from prejudice and of resolution -which are the peculiarities of the English race. Do you not think that -such a party might be formed, which might combine all that is best of -the politics of the Tory, the Whig or the Liberal?--combine them all, -whether they be principles or whether they be men; and might not we call -that party by a new name--might not we call it the party of the Union? -Members of that party might be known as Unionists. Our opponents are the -party of Separation, and they may be known as 'Separatists,' because -they are a party who, in one form or another, would adopt a policy which -would be equivalent to the restoration of the Heptarchy--a policy which -would throw back our civilisation for centuries, and a policy which must -inevitably destroy that great fabric of empire which those centuries -have laboriously erected. I ask you to answer that proposition -seriously. Let us go in for a party of Union; and it is not only to be a -party of union of the United Kingdom, but it is also to be a party which -supports as its great and main and leading principle union with our -colonies and union with our Indian Empire. I offer this without further -elaboration to your most earnest attention, because I believe that it is -only by the union of all the subjects of the Queen in all parts of the -world and by the re-invigorated cooperation, cohesion and consolidation -of all parts of the widely scattered British Empire that you can hope to -restore to your commerce and to your industries their lost prosperity.' - -Meanwhile the preparation of the Irish Bills was jealously guarded from -the public eye. Rumours and reports of their character, and of the -resistance they were encountering in the Cabinet, multiplied and -perished daily. Whigs and Moderate Liberals arraigned before anxious -local associations defended themselves in one way or another from -charges of 'insubordination' and 'lukewarmness.' Even those who had -refused great office were subjected to severe examination. But while the -agitation and excitement in the country mounted steadily, the -proceedings in Parliament were tame and dull. 'Les jours se passent et -se ressemblent,' wrote Lord Randolph. 'Waiting on the G.O.M. is weary -work.' Radical resolutions in favour of Disestablishment and the -abolition of the House of Lords failed to rouse the smallest interest. -All debates on other than Irish subjects were unreal; and as the -Government reasonably claimed sufficient time to present their policy in -due form, discussion on Ireland degenerated into desultory skirmishing. -A Scottish Crofters Bill and the colourless 'Cottage Budget' slipped -easily through. An unrestful hush preceded the storm. - -In this interval Lord Salisbury retired to the Riviera and Lord Randolph -kept him supplied, as usual, with every kind of rumour, chaff, gossip -and circumstantial information, which his wide and various -acquaintanceship enabled him to collect. These chatty letters do not -lend themselves to reproduction. They are too full of sharp phrases and -personal confidences. But in the main they show only the utter -uncertainty and confusion that reigned in the political world and how, -even to those best able to judge, much that seemed trivial, turned out -to be true and important and much that looked substance, proved -moonshine. - -Lord Salisbury himself was far-sighted, but not sanguine. He was -doubtful of a Whig coalition:-- - - It was said of the Peelites of 1850 [he wrote on March 16] that - they were always putting themselves up to auction and always buying - themselves in. That seems to me the Whig idea at present. I do not - think it is necessary to make any more advances to them. The next - steps must come from them. - - I have great doubts about _your_ being the impediment. I observe - that Hartington, whenever he has the chance, dwells with so much - conviction upon my 'rashness, &c.,' that I suspect I am more the - difficulty than you. I believe the G.O.M., if he were driven to so - frightful a dilemma, would rather work with me than with you; but - that with Hartington it is the reverse. - -And a fortnight later:-- - - It does not seem to me possible that we should attempt to govern by - a majority of which Hartington, Trevelyan and Chamberlain will be - important parts. On the other hand, a dissolution by us, as a - 'Government of Caretakers,' would be hazardous. It would give both - the Chamberlain and Hartington sections an opportunity of wooing - back their old supporters by abusing us on some point or other that - is sure to arise and so escaping from the necessity of fighting the - election campaign mainly on Home Rule. It would be much better for - us that the dissolution should take place with Gladstone in power, - and upon the Home Rule question. It will then be impossible for the - three sections of Liberals to coalesce against us, and the moderate - men will be compelled to give us (at the election) some friendly - guarantees. But Gladstone may, if he is beaten, decline either to - dissolve or to go on. I see no hope of good Parliamentary - government in England unless the right wing of the Liberals can be - fused with the Tories on some basis which shall represent the - average opinion of the whole mass. But I see little hope of it. The - tendency to grouping, caused mainly by the exigencies of various - cliques of supporters, is becoming irresistible. - - * * * * * - - I doubt any popular stirring on this question. The instinctive - feeling of an Englishman is to wish to get rid of an Irishman. We - may gain as many votes as Parnell takes from us; I doubt more. - Where we shall gain is in splitting up our opponents. - -But in the last week of March the situation cleared and hardened. -Descriptions more or less accurate and detailed of the Home Rule Bill -and its companion measure had leaked out. The division in the Cabinet -became open. Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Trevelyan had, it now appears, -already wished to resign on the 16th. Mr. Gladstone persuaded them to -remain, at any rate until the Irish proposals could be presented to his -colleagues in a concrete form. On the 26th the Prime Minister faced his -powerful lieutenant for the last time across the Cabinet table. The -differences of opinion and mood were not to be reconciled or covered by -verbal concessions, however ingenious. Even with goodwill on both sides -they could not honestly have come to an agreement. And by this time -personal goodwill had ceased to be the determining factor in the -decisions of either. The resignations were announced forthwith. Persons -were found, as is usual in such circumstances, to occupy rather than to -fill their places. Together, in the ensuing five years, Mr. Gladstone -and Mr. Chamberlain could have carried almost any measure of Liberal or -Radical reform upon which they were resolved. The champion of Tory -Democracy, the cautious leader of the Whigs, the astute Conservative -general, would have resisted them in vain. But the separation proved as -lasting as it was complete and the war declared upon March 26, 1886, did -not cease until after Mr. Gladstone had finally retired from the -political arena. - -Ever since their reconciliation after the Aston Riots, Lord Randolph -Churchill and Mr. Chamberlain had been good friends. The Radical leader -had been the first to offer his congratulations upon the defeat of 'the -old gang' in June 1885. He had discountenanced the opposition to Lord -Randolph's re-election on taking office, and had been displeased that a -contrary action should have been attributed to him. The bickerings and -wranglings of the General Election in Birmingham had left their personal -relations quite unaffected. They had fought with fairness, and even with -courtesy in public speech, and without rancour of any kind. The -friendship that existed between them was now to have an important -bearing upon the course of events. - -In various ways Lord Randolph Churchill was the only prominent man in -the Conservative ranks with whom Mr. Chamberlain could easily deal. Lord -Salisbury represented opposite ideas, and his antagonism had been so -recent and marked that direct association was impossible, even in this -great crisis. But Lord Randolph had been so roundly charged, both by his -Conservative comrades and his regular opponents, with being 'a Radical -in disguise,' and was, in fact, so far advanced on many questions, that -Mr. Chamberlain could consort with him without embarrassment or flagrant -incongruity. Lord Randolph therefore became a natural and indispensable -link. The force of political circumstances was strengthened by personal -predilection. Both men liked each other's company. Their moods and ways -of looking at things--to some extent their methods--were not altogether -dissimilar. Both were popular leaders drawing their strength from -democracy. Both were bold, determined, outspoken and impulsive by -nature. Both had been joined to their orthodox party colleagues by -slender and uncertain bonds. So long as Chamberlain was a Minister, -their communications were necessarily restricted; but as soon as he had -resigned, he was free, and the two came together in close and cordial -co-operation. - -Mr. Chamberlain was not likely to be turned from his purpose by the -difficulties and dangers of his position. The determination of such men -is only aggravated by these elements. Their doubts are hardened into -convictions at the whisper of compulsion. He had made up his mind, and -he would certainly not have been bullied out of it. All sorts of -ingenious and substantial alternatives occupied his imagination. An -Irish National Assembly, sitting at Dublin, 'free to make bye-laws,' but -'subject to the authority' of Parliament--able to levy rates, but -leaving 'the Queen's taxes to be settled at Westminster,' would not have -driven him away. But on the main point he would not budge, any more than -Mr. Gladstone. He would not on any account erect 'another sovereign -authority similar to the Imperial Parliament.' Rather than consent -thereto he would face political ruin. And, indeed, it might have come -very near to that latter conclusion in the summer months of 1886. - -Lord Randolph Churchill now set himself to work by every means in his -power to make the path of such an ally easy and smooth. To bring 'the -great Joe,' as he is so often called in the Churchill-Salisbury -correspondence, into the main line of the Union party seemed to him, -indeed, a worthy aspiration. He possessed in private life a personal -attractiveness and a wonderful manner--at once courtly, frank and -merry--which he did not by any means always display. Only his intimate -friends saw his best side. He now exerted himself to comfort Mr. -Chamberlain in the difficulties by which he was beset, and to make him -feel, in the midst of so much anxiety, that he was not without generous -friends in the Conservative party, who were ready to work with him in -this great fight without conditions or explanations of any -kind--without, indeed, one thought beyond the immediate overpowering -issue of the hour. The two men dined together often; they corresponded -freely; they consulted almost every day. - -The Ministerial resignations and the imminence of the Parliamentary -crisis induced Lord Randolph to urge by telegraph Lord Salisbury's -return. The latter was, however, not well enough to travel for several -days and in the meanwhile his lieutenants were in much perplexity. Lord -Randolph wrote to Lord Salisbury on March 29:-- - - Joe's conversation last night was somewhat to this effect: He has - separated from Gladstone on account of the question of keeping the - Irish M.P.'s at Westminster. Chamberlain's Parliament or Council - would be little more than a kind of central vestry, and the Irish - M.P.'s would remain at Westminster as they now are. Gladstone's - Parliament is a real Parliament, and contemplates the departure of - the Irish M.P.'s. Chamberlain is very anxious, and cannot count for - certain on Radical support. He is rather 'drawing a bow at a - venture.' He is much exercised because G.O.M. will not let him make - any explanation of his resignation until after he has introduced - his Bill. Thus G.O.M. has the advantage of first bark. I am going - to dine with Joe to-night at his house, _tete-a-tete_, and shall - learn more. Last night there were too many others present for much - close conversation. Caine, on being asked to stand for Barrow, made - a _sine qua non_ that he was to oppose Home Rule, and the Barrow - Liberals have accepted him on this platform. This is not without - significance. Gladstone declares he will have a majority of 100; - the Government Whips say 20; R---- says he will be beaten by 70. - - Joe told me he had not exchanged a word with John Morley for six - weeks. Ashbourne was commenting last night on the fact that - Archbishop Walsh had swallowed John Morley's atheism. 'Ah,' said - Morris, 'John Morley spells God with a small _g_; but he spells - Gladstone with a big _G_, and that satisfies the Archbishop.' - - I shall write to you again to-morrow and tell you what I hear - to-night. - - - _March 30._--I hope this will catch you before you leave Monte - Carlo. I learnt a good deal from my friend Joe last night. - Gladstone's scheme, when Chamberlain retired, was roughly to this - effect: An Irish Parliament of one Chamber, with political powers - equal to the constitution of Canada, controlling all sources of - revenue, raising any taxes, with Ministers responsible to Irish - Parliament. Some kind of shadowy veto reserved to Crown. No other - guarantees or safeguards. The fiscal arrangement was to this - effect: At present Ireland pays by taxation 8,000,000_l._ to - Exchequer; of this England spends 4,000,000_l._ on expenses of - Irish Government, and takes the balance towards service of debt, - army and navy. In future Ireland is to pay 3,500,000_l._ to the - Exchequer towards these three latter objects, and to pay for her - Government as best she can. - - The land scheme contemplated the issue of Consols to selling - landlords at a rate which was the same all over Ireland, but which - was to some extent influenced by the size of the holding. If - everybody interested in land took advantage of the scheme - simultaneously, the amount of Consols to be issued would be - 220,000,000_l._; but by various dodges this was not to take place, - and the estimated gross issue of Consols was placed at - 120,000,000_l._ On this advance Ireland would have to pay 3 per - cent. interest and 1 per cent. sinking fund, or something over - 4,000,000_l._ a year. So that the total payments to the Exchequer - would be about what Ireland pays now--viz. 8,000,000_l._--for which - she would receive the land of Ireland and political independence. - Chamberlain thought the whole scheme might be altered by the G.O.M. - between last Friday and Thursday, 8th; but such it was in rough - outline when he left them. Can you imagine twelve men in their - senses silently swallowing such lunatic proposals? - - Chamberlain said he could not support opposition to the - introduction of this Bill; so that, I suppose, no such opposition - will be pressed. He said that it was everything that the country - should see the G.O.M. had had the fairest of fair play. He is going - to reply to the G.O.M. on the 8th, and I could see he contemplates - a smashing speech--in fact, a speech for dear life.... No doubt - Chamberlain's defection has increased Hartington's numerical - following, and it has also rather fluttered him, for fear he should - be cut out by Chamberlain taking the lead. Chamberlain told me that - there was not a chance of his ever serving in the same Cabinet with - Goschen. This will make a reconstruction of the Liberal Government - under Hartington impossible. - -Political apprehension increased as the date for the declaration of the -Irish policy drew near. This event, after various postponements, was -finally fixed for April 8. Early in the month Lord Randolph persuaded -Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Salisbury to meet. The Turf Club was the -neutral ground selected. Thither Lord Salisbury repaired--not, as it -appears, without trepidation and misgivings, and in the little dingy -downstairs room where visitors are received, was begun that strange -alliance afterwards so powerfully to affect the course of history. 'I -was very anxious to see you to-day,' wrote Lord Randolph to Mr. -Chamberlain on the 5th, 'but learn you are gone home. Your friends, of -whom you have many, of whose existence you are not perhaps aware, are -desperately anxious that in any reply which you may make to Gladstone on -Thursday, you should not commit yourself to, or acknowledge the -authorship of, any alternative scheme. It would be a very dangerous -piece of manoeuvring with such a skilful opponent as the G.O.M., and -besides might scatter dissension among the allies without conciliating -estranged Radicals or infuriated Irish. Don't be cross with me for -troubling you. The situation is so critical for everybody that any -genuine opinion is worth consideration.' - -And again later from the House of Commons:-- - -'My anxiety about Thursday forces me to write to you again to remind -you, in case of forgetfulness among many other anxieties, that the -Queen's consent to a detailed explanation of Cabinet proceedings is -required, which consent I am informed on high authority must be asked -for in a formal letter.... The G.O.M. is capable of trying to trip you -up on any formality.' - -Mr. Chamberlain replied on the 6th. He was vexed with Lord Hartington, -who had changed his mind about the arrangements of the debate and who -now wished to follow Mr. Gladstone immediately. To this Mr. Chamberlain -had assented, not without irritation. 'The whole matter,' he wrote, 'is -rendered more uncertain by the fact that the permission from the Queen -is curiously worded. It seems to preclude reference to Land Purchase; -and as this is bound up with the scheme of Home Rule, I shall decline to -say a word unless I am free to tell the whole story. I have written to -Mr. Gladstone, but at present have no idea whether or when I shall -speak.' - -Lord Randolph answered:-- - - - -House of Commons: April 7, 1886. - - I and my friends pressed very strongly on Hartington and his lot - your indefeasible title to speak after G.O.M. if you chose to do - so, and last evening they finally agreed to this. Now things are - again in confusion ... if we do not act symmetrically and in union, - we shall all get muddled up. Lord H. tells me he is going to see - you this evening. I want to see you first. Could you meet me at the - Athenaeum, and, if so, at what hour? Send reply by bearer to - Carlton. - - Lord Salisbury tells me G.O.M. has no right to prevent you from - making a full explanation of your reasons for quitting H.M.'s - service, and that if you write direct to H.M. and send it by - special messenger he (Lord S.) is pretty certain she will give you - leave, and you can snap your fingers at the G.O.M. - - The irresolution and indecision of the Whigs is most baffling. I am - certain Hartington means nothing but what is right and fair towards - you, but you know there are one or two round him who are very - jealous of you. Don't blame him, and if you see him this evening - before I see you don't let him think you are riled with him. - - We shall have a desperate fight with this artful G.O.M., and - nothing will win but the wisdom of the serpent. - -But in the meanwhile Mr. Chamberlain had abandoned all idea of speaking -on the first day. The uncertainty as to whether the Bill had been -changed or not seemed to him a good reason for delay. His doubts about -the Land Bill had, moreover, been removed. 'Mr. Gladstone,' he writes -(April 7), 'makes no objection to my referring to the Land scheme; so -this difficulty will not arise.' - -The debate was marshalled with the utmost care. Lord Randolph feared -lest some trifle might make the mutual relations of his two powerful -allies more difficult than they were already. He understood how easily -vast consequences may in times of strain and emergency arise from -personal matters. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -Turf Club, Piccadilly, W.: April 7, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--Hartington is to see Chamberlain to-night, - and will let me know the result of the interview here about twelve - this night. - - He anticipates great difficulty with Chamberlain, because it - appears now that he wants himself to move the adjournment on - Thursday night, and that he may cut up very rough if again - interfered with. Lord H. says if Joe refuses to give way on this - point he (Lord H.) will not press it, and will decide to follow on - immediately after the G.O.M. - - I trust it may be arranged in accordance with my views, because, - from my knowledge of the House of Commons under the Gladstone - spell, if the angel Gabriel was to follow the G.O.M. to-morrow - nobody would report him or care what he said; but by Friday morning - all the glamour will have disappeared, and the Hartington - brandy-and-soda will be relished as a remedy for the intoxication - of the previous evening. - - I have written to Chamberlain asking him to see me this evening - before he sees Lord H. - - I shall send you a line this evening about twelve in case anything - of interest 'transpires.' - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -April 7, later. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I had a long and most satisfactory interview - with Chamberlain this evening. In consequence he met Lord H. in a - friendly manner, and arranged as follows: that he (Joe) will move - the adjournment on Thursday evening, and that Lord H. is to speak - Friday, either before or after dinner--for preference before. - Trevelyan will speak to-morrow. Lubbock and Lymington will also - represent Whig impartiality and patriotism if required. - - Therefore we have to find dinner-hour speakers, and Plunket as a - ten o'clock man. The debate is to be carried into next week. If - G.O.M. insists upon Monday for his Budget, Tuesday will be taken - for Home Rule. - -I hope you may approve of all this. -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. C. - - - -The famous 'Bill for the better government of Ireland,' after various -delays, came before the House of Commons on April 8, and was expounded -by the Prime Minister with his usual power and more than his usual -restraint. The Chamber, crowded from floor to ceiling with persons of -distinction and authority, the purlieus of Parliament invaded by an -excited throng, reflected the anxiety of his opponents and enforced the -memorable importance of the day. It was discovered that the Irish -members had taken possession of many places on the Conservative benches -above the gangway. The group of ex-Ministers, clustered together as if -on an island, seemed surrounded on every side by the exultant cheers of -their opponents. And as they listened to the oratory of their grand -antagonist and to the loud applauses which were raised from all parts of -the House, more than one heart sank at the onslaught which must now be -met. - -Mr. Chamberlain did not speak till the following afternoon. Lord -Randolph's anxiety about the exact terms of the Royal permission was -justified by the event. So soon as Mr. Chamberlain, in the course of his -explanation, found it necessary to refer to the Land Bill, 'a very -startling proposal, involving the issue of 120,000,000_l._ Consols,' Mr. -Gladstone rose at once to remind 'his right honourable friend,' as he -was always careful to call him, that the permission obtained from the -Queen on his behalf had no relation whatever to the Land Bill, but -referred to the Government of Ireland Bill alone. Mr. Chamberlain at -once asserted that he had resigned on the Irish policy as expressed in -the two Bills, and his explanation could not be complete unless he was -allowed to refer to both. He asserted that he had asked the Prime -Minister to obtain for him permission to read his letter of March 15, -which dealt exclusively with the Land scheme, and that Mr. Gladstone had -consented to this. The Prime Minister suavely observed that he could not -recollect what letter was written to him on March 15, and that he had no -power to extend the Queen's permission beyond the limits of the -Government of Ireland Bill. The situation was painful and acute. Mr. -Chamberlain found himself in a position of astonishing difficulty. Quite -apart from the painful nature of a misunderstanding upon matters almost -of personal honour between distinguished men who had hitherto belonged -to the same party, his whole speech--the 'speech for dear life,' on -which so much depended--must at every step in the argument be -interrupted, restricted and recast. In the hush of a great assembly, -stirred by passions the fiercer that they were restrained, surrounded by -political opponents and personal enemies, menaced by the rancorous -attitude of the Nationalist members, and confronted by the greatest -Parliamentarian of the age, the resigning Minister had to make up his -mind whether to go on and defy the Prime Minister, whether to sit down -at once and refuse to attempt a mutilated explanation, or whether to -submit and say what could be said as well as possible. He chose the -last, and he succeeded in delivering a speech of nearly an hour which -proceeded by steps of close and sustained argument to a triumphant -conclusion. Lord Randolph Churchill's admiration for this memorable -personal and Parliamentary feat was boundless. 'By a supreme and -unequalled effort,' he wrote at once, 'you have reasserted your position -as leader of the Radical party, and on questions of Imperial policy you -have gained the confidence of the country. I never heard anything -better.' - -In spite of all its unexpected restriction the speech of the resigning -Minister had proved damaging to Bill and policy. But a more formidable -shock was to follow. Mr. Chamberlain has been censured for having joined -the Government of 1886 at all; and at the time, while passion was hot, -he was freely accused of having joined it in order to wreck it. The -letter which he had written to the Prime Minister before accepting -office on January 30, asserting his opinions in perfectly unmistakable -terms upon the Irish Question, and the 'unlimited liberty of judgment -and rejection' which Mr. Gladstone had formally accorded him, are in -themselves a powerful defence of his action. But Lord Hartington, who -had from the very first held aloof, occupied a far stronger position; -and from that position, with the 'hereditary virtue of the whole House -of Cavendish,' in his usual temper of sober integrity, and in that style -of homely yet profound argument which has always influenced the English -mind, he now delivered a tremendous blow. For a long Parliament he had -led the Liberal Opposition; for almost a generation he had filled great -office; on a hundred important occasions he had been the spokesman of a -Government and a party, and yet until he sat down after his speech on -the introduction of the Home Rule Bill, no one on either side of the -House knew what he could do. Mr. Chamberlain could answer the Prime -Minister, Lord Randolph could attack him and fight him, Mr. Goschen -could rate him; but Lord Hartington on this occasion did that to Mr. -Gladstone which no other living man could do, and which Disraeli himself -had seldom done--he rebuked him. - -Beside these speeches the rest of the debate, distinguished as it was by -so much wit and vigour, lay somewhat in shadow. The Chief Secretary, as -the living embodiment of the new Irish policy, was heard with the -greatest attention when he closed the discussion for that evening. In -arraigning the late Government for their bewildering changes of mood and -action towards Ireland, he fastened upon Lord Randolph a sharp -adaptation of a famous verse which was devoid neither of justice nor -severity:-- - - Stiff in opinions, often in the wrong, - Was everything by turns, and nothing long, - And in the course of one revolving moon - Was green and orange, statesman and buffoon. - -Lord Randolph, when he resumed the debate next day, chose, like a good -general, other ground to fight upon than that selected by his adversary -as suited to attack. He spoke with unusual moderation, paying many -elaborate tributes to the Prime Minister's eloquence and glory, and -dealing mainly, in laborious detail, with the fiscal and financial -proposals of the Bill. He contrived, without actually applying the -quotation, to remind the Chief Secretary of Grattan's description of a -speech of Lord Clare. 'Great generosity of assertion, great thrift of -argument, a turn to be offensive without the power to be severe--fury in -the temper and famine in the phrase.' He kept his most effective retort -till the end. Mr. Morley had suggested that the consequences of the -rejection of the Bill might be an outbreak of crime and outrage in -Ireland, and against those responsible for its defeat. Lord Randolph -rejoined with force and dignity that such considerations ought not to -influence the House. 'Are these new dangers? Have we never known of a -"No Rent" Manifesto? Have we had no experience of dynamite explosions? -The right honourable member for Bury can tell the House how we were -providentially, and almost miraculously, preserved from an awful -disaster. But the dynamiters--the people who were inculpated in these -atrocities--are now undergoing what has been called a living death.... -Then, sir, as to assassination. Assassination is one of the rarest -incidents in modern political life. It used to be a common method of -political warfare; but the growth and progress of civilisation has -demonstrated its utter folly and inutility. A man in public life ought -not to be deterred by the knowledge that by some mischance some day or -other he might be the mark of a lunatic or criminal, any more than -anybody contemplating a railway journey would be deterred by the fear of -an accident.' All this was greatly approved. 'I think you must be quite -satisfied,' wrote Lord Salisbury, 'that your care over your speech was -not thrown away. Everybody acknowledges it to have been admirably -judicious.' But Lord Randolph did not set much store by his effort. 'It -appears,' he wrote to his wife, 'to have been rather a _succes d'estime_ -than anything else; but the Whigs were very grateful to me for not being -abusive of the G.O.M. or violent.' And again to FitzGibbon: 'I fear you -must have thought my speech dull, but I was under an apprehension of -saying anything to hurt the susceptibilities of timorous Whigs and -Radicals, which made me very ineffective.' - -No division was taken upon the first reading out of consideration for -these same susceptibilities, and the debate was terminated on the 13th -by Mr. Gladstone in another great oration. The introduction of the Bill -being thus formally agreed to by Parliament, the agitation in the -country and the fusion of the opposing forces proceeded amain. On the -next day a meeting was held in Her Majesty's Theatre, at which Lord -Hartington appeared on the same platform as Lord Salisbury. The chair -was taken by Lord Cowper, Mr. Gladstone's late Viceroy, and he was -supported by such representative men as Mr. Smith, Mr. P. Rylands and -Mr. Goschen. The great company who assembled, mainly Conservative in -their character, had no difficulty in coming to agreement upon a -resolution hostile to the measure. Lord Randolph Churchill, for reasons -which do not appear, thought this demonstration, known to history as -'the Opera House meeting,' a mistake, and he describes it in his private -letters as a 'piece of premature gush.' He was inclined to attach more -importance to a private conclave of Whig Peers which was held two days -later at Derby House, which he attended, and of which he kept a record. -All Mr. Gladstone's Peers were present, there were scarcely any -absentees and much practical business was settled. The Duke of Argyll -and Lords Derby, Hartington, Camperdown, De Vesci, Ribblesdale and -Selborne, all spoke. Lord Hartington explained that there was no -question of a coalition. He said that nothing could exceed the loyalty -and good faith of Lord Salisbury and the Tories. In his opinion they -were fighting for the unity of the Empire, and not for personal -advantage. He could not make any definite statement; but he told them -they might take it for granted that the Tory party would loyally -support all Unionist candidatures. The Lords were urged not to be afraid -to use their influence upon local Liberal leaders; to tell the members -that their seats would be unsafe if they supported the Bill; and to -attend meetings, if possible, under Liberal auspices. If the Bill ever -reached the House of Lords great efforts must be made to reject it -unanimously. Meanwhile it was arranged that opposition to the measure -was to be fanned by all imaginable means. The meeting separated in much -enthusiasm and determination. 'The feeling against the whole policy,' -wrote Lord Randolph to FitzGibbon the next day, 'grows steadily; it is -an undercurrent which the outside public cannot detect.' - -Upon the Parliamentary tactics Lord Randolph had the clearest views:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Hartington._ - -April 14, 1886. - - Dear Lord Hartington,--I hope you will not think me officious or - presumptuous if I venture to urge upon you my views of the enormous - desirability of your giving notice to-morrow of your intention to - move the rejection of the Bill. Such a move will be the best answer - to the event of last night and the logical result of the meeting - this evening. - - I cannot refrain from expressing the opinion that this Bill ought - to be dealt with on its merits, quite apart from any Land Bill, and - that delay in giving notice of rejection until after Friday would - be open to misinterpretation. - - There are many waverers. The only way, to my mind, of leading such - persons is by resolute, prompt and decisive action. - - Please forgive me for troubling you with these lines. - -Yours very truly, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -The second half of Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy--the Land Bill--was -brought before Parliament on April 16. The Prime Minister had shown no -apparent eagerness to make public this plan, and was credited by his -opponents with intending to hold it back till after the Easter Recess, -in order that the consideration of the Home Rule Bill might not be -prejudiced and complicated. Any misgivings which he may have felt, were -fully justified by the event. The measure was on all sides ill received. -The landlords, whom it was meant to conciliate, would have nothing to do -with it. Radicals disliked buying them out at such a price. Economists -deplored the drain on national credit. The Irish members denounced the -appointment of a Receiver-General. The Press, Metropolitan and -provincial alike, was almost uniformly hostile. The Bill scarcely -survived its birthday. No further progress was made or attempted with it -in Parliament. It perished meanly, and its carcass was kept by enemies -only in order to infect its companion. - -The Easter holiday was a period of intense political activity. The Prime -Minister must, of course, have known from the beginning that the Home -Rule Bill would be thrown out in the Lords. The stakes were high. A -direct conflict between the two Houses and a dissolution thereupon was -an inevitable and perhaps an indispensable consequence of his policy. A -defeat in the Commons would shield the Lords from the responsibility. -They would not be concerned in any way. The issue would be confined to -Home Rule alone, and democratic wrath could fall only upon the members -of a representative assembly. It was therefore vital to Mr. Gladstone to -secure the passage through the House of Commons of at least one of the -two Bills, and every exertion was made by both sides to win the -dissentients who held the fortunes of the struggle in balance. - -The machinery of the Liberal party acted as machinery is intended to -act. If the changes the leader of the party had proposed, had been twice -as vast, and half as reasonable, it would have been equally obedient. If -he had been an ordinary politician, instead of a great and famous man, -he would, consciously or unconsciously, have controlled it still. -Although Mr. Gladstone knew little of its ordinary workings, and would -have been disquieted had he known more, it responded readily to his -will. All its gigantic force began to grind up against the men who -withstood him, and to it was added the fierce wave of enthusiasm that -his magic drew from the Radical electorate. Nothing availed his -opponents within their own party. Long, distinguished, faithful service, -earnest agreement on all other subjects, the comradeship of battles -scarcely ended, the chances of victories yet to come--all ceased to be -worth consideration. Local Associations hastened to pass resolutions of -confidence in the Prime Minister. To all members who were declared or -reputed opponents of his measures--right or wrong--a hard and growing -pressure was applied. Lord Hartington was required to explain his vote -on the Jesse Collings amendment and his presence at the Opera House -Meeting to the satisfaction of the Rossendale Liberal Council. 'I have -retracted,' he said, 'no word of condemnation or censure which I have -uttered in regard to Conservative policy; and in regard to any question -which is at issue between Liberals and Conservatives outside this -question of the future government of Ireland, I hold that I am as free -and as uncommitted as I ever was. Much as I value the unity of the -Liberal party, I value the unity of the British Empire much more, and I -will not be prevented by any party consideration from doing what, in my -opinion, may be best fitted to maintain that union.' Yet these brave, -honest words from a representative so long trusted, preceded as they -were by a letter from John Bright himself declaring that Lord -Hartington's attitude was thoroughly consistent with true Liberalism, -failed to win a vote of confidence, and the most that could be obtained -from the Rossendale Liberals was an expression of thanks for their -member's address. - -The course of events in Birmingham was, for reasons some of which belong -to this narrative, more remarkable. In all the arts of political -warfare, especially in that which concerns the management of -constituencies and electoral machinery, Mr. Chamberlain was unrivalled. -The forces at his disposal were small; but he did not throw away a man -or a chance. The introduction of the Land Bill gave him the opportunity -of reading his letter of March 15 which Mr. Gladstone had formerly -denied him, and of making many damaging criticisms upon that measure. -Yet the tone which he adopted was more friendly than had been generally -expected and his closing words, in which he expressed a hope that the -differences between him and the Prime Minister would not prove -irreconcilable or lasting, were warmly cheered from the Liberal benches. -Mr. Chamberlain has stated with the utmost frankness, in an interview -with Mr. Barry O'Brien,[52] that his intention 'all the time' was to -kill the Home Rule Bill. 'I was not opposed to the reform of the land -laws. I was not opposed to Land Purchase. It was the right way to settle -the Land Question. But there were many things in the Bill to which I was -opposed on principle. My main object in attacking it, though, was to -kill the Home Rule Bill. As soon as the Land Bill was out of the way, I -attacked the question of the exclusion of the Irish members. I used that -point to show the absurdity of the whole scheme.' The belief in an -accommodation was therefore baseless, and neither Mr. Chamberlain nor -the Prime Minister could share the hopes of their followers. - -The war on both sides was fair and fierce. Mr. Chamberlain was -throughout at heart uncompromising; but he practised a conciliatory -manner so that he might carry Birmingham with him. The Prime Minister, -on his part, was duly grateful for his ex-colleague's kindness; but he -allowed the necessary preparations to go steadily forward for twisting -from Mr. Chamberlain's hands the organisations, local and national, he -had so long controlled. 'Gladstone,' wrote Lord Randolph to FitzGibbon -on the morrow of the Land Bill debate, 'is pretending to make up to Joe, -in order to pass his Bill; and Joe is pretending to make up to -Gladstone, in order to throw out his Bill. Diamond cut diamond.' - -On April 21 the Liberal 'Two Thousand' assembled in the Birmingham Town -Hall to hear their member's explanations. The meeting, which densely -crowded the building, had been organised by Mr. Schnadhorst, and the -exertions of that astute person to obtain a vote favourable to the Prime -Minister had been unremitting. The speaker was not slow to understand -the dangerous blow by which he was threatened. He excelled himself. If -speeches rarely turn votes in Parliament, it is otherwise in the -country. The man himself, their fighting leader, their most -distinguished fellow-citizen, appealing for support from his own people, -using arguments which none could answer, with a skill which none could -rival, was irresistible. Mr. Chamberlain turned the meeting. Some were -moved by the hopes--which he was careful not to destroy--that, after -all, there would be peace. Others resolved to share with him the -fortunes of the struggle. They came to curse; they remained to bless. -Before he had finished, it was evident that he had won. The officials -on the platform saw themselves almost deserted. In vain they pleaded for -delay, for an adjournment, for anything rather than a vote from an -assembly so moved. But Chamberlain demanded an immediate decision, and -the meeting thought his demand was just. By an overwhelming majority--it -is said, with only two dissentients--they passed a resolution of -'unabated confidence' in their member, and later a resolution which, -though courteously worded, was in effect a condemnation of the Land -Bill. - -On May 3 Mr. Gladstone published a manifesto practically declaring that -the Land Bill was no longer an essential article of the Liberal faith, -and that in the Home Rule Bill all questions of detail were subsidiary -to the one vital principle--the establishment of a legislative body in -Dublin empowered to make laws for Irish as distinguished from Imperial -affairs. On paper this should have met Mr. Chamberlain's principal -objections. Yet two days later, without waiting for any fresh -declaration from him, the official Gladstonians carried at a special -meeting of the National Liberal Federation a series of resolutions -pledging that body--upon which Mr. Chamberlain's influence had hitherto -been supreme--to an unconditional support of the Government. The policy -of making diplomatic concessions while fleets and armies are moving into -advantageous positions, seldom leads to peace, and Parliament met after -the Easter Recess more confused and divided than ever before. - -The Second Reading of the Home Rule Bill had been fixed for May 6, the -anniversary, as Lord Randolph Churchill lost no time in pointing out, of -the Phoenix Park murders. It was postponed until the 10th, and on that -day began the protracted and memorable debate that ended the Parliament -and shattered the Liberal party. Up to the time when the Land Bill was -introduced Ministers believed that they would certainly carry Home Rule -through the House of Commons. But day by day the Parliamentary situation -grew darker. Lord Hartington moved the rejection of the Bill in an -impressive speech. Fifty-two Liberal and Radical members met Mr. -Chamberlain on the 12th to concert resistance and request him to -negotiate no longer. Sixty-four, including thirty-two who had been at -the former meeting, assembled at Devonshire House on the 14th. By the -18th Lord Hartington felt himself strong enough to make at Bradford -declarations which foreshadowed a hostile vote. On the 22nd the National -Liberal Union was formed of the principal Liberal dissentients all over -the country; while in Birmingham Mr. Chamberlain actually created an -entirely new democratic caucus of his own, to replace the organisation -which Mr. Schnadhorst had wrested from him. - -But at the last moment everything came near being thrown into the -melting-pot again. On May 27 Mr. Gladstone called a meeting of the -Liberals at the Foreign Office. Above 260 members attended. The -proceedings were harmonious, and the speech of the Prime Minister most -conciliatory. He said that the Government desired by a vote on the -Second Reading no more than to establish the principle of the measure, -which was the creation in Ireland of a legislative body for the -management of affairs exclusively and specifically Irish. If the Second -Reading were affirmed, no further steps would be taken for passing the -measure that session; it would be withdrawn, and could be proceeded with -in an autumn session, or reintroduced in a new session with the clauses -which presented most difficulty remodelled or reconstructed. Moreover, a -vote for the Second Reading of the Irish Government Bill given by an -independent member, left the giver absolutely free as to his vote on the -Land Purchase Bill. - -The plan was at once practical and alluring. The House was invited to -pass little more than an abstract resolution. The controversy of the -Land Bill was put aside; many of the controversies of the Home Rule Bill -would be relegated to the Committee stage. Yet, once the Second Reading -was passed, the Government would be immensely strengthened. A great -decision favourable to them would have been taken by Parliament. Above -all, there would be delay. Time would be secured to the Government to -win back their followers by blandishments and concessions, as well as by -the pressure of local organisations. Time was offered to the waverer and -the weakling--and among all the plain men jostled and buffeted in this -fierce contention there were many such--to put off the evil and -momentous hour of decision and to cling for a while to a middle course. -Time, too, would be at work among the slender new-formed Unionist -alliances. Was it strange that the rank and file of the Liberal party -should welcome this easy yet honourable escape and certain respite amid -alternatives so full of hazard? - -The dangerous character of this manoeuvre, not less than its extreme -ingenuity, was patent to the Unionist leaders. The Whigs were -embarrassed and perplexed, and Mr. Chamberlain's position became one of -aggravated and peculiar difficulty. On all sides forces laboriously -accumulated threatened to dissolve. In this crisis Lord Randolph -Churchill's instinct and resolution were decisive. One course opened -perfectly clear and distinct before him. A hot debate must be forced at -once and at all costs in the House of Commons. Mr. Gladstone must be -stung into reply; and then, what with the taunts and interruptions of -the Opposition and the powerful influence of the Irish audience--not -represented at the Foreign Office meeting--he would in all probability -be driven to a more uncompromising declaration. As soon as he came down -to the House on Friday the 28th, he thrust this forward upon his -colleagues on the Front Opposition Bench and urged that Smith or Beach -should move the adjournment without delay. The others hesitated. The -movers of the adjournment would be on very weak ground and possessed, as -it seemed, but a slight and doubtful pretext. The skill of the Prime -Minister in explanations soothing to all parties was measureless and -unrivalled. A Parliamentary rebuff at such a moment might have the most -serious consequences. But Lord Randolph clinched the matter. - -At the conclusion of questions Sir Michael Hicks-Beach rose and invited -the Prime Minister to declare definitely his intentions in regard to the -Bill. Mr. Gladstone's reply was suave, and ended as follows: 'Reference -must be made elsewhere before I proceed to give authoritative -information to the House; but there is nothing at all improper in asking -for that information, and on an early day I may be in a position to give -it.' Forthwith Sir Michael Hicks-Beach asked leave to move the -adjournment of the House, and in spite of the angry cries of 'No' which -were raised by Ministerialists he handed to the Speaker a written notice -of motion, which the Speaker somewhat doubtfully accepted. All the -members on the Opposition benches and a few on the Government side of -the House rose amid much cheering and some laughter in its support. Sir -Michael then delivered a vigorous and provocative speech. Mr. Gladstone -had said that the Bill was urgent: yet now it was to be postponed for -five months. He had declared that the Government had a plan, that no one -else had a plan, and that their plan held the field: yet now the House -was asked to give an indefinite vote on some undefined principle of -autonomy for Ireland, which might mean anything or nothing and was, in -fact, a mere abstract resolution. If the Second Reading of the Bill were -carried under conditions like that, it would be nothing more nor less -than a 'Continuance in Office Bill.' - -This was all received with great Opposition cheering, and Mr. Gladstone -laid aside the letter he was writing and rose to reply. He began in his -most majestic manner. He was struck by the warmth of the speech to which -they had listened. He would not imitate it. The imputation that the -Government were considering their own continuance of office was one he -would not condescend to discuss. That he left to the generous -consideration of his countrymen. But as his speech proceeded, the cheers -of his followers and the wealth and splendour of his language and ideas -produced an exhilarating effect. 'We have before us a conflict in which -we are prepared to go through to the end--(_loud cheers_)--and in which -we are perfectly confident of the final issue. (_Renewed cheers._) But -we will not take our tactics from the Opposition.' (_Cheers._) And then -followed a passage which proved of momentous importance. 'The right -honourable gentleman says that we are going to give an indefinite vote, -and that the Bill is to be remodelled. I think that happy word is a pure -invention. I am not aware that there is a shadow or shred of authority -for any such statement.' - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: Reconstructed. - -MR. GLADSTONE: The noble lord says 'reconstructed' was the word. It is -quite true that the word 'reconstructed' was used. (_Loud Opposition -cheers and laughter._) What confidence these gentlemen who use those -means of opposition must have in the rectitude of their own cause and -the far-seeing character of their own statesmanship! (_Cheers._) The -word 'reconstructed' was used. Does the noble lord dare to say it was -used with respect to the Bill? - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: Yes. - -MR. GLADSTONE: Never! Never! (_Cheers._) It was used with respect to one -particular clause of the Bill. This grand attack, founded upon the fact -that our Bill was to be remodelled, therefore fails. What a woeful -collapse! It is not the Bill that is to be remodelled, it appears, after -all. (_Home Rule cheers and laughter._) The noble lord spoke boldly of -my speech, but now it turns out that he read it wrong. (_More -laughter._) - -Seldom has rhetorical success been more dearly purchased. If Mr. -Gladstone had made a lame and ineffective speech, if he had contrived to -sit down leaving the impression that he was hesitating and uncertain, -the course of history might have run very differently. The support of -wavering friends might have been secured. A word would have reassured -Parnell. The Second Reading might have been carried. But the very -excellence of his arguments defeated his schemes and his uncompromising -statements settled the fate of the Bill. 'Never! Never!' was the last -word in the negotiations with the Liberal and Radical Unionists; it was -the wrench which broke finally and for ever the many ties of sentiment -and interest which bound them to their party: henceforth they looked -back no more, and strode forward into the future, anxious but not -undecided. - -Some realisation of the possible effect of his words seemed to come to -the Minister after they were spoken, for he lapsed into ambiguity and -reservations; 'and,' said he before sitting down, 'if we had made some -great error in the management of this Bill, the right honourable -gentleman would not have interposed to-day with his motion for -adjournment, but would probably have sat with folded arms, delighted to -see how we walked into some one of the many snares set for us.' - -Lord Randolph Churchill followed in debate. It was not possible then to -know how deep was the impression made upon the Liberal-Unionists by the -uncompromising statements of the Prime Minister, and Lord Randolph, in a -speech which provoked the occupants of the Treasury Bench, which many -mistook for a mere taunting attack, but which was, in reality, a very -adroit and skilful performance, endeavoured with no little success to -extort from Mr. Gladstone and the Home Rulers repeated admissions that -the division on the Second Reading was to be a real trial of strength -and repeated denials that the Bill was to be dropped or reconstructed. -To do this it was necessary to assert the contrary in an exaggerated -form--yet without exciting suspicion; and anyone who may chance to read -the speech from this point of view will discern the artifice lurking in -every part. The offer which the Government made to the House was, he -suggested, this: 'If you vote for the Second Reading of this Bill, we -will withdraw the Bill, and you shall never hear of it again'; and when -this excited protests he swiftly changed his ground and declared that -the Prime Minister was speaking with two voices--'a voice to the Irish -members that the Bill is not to be reconstructed--[_No!_]--a voice to -the Liberals below the Gangway that it is to be reconstructed.' [_No! -No!_] He asked Mr. Gladstone why he would not 'present a fair issue and -stick to his guns,' adding, amid a storm of Ministerial wrath, 'we are -being jockeyed.' Why was it necessary to delay the Bill? 'The right -honourable gentleman says he has no time. Why has he no time? To whom is -it principally due that this debate has been so protracted? Who refused -to take it _de die in diem_? Who interposed every obstacle which -Parliamentary experience and ingenuity could suggest? Why, sir, if it -had not been for the obstacles interposed by the Prime Minister himself, -we might have divided on this Bill a week ago. And what is the remedy? -"The question," says the Prime Minister, "is very urgent. I still hold -to the doctrine of extreme urgency; but we have no time to deal with it -this summer and we will therefore put off further dealing with it till -the end of the year." [_Mr. Gladstone dissented._] The Prime Minister is -very captious about dates. We will put off dealing with the Bill then to -some period in the future marked out for us by those "limitations which -are imposed upon us by the revolutions of the heavenly bodies." The -right honourable gentleman complains of want of time, and he says: "We -will not send the Bill up to the House of Lords in August." Because why? -Because the House of Lords will seek refuge in the excuse that they -cannot consider the measure in the time at their disposal. [MR. -GLADSTONE: 'Hear! Hear!'] Sir, I dare say that the Prime Minister is far -better acquainted with Peers than I am. He has made a great many of -them--but whatever course the House of Lords may take will not, I am -certain, be based upon such frivolous grounds as that, and I am -perfectly convinced that he need not have the smallest fear whatever -that the question of time will be raised. I have not a doubt about it -that the decision of the House of Lords upon this Bill will be serious, -calm, immediate and final.' After complaining that information should be -given to one group of members at the Foreign Office and refused to the -House of Commons as a whole, Lord Randolph proceeded: 'What has been the -great bribe offered by the Prime Minister--a bribe as great as any -offered at the time of the Act of Union? "If you vote for the Second -Reading of a Bill which you do not approve of in your hearts and which -you disbelieve in, I promise that at any rate for another twelve months -you shall not be sent back to your constituencies." This is the noble -policy of the right honourable gentleman, and the noble motives by which -he appeals to Parliament: "Vote for anything you like; you are committed -to nothing."' - -MR. GLADSTONE: Oh no. - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: What? Then they are committed! - -MR. GLADSTONE: Certainly. - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: The Prime Minister surprises me. I did not -think it possible to be surprised by him. Does he contend, from a -Parliamentary point of view, that members by voting for the Second -Reading of the Bill can be committed to the Bill if that Bill dies or is -withdrawn? - -MR. GLADSTONE: The principle of the Bill. - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: Never was such a view held in Parliament -before. I venture to say never; and that is why the Prime Minister holds -out to members the bribe that if they will only vote for the principle -of the Bill, which they disapprove of, and which is going to be -withdrawn and possibly never heard of again, he will consent to give -them a little longer lease of political life. The manoeuvres of the -Government were such as might be expected from 'an old Parliamentary -hand'; they were not those which statesmen like Lord Russell, Lord -Althorp or Sir Robert Peel would have contemplated; and, having drawn -forth one final demonstration from the Ministerial benches by protesting -in a concluding sentence against this attempt to 'hocus' the House of -Commons, Lord Randolph sat down well satisfied. - -The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to reply. In his most impressive -style he undertook to administer a solemn rebuke for the use of such -words as 'jockey' and 'hocus.' 'This, sir,' he said portentously, 'is -the language of the Derby.' 'No,' retorted Lord Randolph across the -table, in one of those penetrating half-whispers with which he so often -riveted his hearers, 'it is the language of the Hoax.' It was some time -before Sir William Harcourt was able to regain the serious attention of -the House. - -The manoeuvre had indeed been successful--but how successful could not -yet be known. Mr. Chamberlain summoned a meeting of his followers for -May 31, finally to determine whether to vote against the Bill or to -abstain. 'Everything,' he wrote to Lord Randolph (May 29), 'turns on -Monday's meeting'; and it is clear from his letter that he had not -absolutely decided upon his course. He even states elaborately the -reasons which made for abstention instead of a direct vote. Lord -Randolph ventured upon a final appeal. He wrote:-- - - - -May 29, 1886. - - I feel almost certain that if you remain as firm in the future as - you have been in the past the Bill will be destroyed now; otherwise - it will only be 'scotched,' and will wriggle about more venomous - and mischievous than before. I think you must be satisfied with - your decision to delay your meeting and your speech. I am sure that - the greater bulk of your followers will stick to you, and stick to - you with all the more admiration and fidelity, if you keep your - foot down. Every day is showing more distinctly what madness it is - to trust the G.O.M.... It seems to me that if you allow your party - to give way, now that they know that the Bill in the autumn will - not be a reconstructed Bill, but the same Bill, both you and your - party will occupy a position of much humility, and you will have - missed at the last moment the prize which was actually in your - grasp. If you have any who are very weak about their seats let me - know the names, and I will do my best to secure them from Tory - opposition. But I do implore you to stick to your guns.... You - won't mind my troubling you with these lines. - -All went well at the meeting. A letter from Mr. Bright is said to have -turned the scale. Fifty-five gentlemen attended, and their resolve to -vote against the Second Reading doomed the Bill. Radical Associations -might assert their loyalty and support; democratic enthusiasm might rise -to fever-heat in the country; but, so far as Parliament was concerned, -the issue was settled. After this eventful interlude there was little -left but to go to a division, and at the end of the next sitting Sir -Michael Hicks-Beach announced that the Front Opposition Bench would take -no more part in the debate. Yet the discussion was prolonged throughout -another week, in the hopes that wavering rebels might return; and to -that end every influence which the Government could employ, from the -personal power and charm of the Minister to the discontent of local -organisations, was sedulously employed. - -At last the day of decision came. An anxious crowd hung about the -precincts of Westminster. The House was packed in every part. A final -sensation remained. Mr. Parnell had waited till the end of the debate -and he had something in reserve which might well have shaken opinion. -'When the Tories were in office,' he said, in the course of one of his -ablest speeches, 'we had reason to know that the Conservative party, if -they should be successful at the polls, would have offered Ireland a -statutory legislature with a right to protect her own industries, and -that this would have been coupled with the settlement of the Irish Land -Question on the basis of purchase, on a larger scale than that now -proposed by the Prime Minister.' - -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, when his turn came to conclude the debate on -behalf of the Conservatives, met this statement with the bluntest of -denials. 'I must for myself and my colleagues,' he said, 'state in the -plainest and most distinct terms that I utterly and categorically deny -that the late Conservative Government ever had any such intention.' -Parnell's answer was staggering. 'Does the right honourable gentleman -mean to deny that that intention was communicated to me by one of his -own colleagues--a Minister of the Crown?' 'Yes, sir, I do,' said the -Leader of the Opposition at once; and then he added prudently, 'to the -best of my knowledge and belief; and if any such statement was -communicated by anyone to the honourable member, I am certain he had not -the authority to make it.' 'Name! name!' cried the members imperiously -in their excitement. 'Will the honourable member,' said Sir Michael, 'do -us the pleasure to give the name to the House?' 'I shall be very glad,' -replied Parnell, amid renewed cries of 'Name!' from all sides, 'to -communicate the name of that colleague when I receive that colleague's -permission to do so.' Every eye was turned upon Lord Randolph Churchill, -sitting on the Front Opposition Bench. But he remained gravely silent, -twisting his moustache moodily. Not until Lord Carnarvon's explanations -two days later in the House of Lords was he relieved from a suspicion so -injurious to his character. - -This was the end; and after it Mr. Gladstone brought this great debate -to a close in a manner worthy of its memorable importance and surpassing -all the fire and eloquence which had illumined its progress. - -'I do not deny,' he said, 'that many are against us whom we should have -expected to be for us. I do not deny that some whom we see against us -have caused us by their conscientious action the bitterest -disappointment. But you have power, you have wealth, you have rank, you -have station, you have organisation, you have the place of power. What -have we? We think that we have the people's heart; we believe and we -know we have the promise of the harvest of the future. As to the -people's heart, you may dispute it, and dispute it with perfect -sincerity. Let that matter make its own proof. As to the harvest of the -future, I doubt if you have so much confidence, and I believe that there -is in the breast of many a man who means to vote against us to-night a -profound misgiving, approaching even to a deep conviction, that the end -will be as we foresee, and not as you--that the ebbing tide is with you, -and the flowing tide is with us. Ireland stands at your bar, expectant, -hopeful, almost suppliant. Her words are the words of truth and -soberness. She asks a blessed oblivion of the past, and in that -oblivion our interest is deeper than even hers. My right hon. friend Mr. -Goschen asks us to-night to abide by the traditions of which we are the -heirs. What traditions? By the Irish tradition? Go into the length and -breadth of the world, ransack the literature of all countries, find, if -you can, a single voice, a single book--find, I would almost say, as -much as a single newspaper article, unless the product of the day, in -which the conduct of England towards Ireland is anywhere treated except -with profound and bitter condemnation. Are these the traditions by which -we are exhorted to stand? No, they are a sad exception to the glory of -our country. They are a broad and black blot upon the pages of its -history, and what we want to do is to stand by the traditions in which -we are the heirs in all matters except our relations to Ireland, and to -make our relations to Ireland conform to the other traditions of our -country. So I hail the demand of Ireland for what I call a blessed -oblivion of the past. She asks also a boon for the future; and that boon -for the future, unless we are much mistaken, will be a boon to us in -respect of honour no less than a boon to her in respect of happiness, -prosperity and peace. Such, sir, is her prayer. Think, I beseech -you--think well, think wisely, think not for a moment but for the years -that are to come, before you reject this Bill.' - -The House proceeded immediately to the division. A Whig and a Radical -were named jointly tellers for the 'Noes.' The whole Conservative party -with two exceptions--one because of divergence and the other through -serious illness--passed into the Lobby. Yet such had been the strain of -the conflict, so many the uncertainties, so powerful this last supreme -appeal, that--pledges, agreements, careful calculations -notwithstanding--the issue seemed to hang in the balance; and Lord -Randolph Churchill, staring at the crowd as they shuffled by, thought -them so shrunken that he loudly exclaimed: 'There are not three hundred -men with us.' So great, indeed, was the excitement and apprehension that -after they had quitted the Lobby scores of Unionist members, instead of -going to their seats in the Chamber, remained massed about the doorway, -eagerly counting with the tellers; and when the three hundred and -thirty-sixth man was told, and it was certain that the Bill was -rejected, such a shout went up as Parliament has seldom heard. The -Government was defeated by 341 votes to 311. - -Like Sir Robert Peel forty years before, Mr. Gladstone must now face the -spectacle, melancholy even to an opponent, of the break-up of a great -party. Few were left to him of all that able band who in such good heart -had joined his Government of 1880. Bright had parted from him; Forster -was dead; Hartington and Goschen and James were gone; Chamberlain was a -bitter and formidable foe. The Liberal party was shattered. The Whigs -had marched away in a body. The Radicals were torn in twain. The -Parliament so lately returned in his support had destroyed itself, -almost before it had lived, rather than follow him further. His friends -estranged, his enemies united, the faithful in jeopardy, the deserters -confident; the wealth, the rank, the intellect of England embattled and -arrayed against him; the Bill on which he had set his heart cast out by -the House of Commons; what wonder, then, that this proud old man, -feeling that the years were drawing to a close, yet remembering his -triumphs and conscious of his power, should reach out for the -sledge-hammer of democracy, and fiercely welcome the appeal to the -people! - -Parliament was dissolved on the twenty-seventh of June. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -LEADER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS - - 'Solos imperantium Vespasianus mutatus in melius.'--TACITUS. - - 'It is an assured sign of a worthy and generous spirit whom honour - amends.'--BACON. - - -The General Election of 1886 surpassed, in the importance of the issue, -in the confusion of parties and the sincerity of the combatants, any -election since the first Reform Bill. Partisanship had grown rancorous -during the eventful course of the controversy; rancour was fanned into -passion by the excitement of decision; and to all was added the extra -and unusual bitterness of a party split. The Liberal dissentients were -brought at once to the uttermost wrench. Everywhere their own -organisations turned against them. Everywhere they struck back with all -their force. Everywhere they and the bold minority who stood by them, -looked for the aid of their former opponents. The Conservative leaders, -on their part, grudged nothing and neglected nothing that could -contribute to the strength of the seceders. To every member who voted -against the Bill they had promised whole-hearted support; and such was -their authority and the discipline of their followers that in nearly -every case the local associations obeyed them. Tory candidates withdrew -patriotically in favour of their late antagonists. Others were frowned -and hustled from the field. Old comradeships and old prejudices faded -together. Life-long friends drummed each other out of political clubs. -Life-long opponents fought side by side. Home Rule was the one and vital -test. The whole force of the machinery of the Liberal party--national -and local--was used uncompromisingly. No Liberal-Unionist who could be -attacked with any prospect of success, was spared. The purge was -complete. - -The Home Rulers entered upon the struggle in good hopes. They were -assured of the obedience of the organisations. They saw the intense -enthusiasm--'never before equalled'--of the Liberal and Radical masses. -They counted vastly upon the Irish vote in the English boroughs; and, -above all, they trusted in Mr. Gladstone's mighty personality. But the -forces against them were tremendous. The statesman who would effect a -revolution in Great Britain must not only persuade a party, he must -convince the nation; and opposed to Mr. Gladstone were almost all the -men whose names were widely known or had been long respected--John -Bright, by himself a tower; Salisbury and Hartington; Beach and James -and Goschen; Chamberlain and Churchill! All the protagonists of former -conflicts were formed in one line of battle. - -Lord Salisbury in the closing years of his life once said that Mr. -Gladstone in struggling for Home Rule, 'awakened the slumbering genius -of Imperialism.' Beneath the threshold of domestic politics during the -long years of Liberal prosperity the modern conception of Britain as a -world-power, the heart of an Empire, the inheritor and guardian of a -thousand years of sacrifice and valour, had lived and grown. It had been -cherished by the somewhat tardy recognition of Lord Beaconsfield. It had -been violently stimulated by the disastrous events of the Parliament of -1880. Although Lord Randolph Churchill was never what is nowadays called -an Imperialist and always looked at home rather than abroad, his -followers in the Tory Democracy were already alive with the new idea. A -single touch sufficed to rouse it into a vital and dominant activity -which for nearly twenty years has shaped the course of British history, -and in spite of extravagances, puerilities and even turpitudes, has left -a permanent imprint upon the national mind. It was this rising temper of -opinion that Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy, embodied in his own majestic -personality, seemed now to challenge directly. - -The personal element was the keynote of Lord Randolph Churchill's -address. That surprising document was made public on June 20, and as a -specimen of savage political invective is not likely soon to be -excelled.[53] It will no doubt be severely judged, now that nothing -remains except the ashes of the great blaze of 1886. At the time many -eminently respectable people who stood some distance from the actual -fighting, as eminently respectable people are apt to do, were horribly -shocked. Even Mr. Chamberlain was startled. 'Your manifesto,' he wrote, -'was "rather strong"; but I suppose the Tories like it.' But if the Tory -candidates blushed when they read it in the morning paper, they did not -forget to quote it at the evening meeting. Its jingles and its -arguments--for it abounds equally in argument and in abuse--ran like -wildfire along the skirmish lines. The working man laughed over them in -his home and disputed with his mate upon them in the workshop. People -remembered epithets who could remember nothing else, and uttered taunts -when other ammunition failed. One phrase at least, 'An old man in a -hurry,' has become historic. If the address was vulgar, it was also -popular. If it was reprobated, it was also used. The anger of that time -has cooled, and its expression is worth preserving, though it may now -provoke nothing worse than a smile. - -Lord Randolph spoke only twice during the election, for the exertions of -the Session forced him to seek a rest. He visited Manchester on June 28 -and, although he had been there often in the last three years, so great -were the crowds that the traffic of the city was completely suspended -while he made a triumphal progress through the streets. Two days later -he addressed his own constituents in Paddington. His most important -work, however, in the 1886 election lay in Birmingham, where only six -months before he had led the Conservative attack against Mr. Bright and -Mr. Chamberlain. The Tory party in that city, by tremendous efforts, -then first asserted itself as a political force; and, although beaten in -every division, their minorities were well organised and enthusiastic -and amounted in the aggregate to more than 20,000 voters. They did not -easily forget that for years and years they had been kept by the Caucus -and by the genius of Mr. Schnadhorst in a condition of political -subjection. They had almost triumphed in 1885. The turn of events now -threw their arch-enemies absolutely into their hands, and there were not -wanting among their leaders those to whom the divided state of the -Radical party offered the strongest temptations. It was fortunate for -the Unionist cause that there was at hand an influence to which the -whole Conservative party in Birmingham would readily respond. - -Disagreeable speeches made by local politicians filled Mr. Chamberlain -with anxiety, and the difficulty and isolation of his own position -inclined him at first to take a gloomy view. Lord Randolph hurried down -to Birmingham on June 19, and by his influence and that of Mr. Rowlands, -the leader of the Conservative party in Birmingham, all difficulties -were smoothed away. 'I have seen the Birmingham Tories to-day,' he wrote -to Mr. Chamberlain (June 19). 'Henry Matthews has consented, after much -pressing, to stand against Cook. We shall run no other candidate and -shall give all our support to the Liberal-Unionists, asking for no -return and making no boast or taunt.' This letter he signed 'Yours -ever'--an unusual subscription with him. Again the same day: 'I will -engage that all your Unionist candidates shall have the full support of -our party. I have telegraphed to Rowlands to see me on Monday. -Schnadhorst's only chance is that you should seem to be afraid of him. -Why does not Mr. Bright intervene? I am looking forward most anxiously -to the account of your meeting and speech to-night. I think there is a -great deal of froth about the Gladstone proceedings, and all my -information up to now makes me confident that the voting will be heavy -against him. Don't get down-hearted.' - -'Thanks to your intervention,' replied Mr. Chamberlain (June 20), -'matters look better here. The meeting last night was a tremendous -success. Only fifty or one hundred dissentients out of 4,000, all -electors marked off on register. This meeting will, I hope, have a great -effect in other divisions, and I think we shall get Collings chosen in -Bordesley. If so, we ought to carry seven Unionists for Birmingham....' - -'I was greatly relieved,' replied Lord Randolph (June 21), 'to see by -your letter this morning that you were in better spirits. Your meeting -was indeed a tremendous success, and your speech, as usual, most -excellent. I hope my address has not given you a fit. I have only said -what you and Hartington are longing to say, but dare not.... My own -opinion is that we shall roll the old man over.' - -So in the end it proved. The elections began on July 1, and from the -very first the results were disastrous to the Liberal party. The -enthusiasm of the Liberal and Radical masses and the obedience of the -organisations were unavailing. They sufficed only to drive from the -Liberal ranks into irreconcilable opposition every man who would not -accept the Irish policy. They were unable to secure a majority for Home -Rule. They wrought havoc, but failed to achieve victory. The bulk of -both parties voted in the ordinary way, according to their colours and -their watchwords; but in every constituency men who had hitherto fought -for the Liberal cause fought fiercely against it. The margin in many -seats was so narrow that the resolute resistance of individuals and -their adherents turned the scale. The dissentient Liberals with their -personal following, supported by the whole Conservative vote, proved the -most secure of any class of candidates. Of ninety-four who had voted on -June 8, sixty-three were returned to the House of Commons. It had been -asserted, and to some extent believed, that the Irish vote would turn -the balance in forty constituencies. It was, however, discovered that -the entire Irish vote in Great Britain could scarcely exceed 40,000 -persons, of whom three-fourths were resident in London, Liverpool and -Glasgow, while the remainder were too scattered to be effective. The -great city of Birmingham returned a solid body of Unionists in the place -of an equal number of Liberals elected in 1885. London became -overwhelmingly Tory. The English and Welsh boroughs, which in the -previous autumn had returned 118 Conservatives and 118 Liberals, now -returned 169 Unionists and only 67 Liberals. The counties were not less -remarkable. The 1885 election had returned 152 Liberals and 101 -Conservatives; six months later the results showed 81 Liberals and 172 -Unionists. Even in Scotland, Mr. Gladstone's stronghold, his immediate -followers fell from 61 to 43. The British Gladstonians (191), with the -Nationalists (85), were in a minority of 40 as compared with the -Conservatives (316), without counting on either side the 78 dissentient -Liberals who followed Lord Hartington or Mr. Chamberlain. The opponents -of the Irish policy numbered 394, as against 276 in its favour, and the -Unionist majority was therefore 118. Face to face with this decision, -which in such a short space of time had altered--and altered, as it -proved, for more than a generation--the whole complexion of the English -constituencies, Mr. Gladstone did not linger. A Cabinet Council -assembled on July 20 and formally decided to resign. The resignations of -Ministers were accepted the next day, and Lord Salisbury was for the -second time summoned by the Queen. - -Lord Randolph, who was himself returned for Paddington by a majority of -more than three to one,[54] did not wait for the results of the -elections. While politicians crowded around the tape machines in the -London clubs or harangued excited meetings in the country, he fled -silently and swiftly abroad, and by a Norwegian river awaited the -result without impatience or anxiety. To his wife he wrote:-- - - - -Torresdal: July 10, 1886. - - It is certainly a tremendous journey up here. We arrived last - Wednesday, at about eleven o'clock at night, after a very long - drive, in carrioles, of seventy miles. We calculate we are about - 1,500 miles from Connaught Place. I caught three fish on - Thursday--12 lbs., 12 lbs., and 15 lbs.--and lost three; yesterday - I killed three--20 lbs., 18 lbs., 20 lbs.--and lost one. The - weather has been rainy and raw, but on the other hand we have no - flies; I believe, if it is hot, the flies here are terrible. I have - heard no election news since Tuesday, when things seemed to be - going well. This is doing me a lot of good. I felt very seedy - leaving London, and it took me some days to get right.... This is a - most delightful spot, and very solitary; no tourists, no natives. - The house, which is rough to look at, is comfortable enough inside, - and Tommy is as amiable and charming as ever. On Saturday, by law, - you may not fish after six in the evening till six on Sunday - evening. It certainly is very curious having broad daylight at - midnight. Fishing after dinner is very pleasant if the night is - fine, and I am very glad to have seen this part of the world.... - Post has just come in with telegrams from Moore and Rothschild. - Certainly most satisfactory news, which confirms all my - expectations.... I believe my address did no end of good, but, of - course, no one in London will agree. I expect the Tories will now - come in, and remain in some time. It seems to me we want the - 5,000_l._ a year badly. But really we must retrench. I cannot - understand how we get through so much money.... - -From Norwegian delights he was soon recalled to the business of -Cabinet-making. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Justice -FitzGibbon._ - -_Very private._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: July 25, 1886. - - It was very pleasant to me to find on my return yesterday morning - your very interesting letter. I showed it to Smith and Beach, who - were much impressed. Things at the present moment are chaotic, and - will not commence to resolve themselves into order until Lord S. - returns from Osborne to-morrow. - - Hartington and Co. definitely decline to join us, but will be the - most efficient buttress. They mean to have their own Whips and - their own organisation and probably will sit below the gangway on - the Ministerial side of the House. If we play our cards well, we - ought to remain in office for a long time. I am much in favour - myself of the immediate resumption of the policy of January 26, and - going on at once with the remaining business of the Session, - instead of waiting till October. It will be a big fence to clear, - but the horse is fresh; and, once cleared, the government of - Ireland would be much simplified. - - I fear the 'periplus' is very doubtful this year, and might have to - be undertaken under the auspices of the R. I. Constabulary assisted - by Scotland Yard. Possibly Londonderry will become Lord-Lieutenant. - All this, besides being very doubtful, is quite secret. - -Lord Salisbury accepted the commission from the Queen in 1886, with -leave to resign it, if necessary, to Lord Hartington. Forthwith he -strongly pressed the leader of the Whigs to form a Government and -assured him, if he did so, of Conservative support. Lord Hartington knew -that any Government he could form would be practically Conservative in -its composition, and must be called by that name. He believed that in -these circumstances the Liberal Unionist party would dissolve, Mr. -Chamberlain and the Radical section splitting off and probably rejoining -the Liberals. He therefore declined; but the fact that the offer had -been fairly made placed him in much closer relation with Lord Salisbury, -and seemed to secure for a Conservative Administration definite -assurances of Whig and Liberal Unionist support. Lord Salisbury, having -explained these proceedings to the satisfaction of a meeting of his -party at the Carlton Club, then proceeded to form a regular Conservative -Ministry. As is usual on these occasions, every rumour found its -believers and every conceivable appointment had its advocates. Lord -Randolph was variously named for the Indian, the Irish and the Foreign -Secretaryships. It was also spitefully suggested in many newspapers that -an intrigue in his interests was on foot to eject Sir Michael -Hicks-Beach from the Leadership of the House of Commons. - -After the meeting at the Carlton Lord Salisbury sent for Sir Michael -Hicks-Beach and Lord Randolph Churchill. 'I declined,' wrote Sir Michael -Hicks-Beach in after years, 'to continue Leader of the House of Commons. -I felt that Lord Randolph Churchill was superior in eloquence, ability -and influence to myself; that the position of Leader in name, but not in -fact, would be intolerable; and that it was better for the party and the -country that the Leader in fact should be Leader also in name. Lord -Salisbury very strongly pressed me to remain, saying that character was -of most importance, and quoting Lord Althorp as an instance; but I -insisted. I had very great difficulty in persuading Lord Randolph to -agree. I spent more than half an hour with him in the Committee Room of -the Carlton before I could persuade him, and I was much struck by the -hesitation he showed on account of what he said was his youth and -inexperience in taking the position. He insisted on my going to Ireland, -pointing out that I could only honourably give up the Leadership by -taking what was at the moment the most difficult position in the -Government.' The matter was arranged accordingly, and Lord Randolph -became in addition Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Leadership of the -House of Commons having been settled, other appointments proceeded -rapidly. Lord Randolph secured the appointment of Mr. Henry Matthews to -the Home Office. Mr. Raikes took the Post Office 'with a growl.' Mr. -Chaplin indignantly declined the Presidency of the Local Government -Board[55] because the offer was unaccompanied by a seat in the Cabinet; -and Lord Salisbury, having consulted with Lord Randolph, appointed Mr. -Ritchie to that office. Mr. Chaplin received from the Chancellor of the -Exchequer a fatherly letter of remonstrance, written more in sorrow than -in anger, which he may have read over with satisfaction by the light of -subsequent events. One letter on these delicate matters may, perhaps, -be printed without impropriety:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: July 30, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--Your letter received this morning contains so - much good news that I am encouraged to press you very earnestly to - consider--if possible, favourably--the arrangement of Stanhope for - India, Holland for the Colonies, with Gorst as Education Minister. - I feel certain that this arrangement would be agreeable to all your - colleagues and encouraging to the party, while to the general - public it gives an appearance of symmetry to the Government which - the appointment of ---- would hopelessly disfigure.... - - I do not press Gorst for Education, because, if Stanley takes the - Board of Trade, you may want to put Ritchie or Forwood at the - Education Office; but I feel certain you would be pleased with the - effect of Holland and Stanhope in the two high offices. In case you - should wish to see me, I shall be in town until four o'clock this - afternoon. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Lord Randolph Churchill accepted the responsibilities of his high -offices without elation. 'How long will your leadership last?' asked a -Liberal friend. 'Six months,' replied Lord Randolph gaily. 'And after -that?' 'Westminster Abbey!' He had neither the time nor the inclination -to dwell upon the many twists of fortune that had served him or the -dangers and obstacles he had escaped. If he had cherished the ambition -of leading a great party, he had not scrambled for place. He had driven -Sir Stafford Northcote from the House of Commons, but he had not counted -upon being his successor. He would have been perfectly content to serve -under Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. He had fought fiercely and ruthlessly for -his opinions and to have things settled as he thought they should be -settled; but not consciously for his own interests. These had followed -in the track of the fighting. His advancement had been the result, and -not the reason, of his exertions. Real leaders of men do not come -forward offering to lead. They show the way, and when it has been found -to lead to victory they accept as a matter of course the allegiance of -those who have followed. His personal ascendency was not the result of -calculations. It was natural; and it was everywhere recognised, even by -those who disliked and distrusted him--and that was a numerous band--as -a fact ascertained and indisputable. It could not have been created by -any process of scheming. Indeed, as this account has witnessed, he had -more than once offered to stand aside to promote a coalition which must -have excluded him for years from any chance of leading the House of -Commons. He had lingered at his salmon-fishing, after the election was -determined, in the expectation of a coalition and anxious not to disturb -it. - -It is easy to deal with men whose motive is self-interest. Others can -cypher out the chances, too. The influence which Lord Randolph Churchill -exerted upon the men with whom he came in closest contact, upon Lord -Salisbury and upon Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, could never have been -acquired by a self-seeker, however brilliantly endowed. A veil of the -incalculable shrouded the workings of his complex nature. No one could -tell what he would do, or by what motive, lofty or trivial, of -conviction or caprice, of irritation or self-sacrifice, he would be -governed; and in these good days of fortune the double fascination of -mystery and success lent him an air of authority which neither -irreverent language nor the impulsive frankness of youth could dispel. -He became Leader of the House of Commons, not because he had schemed for -it, nor because it was his right in lawful succession, not assuredly -because the Conservatives loved him or felt they would be safe in his -hands. He _was_ the leader at that moment--natural, inevitable and, as -it seemed, indispensable. - -Yet the world, when confronted with the result, was astonished. No -appointment--not all the appointments together--created such a stir of -interest and dispute. Not only at home, but in Europe and in the United -States, it was universally the subject of anxious or sympathetic -comment. In the House of Commons, where men eye each other so narrowly -and where capacity can be judged so exactly, the fact was accepted -without demur. It was right, it seemed, that the prizes of that assembly -should go to those who were in fact its leading spirits. The part he had -played in the decision of the Home Rule battle had been unsurpassed in -importance. He had never wavered. He had named the Unionist Party. He -had been a principal agent in the electoral compact on which it was -based. He was the link with Chamberlain. His authority had roused -Belfast and soothed Birmingham. His dexterous energy had foiled Mr. -Gladstone's last attempt at compromise. Much, though not all, of this -was understood by politicians. - -To the Tory Democracy no news could be so good as his success. The -English like to be governed by men they know. The working-class -electors, who had voted at two rapidly succeeding elections against Mr. -Gladstone, saw in Lord Randolph Churchill their favourite and champion. -They recalled the disasters and depression of their party in the past -and the political convulsion from which it had at length emerged. They -saw it triumphant where it had lately been despised. They saw it united -where it had lately been distracted; and, with what measure of reason -the reader can judge, they attributed this revolution to Lord Randolph -Churchill more than to any other man. - -But other classes have to be considered in Great Britain besides -politicians and working men. All sorts of persons of influence and -station in their different spheres had been offended by the very process -which had attracted the democracy. 'An insular people,' wrote Disraeli -in 'Endymion,' 'subject to fogs and possessing a powerful middle class, -requires grave statesmen.' And there were many who saw in Lord Randolph -only an audacious fellow, whose methods were shocking to serious folk, -whose violence impaired the dignity of public life and whose headlong -career seemed strewn with the wreckage of overturned authority. How, -they asked, was such an impatient person to endure the vexations of a -Parliamentary session? How could a young man of thirty-six possess or -obtain the knowledge necessary to deal with the varieties of complicated -questions upon which a Leader is required to pronounce? How was this -spirit of strife and revolt to reconcile differences between colleagues -and exact discipline from a party? How was the flagrant obstructionist -of 1884 to direct the course of business in 1886? How was the writer of -the letter to Lord Granville and the erstwhile leader of the Fourth -Party to maintain the dignity and principles of Unionist and Imperial -administration? To all these questionings an answer was found even in -the very short time that remained. - -Much was also said of his going to the Treasury. It is amusing to read, -by the light of after days, the lectures, kindly yet severe, in which -the Times sought to warn him against fiscal temptations. 'A Budget on -ordinary lines, framed with the aid and advice of experienced permanent -officials,' would alone avoid 'injurious innovations' and 'the raising -of disquieting problems.' He was adjured to remember how utterly fatal -to the Unionist alliance any departure from 'sound principles of -finance, understood and acted upon by successive Administrations, -Conservative as well as Liberal,' would inevitably prove. For the sake -of the Liberal-Unionists, for the sake, at least, of Mr. Chamberlain, he -must forbear. Other newspapers reminded him of his declarations in -favour of economy. 'The first and most vital interest of the nation,' he -had said, 'is finance. Upon finance everything connected with government -hinges. Good finance ensures good government and national prosperity; -bad finance is the cause of inefficient government and national -depression.' And, again: 'I should like to see the House of Commons -devote one or even two entire sessions to nothing but finance. I should -like to turn the House of Commons loose into our public departments on a -voyage of discovery. I should like to see every one of our public -departments rigorously inquired into by small Committees of about seven -experienced and practical members of Parliament each.... I firmly -believe that such an inquiry would demonstrate that those useful -arrangements of economy of time, economy of labour and economy of money -are absolutely unknown in our public departments.' How would all these -fine opinions fare now that he was himself the Minister responsible? And -the Liberal papers did not delay to prophesy 'his certain repudiation in -office of every principle of economy and of that policy of inquiry which -he had so eloquently professed in Opposition.' And that, again, was a -matter which time would soon resolve. - -One shrewd warning came from a friend. 'Can Goschen by any means -whatever,' wrote Lord Justice FitzGibbon on July 27, 'be induced to take -the Exchequer? I suppose you think me uncomplimentary in such a -suggestion. I am not. Age and financial experience have immense weight -in that post out-of-doors, and I confess I fear that you would bring -down upon yourself a weight of hostility from the front, and would have -a dead weight of jealousy from behind and beside you, that might make -the place unbearable to yourself or so laborious that you could not -stand it. Of course, if "the lead" must not be separated from the -Exchequer, it can't be helped; but if I were you I would rather not be -obliged to carry as Leader the financial reputation of the State in -addition to the rest of the load. The English are your sheet-anchor, and -finance is their pole-star; and a middle-aged commercial Chancellor -would make them easy in their minds, when you could not.' Of this more -anon. - -The re-election of Mr. Matthews on his appointment to the Home Office -caused various embarrassments in East Birmingham and elsewhere. His -opponent, Mr. Alderman Cook, who had been defeated as a Gladstonian -Liberal at the General Election, now promised to oppose anything like -the Land Bill of the late Government, to insist upon the retention of -the Irish members at Westminster and to grant to Ireland only a -Parliament subordinate to the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Mr. -Chamberlain was thus placed in a position of extreme difficulty, for it -was clear that without his support the Home Secretary would probably be -defeated; and yet how could Mr. Chamberlain oppose the Radical candidate -who had almost exactly adopted his platform? Lord Randolph Churchill, -however, put the greatest possible pressure upon him. 'The election of -Matthews,' he wrote (August 7), 'is almost _vital_ to me; and I feel -sure, if other things are equal, you will stretch a point in my favour.' -And again on the 9th: 'This much arises clear and plain out of all that -is doubtful and dark in Birmingham politics. If Matthews wins, the -credit goes to you; it is your victory. If he loses, it is Schnadhorst's -victory, and a pretty hulla-balloo he will make.' Thus exhorted Mr. -Chamberlain took a very definite and decided step forward. The Radical -Unionists refused at his instance to support Mr. Cook, and the Home -Secretary was ultimately returned unopposed. 'I am delighted,' wrote -Lord Randolph (August 12). 'I expect the Midland Conservative Club will -put up a statue to you, which I shall have to unveil.' - -Mr. Matthews' appointment caused heart-burnings in another quarter. - -The Secretary of the Scottish Protestant Alliance wrote in haste to Lord -Randolph Churchill:-- - - I have the honour to inform you that at a meeting in Glasgow - yesterday of the directors of the Scottish Protestant Alliance the - recent appointment of a Roman Catholic to the Cabinet office of - Home Secretary was considered, when the following resolution was - unanimously adopted: 'That as the Papacy claims universal supremacy - over all Sovereigns and their subjects, as Roman Catholics can no - longer render an undivided allegiance to Protestant Princes, and as - the avowed aim of the Papacy is to reduce Britain to the subjection - of the Vatican, this meeting protests against the elevation of - Roman Catholics to positions of power and trust in the British - Empire.' - -The Chancellor of the Exchequer sent an answer without undue delay:-- - - - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall: September 9. - - Sir,--I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter enclosing a - copy of a resolution passed by the directors of the Scottish - Protestant Alliance, and, in reply, to remark that I observe with - astonishment and regret that, in this age of enlightenment and - general toleration, persons professing to be educated and - intelligent can arrive at conclusions so senseless and irrational - as those which are set forth in the aforesaid resolution. - -I am, Sir, -Yours faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Of the two courses which lay open--to reassemble in October for an -autumn session or to sit through August and obtain enough money at once -to last till February--the Cabinet selected the second. In the interval -necessitated by the re-election of Ministers the policy to be submitted -to Parliament was settled. - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Confidential._ - -10 Downing Street, Whitehall: August 20, 1886. - - My dear Randolph,--It has occurred to me, thinking over the list of - measures of private members you read to me this morning, that if we - have to make up our Cabinet mind over all of them we shall have a - great deal of trouble and possibly some friction. A difficulty - arises specially in the case of the Peers. With these small - measures the Peers can practically do what they like. But what they - like may very often be inconvenient for the Cabinet to profess and - act upon in the House of Commons. It may often happen that some of - the followers, or even of the members, of the Government in the - Commons could not, without offending their constituents, take the - line which the Conservative Peers would naturally take, and which - they will not be withheld from taking without a great deal of - discontent. I want you to think whether the following _modus - vivendi_ might not be possible. Our position as a Ministry is very - peculiar. We have not a majority except on certain vital questions. - Might we not fairly say that we will only be responsible for the - guidance of Parliament on the questions which we ourselves submit - to it? All questions submitted by independent members, unless they - affect our Executive action or the measures we have proposed, we - shall treat as open questions, taking no collective responsibility - for the decision of Parliament upon them. This is in the sense of - Chamberlain's recommendation that we should have _no_ vital - questions. We cannot go quite as far as that, but it is sound - advice up to a certain point. Open questions were much more common - when I entered Parliament than they are now; but as we are entering - again upon the period of precarious majorities the system will have - to be resumed. Pray think of this. I see great difficulties if we - have to decide, as a Government, on all the fads. - -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -The new Parliament, having re-elected Mr. Peel Speaker on August 5, met -for the transaction of business on the 19th. The Royal Speech briefly -declared that the ordinary work of the year had been interrupted, 'in -order that the sense of Her Majesty's people might be taken on certain -important proposals with regard to the government of Ireland,' and that -the result of that appeal had been 'to confirm the conclusion to which -the late Parliament had come.' In view of the 'prolonged and exceptional -labours' to which the members had been subjected, the Sovereign -abstained from recommending any measures except those which were -essential to the conduct of the public service during the remaining -portion of the financial year. As, furthermore, the Chancellor of the -Exchequer drily announced that 'for the convenience of honourable -members' the Government would take on themselves the responsibility of -putting down notices of opposition to all the private members' Bills and -notices of motion which appeared on the order paper, the only task -demanded of the House of Commons was to terminate the provisional -arrangements which had been made for Supply and to vote the remaining -Estimates of the last Parliament. - -The Address to the Crown was moved by Colonel King-Harman. Lord Randolph -Churchill arranged that Mr. Maclean, the member for Oldham, who had -formerly opposed him at such a critical moment on the Council of the -National Union, should second it. Mr. Gladstone spoke with admirable -temper, as not forgetting 'what is due to a Government which has just -taken office.' But the interest of the assembly was concentrated upon -the young Minister who had cut so swift and strange a path to power. -When Lord Randolph rose, as Leader of the House, to follow Mr. -Gladstone, an intense hush of expectancy and anxiety prevailed. In spite -of all his skill and ease as a speaker, his nervousness was apparent. -Mr. Smith dwells on it in a letter to his wife which has since been -published. But he spoke with dignity and strength and his lucid, ordered -statement left no feeling of inequality in the minds of those who had -just listened to the greatest of Parliamentarians. Although the Irish -were inclined to interrupt derisively, the House was generally -sympathetic; and loud and long were the Tory cheers when the speaker -ended. - -The policy towards Ireland which he declared, was definite and simple. -It is the same policy which the reader will already have remarked in a -memorandum to Lord Salisbury after the election of 1885, from which -during the remainder of his life Lord Randolph never diverged either in -one direction or the other. The Irish Question presented itself, he -said, in three aspects--social order, the Land question and Local -Government. The late Administration were of opinion that these three -questions were indissolubly connected and their policy was to deal with -them all by one measure. The new Government proposed to treat them to a -very large extent as separate and distinct. The law was to be -uncompromisingly maintained, whether against Orangemen in Belfast, which -was still distracted by savage riots, or against Nationalists in Kerry, -where a grave increase in 'Moonlighting' and boycotting had been -recorded. Sir Redvers Buller would be sent forthwith to take all -necessary measures. In regard to land--which subject a Royal Commission -was also to examine--the Government would not encourage any extension of -the principle of revision of rent by the direct interposition of the -State; but would rather aim at the creation of a general system of -single ownership by the influence and leverage of the credit of the -State. The material resources of Ireland were to be developed after -inquiry by grants from the British Exchequer in three distinct channels: -first, the creation of a deep-sea fishing industry on the west coast of -Ireland by the construction of harbours of refuge and the connection of -those harbours with the main lines of rapid communication; secondly, the -improvement and extension of the railway, light railway and tramway -system; and, thirdly, the construction of those great arterial drainage -works for the Shannon, the Bann, and the Barrow, which prosperous -agriculture seemed to require, but which were far too considerable to be -attempted by the resources of single localities. - -Upon Local Government, decisive action would be taken. 'When Parliament -reassembles at the beginning of February next, the Government are -sanguine that they will be prepared with definite proposals on that -large question. Their object will be, as far as possible, to eliminate -party feelings and to secure for the consideration of the question as -large an amount of Parliamentary co-operation as can be obtained; so -that whatever settlement may be arrived at may not be regarded as a -political triumph of either party, but rather in the nature of a final -and lasting settlement.... The great sign-posts of our policy are -equality, similarity and, if I may use such a word, simultaneity of -treatment, so far as is practicable, in the development of a genuinely -popular system of government in all the four countries which form the -United Kingdom.' He ended by declaring in simple terms that the verdict -of the constituencies for the maintenance of the Parliamentary Union -must be considered final and irreversible. - -Such was the policy which Lord Randolph Churchill was permitted to -declare with the assent of the Prime Minister and of the Cabinet. In -order that there might be no misunderstandings, he took the precaution -of writing out the actual words and submitting them beforehand to the -principal Ministers. It was the policy of his own heart. It is the -policy which, in spite of some lamentable lapses, of many purposeless -and vexatious delays and of more than one incident of prejudice or even -tyranny, has upon the whole, as history records, been carried -laboriously forward by Unionist Administrations during nearly twenty -years and which in the end, whatever problems it has left unsolved, has -notably advanced the social, political and economic stability of the -Irish people. - -Lord Randolph Churchill was much praised for his speech. The -Conservatives were in high spirits, and the newspapers next morning -emphasised the favourable impression which had been produced. Yet he -does not seem himself to have been much affected by these tributes; for -on being asked the next day 'whether it is the intention of the -Government to introduce any changes in the fiscal laws of the country by -placing duties on imported manufactures, by taxing foreign corn, by -countervailing bounties or in any other respect,' he replied, with an -odd gleam of foresight or of humour: 'The ways and means for the year -1887-8 which the Government will propose to Parliament, will be -communicated to the House on or about March 31 next by the -person--whoever he may be--who at the time happens to be Chancellor of -the Exchequer.' - -[Illustration: _Reproduced by permission of the proprietors of 'Punch.'_ - -THE GRAND YOUNG MAN. - -SHADE OF 'DIZZY,' _loquitor_: - - You stand--at your age--where I stood after years - Of waiting on Fortune and working on fools. - Not forty! Unwearied by failures or fears. - To him who can use them are ever the tools, - But there's an advantage you'll scarce understand - In having the tools ready shaped to your hand. - -_Punch_, August 7, 1886.] - -The debate on the Address and its amendments was protracted. It had -opened with much calmness; but as it progressed the smouldering fires of -the great encounter began to sparkle. In this flicker the deep -antagonisms which the election had made permanent between friends and -parties, became visible. Lord Hartington's speech on the third night was -uncompromising. Standing in the midst of his old colleagues on the Front -Opposition Bench, with much formal courtesy and weighty argument he made -it plain that he would exert his whole strength to sustain the Ministry -in power. He was heard by his party in moody silence, broken from time -to time by Irish interruptions and Tory applause. Mr. Parnell, who moved -next day an amendment of his own, took pains to cast back disdainfully, -as trash unworthy of notice, the material aid to Irish resources which -the Chancellor of the Exchequer had proffered. He spoke of the -'dishonesty of bolstering up the system of landlord and tenant in -Ireland by the expenditure of large sums of money the repayment of which -is quite uncertain and highly problematic,' and of the 'folly of -building harbours of refuge for fishing-boats that do not exist.' He -derided the proposal to spend three-quarters of a million on the -arterial drainage of the Bann and the Shannon, where nothing less than -ten millions would suffice. Fed by such fuel, an ugly glow grew -gradually in the House. - -The sixth day of the debate on the Address was stormy. It began with an -unexpected motion for the adjournment of the House as a protest against -the despatch of Sir Redvers Buller to Kerry. The member who moved it, -Mr. Edward Russell, made an elaborate and indignant speech. He enlarged -on the iniquity of employing a military officer accustomed to dealing -with savage tribes to discharge duties which properly belonged to the -civil magistrate. Lord Randolph dealt with this motion in a summary and -even audacious manner. 'In the opinion of the honourable gentleman,' -said the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 'the appointment of Sir Redvers -Buller is a startling innovation in our Constitution, a serious blow to -civil and religious liberty, a wilful invasion of the immutable -principles of justice, and other things of that serious kind. He holds -strong opinions and he prophesies the most alarming results. He declares -that all Kerry will immediately take an active part in the proceedings -of the "Moonlighters" and that all Ireland will very shortly be involved -in a general conflagration. Now, sir, I do not complain of the -honourable member holding these opinions; they are opinions he is -perfectly entitled to hold and to express. What I want the House to do -is to compare the opinions he holds with the course he suggests. What is -the course he proposes? He proposes that the House of Commons should -immediately adjourn. What will be the effect of that course on Sir -Redvers Buller or his appointment? Absolutely none. The House would -adjourn, if they agreed with the honourable member, and, like the -Emperor Titus, might exclaim that they had lost a day; but, before the -House met again, Sir Redvers Buller would be well on his way to Kerry. - -'As to employing military officers in civil positions, had not Mr. -Gladstone after the London riots appointed Sir Charles Warren, an -officer on the active list, liable to be called away at any moment on -military service, not to look after "Moonlighters," but after the -civilised inhabitants of London?' He suggested that the motion had been -brought forward to delay the speech which Mr. Chamberlain, who had -obtained the adjournment on the previous night, was known to be about to -deliver. No greater compliment could be paid to a member than that his -opponents should show that they feared what he was going to say. 'I have -to announce,' he concluded, 'that Her Majesty's Government entirely -decline to take any part in the discussion.' - -This was hard hitting, but it succeeded. 'Lord Randolph Churchill,' said -the _Times_ the next day, 'pricked the bubble with a Disraelian -dexterity of touch.' Angry speeches in reply failed to sustain the -debate. The fate of the motion was never for a moment doubtful, and on a -division it was rejected by a majority of 241 against 146. - -The motion for the adjournment being thus brushed aside, the -consideration of Mr. Parnell's amendment was resumed. The treatment -accorded to Mr. Chamberlain's speech afforded some foundation for Lord -Randolph's charge. He was repeatedly interrupted both from above and -below the gangway. Mr. Speaker was invited to notice the smallest -deviation from the strictest relevancy. Cries of fierce derision saluted -him from the Irish benches. The men around him did not conceal their -discontent. And in his turn he struck back with dexterous severity. -Ceremonious language, much 'right honourable be-friending,' -smoothly-turned sentences, soft, purring accents, ineradicable -antagonism; such was his speech. It was the first of many similar -episodes in this new Parliament. Yet some respect is due to the -forbearance of the Liberal majority. For six weary years the -Liberal-Unionist leaders sat on the Front Opposition Bench. Their -followers held the balance of every division. Their authority sustained -the Conservative Government. Their debating skill was always at hand -when all else failed. They supported Coercion; they justified -Mitchelstown; they even defended the Special Commission; and with -decisive effect. Yet never once, not even at times of sharpest -indignation, were they denied by those who surrounded them their freedom -of debate. - -The Government were naturally delighted at this decided support. 'You -made a splendid speech last night,' wrote Lord Randolph to Mr. -Chamberlain (August 27). 'It is curious, but true, that you have more -effect on the Tory party than either Salisbury or myself. Many of them -had great doubts about our policy till you spoke.' - -On September 1, Mr. Sexton brought forward an amendment drawing -attention to the Belfast riots, and this, of course, served as a -convenient peg on which to fasten an almost interminable series of -attacks upon Lord Randolph Churchill. At least twenty-five persons had -been actually killed in the streets and many hundreds injured or -arrested. All was attributed to the epigram, 'Ulster will fight and -Ulster will be right.' Sir Michael Hicks-Beach was able to make a good -defence. In spite of a long and solemn denunciation from Sir William -Harcourt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer remained silent; but the -debate ran on, full of life and spite, until on September 3 Mr. -Labouchere sought to provoke him by embodying a direct charge in a -special amendment. 'Surely in vain the net is spread in the sight of any -bird,' said Lord Randolph piously; 'and of all the unskilful and clumsy -Parliamentary fowlers of whose manoeuvres it has been my lot to be a -witness, I never met a sorrier practitioner than the honourable member. -In the various snares and wits and wiles with which he distinguished -himself in the last Parliament he only succeeded in this--that he made -himself the laughing-stock of the Parliament and of the public; and he -appears to be desirous to add to-night to his already great reputation.' -'There was not,' the speaker declared, with some boldness, 'a shred of a -shadow of a shade, or a shade of a shadow of a shred' of foundation for -such charges. So the attacks were brushed contemptuously away, and the -Government majority did not fail in the Lobby to endorse their Leader's -disdain. - -On September 3 the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved a resolution -securing precedence for the Committee of Ways and Means and of Supply. -So far as form was concerned, he based himself upon the precedent of -1841. But he ventured further upon an earnest yet restrained appeal to -the House. 'We have pledged ourselves as a Government to produce at the -meeting of Parliament next year such schemes of legislation as we may be -able to decide upon and mature in the autumn and winter. If the -proceedings of this session were to be greatly protracted and if the -energies of members and Ministers were to be greatly exhausted by them, -it would become very difficult for the Government to summon Parliament -as early next year. I ask no consideration on behalf of the Government, -but in the interests of Parliament and of the country. This motion is -intended to wind up, with as much expedition as is reasonable and -decent, the business of the session, and to allow members to separate in -time for the annual recess. I would not for a moment wish the House to -understand that I am advocating a rapid or slovenly discussion of the -Estimates. I have always protested against that and always shall. I ask -only that the House will concentrate its attention on the Estimates and -proceed without unusual dilatoriness and loss of time. The difficulties -which lie in the future before the Government, are very great indeed. No -one can be more deeply impressed with their magnitude than my colleagues -and myself; and certainly I see no possibility of arriving at anything -like a solution of those difficulties unless the House is prepared to -give a reasonable amount of time during which the Government may take -thought for a future so anxious and grave.' - -The effect of this appeal, conjoined as it was with a promise that Mr. -Parnell should have an opportunity for bringing forward his Tenants' -Relief Bill, was to induce the House to consent without a division to -endow the Government with full control over public time. Lord Randolph, -however, thought it proper to write a special letter of explanation to -Lord Hartington, fearing apparently lest the Whig leader should become -suspicious of any compact with the Nationalist party:-- - - - - Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: September 5, 1886. - - Dear Lord Hartington,--You will have observed in the papers that - the Government gave a promise to Parnell to afford him facilities - (_i.e._ a night) for laying his land proposals in the form of a - Bill before Parliament. - - Whether this promise was a wise one or not, I will not say. There - were no doubt grave objections to any concession to Parnell of any - sort or kind, but I think if you had been in the House last week - you might have been of opinion that the objections to a course of - stolid resistance on the part of the Government were perhaps - greater. - - However this may be I own that I am extremely anxious that (if - possible) when the Bill does come on, the Government may receive - your support in opposing it. Of course the Bill will only be - Parnell's original amendment to the Address in another form, and - the Government will not give way an inch to him under any - consideration. - - But Parnell has undoubtedly hopes, which if they are unsound cannot - be too clearly and speedily demonstrated to be unsound, that he can - make out a case so plausible for the tenants on the score of - inability to pay that he may secure the support or at least the - abstention of the Liberal Unionists; and of course if he were - successful in this the moral strength of the Government would be - seriously diminished, with corresponding disadvantage to other, - greater and more common interests. - - I therefore trouble you with these few lines now, though I do not - suppose the discussion on the Bill can arise till next week at the - earliest. - -Believe me to be -Very faithfully yours, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -A friendly message emboldened the Minister to write more freely of his -difficulties:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Hartington._ - -_Private._ - -September 13, 1886. - - The position of this Government must always be most precarious. It - may have a long life; but it is a rickety infant, requiring the - most careful handling. The condition of the House of Commons, the - recklessness and utter lack of all sense of responsibility on the - part of the Opposition, their guerilla character and the want of a - leader who can control, is most alarming. There is no precedent - that I know of in our history of such a combination of ominous - circumstances. I hear you are going to India; and if this means - your absence from the House till March or April, I think it right - to tell you that without your support in Parliament this Government - cannot last. The assaults of an Opposition unrestrained by your - presence will be too desperate for me to sustain. A state of great - confusion will arise; the Government will go, and you will have to - try your hand. I feel awfully alone in the House of Commons, and am - glad to grasp an opportunity of placing things before you as I look - at them. - - - - _Lord Hartington to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -Brantingham Thorpe, Brough, Yorkshire: September 14, 1886. - - My dear Churchill,--I received your letter this morning before - leaving London, and am glad to know so fully your opinions on the - position in the House of Commons. It is quite true that I have some - doubt, which I expressed to Sir M. Hicks-Beach, as to resisting the - whole of Parnell's Bill. I do not think that you can leave - expediency out of the question in dealing with the rights of Irish - landlords. They have very few friends; and if they are encouraged - to strain their rights, and if disorder could justly be put down to - their account, they would have still fewer. - - It is quite clear that the intention is to fight the Nationalist - battle on the question of the land during next winter, and it will - be to Parnell's advantage that there should be as many evictions as - possible. Your best chance is that he will not succeed in inducing - tenants who can pay to risk eviction. But if landlords evict - wholesale tenants who cannot pay, he may succeed in getting up - another very dangerous agitation. I thought, therefore, that this - was to a great extent a question for the Irish Government, and if - they considered a check on eviction necessary I should have been - inclined to grant it. But, as I understand, they think that the - Courts have already a considerable discretion which may be - sufficient, and undoubtedly any concession to Parnell would do harm - unless the evil of resistance is still greater. - - I do not think that I misunderstood your action in giving Parnell a - day for discussion of his Bill, though I do not know the exact - reasons for the decision. But I certainly thought that, while you - were quite right to keep your absolute freedom of action in regard - to the Bill, you were not precluded from accepting any part of it - which the Irish Government might on further consideration think - necessary. - - I shall always be very glad to communicate with you on - Parliamentary matters when you think it desirable, and can very - well understand the anxiety and responsibility of your position. - -Yours very truly, -HARTINGTON. - - - -The Address was disposed of in the first week of September and the House -plunged at once into Supply. Forthwith obstruction became patent and -flagrant. A select, determined and well-organised band, among whom Mr. -Labouchere was the best known, took charge of national interests. They -did not disdain trifles, however small; nor grudge study, however -laborious. It was the last chance of a minority under the unreformed -procedure. No Supply Rule, automatically fixing limits, regulated the -votes. No Closure aided the Minister. The Committee debated to their -hearts' content, and on after that till they were sick and weary. -Business crawled forward on its belly in the small hours of the morning. -Any attempt on the part of the Leader of the House to accelerate its -passage was met by alternate motions to report progress and to adjourn. -Lord Randolph was teased with mischievous satisfaction upon all the -former manoeuvres of the Fourth Party. It was a severe, if -appropriate, expiation. Nothing but imperturbable temper and physical -endurance availed. The Leader of the House was always in his place. He -listened to all the discussions. He defended every detail of the Civil -Service Estimates himself. On warlike stores, on public accounts, on -salaries in the House of Lords, on secret service and town holdings and -polluted rivers, on poor ratepayers and gold coinage, he was found -suave, adroit, and well informed. - -'The Chancellor of the Exchequer,' observed the _Times_, not always a -friendly critic (September 17), 'is making great progress in the art of -so answering questions as to keep the House in a good temper. This he -does sometimes by judicious concessions, sometimes by a sly turn of -humour, sometimes by a touch of good-natured irony.' Indeed, he used -every Parliamentary art and all the resources of his many-sided -character. Sometimes he coaxed and sometimes he complained. Sometimes he -resisted with vehemence only to make surrender an hour or two later more -valued. Once, as has been shown, he appealed earnestly and with success -to the House. Once he rapped out that the tactics of the obstructionists -were 'not conceived in the public interest,' and after an angry debate -made a reconciliation with them and secured incidentally some progress. -He knew the House in all its moods. He humoured it and offended it and -soothed it again with practised deliberation. Yet he always appeared to -be its servant. Ministers and Governments were but the respectful -stewards of the public service. Parliament had rights and authority over -them, to which, however capriciously asserted, they must bow: 'My own -opinion,' he said when his attention was roughly drawn to a criticism of -the Public Accounts Committee on some departmental practice, 'is that -the Comptroller and Auditor-General and the Public Accounts Committee, -acting together, ought to be a superior authority to the Treasury; and -that, if they distinctly lay down a rule as to the expenditure of money, -it is the business of the Treasury to acknowledge that authority as -superior to their own.' The member, Mr. Arthur O'Connor, who had -complained, was so contented with this soft answer that, after -congratulating the Chancellor of the Exchequer 'upon the breadth of view -with which he always looks at matters of this kind,' he withdrew his -motion for the reduction of the vote. Thus, inch by inch, Supply crept -forward. - -The Irish members watched Lord Randolph hourly. He and they had -obstructed so often together that both sides knew enough of each other's -ways not to be deceived by blandishments or manoeuvres which would -captivate the innocent spectator. Soured and indignant as they were--not -unnaturally--by the turn of events, in their hearts they nourished a -certain secret sympathy for the conqueror. They enjoyed seeing the game -played scientifically, and they realised how different their new -antagonist was from the prosaic authoritarians who chafe the hearts of -Celtic peoples. At last the Estimates were done. 'It is due to the -Chancellor of the Exchequer,' said the _Times_ (September 16), 'to say -that no Leader of the House of Commons in recent years has met -obstruction, open and disguised, with more exemplary patience.' - -The general satisfaction of the Conservative party at Lord Randolph's -management of the House of Commons found expression in much solicitude -for his health. 'Don't worry yourself and get knocked up,' wrote Mr. -Chamberlain (September 1). 'I do not believe that the Irish will keep -you sweltering very much longer.' 'You really must take more care of -yourself,' Mr. Balfour insisted. 'Now that the main business of the -Address is got over, I cannot see why you should spend so much time in -your place in the House.' And Lord Salisbury on the 14th: 'I am afraid -your work is getting intolerably hard. Don't sit up too much.' - -'I am particularly commanded,' said Lord Iddesleigh, writing from -Balmoral on the 16th, 'by the Queen to say that Her Majesty was greatly -amused by the contents of your box last night. I suppose you won't -understand this message without the gloss--there was a sprinkling of -tobacco in it. - -'Her Majesty is very sympathetic over the sufferings of our friends in -the House of Commons. You have indeed a very hard task and it is not -very clear how it is to be lightened.' - -Only Mr. Parnell's Bill remained after the Estimates were passed. Two -days (September 20 and 21) were occupied in its discussion. The Bill was -badly drawn. Mr. Gladstone supported it in principle; but was forced to -object to nearly every detail. Lord Hartington was severe in his -condemnation. The Government declared they would have nothing whatever -to do with it. Mr. Morley alone was fortunate in his advocacy. It was -rejected by 297 to 202. Ministers were much advantaged by having -persuaded their opponents to expose themselves to the perils of -constructive policies. - -Lord Randolph Churchill ended the session amid golden opinions. -Congratulations and goodwill flowed in upon him from all sides. He -himself was in high spirits. 'You must find it very hard work,' said an -admirer, 'leading the House and at the same time being at the -Exchequer.' 'Not half such hard work as it was getting there,' was the -droll answer. The party newspapers were loud in their praises. All -doubts about his tact and patience were dispersed, and Conservative -members hurried off to the country feeling that a great man had arisen -among them, and that 'Elijah's mantle' had lighted upon no unworthy -shoulders. The Sovereign wrote him an autograph letter of exceptional -favour:-- - - - -Balmoral Castle: September 22, 1886. - - Now that the session is just over, the Queen wishes to write and - thank Lord Randolph Churchill for his regular and full and - interesting reports of the debates in the House of Commons, which - must have been most trying. - - Lord Randolph has shown much skill and judgment in his leadership - during this exceptional session of Parliament. - -[Illustration: Balmoral Castle: - -Sept: 22, 1886. - -Now that the session is just over the Queen wishes to write and thank -Lord Randolph Churchill for his regular and full and interesting reports -of the debates in the House of Commons, which must have been] - -[Illustration: most trying. Lord Randolph has shown much skill and -judgment in his leadership during this exceptional session of -Parliament.] - -Difficulties abroad were soon added to the difficulties at home. At the -end of August foreign affairs in Eastern Europe were suddenly plunged -into crisis through the kidnapping of Prince Alexander by Bulgarian -officers under Russian influence, and his consequent abdication. The -Chanceries of Europe throbbed with excitement and apprehension. To -Lord Randolph Churchill the news was specially unwelcome. He did not -concern himself too much about Constantinople, and cared nothing at all -for Turkey. The sentiments which had in 1878 induced him to write to Sir -Charles Dilke, offering, if the Liberals would support him, to move a -vote of censure upon Lord Beaconsfield's foreign policy, were unaltered. -The freedom and independence of the Slav, Bulgarian and Hellenic peoples -seemed to him still a wise and lofty object; but any sympathies which he -had for stifled or struggling nationalities were strictly controlled. -Great Britain should not shrink from her share in the responsibilities -of Europe; but no duty of isolated intervention lay upon her. He had, -moreover, been deeply impressed by the satisfactory manner in which the -Afghan frontier dispute had been settled. He had become much more -hopeful of a good understanding with Russia than when he had first gone -to the India Office. Above all, he was resolved to offer no wanton -provocation which might lead by Russian reprisals in Asia to the -reopening of a question of such grave importance to the tranquillity of -the Indian Empire. - -The proceedings of the Foreign Office seriously disquieted him. As early -as September 4 he wrote to Lord Salisbury: 'I have just read Lord -Iddesleigh's telegram to Lascelles, telling him to prevent Alexander -from abdicating and to cause him to appeal to the Great Powers. I think -this is very unfair on Alexander. Iddesleigh knows perfectly well that -the Great Powers won't move a finger, and he knows we cannot act outside -a most Platonic range. I am afraid of our incurring moral -responsibilities towards the Prince and his people which may lead us on -far without previous calculation.... I do most earnestly trust that we -may not be drifting into strong and marked action in the East of Europe. -It will place us in great peril in the House of Commons, politically and -financially.' And again on the 6th: 'Iddesleigh's last telegram to -Lascelles is really _un peu trop fort_. I do think we ought to have an -immediate Cabinet before such messages are sent. I look at the series -together; the two first were startling, but recognised European concert, -which the last altogether flings aside. W. H. Smith concurs strongly -that the Cabinet ought to meet. Any moment it may leak out at Sofia that -we are taking strong action.... Lord John Manners made a remark to me at -4.30 this afternoon symptomatic of surprise that there had been no -Cabinet. As you know I loathe Cabinets, you will feel that this is -disinterested; but I own to being frightened.' The Prime Minister -consented to summon his colleagues, adding merely that he and Lord -Iddesleigh were agreed as to the policy, but that the Cabinet could -overrule them if it thought fit. The Cabinet, however, cleared the air -and led to better understandings. - - - - Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury. - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: September 15, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--Another desperate night in the H. of C. You - may imagine how bad was the Irish conduct when Beach's last words - to me were: 'I am now all for a strong Cloture.' ... - - M. de Staal has just been to see me. He declaimed against White.... - I said that in view of our occupation of Egypt it was necessary - that we should have a representative at Constantinople of character - and resolution. He said the Bulgarians had done something or other - rude to the Emperor's portrait at Sofia. He spoke of the great - difficulty Russia had in coming to an understanding with Austria on - account of the Hungarians, who thought of nothing but '49.' He - tried to ascertain my views as to our interests in the Balkan - territories; my reply was (speaking only for myself) that our chief - interests were Egypt and India, and that anything which affected - our interests in those countries would necessitate very strong - action on our part. Speaking generally, I said that with Ireland on - our hands, our foreign policy, except under great pressure, would - naturally be pacific. He asked about the position of the - Government. I told him that Gladstone was hopelessly out of it, and - was no longer young enough to get into it again; that his principal - supporters were hopelessly discredited and divided; that Hartington - possessed great balancing influence, but could not look to forming - a Government himself; that whether this particular Government - lasted or no, power was with the Conservative party, whose - political organisation and strength were increasing and improving - every day; that such a fact as London returning forty-three - Conservatives against four Gladstonians ought to have great weight - with him in appreciating the Conservative position. - - Finally, I hinted at an understanding with Russia by which she - should give us real support in Egypt, abandon her pressure upon - Afghanistan, in which case she might settle the Balkan matters as - she would--or, rather, as she _could_! - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -A few days later Lord Salisbury was able to retire to his villa near -Dieppe, although the situation still continued critical and obscure. The -Chancellor of the Exchequer, delighted by Lord Salisbury's proposal to -change the British Agent at Sofia, seems to have made great efforts to -bring his opinions nearer to those of his chief. On the 23rd he reports -an interview with Count Hatzfeldt. 'I told him that I had been thinking -much over what had passed between us about the East of Europe, and that -I had come to this conclusion as a member of the House of Commons and -from a House of Commons point of view: Any anti-Russian policy which -involved England taking the lead ostensibly on the side of Turkey, -either about Bulgaria or even Constantinople, would probably place the -Unionist party in great peril, might fail to receive the support of the -constituencies, and would be savagely assaulted. An anti-Russian policy, -however, in which Austria took the lead supported by Germany, we could, -I thought, well fall in with, and hold our own easily in the House of -Commons. He said: 'That is all very well; but what will be wanting, will -be Germany's support of Austria. Our eyes are riveted on France.' I -said, if that was really so, of course we could not play; but that it -occurred to me that it was not impossible that if Germany and Austria -took the lead against Russian advance and in defence of Bulgarian -independence, and we followed and joined loyally and thoroughly, I -thought that would seem to entail logically action on our part, -diplomatic or otherwise, against France if she tried to be nasty. He -seemed much interested by this, and I impressed upon him at parting not -to forget that it must be to Germany's interest that the Unionist party -and the Government should endure and remain strong; that foreign policy -on our part which followed the lead of Germany and Austria would not try -that strength too high, and might be carried far; but that foreign -policy against Russia in the East of Europe which left the initiative to -England would be a policy too dangerous, seeing the other great -interests we had to defend, for us to contemplate. I told him these were -mere House of Commons views, for his own private information for -whatever they were worth, and that he was not to consider them in any -other light. - -'I don't know whether you will think this expression shows any change of -views from what I have expressed to you recently. I do not think it does -really....' - -'If Russia attacked Constantinople,' wrote the Prime Minister in a -letter approving generally of this discourse, 'and all the other Powers -refused to intervene, I am rather disposed to the idea that we should -have to act in the Dardanelles; but I hope the contingency is too -improbable to require us to trouble about it.' The Chancellor of the -Exchequer replied meekly that he would be quite agreeable to 'a -piratical seizure of Gallipoli.' 'There is,' he adds, 'a practical -flavour about such a step which would commend it to the most Radical and -peace-loving House of Commons.' Lord Salisbury detected a flavour of -levity in this answer. - -'You are naturally sarcastic,' he wrote on the 28th, 'on my Dardanelles, -and I hope the matter will not come up in our time. But the possession -by Russia of Constantinople will be an awkward piece of news for the -Minister who receives it. The prestige effect on the Asiatic populations -will be enormous, and I pity the English party that has this item on -their record. They will share the fate of Lord North's party. - -'At the same time I know the great military objections there are to the -Dardanelles scheme.' - -Further activity at the Foreign Office renewed the correspondence. On -the 30th Lord Randolph wrote again urgently to the Prime Minister:-- - - I have read with the utmost dismay Iddesleigh's telegram to - Lascelles instructing him to inform the Bulgarian Government that - our Government approve of the reply sent by them to the Russian - Note. - - What is the reason for this apparently isolated and certainly most - risky action? I cannot make out that an opinion was ever asked for - directly, which makes such instructions all the more strange. Have - we any right to express approval in so pointed and uncalled for a - manner, without at the same time letting those poor Bulgarians know - that beyond the merest diplomatic action we cannot go? I thought, - when you told me some days ago that Lascelles was to be changed - that that meant a modification of policy. I see no use in changing - the agent in this case, if the policy to which objection has been - taken is to be even more accentuated. - - Why cannot Iddesleigh consider the propriety of trying to act at - Sofia in conjunction with the Austrian, German and Italian - Governments, and, if joint action is for the moment impossible, - abstaining from any action at all? We shall never get joint action - while Iddesleigh keeps rushing in where Bismarck fears to tread. - What I would like to see aimed at would be a Second Berlin - Memorandum--this time addressed, not to Turkey, but to Russia, and - England joining in. But all chance of such a document, which would - imply irresistible forces, fades further and further into the - distance. - - Our action with Austria means war with Russia. Our action with - Austria and Germany means peace. But I feel sure that our present - niggling, meddling, intriguing, fussy policy is gaining for us the - contempt and dislike of Bismarck every day. I do pray you to - consider these matters. It was supposed that Lord Iddesleigh would - act under your direction. I feel certain that much that he has done - has been done on his own account. After all, it is very fine for - him now; but the day of trial will come when all this has to be - explained and defended in the House of Commons. - - Now I have risked your wrath by inflicting this jeremiad upon you, - but it is the last, for I go abroad Sunday and shall know no more - till I return. - -'Like you,' replied Lord Salisbury from Puys, on October 1, 'I am not -happy about foreign affairs, but not entirely for the same reason. I do -not wholly take your view about our attitude towards Russia. I consider -the loss of Constantinople would be the ruin of our party and a heavy -blow to the country: and therefore I am anxious to delay by all means -Russia's advance to that goal. A pacific and economical policy is up to -a certain point very wise: but it is evident that there is a point -beyond which it is not wise either in a patriotic or party sense--and -the question is where we shall draw the line. I draw it at -Constantinople. My belief is that the main strength of the Tory party, -both in the richer and poorer classes, lies in its association with the -honour of the country. It is quite true that if, in order to save that -honour, we have to run into expense, we shall suffer as a party--that is -human nature. But what I contend is, that we shall suffer as a party -more--much more--if the loss of Constantinople stands on our record.... -I am therefore rather uneasy about foreign affairs--for I am afraid you -are prepared to give up Constantinople: and foreign Powers will be quick -enough to find that divergence out. On the other hand I sympathise with -you in some uneasiness as to the course of the Foreign Office. Many -things, I fear, are not done--and I am disquieted at the result ... when -I get back to England I may be able to exert a stronger influence.' - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: October 3, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I was not able to write yesterday and thank - you for your letter, as I had to go down to Dartford. - - You must not think that I in any way disagree from what you urge - about Constantinople. It is only that I have a great doubt whether - the particular method and scheme of policy which was carried out at - the time of the Crimean War, and again to a great extent in - 1876-78, is the best. I doubt whether the people will support that - method; and it seems to have this enormous disadvantage, that it - enables Austria to lie back. - - We can, I think, perfectly defend Constantinople by going in for - the independence of Bulgaria; and we can best obtain that - independence by persuading Austria to take the lead. - - But no doubt the proceedings of Lascelles, and the probable - proceedings at Constantinople of Sir W. White, are more in - accordance with the old policy, which I fear is now impracticable, - than with a modification of that policy. - - Please do not suspect me of indifference to a matter on which you - feel so strongly. My only business and object are to bring, in the - best way I can, any policy which you wish carried out into favour - with the House of Commons and the constituencies, so far as it may - be possible for me to influence either. You must remember that you - have not spoken on these matters either in the Lords or the - country, and I am only anxious that you should find a _terrain_ - well prepared. - - I am off to-morrow night and out of reach of everybody till 23rd. - -Lord Randolph Churchill's speech at Dartford (October 2) was probably -the most important of his life. Upwards of twenty thousand Conservatives -were gathered to receive him. Nearly a hundred addresses from all parts -of the country were presented to him by deputations. The town was bright -with flags by day and fireworks by night. Standing upon an improvised -platform among the picturesque glades of Oakfield Park, and backed by -the solid phalanx of Conservative members which Kent had returned to -Parliament, the Chancellor of the Exchequer unfolded to an audience, -variously computed at from twelve to fourteen thousand persons, the -future legislative programme of the Government. He extolled the loyalty -of the Unionist Liberals. He reiterated the declarations upon Ireland -which he had made to the House of Commons. In order that the Unionist -party might legislate, as he described it, upon ascertained facts and -not, like Mr. Gladstone, by intuition, he recounted the appointment of -the four Royal Commissions on Irish Land, on Irish Development, on -Currency and on Departmental Expenditure. He urged a complete reform of -House of Commons procedure, including the institution of the Closure by -a simple majority. He announced that the Government would introduce a -Bill which should provide facilities, through the operation of local -authorities, for the acquisition by the agricultural labourer of -freehold plots and allotments of land. And in this connection he spoke -gratefully of the pioneer work which Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Jesse -Collings had performed. He held out the promise of an alteration in the -law of tithe, so that payment should, in the first instance, be demanded -of the landlord; and a threat to remodel railway rates so that the home -producer should not be undercut by the foreigner. He mentioned a Land -Bill for making the transfer of land easy and cheap; a broad -reorganisation of Local Government with a new assessment and application -of local taxation; and finally he said: 'I will not conceal from you -that my own special object, to which I hope to devote whatever energy -and strength or influence I may possess, is to endeavour to attain some -genuine and considerable reduction of public expenditure and consequent -reduction of taxation. I shall be bitterly disappointed if it is not in -my power after one year, or at any rate after two years, to show to the -public that a very honest and a very earnest effort has been made in -that direction.' Such was the Tory Democratic programme. Nor should it -be supposed that these were the unauthorised views of a single Minister. -All these legislative projects had received the consent of the Cabinet. -Nearly all have since been passed by Conservative Administrations into -law. - -Then the speaker turned to foreign affairs, and here he contrived, -without doing violence to his own convictions, to support faithfully and -effectively in its general tenor Lord Salisbury's policy: but he used -very different arguments from those which Conservative audiences were -accustomed to applaud. - -'We had every reason to hope,' he said, 'that the union of Eastern -Roumelia with Bulgaria under the sovereignty of Prince Alexander would -develop a prosperous and independent nation, in the growing strength of -which might ultimately be found a peaceful and true solution of the -Eastern Question. Those hopes have been for the moment to a great extent -dashed. A brutal and cowardly conspiracy, consummated before the young -community had had time to consolidate itself, was successful in -this--that it paralysed the governing authority of the Prince and -deprived Bulgaria of an honoured and trusted leader. The freedom and -independence of Bulgaria, as well as of the kingdoms of Servia and -Roumania, would appear to be seriously compromised. It has been said by -some, and even by persons of authority and influence, that in the issues -which are involved England has no material interest. Such an assertion -would appear to me to be far too loose and general. The sympathy of -England with liberty and with the freedom and independence of -communities and nationalities, is of ancient origin, and has become the -traditional direction of our foreign policy. The policy based on this -strong sympathy is not so purely sentimental as a careless critic might -suppose. It would be more correct, indeed, to describe such a policy as -particular, and, in a sense, as selfish; for the precious liberties -which we enjoy, and the freedom of Europe from tyranny and despotism, -are in reality indissolubly connected. To England Europe owes much of -her modern popular freedom. It was mainly English effort which rescued -Germany and the Netherlands from the despotism of King Philip of Spain, -and after him from that of Louis XIV. of France. It was English effort -which preserved the liberties of Europe from the desolating tyranny of -Napoleon. In our own times our nation has done much, either by direct -intervention or by energetic moral support, to establish upon firm -foundations the freedom of Italy and of Greece.... A generation ago -Germany and Austria were not so sensitive as they are now to the value -of political liberty. Nor did they appreciate to its full extent the -great stability of institutions which political liberty engenders; and -on England devolved the duty--the honourable but dangerous duty--of -setting an example and of leading the way. Those were the days of Lord -Palmerston; but times have changed, and the freedom and the independence -of the Danubian Principalities and of the Balkan nationalities are a -primary and vital object in the policy of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. -Those things being so, it may well be that England can honourably and -safely afford to view with satisfaction that Power whose interests are -most directly and vitally concerned, assuming the foremost part in this -great international work. We must, of course, take it for granted, as I -am doing, that the liberty-giving policy of the Treaty of Berlin will be -carefully and watchfully protected. Whatever modification this great -fact may enable us to make in our foreign policy, whatever diminution of -isolated risk or sole responsibility this may enable us to effect, you -may be certain of one thing--that there will be no sudden or violent -departure by Her Majesty's present Government from those main principles -of foreign policy which I have before alluded to, and which for nearly -three centuries mark in strong, distinct and clear lines the course of -the British Empire among the nations of the world. - -'There are Powers in Europe who earnestly and honestly desire to avoid -war and to preserve peace, to content themselves with their possessions -and their frontiers and to concentrate their energies on commercial -progress and on domestic development. There are other Powers who do not -appear to be so fortunately situated, and who, from one cause or -another which it is not necessary to analyse or examine, betray from -time to time a regrettable tendency towards contentious and even -aggressive action. It is the duty of any British Government to exhaust -itself in efforts to maintain the best and the most friendly relations -with all foreign States and to lose no opportunity of offering friendly -and conciliatory counsels for the purpose of mitigating national -rivalries and of peacefully solving international disputes. But should -circumstances arise which, from their grave and dangerous nature, should -force the Government of the Queen to make a choice, it cannot be doubted -that the sympathy--and, if necessary, even the support--of England will -be given to those Powers who seek the peace of Europe and the liberty of -peoples, and in whose favour our timely adhesion would probably, and -without the use of force, decide the issue.' - -It would be hard to say whether this speech made more stir at home or -abroad. For more than a week the declarations upon British foreign -policy were the chief theme of the Continental press. And in Berlin, -Vienna and Rome they received a measure of welcome which grew as their -phrasing was more carefully examined. Lord Randolph's outspoken -condemnation of the Bulgarian kidnapping conspiracy was declared to give -a satisfaction to the moral feelings of Christendom which had been -looked for in vain in the late utterances of European statesmen. The -announcement that Great Britain would take her part in the work of -preserving international peace, and that her influence would be -exerted upon the side of the Central Powers--not for the sake of the old -pro-Turkish policy, but in the name of the liberties of the Balkan -peoples--was accepted with the utmost satisfaction in Berlin. The style -of the declaration created an impression of calm authority; and -'Palmerston Redivivus' is an expression which repeatedly appears in the -foreign despatches and articles of that time. - -[Illustration: _Reprinted by permission of the proprietors of 'Punch.'_ - -'YOUTH ON THE PROW AND PLEASURE AT THE HELM!' - -_Punch_, August 14. 1886.] - -At home the Conservative party was too much astonished to give vent -immediately to any effective opinion. The party newspapers generally -applauded the proposals and tone of the speech as 'temperate, -reasonable, and practical.' The _Times_ observed that the programme in -its scope and fulness 'recalled the palmy days of Mr. Gladstone.' The -Opposition, with evident disgust, denounced the Chancellor of the -Exchequer as 'an unscrupulous opportunist' who had stolen the policies -of his Radical opponents and had calmly appropriated their famous motto -of 'Peace, Retrenchment and Reform.' It was not until some days had -passed that the perplexed anxiety in Tory circles found expression in -grumblings that the Prime Minister was being effaced by his lieutenant. -But even then no sign could be discerned in any quarter of a wish or -intention to repudiate the policy declared. - -From all this buzzing, friendly and unfriendly alike, Lord Randolph fled -secretly and silently. For more than a week he was lost to the public -eye. It was rumoured that he had passed through Paris and Berlin on -October 7; but it was not until the 12th that 'Mr. Spencer,' an English -tourist, who with his friend Mr. Trafford had been looking at picture -galleries, museums and theatres at Dresden and Prague, was identified -with the orator of Dartford. - -Few things were more remarkable in Lord Randolph Churchill's brief -career than the quickness with which he acquired a European reputation. -All over the Continent he was already regarded as the future master of -English politics. The tension in the East was unrelieved and the -diplomatic skies were grey and shifting. Here was the second personage -in the British Cabinet, fresh from a most important public statement, -travelling _incognito_ through Germany and Austria. What had he done in -his passage through Berlin? Had he a mission to Bismarck? Had he been to -Varzin or not? From this moment his movements were watched with the most -minute and provoking curiosity and the fullest details were telegraphed -to every capital. The press revived memories of Gambetta's journey to -Frankfort, and perhaps beyond, two years before his death. We learn from -the foreign intelligence of the _Times_ of October 13 that 'Mr. Spencer' -and Mr. Trafford, 'the two travellers whose every step is watched by the -European press,' have been 'residing at the Imperial Hotel [Vienna] -since yesterday.' They had been received by a crowd at the station, and -several persons who had seen Lord Randolph Churchill in England had -'maintained most positively' that 'Mr. Spencer' was identical with the -Chancellor of the Exchequer. We are told that 'Mr. Spencer' looked -somewhat fatigued, and retired to rest after telling the landlord 'in -emphatic terms' that he had come to Vienna for nobody, and proposed -without exception to receive no one; that he walked about the town both -in the morning and afternoon, and visited among others the shop of Herr -Weidmann 'where the most exquisite Vienna leather goods are made'; that -in the evening he had heard Milloecker's operetta 'The Vice-Admiral' at -the Theater an der Wien; and that he was everywhere dogged by -journalists, who gave the public elaborate descriptions of his person, -the shape of his hat and the colour of his coat. - -'I am hopelessly discovered,' wrote Lord Randolph to his wife (October -12). 'At the station yesterday I found a whole army of reporters, at -whom I scowled in my most effective manner. Really it is almost -intolerable that one cannot travel about without this publicity. How -absurd the English papers are! Anything equal to the lies of the _Daily -News_ and _Pall Mall_ I never read: that _Pall Mall_ is most -mischievous.... W. H. Smith is here, and we had a long talk last night. -I have got him to go and see Paget--who wanted me to go and dine with -him--and tell him that as I saw no one at Berlin I did not wish to see -anyone here. The reporters have been besieging the hotel this morning, -but I have sent them all away without a word. The weather is fine and -bright, though there is an autumn chill in the air.... This pottering -about Europe _de ville en ville_ suits me down to the ground, if it -were not for the beastly newspapers.' - -His holiday was a short one. On his way back through Paris he had an -interview which would certainly have interested those curious folk who -had pried so zealously upon his unguarded leisure:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Iddesleigh._ - -Hotel Bristol, Paris: October 19, 1886. - - Dear Lord Iddesleigh,--This morning Count d'Aunay called upon me. I - think, from what he said, that he had been sent by Freycinet, I - used to know D'Aunay very well when he was in London. I left him to - begin what he had to say, and kept talking about _la pluie et le - beau temps_. At last he rapped it out. He said the Egyptian - Question was going to be 're-awakened.' - - I asked what question. - - He said the reorganisation of the administration, the tribunals, - the customs, the army. - - I said I did not see that any of these pressed; that Wolff and - Mukhtar had got to make their report, which would take some time to - consider; that, in the meantime, everything was going on quietly; - that the country was progressing; that the payment of the coupon in - full would be resumed next year; and that I could not conceive what - object there was in raising the Egyptian Question in a critical - manner now. - - He said that the French were most desirous to co-operate with - England in the re-establishment of Egypt; that they wished to be - perfect friends with us, but that M. de Freycinet felt that Egypt - was a continual _pierre d'achoppement_, and that there would always - be great difficulties until it was got out of the way; that public - opinion in France was now much agitated on the question; that they - suspected we meant to take Egypt altogether; and that they must - know what we intended to do about retiring. - - I replied that it was impossible to reconcile this great desire on - M. de Freycinet's part for friendship with the tone of the French - Press on the proceedings of French agents at Constantinople; but - that, in any case, of this he might be certain--that these things - did not influence our policy in the least; that we did not intend - to retire from Egypt until a stable Government had been constituted - there, able to maintain itself and to pay its way; and that we - should not 'budge an inch' from that resolution _pour quoi que ce - soit, ni pour qui que ce soit_; that the work would take a long - time, perhaps three years, perhaps five years, or perhaps ten - years, or longer; but that till it was done our occupation of Egypt - would continue. - - He appeared much pained and upset by this, and argued for a long - time that we could do nothing in Egypt on any question without - French assistance. - - I said we were most anxious for French assistance, although up to - now we had managed to rub along without it; but that if there was - to be any understanding for the solution of Egyptian questions - between the two Governments, it must be upon the basis of our - continued occupation of Egypt until certain definite and practical - results were obtained which would be a reward to us for all the - loss of money, men, time and trouble which our occupation had - entailed on us. - - He said we ought to fix a date for evacuation; that that would - remove all suspicion of bad faith; that the French were obliged to - press the point on account of their enormous interests and their - numerous colony; that in the time of the 'condominium' they had - occupied a perfectly satisfactory position, which they wished to - regain. - - I reminded him that they had deliberately abdicated that position - when M. de Freycinet was Minister before; that they had left us all - the trouble and all the danger, and that they must accept the - logical results of that policy; that I saw no good in fixing a - date for evacuation; that I did not think such a step would be - honest, as we might not be able to abide by our pledge; that it was - much better to define the work which had to be done, and to adjourn - all questions of retirement until the completion of the work. - - He went on pressing about the date in a curiously imploring manner. - He said that it might be _aussi eloigne que vous voulez_, but that - if we would only fix a date M. de Freycinet _sera parfaitement - satisfait_, that he would work loyally with us, and that all would - go differently. - - I then said that this question of the date, to which he evidently - attached so much importance, was a new one to me; that I could not - tell what your opinions were, nor Lord Salisbury's; that personally - I saw immense and insuperable objections to such a course; that it - would really introduce a new element of uncertainty, and probably - lead to great trouble. In conclusion, I entreated him not to be - under any illusion as to our determination to remain in Egypt and - to pursue our work there steadily; that the present Government, - unlike Mr. Gladstone's, was very strong in Parliament, and would - not yield to pressure; and that, till the French thoroughly grasped - this fact, they would fail to understand the A B C of the Egyptian - Question. - - He said he should tell M. de Freycinet all I had said. He asked me - if I wished to see M. de Freycinet, to which I replied in the - negative. - - I thought you would wish to know all this, and I hope you will - approve of what I said. I return to town on Tuesday. - -Yours very truly, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -'You seem to have defended the pass well, and the position you hold is a -sound one,' replied Lord Iddesleigh in a letter which appears to be the -last that passed between them. - -Short as his absence from England had been, Lord Randolph found some -difficulties aggravated on his return. The orthodox portions of the -Conservative party had become articulate. Mr. Chaplin was denouncing the -Closure by a simple majority as unconstitutional and improper. The -_Times_ had made up its mind against such a change, which it regarded as -'irreconcilably at variance with the fundamental principle of freedom of -debate.' It expressed itself anxious to know what would have been the -opinion of the former leader of the Fourth Party on the proposals of the -new Chancellor of the Exchequer. The 'Dartford programme,' as the -principles and measures expounded in Kent had already come to be called, -notwithstanding the full approval which it had previously received from -the Cabinet, had been exposed to various attacks in quarters usually -believed to derive their information from official sources. The Carlton -Club was reported to be vexed and sulky. Everywhere the question was -asked: What would the Chancellor of the Exchequer say to the conference -of Conservative Associations at Bradford? Would he be discovered in -retreat or standing to his guns? Would he enlarge upon the Dartford -programme or would he explain it away? - -The conference met at Bradford on October 26. Lord Randolph made three -speeches during the day. At the evening meeting he said he was very -sorry he had made the Dartford speech. 'If I had not made it at Dartford -three weeks ago, I might have made it here to-night.' He stood to the -policy then declared in every detail. He welcomed Mr. Jesse Collings as -an ally in the Allotments Bill. He asserted that Closure by a simple -majority was the 'motor muscle'[56] of any reform in Parliamentary -Procedure. He ridiculed the complaints of the Liberal party. 'All they -can do apparently is to exclaim with impotent rage, "How unfair! how -shameful! how unprincipled! You have stolen our programme." Why "their -programme," I should like to know? Since 1880 they have been in office, -and they did not make an attempt to carry out a single item. They tell -us that the programme I sketched at Dartford is a Radical programme; -that the Tory party have turned their coats and abandoned their -principles and adopted the principles of the Radical party; and -quantities of sentences of that kind and of equal stupidity. All I know -about the programme of policy, foreign and domestic, which I endeavoured -to outline at Dartford three weeks ago is this--that it was a mere -repetition of the programme of Lord Salisbury at Newport in 1885. All I -know about my speech at Dartford which I can say in reply to what I am -told as to its being a total adoption of Radical principles and measures -is this--that it was a mere reiteration and elaboration of the Queen's -Speech of January last, when Lord Salisbury's first Government was in -office, and of the speeches of the Ministers who supported the policy -which was contained in that speech.' - -These statements were greeted by the loud and continuous acclamations of -an audience of Conservative delegates representing, it was calculated, -fully a million and a half electors. - -This determined speech and its thunderous endorsement silenced for the -moment all hostile criticism. Some of Lord Randolph's colleagues -expressed to him their disapproval of the attacks upon him from within -the Conservative ranks. Others assured him of their agreement. Even the -Lord Chancellor was satisfied. 'I have just finished reading your speech -at Bradford,' he wrote (October 27). 'There is not a word that is not -sound, good Toryism--aye, and old Toryism, too. The truth is that the -enemy have been so long dressing up a lay figure which they have -invested with their notions of what a Tory ought to be, that they do not -recognise the genuine article when they see it.' - -It is a pity not to end the story here. Lord Randolph Churchill seems at -this time to have been separated only by a single step from a career of -dazzling prosperity and fame. With a swiftness which in modern -Parliamentary history had been excelled only by the younger Pitt, he had -risen by no man's leave or monarch's favour from the station of a -private gentleman to almost the first position under the Crown. Upon the -Continent he was already regarded as the future master of English -politics. His popularity among the people was unsurpassed. He was -steadily gaining the confidence of the Sovereign and the respect and -admiration of the most serious and enlightened men of his day. His -natural gifts were still ripening and his mind expanding. The House of -Commons had responded instinctively to the leadership of 'a great member -of Parliament.' Alike in the glare and clatter of the platform and in -the silent diligence of a public department he was found equal to all -the varied tasks which are laid upon an English Minister. If he were -thus armed and equipped at thirty-seven, what would he be at fifty? Who -could have guessed that ruin, utter and irretrievable, was marching -swiftly upon this triumphant figure; that the great party who had -followed his lead so blithely, would in a few brief months turn upon him -in abiding displeasure; and that the Parliament which had assembled to -find him so powerful and to accept his guidance, would watch him creep -away in sadness and alone? - -Still, for an interval the sun shone fair. The clouds were parted to the -right and to the left, and there stepped into the centre of the world's -affairs--amid the acclamations of the multitude and in the hush of -European attention--the Grand Young Man. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER - - 'Those who live to the future most always appear selfish to those - who live to the present.'--EMERSON. - - -At the Treasury the appointment of the new Chancellor of the Exchequer -had been received with no little apprehension. Every great department -has an atmosphere and identity of its own. No politician, however -popular in the country or influential in Parliament, can afford to be -indifferent to the opinion formed of him by the Civil Servants through -whom and by whom he works. Concealed from the public eye among the -deeper recesses of Whitehall, seeking no fame, clad with the special -knowledge of life-long study, armed with the secrets of a dozen -Cabinets, the slaves of the Lamp or of the Ring render faithful and -obedient service to whomsoever holds the talisman. Whatever task be set, -wise or foolish, virtuous or evil, as they are commanded, so they do. -Yet their silent judgments of their masters and their projects do not -pass unheeded. Although the spell still works, it loses half its potency -if these spirits are offended or alarmed; and padded walls of -innumerable objections, backed by the masonry of unanswerable argument, -restrain the irreverent or unworthy from the fullest exercise of the -powers they may have won by force or favour. - -Over all public departments the department of finance is supreme. -Erected upon the vital springs of national prosperity, wielding the -mysterious power of the purse, the final arbiter in the disputes of -every other office, a good fairy or a perverse devil, as 'My Lords' may -choose, to every imaginative Secretary of State, the Treasury occupies -in the polity of the United Kingdom a central and superior position. No -school of thought is so strong or so enduring as that founded on the -great traditions of Gladstonian and Peelite finance. Reckless Ministers -are protected against themselves, violent Ministers are tamed, timid -Ministers are supported and nursed. Few, if any, are insensible to the -influences by which they are surrounded. Streams of detailed knowledge, -logic and experience wash away fiscal and financial heresies; and a -baptism of economic truth inspires the convert not merely with the -principles of a saint but--too often--with the courage of a martyr. - -To many who had spent their lives at the Treasury, Lord Randolph's -arrival was a shock. They regarded him, we are told, as 'an impossible -man,' as 'one whose breath was agitation, and whose life a storm upon -which he rode.'[57] They had instinctively resented the assaults he had -delivered against Mr. Gladstone, 'the best friend the Civil Service ever -had.' They remembered that, not long before, Lord Randolph had made -himself the mouthpiece of a harsh attack upon one of their number. He -was known to have expressed privately a candid opinion that they were 'a -knot of damned Gladstonians.' Lastly, they had read his Fair Trade -speeches; and, notwithstanding the reputation he had made at the India -Office as a departmental chief, he still appeared in the eyes of -Treasury officials as a Minister who would ride roughshod over their -habits and violate all their most cherished financial canons. - -This mood was short-lived. The disquieted officials found a Minister -assiduous and thorough in work and scrupulously patient and quiet in -discussion. He possessed the very rare gift of keeping his mind -exclusively devoted to the subject in hand, and impressed on all those -with whom he worked the idea that the business on which they were -employed was the only one of interest to him. No time spent with the -Chancellor of the Exchequer was ever wasted. No interruption of any sort -was suffered. No one ever left his room after an interview without -having at any rate gained a clear knowledge of his views and intentions. -Around all played an old-fashioned ceremony of manner, oddly mingled -with a sparkle of pure fun, which charmed everybody. In a month the -conquest was complete. Every official worked with enthusiasm in his -service and all their mines of information were laid open to his hand. -It has often been said that Lord Randolph won his popularity among -permanent officials by his subservience to their views. This is by no -means true. If he cast away altogether as vicious and unpractical the -Fair Trade opinions which he had urged, and which commanded so much -support among the Tory democracy, it will also be seen that he was able -to enlist the interest and positive support of his subordinates in -schemes far outside the orthodoxy of the official mind. His stay at the -Treasury was short; but his memory was long respected. He left behind -him golden opinions and dearly treasured reminiscences. He took away -with him friendships which lasted him his life. - -'Our anxiety,' wrote Lord Welby in 1896, 'as to our new chief was soon -dispelled. He met us from the outset with perfect frankness, which soon -became cordiality; and I cannot recall a word or a line of his during -his autumn office which I should have wished unspoken or unwritten. Not -that he was an easy or an unexacting chief. He expected subjects to be -laid before him fully, clearly and intelligently; and he was keen to -mark default. He was, in short, a Minister of the type that Civil -Servants appreciate. He ruled as well as reigned. He had a mind, and -made it up; a policy, and enforced it. He was quick in acquiring -information, quick in seizing the real point, quick in understanding -what one wished to convey to him, impatient in small matters and details -and contemptuous if one troubled him with them. Above all, he was -accessible; ready and willing to hear what one had to say, whether it -accorded with his own views or not. Doing business with him was most -interesting. Not being a respecter of persons he criticised freely and -pointedly men and matters.... In "chaff" he was unsurpassed. He was -singularly free from affectation of knowledge he did not possess. Could -one fail to take an interest in a chief "who always showed us sport"?' - -Many tales of Lord Randolph in these days have been preserved. We have a -glimpse of his first meeting with a rather dismayed subordinate in the -historical Board Room at the Treasury--the stiff and formal cut of his -frock-coat, the long amber cigarette-holder, so soon produced, the -eternal cigarette, and 'an old-world courtesy of manner' which surprised -and disarmed a preconceived dislike. We see him going down to the City -with Sir Edward Hamilton to lunch formally with the Governor and -Directors of the Bank of England and hovering for half an hour outside -in a panic of nervousness which robbed him for the time of his -self-confidence. We see him once, and once only, when the Court of -Exchequer, presided over by its Chancellor, settles the list from which -Sheriffs are selected, in his robes of office--those imposing and -expensive robes which seem to assert the opulence which should result -from thrift, rather than thrift itself. His cynicism was disarming. We -are told how, when the dreadful subject of bimetallism cropped up, he -turned to Sir Arthur Godley and said: 'I forget. Was I a bimetallist -when I was at the India Office?' When he received an influential -deputation of sugar-refiners and sugar-planters in protest against the -foreign Sugar Bounties, he created general consternation by inquiring, -with immense gravity, 'Are the consumers represented upon this -deputation?' We are even told how he complained to a clerk who put some -figures before him that they were not clear and he could not understand -them. The clerk said that he had done his best, and, pointing them out, -explained that he had reduced them to decimals. 'Oh,' said Lord -Randolph, 'I never could make out what those damned dots meant.' But -this was surely only to tease. - -[Illustration: _Reproduced by permission of the proprietors of 'Punch.'_ - -BELLEROPHON JUNIOR. - -'I THINK THIS'LL FETCH 'EM!!' - -'The Chancellor of the Exchequer states to the Board that Her Majesty's -advisers desire to satisfy themselves that the clerical establishments -of the Civil Service, of the Naval and Military Departments, and also of -the Revenue Departments, are organised generally upon a principle which -secures efficiency without undue cost to the public.'--_Treasury -Minute_, Sept. 14. - -_Punch_, September 25, 1886] - -From the very commencement of his career at the Treasury Lord Randolph -began the exertions for economy to which he felt himself bound by his -electoral pledges. In his private affairs he was usually extravagant and -often unbusiness-like; but public money seemed to him a sacred trust. -The character and extent of Treasury control over expenditure is very -often misunderstood. It is represented sometimes almost as a statutory -or constitutional power over the other departments. Such an idea is a -complete delusion. The Chancellor of the Exchequer is able to exert his -influence in two ways: first, over administration. In small matters not -connected with policy, the Treasury acts upon a set of well-defined -rules and principles, which the spending departments recognise and -endeavour not to infringe and which are enforced more or less strictly, -according to the relative authority of the Chancellor of the Exchequer -and the other Ministers concerned. Secondly, there is the wide domain of -policy; and in all great matters the control of the Treasury is neither -more nor less than the personal influence of the Chancellor of the -Exchequer upon the Cabinet. Of Lord Randolph's attempt to assert that -influence the next chapter must give some account; but in the meanwhile -he laboured with industrious severity to effect administrative -economies. On September 14 a Treasury Minute announced the appointment -of a Royal Commission to inquire into the establishment and organisation -of the great spending departments: 'The Chancellor of the Exchequer -states to the Board that Her Majesty's advisers desire to satisfy -themselves that the clerical establishments of the Civil Service, of the -Naval and Military Departments and also of the Revenue Department, are -organised generally upon a principle to secure efficiency without undue -cost to the revenue.' A variety of petty economies were effected by his -personal authority. He discovered, among other things, that Government -specie had to be conveyed in merchant ships, at much expense, because an -old custom entitled naval officers to a high percentage. His indignation -at hearing that Her Majesty's gold could not be conveyed in Her -Majesty's ships because of claims by Her Majesty's officers led to -immediate action, and the practice was reformed forthwith. - -A remark by the Comptroller and Auditor-General in one of his reports to -Parliament drew his attention to another abuse. Of old times sums were -issued out of the Civil List to the Secretary of the Treasury for secret -service. No public account was rendered of the money thus expended. In -1783, many evils being alleged, Parliament, under the influence of -Burke, was persuaded to limit this grant to 10,000_l._ a year; and that -amount was yearly issued to the Secretary of the Treasury from 1783 to -1886. This branch of secret service was, of course, political and was -quite distinct from that which is ordinarily known as foreign secret -service. The money was used for the purposes of political organisation -by the party which happened to be in power. Such a custom could not on -any valid ground be defended. Yet for over a century the grant had never -been seriously questioned. It might have been urged that the Liberals -had always profited by this sum during their long period of power and -that many famous men had assumed responsibility for it. Lord Randolph -brushed such wire-puller's arguments aside. Before he had been in office -a month he introduced a Bill, which passed rapidly through Parliament, -abolishing this payment altogether, and it has never since been renewed. - -Until 1886 there had existed an octroi duty on coal coming into the -Metropolis, the proceeds of which were divided between the City and the -Metropolitan Board of Works. The principle of this duty was not -unpleasing to the Conservative party. Its abolition was roundly -denounced by the _Standard_ and in high Tory circles. The Metropolitan -authorities were glad to get money in an easy and painless manner. -Powerful interests objected to a rise in the rates, while the abolition -of a duty upon a necessary of life which affected the poor consumer, did -not elicit much enthusiastic support. Lord Randolph took some time to -make up his mind. He decided that an octroi duty was out of date, that -it was a survival of a financial policy that had been emphatically -condemned. He declined to countenance its renewal. His speech to the -deputation may be read with profit by any who care to see the arguments -against such an octroi put tersely, forcibly and without reserve. His -impressions at the Treasury seem to have stimulated his mind to great -activity and to have aroused in him a keen financial instinct. All sorts -of plans were being moved forward by his agency towards and into the -sphere of political action. He contemplated the purchase of Irish -Railways by the State and their use as an instrument of economic -development and of political and strategic control; and Lord Salisbury -himself seems to have been persuaded by his arguments. He paid the -closest attention to the coinage, and harboured a deadly design against -the half-sovereign--'that profligate little coin'--which he believed was -an expensive and unnecessary feature of British currency. But there was -one great scheme which overshadowed all the rest. - -Parliament had no sooner risen than Lord Randolph turned to the -preparation of his Budget. He knew that the duties of leadership in the -next Session would demand his whole attention and physical strength; -and, in spite of the labours of the memorable year, 1886, he succeeded, -by what Sir Algernon West has described as 'a performance never -equalled,' in getting ready and laying before the Cabinet his financial -proposals for the year 1887-8. For nearly twenty years his projects have -been veiled in mystery. The silence of the Treasury has remained -unbroken. The few high officials who were admitted to his confidence and -whose sympathy was enlisted in his plans, have kept their own counsel. -Lord Randolph did not choose in any public speech to reveal what he had -purposed. He is the only Chancellor of the Exchequer who never -introduced a Budget; and in his lifetime rumour alone asserted that he -had ever formed one. The time has now come when the abandoned Budget of -1887-8 may be fully unfolded in the form in which, during November, -1886, it received the provisional assent of Lord Salisbury's Cabinet. - -The reader who has accustomed himself to the giant Budgets of modern -times must turn his mind and contract his fancy to the humbler figures -of a vanished age. The cost of governing the United Kingdom and of -providing for the defence of the Empire during the early 'eighties -fluctuated between eighty and ninety millions a year. This was in itself -a distinct increase on the estimates of Lord Beaconsfield's -Administration; and Tory speakers were wont to dwell with genial malice -upon the fact. The various wars which had disturbed Mr. Gladstone's rule -had left their marks upon the economy of the Army. The money raised by -the Vote of Credit in 1885 had been scattered with a lavish hand, and -prominent men in both parties were concerned to notice some apparent -relaxation in the strictness of Treasury control. Few, indeed, thought -so seriously of the future as Lord Randolph Churchill, and his -prediction that a 'Hundred-million Budget' would be an event of the -future was generally regarded as unduly pessimistic. But nevertheless -the times were not unfavourable to retrenchment, and there was a healthy -demand for departmental reform. With estimates standing at under ninety -millions small economies were not disdained. The Ministers of those days -had not learned to expand their view of the public resources. A saving -of a hundred thousand pounds was regarded as a matter of legitimate -congratulation. A reduction of a million was an achievement. - -Yet at the same time the narrow scrutiny to which expenditure had been -so long subjected and the habitual reluctance of statesmen to enlarge -its bounds, left no very obvious opportunities to the new Chancellor. -The field had, except for some small patches, been well and thriftily -gleaned. Nor did it seem at first sight that the system of taxation -which had for five years received Mr. Gladstone's approval would readily -lend itself to striking or sensational treatment. - -On the other hand, however, more than one great tendency to change was -apparent. The whole question of the Sinking Fund was ripe for -reconsideration. The remodelling of the death duties thrust itself -before every Chancellor each succeeding year. Above all, the inevitable -and swiftly approaching departure in Local Government, involving as it -did a complete readjustment of national and local finance and the -transference of large responsibilities and resource from Whitehall to -the County and Borough Councils, required a strong and daring mind at -the Treasury. - -Certainly Lord Randolph Churchill's plan did not err on the side of -timidity. He contemplated nothing less than a complete reconstruction of -the revenue. The general rate of expenditure and the whole condition of -the National Debt were examined anew by a searching and audacious eye. -Hardly a single tax was left untouched. The death duties, the house -duties, the stamp duties, the wine duties, were all the subject of -reform. Immense reductions were proposed in existing taxes. Numerous new -taxes were devised. All these changes were not a mere meddlesome and -vexatious shifting of burdens from one shoulder to the other. They were -each and all essential parts in a vast financial revolution. - -The first object of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was to effect a -large and substantial reduction in taxation. He desired especially to -diminish those taxes which fell upon the lower middle class. He laboured -to transfer the burdens, so far as possible, from comforts to luxuries -and from necessaries to pleasures. He applied much more closely than his -predecessors that fundamental principle of democratic finance--the -adjusting of taxation to the citizen's ability to pay. His second object -was to provide a much larger sum of money for the needs of local bodies, -so that the impending measure of Local Government might be wide and real -in its character. His third object was to effect a certain definite -economy in the annual expenditure. - -The estimates with which he was confronted amounted to 90,400,000_l._ -The income which the existing taxes were expected to yield was -90,000,000_l._ The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to augment his -income by extra taxation aggregating 4,500,000_l._--namely, by an -increase in the death duties of 1,400,000_l._, and in the house duties -of 1,500,000_l._; by extra stamps to yield 284,000_l._; and by a wider -application of corporation duty, worth 315,000_l._; by the revival of a -tax on horses to produce 500,000_l._; by an increased tax on wine to -produce 250,000_l._; and by certain minor taxes, to be considered later, -which were estimated to produce 300,000_l._ He proposed to diminish his -expenditure by withholding the 2,600,000_l._ local grants-in-aid, for -which a new provision was to be made; by a reduction in the charge for -the debt of 4,500,000_l._; and by a direct economy of 1,300,000_l._ He -had, therefore, raised his income to 94,500,000_l._, and reduced his -expenses to 82,000,000_l._, thus becoming possessed of a surplus income -over expenditure of 12,500,000_l._ This surplus he intended to -distribute variously. 5,000,000_l._ were to be available for the -purposes of Local Government, in lieu of the old grants-in-aid of -2,600,000_l._ The indirect taxpayer was to be relieved by a reduction of -the tea duties from 6_d._ to 4_d._, costing the revenue 1,400,000_l._; -and by a reduction of 4_d._ in the tobacco tax, costing 500,000_l._ The -income-tax payer received the greatest advantage, for by a remission, -costing no less than 4,870,000_l._, the rate of the income-tax was to be -lowered from 8_d._ in the pound, at which it stood in 1886, to 5_d._ in -1887. These outgoings together aggregated 11,770,000_l._, and the -Treasury was left with a final surplus of 730,000_l._ - -These proposals require to be more closely examined. The principal -feature of the new taxation was the re-grading and increase of the death -and house duties. The death duties in force in 1886-7 were four in -number--namely: (1) Probate duty upon the _personal_ property passing on -the death of any person, irrespective of destination; (2) the account -duty, imposed since 1881 chiefly as a preventive to evasion of probate -duty, and chargeable in respect of personalty included in voluntary -settlements--death-bed gifts, &c.; (3) the legacy duty, upon benefit -derived by the successor to _personal_ property of the deceased at rates -according to consanguinity; and (4) the succession duty, upon benefit -derived by the successor to settled personalty and to the _real_ -property of the deceased, also at rates depending on consanguinity, -chargeable, however, on the life interest and not on the capital value. -Lord Randolph Churchill approached this complicated system of taxation -with the double object of obtaining a larger revenue by a simpler -method. He wanted more money and less machinery, fewer taxes and an -increased return. His early inquiries at Somerset House and the -discussion of the first suggestions which, coming fresh to the subject, -he - -[Illustration: - - Expenditure - - 90. 400 000 - - deduct 2. 600 000 lord grants in - 4. 500 000 charge for do - 1. 300 000 diminished - ------------- - 82. 000 000 - - Surplus income over expenditure - 12. 500,000 - - liquor licenses - remit to local bodies 5. 000 000 other --- - 3d. income tax 4. 870 000 [words illegible] - 2d. off. tea duties 1. 400 000 - 4d. --tobacco-- 500 000 - ------------- - 11 770 000] - -[Illustration: - - Budget (Facsimile). - - Income - 90. 000 000 - add - Extra taxation - 1. 400 000 death duties - 1. 500 000 House duties - 204 000 extra stamps - 315 000 Corporation duty - 500 000 horses - 300 000 Sundries - 250 000 wine - ----------------- - 94 500 000. - - - 12 500 000 - 11 770 000 - ----------- - 730 000 Surplus income.] - -put forward, served to convince him that a higher symmetry and -co-ordination were required. He saw that any scheme which involved four -or five different duties, and which attempted to deal with _personal_ -estate by means of a graduated _ad valorem_ tax on the estate as a -whole, and later with _real_ estate by means of consanguinity on -individual benefits, would not bear controversial examination. The death -duties had grown up in a series of successive expedients. They were an -admitted patchwork, but a patchwork to which the House of Commons had -become accustomed. So long as they were left untouched, their anomalies -and entanglements would be tolerated, or even admired; but if they were -to be remodelled, re-graded and, above all, increased, they would have -to stand fire, their whole structure would be criticised, and a new plan -would be damned because it resembled an old plan long respected. The -Chancellor of the Exchequer, therefore, began next to inquire as to the -'possible effect of a graduated _ad valorem_ tax on _real_ estate -corresponding to the graduated tax on _personal_ estate,' and his mind -was soon determined in favour of such an assimilation of the death -duties on the two classes of property. The method by which to achieve -this object involved, of course, the whole question of graduation. -Should graduation be regulated by the total mass of property passing by -any one death, whether composed of realty or personalty; or partly of -one and partly of the other; or should it be governed by the total -benefit received by an individual on succession, whether out of realty -or personalty, or both combined? Should the rate of duty depend upon the -total wealth of the testator or upon the respective windfalls of the -heirs? These questions have been long and fiercely debated. The Childers -Budget of the year before had aimed at an equalisation of the death -duties on _real_ and _personal_ property by means of an extension of the -account duty, but it contained no element of graduation. The rate of -duty was to be the same for large properties as for small (except very -small) estates, and was to apply equally to realty as to personalty. -Lord Randolph did not adopt this idea. His scheme was to graduate the -duty according to the value of the individual succession. What the -living man got, not what the dead man left, was to be the unit of -graduation. - -If, for example, by the death of A., X. took 2,000_l._ _personalty_ and -3,000_l._ _realty_, Lord Randolph would have combined the two, and have -applied the rate (say, 3 per cent.) levied on a succession of 5,000_l._ -If by the same death Y. took 20,000_l._ _personalty_ and 30,000_l._ -_realty_, Lord Randolph would have applied the rate (say, 6 per cent.) -for a succession of 50,000_l._; and so on, always graduating the rate -according to any one person's succession; so that the successor to a -small benefit would pay a low rate of duty, and the successor to a large -benefit a high rate of duty. In short, Lord Randolph was for a graduated -succession duty instead of a graduated estate duty. The Finance Act of -1894 has asserted and established the opposite principle. Sir William -Harcourt looked simply at what a dead man left or liberated, and on the -aggregate of that amount the graduation now in force depends. Thus it -may very well happen, and often does happen, that a successor to a small -benefit--perhaps a succession worth no more than 500_l._--pays the -highest rate (8 per cent.) of estate duty; because his succession is -part of an aggregate estate worth one million. The principle which -governs the Finance Act of 1894 was laid very plainly before Lord -Randolph in 1886. But he rejected it in favour of the graduation on the -individual succession, saying, after one long discussion at Somerset -House, 'My instinct tells me that it is wrong.' It is curious that his -instinct, whether right or wrong on the technical question, anticipated -the principal objections which Mr. Balfour and Mr. Chamberlain urged -against Sir William Harcourt's Bill, and indicated the line of principle -to which the whole Conservative party was subsequently committed. - -This choice being made, the Chancellor of the Exchequer turned his -attention to the principle of consanguinity. Why should graduation be -regulated by kinship? Does not kinship find its adequate expression in -the dispositions made by the testator? Does not the testator naturally -select his wife and children as the objects of his bounty in preference -to relations of remoter degree? Why should the State complicate its -affairs by recognising the principle of consanguinity in a taxing -statute? Lord Randolph Churchill therefore proposed to discard the -principle of consanguinity altogether. All existing duties on -properties of whatever kind, passing by death after a given date, and in -dispositions taking effect after that date, were to be swept away. Real -property was to be placed on the same footing as personalty, and -chargeable no longer on life interest, but on capital value. The one -graduated succession duty, graduated on amount of benefit received and -not depending at all upon consanguinity, was to replace them all. The -old probate, account, legacy, inventory (Scotland) and succession duties -were to be left to work themselves out by lapse of time, that process -being accelerated by a liberal system of discounts. - -It is, perhaps, of some interest to contrast this scheme with that which -now holds the field. We now enjoy a duty called 'estate duty'; an extra -duty, levied in certain circumstances on settled property, called -'settlement estate duty'; and, finally, the legacy and succession -duties, depending on the consanguinity existing between the donor and -the donee. We now assert the vicious principle of taxing property -instead of persons. We try to tax the dead instead of the living. The -State refuses to consider for purposes of graduation anything so -personal as the sacrifice of the heirs, and bases itself on the mass of -the inheritance. Conjoined with this in utter contradiction we have a -cumbrous and elaborate recognition of such a purely personal and private -principle as consanguinity. - -Lord Randolph would have replaced these four or five duties of great -complexity by one intelligible tax. He would have substituted one Act -of Parliament for thirty or forty. He would have secured a far greater -flexibility in case further increases of direct taxation were necessary. -A vast simplification of the accounts required would have notably -diminished the expenses of lawyers, valuers, accountants and actuaries, -now attendant on the payment of death duties. The just complaint of the -small inheritor from a great estate would have been prevented; and for -various illogical or contradictory methods the one simple principle -would have been erected, that taxation should be proportioned to ability -to pay and to benefit received. The increase which Lord Randolph -contemplated in the death duties would have been unpopular with the -Conservative party. He was informed that the estate of nearly every -member of the House of Lords would have been prejudicially affected -thereby. But, in view of what befell in 1894, it is clear that wealthy -people would not have been in the long run the losers by an early -settlement. - -The tax upon inhabited houses was respectably ancient in its origin. It -had been first imposed in 1696, and had continued at various rates till -1834. Repealed in 1834, it was reimposed in 1851 by Sir Charles Wood on -the abandonment of the duty on windows, and at the rate of 6_d._ for -shops, beer-houses and farmhouses, and 9_d._ for dwelling-houses (those -under 20_l._ annual value being exempt), it yielded in the financial -year 1885-6 1,867,377_l._ to the revenue. Lord Randolph proposed to -repeal the existing Act, thus cutting away the many important -exemptions it contained, and by a new Act to restore the house duty to -what it formerly was--namely, a tax on all houses inhabited either by -day or night. He intended to revert to the old principle of graduation, -to the old definition of an inhabited house and to the old lowest limit -of taxable value. The new Act would further have repealed the provision -in the law under which only one acre was to be included with the house -for purposes of valuation--excepting the case of agricultural lands -attached to farmhouses. Mills and warehouses used for storing goods were -to be exempt; but it was provided that any person on the register of -voters in respect of the occupation of a tenement should be liable to -assessment for that tenement or part of a building; including even all -who were entitled to vote under the service franchise as occupiers of -apartments in Militia or other barracks. The scale of duty was lower for -shops than for private houses, and progressed rapidly as the value -increased. Value under 20_l._: shops, 3_d._; cottages, 4_d._ Value over -20_l._ and under 50_l._: shops, 6_d._; private houses, 9_d._ Value over -50_l._ and under 150_l._: shops, 1_s._; private houses, 1_s._ 6_d._ -Value over 150_l._ and under 300_l._: shops, 2_s._; private houses, -3_s._ Value 300_l._ and upwards: shops, 2_s._ 6_d._; private houses, -3_s._ 6_d._ This new tax was estimated to produce, on existing -valuations, an additional revenue in the first year of 1,500,000_l._, -and, what was of even more importance (having regard to future Budgets), -was estimated to rise to 2,380,000_l._ in the second and subsequent -years. - -Under the heading of 'extra stamps' the Chancellor of the Exchequer -proposed: (1) An alteration in the scale of duty upon patent medicines. -The scale then in force under an Act of George III., and continued to -this day, presses rather heavily on the 1_d._ and 2_d._ boxes, &c., of -medicines sold in poor neighbourhoods. Lord Randolph's new scale would -have afforded relief to these small parcels, and have more than recouped -itself on the larger and more costly.[58] - -The yield of the old duty had been steadily increasing in later years. -In 1869-70 it had produced 72,000_l._; in 1879-80, 135,000_l._; in -1885-6, 178,000_l._ It was estimated that Lord Randolph's duty would -produce an increase of between 50,000_l._ and 70,000_l._ in the first -year (not, of course, complete) and of 100,000_l._ in the second year. -But the yield of the future would have been much richer. The old scale -of duty still in force produced in 1904-5 not less than 331,000_l._ Had -Lord Randolph's scale been in force the extra revenue would probably by -now have exceeded 250,000_l._ a year. - -The Chancellor of the Exchequer also proposed: (2) A 2_s._ per cent. -stamp duty on the share capital of joint-stock companies. He estimated -this to produce 100,000_l._ yearly, and 58,000_l._ in the year 1887-8. -This plan was adopted by Mr. Goschen in 1888. The results exceeded -expectation, and the tax yielded in the first year 158,000_l._ In 1899 -the duty was increased to 5_s._ on share capital, and extended at -half-scale to loan capital. The yield for 1904-5 was 388,000_l._ from -share capital and 73,000_l._ from loan capital. - -(3) A group of proposals comprising an extension of receipt duty to sums -between 10_s._ and 2_l._; the repeal of certain exemptions, such as a -receipt written upon a bill of exchange, or upon a duly stamped -instrument, acknowledging receipt of consideration money therein -expressed; a duty on tickets of admission to places of amusement (French -plan) and upon certain documents in the nature of vouchers, e.g. those -given to persons making purchases at stores and other large trading -establishments; a duty on certificates of proprietorship of shares, and -upon letters of application for stock; and an assimilation of the duty -on transfers of debenture and ordinary stock. This last has been since -effected. The others, with all that may be urged in their behalf, must -stand upon their mere recital. This group of revised duties was -estimated to produce an additional 150,000_l._ a year, and the whole of -the alterations in the stamp duties would have yielded 284,000_l._ in -the first year and above 400,000_l._ in the next. - -A yearly tax of 5 per cent. was imposed in 1885-6 on the income of -corporations as an equivalent for the death duties, which they escape. -The yield in the first year was 34,000_l._ Municipal corporations were, -however, exempted, although they paid income-tax on their realised -property. By repealing this exemption Lord Randolph Churchill would have -considerably increased the yield of the duty. Taking the accounts of ten -municipal corporations of mixed sizes and importance, it was found that -the average income derived from rentals, waterworks, gasworks, tolls, -&c., exclusive of interest on investments, was 38,000_l._ Assuming there -were 275 corporations--an assumption which left an ample margin--the -gross income assessable would have been 10,450,000_l._, yielding a -revenue of 522,000_l._ From this, however, a large deduction had to be -made for interest paid on loans raised on the security of the property -apart from the rates, leaving as the result of the tax a net addition to -the revenue of 315,000_l._ - -The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed also to revive the tax upon -horses and the special tax on racehorses which had been abandoned by Sir -Stafford Northcote in 1874, from which a sum of 500,000_l._ would accrue -to the State. In 1888, when Mr. Goschen endeavoured to re-introduce this -duty, no serious objection was raised by the House of Commons. Strong -opposition was, however, excited by the wheel and van tax which he -suggested at the same time. In the hope of carrying the unpopular tax by -linking it with one more favoured, Mr. Goschen declared that the two -taxes must stand or fall together. - -But the House was not to be cajoled. Both projects were withdrawn, and -the transfer which has since taken place of all analogous duties to -local authorities, seems permanently to have interfered with any attempt -to secure this convenient source of revenue for Imperial purposes. - -Two other classes of proposed extra taxation remain to be considered. If -every one of the 70,000,000 cartridges which were used each season had a -1_d._ revenue stamp pasted over the shot end, the national resources -would be enriched by 280,000_l._[59] in a complete year. The sportsman -whose unerring aim never required a second barrel, except for another -bird, would in poetic justice enjoy a comparative immunity. But while -his unskilful companion blazed away he might remember that at each -discharge the stamp blown to pieces by the explosion would carry its -tribute to the public treasury. Besides this, mainly with a view to -putting a stop to their reckless use by boys and others, pistols were to -be taxed 1_l._ a year and pistol-dealers 20_l._ a year; and brokers, -whose responsible functions seemed to deserve some recognition from the -State, were to be duly licensed at 5_l._ a year. By these sundries -300,000_l._ would be secured immediately, and about 400,000_l._ in a -complete year. The augmentation of the wine duties by various devices, -falling chiefly upon the higher quality wines, so as to yield an -additional quarter of a million, raised the total of the new taxation to -4,500,000_l._ in the first year, with a considerable natural growth in -prospect. - -Of the steps by which Lord Randolph designed to diminish his expenditure -only one need be considered here; for the transference of the -2,600,000_l._ grants-in-aid to another and larger fund is a matter -chiefly of book-keeping, and the definite economy of 1,300,000_l._ which -he regarded as so important belongs to another part of the story. But -the proposal to reduce the Sinking Fund by no less than 4,500,000_l._ is -startling enough to compel attention. - -The condition of the National Debt was in 1886 peculiar. When Sir -Stafford Northcote, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1875 reorganised -the service of the debt, he had, in order to make 'steady and continuous -efforts for its reduction,' assigned a fixed annual sum of -28,000,000_l._, covering both interest and Sinking Fund, and payable, -unless Parliament should in the meantime otherwise determine, as long as -any debt remained outstanding. On March 31, 1875, the National Debt -amounted to 769,000,000_l._; and if Sir Stafford Northcote's scheme as -it stood on the statute book had remained unaltered, if no war or other -disturbing element had intervened, this debt, without any addition to -the yearly charge of 28,000,000_l._, would have been entirely paid off -about the year 1930. This was the arrangement which Lord Randolph now -proposed to revise, and it therefore requires closer examination. The -full charge of 28,000,000_l._ came into operation in 1877-8. It was -divided between interest and Sinking Fund. At the outset the proportion -assignable to interest and management was between 23,000,000_l._ and -24,000,000_l._, and the proportion assignable to Sinking Fund between -4,000,000_l._ and 5,000,000_l._; but this proportion steadily changed by -the automatic working of the scheme. Year by year as the debt capital -was reduced by the amount of successive Sinking Funds, that part of the -28,000,000_l._ required for interest diminished, and that part available -for Sinking Fund proportionately increased. According to the moderate -computations of Sir Stafford Northcote when presenting his scheme to the -House, 230,000,000_l._ of the debt would have been paid off by the -present year--1904-5. In that case the capital of the debt would now -stand at about 540,000,000_l._, the interest proportion of the -28,000,000_l._ would amount to sixteen and a half millions, and the -Sinking Fund proportion to about eleven and a half millions. Thus the -scheme, which in the beginning imposed a charge on the taxpayer -equivalent to 2-1/2_d._ in the 1_l._ for the purposes of a Sinking Fund, -automatically progressed until that burden would have become equivalent -to 5_d._ in the 1_l._ at the present time, and rising further to 1_s._ -or more in the 1_l._ before it reached its consummation. While already -himself attaining a high degree of financial virtue, Sir Stafford -Northcote indicated to his successors a standard three and four and five -times as exalted. - -Each generation, almost each decade, claims its right to revise its -standards; and as the rate of human improvement was less rapid than the -growth of Sir Stafford Northcote's Sinking Fund, it had in 1886 become -clear that the public would not acquiesce in the logical result of the -1875 scheme, or regard as a sacred obligation the exact fulfilment of a -plan which, snowball fashion, rolled on with ever-accumulating weight -and ended by requiring the exaction from the taxpayer during a small -number of years of an amount in repayment of debt which sound reasoning -could not justify. Already the scheme itself had yielded to the pressure -of a passing emergency. Mr. Childers had suspended the Sinking Fund in -great part during the Egyptian War and the Russian panic of 1885-6; Sir -William Harcourt had permitted a smaller suspension in 1886-7. Indeed, -Sir Stafford Northcote seems to have felt that his scheme could not be -maintained in its fulness to the end, and that when the Sinking Fund had -risen to a certain figure, the taxpayer of the day would claim to share -with it the benefit resulting from the progressive diminution in the -interest of the debt. If, then, it were conceded that the Northcote -Sinking Fund could not be maintained in its entirety till 1930, the -revision of the scheme became simply a question of the manner, the -measure and the tune. - -These considerations were strengthened by another set of arguments. In -1887 the funded debt amounted to 637,000,000_l._ A large part of this -debt--probably 150,000,000_l._--was held by public departments; another -large part was held by banks, insurance companies and by trustees. It -was computed later by skilled authorities that the holdings on this -account were not less than 200,000,000_l._ As these holdings were -practically not offered on the market for sale, the field for purchases -of stock was comparatively narrow. If a large amount of Sinking Fund -were applied to purchases of stock in this narrow field, the prices of -Consols would be quickly and unnaturally inflated. This condition was -actually reached in later years, when the public credit was so esteemed -that the State enjoyed the privilege of paying 113_l._ to redeem 100_l._ -of its own debt. - -Lord Randolph decided that the time had come for a revision of the -Northcote scheme. He found himself possessed of a lever capable of -exerting on one occasion--and on one occasion only--a giant's power. He -was anxious that it should be made the instrument of great and -substantial reform, and not wasted gradually for the sake of convenience -or popularity. For the purposes, therefore, of effecting a reduction and -a general readjustment of taxation and as an integral part of his Budget -scheme, Lord Randolph proposed to reduce the total immediate charge of -the debt from 28,878,000_l._ to 24,417,000_l._, thus effecting a saving -of 4,461,000_l._, or, roughly, four and a half millions. The Northcote -Sinking Fund would thus have been reduced by two-thirds to 2,160,000_l._ -The reduction of such a great weapon of financial reserve as the Sinking -Fund has proved in tunes of warlike emergency was practically replaced -by the gain in expansive power supplied by an income-tax as low as -5_d._ The positive economy on naval and military estimates clears the -Chancellor of the Exchequer from any charge of laxity or indulgence. His -judgment on the main question of revision was ratified within two years -by the high and severe financial authority of Lord Goschen, and was -further confirmed eleven years later by Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. The -former reduced the fixed charge from 28,000,000_l._ to 25,000,000_l._; -the latter reduced it again from 25,000,000_l._ to 23,000,000_l._, at -which figure it stood when the South African War broke out. But these -reductions, aggregating 5,000,000_l._ a year, were enforced, the one for -the purpose merely of affording a petty relief to the taxpayer of the -year, and the other to find ways and means for the growing expenditure -of a Government, and not, as Lord Randolph had designed, for the sake of -a large and harmonious reform. - -By these methods, however they may be regarded, the Chancellor of the -Exchequer would have become possessed of a surplus of noble proportions. -And the distribution of the 12,500,000_l._ which he had secured is the -coping-stone of the whole financial scheme. Tea and tobacco are familiar -friends to the students of Budgets. Year after year their fortunes -fluctuate in sympathy with those of the nation. In the year 1886-7 tea -was taxed 6_d._ in the pound and yielded 4,514,874_l._ A reduction of -2_d._ upon tea is a generous boon to every poor household. The tiny -packet is a farthing cheaper. The careful spoonfuls may be more freely -bestowed; and the relief is gratefully acknowledged by an immediate -increase in consumption. Lord Randolph had estimated that his reduction -would cost the revenue 1,400,000_l._; but this seems to have been an -over-estimate, for when Mr. Goschen four years later was able to make -this desirable change the loss to the revenue was only 1,100,000_l._, -owing to the greater indulgence of the people. - -Who is there, of those who pay it, that will not look back with envy -from these days of 1_s._ income tax, almost as a permanent charge in -times of peace, to times when a tax of 8_d._ was regarded as abnormally -high; when one Chancellor of the Exchequer was resolved to reduce it to -5_d._, and when his successor (Mr. Goschen) declared that, except for -purposes of war, 6_d._ was a proper limit? Of all Lord Randolph's -proposals none, it may be safely said, would have been greeted with more -general approval than his intended reduction of the income-tax from -8_d._ to 5_d._ At that time incomes below 150_l._ a year were exempt, -but incomes of 150_l_. and less than 400_l._ were allowed an abatement -of 120_l._ Incomes of and above 400_l._ a year had to pay on the full -amount. Official statistics have always been silent as to the total -number of income tax payers, it being apparently impossible to frame a -trustworthy estimate. It is nevertheless probable that the bulk of -persons who are called upon to pay this impost are included in the -150_l._-400_l._ class. It was to this considerable class, composed -mainly of persons emerging into an independence they have earned for -themselves, and rising by their own industry from the level of -exemption to that of income-tax-paying means, that Lord Randolph's -sympathies were directed. The small householder, pinched by having to -pay in the early days of January the landlord's tax under Schedule A, -which he cannot recover till he pays his rent at the end of March; the -petty tradesman or struggling professional man who defends a precarious -respectability by a systematic thrift too often unknown to the burly -wage-earner; these are the special beneficiaries from such a reduction, -and they share in a peculiar degree in the general expansion of comfort -and energy which must follow when five millions of money are surrendered -by the State and left to fructify in the pockets of the people. - -The largest claim upon the surplus was in respect of Local Government. -Lord Randolph proposed to assign the revenue received from a large -number of Excise licence duties to the various local authorities about -to be established. As it was undesirable to saddle the new-born -authorities with the difficulty and expense of collecting many duties -for which they possessed no adequate machinery, he arranged that a large -number were still to be collected by the State, and the proceeds, less -the cost of collection, were to be afterwards transferred. Dogs, guns, -game, carriages, servants, armorial bearings, auctioneers, hawkers, -patent medicine vendors, plate dealers, refreshment houses, pawnbrokers, -tobacco and sweets dealers, beer, wine and spirit dealers, and the new -tax on horses, aggregating in all 2,700,000_l._, were to be thus for -the time being reserved. But all licences which the local bodies could -collect without any additional cost or trouble were to be handed over at -once. 1,544,000_l._ worth of liquor licences fell into this latter -class. They were to be granted, as heretofore, only on the production of -a magisterial consent, and nothing was simpler than to make the paying -of the duty and the obtaining of the consent simultaneous. Lord -Randolph's schemes on this point travelled beyond both the Budget and -the Local Government Bill, and embraced local option in the drink -traffic. He believed that the liquor laws ought to be intimately -connected with Local Government. He wished to entrust local authorities -with very large powers to regulate the sale of liquor in their -districts; and he thought that if the revenue which arose from liquor -licences was made an important source of revenue for the local -authority, a salutary check would be provided against hasty or fanatical -action, leading perhaps upon a popular impulse to total prohibition, and -upon the rebound to an unrestricted sale. 'When you are legislating,' he -said a year later at Sunderland (October 27, 1887), 'about subjects -which interest human beings, it is just as well not to leave altogether -out of account human nature.' The transfer by different methods of these -sources of revenue, together with the contribution of 800,000_l._ in aid -of the indoor poor, provided the round sum of 5,000,000_l._ as the -foundation upon which Local Government was to be erected. - -The preparation of such a Budget required an extraordinary exertion. -Scheme after scheme was formulated, only to break down in discussion and -to be dismissed. Many days--wrested by an effort from other pressing -occupations--were consumed in study and reflection. But at length all -was in order and the plan was in detail settled and complete. In every -respect--in the definite economy, in the reduction in the expenditure on -armaments, in the increase in the proportion of direct taxation, in the -immense diminution of public burdens, in the enormous simplification of -the death duties and the introduction of a logical system of graduation, -in the ample provision for the needs of Local Government--it was a -democratic Budget. Yet it was cunningly contrived. The importance and -cohesion of the scheme would have secured it a momentum of its own. -Objections upon detail could at every point have been answered by -general principles. The low income-tax balanced the diminished Sinking -Fund. The economies in public charges justified the remissions of -taxation. The tremendous appeal to the middle classes of a 5_d._ -income-tax would have provided the driving power needed from within the -Conservative party. Nevertheless, it was in a grave and nervous mood -that the young Chancellor introduced it to the Cabinet in the early days -of December. He spoke long and earnestly. He exerted all his power of -luminous and attractive exposition. The whole proposal was unfolded. His -colleagues seemed for the moment fascinated. Objections and doubts were -silenced together. No one cared to assail in detail a scheme all parts -of which hung so closely together and which, in the mass, displayed such -novel and spacious outlines. Even Lord Iddesleigh, the creator of the -threatened Sinking Fund, consented to its dissolution for the sake of -the integrity of the scheme. Lord Randolph had come prepared for an -uncertain and protracted battle. He seemed to have won the victory at a -single charge. - -His friends at the Treasury waited anxiously for his return. Startled as -they had been by some of his views, foreign to their traditions as was -his treatment of the debt, they had been drawn into the momentum of what -was, after all, a great design. They were prompt to offer their -congratulations upon the Cabinet acquiescence. But Lord Randolph was far -from confident. The silence of his colleagues oppressed him. 'They said -nothing,' he told Lord Welby, 'nothing at all; but you should have seen -their faces!' He proceeded to give instructions for checking every -figure and recasting every calculation from the beginning, as if he -apprehended some tardy attack, against which preparations should be -made. This arranged, as was his habit he pushed the whole matter from -his mind. 'There,' he said grandly to Sir Algernon West later in the -day, 'are the materials of our Budget. They are unpolished gems; put the -facets on them as well as you can; but do not speak to me on the subject -again until the end of the financial year.' - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -RESIGNATION - - Happy the man, and happy he alone, - He who can call to-day his own-- - He who, secure within, can say: - 'To-morrow do thy worst, for I have lived to-day. - Come fair or foul, or rain, or shine, - The joys I have possessed, in spite of fate, are mine. - Not Heaven itself over the past hath power; - But what has been has been, and I have had my hour.' - _Lines from Dryden copied out by Lord Randolph - Churchill about 1891._ - - -On the morning of December 23 all who took an interest in politics--and -in those days these were a very great number--were startled to read in -the _Times_ newspaper that Lord Randolph Churchill had resigned the -offices of Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of -Commons and had retired altogether from the Government. As the news was -telegraphed abroad, it became everywhere the chief subject of rumour and -discussion, and Cabinet Ministers--dispersed on their holidays--hurried -back to London to find out the truth of the matter and to prepare for -the changes that must follow. To the political world the event came as a -complete surprise. No important issue had arisen in foreign or domestic -affairs; no great question likely to lead to such a breach was before -the country; there had been hardly a whisper of Cabinet dissension. But -if the reader has followed this account with any considerable measure of -agreement or sympathy, he will see in this resignation no inexplicable -mystery, no deep-laid intrigue, no explosion of temper; but the logical -and inevitable consequence of all that had gone before. - -Everything may go well with a liberal-minded man who belongs to the Tory -party while his party is in Opposition. The natural disagreements which -arise upon so many questions between the Government of the day and their -political opponents make a broad platform on which the Democratic Tory -and the old-fashioned Conservative can fight side by side in -combination. When to those disagreements were added the danger of an -Imperial disaster, acutely realised, and the antagonism which Mr. -Gladstone inspired in all who did not worship him, the combination -ripened into comradeship; and out of comradeship was born a sense of -agreement which, after all, was pure illusion. It is not until men who -really differ, try to work together at the business of government that -their worst troubles begin. Even in the short Administration of 1885 the -divergence between Lord Salisbury and Lord Randolph Churchill had been -plain. But the 'Ministry of Caretakers' was in a minority. It was in a -sense an Opposition rather than a Government. It had never exercised -power. The disruption of the Liberal party and the decision of the -electors had vitally altered the political situation. The Conservative -party, with their Unionist allies, were now supreme. They had achieved -great power. What would they do with it? - -Many of the letters which passed between Lord Randolph and the Prime -Minister during their varied and eventful association have been printed -here. A change, distinct and palpable, is to be noticed in the tone of -their communications after the election of 1886. It is still friendly -and open; Lord Randolph's letters still preserve their unvarying air of -respect towards a higher officer of State and of deference to an older -and far more experienced man. Yet it is less the correspondence of a -lieutenant with his chief and more like that between separate -authorities. The two men were, in fact, sustained by two different, and -to some extent conflicting, sets of forces, and they stood for different -ideas. Nor were those forces on which Lord Randolph Churchill counted so -inconsiderable as the event might seem to prove. Tory Democracy had -gained repeated victories in the past three years over the more -Conservative element in the party. Lord Salisbury himself, under -pressure, personal and of circumstances, had advanced vastly from his -political position in the early 'eighties. He had gone as far as -Newport. He had gone as far as Dartford. It did not seem improbable -that, if pressed, he would go still further and that without any serious -damage to party unity the liberalizing process which had already -effected so much in the composition, character and prospects of the Tory -party might continue. The 'old gang' was now widely scattered. Some had -retired; some were in the Lords. Others had not been included in the -Government. The Cabinet had been largely formed of men whose speeches -and general views were democratic. The younger and more active elements -in the party were adventurous and progressive. Many of the members -returned by the constituencies, and especially by the boroughs, had -given pledges to the electors at which 'high and dry' Tories stood -aghast. - -A careful examination of the Conservative majority in the House of -Commons justified the belief that it was neither unfitted nor unwilling -to be the instrument of large constructive reforms. It seemed, moreover, -that the alliance with the Unionist Liberals and Radicals, on which the -existence of the Government depended, would strengthen powerfully the -more Liberal elements in the Conservative ranks and would even require -an increasing measure of Liberal legislation as a condition of support. -Mr. Chamberlain and his immediate followers were also a very important -factor; and Lord Randolph, as the principal link which united them to -Lord Salisbury's Government, had every reason as well as every -inclination to study their wishes. Looking broadly at the situation -during the autumn of 1886, it was not unreasonable to hope that an era -of domestic reform might be safely and prosperously inaugurated. But, in -any case, Lord Randolph's own position was perfectly well understood. -His declarations had been clear and full. He had made no secret of his -opinions; and upon finance, upon Local Government, upon Ireland, upon -land and liquor, upon questions connected with property and labour, they -were unmistakably declared. Yet with the full knowledge of his opinions -and every indication which the past could supply that he would fight -sternly for them, the Prime Minister had invited him to undertake the -second post in his Government, and Lord Randolph's acceptance had been, -with unimportant exceptions, endorsed and even acclaimed by the whole -party. Why should it ever have been supposed that he would have -abandoned forthwith all his liberal views, would have repudiated or -ignored all his pledges of economy and would have settled down to the -adroit manipulation of a Parliamentary majority for strictly -Conservative ends and the elaboration of ingenious excuses for -departmental and administrative scandals. The Prime Minister and the -party must have known--and they did know when Lord Randolph Churchill -was called to lead them in the House of Commons--that he could only lead -them in one direction, and that direction, so far as domestic affairs -were concerned, a Liberal direction. - -It is no doubt true that he rated his own power and consequent -responsibility too high. Like many a successful man before him--and some -since--he thought the forces he had directed in the past were resident -in himself, whereas they were to some extent outside himself and -independent. But this error was shared by his colleagues and by the -Prime Minister. They had no idea what he could do, or how hard he could -hit if he were assailed. They remembered his previous withdrawals and -how he had always come back stronger than ever. They saw how often in -the last few years his judgment had proved right and how he had always -won in the end, no matter how slender were his own resources and how -strong the confederacy by which he was opposed. They feared him greatly. -But they were Tory Ministers; and they did not intend, whatever -happened, to be dragged out of their own proper sphere and committed to -large reforms and democratic Budgets. Better far Lord Hartington and the -Whigs! Better even the Grand Old Man! - -In all that concerned the management of individuals, Lord Salisbury -excelled. No one was more ready to sacrifice his opinion to get his way. -No one was more skilful in convincing others that they agreed with him, -or more powerful to persuade them to actual agreement. His experience, -his patience, his fame, his subtle and illuminating mind, secured for -him an ascendency in his Cabinet apart altogether from the paramount -authority of First Minister. The Leader of the House of Commons, -triumphant in Parliament, almost supreme in the country, found himself -often almost alone in the Cabinet. The disproportion perplexed and -offended him. He believed that he had got the majority together. He -wanted to see it used well and boldly in correcting abuses, in carrying -great reforms, and moving always onwards. He believed that unless the -Conservative party gave proof of their zeal for popular causes the -constituencies, so painfully won over, would revert to Radicalism, that -the Unionist alliance would collapse and that Mr. Gladstone would return -to power. And he would be held responsible for the disaster! - -From the very outset the new Administration was uneasy. Discord stirred -restlessly behind the curtains of Cabinet secrecy. Sir Michael -Hicks-Beach had his own views about Ireland and Irish landlords, and -they differed from those of the Prime Minister. He was, so Lord Randolph -described him to Lord Salisbury in a letter on August 22, 'afraid of -being forced to administer Ireland too much on a landlord's rights -basis.' He had been upset by the Chancellor of the Exchequer's statement -that any revision of rents by State interposition was altogether -excluded from Conservative policy. He would not agree to the principle -that any permanent guarantee of the judicial rent was conveyed to the -landlord in 1886. Lord Randolph, however, persuaded him that these -questions did not arise seriously for immediate decision. - -The autumn Councils were not harmonious, whether upon foreign or -domestic affairs. The proposed changes in Parliamentary procedure, and -especially the question of the Closure, provoked awkward differences, -nearly every prominent member of the House of Commons holding strong -personal opinions based on long personal experience. One Minister felt -unable to be responsible for proposing Closure by a simple majority, -and recommended that the Government should leave the matter as an open -question to the House. Others disputed on the relative merits of a -two-thirds or three-fifths majority. The tangled controversies connected -with the details of English and Irish Local Government proved even more -troublesome. To lighten the ship it was decided to confine the Bill to -county government alone. For a long time it seemed impossible to -reconcile the divergent views of the Prime Minister and the Irish -Secretary, and, as it was intended that Sir Michael should himself take -charge of the Bill, the difficulty was grave. 'I wish there was no such -thing as Local Government,' wrote Lord Salisbury pathetically to the -Chancellor of the Exchequer, after an elaborate 'eirenicon' which he had -proposed had been abruptly rejected by his colleagues. - -Besides these internal differences, the alliance with the -Liberal-Unionist leaders, upon whose goodwill the existence of the -Government depended, required careful and unremitting attention. In -November Lord Hartington, who felt the need of meeting Mr. Gladstone's -demand for a constructive Irish policy with positive proposals, if the -Liberal and Radical Unionists were to be kept solid against the Home -Rulers, pressed that a Local Government Bill for Ireland should be -promised in the Queen's Speech. He suggested that this should provide -for the establishment of Irish County and District Councils, with -liberty to two or more to act together for certain specified purposes -affecting their several jurisdictions; but no further. He pointed out -that, as Irish Local Government would necessarily proceed on more -'Conservative' lines than English Local Government, the Irish -settlement, if first effected, would afford a safer model for the -English measure. This argument much impressed the Prime Minister; but -Lord Randolph Churchill, who also appreciated its force, objected for -that very reason to giving Irish Local Government precedence over the -English Bill, and he succeeded, by the influence of a friend, in -persuading Lord Hartington to abate his Irish claims. Mr. Chamberlain -also intimated, through Lord Randolph, that while prepared to give the -Government policy a generous consideration, whether on foreign affairs -or on the necessity for Coercion, he could not support anything that he -considered reactionary in Local Government. The principal members of the -Cabinet, including the Prime Minister, Lord Randolph Churchill and Mr. -Smith, then agreed upon an extensive proposal for England, with the -understanding that an Irish Local Government Bill should be promised in -the Queen's Speech, but introduced _after_ England and Scotland had been -dealt with. - -One difficulty was thus removed; but, as the month drew on, continual -divergences arose on questions of domestic policy. The Dartford -programme was indeed, like the Budget--in principle, at least--accepted -formally by Ministers. But their reluctance to embark on such policies -betrayed itself in all sorts of small objections. The survivors of the -'old gang' were not inclined to forget the treatment they had received. -The 'Plan of Campaign' against the payment of rent, which had been -started in Ireland as the Nationalist reply to the refusal of Home Rule, -was spreading; and the difficulties of the Irish Government, divested of -the exceptional coercive powers of former years, were such that Beach, -on whom Lord Randolph counted greatly, was often obliged by his Irish -duties to be absent from meetings of the Cabinet. The Chancellor of the -Exchequer felt sorely the want of a friend. His delight when, at his -continued request, Lord Salisbury brought Mr. Balfour into the Cabinet -led him (November 17) to send the news to the _Times_ before the Queen's -consent had been obtained, and a breach of etiquette was narrowly -averted. - -Many of the lesser members of the Government were Tory Democrats; and -much of the draft legislation that came before the Cabinet was Liberal -in its character. Lord Randolph, however, had to fight single-handed for -every point. A Minister who was called to one of the Cabinets on the -Local Government Bill described to me the pleadings and arguments by -which the Chancellor of the Exchequer strove tirelessly to extend its -scope to the widest limits. 'We must not overweight the Bill,' said the -Prime Minister at length. 'It is a heavy Bill already.' 'A heavy Bill!' -repeated Lord Randolph, balancing the draft upon his fingers and letting -it flutter to the ground, while everyone else sat silent. 'A heavy -Bill!' He was, in fact, always the devil's advocate. 'I am appalled,' -he wrote to the Prime Minister (December 2), 'at the strength of your -disapproval of poor Long and Onslow's Allotments Bill. We shall have to -cut it down like anything.' The concessions which were made to his -insistence, disturbed his colleagues without satisfying him. The -deference which he often showed to high Tory views, was forgotten amid -disagreements so many and grave. When the last word had been said, no -matter what compromise had been reached, this fundamental difference -remained--that he regarded Liberal measures as things good and desirable -in themselves; while many of his colleagues, and certainly his chief, -looked upon them as so many unholy surrenders to the powers of evil. - -'Alas!' wrote Lord Randolph sadly to the Prime Minister on November 6, -'I see the Dartford programme crumbling into pieces every day. The Land -Bill is rotten. I am afraid it is an idle schoolboy's dream to suppose -that Tories can legislate--as I did, stupidly. They can govern and make -war and increase taxation and expenditure _a merveille_, but legislation -is not their province in a democratic constitution.... I certainly have -not the courage and energy to go on struggling against cliques, as poor -Dizzy did all his life....' - -Lord Salisbury replied with great care and kindness; but he had little -consolation to afford, and this letter seems to have been his last -attempt:-- - - - -November 7, 1886. - - My dear Randolph,--I did not get your note of yesterday till I got - to town in the afternoon--and then it was too late to catch you. I - saw Beach, however, and ... led him to tell me what had passed with - Ritchie. It appears that the latter has abandoned the ground plan - which he told me in September he was fully resolved on--namely, - that if owners are to have half the taxation they should have half - the representation too. This, as you remember, was a principle for - which Beach contended vigorously last winter--and which was - generally accepted by the then Cabinet. Beach thinks the - abandonment of it would have specially injurious influences in - Ireland. - - For the rest, I fully see all the difficulties of our position. The - Tory party is composed of very varying elements, and there is - merely trouble and vexation of spirit in trying to make them work - together. I think the 'classes and the dependents of class' are the - strongest ingredients in our composition, but we have so to conduct - our legislation that we shall give some satisfaction to both - classes and masses. This is specially difficult with the - classes--because all legislation is rather unwelcome to them, as - tending to disturb a state of things with which they are satisfied. - It is evident, therefore, that we must work at less speed and at a - lower temperature than our opponents. Our Bills must be tentative - and cautious, not sweeping and dramatic. But I believe that with - patience, feeling our way as we go, we may get the one element to - concede and the other to forbear. The opposite course is to produce - drastic, symmetrical measures, hitting the 'classes' hard, and - consequently dispensing with their support, but trusting to public - meetings and the democratic forces generally to carry you through. - I think such a policy will fail. I do not mean that the 'classes' - will join issue with you on one of the measures which hits them - hard, and beat you on that. That is not the way they fight. They - will select some other matter on which they can appeal to - prejudice, and on which they think the masses will be indifferent; - and on that they will upset you. My counsel therefore is strongly - against this alternative; and it would be the same if I had no - interest in the matter, and was merely an observer outside the - Ministry advising you. Your _role_ should be rather that of a - diplomatist trying to bring the opposed sections of the party - together, and not that of a whip trying to keep the slugs up to the - collar.... - -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -Yet the first session of a Parliament and the first year of an -Administration are the most critical. Men are not really bound together -in a Government until they have made mistakes in common and defended -each other's failures; and it is possible that, unless definite and -urgent disagreements had arisen, the evil hour might have been long -averted. But Lord Randolph Churchill was not only responsible for the -House of Commons; he was responsible for national finance. And from the -Treasury a second set of questions necessarily involving sharp -differences with his colleagues now began to arrive. - -The reader will not fail to recognise how vital a definite economy was -to the character and success of Lord Randolph Churchill's Budget. The -reduction of the Sinking Fund and of taxation generally could only be -defended in association with a lower expenditure. Circumstances now -within our knowledge seem to show that the Chancellor of the Exchequer's -margin was larger than he had dared to expect. But so many novel sources -of revenue, tapped for the first time, introduced uncertain factors into -his calculations. His public declarations before the general election -had been unmistakable. He was pledged to the hilt in the cause of -economy, and the actual conditions fortified his sentiments. Even before -the Bradford meeting, the tension was apparent. - - - - _Mr. Smith to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Confidential._ - -Greenlands, Henley-on-Thames: October 24. - - My dear R. C.,--I shall probably see you in Arlington Street - to-morrow, but I may not have an opportunity of begging you not to - indicate too precisely at Bradford the results you may anticipate - from economies in army administration. I shall do everything I can - in that direction, but I am anxious, as you must be, as to the - aspect of affairs, and I think the policy you are anxious to carry - out is best supported by the organisation of the strength we - possess than by allowing the present unready condition to continue. - - As to this I must have a serious talk with you when you come back - from Bradford. I contemplate method, management, - arrangement--rather than large present expenditure; but, unless you - see your way through the difficulties in Turkey and as to Egypt - easily and peaceably, it would be unwise, I think, to announce - reductions in military Budgets which would be interpreted, as the - Paris _Temps_ suggests, as presaging a withdrawal of England from - the positions she has taken up. It may be necessary to take such a - course, but it can only be done after the most grave deliberation: - it almost involves a recognition of the fact that we are no longer - one of the Great Powers. - - I prefer to say these things to you alone than to talk of them - before Salisbury. Our diplomacy is no doubt very weak, but this - does not entirely explain our powerlessness in Europe.... - -Yours very sincerely, -W. H. SMITH. - - - -All through the month of November the annual conflict between the -Treasury and the spending departments was maintained with unusual -vigour and with varying fortune. On the 3rd a Treasury Minute -accelerated the preparation of the estimates:-- - - - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: -November 3, 1886. - - In view of the probability of the meeting of Parliament being fixed - for the middle of January, the First Lord of the Treasury and I are - of opinion that the Army and Navy Estimates should be considered by - the Cabinet before Christmas. Will you therefore kindly direct that - the estimates decided upon by the War Office should be ready by the - first days of December? We shall then be well ahead of our work. - -'Do you observe,' wrote Smith on the 7th, 'that under pressure our -people in Egypt see their way now to a great reduction of military -expenditure? Only a fortnight ago they were the other way minded.' And -again on the 20th, when some Treasury probing had touched a tender -spot:-- - -'This departmental extravagance is not mine, but my predecessor's, and -full _private_ notice has been given repeatedly since August. I hope I -may yet save something, but the cake was eaten before I got here. We -will talk about it when we next meet.' - -Other departments had to face a not less searching examination, and the -Navy and Colonial Office estimates were the subject of prolonged and -animated correspondence. There was, of course, nothing unhealthy, or -even unusual, in all this. It is the business of the Treasury to canvass -all proposals which involve expenditure and to compel those who bring -them forward to show, not merely that they are necessary and desirable, -but that they are more necessary and more desirable than other necessary -and desirable projects. Without such severe controversial examination of -estimates, the finances of the wealthiest country would soon be in -disorder and the money of the taxpayer squandered irretrievably. But it -may well be believed that, with all the good-will in the world, the -month of November is a stormy period for the Chancellor of the Exchequer -and brings him daily into acute antagonism with his colleagues. In such -circumstances only the closest sympathy and support from the Prime -Minister can sustain him. He is one against many, and must otherwise -submit or resign. But on this occasion, when there should have been the -most intimate alliance, there opened vast and comprehensive differences; -and the Chancellor of the Exchequer became continually more isolated and -from that very cause more combative. The money clauses of the Local -Government Bill--affecting as they did so many settled interests, -interwoven as they were with the whole finance of the year--led to -vexatious and protracted discussions. Behind all loomed the vague yet -formidable shadow of the Budget itself. By the end of the month it was -evident that a crisis was approaching. - -'Salisbury,' wrote Lord George Hamilton on the 25th, 'is getting to the -position where he will be pressed no more. If a rupture takes place, it -will damage us almost irretrievably; for he would carry with him a large -portion of the party, and your position would be very much, as you -yourself said, like to that of Sir Robert Peel, who, though he carried -Free Trade, was without a party afterwards. Gladstone cannot live for -long and if we only hold together we shall utterly foil him. - -'I write feelingly, for if we break up, my vocation of peacemaker -between the different sections of the party is gone and I should take up -some other line of work than politics. Things are, I fear, worse than we -thought two days back; however, you will see for yourself and act -accordingly.' - -The definite collision took place just before the estimates of the Navy -and Army were finally presented. Lord Randolph Churchill insisted upon -some reduction and made no secret that he would set his official -existence on the issue. Hamilton replied that 50,000_l._ was the utmost -further variation that could be expected at the Admiralty. Smith wrote -as follows:-- - - - -_Private._ - -December 14, 1886. - - My dear R. C.,--I am very sorry to say that the first review of my - figures affords no hope whatever of any reductions in W. O. - estimates as compared with 1886-7. - - We lose 100,000_l._ of Indian money, and have to meet extra charges - for leap year--Volunteers, Reserve, and other automatic - increases--which are enough to drive one wild, without entering - upon the questions of giving small-arm ammunition and defence. - - I shall be able to give you a rough idea of the probable gross - estimate on Thursday or Friday, but it will not be a pleasant one. - -Yours very sincerely, -W. H. SMITH. - - - -And again on the 16th, in a remarkable letter showing that he, too, was -prepared to go to extremes:-- - - - -_Private._ - -December 16, 1886. - - My dear R. C.,--I have been thinking a good deal over your letter - of yesterday. - - I am as much committed to economy as you are, but I cannot be the - head of a great department in times like these and ask for less - than the absolute minimum required for the safety of the country. - - I will go into figures with you if you like--but it is out of the - question for you to talk of retiring. If one of us goes, I shall - claim the privilege; and you may rest assured that if a man can be - found to take my place, I shall be delighted to give all the help - in my power to a successor brave enough to assume responsibility - which I am not prepared to bear. - - I will speak to you after the Cabinet to-morrow. - -Yours very sincerely, -W. H. SMITH. - - Bear in mind that in the House--if I am there--I do not ask you to - defend my estimates or to excuse them. - -'You will shortly have to decide,' wrote Lord Randolph in a -good-humoured letter to the Prime Minister, December 15, 'whose services -you will retain--those of your War Minister or those of your Chancellor -of Exchequer. - -'Smith informs me of his inability to make reductions in the Army -Estimates; I have informed him of my absolute and unalterable inability -to consent to any Army Estimates which do not show a marked and -considerable reduction. - -'George Hamilton has made me a reduction in the Navy Estimates of over -700,000_l._ If these things can be done at the Admiralty, the attitude -of the War Office becomes intolerable. Generally speaking, however, I am -anxious to submit to you to-morrow the draft of a Treasury minute to the -public departments calling their serious attention to their increasing -expenditure and requiring marked and immediate economies.' - -Lord Salisbury's reply indicated clearly the side to which his -sympathies inclined:-- - - - -Hatfield: December 15, 1886. - - My dear Randolph,--I will be in Downing Street at half-past three. - I have got to go to Windsor at a quarter to five. There was nothing - for it but to consent to the Egyptian expenditure, though it is - very lamentable--all Gladstone's fault. The Cabinet, happily, not - I, will have to decide the controversy between you and Smith. But - it will be a serious responsibility to refuse the demands of a War - Minister so little imaginative as Smith, especially at such a time. - It is curious that two days ago I was listening here to the most - indignant denunciations of Smith for his economy--from Wolseley. I - am rather surprised at George Hamilton being able to reduce so - much. I hope it is all right. - -Ever yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -The Chancellor of the Exchequer, however, showed no signs of yielding -and his colleagues, feeling that the crash was coming, evidently took -counsel with one another and broadened the ground upon which they stood -and might have to fight. The Budget had meanwhile been passed through -the Cabinet. But now doubt and hesitation seemed to have overtaken those -Ministers who were concerned in the Estimates dispute. On the 18th Lord -George Hamilton wrote that he thought the Budget 'exceedingly well -balanced and comprehensive,' but on that very account the more likely to -be attacked by the various interests concerned, and he asked for certain -returns as to the incidence of taxation. It is significant that Mr. -Smith wrote a similar letter on the same day, and Lord Salisbury on the -day following:-- - - - - _Mr. Smith to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -War Office: December 18, 1886. - - My dear R. C.,--I think you should send us a printed memorandum of - your Budget proposals, in order that they may be considered - carefully during our short holiday. - - They are too large and important to be determined upon after a - conversation across the table. It would not be fair to you nor to - your colleagues, some of whom may not have fully realised all your - proposals. - -Yours very sincerely, -W. H. SMITH. - - - - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: December 19, 1886. - - My dear Randolph,--In the course of discussions on the Local - Government Bill you have two or three times expressed the belief - that the country gentlemen would be consoled for all they might - lose under that Bill by the financial arrangements which were to be - proposed; or, as you expressed it, that 'the pill would be gilded.' - I think you have overlooked the fact that your local taxation - proposals will relieve the towns more than the rural districts. At - least, I have looked up the figures for Hertfordshire, Suffolk, and - Devonshire, and enclose a statement of them. The result is (if I - rightly understood your proposals) that the ordinary country - gentleman will have an extra burden of ninepence in the - pound--which is gilding of a negative kind. - -Ever yours truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -The situation was fast becoming acute. At a dinner on the 18th, when the -Prime Minister was Lord Randolph's guest, shrewd observers had noticed, -underneath much personal courtesy, an air of harsh political antagonism. -The effect of these letters was decisive. Lord Randolph forwarded the -figures which Lord Salisbury had enclosed to the Treasury and called for -a memorandum in reply. His pencilled comment on the paper is, 'Lord -Salisbury's figures are incomprehensible.' The Treasury answer required -a little time to prepare; but the next day Lord Randolph wrote back:-- - - - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: December 20, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I know the country gentlemen, like the - farmers, always think they are being plundered and ruined. The - facts are, however, that whereas the ratepayers used to receive in - gross three millions from the taxes, they would in future under my - scheme receive over five millions. Of course the towns will get the - bulk of the indoor pauper contribution. - - Real estate pays succession duty on an average about once in thirty - years. We do not estimate that the change in the succession duty - will add more than a million a year to the present yield of - 800,000_l._, and it will take at least twelve years to work up to - this amount. When the succession duties were first voted by - Parliament, they were estimated to produce 2,000,000_l._ I believe - the produce has never exceeded 900,000_l._ The assimilation of the - incidence of death duties on real estate to that which falls upon - personal estate has not of late years been resisted in principle - even by the strictest sect of the Tories. - - I enclose you the G.O.M.'s reply to my communication. I hear - rumours that he is contemplating the policy of throwing over the - Home Rulers. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -That same afternoon the Chancellor of the Exchequer was summoned to -Windsor. Travelling thither, he met by chance in the same railway -carriage Lord George Hamilton. Lord Randolph, who was in excellent -spirits, said briskly that he intended to resign that day. Hamilton was -much shocked, and urged patience, delay and so forth. Lord Randolph -remained inscrutably gay. That night the Queen showed him most gracious -favour, and kept him long in conversation. He spoke of many matters of -policy--of the new Procedure rules, of Ireland, even of the prospects of -the coming session--but of his determination not one word escaped him. -It was late when he retired, yet he proceeded forthwith to write his -letter of resignation to Lord Salisbury. Hamilton, who came to press him -once again, was treated with extreme good-humour, and had it all read -out to him before it was despatched:-- - - - -Windsor Castle: December 20, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--The approximate Estimates for the Army and - Navy for next year have been to-day communicated to me by George - Hamilton and Smith. They amount to 31 millions--12-1/2 millions for - the Navy, 18-1/2 millions for the Army. The Navy votes show a - decrease of nearly 500,000_l._, but this is to a great extent - illusory, as there is a large increase in the demand made by the - Admiralty upon the War Office for guns and ammunition. The Army - Estimates thus swollen show an increase of about 300,000_l._ The - total 31 millions for the two Services, which will in all - probability be exceeded, is very greatly in excess of what I can - consent to. I know that on this subject I cannot look for any - sympathy or effective support from you and I am certain that I - shall find no supporters in the Cabinet. I do not want to be - wrangling and quarreling in the Cabinet, and therefore must request - to be allowed to give up my office and retire from the Government. - - I am pledged up to the eyes to large reductions of expenditure, and - I cannot change my mind on this matter. If the foreign policy of - this country is conducted with skill and judgment, our present huge - and increasing armaments are quite unnecessary, and the taxation - which they involve perfectly unjustifiable. The War estimates might - be very considerably reduced if the policy of expenditure on the - fortifications and guns and garrisons of military posts, mercantile - ports and coaling stations was abandoned or modified. But of this I - see no chance, and under the circumstances I cannot continue to be - responsible for the finances. - - I am sure you will agree that I am right in being perfectly frank - and straightforward on this question, to which I attach the very - utmost importance: and, after all, what I have written is only a - repetition of what I endeavoured to convey to you in conversation - the other day. - -Believe me to be - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Early the next morning both Ministers left Windsor and returned to -London. Lord Randolph bought, as was his custom, a number of -newspapers, but found that neither he nor Hamilton had any change. The -train was about to start, and the bookstall keeper, who knew both his -customers by sight, cried: 'Never mind, my lord--when you come back next -time will do.' Lord Randolph looked sideways at his companion and said, -with a quaint smile, 'He little knows I shall never come back.' - -It happened that at this time Sir Henry Wolff was at home from his -Egyptian mission, and he and Lord Randolph consorted together daily. -Both went down to the City on Wednesday, the 22nd; for the Chancellor of -the Exchequer had to pay an official visit to the Master of the Mint. -Lord Randolph proposed returning by the Underground Railway, and it was -while they were pacing the platform, waiting for a train, that Wolff -asked some chance question about the Treasury intentions. 'Upon my -word,' said Lord Randolph abruptly, 'I don't know now whether I am -Chancellor of the Exchequer or not.' But otherwise he never told a -soul--not Beach, his trusted friend; not Chamberlain, his ally; not his -mother; not even his wife. Lord Salisbury's answer did not come till -eight o'clock on Wednesday. He had delayed in order to write to his -principal colleagues, sending copies of Lord Randolph's letter, made -laboriously with his own hand, and perhaps just in order to delay. It is -certain that he did not regard the matter as settled. He wrote to Beach -on the 21st that he was not sure whether Lord Randolph would persist. He -sent no word to the Queen. Yet his answer, when it came, seemed -conclusive. It proposed no compromise; it did not even suggest an -interview; and the expression of regret with which it closed might apply -either to the actual resignation or to the expressed intention to -resign:-- - - - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: December 22, 1886. - - My dear Randolph,--I have your letter of the 20th from Windsor. You - tell me, as you told me orally on Thursday, that 31 millions for - the two Services is very greatly in excess of what you can consent - to; that you are pledged up to the eyes to large reductions of - expenditure, and cannot change your mind in the matter; and that, - as you feel certain of receiving no support from me or from the - Cabinet in this view, you must resign your office and withdraw from - the Government. On the other hand, I have a letter from Smith - telling me that he feels bound to adhere to the Estimates which he - showed you on Monday, and that he declines to postpone, as you had - wished him to do, the expenditure which he thinks necessary for the - fortification of coaling stations, military posts and mercantile - ports. - - In this unfortunate state of things I have no choice but to express - my full concurrence with the view of Hamilton and Smith, and my - dissent from yours--though I say it, both on personal and public - grounds, with very deep regret. The outlook on the Continent is - very black. It is not too much to say that the chances are in - favour of war at an early date; and when war has once broken out, - we cannot be secure from the danger of being involved in it. The - undefended state of many of our ports and coaling stations is - notorious, and the necessity of protecting them has been urged by a - strong Commission, and has been admitted on both sides in debate. - To refuse to take measures for their protection would be to incur - the gravest possible responsibility. Speaking more generally, I - should hesitate to refuse at this time any supplies which men so - moderate in their demands as Smith and Hamilton declared to be - necessary for the safety of the country. - - The issue is so serious that it thrusts aside all personal and - party considerations. But I regret more than I can say the view you - take of it, for no one knows better than you how injurious to the - public interests at this juncture your withdrawal from the - Government may be. - - In presence of your very strong and decisive language I can only - again express my very profound regret. - -Believe me - -Yours very sincerely, -SALISBURY. - - - -Lord Randolph Churchill never doubted the meaning of the answer he had -received, and treated it as a formal acceptance of his resignation. He -concluded, as will appear, that the delay had been due to communications -with the Queen, and that the whole matter was now ended. He sat down at -once and wrote to Lord Salisbury a letter of farewell:-- - - - -Carlton Club: December 22, 1886. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your - letter of to-day's date accepting my resignation of the - Chancellorship of the Exchequer. - - I feel sure you will believe me when I express my deep and abiding - appreciation of the unvarying kindness which you have shown me, and - of the patience and indulgence with which you have always listened - to the views on various public matters which I have from time to - time submitted to you. - - The great question of public expenditure is not so technical or - departmental as might be supposed by a superficial critic. Foreign - policy and free expenditure upon armaments act and react upon one - another. I believe myself to be well informed on the present state - of Europe, nor am I aware that I am blind or careless to the - probabilities of a great conflict between European Powers in the - coming year. A wise foreign policy will extricate England from - Continental struggles and keep her outside of German, Russian, - French or Austrian disputes. I have for some time observed a - tendency in the Government attitude to pursue a different line of - action which I have not been able to modify or check. - - This tendency is certain to be accentuated if large estimates are - presented to and voted by Parliament. The possession of a very - sharp sword offers a temptation, which becomes irresistible, to - demonstrate the efficiency of the weapon in a practical manner. I - remember the vulnerable and scattered character of the Empire, the - universality of our commerce, the peaceful tendencies of our - democratic electorate, the hard times, the pressure of competition - and the high taxation now imposed; and with these factors vividly - before me I decline to be a party to encouraging the military and - militant circle of the War Office and Admiralty to join in the high - and desperate stakes which other nations seem to be forced to risk. - - Believe me, I pray you, that it is not niggardly cheese-paring or - Treasury crabbedness, but only considerations of high state policy - which compel me to sever ties in many ways most binding and - pleasant. - - A careful and continuous examination and study of national finance, - of the startling growth of expenditure, of national taxation - resources and endurance, has brought me to the conclusion from - which nothing can turn me, that it is only the sacrifice of a - Chancellor of the Exchequer upon the altar of thrift and economy - which can rouse the people to take stock of their leaders, their - position and their future. - - The character of the domestic legislation which the Government - contemplate in my opinion falls sadly short of what the Parliament - and the country expect and require. The foreign policy which is - being adopted appears to me at once dangerous and methodless; but I - take my stand on expenditure and finance, which involve and - determine all other matters. And reviewing my former public - declarations on this question and having no reason to doubt their - soundness, I take leave of your Government, and especially of - yourself, with profound regret, but without doubt or hesitation. - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -After writing this letter he went down to the _Times_ office, imparted -his priceless information to Mr. Buckle, authorised him to make it -public, and so to bed. Lord Salisbury received this second letter at -half-past one in the morning of the 23rd, and realised that the breach -was definite. He posted the news at once to the Queen; but he was -already too late. With the first light of the morning the announcement -appeared in the _Times_. - -This action of Lord Randolph Churchill in resigning the office he held -in such a manner and on such an occasion has two aspects--a smaller and -a larger. Both are partly true: neither by itself is comprehensive. The -smaller aspect is that of a proud, sincere, overstrained man conceiving -himself bound to fight certain issues, at whatever cost to -himself--believing at each movement that victory would be won, and drawn -by every movement further into a position from which he could not or -would not retreat. The larger aspect deserves somewhat longer -consideration. The differences between the Chancellor of the Exchequer -and his colleagues were matters of detail and might easily have been -compacted. The difference between the Leader of the House of Commons and -the Prime Minister was fundamental. It must be plain to the reader who -has persevered so far. It glows through the correspondence included in -this chapter. It was a difference of belief, of character, of -aspiration--and by nothing could it ever have been adjusted. There were -many considerations and influences which worked powerfully for their -agreement. In the Union they found a common cause; in Mr. Gladstone they -faced a common antagonist. Lord Randolph's fiercest invective did not -jar upon the 'master of flouts and jeers.' Neither could be insensible -to the personal fascination of the other. Both rejoiced in a wide and -illuminating survey of public affairs; both dwelt much upon the future; -both preserved a cynical disdain of small men seeking paltry ends. But -the gulf which separated the fiery leader of Tory Democracy--with his -bold plans of reform and dreams of change, with his record of storm and -triumph and slender expectations of a long life--from the old-fashioned -Conservative statesman, the head of a High Church and High Tory family, -versed in diplomacy, representative of authority, wary, austere, content -to govern--was a gulf no mutual needs, no common interests, no personal -likings could permanently bridge. They represented conflicting schools -of political philosophy. They stood for ideas mutually incompatible. -Sooner or later the breach must have come; and no doubt the strong -realisation of this underlay the action of the one and the acquiescence -of the other. - -I have tried to show that this profound difference found expression on -many specific points. The Cabinet of 1886 had sat together only five -months, yet here already were five important matters of -disagreement:--The policy to be pursued in the East of Europe; the -complexion of the Local Government Bill; the attitude towards the Whigs; -the character of the Budget; and lastly, the direct cause of rupture, -the expenditure upon armaments. Longer association threatened merely a -multiplication and aggravation of divergences. But though patience could -not have ended in agreement, it might have brought disagreement to -another end. And it is from this point of view that Lord Randolph -Churchill's action requires most careful examination. - -The differences upon specific points, regarded singly, were serious; and -together they became vital. But they were differences less of principle -than of degree. No clear and abrupt dividing-line was presented; and the -questions were always of 'more or less,' not of 'yes or no.' Why should -Lord Randolph Churchill not, then, have kept his offices? Would he not, -by so doing, have had a much better chance of imparting to Conservative -policy the complexion he desired? Much was to be gained by waiting. -Every day his position was becoming more assured. At every stage and -turn of Cabinet discussion he could have laboured to deflect the course -of legislation; and the House of Commons might be guided more easily -than his colleagues. In a hundred small ways he could, without any -breach of confidence, have served the ends he had in view. But his gorge -rose at it. It was almost impossible to him to defend courses of which -he disapproved: and in the position he held every act of the Government -must be constantly and whole-heartedly defended by him. Imagination -might foresee this new Administration, which he more than any man had -called into being, drifting irresistibly towards military ambitions and -European entanglements, ending perhaps at last in war: and in all this -he must be the principal agent--the man who had to make the House of -Commons consent. No--at the very outset a decision must be taken and a -pacific and progressive domestic policy established. Without that -assurance the honours and amenities of power--and no one enjoyed them -more--seemed valueless; and the money--a matter, as we have seen, in -itself from other points of view of much consequence--a thing not to be -considered for a moment. - -Of course, he hoped the others would give way--would, at any rate, make -some considerable concession, which would leave him proportionately -strengthened. 'With respect to Local Government,' he wrote to Mr. -Chamberlain on the 19th, 'I pressed Lord Salisbury and Mr. Goschen very -hard to give up the idea of _ex officio_ representation, and' (a -significant sentence) 'possibly my arguments may not be altogether -without effect.' How could they do without him? Who was there to fill -the Treasury? Could Smith make head against Gladstone in Parliament? -Was Lord Salisbury the man to maintain the alliance with the Chamberlain -of 1886? Would Stanhope vindicate the Government in the constituencies? -Balfour was unknown: Beach was ailing: Goschen was 'very hard to -please': and the Whigs doubtful and contrary. Beyond all question he was -the most powerful and efficient instrument at the disposal of the Prime -Minister--probably, as it seemed, the only instrument which would be -effective. And since so powerful and necessary, and moreover being -possessed of a complete scheme and temper of political thought largely -accepted among the people, he was bound to put it to the proof whether -he should not exert an influence upon policy compatible with his public -pledges and proportioned to his usefulness to the Government. But still -a more patient man would have waited. - -Undoubtedly he expected to prevail. What he asked was in itself a small -thing: 'Cannot this vote for coaling stations, for instance, stand over -till next year?'--some petty economy; but still an economy, and an -economy in armaments. He knew that if they had wished to meet him, they -could easily have compounded. Reductions greater than would have kept -him, were made after he was gone. And since it was thus revealed that -his colleagues did not wish to act with him, what a prospect of vexation -and disappointment and special pleadings the future unveiled!--unless -the matter could be settled at the very beginning and a peaceful and -progressive policy assured. - -It seems, however, very surprising that Lord Randolph Churchill should -at this period have overlooked the anger and jealousy that his sudden -rise to power had excited. In little more than a year two -Administrations had been formed from the Conservative party. In the -making of both of these his influence had been almost supreme; and it -had been an influence which, from the point of view of ordinary -Parliamentary promotion, had been disturbing and even revolutionary. Men -who in quieter tunes would have received office had been disappointed. -Others who had enjoyed what they considered almost prescriptive right, -had been forced out. The former leader of the Conservative party had -been driven from the House of Commons. Mr. Matthews had been raised from -private life to one of the highest posts in the Cabinet. This one, -hitherto unknown, had been jumped up: that one, so long respected, had -been thrust down. Malice proved a stronger motive power than gratitude; -and, although unquestioned success had crowned the struggle, bitterness -and resentment gathered behind the conqueror. - -Nor, indeed, do we think he should have counted much upon the good-will -of the plain member. He was often--and seemed to be, more often -still--in things political a hard man, reaping where he had not sown, -severe to exact service and obedience, hasty in judgment, fierce in -combat; and many a black look or impatient word had been remembered -against him by those of whose existence he was perhaps scarcely -conscious. Friends he had in plenty--some of them true ones; but, for -all the personal charm he could exert at will, his manner had added to -his enemies. Venerable Ministers saw a formidable intruder who had -entered the Cabinet by adventurous and unusual paths. Austere -Conservatives shrank from this alarming representative of the New -Democracy. Worthy men thoughtlessly slighted, tiresome people ruthlessly -snubbed, office-seekers whose pretensions had been ignored, -Parliamentary martinets concerned for party discipline, all were held in -check only so long as he was powerful. His position had been won by the -sword, and he must be armed to keep it. - -Yet at this moment, when he proposed to try conclusions with all the -strongest forces in the Conservative party, he seems to have taken no -single precaution to safeguard himself. He gave the Cabinet long and -ample notice of his intention. He reiterated his determination at -intervals through the autumn. He knew that Smith and Hamilton took -counsel together: he knew that they had prevailed upon Lord Salisbury; -and that if in the end they should resist stubbornly, their resistance -would not be ill-considered or unprepared. Upon the other hand, he made -no effort to rally his own friends. A third at least of the Government -were men of his own choice. Beach would have made great exertions on his -behalf. But no one was consulted. He was in constant and intimate -intercourse with Chamberlain. Their views at this tune were almost -identical; their relations most cordial. Yet he gave him no knowledge -of the situation, nor dreamed of inviting his support: so -strictly--quixotically even--did he interpret the idea of Cabinet -loyalty. - -Few men then alive were more skilled in political tactics, or knew -better how to deal with a crisis. If he had made up his mind to break -with the Government, there were many ways in which the severance might -have been made effective. First, as to time. I have said a more patient -man would have waited; a more unscrupulous man would most certainly have -waited. The power of a Leader of the House of Commons whose chief is in -the House of Lords, always immense, is far greater when Parliament is -sitting. He is the general in the field at the head of the army. The -other waits at home, trying to make what he can of the despatches. -Moreover, the House of Commons, for all its staid and sober qualities, -is sometimes, and was particularly in times like these, an organism of -impulse. A sudden announcement; a brilliant and persuasive speech; -powerful support coming from an unexpected quarter; panic, emotion, or -excitement, and fine majorities may crumble into dust. - -He could with perfect ease and candour have postponed the issue; and had -he done so the danger to the Government must have been enormously -increased. He resigned, however, at Christmas-time, when politicians -were scattered far and wide on their holidays, when the temperature was -low, and when three clear weeks intervened before the reconstructed -Government would have to meet Parliament, and before he would have an -opportunity of explanation. It was scarcely possible to have chosen a -season better suited to the interests of his colleagues or more -unpromising to his own. - -Then as to the ground of battle. I have tried to show that this -insignificant reduction of a military vote, on which he insisted, was -the peg upon which the tremendous issues of a peaceful domestic -administration as against an ambitious foreign policy supported by -growing armaments depended. But what a bad peg to have chosen! Granted a -divergence not to be compacted between Lord Randolph and the Cabinet, -how many more promising issues presented themselves! Questions of Local -Government, questions of Coercion, questions of taxation, rose thorny -and menacing on every side. Indeed, it is clearly evident that Lord -Randolph neither formed a deliberate plan nor expected to supplant Lord -Salisbury or overthrow the Government; but that, on the contrary, in so -far as he was careful at all, he was more careful of their interest than -of his own. - -There is scarcely any more abundant source of error in history than the -natural desire of writers--regardless of the overlapping and inter-play -of memories, principles, prejudices and hopes, and the reaction of -physical conditions--to discover or provide simple explanations for the -actions of their characters. It would be a barren task to set forth the -motives of this affair in a schedule. Yet the main causes -emerge--shadowy perhaps, but unmistakable. Lord Randolph Churchill did -not think of himself as a man, but rather as the responsible trustee -and agent of the Tory Democracy; and this temper, overpowering even the -most attractive personal associations, impelled him by deliberate -steps--yet not without deep despondency--towards a fateful issue: and -all the while a feeling, partly of sombre pride, partly of loyalty, -forbade him to take the necessary and obvious steps to protect himself. -Ambushes, intrigues, cabals, might suit the free-lance of Fourth Party -days; but an official leader of a great party could only state the terms -on which his assistance could be obtained, and, if it were not worth -while to grant them, could only go. - -It may no doubt be observed that this was the highest imprudence; that -it agreed very little with much that he had done before, and not at all -with the impression formed in the public mind. If he had put away for a -season his pledges and his pride, both might have been recovered with -interest later on. As it was, he delivered himself, unarmed, unattended, -fettered even, to his enemies; and therefrom ensued not only his own -political ruin, but grave injury to the causes he sustained. Yet it is -noteworthy that he never repented of the course he had taken. Bitterly -as he regretted the consequences, and felt the abuse and -misrepresentation of which he was the object, and the exclusion from the -fascinating and exciting life into which he had been drawn, he was not -wont by word or letter to admit that he was wrong to resign, or assert -that, having again the opportunity, he would do otherwise. He looked -upon the action as the most exalted in his life, and as an event of -which, whatever the results to himself, he might be justly proud. 'I -had to do it--I could be no longer useful to them.' - -It should, indeed, not escape notice that there was among the principal -characters in English politics during this momentous time a high and -disinterested air, very refreshing in contrast with the humiliating -antics of the place-hunters and trinket-seekers who surrounded them, and -more admirable than the selfish ambitions of the statesmen of a sterner -age. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach refuses the Leadership of the House of -Commons, and insists upon serving under a younger man who in his opinion -can better fill the place. Sir Stafford Northcote in the interests of -party union voluntarily effaces himself in a peerage. Lord Salisbury -twice offers to be a member of a Hartington Administration, and Lord -Hartington twice refuses to be the First Minister of the Crown. Sir -Henry James on a matter of principle severs himself from Mr. Gladstone -and refuses the Woolsack. Lastly, Mr. Chamberlain leaves the party of -which he must one day have been the leader, relinquishes the great -office and power he had already obtained, and, confronted at every step -by distrust and pursued at every step by obloquy, sets forth upon his -long, eventful pilgrimage. Among all these indications of the healthy -and generous conditions of English public life, so full of honour for -our race and of vindication for its institutions, the resignation of -Lord Randolph Churchill need not suffer by any impartial comparison. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE TURN OF THE TIDE - - 'The rising unto place is laborious; ... the standing is slippery, - and the regress is either a downfall or at least an eclipse which - is a melancholy thing.'--BACON. - - -Lord Randolph Churchill had divested himself by a single short letter of -all that authority which is centred in a political chief and a Minister -of the Crown. The solid array of Conservative members who had stoutly -sustained him, 'proud to follow a leader who was proud to lead them on'; -the wise and busy secretaries of a great department with their hives of -fact and counsel; hundreds of sharp pens, thousands of friendly voices; -the vast, pervading, persisting machinery of party, all hitherto -obedient in his service, now in a moment fell away. He was only the -representative of a Metropolitan constituency who possessed some skill -in speaking and a small house overlooking Hyde Park. He had cast away -all advantages. He had neglected every preparation. He had chosen bad -ground and the worst time. Moreover, as shall be seen, he had bound -himself hand and foot. Yet such was the personal importance this man had -acquired, so highly were his services valued, so much was his hostility -feared, that for a time the British Government tottered and his place -remained unfilled. - - - - _Mr. Chamberlain to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -Highbury, Moor Green, Birmingham: December 23, 1886. - - My dear Churchill,--Whew! The cat is among the pigeons with a - vengeance. - - My sympathies are entirely with you, and I think you may rely on my - cordial co-operation, if it can be of any value. - - I have to speak to-night, and must express my first thoughts on - what is an entirely changed situation. - - I wish I was able to communicate with you beforehand, but if you - have any wishes or ideas as to immediate action let me know. If - necessary we will arrange a meeting, and I will run up to London - again. - - The Government is doomed, and I suspect we may have to re-form - parties on a new basis. You and I are equally adrift from the old - organisations. - -Yours ever, -J. CHAMBERLAIN. - - - - - - - _Mr. Chamberlain to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -Highbury, Moor Green, Birmingham: December 26, 1886. - - My dear Churchill,--Yours of 24th with its very interesting - enclosures only reached me to-day. - - The breach was inevitable. There is much to be said _pro_ and _con_ - about the estimates, but you were altogether in a false position. - You had to fight--alone and single-handed--for every point, and - were necessarily condemned to gain on each a partial victory, which - left you with all the responsibility, but without a consistent and - thoroughly defensible policy. - - You will have a hard time to go through. Your case will be mine - almost exactly, and I can tell you it is a bitter pilgrimage which - is in prospect. The party tie is the strongest sentiment in this - country--stronger than patriotism or even self-interest. But it - will all come right in the end for both of us. - - I assume that you will maintain an independent position, and in - that case you will be a power that your party cannot ignore. The - _Standard_ has a right to be angry, and the Caucuses will denounce - you; but in their hearts they know you are indispensable, and when - they find they cannot bully you into submission they will come to - your terms. Next time, however, that either you or I join a Cabinet - we must be certain of our majority in it. - - My speech has fluttered the dovecotes tremendously, and my - correspondence shows that many of the Gladstonians are very - uncomfortable and anxious to come to terms. But I do not believe - that there will be any practical result. Mr. Gladstone does not - give way on the main point--neither will I. - - Whenever I come to London I will let you know, and we will have - another talk. Meanwhile you have made the situation intensely - interesting. - -With all good wishes, -Yours sincerely, -J. CHAMBERLAIN. - - - - - - - _Mr. Labouchere to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -10 Queen Anne's Gate: December 23. - - Dear Churchill,--In your own interests think it over. This would - have been all very well if you had not been Leader of the House, or - if you had been Leader for some years. In the former case, you - might have upset your friends and been Leader; in the latter case - you would have become a fetish. - - Parties just now do not hang together by principles. They are gangs - greedy of office. You got your lot in--there is a wide difference - between this and aiding in getting them out. - - You and Chamberlain seem to me both to make the same mistake. You - ignore the power of the 'machine.' It has crushed many an able - man--Horsman, Lowe, Goschen, and Salisbury himself. - - Whether Hartington joins or not, he will not be sorry that you have - resigned, and he will be all the more inclined to help the - Government. They only want thirty Unionists to have a good working - majority. The tendency of the Government will be to yield a little - more to him in order to revenge itself on you. - - Joe is of no good to you. You have no idea of the feeling of the - Radicals against him. There is a good deal of sentiment in these - things; and just as Gladstone is their Christ, Joe is their - Anti-Christ. They will laugh to scorn his 'Grand Councils.' They - are, indeed, absurd. There are only two policies for - Ireland--Coercion, or a domestic legislature, &c. All else is - intrigue. You are not a Radical; on that line Joe will always cut - you out. - - I don't think that the occasion you have selected is a good one. - There is a strong public opinion, even amongst Liberals, for an - expenditure on armaments. It is true that Salisbury may wish to - obtain the money in order eventually to join in some absurd - European war, but this cannot be proved, and the basis of politics - is 'hand to mouth.' - - I should have thought that your game was rather a waiting one. - Sacrifice everything to becoming a fetish; then and only then, you - can do as you like. Hartington must go to the Lords. There is no - such thing in politics as burning boats, until there have been - explanations in the House of Commons. A Conservative Government - must spend, and generally a Liberal Government suffers from not - spending. - - I write this--not, as you will perceive, in the interests of my - party, but in your individual interests. Surely when it is a - question of figures, and the figures are not known, there are the - elements of an arrangement. - -Yours truly, -H. LABOUCHERE. - -Lord Randolph Churchill's resignation had been received with universal -surprise; but astonishment was swiftly succeeded by anger. His -enemies--and they multiplied rapidly--raised an exultant chorus of 'I -told you so!' His friends everywhere found themselves without an answer. -The Unionist Press was unanimous in its censures, and the London clubs -were loud in their abuse. The cohorts of tale-bearers and gossips on the -flanks of a Government were eager to impute the worst and meanest -motives, and his action, already difficult to vindicate, was variously -attributed to temper, to treachery, and to both. The whole strength of -the party organisation was exerted against him. The public was informed -through a thousand channels that he had aimed a deadly blow at the Union -upon an impulse of personal ambition or of personal spite. His rupture -with Lord Salisbury was utter and complete. The Queen was grievously -offended by his premature disclosure to the _Times_; and in the mood -that was abroad he found, like Macaulay before him, that to write on -Windsor Castle paper may sometimes be accounted as a crime. Yet, -although he was thus the object of so much reproach, he was of course -unable to defend himself. He requested permission to publish his letters -of resignation. - -'I cannot agree,' replied Lord Salisbury by telegraph. 'It would be -entirely at variance with the accepted practice, according to which such -explanations should be reserved for Parliament. You clearly cannot do it -without the Queen's leave.' - -'Obviously,' rejoined Lord Randolph, 'the letters have been shown to the -_Standard_.' - -'No,' was the answer. 'Your supposition is incorrect; the letters -referred to have not been seen by anyone.' - -The Prime Minister was plainly within his rights in his refusal; yet -while Lord Randolph Churchill was prevented by constitutional observance -from publicly anticipating the explanation to be made in Parliament, and -so from making any effective reply to his traducers, that explanation -was being discounted in a dozen informal versions, disparaging sometimes -by lavish falsehood, sometimes by ungenerous truth. - -After accepting the resignation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer Lord -Salisbury turned at once to Lord Hartington. He had hitherto, as we have -seen, resisted the introduction of the Whigs into the Ministry; but the -situation was now critical, if not indeed desperate, and he accepted the -necessity. He therefore telegraphed to Lord Hartington, who was in Rome, -and invited his co-operation, offering either to make such Cabinet -arrangements as might suit him and his friends, or to serve under him if -he would himself undertake to form a Government. Above all, he pressed -for his immediate return to England. Lord Hartington responded to these -appeals without alacrity. He tarried in Rome till the night of Sunday -the 26th. Thence he proceeded to Monte Carlo 'to pick up his letters.' -On the 28th he resumed his journey. It was not until the evening of the -29th that he arrived in London. His deliberation was justified by -events. - -The Prime Minister, having collected his Cabinet together from all parts -of the country, met them on Tuesday, December 28, with a statement of -his views upon the situation. 'Master of tactics,' as Lord Randolph -called him, he rigidly confined the dispute to the single special -question of the Estimates. The Ministers responsible for the defence of -the Empire demanded a certain sum. The Minister responsible for the -finances had refused that sum. The head of the Government, having to -choose between them, was bound as a patriot to stand by the Empire. In -the face of a vast Imperial issue and of the grave crisis in European -affairs, the ordinary disputations of party politics--and, indeed, all -personal predilections--must stand aside. The coaling stations, on which -the British fleet depended for its world-wide mobility, were at stake. -To defend them or not to defend them--that was the question: and who -would hesitate in his answer, especially when the sum involved was -remarkably small? Such, at least, was the version semi-officially -communicated to the public and faithfully reproduced in every form of -artistic variation by the party press, from the _Times_ newspaper to the -remotest ramifications of the provincial and local journals. - -Lord Salisbury also informed his colleagues that he was in communication -with Lord Hartington, and he laid before them the nature of the offers -he had made. The proceedings of the Cabinet were reported to be so -harmonious that the _Times_ and many other Ministerial journals came to -the conclusion that a Coalition with the Whigs was certain, and devoted -many columns of print to preparing the minds of their readers for so -excellent an arrangement. It was not until the next day that it dawned -upon the journalistic world that numerous and influential members of the -Government were very much averse on public grounds--the Empire, and, no -doubt, the European crisis--from that 'wide reconstruction' which a -Coalition or a Hartington Administration incidentally, but necessarily, -involved. This reluctance was shared, not without reason, by the -Conservative party generally, and voiced by the large number of members -of Parliament whom the crisis had drawn to the Carlton Club. The -Conservative party, although wanting thirty-five of an absolute majority -in the House of Commons, were nevertheless by far the strongest and most -compact party in the country; and they were by no means ready to -acquiesce in their leader's disinterested willingness to surrender the -chief place in the Administration and to work on equal terms with a -party which only numbered seventy. By the time that Lord Hartington's -train reached Charing Cross, on the night of the 29th, a Coalition -Government had become excessively unpopular, and the _Times_ was forced -to admit, with a blush for the frailty of political mankind, 'that Lord -Salisbury's foresight and patriotism were a good deal above the level of -the rank and file.' Lord Randolph Churchill had counted upon Tory -Democracy. It was not Tory Democracy that stopped the Coalition; but -Tadpole and Taper. - -[Sidenote: 1887 AET. 37] - -By December 31 all prospect of a Coalition Ministry had been definitely -abandoned. Lord Hartington's prudent and dignified delay had alone -prevented him from being placed in a false position. During the whole of -the 30th he consulted his friends and considered the reports which -reached him of the temper of the Conservative party. He had no -difficulty in coming to a decision. Even if the opinion of the Tory -party had been as favourable as it was unfavourable, it was certain that -the Liberal Unionists were not ripe for a Coalition, and that any -attempt to force them forward would lead to their disruption, and -certainly end in a separation from Mr. Chamberlain and his followers. -There was another obstacle--small, but not insignificant. Lord -Hartington's position at Rossendale was not so secure as to make his -re-election certain. A Coalition was, in fact, so difficult and -undesirable that it could only be attempted in the last resort. And -until Lord Salisbury's Government had been defeated in the House of -Commons no one could say that all alternatives had been exhausted. Lord -Hartington therefore declined, on January 1, the various propositions -which Lord Salisbury had made to him. - -Three courses were now, according to the _Times_, open to the Prime -Minister: 'To endeavour to induce Mr. Goschen to take the post of -Chancellor of the Exchequer; to come to an understanding with Lord -Randolph Churchill; or to reconstruct the Ministry from the Conservative -ranks.' All three were strenuously debated throughout the country. The -idea of a reconciliation on some compromise between Lord Randolph -Churchill and Lord Salisbury obtained powerful support. Rumour was -tireless in formulating the terms on which peace might be made--was to -be made. The _Morning Post_, always an ardent and faithful friend to -Lord Randolph Churchill, never ceased to urge reunion with all the -weight of its unimpeachable Toryism. Every movement of the Prime -Minister and his late colleague was watched with cat-like attention. No -one could call at Arlington Street or Connaught Place without the -closest scrutiny; and when it became known that Lord Abergavenny, Lord -Rowton and Sir Henry Wolff had visited both houses, the gossips and -quidnuncs of the clubs thought the dispute as good as settled. - -It was pointed out at this time that the circumstances of Lord Randolph -Churchill's resignation bore a very curious resemblance to those in -which Lord Palmerston had resigned the Home Secretaryship in 1853. Lord -Palmerston had resigned on December 15, ostensibly on certain details of -the Reform Bill. It was asserted that he differed from the Cabinet upon -its policy in Eastern Europe; and this was strenuously denied by the -adherents of the Ministry. Lord Palmerston's resignation was made public -before he had heard that it had been accepted by the Queen. Inspired -articles attacking Lord Palmerston appeared in the _Times_. Lord Derby, -writing to Lord Malmesbury, observed that Lord Palmerston is 'much, and -justly, annoyed' at this. 'As _his_ lips are sealed, Aberdeen has no -business to speak through the newspapers.' To cap all this, there were -on both occasions heavy falls of snow, which made communications -difficult and slow. After some days of suspense Lord Palmerston was -prevailed upon to withdraw his resignation and to resume office. Would -the parallel be completed? - -Lord Randolph Churchill had so little expected to fail in his conflict -with the Cabinet that he had not clearly thought out how he would stand -in that event. Lord Salisbury's acceptance of his resignation, without -interview, remonstrance, or offer of compromise, had surprised him; but -he faced the situation calmly. Not to be behindhand in determination, he -had clinched matters by himself publishing the news. He realised at once -how serious were the consequences and how narrowed and difficult his -position had become. He found himself, alone and unprepared, on ground -most unfavourable; yet he did not seek to avoid the issue. He made no -suggestions of reconciliation. Even after the failure of the Hartington -coalition he would lend himself to no overtures. He forbade his friends -to concern themselves in the affair. He rebuked Wolff with unnecessary -violence for an unauthorised attempt, not ill-received by Lord -Salisbury, to make peace: 'Do you think you can manage me like one of -your Cairene Pashas?' During the whole fortnight that the Cabinet was in -flux he abstained from the slightest action, covert or overt, which -could aggravate the crisis. - -To remodel the Government and to allow the excitement to cool down, -Ministers prorogued Parliament from January 13--the date which Lord -Randolph had fixed--till January 27, and the time when an explanation -could be offered was further delayed. But in face of harsher -misrepresentation and abuse than has been directed against any -politician since, Lord Randolph remained absolutely silent to the -public. He said nothing, he did nothing: and yet there were many close -observers of politics who thought more than once that all would fall -back into his hands, that Lord Salisbury would be forced to invite him -to rejoin upon terms or leave him to form a Government of his own. - -To Chamberlain, who had spoken of him in words of warm appreciation a -few days before--saying, among other things, that Lord Randolph -Churchill's position in the Government had been a guarantee that they -would not pursue a reactionary policy--he wrote with complete candour:-- - - - -December 24, 1886. - - Your letter just received and your speech gave me equal delight. I - told you that a Ministerial crisis was coming when you dined with - me, but I own I did not think that I should have failed to persuade - Lord S. to take a broad view of the situation. I had no choice but - to go; he had been for weeks prepared for it, and possibly courted - the crash. I did my best for his Government while I was in it, but - I had ceased to be useful.... Their innate Toryism is rampant and - irrepressible. - - Party papers seem to think the most awful crime which a modern - politician can commit is to have a spark of principle or a regard - for former pledges.... I feel much in the dark as to the future; - my position is completely _declasse_. I hear the Carlton would like - to tear me limb from limb; and yet does no blame or responsibility - attach [to Lord S.?] The anxiety of the last two days has made me - very seedy. - -His mother had, as usual, a somewhat more hopeful account. - - - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall: December 28, 1886. - - I have as yet no news. Hartington may join. Goschen is to meet him - in Paris to-morrow; it all depends whether he can be re-elected or - not. Wolff is too faithful for description. I am pleased with the - general tone of the Press. I expected it to be much worse. I can't - bear to leave this room, where I can sit and think and hear - everything quickly. The matter is very critical, but by no means - desperate, and may drag on indefinitely for some days. - - I am very well and in very good spirits. Please do not worry about - me or put off your journey. - -The pleasant party at Howth, to which he had been looking forward, must -be forsaken. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Justice FitzGibbon._ - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: December 24, 1886. - - You see my Irish hopes are shattered. I mean the Howth hopes. I - have nothing to do but to keep very quiet for the moment, and - pleasure is out of the question. - - I hope you do not blame me hastily. It was certain to come, and - delay produced danger. - - I should like to tell you all about it; it is too long to write. - - I feel rather seedy, as the anxiety has wearied me awfully; so do - not write more. - - - - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: December 26, 1886. - - I cannot manage Howth this year, though you must know what a - disappointment to me it is not to join you. But I should be a - wet-blanket altogether, and, moreover, I could not stand the - 'Tutissimus.'[60] He would drive me wild with his airs of moral - triumph and success. - - What a time we are having! Lord S. has committed a capital blunder - in again prostrating himself before Hartington. Why did he not set - his back to the wall and go on, _coute que coute_? Still, you must - not think I have any illusions about myself. In inflicting on the - old gang this final fatal blow, I have mortally wounded myself. But - the work is practically done; the Tory Party will be turned into a - Liberal Party, and in that transformation may yet produce a - powerful governing force. If not, G.O.M., Labby, anarchy, &c., are - triumphant. - - Interesting times, my dear FitzGibbon! I wonder what old Ball says. - -So far as the political world was concerned, he contented himself with -writing a private letter to Mr. Akers-Douglas for the assurance of his -political friends and for the information of Conservative members of -Parliament who might inquire. It is remarkable that this letter has -never yet been published:-- - - - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: New Year's Day, 1887. - - My dear Douglas,--Having noticed in the newspapers this morning a - variety of mischievous nonsense taking the form of statements as to - my reasons for quitting the Government, my views as to what would - be necessary to secure my return to the Government, and suggestions - as to terms of reconciliation, I think it proper in the public - interest, and as much for purposes of future record as for any - other more immediate object, to lay before you my views on the - position. - - The primary object of all government at the present moment is to - maintain the Union, to maintain it not for a session or for a - Parliament, but for our time. The maintenance of the Union is, to - my mind, in no way a question of men, but entirely a question of - measures and administration. Mr. Gladstone has identified the - Liberal party with the policy of Repeal; he has behind him - Scotland, Wales and Ireland, and no inconsiderable portion of - England. In the event of the Conservative Government and party - pursuing in the coming session a policy, foreign and domestic, - which for one reason or another becomes unpopular with, and is - discredited in the eyes of, that great portion of the English - electorate which, after a tremendous struggle, has been kept true - to the principle of the Union, the inevitable result will be that - at the next election Mr. Gladstone and the Liberal party will - return to power, pledged to immediate Repeal, and in a position to - give immediate effect to their pledge. - - The composition of the present Parliament renders it a matter of no - insuperable difficulty to carry on the government of the Queen for - a session or two, or even longer, _tant bien que mal_; but such a - proceeding, so limited and so narrow in its view, would be, to my - mind, the most fallacious and dangerous of statesmanship. From the - time when I joined the Government I have never taken my eyes off - the next General Election. My one desire has been that Lord - Salisbury should be in a position to go boldly to the country at - any moment, confident of popular support. To this end every word of - advice on any subject which I have ever offered him has been - directed, and it was only when it was forced upon me that these - views did not practically commend themselves either to him or his - colleagues that I took the grave and serious step of releasing - myself from all responsibility for a policy which in two or three - years would, as far as human judgment may be exercised in such a - matter, have led straight to Repeal. - - A foreign policy which may at any moment involve this country in a - European war; a domestic policy which would be marked by stagnation - rather than progress; free expenditure, necessitating continued - high taxation, when combined with the defence of the Union, would - without doubt weigh down and crush out of all popular life that - great and vital Imperial principle. Not only so, but a policy of - which the above were the main characteristics not only involved so - insignificant a person as myself in a marked violation of pledges - given to the public, but also to all intents and purposes the - entire Conservative party in the House of Commons. From 1880 to - 1885 every Conservative speaker on every public platform has - proclaimed, with every variety of style and paraphrase, that the - Liberal party have been false to their traditions, and that 'Peace, - Retrenchment and Reform' could only be practically given effect to - by the Tories. Nor can it be doubted that this persistent iteration - of a political position which, so far as the Liberals were - concerned, could be demonstrated by facts, produced an immense - effect upon the masses in the great English towns. Should, however, - the results of a year or two of Tory government show that the - accusations against the Tory party so constantly made by the - Liberals--namely, that the Tory party are the war party, that they - are the extravagant party, that they are the do-nothing and - obstructive party--can be demonstrated by actual facts and events, - it seems certain that the great town electorate, which we have had - so much trouble in winning, will sway back violently to the Liberal - party, their earlier love, and that the disaster of 1880 will be - repeated on a larger scale and with more deadly effect. - - To avert such a disaster there is nothing I would not do, nothing I - would not sacrifice; but if the catastrophe must come, I will not - that anyone shall be able to say that any large portion of - responsibility rested upon me. - - It was if possible by a desperate effort (so profoundly was I - convinced of the magnitude of the peril into which the Tory - Government and party were drifting by looking too much to tiding - over the difficulties of the moment, and not at all to the next - General Election) to rouse my friends to a sense of the position - that I resigned my office and incurred with much equanimity the - tornado of slander, obloquy and every variety of misrepresentation - that friends, and possibly even colleagues, have let loose upon me. - - I seek for no re-entry into the present Government; I decline to - commence any undignified or unworthy bargaining and huckstering as - to the terms of reconciliation; but this I say--that if by any - coalition, fusion or reconstruction a Government is formed which by - its composition and its policy will be an earnest and a guarantee - to the country that a period of peaceful progressive administration - has in reality set in, I would serve that Government with the - utmost loyalty in any capacity, however humble, either as a member - or a follower, only too glad that by any sacrifice or any action of - mine I might possibly have averted danger to the State. - - Furthermore, this I add: that whatever course the Prime Minister - may take at this moment, he need not for one moment fear the - smallest opposition, direct or indirect, from me, in Parliament or - in the country. I shall make no further attempt to defend my - action, lest by any such attempt I might, even by one iota, - increase the difficulties which surround him; but, recognising to - the full my great fallibility of judgment, I shall watch silently - and sadly the progress of events. - -Believe me to be -Very sincerely yours, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Mr. Chamberlain's comment was characteristic:-- - - - -Highbury, Moor Green, Birmingham: January 3, 1887. - - My dear Churchill,--I return your very interesting Memorandum. If I - had been you I do not think I should have added the last paragraph. - When a man says that in no case will he return a blow, he is very - likely to be cuffed. - - However, I dare say Lord Salisbury will not take you too literally - at your word, and will avoid any extreme test of your most - Christian disposition. - - I heard before I left that Goschen was likely to join. He will - certainly carry no one else with him, but he may be able to commit - Hartington to a more unqualified support than he would otherwise - have given to a purely Tory Government. - - I understood that one cause of his hesitation was his fear that you - would be actively hostile, if he took your place. Probably he has - since been reassured by a sight of your letter to Akers-Douglas. - - I do not know yet whether anything will come of negotiations - between the Gladstonians and the Radical Unionists. I never felt - less like 'a surrender' in my life, and Labouchere and his crew may - put what interpretation they like on the matter, but they will not - be able to show that I have advanced one iota from the position of - my telegram to the Unionist meeting, extended as it was by my - speech in Birmingham. - - The future is still obscure to me, but the game is exceedingly - interesting at this moment. - -Yours sincerely, -J. CHAMBERLAIN. - - - -Another explanation was not neglected:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Sir Henry Ponsonby._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: January 13, 1887. - - Dear Sir Henry Ponsonby,--I saw His Royal Highness the Prince of - Wales to-day, and from an observation which he made I learnt for - the first time on authority that the publication of the news of my - resignation took place before the matter had been made the subject - of official communication to Her Majesty, and that in so far as my - action was responsible for such publicity the Queen had cause for - displeasure with me. - - I am much grieved at this news, and anxious to place on record the - facts bearing upon the matter as they are known to me. On Thursday, - December 18, I had a long conversation with Lord Salisbury, in - which I intimated to him that the expenditure proposed for the - Army and Navy was considerably higher than what I could be - responsible for in view of my reiterated public pledges as to the - necessity for and possibility of retrenchment. On Monday, the 20th, - I had a long conversation with the Secretary of State for War, and - a written communication from the First Lord of the Admiralty which - confirmed me in the views which I had communicated to Lord - Salisbury on the previous Thursday. - - On Monday, the 20th, in the evening, I wrote from Windsor to Lord - Salisbury intimating my desire to withdraw from the Government. - - It would have been a source of immense relief to me if I had been - able to acquaint Her Majesty with what was passing when I had the - honour of dining at Windsor, but my great want of experience of - official life led me to believe that had I initiated so grave a - matter in the conversation which Her Majesty was graciously pleased - to hold with me I should have been guilty of a most unusual breach - of etiquette and of Ministerial practice and decorum: all the more - as no opening presented itself for bringing up the subject, though - in truth my mind was entirely absorbed by it. - - Lord Salisbury received my letter early Tuesday morning, the 21st, - and no answer from him reached me till eight o'clock on Wednesday - evening--a considerable interval, remembering the proximity of - Hatfield either to Windsor or London. Lord Salisbury's answer was - of a most definite character, accepting my resignation; and bearing - in mind the interval which had elapsed, I made perfectly certain - that the fullest communications on the subject had passed between - Her Majesty and Lord Salisbury, and that Lord Salisbury's answer - was written with Her Majesty's knowledge. In fact, it never crossed - my mind that the reverse could be the case, and I thought myself - justified in no longer making any secret of the fact that I no - longer had the honour of belonging to the Government. If I erred in - this, it was from ignorance and from misunderstanding, and not the - least from design and I would be intensely distressed if it might - be supposed that by any action of mine I had been wanting in that - profound respect to Her Majesty which it is the high and grateful - duty of all to render, and which Her Majesty's most gracious - treatment of myself on several occasions doubly and trebly imposed - upon me. - - Perhaps indeed I am doing wrong in making you this communication. - If so, I trust to your kindness to inform me on the subject before - making any use of this letter. - -Believe me to be -Yours very truly, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -The reply was frigid:-- - - - - _Sir Henry Ponsonby to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -Osborne: January 15, 1887. - - Dear Lord Randolph,--The Queen has read your letter relating to the - announcement of your resignation before it had been accepted by Her - Majesty; and commands me to thank you for your explanation. - -Yours very truly, -HENRY PONSONBY. - - - -It was about this time, when many from whom he might have expected -service were falling away, that Lord Randolph received the sympathy and -support of an able man with whom during the next four years he was to be -associated, and from whom he was ultimately destined to part in very -gloomy circumstances. Mr. Louis Jennings, the Conservative member for -Stockport and a full-blooded Fair Trader, looked upon 'Tory Democracy' -as a living political faith. He was a man of strong character and -extensive information who had reached the House of Commons late in life, -after a varied career. He had travelled widely, and had taken an active -part in the politics of other countries than his own. As the editor of -the _Times of India_ he had been largely concerned in the agitation -which had led to the suppression of the Juggernaut ceremonial. With the -_New York Times_ as his weapon he had broken up, by a prolonged and -pitiless audit of their accounts, the Tammany Ring in 1871; and, after a -struggle in which his life was said to be in danger, he had hunted the -notorious 'Boss' Tweed to the gaol in which he died. Taught alike by -experience and study, a man of action and a writer, Mr. Jennings was -well fitted to become an effective political force, and, as the editor -of the Croker papers, he did not lack recognition in the world of -letters. He now made himself known to Lord Randolph Churchill in a style -which expresses the sincerity of his feelings and reveals the -slenderness of their acquaintance:-- - - - -73 Elm Park Gardens, S.W.: December 31, 1886. - - My Lord,--At a time when all the busybodies and nobodies in the - country are thrusting advice upon you I am very reluctant to appear - to join the throng. I hope, however, you will permit me to assure - you that I have tried to keep my own constituency from committing - the gross injustice of condemning a man before he is heard. For my - own part, it will take a great deal to convince me that in the - great sacrifices you have made, and the grave responsibilities you - have incurred, you have not been actuated by a high sense of duty - and by the purest and best motives. If this be so--as I feel sure - it is--there will be a reaction against all this wild clamour, and - the people will do you justice. - -I am, my Lord, -Yours very truly, -L. J. JENNINGS. - - - -Lord Hartington's determination having been made public, Lord Salisbury -next turned to Mr. Goschen. Mr. Goschen's position was different and -distinct from that of Lord Hartington. He was not tied to any particular -constituency, and in respect of a seat could avail himself of the large -resources of the Conservative party. He had for several years been out -of tune with the Liberal policy and, more than any other Whig, he had -been alarmed and estranged by the growing influence of Radicalism. He -had not joined the Government of 1880, and he was free alike from -responsibility for its failures and resentment towards its assailants. -Lord Hartington was the leader of a party with the obligations and -restrictions of leadership. Mr. Goschen was eminent, but detached. -Moreover, his high financial authority would strengthen the Government -at the very point where it had been most seriously weakened. He was now -invited to go to the Treasury, and it was generally believed that, -whatever temporary arrangements were made, the leadership in the Commons -would soon devolve upon him. - -Mr. Goschen nevertheless showed some hesitation in joining the -Government. To participate in a regular Coalition in company with -political friends wore a different complexion from entering the Cabinet -of the opposite political party alone. He desired most strongly to -preserve his relations with Lord Hartington and his character as a -Liberal; and even when reassured on these points he stipulated that two -other Whigs should be included in the Cabinet to give him countenance -and support. Places were thereupon offered to Lord Northbrook and Lord -Lansdowne. But at this the Conservative party, so far as it was -represented by the Carlton Club, again showed such disapproval that -these peers felt it their duty to decline office, and in the end Mr. -Goschen was fain to join without them. For the rest, Mr. Smith became -First Lord of the Treasury, with the leadership of the House of Commons; -Stanhope took the War Office and Sir Henry Holland the Colonies; while -Lord Salisbury himself assumed, none too soon, the direction of foreign -affairs. - -Mr. Goschen's acceptance of office definitely put an end to the Cabinet -crisis. 'The new Chancellor of the Exchequer,' observed the _Times_ -tartly, 'will take Lord Randolph Churchill's place in more senses than -one.' The Government was completely reconstituted, and no expectation of -overtures or reconciliation could be entertained. It has in consequence -often been represented that this appointment was to Lord Randolph a -contingency utterly unforeseen. The saying, so often attributed to him, -'I forgot Goschen,' is interpreted as a key to deep designs. In an -elaborate calculation he had overlooked a vital factor. In the moment of -success he was ruined by an inexplicable neglect. The evidence upon -these pages does not sustain this view. He marshalled no forces against -the Prime Minister. With an imprudence born of repeated success, he -prepared no combination, either of circumstances or men, to support his -demands. He went into battle without allies or armour. He set his -unaided personal power--as he had often done before--to back his -opinions, and awaited the issue with an easy mind. He had not, of -course, considered Mr. Goschen's financial reputation in connection with -a vacancy at the Exchequer; but, so far from forgetting Mr. Goschen -himself, he was constantly solicitous for him. A Coalition with all or -any of the Whigs had been for three years his consistent and persistent -aim. After the election of 1885 he was willing to resign, that Mr. -Goschen might join the Administration. In his memorandum written before -the first meeting of Parliament in 1886 he again strongly pressed upon -Lord Salisbury that places should be offered to the Whigs, including Mr. -Goschen. In November he was concerned that Mr. Goschen should be elected -to Parliament and urged Lord Salisbury to put him forward for a seat -which might soon be vacant. And lastly, on December 18, two days before -his letter of resignation, when the dispute in the Cabinet was at its -height, both Lord Salisbury and Mr. Goschen were his guests at a dinner -the avowed object of which was to bring them together. However decisive, -however disastrous to Lord Randolph the inclusion of Mr. Goschen in the -Government at this time may have been, it was no surprise; for he had -always been its advocate. It was not fatal to his schemes; for there -were no schemes. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Dunraven._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: January 12, 1887. - - My dear Dunraven,--I consider honestly that you are quite as good a - judge as to what the political position requires from moderate - progressive politicians as I am. You have seen all the - correspondence between me and Lord Salisbury, as well as my letter - to Akers-Douglas, about which last Lord S. says it makes the breach - unbridgeable. Therefore my explanation, when it comes, will add - little or nothing to your knowledge. - - With respect to persons like ----, ----, &c., whom I look upon as my - friends, I have been most careful to check any tendency to follow - my example, for resignation might be fatal to their political - career, on which they depend almost for social existence, and I was - most fearful of any responsibility attaching to me for having led - them to extinction. - - With you I feel in a different position. You have a social and - political position of your own, which the holding of a minor office - in the Government by no means enhances, and which the loss of such - an office would by no means affect. - - Tory Democracy may be a bad name, but it represents to you and me - and many more certain distinct political principles which you and I - hold very strongly. That those principles are in the utmost peril - just now there can be no doubt. We know what Lord Salisbury is, and - we know what Goschen is, and we know that our views are regarded by - both with unrelenting distrust and aversion. - - On the whole, I think you are in a position to try a bold course; - and you must not undervalue your strength in the country, where you - are well known, followed by many, and greatly regarded by all. - However, let us talk it over this afternoon at the Carlton. - -Yours ever, -RANDOLPH S. C. - - - -Eventually Lord Dunraven decided to resign the office which he held, of -Under-Secretary for the Colonies; but his partnership with Lord -Randolph Churchill proved in the end more noticeable at Newmarket than -at Westminster. - -Perhaps some day it may be possible to publish in a complete form the -letters, some of which have been quoted in these pages, which passed -between Lord Salisbury and Lord Randolph Churchill during their eventful -association. Although the period scarcely extended above two years, the -correspondence would attain considerable dimensions. Yet the reader -would be wise to persevere: for when we consider the easy yet forceful -pens employed; the profound and secret knowledge of political movements -and forces at work which both possessed; the importance, range and -fascinating variety of subjects; the changing relationships and -antagonisms of the writers; above all, the free and candid style of -their intercourse--whether in regard to men or things--one cannot -imagine any compilation which would more truthfully illuminate the dark -and stormy history of those times. All that, however, is a matter for -the future. Such as it had been, the correspondence was now to close, -for hardly any communication--and that only of a formal nature--was -desired on either side in the years which followed. Nevertheless, its -conclusion was not unworthy. - -Lord Iddesleigh had been apparently forgotten in the reconstruction of -the Cabinet. In the strife and excitement of these harsh days this -unwarlike figure had dropped out of men's minds. Lord Salisbury's -assumption of the Foreign Office necessarily displaced him; and he was, -perhaps not unreasonably, offended to read the first news of it in the -daily papers of January 12. It was said by the wags that 'Randolph had -driven him from the House of Commons in his rise, and from the Cabinet -in his fall.' Tragedy, never very far behind the curtain, came forward -swiftly on the heels of this. That same afternoon Lord Iddesleigh called -upon Lord Salisbury at Downing Street, and, being overtaken in the -anteroom by the heart disease from which he had so long been afflicted, -he expired in the presence of the Prime Minister. - -The disputes between Lord Randolph Churchill and Sir Stafford Northcote -have been very fully recorded in this story; and I fear their harsh -features cannot truthfully be softened or smoothed away. They must be -judged as a whole and in relation to the circumstances of the time. Here -is the last word upon them:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: January 13, 1887. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--Although a great and wide political - difference has separated me from you officially, I cannot refrain - (even possibly at the risk of being misunderstood) from writing you - a line to express how greatly I grieve for the shock you must have - experienced owing to the melancholy occurrence of yesterday - afternoon. It seems very hard on you that this grave event should - have come now to add its own weight to the many other troubles and - worries which circumstances purely political have occasioned. - - I felt much the old Lord's death, for he had for years past gone - through much bother, disappointment, and probably vexation, nor - can I conveniently repress the reflection _quorum pars magna fui_. - But this I can say from my own knowledge, consisting of the - recollection of many facts and conversations, that never in public - life did any man have a truer friend and colleague than Lord - Iddesleigh had in you; and certainly if rewards, honours and the - praise of men are sources of satisfaction, Lord Iddesleigh enjoyed - them in a fuller measure than any other contemporary, and that he - did so I consider to be mainly owing to the unwavering loyalty with - which you invariably supported him, checked all depreciation, and - stimulated constant recognition of his public services. - - I like to place this on record, though possibly it may be deemed - somewhat presumptuous, for it has been my fortune in the last two - or three years to see as much almost perhaps as anyone into the - inner and more concealed working of our party life. - -Believe me to be, with much sympathy, - -Yours most sincerely, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -Hatfield House, Hatfield, Herts: January 14, 1887. - - My dear Randolph,--I am very grateful for the kind sympathy - expressed in your letter of yesterday, and very much touched by it. - Your testimony to my bearing towards our old friend in the past is - thoughtful and generous. - - It was a very painful scene that I witnessed on Wednesday in - Downing Street. I had never happened to see anyone die before--and - therefore, even apart from the circumstances, the suddenness of - this unexpected death would have been shocking. But here was, in - addition, the thought of our thirty years' companionship in - political life; and the reflection that now, just before this - sudden parting, by some strange misunderstanding which it is - hopeless to explain, I had, I believe for the first time in my - life, seriously wounded his feelings. As I looked upon the dead - body stretched before me I felt that politics was a cursed - profession. - - I have received very kind and considerate letters from his family. - - Thanking you again for the thoughtfulness of your letter, - -Believe me -Yours very truly, -SALISBURY. - - - -As the time for the meeting of Parliament drew near, it was necessary -for Lord Randolph to think very carefully upon the explanation he would -offer for the unexpected events of the Recess. Circumstances complex and -adverse made his position one of extreme disadvantage. It was hardly -possible for him to move in any direction without estranging friends or -exposing himself to enemies. - -The spirit of his differences with Ministers was vital, but the actual -matter in dispute could only be regarded as trivial. Two courses -therefore presented themselves at the outset: either to fight on the -large ground of the unsatisfied aspirations of Tory Democracy, as set -forth in his letter to Mr. Akers-Douglas, or upon the small ground of -the Estimates. The first involved a downright assault upon the -Conservative Government, an irreparable breach with its leaders, and the -breaking of many old friendships and associations. The second whittled -the difference down to a question of not very important figures, on -which Parliament must soon decide. The one promised a chance of -successful strife, the other offered a prospect of reconciliation; the -one led soon into very deep waters, the other lay among the shallows. -But, in all respects save one, the first was the path of courage, of -consistency and perhaps of prudence also. It suited his nature. It freed -his hands. It justified and explained his action in a manner which the -people could easily understand. 'I fondly hoped to make the Conservative -party the instrument of Tory Democracy. It was "an idle schoolboy's -dream." I must look elsewhere.' - -No doubt that was the road to tread. It might have ended in Liberalism; -but from that he would not at a later date have shrunk. Chamberlain and -Rosebery were better friends to him personally and politically than -Smith or Hamilton or Balfour could ever be. To act with the Conservative -party meant political paralysis, perhaps for years. To stand -independently, or upon a moderate Liberal platform, putting away once -and for all any thought of reconciliation, meant usefulness, support and -growing power. But one great barrier interposed. The Union was a cause -to which he was pledged, not only by memorable votes and speeches, but -by profound and unalterable conviction. - -So this first course, with its various chances, was forbidden. The -second was scarcely more satisfactory and far less congenial. In -whatever proportion he restricted the dispute to a mere question of -expenditure, he deprived himself of the power of defending his -resignation, and therefore weakened his position with the country. To -fight on finance alone, when the other differences were known to his -late colleagues, looked like repentance and admission of error. It was a -course which counted on generosity where generosity was lacking; which -counted on gratitude for past services, while in politics present and -proximate utility is mainly considered; and it was a course requiring in -an unusual degree patience and restraint. But, so far as outside -influences could avail, this course was made easy for him. His friends -and his family besought him not to break with his party. Ministers -addressed him in terms uniformly friendly and considerate. 'The subject -on which he parted from us,' wrote Lord Salisbury to the Duchess of -Marlborough on January 11, 'is one which the House of Commons must -decide one way or the other very shortly, and no one would dispute that -its decision, once gained, must be accepted. After that it will be quite -open to Randolph to rejoin this or any other Conservative Ministry as -soon as opportunity occurs.' - -And Mr. Smith on the 13th:-- - - You have a perfect right to hold the views you expressed to me in - my room. I differed then and now from you, but it may turn out that - you are right and that I am wrong, and I shall accept a - demonstration of that fact without the very slightest personal - annoyance. - - But, however that may be, all that has happened is an incident in - the career of a young politician of quite a temporary character, - and, unless my life is cut short as Northcote's has been, I look - forward with confidence to a future--and the sooner it comes the - better--when I shall be in the retirement I long for, and you will - be leading a great party with prudence and firmness and courage. - -Lord Randolph chose to follow the second course; he avowed himself an -independent supporter of the Government, and his formal request for -permission to explain made no allusion to differences on foreign policy -or legislation. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: January 18, 1887. - - Dear Lord Salisbury,--May I ask you to be so kind as to obtain for - me Her Majesty's permission to make to the House of Commons the - necessary explanation of my reasons for quitting the Government? I - propose, if this permission is granted, to state briefly the nature - and amount of the expenditure to which I objected, to answer with - equal brevity certain precipitate criticisms on that resignation to - which many Members of Parliament and much of the Press are - committed, and to conclude by reading the three letters which - passed between us, viz. mine of the 20th, yours of the 22nd, and my - reply of the same date. - -Believe me to be -Very truly yours, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - - _Lord Salisbury to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -10 Downing Street, Whitehall: January 19, 1887. - - My dear Randolph,--In pursuance of a message I got from you through - Douglas I asked and obtained the requisite permission when I was at - Osborne the other day. The form in which you propose to give your - explanation seems to me quite correct. - -Believe me -Yours very sincerely, -SALISBURY. - - - -Mr. Goschen having failed to secure election at Liverpool, Parliament -met upon January 27 without a Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Speaker -had indicated the proper time for explanation; and when Lord Randolph -Churchill rose, immediately after the notices of motion, from the second -bench above the gangway, the appearance of the House was a proof of the -interest with which that explanation was awaited. He followed -punctiliously the course he had indicated in his letter to the Prime -Minister; and his tone, though a little sarcastic, was not at all -unfriendly to the Government. As a statement his speech was -unexceptionable in all respects; as an explanation it was necessarily -inadequate. Little was added to the knowledge of the public; and -although the calm antagonism of the letters on both sides was not -without its effect upon the House, the general feeling when he sat down -was of disappointment. This impression, which was deepened by a most -dreary fog which invaded the chamber, found abundant record in the -prints of next day. - -He spoke again three days later in the debate on the Address, following, -as it happened, in succession to Mr. Bradlaugh. Preserving throughout a -jaunty air of independence, he nevertheless made it perfectly clear that -he intended to remain a supporter of the Union and of the Conservative -Administration. He derided the Plan of Campaign, and defended and -eulogised, with humour and effect, the policy of the Chief Secretary, -who had been, as usual, assailed by the violence of one Irish party and -by the suspicions of the other, and who was, moreover, suffering from -the severe affection of the eyes which was soon to necessitate his -retirement. He pointed out that the Procedure proposals, for which he -had been personally so much attacked, were in precisely the same form as -when he resigned, and that the legislative programme of the gracious -Speech 'bore a strong family resemblance to that set forth in a certain -speech made in Kent not long ago.' He noticed the revival of the old -paragraph that the Estimates had been framed _with due regard to economy -and efficiency_. 'They must have been greatly altered,' he observed, -'since I left the Cabinet.' He spoke, in characteristic words--the truth -of which has not been unpaired by time--of the difficulties which the -House of Commons encounters in any attempt to control or even criticise -expenditure. - -But the passage of greatest significance referred to the Chamberlain -overtures and negotiations with the Gladstonian Liberals, which were at -that time taking the form of the celebrated Round Table Conference. 'I -notice,' he said, 'a tendency of the party of the Union to attach too -much importance to precarious Parliamentary alliances, which are as -transient and uncertain as the shifting wind, and too little to the far -more important question how to keep the English people at the back of -the party of the Union. When I was in the Government I made it my -constant thought and desire to make things as easy as possible for the -Liberal Unionists, to introduce such measures as they might -conscientiously support as being in accordance with their general -principles, and to make such electoral arrangements as might enable them -to preserve their seats. But I frankly admit that I regarded the Liberal -Unionists as a useful kind of crutch, and I looked forward to the time, -and no distant time, when the Tory party might walk alone, strong in its -own strength and conscious of its own merits; and it is to the Tory -party, and solely to the Tory party, that I looked for the maintenance -of the Union.' He went on to say that Mr. Chamberlain, in these -negotiations, was pursuing 'an erroneous and mistaken course.' 'The Tory -party will, I think, never follow a line of policy which by any -reasonable construction can create in Dublin anything in the nature of -an Irish Parliament. That is our clear position, from which, under no -pretence of local self-government, shall we depart; and it would be well -for the right honourable gentleman the Member for Birmingham, who is now -indulging in such extraordinary gyrations, to recognise that, whatever -schemes of Home Rule for Ireland may commend themselves to him, they are -not, under any circumstances, likely to commend themselves to members on -this side of the House.' - -These somewhat discursive observations were in themselves brilliantly -successful and were heard by the House with keen pleasure and attention. -'Very many thanks for last night,' wrote Beach; 'you are a good friend.' -But in spite of this, and although the intervention attracted so much -notice from subsequent speakers as to excite the remark that the debate -proceeded less upon the Queen's Speech than upon Lord Randolph -Churchill's, it cannot be called well conceived. The weak, and at the -same time the strong, point was the 'crutch.' Those who were independent -of such support laughed and laughed again; but the Liberal-Unionist -members, and those who owed their seats to Liberal-Unionist votes, were -at once offended and alarmed. Although intended in a spirit of sober -candour, it had about it a suspicion of reckless mischief, which his -many opponents were not slow to turn to profit. Mr. Chaplin belaboured -him vigorously in reply. The Unionist newspapers adopted uniformly an -attitude of solemn rebuke; and while Government speakers in a long -succession denounced or deplored such disrespect of loyal allies, Mr. -Jennings alone among his friends was able to offer an effective defence. -Moreover, the Liberal Unionists at this stage of their transition were -the natural and legitimate associates of a Democratic Tory. They looked -to the progressive elements in the Conservative party to make the -Unionist alliance easy in Parliament and to give them countenance in the -constituencies. Their leaders were far from being unsympathetic to the -cause of economy; and Chamberlain especially, who had shown himself -willing and anxious to co-operate in various ways, and whose position at -this time was difficult, delicate and insecure, had, it must be -admitted, good grounds for his complaint. - - - - _Mr. Chamberlain to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Private._ - -40 Prince's Gardens, S.W.: February 2, 1887. - - My dear Churchill,--Why will you insist on being an Ishmael--your - hand against every man? Why did you go out of your way on Monday to - attack me? - - You know that I am the mildest of men, but I have a strong - inclination to hit out at those who strike me, and my experience - teaches me that no private friendship can long resist the effect of - public contest. - - You and I have plenty of enemies. Is it not possible for us each - to pursue his own way without coming into personal conflict? - - Surely we shall have our hands fully occupied without tearing out - each other's eyes. - -Yours sincerely, -J. CHAMBERLAIN. - - - -Lord Randolph seems to have realised that there was for the moment -nothing that he could usefully do; and on the morrow of his speech he -came suddenly to a decision. - - - - _To his Mother._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: February 2, 1887. - - After great reflection and balancing of everything I have decided - upon a little holiday abroad and am off to-morrow night. I shall be - away, I expect, about six weeks, and H. Tyrwhitt and I contemplate - going to Algiers, Tunis, Malta, Palermo, Naples, and so home. It - will, I think, be a grand rest for me, and good for the nerves. I - don't see that I can do any good by hanging on here day after day. - The Address will go on for a long time; then will come Procedure, - then Coercion; so that when I come back they will not be much - further ahead than they are now. I think my speech last night did a - lot of good, and H. Chaplin's violent attack shows how much the - enemy is alarmed. I am told H. C. did not go down very well, and - Jennings answered him capitally. George[61] will watch after my - interests, and I shall ask him to take charge of my correspondence. - - I have no information as to what is passing inside Ministerial - circles, but I have an instinctive feeling that all is not right - and that they will come to grief. Beach was very grateful to me for - what I said about him. - - I wish I could have seen you before going, for a farewell talk over - everything. I have a lot to do to put things in order and to get - ready. - -To Chamberlain he wrote (February 3) in amicable terms, not withdrawing -in any way from his discouragement of the Round Table Conference, but -indicating his difficulties and announcing his project. 'I do not think -I said anything which ought even to ruffle our private friendship, -which--though it may seem a paradox to say so--is one of the chief and -few remaining attractions of political life. For the moment I am quite -tired and worn out. "Many dogs have come about me, and the council of -the wicked layeth siege against me." Therefore I seek a temporary refuge -and repose in a flight to the south and to the sun.' - -His friends, for the most part, thought him right to go. 'Be of good -cheer,' wrote the warm-hearted Jennings; 'you are by no means alone. As -for the men whom you have put into office, or who would not be in office -but for you, their conduct makes me sick. I am very glad you are going -away for rest and change. It will give time for events to shape -themselves; and when you are gone, you will be missed, and kinder -feelings will enter into the consideration of your position. You could -not do much good just now, and anything that went wrong would be laid on -your shoulders. You will come back in time to save both party and -Ministry from the consequences of their own incapacity. My deepest -sympathies will always be with you in your unequal, but just and -honourable, struggle. I would stake my life upon your ultimate -success.' Sometimes, perhaps, these wagers are accepted. - -The next night--February 3--Lord Randolph left England, and I shall not -offer to the reader other accounts of his wanderings than his own. - - - - _To his Wife._ - -February 9, 1887: Hotel Regence, Algiers. - -...It is certainly very pleasant getting away from the cold and - worry of London. I have hardly given two thoughts to politics since - I left; but I wonder whether there is still much carping going on - against me, or whether my flight has disarmed my enemies. - - - - - _To his Mother._ - -Biskra: February 15, 1887. - - I suppose this will find you back in London. I was so glad to get - your letter, long and interesting, from the Castle. I expect you - must have found it pleasant there on the whole. If anything could - remove any lingering doubts I may have had as to the prudence of - leaving the Government, it would be the charm of this place, which - I should not have experienced except for that rather strong - proceeding. - - The weather is beautiful--the air quite cold, and the sun not too - hot. We shall remain here till the end of the week. Harry Tyrwhitt - is a most amiable companion, and possesses the additional - qualification of being fond of chess, so we are never at a loss to - pass the time. - - We had a long drive from Batna, twelve hours, but through an - attractive and varied country. This place is right in the true - desert, and is a great grove of palm-trees of all sorts, shapes and - sizes, difficult to get to, but well worth the trouble. In another - two years they will have finished the railway right up to here, - and then the quiet of the place will probably be spoilt. - - We shall leave Friday or Saturday for Constantine, and then on to - Tunis. I saw in a French paper that Goschen had got in, but it did - not give the numbers. However, I confess I do not think much of - politics, and rejoice over my freedom and idleness--which I hope - will not shock you. - - - - - _To his Mother._ - -Constantine: February 21, 1887. - - I was so glad to find here, on arrival last night, your two letters - of the 10th and 12th. I read and pondered very carefully all you - wrote about what Ashbourne said. But I do not think there will ever - be any question of my rejoining the present Government. When the - old gang with their ideas are quite played out and proved to be - utter failures, then, perhaps, people will turn to the young lot. - Till this time comes, and I do not think it is far off, I must wait - patiently. I consider my position a very good one, and, though it - may seem a strange thing to say, better than if I was in my old - place in the Government. I am not mixed up or responsible for their - policy or their proceedings, which are, I think, faulty and feeble - and hopelessly inadequate to what the times require. I am very glad - Dunraven resigned. He is a man of considerable importance, and has - made a position for himself with the working men. - - I am so glad you liked Ireland, and I delight to hear of - Castlereagh's success. I always felt sure he was admirably fitted - for the post. George writes me invaluable reports on House of - Commons affairs. I should like to form a Government, if only to - give him a real good place; his letters are most able. If you are - giving any little dinners, I wish you would ask Jennings, M.P. He - is a very clever man, and would interest you. - - This is certainly a pleasant and amusing country to travel in, if - only the hotels were a little better. The weather, though bright, - is not warm, and I wear thick clothes, as in England. - - We go to Tunis to-morrow. I am feeling very well, I am thankful to - say, and keep blessing my stars I am not in the House of Commons. - If people only knew how little official life really attracts me, - they would judge one's actions differently. - - - - - _To his Wife._ - -Tunis: February 25, 1887. - - We have decided to go on to Palermo to-night, for there is no other - boat till to-day week; and if it was stormy weather then, we should - have to cross whether we liked it or no--whereas now the weather is - beautiful and calm, so we take advantage of it to get over the - Mediterranean and hope to arrive at Palermo Saturday evening.... - This is a more interesting place than any we have yet seen--much - more truly Eastern. The old native bazaar is delightfully curious. - I bought you a few pieces of stuff which will serve to cover - cushions or to make portieres. Having once seen the town, there is - nothing much more to see, and I do not know how we should pass a - week here.... We passed through much beautiful country coming here - from Constantine; it is all well worth seeing. Last night we went - to see Aiss Sawa, an extraordinary troop of fanatic Arabs who dance - and yell, cut themselves with swords, and eat nails, broken glass - and scorpions. I think there is a good deal of humbug and trickery - in it; but it was very curious and very barbarous, and for noise a - pandemonium.... - - - - - _To his Wife._ - -Palermo: March 2, 1887. - - I have to-day got hold of a whole week's file of the Times, down to - the 25th, which has posted me up in political matters. I think the - Government are earning a rather second-rate kind of _succes - d'estime_, but I fancy I detect signs of feebleness and - inefficiency, which will become obvious when real difficulty - arises. I own W. H. Smith has done better than I expected, for I - expected a complete breakdown; but, having made that admission, his - speeches read to me most commonplace, and I think before long the - House and the party will get much bored with him. I am amused at - the Government surrender about my Army and Navy Estimates Committee - in reply to a question from George C.[62] I expect the Burnley - election quickened their sluggish economic impulses. The election I - look upon as very significant, and as bearing out what I wrote to - A. Douglas. They may plod on in Parliament, but they are losing - their hold on the imagination and enthusiasm of the country - generally. However, all this is speculation. In any case, I am in - no hurry to come home--and am, too, thankful I went away. Really I - have had a nice time hitherto.... - - - - - _To his Mother._ - -Messina: March 9. - - Here we are, caught like rats in a trap. Just as we were packing up - yesterday to leave for Naples it was announced that on account of - cholera at Catania quarantine had been imposed in Sicily, and that - we could not leave. This is a great blow, for we do not know how - long we may be detained here. There is nothing to see or do, and - the hotel is dirty and uncomfortable. We are in despair.... - - - - - _To his Wife._ - -Naples: March 12, 1887. - - I send you the enclosed under what the Foreign Office calls 'Flying - Seal,' which means you are to read it and send it on; it will tell - you of our proceedings. At last we have got here, but without - either servants or luggage; goodness knows when they will come. - Harry T. and I made up our minds we would not stand being detained - prisoners indefinitely at Messina. We made a fruitless application - to the Ambassador at Rome to be exempted from quarantine; all - regular steamboats had been taken off, and even if we had got a - passage we should have had to do five days' quarantine at Gaeta--a - horrible prospect. So we went to the Consul--a character he is! He - introduced us to a man who knew a man who knew some Sicilian - fishermen who for a consideration would put us across the Straits. - _Nous n'avons fait ni un ni deux_, but pursued the project. We - embarked in an open boat at eight o'clock on Wednesday evening in - Messina harbour, with nothing but a tiny bag and a rug, with a - dissolute sort of half-bred Englishman and Sicilian, to act as - interpreter and guide, and six wild, singing, chattering Sicilian - fishermen. We reached the Calabrian coast about 9.30; but the - difficulty was to find a landing-place where there were no - gendarmes or coastguards or inhabitants awake. The last danger was - the greatest, for the peasantry are awfully superstitious about - cholera, and are a wild, savage people; and we might have had rough - treatment if any number of them happened to see us. - - At last we found a little fishing village where all was quiet. In - we ran, out we jumped, and off went the boat like lightning. After - clambering up some precipitous rocks, fortunately without waking - anyone or breaking our necks, we found temporary shelter in a - miserable inn, where we represented ourselves as having come by - boat from Reggio, and being unable to get back on account of the - strong Sirocco wind which was blowing. We had to wait about an hour - here all alone, with two wild men and a wild woman, while our guide - was quietly endeavouring to find a conveyance. At last he got a - common cart, and about eleven o'clock we started for the house of - an Englishman at San Giovanni who has a silk mill, and to whom we - had a letter from the Consul. The innkeeper and his companions - asked a lot of tiresome questions and seemed very suspicious, but - in the end let us go quietly. Just after starting we met two - gendarmes, and afterwards two coastguards, but fortunately, they - asked no questions; so everything went well for some four or five - miles, except for the awful jolting of the cart, which exceeded - anything in the way of shaking you ever dreamt of. All of a sudden - the peasant who was driving the mule ran the cart against a great - stone, and sent us all flying into the road. I never saw such a - sprawling spill. Fortunately we were only shaken and dirty, but the - driver was much hurt, which served him right, and he groaned and - moaned terribly for the remainder of the journey; being a big fat - man, he had fallen heavily, and I should not be surprised if he had - since died. - - At last, at one in the morning, we reached the house we were - looking for, and had a great business to awaken the people; nor did - we know how we should be received, arriving in so strange a manner. - The Englishman, however, was very good, took us in, gave us supper, - and we lay quiet until the evening of the following day, when we - slipped into the direct train for this place, which we reached - without further trouble. But what a thing it is to have an evil - conscience! I kept thinking that every station-master and gendarme - on the road scrutinised us unnecessarily; and what a trouble and - scandal it would have made if we had been arrested and put in - prison! However, all is well that ends well, and I had the delight - of finding an immense bundle of letters from you and others at the - post here. We had to buy shirts and socks and everything, for we - were without change of any kind; and what the hotel people here - thought of us I cannot imagine. But they were civil and made no - remark. Our quarters are very comfortable after the filth of - Messina, and I think that our journey was adventurous enough to - have taken place a hundred years ago. - - I can quite understand the political situation, having read all you - and Curzon and Jennings wrote. For me it is not unsatisfactory; but - for the general Tory prospects it is most gloomy. What a fool Lord - S. was to let me go so easily! - - Give Winston the enclosed Mexican stamp. - - - - - _To his Mother._ - -Naples: March 14, 1887. - - I was very glad to get your letter of the 7th the day before - yesterday. We are very comfortable and happy here. The weather is - lovely and the hotel most comfortable. - - We have heard nothing yet of our servants and luggage, and conclude - they are still at Messina, unable to get away. How fortunate it was - for us that we made the bolt we did! I have not seen anyone here I - know, except one of the FitzGeorges. We have been to the opera and - the circus; both very good. We amuse ourselves by contemplating - excursions to Pompeii and even Vesuvius; but we are both such lazy - sightseers that I doubt whether we shall ever go there. Sitting in - the gardens listening to the band, or driving along the coast, is - more our line. - - I have just received a long and most interesting letter from - George. I cannot think for what political reasons anyone should - wish me to return; I could do no good. I make out from the papers - that since I left the Government the Estimates--Army and Navy, - supplementary and annual--have been reduced by over 700,000_l._ If - this is so, some friend in the House should proclaim it. If George - looks at two letters from Jackson[63] just after I went out, among - my papers, and at my speech on resignation, and compares them with - the Estimates actually produced, he will find out if I am right in - my supposition. He might ask Jackson, privately, as a friend, the - truth of the matter. You see, the Government have adopted my - suggestions as to the printed statements of Estimates and as to - Parliamentary Committee; so altogether my action is not unjustified - by events. - - Smith seems to make a poor Leader as far as debate goes. He seems - to leave the management of procedure to Raikes and Ritchie and to - be unable to take any part himself. I think they were very foolish - to accept that amendment of Hartington's; it makes them look more - than ever like a patronised and protected Government. Coercion will - be very difficult for them in view of the reported evidence of the - Cowper Commission. Many Tory M.P.s are pledged against Coercion, - and fear to lose their seats. Beach is a great loss to them in - respect of this question. However, all these things do not interest - me much. _Che sara sara._ - - I shall probably stop a few days in Paris, so as to let the House - rise for the Easter holidays, before I get back. I suppose I must - make a speech in Paddington in the holidays. George might ascertain - from Fardell what would be a good day. - -How men may for a time prosper continually, whatever they do, and then -for a time fail continually, whatever they do, is a theme in support of -which history and romance supply innumerable examples. This chapter -marks such a change in the character of the story I have to tell. -Hitherto the life of Lord Randolph Churchill has been attended by almost -unvarying success. His most powerful enemies had become his friends. His -instinct when to strike and when to stay was unerring. Fortune seemed to -shape circumstances to his moods. The forces which should have -controlled him became obedient in his service. The frowns of age and -authority melted at his advance, and rebuke and envy pursued him idly. -All this was now to be changed. During the rest of his public life he -encountered nothing but disappointment and failure. First, while his -health lasted, the political situation was so unfavourable that, -although his talents shone all the brighter, he could effect nothing. -Then, when circumstances offered again a promising aspect, the physical -apparatus broke down. When he had the strength, he had not the -opportunity. When opportunity returned, strength had fled. So that at -first, by sensible gradations, his political influence steadily -diminished; and afterwards, by a more rapid progress, he declined to -disease and death. - -When a politician dwells upon the fact that he is thankful to be rid of -public cares, and finds serene contentment in private life, it may -usually be concluded that he is extremely unhappy. Although Lord -Randolph's letters to his mother, to give her pleasure, were written in -a cheery and optimistic vein, there is no doubt that he felt very -bitterly the sudden reversal of his fortunes and the arrest of his -career. During this voyage, of which he gives so gay an account, he was -afflicted by fits of profound depression and would often sit by himself -for hours plunged in gloomy thought. And I think he had good reason to -be dejected; for although he had parted from his colleagues under all -guise of courtesy and good-will, he knew well that enormous barriers -were building themselves against him, and that no talents, no services, -no needs--short of the bluntest compulsion--would induce them to share -their power with him. - -Lord Randolph Churchill procured by his resignation almost every point -of detail for which he had struggled in vain in the Cabinet. The -reductions of 700,000_l._ in the Navy Estimates, which had been conceded -to his insistence, were ratified and maintained by his successor. The -Estimates for the Army, which had been declared utterly irreducible, -were reduced by 170,000_l._ after his resignation. The Supplementary -Estimate of 500,000_l._ for the defences of the Egyptian frontier, to -which he had long demurred, was promptly rejected by Mr. Goschen as an -unauthorised charge on British funds. He might therefore claim with -perfect truth that he had saved the taxpayers 1,400,000_l._; and -although our sense of financial proportion has been largely modified by -time, this was considered in those days a not insignificant sum. It is -not necessary here to examine the policy of these economies. It is -sufficient that they were strongly resisted, in spite of his advocacy, -while he was a member of the Government, and admitted on their merits -after he had resigned. - -The coaling stations--of such vital urgency in December 1886--were left -untouched by additional expenditure until 1888, and strengthened then -only to an inconsiderable extent. Seven coaling stations which figured -in the estimates presented to Lord Randolph Churchill--namely, Halifax, -Jamaica, St. Lucia, Esquimault, Ascension, Trincomalee and Sierra Leone, -have been in the light of modern experience reduced (1905) by -Conservative Ministers, the heirs of the Government of 1886, to -'skeletons,' on which no money is to be spent in peace time. - -The objections which Lord Randolph had entertained to the Eastern policy -which Lord Iddesleigh seemed inclined to pursue, were justified by Lord -Salisbury's action at the Foreign Office. All idea of interference in -the internal affairs of the Balkan States vanished so completely from -the minds of Conservative statesmen that it was held libellous to assert -that it had ever existed; and the instructions that were sent by the new -Foreign Minister to Sir William White, were of such a nature that Lord -Randolph could say of them, 'the English people may now be certain that -they are not likely to be involved in any European struggle arising out -of Bulgarian complications.' The new Procedure rules, which he had been -accused of forcing upon unwilling colleagues, were presented to -Parliament unaltered; the Local Government Bill took the extensive form -he had desired; the introduction of a Whig element into the Cabinet was -secured; and the Dartford programme, for which he had been condemned as -a Radical in disguise, became the prosperous and successful policy of -the Conservative party. The spirit of the Administration and the aims -which it pursued--at home, in Ireland, and abroad--in policy and in -administration, were indeed widely different from those of any -Government he would have guided; but in so far as the special points in -conflict were concerned, Lord Randolph Churchill's resignation was -vindicated in the most definite and tangible manner by the actions of -those who had most strenuously opposed him. - -All this availed him nothing. Ministers in plenty had quitted English -Governments before without dissociating themselves from the party to -which they belonged; but whether their course was inspired by honest -principle or dictated by unworthy motives, whether it was marked by -support of their successors or by intrigues and assaults to procure -their overthrow, scarcely one was more relentlessly assailed than Lord -Randolph Churchill. Even more pertinent and remarkable than the -resignation of Lord Palmerston in 1853 is the case of Lord Salisbury -himself. The Derby-Disraeli Ministry was in 1867 in a minority in the -House of Commons and their position was highly insecure. The question of -Reform pressed upon them, urgent and inevitable. A failure to deal with -it effectively, still more an attempt to shirk it, might have inflicted -enduring injury upon the Conservative party. Lord Salisbury met the Bill -with uncompromising opposition. When Mr. Disraeli stood firm, he -immediately resigned--and not alone; for by his personal influence he -carried with him both Lord Carnarvon and General Peel. In this crisis -nothing but the determination of Disraeli sustained the Government. Yet -Lord Salisbury by writings, by vigorous and even violent attacks, by -co-operation in Parliament with Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright, did not -hesitate to compass its defeat. And he was wrong! But how was he -treated? His good faith was never challenged; his disinterested -abandonment of great office was admired; his error was condoned. When -Disraeli returned to power in 1874 he allowed no prejudice or -consideration of former hostility to separate him from the man who had -dubbed him a 'political adventurer,' and it was upon that -association--stamped into the imagination of the people by the Congress -of Berlin, that Lord Salisbury's chief claim to leadership afterwards -rested. - -Why, then, was Lord Randolph Churchill so hardly used by the party which -owed so much to his efforts up till the year 1887, and might have often -been grateful for support, and more often still for silences, -afterwards? Why was such unusual and uncompromising advantage taken of -the false step he had made? No doubt much must be set down to the -animosities he had excited; much to the alarm of a Cabinet at so -impulsive and imperious a colleague; something to Lord Salisbury's -desire that the leadership of the House of Commons and all that might -follow therefrom should be secured to Mr. Balfour. Perhaps, too, they -felt less compunction in dealing with him than with an older man, and -thought with Smith that all this was 'only an incident in the life of a -young politician'; that ten years later, or twenty years even, he might -serve with his own contemporaries or lead a younger generation. Time -would cool the blood of the Reformer, and the experience of adversity -might temper an impatience born of extraordinary success. Little did -they know how short was the span, or at what a cost in life and strength -the immense exertions of the struggle had been made. That frail body, -driven forward by its nervous energies, had all these last five years -been at the utmost strain. Good fortune had sustained it; but disaster, -obloquy and inaction now suddenly descended with crushing force, and the -hurt was mortal. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -ECONOMY - - When I consider life, 'tis all a cheat; - Yet, fool'd with hope, men favour the deceit; - Trust on and think to-morrow will repay. - To-morrow's falser than the former day; - Lies worse; and while it says we shall be blessed - With some new joys, cuts off what we possest. - Strange cozenage! none would live past years again; - Yet all hope pleasure in what yet remain; - And from the dregs of life think to receive - What the first sprightly running could not give. - DRYDEN, _Aurung-Zebe_. - - -The position of a Minister who has withdrawn from a Cabinet is always -difficult and peculiar. If for the sake of some principle which he -considers vital he is prepared openly to attempt to wreck the Government -and inflict upon the party a defeat at the polls, and if the issue is -one which must soon be decided, the course, however painful, is plain. -He has only to drive steadfastly on through the storm, like Lord -Salisbury in 1867 or Lord Hartington in 1886, careless of consequences -so long as he does his duty, disdainful of the anger of friends, if he -holds them mistaken, and looking for vindication to the calm, just -judgments of the after-time. But if the question on which he has -separated from his colleagues is not paramount or urgent, and if, while -differing strongly from the Government, he is yet determined not to -injure the party from which that Government is drawn, his position -becomes impossible. The more powerful he has been, the more powerless he -becomes; the higher his office, the greater his fall. - -From his place in Parliament he is bound, in common-sense and -consistency, to uphold and justify his immediate contention. It may be -economy; it may be Free Trade. Whenever that subject is raised he must -be in his place, alike for his own defence and for the sake of his -cause, to show that there was good reason for his action and that the -public interest was at stake. If he feels strongly, he will speak -strongly. Convictions harden and grow, and differences magnify and -ossify as the controversy progresses. His party and his former -colleagues are embarrassed by his proceedings, however legitimate or -honest they may admit them to be. The more effective his advocacy, and -weighty his charges, the more they are resented. The Opposition are -naturally pleased. They take from the ex-Minister's statements whatever -they may consider useful to themselves and they employ his phrases and -arguments to belabour in the House and in the country the party and the -Government they are seeking to overthrow. Thus assailed, the Ministerial -press and the party machine--with all its scribes, agents, orators and -small fry--retaliate after their kind. In a hundred newspapers, from a -hundred platforms, hitherto voluble in his praise, the ex-Minister -becomes the object of depreciation and censure, expressed in varying -degrees of vulgar and untruthful imputation. And all the while, since he -will not declare general war upon his party, he is prevented from -defeating calumny by vigorous action or answering malice by attack. - -When Lord Randolph Churchill pressed his charges of extravagance and -inefficiency against the public departments, the party which happened to -be responsible at the time were themselves offended. When the -ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer urged the need of economy and spoke his -mind, in all courteous moderation, upon the financial policy of his -successor, the Government Whips whispered that it was only his jealousy -and spite. If, on the other hand, he had remained silent, the judgment -of the nation on the great question for which he had sacrificed so much -would have gone by default. To do nothing was to abandon his cause; to -move was to quarrel with his party. - -These embarrassments are only aggravated when the resigning Minister has -been exercising in the Cabinet a general authority over the whole field -of policy. As Leader of the House of Commons Lord Randolph had become -acquainted with almost every question which was likely at that time to -come before Parliament. On many of these he had formed strong views of -his own. He knew exactly how he had intended to handle them when they -became subjects of debate. When therefore he heard them mishandled, or -a course adopted at variance with Cabinet decisions he had previously -obtained, it was natural that he should wish to criticise or demur. Such -conditions pointed inevitably, if the tension were prolonged, to a total -rupture between the most patient ex-Minister and the most generous -Government; and Lord Randolph was not the most patient of men, nor the -Government the most generous of Governments. - -Looking back on the circumstances and events of those years in the light -of after-knowledge, there may be some who will find it easy to say what -Lord Randolph should have done after his resignation. He should have -stated the whole grounds of his difference with the Tory Cabinet, -minimising nothing, keeping nothing back. In two or three speeches in -Parliament and in the country he should broadly have outlined his -general political conception of the course the Conservative party should -follow, and then, unless he was prepared to wage relentless war upon the -Government for the purpose of compelling them to adopt that course, he -should forthwith have withdrawn himself entirely from public life. -Leaving his party in the place of power to which he had raised them, -with all the glamour of three years of cumulative and unexampled success -still untarnished, he might well have been content to stand for a season -apart from the floundering progress of the Administration, leaving to -others to muddle away the majority he had made. And he could have -counted, not without reason, upon the continued affection of the -Conservative working classes. The party press would have been silent or -even conciliatory. The relentless irritation of the machine would have -been prevented. As the years passed by and the discredit of the -Government increased, the Tory Democracy would have turned again to the -lost leader by whom the victories of the past had been won. - -Lord Randolph Churchill chose otherwise. He did not lay deep or long -plans. His nature prompted him to speak as he felt, and to deal with the -incident of the hour as it occurred. He was solemnly in earnest about -economy and departmental mismanagement. He wanted to curb expenditure; -and, while at that business, he was not at all concerned with his -'prestige' or his 'career.' Deeply injurious to himself and to his -influence with the Conservative party as his course ultimately proved, -it was at any rate perfectly simple and straightforward. He returned to -England at the end of March, and plunged at once into the vortex of -politics. In three speeches which he delivered during the month of April -to public audiences at Paddington (where he defended particularly his -resignation), at Birmingham, and at Nottingham, he made clear what his -attitude towards Lord Salisbury's Government would be. He was entirely -independent of that Government. He had resigned from it on important -grounds of difference. He desired a liberal and progressive policy in -domestic affairs, and he was determined to wage war on extravagance and -expenditure. But in the main lines of their policy he was a supporter of -the Government; and to the cause of the Union, as to the large and -permanent interests of the Conservative party, he remained perfectly -loyal. From these intentions he never in any degree varied or departed -in the years that followed. 'You are quite right,' he wrote to -FitzGibbon (November 5, 1887), 'in supposing that mere returning to -office has never been in my mind. I fight for a policy and not for -place; and when I go back to office (if ever) I shall have secured my -policy.' A Tory Democratic policy could only be furthered from within -the Conservative party, and to that party he faithfully adhered. Besides -Mr. Jennings, Lord Randolph had two good friends among the younger men -in the House of Commons--his brother-in-law, Lord Curzon, and Mr. Ernest -Beckett, the member for Whitby. These gentlemen stood by him, worked -with him, and rendered him many political services in the years that -followed his resignation, for which they were not extravagantly beloved -in the high places of their party. - -With these three exceptions the late Leader of the House of Commons was -entirely alone. To do him justice he made no effort to increase his -following and discouraged several who would have willingly worked with -him. Profoundly as he disagreed with much that the Government did, and -disliked the temper that inspired it, fiercely as he resented the Lobby -slanders and the steady detraction of the party press, never in the five -years that followed--the last five years, as they were fated to be, of -his physical strength--did he contemplate alliance of any sort with the -Liberal party or seek to cause cave, clique or faction in the -Conservative ranks. - -The introduction of the Budget on April 21 afforded Lord Randolph his -first opportunity of opening his 'economy' campaign. Mr. Goschen's -ingenious Budget differed widely from the ambitious proposals of his -predecessor. The reductions in the Estimates for which Lord Randolph had -fought were, indeed, maintained--and even increased. The result was a -surplus of 776,000_l._ This Mr. Goschen now increased by an addition to -the stamp duties, yielding 100,000_l._, and by a reduction of the -Sinking Fund and Debt Charge from 28 millions to 26 millions. The total -sum, amounting in the balance to a surplus of 2,779,000_l._, was to be -expended in taking a penny off the income-tax, at a cost of -1,560,000_l._; in reducing the duties on tobacco by 600,000_l._; and by -granting 330,000_l._ in aid of the local rates, leaving a final -estimated surplus of 289,000_l._ - -The Budget was, on the whole, applauded. The Conservative party, whose -consciences were a little uneasy on financial questions, were delighted. -The very questionable resort to the Sinking Fund--not for any special -emergency nor general scheme of fiscal revision, but simply for the -purpose of courting popularity by inconsiderable reductions of -taxation--was sustained by Mr. Goschen's financial record. 'Great,' -exclaimed Lord Randolph Churchill, 'is the worldly worth of a -reputation!' In complete good-humour, albeit with a sharp edge, he -rallied the Chancellor of the Exchequer--'the canonised saint of the -financial purists'--on his lapse from the austere principles he had -formerly professed; and both on the night of the Budget's introduction -and four days later when he spoke next after Mr. Gladstone, he addressed -to the Government and to the Conservative party earnest counsels of -retrenchment and departmental reform. He added:-- - - It is not necessary to touch the Sinking Fund. The Chancellor of - the Exchequer has ample resources at his disposal. If he leaves the - Sinking Fund alone, and remits a penny of the income-tax, he will - still have a balance of 400,000_l._ If he does not reduce the - income-tax, and prefers to take off the tobacco duty, he will have - a balance of 800,000_l._ If he touches neither of these, and - relieves the rates, he will have a balance of 300,000_l._ He can do - any of these things if he will only leave the Sinking Fund alone; - and he is touching it for a purpose so paltry and frivolous that I - fail to understand why it entered his mind. I pray the Chancellor - of the Exchequer to believe that I only make these remarks because - of my intense and earnest desire that the present Government--whose - career, I hope, is going to be a long one--may enter upon the paths - of financial stability. - -On this Mr. Gladstone enters in his diary: 'R. Churchill excellent.' - -The Parliamentary Committee on Army and Navy Estimates, for which Lord -Randolph had asked at the beginning of the year, had been promised by -the Government in reply to a question, put during his absence, by Lord -Curzon. But weeks and even months were allowed to slip by without the -necessary motion being made. When at length it was put on the paper it -was immediately blocked; and thus it would have probably remained. But -one day, when the first business happened to be the vote for the -decoration of Westminster Abbey, Lord Randolph asked abruptly if the -Government really meant to say that they considered the decoration of -Westminster Abbey more important than a Parliamentary inquiry into the -naval and military expenditure. After this the motion was put down at a -reasonable hour, and it passed by general consent. On May 14 Mr. Smith -wrote:-- - - - -10 Downing Street, Whitehall: May 14, 1887. - - My dear R. C.,--Before we proceed to nominate the Committee on Army - and Navy Estimates I should be glad to know if you would take a - leading place upon it. - - I cannot, of course, nominate the Chairman; but, so far as I am - concerned, I should be very glad indeed if you would take the - Chair, and I should say so to my friends, as I have complete - confidence that your influence would be exercised with absolute - impartiality and for the good of the public service. - -Believe me -Yours very sincerely, -W. H. SMITH. - - - -Lord Randolph replied at once in the affirmative; but the delay in -nominating the members continued, and his patience broke again:-- - - - -2 Connaught Place, W.: May 24, 1887. - - My dear Smith,--I must ask you to excuse me from having the honour - of dining with you to-night. The dinner is, of course, an official - one, and the names of the guests will be in the papers, and it will - be assumed by the public that those who dine with the Leader of - the House are thoroughly satisfied with the policy and conduct of - the Government. - - As far as I am concerned such an assumption would be entirely - unfounded. I have watched a great deal in the action of the - Government which I deplore more than I can say; but I cannot pass - over without notice your neglect to nominate the Army and Navy - Estimates Committee last night, or rather this morning, and your - postponing of that most important matter till after Whitsuntide. - The delay in appointing that Committee is scandalous and - inexcusable. It might long ago have commenced its work had the - Government been in earnest about the matter; but last night you - gave me a positive promise that you would nominate it without - further delay, and, relying on that, I spent the evening till 12.30 - in examination of the Estimates with two other gentlemen, and, - being then very tired, did not return to the House. I dare say you - are all right in thinking that you can afford to indulge in this - kind of treatment of one of your supporters, but you cannot expect - me to show publicly pleasure or satisfaction. _Hodie tibi, cras - mihi._ - -Yours very truly, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - -Smith replied softly:-- - - - -3 Grosvenor Place, London, S.W.: May 24, 1887. - - My Dear R. C.,--I am very sorry you do not dine with me this - evening, and still more for the cause. - - At half-past five this morning I moved that the Committee be - nominated, but I was met by cries from the other side of the House - that it was opposed, and by murmurs from our own benches, and I - felt it was impossible to proceed further at that hour with a jaded - and heated house. - - I am sure you would have done as I did if you had been in my place. - -Yours very sincerely, -W. H. SMITH. - - - -But the Committee was appointed without further delay. - -Meanwhile Lord Randolph had been industriously preparing his general -indictment of War Office and Admiralty maladministration. To the -intricate and detailed information which he had acquired at the -Treasury, he added a mass of material accumulated with the greatest care -and trouble by Mr. Jennings and amplified and checked by various expert -authorities, with whom he was in communication. Basing himself on this -and on the papers presented to Parliament he formulated his charges at -Wolverhampton on June 3. He seems to have believed sincerely that it -would be possible for him to effect a large reduction in the cost of -government. He recalled to his mind the fact that the Government of 1860 -was determined on a retrenchment policy, and the Army and Navy Estimates -were in five years reduced from 27-1/2 millions to 22-1/2 millions; and -that whereas in 1868 the estimates were 25 millions, by 1871 they had -been reduced to 21 millions. Such examples may prove the possibility of -retrenchment, but they were the achievements of a giant Minister working -year by year from inside the Cabinet, and using the whole leverage of -the great department over which he presided; and we have since learned -from Mr. Morley's pages that even in Liberal Cabinets elected on the -famous watchwords of 'Peace, Retrenchment and Reform' Mr. Gladstone had -to fight for his economies at the constant peril of his official life. - -It is instructive to study the course of an agitation for naval and -military economy directed by anyone outside the circle of the Government -of the day and without the aid of the machinery of State. It may begin -in all undivided earnestness in a simple demand for a reduction of -expenditure. The Government and its official advisers will reply that -they, too, are the zealous advocates of such a policy, if only they can -be shown how to effect it; and they invite suggestions of a specific -character. That is the first stage. Thus challenged, the economist -leaves for the moment the enunciation of great principles of finance and -national policy and descends to grapple with masses of technical -details. He discovers a quantity of muddles and jobs, and arrays -imposing instances of waste and inefficiency. His statements are, of -course, contradicted, and his charges are wrangled over _seriatim_. -Expert is set against expert, and assertion against assertion. The -reformer is accused--not, generally, without some justice--of -exaggeration; and he is in part and in detail inevitably betrayed into -inaccuracy. But in the issue enough is proved to awaken public anxiety -and even indignation. Certain main facts of discreditable and -disquieting character are clearly established. Many weaknesses, -neglects, incompetencies are revealed. There are guns without -ammunition. There are fortresses without provisions. There are regiments -without reserves. There are ships imperfectly constructed. There are -weapons which are obsolete or bad. But in the process of the controversy -the movement has been insensibly and irresistibly deflected from its -original object. It began in a cry for economy; it has become a cry for -efficiency. That is the second stage. The Government and their official -advisers at the proper moment now shift their ground with an adroitness -born of past experience. They admit the damaging facts which can no -longer be denied. The politicians explain that they arise from the -neglect or incapacity of their predecessors. They recognise the public -demand for more perfect instruments of war. They declare that they will -not flinch from their plain duty (whatever others may have done); they -will repair the deficiencies which clearly exist; they will correct the -abuses which have been exposed; and in due course they will send in the -bill to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. So that the third stage of an -unofficial agitation in favour of a reduction of expenditure and a more -modest establishment becomes an agitation in favour of an increase of -expenditure and a more lavish establishment. - -All this happened exactly in the case of Lord Randolph Churchill. In his -earlier speeches since his resignation he had confined himself to the -need of retrenchment, and this had been the ground on which he had -fought in the Cabinet. But at Wolverhampton he sought to show that, in -spite of the great and increasing expenditure, the services were in a -wholly unsatisfactory and even dangerous condition. And in this he was -beyond all question brilliantly successful. In a fierce speech of an -hour and forty minutes he unfolded a comprehensive catalogue of -follies. His audience, consisting of about 4,000 persons--mainly -Conservative working men--at first doubtful and apathetic, were -gradually raised, as the newspaper reports testify, to a state of -indignation. With a display of feeling unusual even at a partisan -meeting, and still more remarkable when the currents of ordinary -partisanship were running against the speaker, they interrupted him -repeatedly with cries of anger, and he ended amid a perfect tumult of -assent. - -It is not necessary to this account to examine the details of his -charges. Each generation has its own jobs and scandals to confront. The -administrative follies of 1887 have passed away. Some survived, to be -dwarfed by more astonishing successors; others were corrected, but not -extirpated. All have produced a prosperous progeny, nourished in richer -pastures, and attaining proportions of which their ancestors could -hardly have dreamed. The main outlines of the indictment must, however, -be placed on record. The condition of the British Army and Navy in the -year 1887 was, in sober truth, a serious public danger. Mr. Gladstone's -Government of 1880 had had, during their tenure of office, to deal with -all kinds of military and Colonial enterprises for the effective -execution of which a Liberal Administration is not naturally fitted. -They detested their work heartily; they executed it very badly. In truth -the Cabinet, distracted by the violence of Egyptian and Irish affairs -and the gravity of the Eastern situation, torn by the increasing -demands of Radicalism, and harassed by a relentless Opposition, was -incapable of giving to naval and military matters adequate -consideration. There had followed upon all this the two years of -political revolution with which this story has been largely concerned. -It was natural, it was inevitable, that in the interval which had -elapsed since the great Army Reform Parliament of 1868 much waste and -inefficiency should have crept into the military system; and in the same -period, from considerations altogether outside the course of British -politics, an enormous extension and complexity had affected the -responsibilities and functions of the Navy. - -Lord Randolph alleged in respect of the Army that not a single fortress -was properly armed; that no reserve of heavy guns existed; that the -artillery, both horse and field, was obsolete; that the rifle of the -infantry was defective; that the swords and bayonets broke and bent -under the required tests; and that, notwithstanding these deficiencies, -the cost of the land service had increased in twelve years by over four -millions a year. He charged the Admiralty with such waste as exporting -Australian tinned meat to Australia, rum and sugar to Jamaica, flour to -Hong Kong, and rice to India; with making improvident contracts for -ships, engines, and materials of various kinds; with disarming the -Spithead and Portsmouth forts in order to arm warships. He asserted that -the whole of the 43-ton guns designed by the Ordnance Department, on -which 200,000_l._ had been spent, were worthless and liable to burst -even with reduced charges; that the Ordnance officials had been told -beforehand by the principal experts of Messrs. Armstrong that this type -of gun was imperfect; that they persisted in making them; that one of -the guns had already burst; that the others had been condemned; but that -they were nevertheless to be employed on her Majesty's ships. The most -serious count, however, dealt with various classes of ships which had in -important particulars failed to realise the expectations of the -designers and were in consequence unfit for active service. - -He instanced especially the _Ajax_ and the _Agamemnon_, the battleships -of the _Admiral_ class and the _Australia_ class of cruisers. Of the -armoured cruiser _Imperieuse_ he declared that she drew four feet more -water than was expected, with the result that the armour which should -have been above water was now below water, and in consequence the ship -was actually unprotected. 'The result of all this is that in the last -twelve or thirteen years eighteen ships have been either completed or -designed by the Admiralty to fulfil certain purposes, and on the -strength of the Admiralty statements Parliament has faithfully voted ... -about ten millions, and it is now discovered and officially acknowledged -that in respect of the purposes for which these ships were designed, the -whole of the money has been absolutely misapplied, utterly wasted and -thrown away.' The foundation for this somewhat sweeping statement was -supplied by the explanatory memorandum to the Navy Estimates, 1887. 'In -one important particular,' so this document affirmed, 'there is a -discrepancy between ... the original design and its result which, in the -case of the _Imperieuse_ and her sister ship the _Warspite_, attracted -some attention, and which is likely to recur in the case of the belted -cruisers, seven in number, the _Warspite_ and the armoured vessels of -the _Admiral_ class.... If the whole of the 900 tons [of coal] ... be -placed on board [the _Imperieuse_] the top of the belt will, on the -ship's first going to sea, be six inches below the water.' - -The Wolverhampton speech made a considerable stir. In spite of the -pressure of Irish affairs and the general instability of the political -situation, it was for some days the principal topic of public -discussion. The powerful interests assailed, retorted at once, and the -newspapers were filled with censure and contradiction. Even those which, -like the _Times_, were forced to acknowledge Lord Randolph Churchill -'right in his main contention,' rebuked him ponderously for extravagance -of statement and violence of language. His strictures on naval -construction brought Sir Nathaniel Barnaby, the late chief constructor -to the Admiralty--to whom Lord Randolph had personally alluded--into -voluminous protest in the columns of the _Times_, and an acrimonious -correspondence ensued. Sir Nathaniel denied that he had been 'dismissed' -from his post and pointed in disproof to his having been made a Knight -Commander of the Bath. Lord Randolph replied acidly 'that K.C.B.'s and -official testimonials were the usual manner in which the country -requited long service when the intentions had been honest, no matter how -deplorably defective might have been the capacity'; and expressed -himself willing to substitute the phrase 'allowed to retire' for the -word 'dismissed.' On the main question Sir Nathaniel appealed to Lord -George Hamilton; and Lord Randolph brought up Sir Edward Reed, a rival -constructor of great repute, who confirmed and even aggravated most of -his statements. Both parties fell back upon official records, memoranda -and Blue Books; and a battle royal developed, around the outskirts of -which naval authorities of every rank and description cruised, seeking -to intervene, on the one side or the other, with masses of highly -technical information couched in highly controversial terms. - -Lord Randolph's contention that the _Ajax_ and the _Agamemnon_ were -failures was not seriously disputed, Sir Nathaniel Barnaby himself -admitting (_Times_, June 7) that he was 'thankful they were the only -approximately circular and shallow sea-going ships we built.' The -fiercest strife raged around the cruiser _Imperieuse_. Sir Nathaniel -Barnaby met the assertion that the money spent upon her was 'absolutely -misapplied, utterly wasted and thrown away,' by quoting a later -Admiralty memorandum which declared her to be, 'if not actually the most -powerful, one of the most powerful ironclad cruisers afloat of her -tonnage.' But Sir Edward Reed was able to show that this was not -extravagant eulogy, for that there was only one other 'ironclad cruiser -_of her tonnage_' in existence. He also showed that, to lighten her, -she had already been deprived of her masts and consequently of her -intended sailing powers; and that even so, to bring her to her intended -draught, it was necessary to take out the whole of her coal. When the -smoke had at length a little lifted, it was generally held that, -although Lord Randolph Churchill's charges were sustained on almost -every substantial point, he had injured his case by over-stating it. -Full marks were also awarded to the 'distinguished ex-public servant -cruelly assailed in his professional character.' - -Lord Randolph Churchill was duly elected Chairman of the Army and Navy -Committee. Mr. Jennings, who was also a member, laboured indefatigably -to collect, sift and arrange material. The Committee met without delay, -and collected much valuable and startling evidence. They discovered, for -instance, that one branch of the War Office cost 5,000_l._ a year in -supervising an expenditure of 250_l._ a year. 'Would it have been -possible,' the Accountant-General was asked, 'for any private member to -have ascertained from the Estimates laid before Parliament from 1870 to -the present year that the total increase of net ordinary Army -expenditure amounted to almost nine millions of money?--A. 'It would -have been extremely difficult.' Q. ' ...or that since 1875 there had -been an increase of about five millions?'--A. 'I do not think it would.' -'Up to now,' Lord Randolph suggested, 'Parliament has never had the -smallest idea of what was the total cost of the services?'--'Taking the -whole of the services,' replied Mr. Knox, 'it has not.' It would be easy -to multiply these specimens of the evidence collected by the Select -Committee. Day by day, as it was published, it was commented on by the -press, and public and Parliamentary scrutiny was increasingly directed -towards the Estimates of the two services. - -Here is a note which it is pleasant to transcribe:-- - - One odd effect of your Committee: [wrote Jennings July 27]. - Bradlaugh came to me this afternoon--said he had been reading the - evidence--was immensely struck with it--thought you had done - enormous service already. I told him a little more about it. He - said: 'He has done so much good that I really think I must close up - my account against him.' 'Well, surely,' I said, 'there is no use - in keeping it open any longer. It only looks like vindictiveness.' - 'Yes,' he said, 'I think I will close the ledger.' - -It will be convenient to follow Lord Randolph's economy campaign to its -conclusion. As it gradually became directed to efficiency rather than -simple economy it enlisted an increasing measure of professional -support. By May 1888, public opinion had become so vigilant that, -following upon some outspoken and not very temperate statements by Lord -Wolseley, then Adjutant-General, the Government determined--momentous -resolve!--to appoint a Royal Commission with Lord Hartington at its -head. Mr. Smith invited Lord Randolph Churchill to join it:-- - - - -10 Downing Street, Whitehall: May 18, 1888. - - My dear R. C.,--You will render great service to the administrative - reform of the two great departments if you will join the Royal - Commission over which Lord Hartington will preside. - - Mr. Gladstone has asked Mr. Campbell-Bannerman to represent the - Opposition; I am to go on, on behalf of the Government; and you - would represent those who believe that efficiency and economy may - result from a change of system. General Brackenbury will join as a - soldier, and Sir F. Richards, who has just returned from sea, as - the sailor. Two civilians with extensive knowledge of large - business transactions are to be added, and Sir Richard Temple will - also be asked as a capable and successful Indian Administrator. - These are the people with whom you would be associated in the - effort to improve our system, and I hope most sincerely that you - will not refuse your help. - -Believe me -Yours very truly, -W. H. SMITH. - - I enclose a copy of the reference. - - 'To inquire into the civil and professional administration of the - Naval and Military Departments and the relation of those - Departments to each other and to the Treasury; and to report what - changes in their existing system would tend to the efficiency and - the economy of the Public Service.' - -Lord Randolph, however, knowing a good deal of the ways of such bodies, -declined. He was persuaded by Lord Hartington, who wrote:-- - - - -Hotel du Rhin, 4 Place Vendome: May 26, 1888. - - My dear Churchill,--Smith has sent me your letter declining to - serve on the Army and Navy Commission. I hope very much that if you - have not absolutely made up your mind you may be induced to - reconsider your decision, as we are both very anxious to have your - assistance. - - I think that your Committee has taken some very valuable evidence - which shows the inefficiency and defects of the present system. But - I should doubt whether you will effect much more by the examination - of minor officials or by investigating the details of the separate - votes; and I should think it might be possible for you to leave the - inquiry to be finished by some one else. My own opinion is that we - shall never get either efficiency or economy until we can find some - way of giving the professional men more power and at the same time - more responsibility; but how this can be done in combination with - our Parliamentary system is a very difficult problem which requires - bold and original treatment. - - If we cannot suggest a more efficient and intelligent system of - superior administration, I think that we shall do very little good - by exposing details of maladministration in minor matters; and as - the subject-matter of our inquiry is to be the real centre of the - whole question of administrative reform, I cannot help thinking - that you would find our inquiry more interesting and important than - any which you can take up or continue on other branches of the same - question. - -I remain - -Yours sincerely, -HARTINGTON. - - - -The Commission appointed on June 17, 1888, did not report till March, -1890. Lord Randolph's separate memorandum, which will be found in the -Appendix, is well known. Its sweeping proposals were not adopted by the -majority of the Commissioners; but it has been so often quoted, and -bears so closely upon modern controversies, that the reader who is -interested in these subjects should not neglect to study it. The -indirect results of his agitation were, perhaps, more fruitful. Lord -George Hamilton, with whom he so often engaged in sharp argument when -Navy Estimates recurred, bears a generous tribute to the unseen -influence which severe public criticism exerts upon the workings of a -great department. It would seem that Lord Randolph Churchill's belief -that considerable economies were possible on the establishments of 1886 -was not without foundation. - -Lord George Hamilton writes, October 4, 1904:-- - - During my tenure of office at the Admiralty great changes were - made, and in the foremost rank of these reforms was the - reorganisation and renovation of the Royal dockyards. These - establishments had been allowed to grow and develop without a - sufficient regard to the revolution in shipbuilding which the - substitution of iron and steel for wood had caused. Laxity in - supervision, connivance at practices neither economical nor - efficient, dawdling over work, obsolete machinery and ill-adjusted - establishments, associated with Estimates framed for political - exigence rather than naval needs, all combined to bring these great - national building yards into disrepute. The _personnel_ was - first-rate both in ability and integrity and the material used as - good as money could obtain. All that was required was a thorough - readjustment of the establishments to the work they were called - upon to do, by the reduction of the redundant and superfluous - workmen, by the dismissal of the incompetent, and an increase to - the numbers working in steel and iron. Changes such as these, if - associated with the introduction of the methods and checks in force - in the best private yards, were quite sufficient to put our - dockyards in the first rank of building establishments. But whoever - undertook the task would be subject to much obloquy, both local and - Parliamentary. The stern suppression of long-standing malpractices, - the dismissal of a large number of unnecessary and indifferent - workmen, if enforced on a large scale, required a strong current of - public opinion behind it for its consummation. This assistance I - obtained from Lord Randolph Churchill's crusade on economy. He and - I differed on many questions of naval administration, but we were - at one as to the necessity of dockyard reform. Many economists who, - though agreeing in the abstract with Lord Randolph's views, - hesitated to cut down the effective fighting forces of the Army and - Navy, were delighted to co-operate with him in so non-contentious - an improvement. The Labour party was not then as well organised or - represented in Parliament as they have since become, and their - opposition to dockyard dismissals was less strenuous than it would - be now. - - I was thus enabled, after two years of continuous labour and - trouble, to organise the dockyards from top to bottom, to put down - establishments that were not required, to dismiss the loiterers, - and to establish, modelled on the practice of the best private - yards, a completely new system of supervision, check, and control. - The effect was electrical. The dockyards at once became the - cheapest and most economical builders of warships in the world. The - largest ironclad ever designed, up to 1889, was built, completed - and commissioned ready for sea in two years and eight months from - the date of the laying down of its keel. No large ironclad had been - previously completed within five years. Up to 1886 the average cost - of the big ships building in these yards was 40 per cent. above - their original estimate; since then the estimates have rarely been - exceeded. In the first year of the new system there was an - instantaneous saving of 400,000_l._ The continuous and satisfactory - progress of our vast and annually increasing building programme is - mainly due to those changes, and Lord Randolph could, I think, - fairly claim that, though his name was not publicly associated with - the great national gain thus achieved, it was the public opinion - which he aroused, which largely contributed to the consummation of - dockyard reform. - -Lord Randolph Churchill addressed five meetings in the autumn and winter -of 1887--two at Whitby and Stockport respectively for his two friends, -Mr. Beckett and Mr. Jennings; and three in the North. The Whitby meeting -in September afforded an opportunity for a display of the hostility with -which he was regarded by the dominant section of the Conservative party, -for several prominent local worthies publicly refused to attend--a -proceeding which even the _Times_ was compelled to censure. The 7,000 -persons who gathered upon the sands and around the slopes of a kind of -natural amphitheatre under the west cliff gave him a very different -welcome, and listened with delighted attention during that beautiful -afternoon to a spirited and ingenious defence of the miserable session -through which the Government had shuffled. In Yorkshire and Lancashire, -as in the earlier meetings of the year, and later in the North, his -popularity with the Conservative masses was still undimmed. He was -greeted everywhere by immense crowds. The largest halls were much too -small. Paddington was loyal and contented. His Birmingham supporters -asked no better than to fight for him at once. At Nottingham, long -before his arrival, the streets were thronged; and all the way from the -station to the Albert Hall he passed through continuous lines of -cheering people.[64] Similar scenes took place at Wolverhampton, and the -Conservative Association of that borough passed a formal resolution -supporting his policy of economy. In the North he made a regular -progress. He visited three important centres in a single week and made a -'trilogy of speeches'--no light task for a speaker whose every word is -reported and examined. He spoke on the afternoon of October 20 at -Sunderland, at great length, in reply to a previous speech of Mr. -Gladstone, covering the whole field of domestic policy and defining the -immediate limits of the Tory Democratic programme. These proved -sufficiently comprehensive to include Free Education, Local Option in -the sale of drink, a compulsory Employer's Liability Act, the abolition -of the power of entailing land upon unborn lives, 'One man, one vote,' -and Parliamentary registration at the cost of local bodies. At -Newcastle, two days later, he spoke in defence of the Union, justified -the Government policy in Ireland, and vehemently attacked Mr. Gladstone -for the countenance which he showed towards lawlessness and disorder. - -On the Monday he spoke at Stockton, and here he turned aside to deal -with another subject which had been thrust much upon him of late. Mr. -Jennings, like Lord Dunraven, was, as the reader is aware, a Fair -Trader, and throughout the year--from the very beginning of their -association--he had laboured tactfully, but persistently, to win Lord -Randolph to his views. He knew that although the cry of 'Less waste and -no jobbery' might appeal to many, 'Economy' was not in itself a popular -cause to submit to a Democratic electorate, and was, moreover, foreign -to the instincts and traditions of Toryism. 'Fair Trade,' on the -contrary, touched a very tender spot in a Conservative breast; and, -quite apart from this consideration, Mr. Jennings was an enthusiast. He -had examined the question both from an American and a British point of -view. He possessed a large and well-stored arsenal of fact and argument. -On such subjects as 'One-sided Free Trade,' 'Our Ruined Industries,' -'The Dumping of Sweated Goods,' 'The Commercial Union of the Empire' or -'Our Dwindling Exports' he could write, as his frequent letters show, -with force and feeling. Scarcely since St. Anthony had there been such a -temptation on the one hand or such austerity on the other. - -'The main reason,' Lord Randolph had said at Sunderland, 'why I do not -join myself with the Protectionists is that I believe that low prices in -the necessaries of life and political stability in a democratic -Constitution are practically inseparable, and that high prices in the -necessaries of life and political instability in a democratic -Constitution are also practically inseparable.' And this having drawn -upon him the wrath of Mr. Chaplin, he proceeded at Stockport to make his -case good. He used no economic arguments. He pointed to the supremacy of -the Conservative party as a proof of political stability under low -food-prices. He pointed to the conversion of Sir Robert Peel as a proof -of political instability, under high food-prices. To make wheat-farming -profitable a duty was required which would raise the price of corn from -28_s_. a quarter to something between 40_s_. and 45_s_. a quarter. Would -anyone propose a sufficient tax on imported corn to make it worth while -for the rural voter to pay the higher prices which Fair Trade would -secure for the manufactures of the urban voter? How did the Fair Traders -propose to deal with India? How did they propose to deal with Ireland? -Could they prove that France, Austria and Germany were more prosperous -than Great Britain? 'It is no use saying to me, "Go to America or New -South Wales." I will not go to America, and I will not go to New South -Wales. There is not the smallest analogy between those countries and -England. America is a self-contained country and almost everything she -requires for her people she can produce in abundance. We cannot. We have -more people than we can feed; and not only for food, but for our -manufactures, we depend upon raw material imported from abroad. -Therefore I decline to go to America or New South Wales; but I would go -to European countries--to France, Austria and Germany--and I want to -know whether the Fair Traders can prove that the people of those -countries are more prosperous than ours.' - -This Stockton speech was naturally a great disappointment to Jennings. -'I cannot deny,' he wrote, 'that you gave many of your followers a -bitter pill to swallow. I think I could give you satisfactory grounds -for admitting that your objections to "Fair Trade" will not stand much -investigation; but, of course, the real difficulty is that in many of -our constituencies the question is popular. We have been partly elected -on the strength of it; and when you attack it, you fire a broadside -into your own supporters and give the Radicals in our boroughs a stick -to beat us with. It is hard for us to fight against your authority, -especially when we have been drilling into the minds of the people that -yours are the views they should adopt. If you ever had half an hour to -spare, I wish you would allow me to put the facts before you. You would -soon see, for example,....' And then follow pages of tersely stated -arguments of a kind with which most people are now only too familiar. - -They produced no effect upon Lord Randolph. 'The policy which you -advocate,' he replied (October 30), 'of duties on foreign imports for -revenue purposes, much attracted me at one time; but I came to the -conclusion that, although such a policy would gain the adhesion of the -manufacturing towns, it is open to such fearful attack from the Radicals -among the country population that we should lose more than we should -gain. I cannot see how you can persuade yourself that the country -population would accept a method of raising revenue which would directly -benefit the manufacturing population at their expense. The election of -'85 made a great impression upon me. Then the defection of the rural -vote completely neutralised our great successes in the English -boroughs.' And again on November 3, after the discussions at the -conference of Conservative Associations: 'Do you see how the Fair -Traders have been wrangling and disputing with each other--everyone -going in a different direction--confirming all that I said at Stockton -about their not knowing their own minds?' Late in November came an -invitation from the 'British Union,' a Protectionist Association having -its headquarters in Manchester--of all places--to which Lord Randolph -replied as follows:-- - - - -2 Connaught Place, W.: November 26, 1887. - - I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 25th inst. I - understand that your Committee are good enough to do me the honour - of asking me to preside at a meeting to be held on January 24 in - the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, in favour of Fair Trade. - - You allude to the recent vote of the Conservative National Union - bearing upon this subject, and inquire as to what effect that vote - has had upon my mind. I may reply: 'None whatever, except to - confirm me in the opinions I expressed at Stockton in the course of - last month.' Both at the Fair Trade Conference recently held, as - well as at the conference of the delegates of the National Union, I - observed that the sentence which would best characterise those - discussions was _quot homines tot sententiae_. There is not among - those who desire extensive fiscal reform the slightest approach to - real agreement either as to objects or to methods. I must also - point out that the delegates of the National Union do not appear to - have had any instructions from those whom they were supposed to - represent to debate and to decide on the question of Fair Trade, - neither did they in any way specially represent trade interests. - Their decision in favour of Fair Trade, therefore, is not more - weighty than their decision in favour of 'Women's Suffrage,' which - latter would certainly not be accepted by the Tory party as a - whole. - - Under these circumstances you will see that it is not possible for - me to depart in any way from the views I have recently expressed on - Fair Trade; nor could I, as you kindly invite me to do, 'take the - helm of a movement' which up to the present remains altogether - vague and undefined. - -So far as I have been able to discover, this was, with one exception, -his last public word on the subject.[65] His objections to Fair Trade -were not based on principle. They were entirely practical. He cared -little for theory. He hated what he used to call 'chopping logic.' He -was not at all concerned to vindicate Mr. Cobden, and he mocked at -'professors' of all kinds. But he thought that as a financial expedient -a complicated tariff would not work, and he was sure that as a party -manoeuvre it would not pay. He saw no way by which the conflicting -interests of the counties and the boroughs could be reconciled and he -believed that without such reconciliation the movement would prove -disastrous to the Conservative cause. He was, no doubt, strengthened in -his views by his desire so far as possible to work in harmony with Mr. -Chamberlain and so to combine and fuse together all the Democratic -forces which supported the Union. Yet Fair Trade had much to offer to a -Conservative statesman. To him, above all other Tory leaders, the -prospect was alluring. That section of Tory Democracy which had received -the gospel of Mr. Farrer Ecroyd--and it was already important--would -have followed a Fair Trade champion through thick and thin. In every -town he would have secured faithful and active supporters. His earlier -speeches had prepared the way. His own immediate allies in Parliament, -his best friends in the press, were ardent Fair Traders. Hardly a day -passed, as he said at Stockton, without his receiving letters from all -classes of people imploring him to come forward as a Fair Trader. He had -only to raise the standard to obtain a following of his own strong -enough to defy the party machine. The National Union might still afford -the necessary organisation. And had he been, as it was the fashion to -say, willing to advance his personal position regardless of the -interests of the Conservative party, there lay ready to his hand a -weapon with which he might have torn the heart out of Lord Salisbury's -Government. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE NATIONAL PARTY - - 'Love as if you should hereafter hate; and hate as if you should - hereafter love.'--BIAS (quoted by Aristotle). - - -'All the politics of the moment,' said Lord Salisbury on March 5, 1887, -to the members of the National Conservative Club, 'are summarised in the -word "Ireland."' The fierce struggle in the English constituencies was -over. The Home Rulers had been totally defeated. Mr. Gladstone had been -driven from office. A Conservative Government, strong in its own -resources of discipline and class, strengthened by most of the forces of -wealth and authority which had hitherto been at the service of the -Liberal party, and supported by the energetic multitudes of Tory -Democracy, sat in the place of power. Among the ranks of the Opposition, -fortified in their midst, with leaders of their own upon their Front -Bench, was a solid band of seventy gentlemen of unusual ability actively -engaged in preventing the return of their neighbours to office. Such was -the grim aspect of the field upon the morrow of the great battle. Such -was the change of fortune which a year of Irish policy had brought to -the Liberal party. But, although the relative forces of the combatants -in the political arena had been so surprisingly altered, the question in -dispute remained utterly unsettled and 'Ireland' was still the vital and -dominant factor in the political situation. - -So long as the Liberal Unionists adhered to Lord Salisbury's Government -it was, of course, unshakable; for it enjoyed the double advantage of -their support and of the cleavage which they caused in the Opposition. -But the conditions under which Liberal-Unionist support would be -continued could not be definitely known; and its withdrawal meant the -immediate fall of the Administration. Forced thus to live from day to -day upon the goodwill of its allies, with few means of knowing and not -always a right to inquire when that goodwill might be impaired, the -Government was apparently deficient in real stability or power. Nor -could it be said to make up in talent what it lacked in strength. The -retirement of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach deprived the Treasury Bench of its -sole remaining Conservative Parliamentarian; Mr. Goschen's position was, -at any rate for the first year, difficult and peculiar; Mr. Balfour had -yet his name to make; and the choice of Mr. Smith for the leadership of -the House of Commons, however justified by his courage and his -character, so far as the distinction of debate was concerned, only -revealed the nakedness of the land. - -In all these circumstances it was with no little anxiety that the -Conservative party watched the progress of the negotiations which -attended the Round Table Conference and endeavoured to estimate the -effect upon those negotiations and upon the general attitude of the -Liberal-Unionist party of the growing tension of Irish affairs. Mr. -Chamberlain's intentions were especially uncertain. His effective -co-operation with the Conservatives had been largely facilitated by his -good relations with Lord Randolph Churchill and the very considerable -agreement in political matters which existed between them. But Lord -Randolph Churchill had now left the Government; and how could a Radical -support a policy from which a progressive Tory had been forced to -separate? Moreover, Mr. Chamberlain was closely associated with Sir -George Trevelyan. They had resigned together from the Home Rule Cabinet. -They fought side by side in the election which followed. They were the -joint representatives of Liberal Unionism at the Round Table Conference. -On January 22, 1886, while the issue of that conference was still -undetermined, Mr. Chamberlain was the chief speaker at a demonstration -at Hawick in Sir George Trevelyan's honour; and Sir George Trevelyan was -all the time known to be earnestly and eagerly labouring for the reunion -of the Liberal party. 'It is because I believe,' said Mr. Chamberlain on -this occasion, 'that at all events a great approximation to peace, if -not a complete agreement, may be attained without a betrayal of the -trust which has been reposed in us that I ask you to await with hope and -confidence the result of our further deliberations.' Lord Hartington -took, indeed, no part in these negotiations. 'Some one,' he said, -characteristically, 'must stay at home to look after the camp;' but he -proceeded to wish the Conference 'every measure of success,' and he was -careful not to destroy by any words of his the prospects of -reconciliation. - -The whole situation--already delicate, uncertain and seemingly -critical--could not fail to be profoundly influenced by the course of -events in Ireland. The winter of 1886 was accompanied by a widespread, -though by no means general, refusal or inability to pay rents. Sir -Michael Hicks-Beach had never been too enthusiastic in his sympathy with -the Irish landowner, and during the winter he had endeavoured to -mitigate the severities of the time by the exercise of a kind of -'dispensing power.' Landlords were given to understand that the whole -machinery of the Executive would not necessarily be at their disposal -for the purpose of enforcing against their tenants claims which, in the -opinion of the Chief Secretary, were harsh or unjust. This -rough-and-ready method was heartily supported by Sir Redvers Buller, and -to its adoption the comparative crimelessness of the winter was largely -due. But, however satisfactory its results in practice might be, it was -easily and justly assailable in principle; and after the Lord Chief -Baron Palles had authoritatively declared that the attempt to withdraw -the police from supporting the legal claims of private persons was -altogether unjustifiable, the 'dispensing power' had to be abandoned, -and the law took its regular course. The consequence of the numerous -and, in some cases, ruthless evictions which followed was a formidable -agrarian conspiracy. The tenants on different estates joined themselves -together to offer to the landlord whatever rent they considered just, -and where it was refused as insufficient they deposited the whole sum -with a managing committee to be used for the purposes of resistance. -This movement, known to history as the 'Plan of Campaign,' was the -immediate result. The secondary, though not less direct, result was the -advent in the House of Commons of a Land Bill and a Coercion Bill, both -of which must expose to uncalculated strains the composite forces on -which the Government depended. - -But now and in the years that were to come the far-seeing statecraft -with which the Conservative leaders had stimulated and sustained the -schism in the Liberal party and had dealt with the crisis of the General -Election was to be vindicated. They had built far stronger than they -knew. Underneath the smooth words of the Liberal-Unionist leaders -towards their former friends, and behind all the generous emotions of -the Round Table Conference, stubborn brute forces were at work which, -though they did not necessarily conduce to the stability of the -Conservative Government, were inevitably fatal to Liberal reunion. The -Liberal-Unionist members who had come back safely to Westminster, having -broken with their party organisations and defied the Grand Old Man, were -very particular to call themselves Liberals and to deny that they had -severed themselves in any degree from the principles and traditions of -Liberalism. They banned Tory colours and Tory clubs. When they attended -public meetings they took care that the complexion of the platform -should be Liberal Unionist. Even Mr. Goschen, after taking office in a -Conservative Government, thought it necessary to assert in his election -address his unaltered and unalterable character as a Liberal, and to -apologise to the Conservative electors for the strain put upon their -natural partisanship by his candidature. And there is no doubt that they -were perfectly honest in their belief. They were not conscious of any -abandonment of principle. They declared that they agreed with the -Liberal party on every other question except the Irish Question, and -even in regard to Ireland there was agreement on three points out of -four. The Conservatives had exacted no pledges from them. They did not -feel themselves divorced from one body of doctrine and engaged to -another. They remained in political opinion on all the great contested -questions of the day exactly where they had been when Parliament met in -January 1885, and they sat in the same places and among the same party. - -But, in fact, one change had taken place in their character of more -practical importance than all the symbols and nomenclature of party, and -counting more in political warfare than any change of principles, -however sudden or sweeping: they had changed sides. Abstract principles -and party labels might be the same, but whereas in January 1886 they -wished and worked for a Liberal victory and a Conservative defeat, in -January 1887 they wanted to see the Conservatives win and the Liberals -beaten. Otherwise no change! No disagreement, outside Ireland, with the -Liberal party--except that they sought its overthrow; no difference -except the one difference which swallows up all others--the difference -between alliance and war. And this difference, be it noted, was not -founded on any passing mood of anger or caprice which smooth words and -fair offers might dispel. It was fundamental and innate. It was the -basis of the election of these seventy members. They had stood as -opponents of Mr. Gladstone and all the forces he directed. They were -elected for the very purpose of preventing his return to power by -electors nine-tenths of whom at least were Conservatives. While they -opposed Mr. Gladstone, they responded to the constituent bodies by whom -they were returned. If they made friends with him--no matter upon what -terms--they ceased to represent nine-tenths at least of their -electorates. - -Moreover, few men go through the experience of an internecine quarrel, -with its taunts and charges of treachery and ingratitude exchanged -between old comrades who know each other well, and with all the -wrenching and tearing asunder of friendships and associations, without -contracting a deep and abiding antagonism for those from whom they have -broken. Sir George Trevelyan--unembarrassed by a constituency--indeed -went back; but he went back alone. The rest remained to justify, by -their consistent action, the wisdom of Conservative tactics; to prove, -as the years went by, the most trustworthy supporters of the -Conservative party, and in the end to secure the main control of its -policy. From that strange pilgrimage--'that bitter pilgrimage,' as Mr. -Chamberlain calls it (was it so very bitter, after all?), there could be -no turning back after the first decisive steps were taken. - -All this was, however, either unknown or imperfectly appreciated in -1887; and even if the Liberal-Unionists' mind had been thoroughly -understood, the uncertainty of the political situation would not have -been by any means concluded. For, although there never was any real -chance of Liberal reunion, there were repeated possibilities of a -Conservative collapse. The Liberal Unionists were resolved to do nothing -that would bring Mr. Gladstone back to power. Apart from imperilling the -cause of the Union, that process would probably involve the political -extinction of most of their party. But, subject to that dominant -proviso, they could not feel any particular affection for Lord -Salisbury's Government. They disliked much of its action, they did not -agree with its general views, and they could not be impressed by the -Parliamentary exposition with which they were favoured. Their leaders -were not desirous of office for its own sake; but they were gravely -disquieted by the policy adopted towards Ireland, and more than once -drawn to the conclusion that a wide reconstruction of the Cabinet would -be necessary to maintain the reputation of the Unionist party in -Parliament and the country. In view of their evident power to change -the Government at any moment by a vote, the passage of the Irish Bills -through the House of Commons was attended with extreme danger to the -Ministry. On more than one occasion its life depended upon a single -hand, and once it was decided that that hand should be withdrawn. - -About Ireland and all that concerned her Lord Randolph cared intensely. -He felt responsible in no small degree for the denial of Home Rule. As -to that he had no doubts; but he had always intended, and had been -allowed, with the full sanction of the Cabinet, to declare that the -counterpart of the assertion of the Union was a generous, sympathetic, -and liberal policy towards the Irish people in regard to religion, -self-government, and land. Intimately acquainted as he was with many -shades of Irish opinion, he was both grieved and angered at the temper -displayed by the conquerors in the years that followed their victory. To -Coercion, indeed, so far as it should be necessary to maintain the law, -he had made up his mind before he left the Cabinet, and he had no -thoughts of going back on that; but the Bill and its enforcement stirred -all the latent Liberalism in his character. He discovered, as time went -on, that special legislation was not regarded by the Government as a -hateful necessity; but as something good in itself, producing a salutary -effect upon the Irish people and raising the temper of the Ministerial -party. He was offended by the calm assumption of social and racial -superiority displayed, as a matter of course, by Ministers towards -their Irish opponents, and the studied disregard of Nationalist -sentiments and feelings which, even when no public object was to be -gained, marked these dark years of Unionist policy; and with all his -determination never in any degree weakened to maintain the Union, it was -in the conduct of Irish affairs from 1887 to 1890 that he realised most -acutely his differences with the Government, and out of which his open -quarrel with the Conservative party ultimately sprang. - -The retirement of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach from the Irish office on -account of his eyesight was the first blow. - -'I waited till I got home,' Lord Randolph wrote on March 30, 'before -writing to you, as I did not know where a letter might find you: but I -feel sure no letter from me was needed for you to be convinced how -profoundly grieved I was at your having to give up official work, and at -the cause. I knew you had trouble before you, but was in great hopes -that it might have been for long delayed. I saw Roose yesterday, and it -was very pleasant to hear him assert with confidence that you would be -as strong and well as ever before the close of the year. Indeed, you are -a great loss to Ireland and to the party and to me. Now that you are -gone, there is no one in the Government I care a rap about.... I should -so much like to see you and have a long talk. I have as yet seen none of -my late colleagues, nor do I want to. Don't trouble to answer this; but -believe that there is no one who more truly and earnestly wishes for -your renewed health and strength.' - -The Land Bill opened various difficulties. Many of the Liberal Unionists -thought it inadequate, and both Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Randolph had -decided opinions of their own upon several of its most important -clauses. All through the summer of 1887 these two disinherited chiefs of -democracy drew closely together. They were both, as Mr. Chamberlain -describes it, 'adrift from the regular party organisations.' Yet each -possessed great influence in Parliament and the country. It was natural -that the idea of some Central party should present itself to their minds -in a favourable light. And, indeed, the increasing weakness of the -Government in the House of Commons and the apparently uncertain -character of its majority made such speculations very reasonable. On at -least two occasions a defeat in Committee on the Land Bill appeared -certain; and in that emergency only a coalition headed by Lord -Hartington and strengthened by both Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Randolph -Churchill could have prevented the return of the Home Rulers to power, -with a disastrous election to follow. In many letters and in several -speeches the idea of a 'National party' recurs. In July the situation -appeared so critical and the prospects of a collapse so imminent that -Lord Hartington himself seems to have regarded the reconstruction of the -Government as inevitable. In that event it was known that the two -democratic leaders stood together and that neither would enter any -Cabinet without the other. - -The crisis passed, and with it the agreement. With the best will in the -world Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Randolph Churchill found it very -difficult to work in close accord. Their opinions were nearly alike, but -their political positions were different. They had similar aims, but -divergent antagonisms. The disputes within a party are always fiercer -than those between regular political opponents and their rage burns long -in the breast. Mr. Chamberlain had resigned from Mr. Gladstone's -Cabinet, and his attitude tended to become mainly one of opposition to -him. All other political leaders, of whatever complexion, stood more or -less in shadow. Lord Randolph, on the other hand, had resigned from Lord -Salisbury's Cabinet and the differences which most concerned him were -those which separated him from the 'old gang.' Hence that strenuous -alliance which was the necessary foundation of the National party was, -from the very outset, subjected to perilous strains. Further -difficulties arose from the topography of the House of Commons. The two -friends sat on opposite sides of the House. No intercourse in the -Chamber was possible without exciting notice and perhaps remark. On the -other hand, the shifting course of the debates made constant consultings -indispensable to harmonious action. Without them misunderstandings and -disagreements were bound to arise. Both men formed strong and immediate -opinions on every small point that arose. Both spoke with dangerous -facility. Both had sharp tongues and some readiness to use them when -provoked. During the long-drawn session of 1887 several petty -disagreements, taking the form of public expression, arose. - -One of these incidents occurred during the consideration of the -bankruptcy clauses of the Irish Land Bill, August 1, 1887. The subject -was technical, and the issue mixed. Lord Randolph Churchill had made a -short argumentative speech upon an amendment which had been moved from -the Liberal-Unionist benches. Mr. Chamberlain followed, and took a -totally different line. 'The noble lord,' he said, 'has not told the -Committee how he intends to vote on this amendment.' Lord Randolph said -he would vote with the Government. 'I confess,' said Mr. Chamberlain, 'I -did not come to that conclusion from his speech. I thought the noble -lord intended to support the amendment, and upon that I was going to -point out to him that the greater part of his speech was against it.' He -then proceeded to indicate considerable differences with Lord Randolph -on the merits of the question. The House was in Committee, and both men -could therefore speak again. Lord Randolph referred to Mr. Chamberlain's -opening remarks as 'a characteristic sneer.' 'The right honourable -gentleman evidently does not understand the process of differing from -one's party and yet supporting it. On this question of the Irish land I -hold certain opinions which I have ventured--I hope, with moderation--to -press very rarely--I think, only three times--on Her Majesty's -Government. And then, if the Government have not altogether agreed with -these opinions, I do not think it necessary to assume that the -Government are entirely wrong or that I am infallibly right. Well, on -the whole, I adhere to my view of the case. I see nothing inconsistent -in supporting them after the remarks I have made--not in a dictatorial, -but in a pleading manner.' Mr. Chamberlain's retort was prompt and -sharp. He denied that he had intended a sneer of any kind. He was -sincerely in doubt as to how Lord Randolph would have voted. 'I am -rather glad,' he said, 'that this incident has occurred, inasmuch as it -has enabled the noble lord to pay me a compliment; and I can assure him -that, coming from him, I very much value it. The noble lord said that I, -at any rate, am not one of those who differ from their party and yet -support it; neither am I one who speaks one way and votes another.' -There the matter dropped so far as the House of Commons was concerned. -Mr. Chamberlain wrote the next day to put matters right. 'I hope,' he -said, 'that in this case it is _ira amantium redintegratio amoris_.' - -Lord Randolph was not, however, easily placated. 'I freely confess,' he -replied, 'that I had viewed your action last night with the greatest -possible surprise and some vexation, which I thought proper to express. -When on Clause IV. you took similar action, hostile to my views, I -refrained from any public comment. I am quite at a loss to understand -why you have thought it necessary on two occasions within a week to -express in a most marked manner your entire disagreement with me; but I -am sure you have excellent reasons for all you do.' - -This ill-humour lasted only a few days. Within the week the two men were -dining and consulting with each other on personal terms as friendly as -before. Yet some scars seem to have smarted, for there are signs in Lord -Randolph's correspondence that from this date he began to draw more -closely in matters political towards Lord Hartington, and less freely to -confide in his former ally. One morning soon after this Lord Randolph -and Mr. Chamberlain went for a walk together in Hyde Park. They -discussed the whole position in the frankest way and decided by mutual -consent to work independently and to pursue the objects they sought in -common by separate paths. Thus ended that intimate political -understanding which had united these fiery spirits during the period of -storm in a comradeship which had not been without its effects upon -public affairs. They parted, with many expressions of goodwill, to -follow after a time different roads and to face in the end contrasted -fortunes. Their alliance had been brief. Even in the few years with -which this account is concerned, they will be seen in sharp antagonism. -Yet both were accustomed to preserve, amid the inexhaustible -vicissitudes of politics, pleasant memories of those exciting and -eventful days. - -With this separation the prospects of a National party fade again into -that dreamland whence so many have wished to recall them. Few, indeed, -are the politicians who have not cherished these visions at times when -ordinary party machinery is not at their disposal. To build from the -rock a great new party--free alike from vested interests and from holy -formulas, able to deal with national problems on their merits, patient -to respect the precious bequests of the past, strong to drive forward -the wheels of progress--is without doubt a worthy ideal. Alas, that the -degeneracy of man should exclude it for ever from this wicked world! - -Late in August Ministers determined to put their powers under the Crimes -Act into force. All the independent men who kept them in office, seem to -have been pained and dismayed by this decision. They feared its effects -upon the majority, and doubted its necessity in Ireland. - -'I am desperately puzzled,' wrote Lord Randolph to Lord Hartington -(August 20), 'to know what line to take about this last action of the -Government. I disapprove of it profoundly, but distrust my own -opinion--all the more that I do not know what special information -Ministers have to support their action. There is unquestionably a smack -of vindictiveness about the proclamation, _prima facie_, which the -country will be quick to feel. This, coupled with their singular -treatment of the Land Act, cannot produce a good effect. I am anxious to -know whether, before their final decision, they secured your -concurrence, as in that case I should keep my opinions to myself and -give a silent vote in their support. - -'I have a letter from Chamberlain showing considerable irritation and -impatience at your last communication to him, and great alarm for the -future and his future; but he says he has decided to postpone any action -tending to emphasise any difference of opinion between yourself and him. -This, however, was written apparently before he was aware of the -proclamation of the League and I do not know what effect that may -produce on him.' - -Lord Hartington's measured reply makes plain the debt which the -Conservative Government owed to this grave, calm, slow-moving man:-- - - - -_Private._ - -Bolton Abbey, Skipton: August 21, 1887. - - My dear Churchill,--The Government did not obtain or ask for my - concurrence before deciding on the proclamation of the League. They - have throughout on this question seemed disposed to take their own - course and have not consulted me, as they have done on other - subjects. The first I heard of it was from A. Balfour, who told me - some weeks ago that they would probably proclaim before the end of - the Session. - - I have had several conversations with Smith, Goschen, and Balfour, - in which I have expressed my serious doubts as to the policy of the - measure, although I could not tell what information they might have - from Ireland. They seem to have felt, and I cannot complain of it, - that this was a measure rather of Executive responsibility than of - policy, and to have rather carefully abstained from asking me to - share their responsibility with them. I also have felt that, not - being able to share it with them, I could not press them very - strongly on a matter in which they had knowledge which I did not - possess. - - I sent Balfour a very strong letter of remonstrance from - Chamberlain, telling him at the same time from myself that the - proclamation appeared to be open to every sort of Parliamentary - and political objection, but that I could not tell what information - they might have as to its necessity. - - I shall come up on Wednesday night or Thursday, if it is settled to - take the debate on Thursday. - -Yours sincerely, -HARTINGTON. - - - -Lord Randolph, though reluctant and disquieted, was willing to acquiesce -in this sober opinion. From FitzGibbon, who wrote to him distressfully, -he did not hide his dissatisfaction:-- - -'I am against this proclamation business--as, I imagine, are most people -of common sense and possessing knowledge of Ireland. But I must keep my -opinion to myself and give a silent vote for the Government. It is no -use finding fault with H.M.G. They are stupid, and there is no more to -be said. I think there is nothing extravagant or improbable in the -supposition that the G.O.M. will be Prime Minister before next Easter.' -And he added, with more shrewdness, 'The Land Bill has been sadly -mismanaged. I fear nothing will kill Home Rule except a second trial by -Gladstone and a second failure.' - -But Chamberlain was the gloomiest of all. Nothing can exceed the -despondency of his letters at this time. He refrained, at the earnest -requests of Lord Hartington and Lord Randolph Churchill, from publishing -his alternative plan of Irish Local Government which he believed the -political situation required. He never wavered for an hour as to his own -course. The darker the Unionist horizon, the more uncompromising was his -attitude towards the Gladstonians. But he evidently expected the speedy -downfall of the Government and perhaps the triumph of Repeal. Throughout -the autumn he faced the public with deep anxiety at his heart. 'Every -day of Coercion,' wrote this experienced judge of electoral -possibilities (October 2), 'adds to the Gladstonian strength, and I see -no probability that the strong measures which are disgusting our friends -in England, will effectually dispose of the League in Ireland.... I -cannot see how Mr. G. can be kept out much longer. If he comes back he -will dissolve and most of the Liberal-Unionists will go to the wall. I -do not feel absolutely certain of a single seat, though I think that I -am safe myself. Then he will propose and carry his new plan, whatever -that may be. I expect we shall not like it any better than the old one.' -From these embarrassments he was glad to depart altogether, and the -Government, not perhaps without cunning, suggested an attractive and -important mission to the United States to negotiate a fishery treaty. He -left England late in November, and did not return till March in the New -Year. This interval gave practical effect to his political separation -from Lord Randolph Churchill. - -In the meanwhile the session ended and His Majesty's Government--as -Governments do in a changeable world--ran for the time out of storms -into calmer water. Lord Randolph continued in a twilight mood. He -disliked the Ministry, but did his best so far as he truthfully could to -sustain their policy. In the winter he revolved plans for an Irish -Education Bill, and endeavoured to pick up again the threads he had -been forced to drop incontinently two years before. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Justice -FitzGibbon._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: November 21, 1887. - - This should be the plan of campaign. Assume that you are a - benevolent despot with unlimited power for carrying out your own - sweet will in respect of a legal solution of the Education - Question: - - 1. Draw your Bill as per documents forwarded to me. - - 2. Ascertain from Walsh how far the draft meets with his - concurrence and would secure his support; or what modifications or - extensions would be necessary to that end. And, further, whether, - if you and he are agreed, he and his party would desire that I - should submit the matter to the House of Commons. - - I have a better chance, I think, of carrying a Bill than the - Government; for, although I have not the Government command of the - time of the House, I can put very considerable pressure upon them - to give me facilities, and it would be much easier for the Irish to - support a private member than to accept anything whatever at the - hands of a Coercion Government. Moreover, I feel confident of - Liberal-Unionist support and, being very friendly with John Morley, - I feel pretty sure of his benevolent neutrality--probably of his - assistance also. - - I will assent to, and assume Parliamentary responsibility for, any - scheme which you and the Archbishop can agree upon. I do not think - there is any difficulty as to the position of a private member - opposing a grant of public money for certain purposes. The transfer - of the expenditure on Model Schools to other purposes is certainly - within the power of a private member. - - When you have got your scheme drafted, and feel sure of your - Archbishop, then I will get hold of Beach, and approach the - Government. I cannot move until I get a draft Bill. - - For strategic purposes, leave alone Erasmus Smith, Incorporated - Society, Irish Society and London Companies; so that, if I am - troubled by factious opposition from those interests, I may - threaten reprisals by moving to appropriate radically their - resources. - - Would you approve of making your Bill very comprehensive and in - three parts? - - 1. Elementary (see your paragraph, p. 18, of your Report). - - 2. Intermediate (see following paragraph). - - 3. University (_i.e._ the creation of a Catholic University out of - the existing Royal University, endowed by the moneys now paid to - the Queen's Colleges, and as a subsidiary measure a "Stincomalee" - at Belfast). - - A large Bill often moves through the House, by its own momentum, - with greater ease than a small one, and the prospect of abolition - of the Model Schools and the godless Colleges would, I think, be a - lure which the Catholic clergy and laity would greedily swallow. - - Your great organising mind could easily arrange a Bill of this - dimension, and many circumstances lead me to think that the moment - is very propitious for the launching of such a scheme. - - - - -2 Connaught Place, W.: February 6, 1888. - - I think the education matter had better wait until you are able to - come over to London and we can thrash it out together in - conversation. Walsh's absence is decisive against doing anything - yet. Perhaps H.M.G. contemplate moving on their own account. Do - not say anything to them to give them the idea that you and I - contemplate moving. - - - - -2 Connaught Place, W.: February 10, 1888. - - I hope you will come over soon and arrange to remain several days. - The Session comes in like a lamb. I am reminded of the earlier - Sessions of the 1874 Parliament. I saw H.E. the Lord-Lieutenant - yesterday; he tells me he often sees you, which I am glad of. The - inconceivable apathy of the House of Lords prevented H.E. from - delivering his views on Ireland; I am very sorry he was not able to - speak. I have to give an address on the Irish Question to the - Oxford Union on the 22nd. This must be a grave and moderate - statement of our case. Do, if you have time, send me some good and - novel views and, if possible, some effective references and - quotations. - - - - -2 Connaught Place, W.: February 15, 1888. - - It was very good of you writing me such a long letter and sending - me so much good information. My thoughts, however, when I was - preparing my speech for the Oxford Union led me away from the line - you suggested and I fear you will think that I gave you a lot of - trouble all for nothing. Balfourism acts like a blister on Ireland - and the Irish, and has the bad and good effects which such - treatment generally produces. A too protracted application of the - blister might do much harm. - - Doncaster came in the nick of time. I think we shall probably hold - Deptford. Things look fairly well in Parliament. There are hints - and insinuations from some quarters as to my rejoining the - Government. I am, however, very happy and contented where I am, and - usually able to exert a good deal of influence if I take the - trouble, without being saddled with any inconvenient - responsibilities. I hope you will be running over soon. - -[Sidenote: 1888 AET. 39] - - - -2 Connaught Place, W.: July 14, 1888. - - I wish very much we could meet the Archbishop's views. It is a - great pity that Irish education should be complicated and - embarrassed by other political questions. Next year, if all is - well, we must make a great effort to get forward. I hope to be in - Ireland the end of August or beginning of September; and if so, - perhaps I may have the great advantage of personally ascertaining - the Archbishop's opinions. - - If I can only attain full agreement with him I do not anticipate - any difficulty with the Cabinet. The present moment is most - propitious for action. Later on we may become again involved in the - chaotic and whirling conflict of Home Rule, and education will be - indefinitely postponed. - -From the oratory of the recess and the rumours of reconstruction Lord -Randolph hurried away upon an expedition to which he had for some months -past been looking forward. To travel abroad, particularly in Europe, -always amused him; and he found no better relaxation after a spell of -political activity than in new scenes, fresh men and another atmosphere. -He had always wanted to visit Russia; and to go there now, in -circumstances personally so convenient and when the international -situation was full of interest, was a project to him very attractive. -Like most men whose lot it is to live a part of their lives on the -world's stage, to mingle with large crowds and to submit themselves to -public comment or applause, he was especially jealous of the privacy of -his holidays; and in order to prevent gossip of various kinds he had -allowed it to be understood that he would spend a part of the winter in -Spain. This device succeeded admirably until he was discovered about to -start for St. Petersburg. Then the newspapers awoke. The Continental -press manufactured rumours with that fertile ingenuity for which it has -always been distinguished, and on these the London newspapers dilated -with preternatural gravity. The _Times_ led the way with a solemn -warning to the Czar not to be misled, as his predecessor had been by a -certain Quaker deputation on the eve of the Crimean War, by any -assurances of British friendship which might be offered by the 'most -versatile and volatile' of English politicians. Lesser journals were -less restrained. All the gossip of the previous year was revived. He was -making a political journey. He was charged with a secret mission. He was -an 'officious' ambassador from Lord Salisbury. He was gathering -materials for a campaign against the Government. If he were neither for -nor against the Government, why should he be there at all? Why, except -for grave reasons of State, should a man not physically robust exchange -Spain for Russia in December? It was understood Lord Randolph was to -seek health and warmth in the South; but here, in midwinter, he was -'deserting the Guadalquivir for the Neva, and the sun of Seville for the -snows of St. Petersburg.' That he was 'accompanied by his wife' was -apparently a matter of additional significance. The explanation that he -was going to Russia as a tourist because he wanted to see Russia and the -Russian Court was offered by his friends. But no one was so simple as to -believe that; and at length an official _communique_ was published from -the Foreign Office: 'Lord Randolph Churchill has no mission from the -Government to M. de Giers. His presence in St. Petersburg is wholly -without the knowledge of the Foreign Office and he has no official -status'; and then followed a sentence which seemed to bear the marks of -a certain sharply pointed pen--'His lordship alone knows why he gave up -a contemplated Spanish tour for a visit to northern latitudes.' After -this the lower Ministerial press struck a different note. The Czar would -refuse to see a vulgar globe-trotter. There was no person whom the -Russians more heartily despised than the member for Paddington--'a -boastful, rattling, noisy egotist with no principle and, apparently, -with no conception of duty or honour.' - -Meanwhile the object of this merry chatter was enjoying himself. When -the word has gone forth in Russia that a visitor is to be well received, -he need not trouble himself about details. Everything moves _sur les -roulettes_; railway officials and Custom House officers are transformed -into attentive servants--often a considerable transformation; carriages -are reserved in every train; and luggage passes untouched through every -cordon. Lord Randolph arrived expeditiously at St. Petersburg, assailed -by newspaper correspondents--'mischievous people' whom he refused to see -(after all, they must live, like everybody else)--and met by his friends -from the Embassy. The next day he saw M. de Giers; and the day after the -Czar, without waiting for the usual New Year's Day reception, summoned -him to Gatschina. Lord Randolph has left a carefully written account of -his conversation with this great personage, which I have but slightly -abbreviated. After driving in bright sun and bitter cold to the Winter -Palace, and long delays, relieved by cups of tea, in interminable -corridors adorned by wonderfully dressed servants with _panaches_ of red -and orange ostrich feathers, he was conducted to the Emperor's -apartment. The Czar was sitting at a large writing-table in a small -_cabinet d'affaires_, and told his visitor to seat himself on a low -yellow banquette on the opposite side of the table. After cigarettes had -been produced and lighted, the conversation began in French, 'which,' -writes Lord Randolph, 'was a great disappointment to me, for he can -speak English perfectly; and sometimes he talked rather low and in his -beard, so that I, who do not hear very well, missed some of his -remarks.' - -Lord Randolph's account proceeds:-- - -'After some general observations as to the time when he was in England -last and when I was presented to him, and inquiries as to my stay in -Russia and intentions of going to Moscow, His Majesty said: "Well, I -hope you have been long enough in St. Petersburg to find out that we are -not so terribly warlike as we are made out to be." I replied that I did -not think that anyone in England of information had the smallest doubts -of the strong desire of His Majesty for peace and of the reluctance of -the Russian Government to go to war. This had been abundantly shown by -several incidents in the course of the last two years. The Czar remarked -that the English journals were very bitter against Russia and -attributed all sorts of malignant intentions to her. He added that he -had been told that some of them were subsidised by Monsieur de Bismarck -and excited against Russia by him. I told him that I could not think -there was any foundation for the last statement, though I had heard a -story of the * * * * having been paid by Monsieur de Bismarck to insert -some months ago some startling announcement as to the relations between -Germany and France; but that it was said that one of the proprietors had -lost a large sum of money owing to the fall in securities which followed -that announcement. Speaking generally on the question of English -journals, I expressed a hope that His Majesty would not pay much -attention to the remarks of English newspapers; that no public man in -England ever cared a rap for anything they said; that they were quite -irresponsible, and on foreign affairs as a rule very ill-informed. I -particularly urged the non-importance of the London press as any guide -to English public opinion, which was far better expressed and followed -by the provincial press and the leading daily journals of our large -towns. His Majesty seemed struck by this and said that some one had told -him the same thing once before. - -'After saying that he had a great wish to go to England for the purpose -of ascertaining the drift of English policy, he asked after Mr. -Gladstone and whether there was any chance of his returning to office. I -replied that Mr. Gladstone was very old and aged, that there seemed to -be no reason why the present Parliament should not last for three or -four years, and that it was hardly conceivable that after that period -Mr. Gladstone would be physically capable of official duty, even if -other circumstances were favourable. This latter contingency was -extremely remote, as in my opinion the combination of parties against -him was too strong to be resisted, and would probably keep the -Opposition out of office for years. In a word, that no rational -politician would count on Mr. Gladstone's return to office as a -practical factor in politics. His Majesty appearing to be under the -impression that the breach between Mr. Gladstone and the party of Lord -Hartington was not a very irreparable one, and might be made up, I told -His Majesty that at the commencement that was so, but the course of -events during this year had hopelessly embittered the quarrel; and that -Lord Hartington had taken up, with the assent of his followers, a very -strong position of opposition in general to Mr. Gladstone, mainly on -account of their conviction that Mr. Gladstone's internal policy was -anarchical. His Majesty asked after several other public men--Lord -Granville (_un homme charmant_), Lord Derby, Mr. Goschen. - -'His Majesty then went on to say that he was anxious to have visited -England in order to have a full explanation with Lord Salisbury -"_jusqu'a present l'ennemi acharne de la Russie_." I reminded His -Majesty that at the time of the Conference of Constantinople Lord -Salisbury had by no means been such an enemy, but that at that time he -probably had great sympathy for Russia; that after that events had -taken an unfortunate turn, and that Lord Beaconsfield's influence had -prevailed, and English policy been directed into an anti-Russian groove; -but I also reminded His Majesty that Lord Salisbury had in August last -made a speech at the Mansion House--which, coming from him, was of great -significance--which was marked by a tone of perfect friendship for -Russia and a strong belief in the possibility of good relations between -the two countries. - -'His Majesty did not disagree to all this, and said he hoped it was so, -as he must have an understanding (or settlement) with England _une jois -pour toutes_. These words he repeated more than once in the -conversation. I said the great difficulty between us had been the -Central Asian Question. He said it ought not to be a difficulty any -longer, that the Russians wanted no more, that they had more than they -could manage; but that the policy of the neutral zone had altogether -broken down and proved to be nonsense; that the two Powers must be -_limitrophes_, that we were making a great mistake in still pursuing the -neutral-zone policy by insisting on the independence of Afghanistan, -which we ought to take and govern ourselves. To this I replied, in the -first place, that I had never understood that Afghan territories were -included in any neutral zone; that, on the contrary, I thought it had -always been accorded that Afghanistan was outside Russian influence and -must be solely under British influence. To this His Majesty said -nothing. I went on to say that it was vital to us in India to exclude -all foreign influence from Afghanistan, and to retain its government -under our sole guidance; that we could not tolerate the smallest -departure from this principle, and I said that if His Majesty thought we -were too strong and unyielding on this matter he had only to recollect -the essential nature of the Indian Government--250,000 whites ruling 250 -million _indigenes_; that a Government of that kind rested almost -entirely on its _morale_ and prestige; and that _la moindre attente_ -against its prestige, if not promptly and effectively dealt with, might -become the gravest wound; that any attempt to exercise influence other -than British in Afghanistan would be such an _attente_. I went on to say -that our position was not perhaps quite logical; for that, holding such -opinions, we ought to take Afghanistan. This, I said, we could not do, -as public opinion and the Parliament would be invincibly opposed to any -such large extension of our Indian Empire, except under circumstances of -the most critical and forcible character; that that was our -position--that while we could allow no interference by others we would -not assume the responsibility of direct government by ourselves; and -that it seemed to me that a frank acceptance of that position would be -essential to any understanding between the two countries. His Majesty -having commented generally on this, and having contrasted our position -with his own as regarded Khiva and Bokhara--which, he averred, were now -most tranquil and prosperous, instead of utterly disordered as they used -to be--went on to speak of the European position as it affected the two -countries. - -'"With regard to the Black Sea and the Dardanelles, if you desire peace -and friendship with Russia, you must not mix yourselves up there against -us. We will never suffer," His Majesty said, with some slight approach -to excitement, "any other Power to hold the Dardanelles except the Turks -or ourselves; and if the Turks ultimately go out, it is by Russians that -they will be succeeded." - -'I replied that I had always understood that that was the Russian view -and that I would offer no criticism or comment on it, as it appeared to -me to be too speculative for practical purposes; that as regarded -present European difficulties Constantinople was in no way _en jeu_; and -that I did not think that questions concerning its ultimate fate ought -to disturb relations between England and Russia. - -'With respect to Bulgaria I expressed my own strong opinion that England -had no direct or important interests in that part of Europe and that it -could be no object to us to oppose the exercise of what I admitted was -legitimate Russian influence there; that, if we had any interests, they -were purely platonic, on behalf of liberty generally, and springing from -a general anxiety that treaties should be maintained; beyond that they -did not go. I added that in my opinion the policy of the Crimean War, -which was also adopted in '76-'78 by England, had come to an end with -the election of 1880 and was not likely to be renewed or resumed; that -the English people were not likely to fight for the Turks, nor for the -Bulgarians; and that they were not likely to associate themselves with -Austria; that the policy which the English people would prefer about -that part of Europe was complete neutrality and non-intervention. I said -more than once that I knew nothing whatever of the Government policy; -that I had no connection with the Government, direct or indirect; that I -only spoke as one who had had much opportunity of learning the -disposition of Parliament and the tendency of opinion among the people. - -'His Majesty asked me if the views I had expressed were shared by Lord -Hartington. I replied that it was almost impossible to say accurately -what Lord Hartington's views were, as he was a man of remarkable -reserve, but His Majesty would recollect that from 1880 to 1885, when -the English Government pursued in Europe a policy which was certainly -one of friendship and loyalty to Russia and of undisguised indifference -as to the fate of the Turk, Lord Hartington was, after Mr. Gladstone, -the leading man in that Government, and that I had no reason to suppose -that he had in any way receded from the foreign policy he then -contributed to give effect to. His Majesty, speaking about Egypt, said -that Russia had no desire to interfere with us there in any way. On the -contrary, they had no interests in that country. He added that he did -not see why England and France should not be perfectly good friends on -all Egyptian matters. To this I replied that understandings with France -appeared to be impossible; that not only did Governments succeed each -other there with hopeless rapidity, but that the very form of Government -in France was ephemeral. To this His Majesty quite assented, and said: -"Well, if you like, you have a great task before you on your return to -England--to improve the relations between Russia and England." I replied -that for some time past I had worked in that direction and should -continue to do so, although in certain quarters, Parliamentary and -otherwise, my views had not hitherto been regarded with favour; but that -I had formed a strong opinion that a thorough understanding between -England and Russia was possible and would be of the greatest advantage -to both. I added that I had said nothing, either to His Majesty or to M. -de Giers, which I had not very often said to Lord Salisbury while I was -his colleague. - -'His Majesty, who throughout the interview had been wonderfully kind, -quiet and simple, talking evidently with unreserve and allowing me to do -the same without displeasure, then brought to a close a conversation -which had lasted for about forty-five minutes.' - -The next day Lord and Lady Randolph had intended to go to Moscow; but an -invitation, equal to a command, to a party at Gatschina, delayed them. -'It was,' wrote Lord Randolph, 'certainly a very pretty and interesting -sight. The Emperor and the Empress were very kind to us, and I sat at -supper, at the Empress's table, between the Grand Duchess Elizabeth -(daughter of the Duke of Hesse and very beautiful) and the Grand Duchess -Catharine. I made the acquaintance of some interesting people, _entre -autres_ of General Ignatieff. M. de Giers sat by me during most of the -play. There was first a French play, then a quartette from _Rigoletto_, -then the duo from _The Huguenots_, then a Russian play (quite -unintelligible), and then another French play. The programme was too -long. Between the pieces the Emperor and Empress walked about and spoke -to people, and there was a large buffet where everyone went and lapped. -The whole thing was splendidly done.' - -The marked consideration shown to the English visitor increased the -gossip--good-humoured and spiteful alike--at home; and in the Russian -capital, where everyone takes his cue from the Czar, Lord and Lady -Randolph for some days almost engrossed the attention of Society and the -press. Reporters and telegram agents hovered gloomily round the hotel -from morn till dusk. Skating parties, in which Lady Randolph much -distinguished herself, and visits to important people occupied the days, -and banquets and receptions the nights. Long tours through peerless -galleries and museums, where Lord Randolph recognised with regret not a -few alienated Blenheim treasures; a flying visit to Moscow; the -'Blessing of the Waters' on the feast of the Epiphany, 'when the Emperor -had to stand bareheaded in the cold for a good long time'; a rout of 800 -persons given in his honour by Lady Morier at the British Embassy, were -among the incidents of a brilliant fortnight. 'I am sure in England,' -Lord Randolph wrote to his mother, 'it would bore me dreadfully to go -to all these dinners and parties and things, but here it amuses me. I -wonder why it is.... You must not believe a word the newspapers say. I -was most careful and guarded in all my communications and confined -myself to general beaming upon everyone. Lord S. may or may not be -angry, but I am certain that my going to Russia has had a good effect -and can at any rate do no harm.' - -He lingered a little on the homeward journey both in Berlin and Paris. - - - - _To his Mother._ - -British Embassy, Berlin. - - Here we are very comfortable. I never travelled with so much - circumstance before. The Malets are most kind and anxious to make - everything very pleasant. On Monday night the opera, where was - represented all Berlin Society _en grande tenue_; the old Emperor - looking very brisk. Yesterday the picture gallery, in which I - observed three Blenheim pictures--the Fornarina by Raphael (now - called a Sebastian del Piombo), the Andromeda of Rubens and the - great Bacchanalia picture by Rubens.... To-night Malet has an - immense feast--thirty-six persons. I went this morning to Potsdam - to write my name on Prince William, who called on us yesterday and - saw Jennie while I was out. Then luncheon with Herbert - Bismarck--very pleasant--no one else but Herr von Pothenberg, - Prince Bismarck's _chef de cabinet_. We talked very freely for a - long time, and drank a great deal of beer, champagne, claret, - sherry and brandy! H.B. is delightful, so frank and honest.... I - have not a doubt that the Chancellor kept away purposely. He is a - _grincheux_ old creature, and knows quite well that I will use all - my influence, as I have done, to prevent Lord S. from being towed - in his wake.... Some correspondents have been to see me, but I have - been very snubby to them. - -And so back to England, pursued by rumours with which the _Times_ -thought it worth while to fill three columns of its foreign telegrams. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -CROSS CURRENTS - - 'Surely there is no better way to stop the rising of sects and - schisms than to reform abuses; to compound the smaller differences; - to proceed mildly, and not with sanguinary persecutions; and rather - to take off the principal authors, by winning and advancing them, - than to enrage by violence and bitterness.'--BACON. - - -Sixteen months had passed, after Lord Randolph Churchill resigned, -before he became involved in a serious and open difference with the -Conservative Government. That he was separated from them by sentiment -and conviction, not only upon various considerable questions of method, -but upon the general character and temper of their policy, has been -abundantly explained. But his misgivings were concealed from the public -by his consistent defence of the Union, by an unaffected partisanship -and by the lively attacks which he made upon the Opposition. It is true -that the criticisms upon naval and military administration which had -been a necessary feature of his crusade of economy had naturally won him -little favour in Ministerial circles, and his open independence of the -official leaders could not be welcomed by his party. But the details of -departmental administration, though of immense practical importance, do -not usually raise, and ought scarcely ever to raise, questions of -confidence and loyalty. The efficient conduct of the services and the -doctrines of public thrift are--formally, at least--included in the -principles of both great political organisations. Except at rare -intervals, they lie apart from the ordinary scope of Parliamentary -conflict; and their discussion should never seriously divide political -associates. But Ireland opened chasms of a very different kind. - -When Sir Michael Hicks-Beach recovered his eyesight, Lord Salisbury was -anxious for him to rejoin the Government and offered him--no other post -being vacant--the Presidency of the Board of Trade. Beach, for whom -office had few attractions, who was on many questions in full sympathy -with Lord Randolph, and who was always bound to him by firm friendship, -was in no hurry to accept. He proposed to Lord Randolph, as they walked -down one day to the House together, that he should decline Lord -Salisbury's offer and that they should both sit together and work -together for the rest of the Parliament. Lord Randolph would not, -however, countenance this generous attempt to relieve the isolation of -his position. He urged Sir Michael to join the Government. 'They need -you,' he said, 'and besides, I shall like to feel I have one friend -there' (February 1888). - -During the whole of 1887 Lord Randolph had regularly supported his late -colleagues. Any opinions he had expressed on the Budget and the Land -Bill had been of a friendly nature and in the interests of those -measures. He had joined in the debates of the House with the same tone -and intention as he would have spoken in the Cabinet. No divergence of -principle on a dominant issue had yet occurred. The Government had -acted--however uninspiringly--in conformity with the main lines of the -policy declared at the General Election. It was not until the year 1888 -that the question of Irish Local Government and the Suakin operations -provoked a definite and notorious disagreement. On both these matters -Lord Randolph Churchill had made public declarations of the plainest -character in Opposition or as Leader of the House of Commons, and to -those pledges he adhered with a truly Quixotic disregard of his personal -interests. - -'On this question of Local Government,' Lord Randolph had stated in -August 1886, speaking in the House of Commons in the name of the -Conservative party, and with the full authority of the Cabinet as a -whole, of the Prime Minister, of the Chief Secretary of the day, and of -the leaders of the Liberal Unionists--'the great sign-posts of our -policy are equality, similarity and, if I may use such a word, -simultaneity, as far as is practicable, in the development of a -genuinely popular system of Local Government in the four countries which -form the United Kingdom.' The months had slipped away. A year and a half -were gone. When Lord Randolph left the Government their good resolutions -in respect of Ireland faded. Their pledges were long to remain -unredeemed. The arguments appropriate to such occasions were employed: -the circumstances had changed; the disaffection of the people was -patent; the Irish were unfitted by character and history for popular -institutions. - -It was a Wednesday afternoon (April 25), and under the old rules of -procedure the House rose at half-past five. A Nationalist member had -moved the second reading of an Irish County Government Bill, roughly -designed to merge boards of guardians, lunatic asylum boards and town -commissioners in smaller towns into county councils. To this a reasoned -amendment was moved, with the concurrence of the Government, by a -private member from the Unionist benches, setting forth the inexpediency -at that time of introducing any large constitutional change in Ireland. -Mr. Gladstone spoke in support of the Bill, and Mr. Balfour made an airy -reply, instancing the improper conduct of Irish local bodies and -declaring that that country was not fit for any extension of Local -Government. Something in his easy manner, thus dismissing -unceremoniously--almost, as it seemed, unconsciously--solemn pledges -elaborately given to the electorate at a time of choice, and renewed in -Parliament after the decision, seems to have stirred Lord Randolph's -blood. He got up immediately the Chief Secretary finished. Speaking with -much restraint, but with sufficient sharpness of manner to prevent him -referring to his old comrade as a 'right honourable friend,' he reminded -the Government and the swiftly-offended party of the declarations by -which they were bound, and the authority upon which those declarations -had been made. - -'All the circumstances,' he said, 'upon which the Chief Secretary has -enlarged this afternoon, showing the defects which exist in the working -of popular institutions in Ireland and the dangers that might be -anticipated from their extension, were before the Government of Lord -Salisbury at the time when they had to take a decision--a most momentous -decision--upon this question.... The idea of the Government at that time -was that a certain just extension, within reasonable limits, of Local -Government in Ireland was to be looked upon as a remedy for the great -evils which have been dwelt upon by the Chief Secretary.... I recollect -that the pledges given by the Unionist party were large and liberal, -were distinct and full, and that there was no reservation in those -pledges with respect to all the defects pointed out this afternoon in -the Irish character and in respect of Irish unfitness for Local -Government--nothing of the kind. We pledged ourselves that we would at -the very earliest opportunity extend to Ireland the same amount of Local -Government which we might give to England and Scotland. I venture to -say--and I do not care how much I am contradicted, or what the -consequences may be--that that was the foundation of the Unionist party; -and, more, that that is the only platform on which you can resist -Repeal. If you are going to the English people, relying merely on the -strength of your Executive power--if you are going to preach that the -Irish must for an indefinite time be looked upon as an inferior -community--unfit for the privileges which the English people -enjoy--then I tell you that you may retain that position for a time, -but only for a time, and that the time will probably be a short one.... -The words I used in representing the Government at that table were that -in approaching this momentous question of Local Government we should do -so with similarity, equality and simultaneity. The time has gone by -altogether for me to bear, and I will be content no longer to bear, -solely the responsibility of those words; and I do not think that there -would be a _bona fide_ carrying-out of the policy I then announced if -Ireland is not to have a measure of Local Government, until the state of -order in that country is satisfactory to the Executive Government.' - -Only a short time remained before the sitting must end. Chamberlain rose -at once from the Front Opposition Bench and in a speech of four minutes -said that he should vote with the Government on the understanding that -measures of local reform for Ireland were simply delayed by pressure of -business. Before the Leader of the House could add anything to the -debate Mr. Parnell moved the Closure--the Irish desiring to obtain the -division usual on such private members' Bills--and the incident ended. -But it left an estrangement behind. - -The second quarrel did not arise till eight months later. In November -1888 the chronic skirmishing and raiding around Suakin developed into a -regular blockade of that place, and the squalid, worthless, pestilential -Red Sea port became again a bone of strife between brave men in the -desert and wise men in the Senate. I do not need to remind the reader -of the vehement attacks which Lord Randolph Churchill had made upon Mr. -Gladstone's Egyptian policy, or of the support and approval which those -attacks had received from the Conservative party and the Conservative -press. No part of those strictures had been more effective or more -violent than that which referred to the operations around Suakin. They -had not, as many people on both sides of politics had believed and -freely stated, been impelled mainly by a factious desire to discredit -and embarrass Mr. Gladstone's Administration. That was, no doubt, an -obvious contributory motive; but behind it lay a profound detestation of -the purposeless bloodshed with which Soudan history, and especially -Suakin history, had since 1883 been stained. 'I do not hesitate to say,' -he declared in 1888, 'that I hate the Soudan. The idea to me of risking -the life of a single British soldier in that part of the world is -inexpressibly repugnant.' Whatever he might have thought at another -time, when the finances of Egypt were restored and the Dervish fires had -burnt low, of a methodical and scientific reconquest of the country, he -was sincerely opposed in 1888, as in Mr. Gladstone's day, to the policy -known as 'kill and retire.' It seemed to him the highest unwisdom, -whether from a political or military point of view, to despatch a single -British battalion, swamped among four thousand Egyptian soldiers, with -no other object, even if successful, than to fight a battle, decimate -the hostile tribesmen and return. He recalled the small beginnings and -the insufficient forces out of which great and far-reaching events in -Zululand and in the Transvaal had sprung. And he did not lack, as was -afterwards proved, the support of high authorities for his opinion. 'I -can assure you,' telegraphed Lord Cromer (then Sir Evelyn Baring) to -Lord Salisbury on December 6, 'that, unless great care is taken, the -Government may be dragged into another big Soudan business almost before -they are aware of it'; and, again, 'all sorts of arguments will probably -be put forward about tranquillising the Soudan once and for all. I -believe that these arguments are of very little value and that for the -present the Soudan cannot be tranquillised without the re-occupation of -Khartoum, which would require a large force.'[66] - -On these subjects and in this tenor Lord Randolph delivered three -speeches in the House of Commons, which were, as may be easily imagined, -met with unstinted resentment by his party. He spoke first on December -1, a general debate on the vote for embassies and foreign missions -having been raised by Mr. Morley; and three days later he moved the -adjournment of the House. This step created extravagant surprise and -anger. He rose, as the newspapers took care to point out, to make his -motion absolutely alone on the Government side of the House. He was -supported by the whole Opposition. He spoke--as, indeed, throughout the -Parliament of 1886--with gravity and moderation, and made a quiet, -earnest appeal to the House to prevent the renewal of the Soudan -warfare. His motion for the adjournment was unexpected, and the -Government were for some time, during the debate that followed, in a -minority. At a quarter-past six, however, when the division was taken, -they secured a majority of forty-two, although a half-dozen -Conservatives--among whom Mr. Hanbury was probably the best-known--voted -against them. - -Loud and long was the expression of Ministerial wrath. 'In order to -discredit his views,' wrote Jennings, in his preface to Lord Randolph -Churchill's speeches, 'it was necessary to bring into play those -formidable weapons of misrepresentation which can never be used with -greater effect than when they are directed by persons who have the -entire machinery of a great party at their command.' He was accused -forthwith of having laid a plot with the Opposition to destroy the -Government on a snap division; and the 'treachery' and 'ingratitude' of -such conduct were for some days a popular and fertile theme. He was even -forced to defend himself in public from such imputations. His reply was -explicit: '(1) If I had desired,' he wrote to an inquiring person, 'to -snatch a surprise division on the motion for the adjournment of the -House, which I made on Tuesday last with regard to Suakin, I should not -have occupied fifty minutes of the time of the House with my own speech. -(2) If I had desired by the aid of the Opposition to defeat the -Government, I should not have selected an evening when the supporters of -the Government, under the pressure of a five-line whip, were likely to -be present in great numbers in order to take part in a division on an -Irish vote which had been arranged to come off before the dinner-hour. -(3) The fact of the matter is that the case against the Suakin -expedition is so strong, and the line taken with respect to similar -expeditions by the Tories when they were in Opposition was so marked, -that I felt very confident of receiving appreciable support from the -ranks of the Ministerialists. For that reason I welcomed every -circumstance which was likely to bring together a full House.' - -It is not suggested that Lord Randolph Churchill was unwilling to defeat -the Government by his motion. Its object was to prevent the proposed -action in the Soudan. That object could only have been attained by an -adverse vote in the House of Commons. Whether such a vote would have -involved the resignation of Ministers is uncertain. The pretence that a -simple motion for adjournment, necessarily unaccompanied by any -substantive censure of policy, should directly involve a change of -Government is a modern abuse of Parliamentary practice. But even had the -fate of the Government turned on the division--as, of course, they -declared it would--conscientious conviction in an urgent matter of life -and death would have fully justified Lord Randolph in the course he -took. His action was reasonable, consistent and fair. Whether he was -right on the merits of the question or as to its importance in relation -to the general political situation, must be judged by others. - -The Government profited both by the counsels which were offered them and -by the result of their final decision. The British force despatched to -Suakin was reinforced. The scope of the warfare was rigidly confined. -Nothing that might prove extensive or entangling was permitted and, on -the other hand, the limited operation was in itself completely -successful. On December 21 an engagement was fought outside Suakin. The -Dervishes were routed with heavy slaughter and driven away into the -desert, whence--as it luckily happened--they did not subsequently choose -to return in numbers sufficient to cause anxiety to the garrison or -seriously disturb the peace of the Red Sea Littoral. - -The speeches of Lord Randolph Churchill in Parliament during the years -from 1887 to 1890 were the best in manner and command he ever made. He -stood alone, surrounded by enemies who were once his supporters, and -faced by opponents whose plaudits he did not desire; but if he had still -been Leader of the House he could not have been more at his ease and -more sure of himself. His style was serious enough to suit the dullest; -and yet point after point was made with a clearness and rhetorical force -to which the dullest could not be insensible. His voice penetrated -everywhere without apparent effort. Every tone was full of meaning. He -was sparing of gesture and cared little for oratorical ornament. He was -always heard with profound attention by the House, with obvious anxiety -by the Government, and usually in silence by the Conservative party. - -The influence which he exerted upon the course of affairs outside the -ordinary divisions of party was palpable and noteworthy. With the full -consent of the Government he moved (February 16, 1888) the Address to -the Crown, which being assented to unanimously by the House, called into -being the Royal Commission upon the alleged corruption and improprieties -of the Metropolitan Board of Works. When a member of Parliament had been -guilty of a libel upon the Speaker, it was Lord Randolph Churchill who -with formidable authority of manner, and complete mastery of -Parliamentary practice, persuaded, and indeed compelled, the House to -resolve his suspension for an entire month (July 20, 1888). One hot -summer afternoon (June 27, 1888) he appeared unexpectedly in his place -and practically laughed the Channel Tunnel Bill--supported though it was -by Mr. Gladstone and many prominent Tories--out of the House of Commons. -Sir Edward Watkin, the promoter, had explained a device by which a -Minister of State by touching a button could in an instant blow up the -entrance to the tunnel. 'Imagine,' exclaimed Lord Randolph, drawing an -airy finger along the Treasury bench--'Imagine a Cabinet Council sitting -in the War Office around the button. Fancy the present Cabinet gathered -together to decide who should touch the button and when it should be -touched.' He had intended to add, 'Fancy the right honourable member for -Westminster (Mr. W. H. Smith) rising at length in his place with the -words "I move that the button be now touched,"' but the laughter from -all parties which this diverting picture had already excited led him to -forget the climax he had contemplated. The Bill was rejected by 307 to -165. Few private members, divorced alike from office and from the -official Opposition, have in modern times been able by their unaided -personal force so powerfully to sway the opinion of Parliament. - -And now must be related an incident which, though not in itself of -historical importance, created a great hubbub at the time and involved -an open political dispute and severance between Lord Randolph Churchill -and Mr. Chamberlain. Although Lord Randolph was comfortably settled in -Paddington and enjoyed the luxury of a safe seat, he always hankered -after Birmingham. Contact with a democratic electorate in a centre of -active political thought was always personally very alluring to him; and -it is singular that he never achieved his ambition of representing a -popular constituency. But if these were general predilections, -Birmingham offered attractions of its own. His association with the -Birmingham Tories during the fighting days of 1884 and 1885 had formed -ties of mutual regard and comradeship which proved strong enough--in the -case of those who had come into personal touch with him, at any rate--to -stand all the strains of the lean and melancholy years that followed. No -amount of party disapprobation, of pressure from headquarters, of -newspaper abuse, affected the faithfulness of those with whom he had -fought side by side. They scorned every suggestion that he was -'disloyal' to the party. They held by him through thick and thin. In -spite of the frowns of party leaders, and sometimes of real divergences -of opinion, the controlling forces in the Midland Conservative Club were -always unswerving in his support; and the last time he ever appeared on -a public platform was in the Birmingham Town Hall. - -There were, moreover, obvious reasons why, in the early part of 1889, -Lord Randolph should have wished to be sustained by the vote of a great -constituency. He was out of joint with his party. He was almost alone in -the House of Commons. All the orthodox and official forces in the -Conservative party were hostile to him. He had taken an independent -course on various important questions, and that course had twice been -directly opposed to Lord Salisbury's Government. There was asserted to -be a definite compact between the local Conservative leaders in -Birmingham and the Liberal Unionists that, in the event of a vacancy in -the Central Division, Lord Randolph Churchill was to be invited by both -wings of the Unionist party to stand. This agreement was personal to -Lord Randolph and particular to Birmingham, and quite independent of any -general arrangement respecting Conservative and Liberal-Unionist seats; -and a clear understanding to this effect existed between Lord Randolph -and Mr. Chamberlain. There was, therefore, no doubt that if a vacancy -occurred Lord Randolph had a right to stand and to look for the support -of both sections of the party. If he did not stand himself, then only -the nomination of a candidate would rest properly with the Liberal -Unionists. It was admitted that in such a contest he would be victorious -by a majority of two or three thousand votes; and his friends believed, -almost without exception, that such a victory, involving as it did a -popular endorsement of all that he had done since he left the Cabinet, -must enormously raise his prestige in Parliament and the country. - -All through the year 1888 Mr. Bright lay desperately ill. At the end of -May Mr. Chamberlain, who had just returned from his American trip, and -who was still on most friendly terms with Lord Randolph, wrote to tell -him that he feared the end was approaching, to ask what Lord Randolph -would do, and to promise him support should he decide to stand. Lord -Randolph replied (May 30, 1888): 'I hope Mr. Bright will get better. The -news this morning is more favourable. In the event of a vacancy -occurring, I should not leave Paddington unless it was the strong and -unanimous wish of the Tories and of your party combined, and unless they -were of opinion that there was real danger of the seat being lost if I -did not stand. I do not imagine, however, that these two conditions are -likely to arise. The seat is a Liberal-Unionist seat and that party has -a clear right to put forward one of their own number, and to receive a -full measure of Tory support.' These communications were on both sides -informal. They did not in any way affect the compact. They were merely -assurances as to what the writers would do personally under the compact -as it existed, if the issue were raised at that time. The issue was not -raised. Mr. Bright rallied and survived almost for another year. When he -died, on March 27, 1889, quite a different situation had been created. -Lord Randolph Churchill ardently desired to stand. Mr. Chamberlain was -vehement to prevent him. The dispute that followed is not in its essence -difficult to understand. A definite agreement exists between two -friends. They agree as friends to interpret it in a particular manner. -They cease to be friends as regards politics. They wish to interpret it -in another manner; and they quote one another's friendly assurances as -if they were an integral part of the agreement itself. Neither is -legally bound; both are morally embarrassed. In the present case the -complexity of the dispute was aggravated by all sorts of conflicting -statements and promises made at different times by the local leaders. -Into these it is not necessary to enter. - -[Sidenote: 1889 AET. 40] - -Lord Randolph Churchill's right to stand was, of course, incontestable. -Compact or no compact, his claim upon the Liberal-Unionist vote was -strong. He had polled 4,216 Conservative votes against Mr. Bright -himself in that very constituency. He had only been defeated by 773. The -Conservative organisation was unanimous in his favour. He was 'idolised' -(this is the word that is used most frequently in contemporary accounts) -by the rank and file. They outnumbered by three or four to one the -Liberal Unionists in the division. Their votes had contributed -four-fifths of the poll of all the Liberal-Unionist members in the city. -Lord Randolph had himself been the principal agent by which the return -of these gentlemen had been secured. On the day after the vacancy was -declared the _Birmingham Daily Post_, the official Liberal-Unionist -organ, published an article supporting his candidature and giving the -Conservatives reason to believe that it would be accepted by both -parties; nor did Mr. Chamberlain himself deny that if Lord Randolph came -forward it would be his duty to support him. The only question was: -Should he come forward? - -No sooner was Mr. Bright dead than the Birmingham Conservatives appealed -to Lord Randolph. All his friends and well-wishers pressed him to stand. -Mr. Jennings was insistent. FitzGibbon urged him to 'chuck another big -town' at the 'old gang.' 'It would be like the Paris elections to -Boulanger,' said others. Colonel North, with the blunt decision of a -business man, telegraphed to him from Santiago: 'Be sure contest -Birmingham.' Faithful supporters offered to place their seats at his -disposal in case of accidents. Lord Randolph does not seem to have -anticipated any opposition from Mr. Chamberlain; yet it should have been -sufficiently evident that Mr. Chamberlain's interests and inclinations -were not likely to be served by the establishment of 'Two kings in -Brentford.' So long as they were allies working in concert, it might -be--perhaps it must be--endured. Now that they were separated and -pursuing independent, and even divergent, courses the idea was -intolerable. No difficulty or dispute was, however, apprehended. On -April 2, when the writ was moved, Lord Randolph Churchill had every -reason to suppose that complete unanimity prevailed. A deputation of -Birmingham Tories waited on him at the House of Commons on that day with -a hearty invitation. It seemed that his election was secured, and that a -giant majority was certain. - -And here I leave the account to Mr. Jennings:-- - - - - _Mr. Jennings's Account of the Birmingham Affair._ - -Tuesday, April 2, 1889. - - On my going to the House I met R. C. in the lobby. He drew me - aside, and whispered that the deputation would be here presently. - Would I meet them in the outer lobby, bring them inside, and talk - to them till he came back? He was just going to see Hicks-Beach a - few moments. He was turning away, but came back and said: 'May I - ask you to do me another favour? Go and draw up a draft farewell - address to the electors of South Paddington and an address to the - electors of Birmingham.' 'When do you want them?' 'This afternoon.' - he said. After a few more words he went away. - - I made arrangements with Mr. Mattinson (M.P. for a Liverpool - division) to meet the deputation while I went into the library to - write out the addresses. I had finished the one for South - Paddington and was half-way through the other when Mattinson came - to me and told me the deputation were outside. I went to them, and - had a little chat. They were radiant, having no reason whatever to - anticipate a refusal. Mr. Rowlands told me R. C. was sure of a - majority of between 2,000 and 3,000. After a talk I went back to - finish the address, but met E. Beckett in one of the corridors. He - said; 'Have you heard what he has done?' 'No.' 'He has left it to - Hartington and Chamberlain to decide what he will do.' I was - completely bewildered, and went into the smoking-room to look for - R. C. Directly he saw me he came up and led me out into the - corridor. There we walked up and down a long time, talking about - it. He said he had been with Hicks-Beach, who was dead against his - going to Birmingham. While they two were talking a knock came at - the door and someone said Lord Hartington particularly wished to - see Lord R. C. R. C. said: 'Let him come in here.' H. did so, and - said Chamberlain was 'furious' at the idea of R. C. going to - Birmingham--that he was 'in a state of extreme irritability.' Would - they (Beach and Churchill) mind having Chamberlain in to hear what - he had to say? Churchill said no, but he would go away for half an - hour and leave them to discuss the matter. He would abide by their - decision. - - When he told me this I said: 'Surely you must know what their - decision will be? Why, they would not want half a minute to decide - that you shall not go. Chamberlain is "Boss" in Birmingham, and he - means to remain so. He does not want you there, dividing his - popularity with him or, most likely, taking the lion's share of - it.' And so on. - - R. C. did not seem to think it so certain that they would decide - against him and said, moreover, that he could not take the - responsibility of dividing the Unionist party. After a time he said - he would go back and hear their decision. In the meanwhile - Akers-Douglas had carried off the Birmingham deputation to his own - room. - - I should think about a quarter of an hour elapsed, when R. C. - reappeared in the lobby, from the House, and made for the outer - door. He saw me and said: 'Where are the deputation--in the - Conference Room?' I told him where they were. 'It is all over,' he - said. 'I cannot stand for the seat. I'll tell you all about it - by-and-by.' - - I would not go into the room, because I am not on terms with - Akers-Douglas; but when a division-bell rang, and Akers-Douglas - came out, I went in. The deputation were very incensed and loudly - declared they had been cheated, and would go back and vote for the - Gladstonian candidate. R. C. tried to smooth them down, but it was - quite useless.... - -The deputation were not alone in their disgust. Mr. Jennings was so -vexed by what he conceived to be the weak and capricious abandonment of -a cherished plan that for several days he could hardly bring himself to -discuss it with Lord Randolph. His other friends were puzzled and -discouraged. They ridiculed the impartiality of the committee of three. -Chamberlain was an interested party, with a perfectly open and declared -wish to prevent Lord Randolph standing. Hartington as leader of the -Liberal Unionists could not act against the interests of his own -followers. Beach, though a staunch friend, was a member of the -Government. No wonder they had been able to come so promptly to a -decision. To Lord Randolph himself the result was a cruel -disappointment. He was isolated. He had few loyal followers and many -powerful enemies. He could ill afford to surrender such advantages as he -possessed. The others were armed with all the resources of a vast -confederacy. Of his little he gave freely. In their prosperity and power -they accepted the sacrifice as a matter of course. Mr. Chamberlain, it -is true, was careful to say publicly[67] that Lord Randolph's action was -'in loyal accord with the arrangements made with the Conservative -leaders, including himself, in 1886,' and to emphasise his 'honourable -determination not to break the national compact of which he was a chief -party in 1886.' But the _Times_, then in the closest agreement with the -governing forces of the Conservative party, though admitting that Lord -Randolph had acted 'with thorough loyalty to the great cause that unites -us all,' permitted itself (April 6) to observe that 'if the Birmingham -Conservatives had any right to be aggrieved at the loss of their pet -candidate it was to him, and to no one else, that they ought to address -their complaints.' - -The dispute was continued passionately at Birmingham. Mr. John Albert -Bright was duly brought forward as the Liberal-Unionist candidate for -the Central Division. The Conservative leaders there--Rowlands, Sawyer, -Satchell-Hopkins, Moore Bayley--utterly refused to support him. They -were local men, and against them were arrayed the whole authority of -their party chiefs and the force and influence of a great national -politician. But they had fought hard battles before, and although they -thought themselves deserted by Lord Randolph Churchill they faced the -situation with obstinacy. They declared that the Liberal Unionists had -broken faith with them and that Mr. Chamberlain had intrigued and used -unfair pressure to prevent Lord Randolph from standing. Their -determination not to support Mr. J. A. Bright was endorsed by their -followers. For several days it seemed as if the Gladstonian candidate, -Mr. Phipson Beale, would carry the seat. - -So critical was the position that Mr. Balfour was hurried down to -restore peace. A crowded meeting was held, at which Mr. Rowlands was -bold enough to say that the Birmingham Conservatives were not prepared -to bow down to anything that might be settled in London, and the more -vigorous members of the Midland Conservative Club shouted 'No -surrender!' Mr. Balfour was at his best. He dwelt upon Lord Randolph's -refusal to stand--'he had absolutely declined to do so.' There was -almost a suggestion that the speaker doubted the wisdom of that -decision--but there it was! He then asserted the unimpeachable right of -the local Conservatives to choose their own candidate. He deprecated -strongly the interference of London politicians in local matters. But he -urged them, in the free exercise of their discretion, utterly -uninfluenced by such interference, to oppose the return of a -Gladstonian. He carried the meeting with him. The local leaders were -divided. Some acquiesced; some stood aside for a time. The part Mr. -Rowlands had played had been too bold and prominent for retreat or -pardon. Birmingham politics are bitter. Notwithstanding that every -Conservative organisation in the city passed resolutions urging him to -retain his leadership, he resigned his offices and withdrew altogether -from public life. He should be remembered for having carried out the -arrangement of 1886, whereby the Conservatives gave their full support -to the Radical Unionists, 'asking for no return, making no boast or -taunt,' on which arrangement Mr. Chamberlain's second empire in -Birmingham was ultimately established; and also for his firmness and -courage amid peculiar and uncertain circumstances. Mr. John Albert -Bright was elected by a large majority, practically the whole -Conservative party having voted in his support. - -Mr. Chamberlain and his friends, like practical people, said nothing -until the election was over and their candidate was returned. Then he -addressed a letter to the Birmingham papers challenging the local -Conservatives to make good their charges of bad faith and intrigue. 'I -am perfectly ready,' he wrote, 'to accept full responsibility for the -advice which, in common with Sir Michael Hicks-Beach and Lord -Hartington, was tendered to Lord Randolph Churchill when he asked our -opinions. I had no right and no wish to conceal my view that Lord -Randolph Churchill's candidature might possibly be unsuccessful, and -would certainly be regarded with disfavour by Liberal Unionists in all -parts of the country, as taking from the party one of the comparatively -few seats held by them in 1886. While, however, I maintained this -opinion, I expressed my readiness to do all in my power to promote his -return if he should finally decide to come forward.' To the challenge to -produce proofs of a broken compact the Conservatives replied with vigour -and volubility. A whole page of the _Birmingham Gazette_ was occupied -with their statements, which appear to have been both explicit and -complete. But as the dispute turned largely on the exact terms of the -'understanding,' whether those terms constituted a 'compact,' and how -far this compact, if it existed, was modified by a general compact -relating to Liberal-Unionist seats throughout the country, and as both -parties relied mainly on their recollection of conversations which had -taken place at intervals during the preceding year, no definite issue -could be reached. But the Birmingham Conservatives were provoked anew by -the triumphant resolution passed by the Liberal Unionists affirming that -the recent election had proved their 'preponderance of power' in the -Central Division, and the quarrel was protracted with the rancour of -civil war and the amenities of political discussion in Birmingham. - -These proceedings, which were reported very fully throughout the -country, forced Lord Randolph Churchill to publish on April 23 a -detailed statement in the form of a letter to Mr. Chamberlain. After -dealing at length with the questions of the compact he continued:-- - - My going to Birmingham as candidate or not going always practically - rested with you, as you perfectly well know, and you decided, no - doubt on public grounds alone, that I was not to go. Now you have - had your way, you have seated your nominee. I may claim to have - assisted you materially, not only by yielding to your desire that I - should refuse the request of the Birmingham Conservatives, but also - by counsel, oral and written, as Mr. Rowlands and others can - testify, to my friends in Birmingham to support Mr. John Albert - Bright. If ever a man was compelled by duty to be magnanimous, or - could afford to be magnanimous, it was yourself after such a - conspicuous success. Your position demanded that you should neglect - to notice any words which legitimate disappointment may have - prompted, that you should do your best to soothe irritated but just - susceptibilities, that you should suggest arrangements by which, in - future electoral contests, the two sections of the Unionist party - might work together cordially for their mutual advantage. - - How widely different, however, has been your action! How curious - the return you make to the Conservatives who voted in such large - numbers for Mr. Bright, and to me, who thought I was your friend, - and who certainly--to put the matter in the most negative and - colourless manner--did nothing to interfere with Mr. Bright's - return. - - As far as I am concerned, you endeavour to embroil me and my - friends in Birmingham by representing, and by seeking to make it - appear, that I have played fast and loose with them, although in - dealing with the incident I have regarded your interests a great - deal more than my own; and in respect of the Conservative party in - Birmingham they are rewarded by an acrimonious attack from you and - their leaders, by contumely and denunciation being poured upon men - to whom they owe much and whose services they highly value; and, - finally, in order that insult may be heaped upon injury, you allow - the Liberal-Unionist Association, which is completely under your - control, at a meeting over which you presided, to set forth in a - formal and written resolution an assertion so questionable as to be - almost ridiculous, to the effect that the recent election has shown - 'that the preponderance of political power in Central Birmingham is - with the Liberal-Unionist party.' - - I have entered into this controversy with you with much reluctance - and have in no way sought it; but I owe too much to the - Conservatives in Birmingham not to take up pen in their behalf - when, as it appears to me, they are treated with unqualified - injustice. - -There the matter ends so far as this account is concerned; for it is not -necessary to follow the long and vexatious discussions by which, after -years had passed, the representation of the Edgbaston Division in lieu -of the Central Division was ultimately conceded to the Conservative -party. Lord Randolph's decision has been exposed to various criticisms, -but the explanation is not obscure. He looked back with pride to the -great compact of 1886. He could not bear to take action which would be -misrepresented as hostile to the fundamental basis of the Unionist -alliance; and he knew well that the forces for influencing public -opinion against him were strong enough, whatever the actual rights and -wrongs of the Birmingham dispute, to create that impression. This -reasoning may have been sufficient; but it does not cover the fact of -his submitting his claims to the arbitrament of such a committee. -Whatever the circumstances, he himself should have decided. The -responsibility was his alone; and although it might be prudent to -receive the counsels of Lord Hartington and of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach -and to hear Mr. Chamberlain's opinion, he should have informed them, and -not they him, of the decision that was finally taken. - -It should be said that Lord Randolph Churchill never considered that Mr. -Chamberlain had treated him with any want of candour in this affair. He -did not think he had been generous in action or in victory. But he -recognised that a natural divergence had opened between them and, this, -although acute, was confined to political and public limits and did not -extend to personal relations. To the end of his life he was accustomed -to say that their only quarrel was over the Aston Riots; and they met, -though less frequently, on courteous terms. The blow was a bitter one to -Lord Randolph. His enforced desertion of his Birmingham friends cut him -to the quick. As he came out of the Whips' room, where he had given his -answer to the deputation, a friend noticed upon his face the shadow of -that drawn and ghastly look with which it was in a few years to be -stamped. - -So considerable an interval elapsed after the Suakin debates before Lord -Randolph Churchill again addressed the House of Commons that he provoked -a laugh by drolly asking 'the indulgence usually accorded to a new -member.' The session of 1889 had almost reached its close without the -question of making the necessary provision by Parliamentary grant for -the children of the Prince of Wales having been debated. When he rose -(July 26), in succession to Mr. Bradlaugh, from his accustomed seat -immediately behind the Treasury Bench, the Conservative members seemed -in some doubt as to his intention, and he was greeted by only a very -faint cheer. But his first words made his position manifest: 'I have -always held an opinion, amounting to absolute conviction, as to the -indisputable right of the Crown to apply to Parliament to make provision -for the Royal Family and to rely upon the liberality of Parliament in -respect of such applications.' Then followed one of the most happy -speeches he ever achieved. The argument, which was elaborate and -precise, was concerned largely with figures and precedents showing the -small cost of the British Monarchy compared with other forms of -Government, and the conduct of the reigning Sovereign with respect to -claims upon Parliament in comparison with some of her later -predecessors. The constitutional doctrine involved and the mode of -presenting such a case to a popular assembly are worthy of the attention -of politicians; but the whole was enlivened and adorned by a sustained -sparkle of what in those days had come to be called 'Randolphian -humour,' which kept the rapidly assembled House in continued laughter -and applause. When, for instance, he referred to Mr. Mundella as having -'addressed his constituents in Paradise--Square,' with just the -slightest pause after 'Paradise,' the whole House collapsed; and Mr. -Gladstone, whose sense of humour was somewhat uneven, is said to have -laughed more than at any other jest he had ever heard in Parliament. - -The effect of this speech, which occupied more than an hour, was to -produce for the moment a complete reconciliation between Lord Randolph -and his party. All about him as he sat down was a stir of enthusiasm. -The Treasury Bench turned a row of delighted faces towards him. Among -his papers I find a bundle of letters, full of gratitude and praise, -written from the House by Conservative members while the impression was -strong in their minds. But Lord Randolph Churchill knew he had that to -say two days later in the Midlands which would speedily dissipate such -transient and uncourted approbation. - -On successive evenings at Walsall and Birmingham he outlined an -extensive, yet not unpractical, programme of domestic legislation, -dealing especially with land and housing, and with temperance. A single -extract will show how far his mind had travelled from those serene -pastures where the Government lambs were nourished:-- - -...The great obstacle to temperance reform undoubtedly is the - wholesale manufacturers of alcoholic drink. Those manufacturers are - small in number, but they are very wealthy. They exercise enormous - influence. Every publican in the country almost, certainly - nine-tenths of the publicans in the country, are their abject and - tied slaves. Public-houses in nine cases out of ten are tied - houses. There is absolutely no free-will, and these wholesale - manufacturers of alcoholic drink have an enormously powerful - political organisation, so powerful and so highly prepared that it - is almost like a Prussian army: it can be mobilised at any moment - and brought to bear on the point which is threatened. Up to now - this great class has successfully intimidated a Government and - successfully intimidated members of Parliament; in fact, they have - directly overthrown two Governments, and I do not wonder, I do not - blame Governments for being a little timid of meddling with them. - But, in view of the awful misery which does arise from the - practically unlimited and uncontrolled sale of alcoholic drinks in - this country, I tell you my frank opinion--the time has already - arrived when we must try our strength with that party.... Do - imagine what a prodigious social reform, what a bound in advance we - should have made if we could curb and control this destructive and - devilish liquor traffic, if we could manage to remove from amongst - us what I have called on former occasions the fatal facility of - recourse to the beerhouse which besets every man and woman, and - really one may almost say every child, of the working classes in - England. - -The next day he spoke at Birmingham. Ireland was his principal theme. -For the first time on this subject since he resigned he unburdened his -mind without restraint. He showed how much he hated the harsh and -ill-tempered opinions then so powerful. He advocated two great measures -by which the Conservative party might with wisdom and propriety assuage -the bitter discontent of the Irish people--Local Government and land -purchase. He even named the sum of money for which the credit of the -United Kingdom might be pledged to create a peasant proprietary. -'Something like one hundred millions,' he said; and the audience gasped -suspiciously. What folly to think the Conservative party would touch -such measures! And yet they have passed them into law! - -Surely the reader will linger on the wit and wisdom of this concluding -passage, remembering always how great a price in influence and personal -fortunes the speaker willingly paid for the privilege of telling the -truth:-- - - I dare say many of us have read, and a great many of you remember, - a charming novel of Mr. Dickens, 'Our Mutual Friend'; and it may be - in your recollection that there was a certain character in that - novel of great interest, the delineation of which, by Mr. Dickens, - is a subject of great amusement to the reader. His name was Mr. - Podsnap; and, if you recollect, Mr. Podsnap was a person in easy - circumstances, who was very content with himself and was extremely - surprised that all the world was not equally contented like him; - and if anyone suggested to Mr. Podsnap that there were possible - causes of discontent among the people Mr. Podsnap was very much - annoyed. He declared that the person making such a suggestion was - flying in the face of Providence. He declared that the subject was - an unpleasant one; he would go so far as to say it was an odious - one; and he refused to consider it, he refused to admit it, and - with a wave of his arm, you recollect, he used to sweep it away and - to remove it off the face of the earth. - - It would be a great mistake to suppose that Mr. Podsnap is a - character of fiction. I know him well. I often meet Mr. Podsnap in - London society. Mr. Podsnap hates me; he looks upon me as a person - of most immoral and most evil tendency; but, with that morbid love - of contemplating and prying into things essentially evil which is - possessed, I think, by a great many good men, Mr. Podsnap cannot - restrain himself sometimes from conversing with me, and this is the - sort of remark Mr. Podsnap makes when he accosts me. He says, - 'Young man'--he always begins in that way, though I believe he is - not very much older than myself--he says, 'Are you not more and - more impressed day by day with the constant proof and illustration - of the hopeless and hereditary wickedness of the Irish people?' I - say 'No;' that I have had some experience of the Irish people, and - I have lived amongst them for some years, and that I have always - found them a very pleasant people and a very amiable people, and - very easy to get on with if you take them the right way. And then - Mr. Podsnap is painfully annoyed; he shows his indignation, he - declares that the subject is an unpleasant one, and he will go so - far as to say an odious one. He refuses to admit it, he refuses to - consider it, and he removes it and sweeps it away from off the face - of the earth. Well, sometimes I like, when I have nothing better to - do, to try and draw Mr. Podsnap, and I go up to him and I ask him - whether he does not think on the whole it might be a good thing - after balancing everything--if we could find some dodge which might - keep the Irish members out of prison. And then Mr. Podsnap is - startled, and he is much annoyed, and he says, 'Do you mean - seriously to argue that the Irish members, if they had their - deserts, ought not to be hanged, drawn and quartered in front of - Westminster Hall?' Then I reply that no doubt that is one way of - dealing with the Irish members and one way of governing Ireland, - but that it appears to me a somewhat singular way of maintaining - the Parliamentary union between two countries; and then Mr. Podsnap - is very wroth, and he sweeps me away and he removes me and the - Irish members and Ireland from off the face of the earth. But Mr. - Podsnap is not a bad fellow on the whole, so long as you do not pay - the smallest attention to him. But undoubtedly, at the present - moment, what Mr. Dickens calls Podsnappery is rampant and rife in - London, and I think this Podsnappery we ought to make a great - effort to put down. - - I am certain that intolerance and contempt of Irish opinion and - prejudice, hopeless prejudice against Irish ideas, produce a - corresponding rancour and hatred among the Irish people against us, - and terribly envenom the feelings and the relations between the two - countries. No, let us rather have recourse, and confident recourse, - to justice, to liberality, to generosity and, above all, to - sympathy in our Irish policy. You may be certain of this, that a - free manifestation of those qualities in your Irish policy would - work such a miracle in Ireland as you have no conception of. I hope - most earnestly that I shall never live to see the day when there - may be established in Ireland a separate Parliament and a separate - Government; but I hope equally earnestly and equally strongly, that - I may live to see the day, and that possibly it may be in my power - somewhat to contribute to the advent of that time, and that that - time may not be at any very distant or remote date, when the Irish - shall not only be prosperous, but free--free in the full and proper - sense of the word--free as the English, as the Scotch, and as the - Welsh are free; and when a strong conviction of the benefits and a - strong affection for the ties of union with Great Britain shall - pervade and fill Irish hearts and minds, when the recollections of - the former strife of nations shall be all forgotten, and when our - children shall wonderingly inquire of us how it was that through so - many weary years Ireland was a source of danger and of distress to - the British Empire. - -These two speeches in the Midlands, especially the first, at Walsall, -were a terrible rock of offence. The landlords, the brewers and the -opponents of land purchase were incensed and alarmed. 'They are all up -in arms against you,' wrote Jennings sadly from the House of Commons. -'The speech on the Royal Grants did you so much good with the party, and -now ... the Conservatives say you are nothing better than a Socialist, -and the Radicals are, for a wonder, equally hostile. They are all agreed -in denouncing you. The wind is due east, I must admit, and very keen and -biting.' - -'I am sorry to have to tell you,' wrote a Conservative member who had -been pressing Lord Randolph to visit his constituency, 'that the local -Fathers in * * * think that in the interests of the party it would be -undesirable to hold a meeting there, and that you would not meet with a -good reception from our own people. All of them expressed the opinion -that they could not afford to offend the brewers and publicans, who have -done so much for us in the past, and that any scheme proposing a loan of -money to Ireland to buy out Irish landlords was most unpopular and -regarded as Gladstonianism pure and simple.' - -In Birmingham especially a bad impression was created, and Lord -Randolph's influence, already terribly injured by his refusal to stand, -was further weakened. It need scarcely be said that Mr. Chamberlain was -much shocked by the open profession of doctrines so advanced in -constituencies which bordered on his own, and on the first convenient -occasion he felt it his duty to administer a suitable rebuke:-- - - I observed the other day [he said] that a most distinguished - nobleman, Lord Randolph Churchill, addressed various speeches to - audiences in Birmingham and the neighbourhood, and that he declared - himself to be a Tory. I can only say his programme is a programme - which, I am perfectly certain, will be absolutely repudiated by - Lord Salisbury and Mr. Balfour. I dare say you have often seen at a - bazaar or elsewhere a patchwork quilt brought out for sale, which - is made up of scraps from old dresses and from left-off garments - which the maker has been able to borrow for the purpose. I am told - that in America they call a thing of this kind a 'crazy quilt.' I - think that the fancy programme which Lord Randolph Churchill put - before you the other day may well be described as a 'crazy quilt.' - He borrowed from the cast-off policy of all the extreme men of all - the different sections. He took his Socialism from Mr. Burns and - Mr. Hyndman; he took his Local Option from Sir Wilfrid Lawson; he - took his Egyptian policy from Mr. Illingworth; he took his - metropolitan reform from Mr. Stuart; and he took his Irish policy - from Mr. John Morley. Is this Toryism? - -All this was especially edifying, pronounced as it was within four years -of the 'Unauthorised Programme.' But Lord Randolph was not, as some who -wrote to him seemed to suppose, trying to ingratiate himself with the -House of Commons Tories, or seeking to win re-entry to the Cabinet. 'I -decline,' he said sardonically, 'to enter into competition with Mr. -Chamberlain for the smiles of Hatfield.' He understood perfectly what -reception the ruling class in the Conservative party would accord to his -democratic ideas. The worthy Conservative gentlemen who had pressed -their congratulations upon him after his speech on the Royal Grants -could hardly restrain their indignation now. Finding themselves at one -time in complete agreement with him, and at another in vehement dissent, -they assumed, not unnaturally, that he was unbalanced and insincere. Yet -these speeches, variously greeted as they were, arose from the same -logical and coherent system of political thought to which, rightly or -wrongly, he had always adhered through good and evil fortune. The -principal speeches which he made in 1889 almost covered, and were -designed to cover, the whole field of 'Tory Democracy.' In justifying -the Royal Grants he had affirmed that loyalty to the Crown which every -true Tory Democrat must be prepared to practise and sustain. At Walsall -and Birmingham he urged that energetic sympathy with practical social -reform and indifference to selfish class instincts which alone can -convince democracy that time-honoured institutions are not merely -safeguards, but may be made effective instruments of progress. In Wales -during the autumn he championed the Established Church. In Scotland -later in the year he defended the Union. Something was, however, still -wanting to complete his political faith. It remained to assert the -sanctity of those constitutional barriers by which liberty and justice -are secured. That omission the near future was to repair. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -THE PARNELL COMMISSION - - "Iam non ad culmina rerum - Injustos crevisse queror: tolluntur in altum - Ut lapsu graviore ruant." - CLAUDIAN. - - -It is no part of my task to examine the proceedings of the Special -Commission, nor to supply a narrative of that long-drawn and embittered -controversy known as 'Parnellism and Crime.' Those are matters of -history, and even such allusion to their course and character as might -have been required for the coherency of this story seems unnecessary in -view of an account recently given to the world by Mr. Morley,[68] -combining the vivid and picturesque character which only an eye-witness -can command, with that brevity in regard to general questions -indispensable to biography. I am concerned only to pick out Lord -Randolph Churchill's part and to trace the steps which led him to an -utter breach with the Government and quarrel with the Conservative -party; and this can be done mainly in his own words. - -The letter involving Mr. Parnell in complicity with the Phoenix Park -murders was printed in facsimile in the _Times_ of April 18, 1887, and -was doubtless intended to be a spur to the Unionist party on the day of -the introduction of the Coercion Bill. That same night Mr. Parnell -declared it to be a forgery. His denial was received with incredulity by -the Ministerialists and he was at once asked why he did not take action -for libel. His reasons for not doing so were apparently that he and his -advisers had no confidence that their case would be considered without -prejudice by a Middlesex jury, and that if a favourable verdict were -obtained in Ireland similar English suspicions would deprive it of moral -effect. No action being taken by Mr. Parnell, a motion was made by a -private member for a Select Committee of Inquiry. This was debated on -May 5, and the Select Committee was refused by the Government. Lord -Randolph, who on this occasion, as on various other questions of -privilege, was consulted by Mr. Smith, supported the Government -decision, and warmly defended the Leader of the House from attacks which -were made upon him. Although the murder charges against Mr. Parnell were -repeated in various forms at partisan meetings, and even received -countenance from several of the Conservative Ministers, the whole matter -lapsed so far as Parliament was concerned, and would never have been -resuscitated but for the perversity of chance. - -An action for libel against the _Times_ was instituted in November 1887 -by an Irishman who had sat in the late Parliament as a follower of Mr. -Parnell and who felt himself damaged by the various allegations -contained in the series of letters headed 'Parnellism and Crime.' This -suit was tried before Lord Coleridge in July 1888. The _Times_ happened -to be defended by Sir Richard Webster, the principal law officer of the -Crown--acting, however, as he explained, to his own satisfaction, purely -professionally and not as a member of the Government. In the course of -the trial the Attorney-General repeated during three days the general -charges and allegations of the _Times_ articles, and produced a further -batch of incriminating letters alleged to be signed by the Irish leader. -On this the Parliamentary case was reopened, and Parnell himself -demanded a Select Committee of Inquiry. The Government, as before, -refused the Committee, but--to general astonishment--they now proceeded -to offer, and finally to insist upon, a Commission of three judges with -statutory power to inquire not merely into the specific matter of the -letters, but rovingly into the whole of the charges and allegations of -the _Times_, whether against members of Parliament or 'other persons.' -The necessary Bill was introduced on July 16. - -Lord Randolph Churchill was dismayed by this unexpected departure. He -felt it his duty to protest from the very beginning against such -procedure. Yet he did not wish to embarrass the Government or to hamper -them in their Irish policy. Instead of speaking in the debates upon the -Bill, he drew up on the day of its introduction a memorandum which he -sent to Mr. Smith, and which is at once a convenient narrative of the -case and perhaps the most powerful statement he ever penned. If it were -necessary to base his reputation for political wisdom upon a single -document, I should select this. - - _Memorandum._ - - It may be assumed that the Tory party are under an imperative - obligation to avoid seeking escape from political difficulties by - extra-constitutional methods. The above is a general rule. The - exception to it can scarcely be conceived. - - The case of 'Parnellism and Crime' is essentially a political and - Parliamentary difficulty of a minor kind. A newspaper has made - against a group of members of the House of Commons accusations of - complicity in assassination, crime and outrage. In the commencement - the parties accused do not feel themselves specially aggrieved. - They take no action; the Government responsible for the guidance of - the House of Commons does not feel called upon to act in the - matter. A member of Parliament, acting on his own responsibility, - brings the matter before the House of Commons as a matter of - privilege and a Select Committee is moved for to inquire into the - allegations. - - The Government take up an unexceptionable and perfectly - constitutional position. They refuse the Select Committee on the - ground marked out by Sir Erskine May, that matters which may or - ought to come within the cognisance of the Courts of Law are not - fit for inquiry by Select Committee. - - The Government press upon the accused parties their duty, should - they feel themselves aggrieved, to proceed against the newspaper - legally and, with a generosity hardly open to condemnation, offer - to make the prosecution of the newspaper, so far as expense is - concerned, a Government prosecution. The offer is not accepted, the - view of duty is disagreed from by the accused persons, the motion - for a Select Committee is negatived and the matter drops, the - balance of disadvantage remaining with the accused persons. - - Owing to an abortive and obscurely originated action for libel, the - whole matter revives. The original charges are reiterated in a - court of law by the Attorney-General, but owing to the course of - the suit no evidence is called to sustain the allegations. A fresh - demand is made by the accused persons for a Select Committee and is - refused by the Government on the same grounds as before and, as - before, with a preponderating assent of public opinion. So far all - is satisfactory, except to the accused parties and their - sympathisers. - - For reasons not known, the Government take a new departure of a - most serious kind. They offer to constitute by statute a tribunal - with exceptional powers, to be composed mainly of judges of the - Supreme Court, to inquire into the truth of the allegations. To - this course the following objections are obvious and unanswerable: - - 1. The offer, to a large extent, recognises the wisdom and justice - of the conduct of the accused persons in avoiding recurrence to the - ordinary tribunals. - - 2. It is absolutely without precedent. The Sheffield case, the - Metropolitan Board of Works case, are by no means analogous. Into - those two cases not a spark of political feeling entered. The case - of 'Parnellism and Crime' in so far as it is not criminal is - entirely political. In any event the political character of the - case would predominate over the criminal. - - 3. It is submitted that it is in the highest degree unwise and, - indeed, unlawful to take the judges of the land out of their proper - sphere of duty, and to mix them up in political conflict. In this - ease, whichever way they decide, they will be the object of - political criticism and animadversion. Whatever their decision, - speaking roughly, half the country will applaud, the other half - condemn, their action; their conduct during the trial in its - minutest particulars, every ruling as to evidence, every chance - expression, every question put by them, will be keenly watched, - canvassed, criticised, censured or praised. Were judges in England - ever placed in such a position before? Will any judge emerge from - this inquiry the same for all judicial purposes, moral weight and - influence as he went into it? Have you a right to expose your - judges, and in all probability your best judges, to such an ordeal? - - 4. The tribunal will conduct its proceedings by methods different - to a court of law. The examination will mainly be conducted by the - tribunal itself; a witness cannot refuse to reply on the ground - that the answer would criminate himself. Evidence in this way will - be extracted which might be made the basis of a criminal - prosecution against other persons. Indemnities might be given to - persons actually guilty of very grave crime, and persons much less - guilty of direct participation in grave crime might, under such - protected evidence, be made liable to a prosecution. - - The whole course of proceeding, if the character of the allegations - is remembered, will, when carefully considered, be found to be - utterly repugnant to our English ideas of legal justice, and wholly - unconstitutional. It is hardly exaggerating to describe the - Commission contemplated as 'a revolutionary tribunal' for the trial - of political offenders, If there is any truth in the above or - colour for such a statement, can a Tory Government safely or - honourably suggest and carry through such a proposal? - - I would suggest that the constitutional legality of this proposed - tribunal be submitted to the judges for their opinion. - - It is not for the Government, in matters of this kind, to initiate - extra-constitutional proceedings and methods. One can imagine an - excited Parliament or inflamed public opinion forcing such - proceedings on a Government. In this case there is no such - pressure. The first duty of a Government would be to resist being - driven outside the lines of the Constitution. In no case, except - when public safety is involved, can they be justified in taking the - lead. They are the chief guardians of the Constitution. The - Constitution is violated or strained in this country when action - is taken for which there is no reasonably analogous precedent. - Considerations of this kind ought to influence powerfully the - present Government. - - It is said that the honour of the House of Commons is concerned. - This is an empty phrase. The tribunal, whatever its decision, will - not prevent the Irish constituencies from returning as - representatives the parties implicated. In such an event the honour - of the House of Commons could only be vindicated by repeated - expulsion, followed by disfranchisement. Does any reasonable person - contemplate such a course? - - The proceedings of the tribunal cannot be final. In the event of a - decision to the effect that the charges are not established, - proceedings for libel against the newspaper might be resorted to, - the newspaper being placed under a most grossly unjust - disadvantage. In the event of a decision to the contrary effect, a - criminal prosecution would seem to be imperative. Regarded from the - high ground of State policy in Ireland such a prosecution would - probably be replete with danger and disaster. - - These reflections have been sketched out concisely. If submitted to - a statesman, or to anyone of great legal learning and attainments, - many more and much graver reflections would probably be suggested. - - I do not examine the party aspects of the matter; I only remark - that the fate of the Union may be determined by the abnormal - proceedings of an abnormal tribunal. Prudent politicians would - hesitate to go out of their way to play such high stakes as - these.--R. H. S. C. - - July 17, 1888. - -[Sidenote: 1890 AET. 41] - -Nearly two years had passed since these words were written. During all -that time Lord Randolph Churchill kept silence. The Government -persevered in their courses. The Bill for the Special Commission was -driven swiftly through the House of Commons by guillotine closure. The -Judges slowly unravelled the vast tangle of evidence and ethics which -had been thrust upon them. Not until the fiftieth sitting of the court -was the letter reached which was the reason for the whole proceeding. -Then there was an acceleration. In two days a wretched man was proved a -forger. In five days he was dead. The only charge that gave birth to the -Commission perished by the pistol-shot that destroyed Pigott. The other -allegations, melancholy and voluminous as they were, useful as they may -have been for political controversy, revealed only the bitterness of the -national and racial struggle; and expressed in the language of the -victorious party a condemnation of methods of political warfare, more or -less lawless, certainly deplorable, but essentially characteristic of -revolutionary movements, open or veiled. - -The report of the Commission came before the House of Commons on March -3, 1890. In spite of every effort to broaden the issue and to escape -from narrow and definite charges of murder, which had been disproved, to -general charges of lawlessness and disloyalty which required no proof, -the impression produced in the country was adverse to the Government. -The party orator dilated on the heinous conduct of the Irish members. -The plain man stopped short at Pigott. Ministers had stained the cause -of the Union by unconstitutional action and had allowed others to stain -it by felony. Lord Randolph's private letters reveal from time to time -the abhorrence with which he regarded the whole transaction. The -by-elections attested the opinion of the public. There was too much -truth in Parnell's savage accusation:[69] 'You wanted to use this -question of the forged letters as a political engine. You did not care -whether they were forged or not. You saw that it was impossible for us -under the circumstances, or for anybody under the circumstances, to -prove that they were forgeries. It was a very good question for you to -win elections with.... It was also a suitable engine to enable you to -obtain an inquiry into a much wider field and very different matters, an -inquiry which you never would have got apart from these infamous -productions.' - -The feeling that some reparation was due to men against whom a charge of -complicity in murder had been falsely preferred and who had been pursued -by such unwonted means, was by no means confined to the Opposition. But -the Government were resolved to brazen it out; and the party machine, -local and national, held firm. The speech of the Conservative leader was -grudging and unsympathetic; and Mr. Gladstone's condemnation and appeal -rang through a responsive House. The debate on his amendment ebbed and -flowed through four Parliamentary days, and from the division by which -it was terminated fourteen Unionists, including Lord Randolph, -abstained. Meanwhile, on March 7, Mr. Jennings--with the concurrence, as -was generally known, of Lord Randolph Churchill--had given notice of the -following amendment: 'And, further, this House deems it to be its duty -to record its condemnation of the conduct of those who are responsible -for the accusations of complicity in murder brought against members of -this House, discovered to be based mainly on forged letters, and -declared by the Special Commission to be false.' Such a notice, coming -from the Unionist benches and believed to have the support of Lord -Randolph Churchill, of course attracted general attention. He himself -was, however, in the greatest perplexity. Party feeling ran high. It is -when the attack is grave and damaging, when there is fullest -justification for censure, when manifestly Ministers are wrong, that -those who adhere to them through thick and thin, are most impatient of -reproach. He knew well that by speaking he would greatly injure himself -in the eyes of his party. And yet could he honourably keep silent? He -regretted that he had encouraged Jennings to put his amendment down. He -asked him to withdraw it. But Mr. Jennings refused. It was not until Mr. -Gladstone's amendment had been disposed of on the fourth day of the -discussion that he made up his mind to speak, when the House should meet -at the next sitting (March 11). By custom, though not by rule, the -Speaker would have called upon the movers of other amendments, once that -stage of debate has begun. But Lord Randolph, after much consideration, -decided that he had better say what he had to say upon the main -question, neither interfering with, nor being limited by, Mr. Jennings's -amendment or others that stood before it; and technically he was within -his right, if the Speaker should call on him. - -He was heard by the House in a strained unusual silence, which seemed to -react upon him; for he spoke with strange slowness, deliberation and -absence of passion--like a judge deciding on a point of law, and without -any of the lightness and humour of old Opposition days. He examined the -question frigidly and with severity--how the Government had discarded -the ordinary tribunals of the land; how they had instituted a special -tribunal wherein the functions of judge and jury were cumulated upon -three individuals; how the persons implicated had had no voice in the -constitution of that tribunal; how they were in part the political -opponents of the Government of the day; and how one result had been to -levy upon both parties to the action a heavy pecuniary fine. All these -things were described in the same even, passionless voice, and heard by -the House with undiminished attention and by the Ministerial supporters -with growing resentment. Presently came a pause. He asked those about -him for a glass of water. Not a man moved. Fancying he had not been -heard, he asked again: and so bitter was party passion that even this -small courtesy was refused. At length, seeing how the matter stood, Mr. -Baumann, a young Conservative member from below the Gangway, went out -for some. As he returned, the Irish--always so quick to perceive a small -personal incident--greeted him with a half-sympathetic, half-ironical -cheer, and Lord Randolph, taking the glass from his hand, said solemnly -and elaborately in a penetrating undertone: 'I hope this will not -compromise you with your party.' - -At length he began to speak louder. 'The procedure which we are called -upon to stamp with our approval to-night is a procedure which would -undoubtedly have been gladly resorted to by the Tudors and their judges. -It is procedure of an arbitrary and tyrannical character, used against -individuals who are political opponents of the Government of the -day--procedure such as Parliament has for generations and centuries -struggled against and resisted--procedure such as we had hoped, in these -happy days, Parliament had triumphantly overcome. It is procedure such -as would have startled even Lord Eldon; it is procedure such as Lords -Lyndhurst and Brougham would have protested against; it is procedure -which, if that great lawyer Earl Cairns had been alive, the Tory party -would never have carried. But a Nemesis awaits a Government that adopts -unconstitutional methods. What,' he asked, 'has been the result of this -uprootal of constitutional practice? What has been the one result?' Then -in a fierce whisper, hissing through the House, 'Pigott!'--then in an -outburst of uncontrollable passion and disgust--'a man, a thing, a -reptile, a monster--Pigott!'--and then again, with a phrase at which the -House shuddered,[70] 'Pigott! Pigott! Pigott!' - -Let us return to Hansard. 'Why do I bring these things before the House? -[_An honourable member laughed derisively._] Ah! yes; I know there are -lots of high-minded and generous members, who not long ago were my -friends, who are ready to impute--and much more likely to impute than -openly assert--that I am animated by every evil motive. I bring these -matters before the House of Commons because I apprehend the time--which -I trust may be remote, but which I sometimes fear may be nigh--when the -party which vaunts itself as the constitutional party may, by the -vicissitudes of fortune, find itself in a position of inferiority -similar to that which it occupied in 1832--when the rights of the -minority may be trampled upon and overridden, when the views of the -minority may be stifled, and when individual political opponents may be -proceeded against as you have proceeded against your political -opponents.' - -He then explained how that these were no new views of his, that they had -not been formed in consequence of the results of the trial--'as those -who are always ready to form a most unfavourable opinion of me have -said'--but that two years before, when the Bill for the Special -Commission was before Parliament, he had embodied them in a document -which he had 'respectfully laid before the First Lord of the Treasury.' -'There was a time,' he said at the end, 'not very long ago, when my -words had some weight with honourable gentlemen on this side of the -House; and in recalling that time I will add--I cannot refrain from the -remark--that the prospects of the party were brighter than they are -now. When I had the honour, the memorable honour, of counselling them, -the Unionist majority was more than a hundred. It has now fallen to -about seventy. If there are any lingering memories on these benches of -those days--when, I think, our fortunes were better--it is by those -memories I would appeal to the Conservative party to give a fair and -impartial and unprejudiced consideration to the counsels which I now lay -before them. But if my words are to fall on deaf ears--if the counsels I -most honestly submit are to be spurned and scorned, then I declare that -I look forward to the day when a future Parliament shall expunge from -the Journals of this House the record of this melancholy proceeding; and -in taking such action--inspired, I trust, not by party passion, party -vindictiveness or party rancour, but acting on constitutional grounds, -and on those alone--it will administer to its predecessor a deserved and -wholesome rebuke for having outraged and violated constitutional liberty -and will establish a signpost full of warning and guidance to -Parliaments yet unborn.' - -He sat down very much exhausted--for his health was already -weakening--by the strain to which he had been put. He had never spoken -with more consciousness of right, never with less regard to his own -interests and scarcely ever with greater effect. Deep down in the heart -of the old-fashioned Tory, however unreflecting, there lurks a wholesome -respect for the ancient forms and safeguards of the English Constitution -and a recognition of the fact that some day they may be found of great -consequence and use. Moreover, the case was black and overwhelming. But -a formidable champion was at hand to succour and shield the Ministry; -and it was Chamberlain who rose from the Front Opposition Bench to reply -on behalf of the Government. His speech was couched in a friendly and -respectful tone--not unmindful, perhaps, of an old compact as to the -asperities of political warfare--but in every part it made clear the -breach which now existed between these former allies, and the bonds -which were steadily strengthening between this Radical leader and his -Conservative friends. - -To all this Mr. Jennings had listened with impatience and resentment. -His amendment had not, it seemed, been merely deserted by Lord Randolph -Churchill; it had been compromised. The opportunity for moving it was -irretrievably spoiled. The consequence that had attached to it, was -gone. The crowded house was melting. No man about to address a critical -assembly on a matter which he considers important, resolved to do his -very best by his argument and braced against the expected disapprobation -of his own friends, can be free from nervous tension; and the better the -speaker, the greater the strain. At such a moment small things do not -always appear small and grave decisions are not always taken on serious -grounds. Mr. Jennings had been several times disappointed in Lord -Randolph. He had failed to carry him forward into a Fair Trade campaign. -He had been bitterly discouraged by the Birmingham surrender. He had -watched with mortification the decline of Lord Randolph's popularity. He -had disapproved of the Radicalism of the later speeches. And now, on the -top of all the rest, came this sharp collision. He took it as an act of -mortal treachery and insult. In that flood of anger the comradeship of -four stormy years was swept away as if it had been a feather. While Mr. -Chamberlain was replying he leaned over the bench and told Lord Randolph -shortly that after such a speech he would not move his amendment, and -would tell the House why. Lord Randolph, who had been absorbed by his -own struggle, was amazed at his fierce manner, and realised for the -first time that he had caused deep offence. He wished at once to put it -right. But Jennings would not answer. He had made up his mind. Two -pencil notes, written on slips torn from the order paper, were put into -his hands. He read them, folded them, put them carefully away, and they -have drifted here, like the wreckage tossed up on the shore long after a -ship has foundered. 'I hope you will reflect before making any public -attack upon me. It would be a thousand pities to set all the malicious -tongues wagging, when later you will understand what my position was.' -And again--probably after Jennings had spoken--'How can you so wilfully -misunderstand my action and so foolishly give way to temper in dealing -with grave political matters?' - -As soon as Mr. Chamberlain had finished, Mr. Jennings rose, and struck -as hard as he could. 'He had not been prepared for the tone and manner -of the speech of his noble friend.' The delivery of a speech so hostile -'to the Government' had considerably embarrassed him. 'It is said,' he -proceeded in his cold, measured way, 'that I derive my opinions from my -noble friend, but occasionally, and at intervals, I am capable of -forming opinions of my own, and such an interval has occurred now.' 'The -noble lord has a genius for surprises: sometimes he surprises his -opponents; sometimes he takes his best friends unawares.' Finally, he -declined to move his amendment, as a means of dissociating himself from -any attempt 'to stab his party in the back.' During this speech the -occupants of the Treasury Bench took, as may be imagined, no pains to -conceal their satisfaction. In a very brief personal explanation Lord -Randolph Churchill declared that his own speech had been made without -reference to any of the amendments on the paper, solely because it was -pertinent to the main question rather than to any amendment. Mr. Caine, -who was then on the verge of returning to the Liberal party, moved the -dropped amendment without comment. Almost alone among Conservative -members, Lord Randolph supported it, as he had promised and always -intended, in the division lobby, and it was rejected by a majority of -sixty-two. - -The outcry raised against Lord Randolph Churchill for his speech and -vote was immediate and astonishing. The entire Conservative press -denounced him as a traitor, and he was deluged with abuse. The -_Standard_ declared that he had no further right to be regarded as a -member of the Unionist party. 'The utter failure of his career points a -moral of peculiar significance. Seldom has it been possible to give a -more convincing proof of the fact that the man who is ready to sacrifice -principle to personal ambition will not only lose the esteem of the -worthiest among his fellow-countrymen, but will even fail in the object -to which he is willing to surrender his convictions.' But more important -even than such pronouncements was the feeling in the country. The -meeting which he was to have addressed at Colchester was cancelled -'owing to the illness of Lord Brooke.' The Chairman of his Association -in Paddington resigned; the various clubs in the borough passed strong -resolutions in condemnation of their member, and a meeting of the -Council was convened for the 17th to consider his conduct. Opinion in -Birmingham was very hostile. Even the Midland Conservative Club met -together to pass a vote of censure. - -Lord Randolph Churchill met these manifestations with composure not -unmingled with scorn. To the resolution of the Paddington Council he -replied in a letter described by the much-shocked _Times_ as -'characteristically pert and saucy,' and dated from the Jockey Club -Rooms at Newmarket. 'I have no reason to suppose,' he wrote, 'that the -Council are in error in committing themselves to the opinion that my -action is "entirely out of harmony" with the views of the Conservative -electors of the division; but I remark with satisfaction that the -Council, with a prudence which I cannot too highly or respectfully -commend, have abstained from expressing any opinion as to whether my -action was right or wrong.' If they wished him to take the opinion of -the electors on the question they knew the steps which were necessary, -but meanwhile he reminded them that the Council was not the Association -and still less the constituency of South Paddington. - -On the same morning of this meeting in Paddington Lord Randolph -published in the _Morning Post_--which almost alone among Metropolitan -newspapers remained well disposed towards him--the memorandum which he -had written nearly two years before. The memorandum, he explained, had -been intended to be 'a strong but friendly protest against the measure.' -The speech of the previous Tuesday was intended, so far as lay in his -power, to prevent such a measure being ever proposed by a Government -again. This document had a marked and decided effect upon public -opinion. Seldom had a political prophet been so completely vindicated by -the event. It was now proved that two years before the exposure of -Pigott he had warned the Government of the discredit in which the -Special Commission would involve them and had described beforehand in -exact detail many of the evil consequences by which they were now -overtaken. - -All of a sudden party indignation began to subside, and that keen sense -of justice never far removed from the English mind reasserted itself. -The journalists and the wirepullers had laboured to excess and the -inevitable reaction followed. Numbers of plain people began to write to -the newspapers to protest against the attacks made upon one who had been -so greatly concerned with famous Conservative victories. At Birmingham -the Old Guard--Rowlands, Sawyer, and Moore-Bayley--contrived to parry -the vote of censure by a simple resolution of confidence in the -Government, which the rest, when it came to the point, were content to -accept. Mr. Fardell resumed the Chairmanship of the Paddington Council, -and that body received their member's reply without further comment or -action. So that Lord Randolph was enabled, without more hindrance, to -pursue his own path in his own way. - -But while he cared little for the displeasure of political associates -and nothing at all for the party outburst, there was one breach which -caused him regret. Louis Jennings had been for the past four years an -intimate friend and a close and valuable ally. He had become a friend at -a time when others were falling away and after Lord Randolph had given -up the power to help and reward good service. He had adhered to his -leader with constancy, through much unpopularity and ridicule, and at -the cost of his own political future--such as it might have been. -Whatever cause he may have had for complaint, he had certainly repaid -the injury to the utmost of his power. Nothing could be more disparaging -to Lord Randolph Churchill personally or more prejudicial to the -opinions he had expressed than that he and they should be publicly -repudiated by the one man who of all others had stood by him until now. -The political world found it difficult to believe that the tone of a -speech apart from its tenor, a dispute about an amendment, or the -accident of debate, could in themselves be a complete explanation of a -sudden severance between such close political associates. Jennings -volunteered no further information on the subject; and Lord Randolph -Churchill to persistent inquiries merely replied: 'I was not aware, and -could not be aware, that my speech would cause Mr. Jennings to withdraw -his amendment, and I am altogether unable to understand his reasons for -this action. I had told him that I would vote for his amendment and -speak in favour of it, and, as a matter of fact, I did so. Mr. Jennings -has acquired the reputation of being a man of reason, ability and sense, -and his actions are presumably guided by those qualities. That being so, -any further examination of his action against me last Tuesday does not -particularly attract me.' - -Mr. Jennings left, however, among his private papers a statement -carefully prepared while the episode was fresh in his mind. I am content -to place this upon record exactly as it was written.[71] - -The breach was never repaired. Lord Randolph Churchill would gladly have -made friends, and took pains to let the fact be known to Mr. Jennings. -But no communication, written or spoken, ever passed between them again. -Whether from an enduring sense of wrong, or from vain regrets at such a -miserable ending to four years of loyalty and labour, Mr. Jennings -continued in antagonism, and from time to time employed his dexterous -pen in sharp and sarcastic attack. There is an air of musty tragedy -about old letters. Week after week, in packet after packet, since 1886, -Jennings's neat handwriting recurs. Suddenly his letters stop, just as -the Gorst letters had stopped five years before. He passes out of this -story--was soon, indeed, to pass out of all stories men can tell. On -that exciting night in March Lord Randolph Churchill had only five years -to live. But Mr. Jennings had less than three. He took little further -part in politics. He was returned for Stockport again at the General -Election; but almost at once he declared that he must retire from public -life. An internal malady had afflicted him, and he died somewhat -suddenly on February 9, 1893, aged fifty-six years. The circumstances of -his quarrel with Lord Randolph Churchill, no matter whether his anger -was deserved or not, or on which side the balance of misunderstanding -may have lain, cannot exclude from this account a full acknowledgment of -his loyal, industrious and fearless comradeship. He suffered the -vexations and disappointments which must always harass those who fight -for lost causes and falling men. - -The strange and memorable episode of the Parnell Commission lies at the -present in a twilight. It has drifted out of the fierce and uncertain -glare of political controversy. It is not yet illumined by the calm lamp -of the historian. Those whose influence initiated or sustained the -policy seem abundantly vindicated by events. Their action was ratified -by Parliament and never seriously impugned by the nation. Whatever -injury resulted at the time to the cause of the Union--and no doubt the -injury was grave--was more than healed by the unexpected proceedings in -the Divorce Courts at the end of the year. If it be true, as some may -think, that the conduct of Irish affairs by the Conservative Cabinet of -'86 enabled Mr. Gladstone to advance the flag of Home Rule again at the -head of a Parliamentary majority, it is also true that this second -onslaught encountered a not less stubborn resistance and ended in an -even more decisive and lasting success. Those who were responsible have -no apparent cause to regret the course they took. Those who, on the -other hand, opposed it, from whatever motive, were brushed aside, and -could never persuade the public of their case. And yet such a strange -place is England that there is scarcely anyone, from the Ministers who -bear the burden, to the _Times_ newspaper--left, through the policy of -the Government it supported, loyal and indignant, with a quarter of a -million to pay--who will not to-day confess, and even declare, that -these proceedings were a grand and cardinal blunder from beginning to -end; that an Executive has no business to thrust itself into disputes -which the parties concerned may settle in the courts, and no right to -erect special machinery for the examination of charges perfectly within -the knowledge and scope of the law. So that if these things are -affirmed while the light is dim, while even the dust of conflict has -not altogether subsided, we may be hopeful of the judgment which history -will pronounce. - - * * * * * - -In these later years Lord Randolph Churchill was drawn increasingly -towards a Collectivist view of domestic politics. Almost every speech -which he made from 1889 to 1891 gives evidence of the steady development -of his opinions. His interest in the problems of the labouring classes -grew warmer and keener as time passed. He spoke his mind without the -smallest regard to the susceptibilities of his party, or to his own -influence and position; and he favoured or accepted doctrines and -tendencies before which Liberals recoiled and even the most stalwart -Radicals paused embarrassed. He urged the House of Commons to examine -the demand for a general eight hours' day 'with a total absence of -anything like dogmatism.' He replied with some asperity to Mr. -Bradlaugh, whose outspoken condemnation of the State regulation of the -hours of adult labour had evoked delighted cheers from the Conservative -party. He often wondered, he said, whether Mr. Bradlaugh or Mr. -Chamberlain would be the first to take a seat on the Treasury Bench. He -was sceptical, in the face of Income Tax and Revenue Returns, about 'the -narrow margin of profit' remaining to capital. His answer to a -deputation of miners who waited in succession on him and Mr. Gladstone -to urge the enforcement of an eight hours' day in the coal trade was -accepted by them as far more favourable to their desires than anything -that fell from the Liberal leader. He voted for the principle of the -payment of members of Parliament. He took a leading part in the movement -to provide North-West London with a polytechnic institution--'a -university for labour,' as he described it. 'An Englishman,' he said, -'possesses over Europeans one immeasurable and inestimable advantage. -Out of the life of every German, every Frenchman, every Italian, every -Austrian, every Russian, the respective Governments of those countries -take three years for compulsory military service. If you estimate those -three years at eight hours per day for six days a week, you will find -that out of the life of every European in those nations no fewer than -7,500 hours are taken by the Governments of those countries for -compulsory military service, during which time the individual so -deprived is, for the purposes of contributing to the wealth of the -community as a whole by his labour, as idle and useless and unprofitable -as if he had never been born. But in our free and happy country, where -the freedom of existence has practically no reasonable limits and where -only a very minute portion of the population voluntarily embraces a -military career, every man who lives to the age of twenty-three or -twenty-four, possesses as an advantage over the inhabitants of foreign -countries an extra capital of at least 7,500 hours. That immeasurable -superiority, if properly taken advantage of by the provision of adequate -educational institutions, is what should enable us to put aside alarm as -to foreign competition.' His Licensing Bill, which he introduced on -April 29, 1890, in the last great speech he ever made to the House of -Commons, while it affirmed the justice of compensation, asserted for the -first time in Parliament the principle of popular control over the issue -of licences. - -All these questions trench too closely upon current politics to be -conveniently examined here. But it is not difficult to understand why -his opinions did not win Lord Randolph Churchill the support of every -section of the Conservative party. And yet all the while, in spite of -his public declarations--obstinately repeated--there continued in the -Tory ranks a steady and at times a powerful pressure to bring him back -to the Government. Session after session had been scrambled through in -dispiriting fashion. The mismanagement of Parliamentary business, the -failure of important legislative projects, the abiding discredit of the -Pigott forgery, the lack of any life or fire or inspiration in the -conduct of affairs, sank the Conservative party and the Unionist -alliance lower and lower in public estimation. - -By June 1890 Lord Salisbury's Administration was in the utmost peril. -The Government majority upon a decisive division fell to four.[72] Their -licensing proposals were ignominiously withdrawn. Their attempt to carry -business over to an autumn session failed. And in these hard times many -Conservatives who disagreed altogether with Lord Randolph Churchill's -views felt that his return to a commanding place was a necessary -condition, if the waning fortunes of their party were to be retrieved. -Ministers of importance approached Lord Salisbury. Sir Michael -Hicks-Beach urged him not to allow the object of excluding Lord Randolph -Churchill to prejudice the interests of the Unionist cause. Tory papers -wrote favourable articles. Tory worthies met together in the -Conservative Club under the presidency of Sir Algernon Borthwick, to -entertain the 'prodigal son.' 'Randolph must return' was everywhere the -whisper and the word. But Lord Salisbury was firm. Nothing would induce -him to divide his authority again. And having regard to all the -circumstances which have been related, he was, from his own point of -view, unquestionably right. He knew well that Lord Randolph Churchill -had altered no whit, had retracted nothing; and that, if he rejoined the -Ministry, he would labour as of old, without stint or pause, with riper -gifts of knowledge and experience and under conditions more favourable -perhaps than in 1886, to guide and to deflect the policy of a -Conservative Government into democratic and progressive paths. Better a -party or a personal defeat; better a Parliamentary collapse; better even -an Imperial disaster! - -Fortune favours the brave. The courage and tenacity of the Prime -Minister received an unexpected relief. The downfall of Parnell was at -hand. Her Majesty's Government regained in the Divorce Court the credit -they had lost before the Special Commission. The ranks of the English -Home Rule party, lately so exultant, were broken in dismay; and -Nationalist Ireland, hitherto united under one controlling hand, was -distracted by enduring and ferocious feuds. This peculiar episode may -have settled decisively the fate of the legislative union between Great -Britain and Ireland. It also terminated for ever, without hope or -expectation of renewal, the protracted conflict between the New Tories -and the Old. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: 1887-1893] - -Meanwhile outside the House of Commons and the forbidding circles of -politics Lord Randolph was developing during these years new interests -and amusements. Excitement in one form or another always attracted him, -and after his resignation he sought it on the Turf. In partnership with -Lord Dunraven he soon acquired a number of horses, to whose training and -running he paid the closest attention. He became a shrewd judge of -'form.' In handicaps especially, his forecasts were so often fulfilled -that he acquired quite a reputation among his sporting friends. On the -morning of a race meeting he would sit for hours pencilling upon the -card, by the aid of _Ruff's Guide_, calculations which led very often to -conclusions that were right and still more often to conclusions that -were nearly right. Under his eye Sherwood's stable became successful and -for two years at least stood high in the winning lists. His footsteps -fell upon some odd streaks of luck. While he was away fishing in Norway, -in the summer of 1889, his mare the Abbesse de Jouarre won the Oaks at -odds of twenty to one. At Doncaster, the year before, he dreamed he saw -a number hoisted. On consulting his card the next day he found that only -one horse running had so high a number. Inquiries led to the belief that -this horse had a much better chance than the odds at which it stood -suggested. Lord Randolph backed it heavily and won a considerable sum. -Against the advice of his trainer he insisted on running the Abbesse de -Jouarre for the Manchester Cup in 1889, and her victory constituted -perhaps his most fortunate speculation. Of other horses which he owned -or leased it is not necessary to speak, but during the years 1887 to -1891 Lord Randolph's colours--'chocolate, pink sleeves and cap'--were -often to the fore. - -Standing, as he did, apart from the ordinary groupings of party, he -cultivated during these years pleasant relations with politicians of -every shade. At his sister Lady Tweedmouth's house he met Mr. Gladstone -more frequently than he had ever done before. Lord Randolph treated the -illustrious old man with the utmost deference, and each appears to have -derived much satisfaction from the other's society. 'He was the most -courtly man I ever met,' observed Mr. Gladstone in later years to Mr. -Morley. At one dinner at Brook House Mr. Gladstone had talked with great -vivacity and freedom and held everyone breathless. 'And that,' said Lord -Randolph to a Liberal-Unionist friend, as they walked out of the room -together, 'that is the man you have left? How could you have done it?' - -His own society was eagerly sought by his friends; for he had much -treasure to give as a companion, if only he were in the giving vein. The -gay and reckless brilliancy of his conversation fascinated all who came -within its range. He would talk and argue with entire freedom on every -subject. He loved to defend daring paradoxes; and when forced to exert -himself he would produce arguments so original and ingenious that the -listeners were delighted, even if they were unconvinced. He sometimes -amused himself by saying things on purpose to shock ponderous people, -and in painting himself extravagantly in the darkest hues, so that they -departed grieved to think there was so much wickedness left in the -world. He excelled in all kinds of chaff and conversational -sword-play--from sombre irony to schoolboy fun. When he wanted to -persuade people to do any particular thing, he took enormous pains, -seeming to touch by instinct all the feelings and reasons which moved or -disturbed them, and very often he coaxed or compelled them to his -wishes. On the other hand, he did not care how rude he was to those who -wearied or irritated him, and he would toss and gore fools with true -Johnsonian vigour and zest. In this abrupt and impulsive way he hurt the -feelings of some harmless people and disquieted a good many more; but if -he were sorry afterwards, as he very often was, he could nearly always -make amends by a word or a smile or some little courtesy, and the sun -shone out all the brighter for the storm. Although in his later years -the nervous irritability of his nature became extreme, he steadily -enlarged the circle of his private friends, and those who had known him -long were increasingly attached to him. Not without justice could they -apply to him Addison's well-known lines:-- - - In all thy humours, whether grave or mellow, - Thou'rt such a touchy, testy, pleasant fellow, - Hast so much wit, and mirth, and spleen about thee, - There is no living with thee, nor without thee.[73] - -Lord Randolph was wont to pass much of the autumn and winter abroad and -each year he pushed his travels further afield and remained a longer -time. In August of 1888 he had visited Tarbes--the constituency which -returned his friend the Marquis de Breteuil to the French Chamber--and -here spent some placid agreeable weeks of fine weather amid splendid -mountains, while his companion conciliated the principal electors by -intercourse and entertainment. Of the attractions of Tarbes and its -neighbourhood--better known, perhaps, to French and Spanish visitors -than to the English tourist--it would be superfluous to write, for they -were set forth by the local newspaper in a passage whose hospitable -extravagance I shall venture to quote:-- - - Nous apprenons l'arrivee dans notre departement de lord Randolph - Churchill, qui vient y retrouver son ami M. le Marquis de Breteuil. - - Nous souhaitons la bienvenue dans nos montagnes au noble Lord, au - brillant orateur de la Chambre des Communes. - - Il est certain d'y recevoir un accueil cordial de la part de nos - deputes et courtois de la part de nos populations qui n'ont jamais - failli aux devoirs de l'hospitalite. - - Il y retrouvera, avec un climat plus doux meme que celui du - Devonshire, des sites plus enchanteurs encore, des sommets plus - eleves que le Snowdon, des lacs aussi bleus que le Lomond, des - torrents plus impetueux que le Glen et le Liddel. - - Si le daim, le cerf et la grouse nous font defaut, nous avons - l'izard, la caille savoureuse, la perdrix noire, la perdrix - blanche, le coq de bruyere, la becasse, le lievre, etc. L'ours meme - s'y rencontre, mais ... difficilement. - - Chose plus importante encore, si l'honorable membre de la Chambre - des Communes avait, victime de son eloquence, le larynx fatigue, - les eaux merveilleuses de Cauterets seraient la pour le guerir. - - De toutes les facons, nous avons la conviction que lord Churchill - emportera de nos Pyrenees un bon souvenir. - - - - _To his Wife._ - -Tarbes: August 1, 1888. - - Here we are very peaceable and comfortable--beautiful weather, - splendid mountains, and nothing to bother about. This is a charming - place; house and garden both very pretty. Breteuil's electors drop - in at odd times and some remain to breakfast and some to dinner. - They are not very amusing, but very harmless and interesting as - types of French provincial society. The worst of the electors is - that they will not go to bed; but remain very late. I suppose they - are too glad to get an evening out. - - The charm of this place is the absence of any crowd. French and - Spaniards are the only people who come here and English and - Americans are conspicuous by their absence. I tried the 'douches' - at Cauterets. They are very pleasant at the moment, but, I think, - enervating. We dined last night in company with Mons. de Gontaut, - formerly Ambassador in Berlin--a charming old man.... Yesterday we - drove to Lourdes, a very extraordinary place--a monument of 'la - betise humaine.' A great number of electors are coming to dinner in - the evening. - - * * * * * - - I have just seen a man 118 years old. His father lived to be 114, - and died from a fall from a horse; his mother lived to be 108. He - is a Spaniard who lives at Tarbes--quite a poor man, subsisting on - charity; looks about 70 years old, has all his teeth, lots of grey - hair, and he walked here all the way from the town--about - three-quarters of a mile. There is no doubt about his age, as his - papers are all in order. He served eight years in the French army - in Spain and was present at the siege of Saragossa. He said he - would be glad to die, as he was quite tired of living so long.... - Breteuil's colleague in the representation of this department - arrived this morning. - -Now in 1890 he would go to Egypt, where with two old friends he had -leased a _dahabeah_ on the Nile. His letters to his wife, from which I -make a few extracts, describe the even progress of the journey. - - - -Monte Carlo: November 25, 1890. - - So to-day is the meeting of Parliament. How thankful I am not to be - going down to the House! In this morning's _Galignani_ there is a - sensational announcement that a dissolution of Parliament is to - take place in the spring. I do not believe it, though perhaps, as - Parnell's love affairs have thrown disarray among the Home Rulers, - some of the Ministers might think it a good moment. But 'a bird in - the hand' is what Lord S. will be guided by. - - - - -Rome: December 3, 1890. - - Your nice long letter was very pleasant to receive. I should like - to get them very often. I also got your telegram about a letter - from Fardell posted to Naples, which I suppose I will receive - to-morrow. I hope he does not announce a dissolution. Parnell's - manifesto is a masterpiece. He lifts the issue between himself and - Mr. Gladstone from the small ground of the divorce up to the large - ground of a great political question. He may hold his own; but it - must mean a complete smash-up of the Home Rule alliance.... The - Government will be fools if they do not dissolve. This crash of the - Home Rule party, this repudiation by Parnell of Mr. G.'s scheme, is - the most complete and glaring justification of the Unionist cause. - They will never get a better chance. However, I hope they won't do - so, as it would spoil my Egyptian plans.... I fear that bad Land - Bill may now pass and make heaps of difficulty and trouble for - future Governments.... - - - - -Dahabeah, Ammon Ra, near Luxor: December 28, 1890. - - It was very pleasant on waking up this morning to find a bundle of - letters from you and others. They were brought down the river by - one of Cook's steamers from Luxor, where we shall arrive in about - an hour.... We have been eight days on the journey from Assiout, - as, except for two days, the wind has not been favourable and our - steam launch is not strong enough to tow us more than about three - miles an hour. I cannot tell you how pleasant it has been; one day - more perfect than another, and yet the heat has never been - oppressive. The days slip by as if they were hours. The newspapers - came to hand at Assiout--though newspapers here seem to be - superfluities--and I was able to read up all the news to the - 13th.... It certainly looks as if the Government had been - immeasurably strengthened and would require no help from anyone. - But all these things concern me very little. We are enjoying - ourselves immensely. Life on the Nile is ideal. The scenery would - be monotonous if it were not on so vast a scale; but as it is, one - never tires of it. Certainly this is the only place to pass the - winter if fine warm weather is desired.... I must say I wish you - were on board this boat--a week of this weather and rest would make - you as strong as a horse. Perhaps next winter, if we are alive and - well, we may do it together.... - -[Illustration: _Lady Randolph Churchill._ - -_From a drawing by John S. Sargent, R.A._] - -[Sidenote: 1891 AET. 41] - - - -Dahabeah, Ammon Ra, Denderah: January 6, 1891. - - I can, I fear, ill repay you for your very interesting letter of - the 24th. All I can say is that it was thoroughly appreciated. I - have little or nothing to tell you. A life without incident and - without emotion has many advantages; but does not lend itself to - correspondence, either as regards energy or material. I have seen - Philae and the Cataract, as also the temples of Edfoo and of this - place--most interesting. Also a long expedition from Luxor to the - tombs of the kings, some four thousand years old. Each king must - have passed his lifetime in making his tomb, and if it was not - finished when he died he had to go without. The weather has been - perfect--day after day of cloudless skies, cool breezes and - unparalleled sunsets. We read, we smoke, we lounge, we play - picquet--at which I continue to hold exceedingly indifferent - cards.... We shall dawdle out our time here as much as possible, as - we do not want to be more than a day in Cairo. - -To Sir Henry James, who wrote him accounts of the strange developments -at Westminster, he framed a more elaborate reply than was usual with him -in private correspondence:-- - - - -Dahabea, 'Ammon Ra.' Edfu, 60 miles south of Luxor: -Jan. 3, 1891. - - Your amiable and friendly letter reached me here this morning on my - return from a visit to and prolonged study of a temple erected by - the Ptolemies 250 B.C. It is ridiculously modern compared with - Karnac, but its comparatively perfect state enables one usefully to - imagine what Karnac was. In such a frame of mind, embracing a - period of 10,000 years, your home politics, your House of Commons - interests, the eloquence of Smith, the courage of Balfour, the - honesty of Hartington, the financial genius of Goschen and the - adroitness of Joe, all acted upon, stimulated and developed by the - lax morals of Parnell, present themselves to my mental optics much - in the same manner as fleas may attract the notice of an elephant. - I am living with Rameses, Thotmes and Seti, and I have despised the - Ptolemies as parvenus, and Cleopatra as ----! Imagine therefore how - infinitely little becomes the struggle of the Kilkenny factions, - the senile drivellings of Mr. Gladstone on Ravenswood which you - think worthy of mention, the remorse of the officeless Harcourt or - the doubting gloom of Morley. Here on this placid expanse of - limitless plain and river and among these Egyptian temples you - appear to me, as I say, like performing fleas. I was once a flea - like you and skipped as nimbly as any of you, but have by some - Pythagorean process emerged from that abject condition, and prefer - musings over an immense past to worryings over a little present. - - In addition to the attractions of this country and of its historic - associations, we have and enjoy ideal weather, perfect peace, - absence of all noise and a floating domicile in all respects - comfortable; good food, hock, champagne, Pilsener beer, Marquis - chocolate, ripe bananas, fresh dates, and literally hundreds of - French novels, recourse to which is interrupted by games of - picquet, in which the lucky Harry T[yrrwhit] has gained of me - 10,000 1_d._ points. French novels, cards and Egyptian temples - assimilate pleasantly, but English newspapers and English news are - out of tune with these surroundings. And what pleases me most in - your letter is the reflection to which it gives rise, that I still - exist in the memory of a friend. - - This is the part of the world in which you must pass your next - winter. This heavenly climate will tame the most ferocious gout and - tranquillise the most irritated nerves. If all is well, I will - conduct you here next winter, introduce to you my friends Rameses & - Co., forbid you the acquaintance of the vulgar Ptolemies, and gain - from you 10,000 1_d._ points at picquet. - - We have reached our Southern limit at Assouan, and are now - leisurely floating down the current back to Cairo, back to noise, - back to cold, back to tiresome women, back to _Times_ leading - articles, all inventions of the devil from which Providence has - preserved the waters of the Nile.... - - I do not think I have ever experienced so pleasant a time as during - the last three weeks. I have arrived at the condition of the true - philosopher; nerves calm, health good, everything to please the eye - and the mind. The past affords matter for agreeable reflection. The - future appears without vexation. I can inform myself with interest - but without emotions either of pleasure or displeasure of the good - or evil fortunes of my enemies or my friends, and I please myself - with the imagination that if I were to die to-morrow, I should have - experienced and exhausted, prudently abandoning before satiation, - every form of human excitement. This is what you can come to if you - spend your next winter in Egypt; and it is to repay you for your - letter that I thus lengthily suggest to you the prospect of - obtaining at least six weeks of happiness and peace in the year of - our Lord 1891. - -[Sidenote: 1887-1890] - -It is instructive to notice that Lord Randolph's conduct during the -years that followed his resignation will bear a far more exacting -scrutiny than the years of his good fortune. Differing as he did on many -questions from the Government, separated from them by the personal -dislike or distrust with which he was regarded, he had nevertheless -given them, so far as he conscientiously could, a loyal and regular -support. He had never spoken against them except when compelled by -opinions plainly declared in former years, or moved by deep feeling; and -then he had always practised a moderation in tone and language foreign -to his disposition. He had done nothing to embarrass them or hamper -them. He had never made a personal attack on any of his late -colleagues, nor can I discover any unkind or acrimonious word used about -them. From time to time he had tried to influence their policy in -directions which he believed the public interest and their own equally -required; but these occasions had been rare and he had usually been -right. Although the object of much abuse and even hatred from his old -friends, he nourished no thoughts of permanent separation. 'Born and -bred,' he wrote in 1891, 'in the Conservative party, I could never join -the ranks of their opponents.' 'I have always been,' he told his -constituents (February 22, 1891), 'more or less of an independent -member. From the year 1874, when I entered Parliament, to the year -1880--during the time of Lord Beaconsfield's Government--I felt it my -duty on more than one occasion to vote and speak against that powerful -Government, and at times when in certain circles in London even to -whisper a doubt as to its wisdom was considered almost treasonable. From -1880 to 1885 I pursued a course in Parliament of the greatest freedom -and independence. More than once I went my own way, not caring much -whether anyone followed; but I hardly think there are those who will -assert that my action from 1880 to 1885 did injury to the Tory party. I -have been unable even of late years to divest myself of my independent -character. Lord Melbourne--or was it Lord Palmerston?--once -characterised an independent member of Parliament as a member who could -not be depended upon. Well, this much is certain. If I am called upon -to support a reactionary and antiquated policy, then I am not to be -depended upon. If I am called upon to approve illiberal or sham -legislation, then I am not to be depended upon. If I am called upon to -support an aggressive policy or a policy of large expenditure, then I am -not to be depended upon. But if I am called upon to abide by pledges I -have given on any platform or in any published letter or to support the -political principles I have advocated, since I entered Parliament, then -I can confidently point out to you my past career as a proof that I am -to be depended upon--more, perhaps, than any devoted partisan of the -present Government.' - -These were the best years of his intellectual power--a short summer when -his mind was most fertile and his judgment ripe and prescient. Almost -alone and unsupported he had by sheer personal force and persuasive -speech commanded respect and procured important decisions. Grave or gay, -in attack, defence, or exposition, on all sorts of subjects and in all -sorts of humours, the House of Commons had delighted to hear him; and -what he said in Parliament or out of doors, whether about politics or -other matters, was received and examined with national attention. But -let it be observed that Lord Randolph Churchill was beaten, whatever he -did, when he played the national game; and was victorious, whatever he -did, while he played the party game. No question of 'taste' or -'patriotism' was raised when what he said, however outrageous, suited -his party. No claim of truth counted when what he said, however -incontrovertible, was awkward for his party. Yet almost fiercely he -asserted his loyalty to the Unionist cause. - -'It was not difficult for me to notice,' he wrote in 1891, in a letter -to his constituents, never published, 'that after power was assured to -the Tory leaders for some years by the General Election of 1886, it was -their intention to stand on the old ways of Toryism in respect to -Ireland, foreign policy and expenditure. Then I went away from them. On -three occasions since during the last long five years have I gone -against them: (1) When they threatened to recommence the policy of -military expenditure in the Soudan; (2) when in 1888 the present Leader -of the House of Commons, then Chief Secretary, ridiculed and denounced -in the House the demand of the Irish members for Local Self-government; -(3) when in 1890 I declared against the iniquitous and infamous policy -of the Parnell Commission. With these three exceptions I often supported -the Government by speech and vote in Parliament; I even spoke and voted -in favour of their Coercion Bill in 1887, though I was much startled and -disquieted afterwards by the manner of its administration; and in 1887, -1888, and 1889 I addressed large public meetings in their support. For -the rest of the time, when I disagreed and doubted--as was often the -case--I stood aloof and held my peace; and you must well remember that -on more than one occasion in past sessions this strong Government and -party managed to get themselves into the sorest straits, and that -opportunities were offered of paying off some old scores which, if -personal considerations had influenced me, I should not have neglected -and which, I expect, not many politicians would have allowed to pass by. -Bear this in mind, I pray you, in common justice when you hear me freely -accused--as I have often been, and shall be again--of disloyalty to the -Tory or the Unionist party; contrast the line of action I have followed -with action followed in former Parliaments towards former Governments by -former out-going Ministers; and I call upon you to acquit me fully of -any charge of disloyalty.' - -It had been proved to utter conviction in those barren years that 'ten -men armed can subdue one man in his shirt.' One friend after another had -fallen away from Lord Randolph. The hostility of the Prime Minister and -the tireless machine-like detraction of the party press had not been -without effect. His Parliamentary position was one of complete isolation -and his popularity in the country had declined. Others--scarcely heard -of in the days of battle--were now bearing the burden of the Unionist -cause, and the public eye was fixed upon a stout-hearted bookseller -whose perseverance as Leader was making of his repeated failures a -curious but undoubted success, and upon an Irish Secretary whose -reputation was every day enhanced by the taunts and revilings he -provoked from his opponents. The Minister who seemed so powerful in -1886, the people's favourite, the necessary Parliamentarian, the central -link of the Unionist alliance, certainly its most redoubtable champion, -stood outside all political combinations, actual or potential. The -Government of such a sickly infancy was grown up into a strong, if not a -healthy manhood. The sunrise of wealth and extending comfort which in -every nation lighted up the last quarter of the nineteenth century was -strengthening by an unseen yet irresistible process the forces upon -which Conservatism depends; and the millstone of Home Rule bowed and -strangled the Liberals. There was neither need nor place for a leader of -Tory Democracy. - -All this was perfectly appreciated by Lord Randolph Churchill, and his -detached contented mood and habit of thought were carefully and -laboriously assumed and fortified by every trick of mental discipline he -knew. A studied disdain of the course of public events, the influence of -movement and of changing scenes, the delights of summer-lands, books, -friends and mild Egyptian cigarettes--all were to him the incidents of -an elaborate art. But the characters of valetudinarian, pleasure-seeker, -traveller, sportsman, failed to satisfy, and served scarcely to -distract. Always at hand, though forbidden his mind, lurked the hopes -and the schemes, once so real, now turned to shadows: and the -thought--never quite to be chased away--of that multitude of working -people he knew so well, who had trusted him as their champion; who were -still ready, if they knew how, to do him honour; but for whom--though -their problems were still unsolved, uncared for, or cared for only as -counters in the game of politics--it was beyond his power to do the -smallest service. And although the great river, gliding impassively -along by the sands of the desert and the temples of forsaken faiths, -might seem to smile at fretful aspirations, the reproach and -disappointment silently consumed him. - - * * * * * - -Further and further afield! After the session of 1890 Lord Randolph -Churchill abandoned the House of Commons. He attended seldom; he never -spoke. In the summer of 1891 he sailed for South Africa in quest of -sport and gold--and peace. A journey to Mashonaland was in those days an -enterprise of some difficulty; nor, indeed, before the overthrow of the -Matabele power, devoid of risk. Elaborate arrangements were required to -conduct even a small party in comfort through these untrodden fields. -The command of the miniature expedition was entrusted to Major Giles, a -traveller well acquainted with the country. As killing game was a -necessity as well as an amusement, one of the best hunters in South -Africa, Hans Lee, was included in the party; and Mr. Perkins, a mining -engineer of the highest eminence, was engaged to search for gold. - -The interest with which Lord Randolph was regarded by the public had -survived his popularity and all these preparations excited general -curiosity and afforded fertile themes for comment and satire. He was -persuaded to write a long series of letters for the _Daily Graphic_ by -the extraordinary offer of a hundred pounds for each letter. Every -incident of his journey, even the most trivial, especially the most -personal that could be discovered, was telegraphed to England by -assiduous reporters and discussed with genial malice by the Conservative -newspapers. He was burlesqued on the Gaiety stage with a wit so pointed -that the song was stopped by the intervention of the Lord Chamberlain. -While paragraphs, lampoons and caricatures exhibited him daily to the -ridicule of his countrymen; while the delegates of the National Union -hooted his name at their annual conference; and while the chiefs of the -Tories complacently admired the fulness of their triumph, the -ex-Minister plunged into vast solitudes. Across the veldt by bush and -kloof and kopje, through the drifts of flooded rivers, by mining camps -and frontier posts into magnificent wildernesses toiled the tiny -caravan. A gust of bracing air and rough exertion breaks in upon the -artificial ventilation of the House of Commons. The crowded benches, -with the yellow light streaming down upon them from the ceiling, recede -into the distance. Waggons creak and jolt along stony tracks, camp-fires -twinkle in the waste, antelope gallop over spacious pastures, lions roar -beneath the stars---- - -All this has been described by Lord Randolph Churchill himself in the -book in which his published letters were finally compiled.[74] I will -not tell a twice-told tale. It was not perhaps surprising that a -relentless criticism should have denied to these productions all title -to literary merit. Their commercial value consisted mainly in the -personality of the writer; and that personality was the object of -powerful and widespread prejudice. The extravagant price paid for them -was an incitement to every sharp pen less generously rewarded. The -letters themselves make no pretence to elegance. Here and there a touch -of quaint humour, a caustic or jingling phrase, or a rhetorical -passage--but for the most part they tell a plain story of sport and -travel, as such stories have often been told before. - -One extract shall suffice:-- - - We were riding along through a small open glade covered with high - grass, Lee a few yards ahead of me, when I suddenly saw him turn - round, cry out something to me, and point with his finger ahead. I - looked, and saw lolloping along through and over the grass, about - forty yards off, a yellow animal about as big as a small bullock. - It flashed across me that it was a lion--the last thing in the - world that I was thinking of. I was going to dismount and take aim, - for I was not frightened at the idea of firing at a retreating - lion; but Lee called out in succession five or six times, 'Look, - look!' at the same time pointing with his finger in different - directions in front. I saw to my astonishment, and rather to my - dismay, that the glade appeared to be alive with lions. There they - were, trooping and trotting along ahead of us like a lot of - enormous dogs, great yellow objects, offering such a sight as I had - never dreamed of. Lee turned to me and said, 'What will you do?' I - said, 'I suppose we must go after them,' thinking all the time that - I was making a very foolish answer. This I am the more convinced of - now, for Lee told me afterwards that many old hunters in South - Africa will turn away from such a troupe of lions as we had before - us. We trotted on after them a short distance to where the grass - was more open, the lions trotting along ahead of us in the most - composed and leisurely fashion, very different from the - galloping-off of a surprised and startled antelope. Lee now - dismounted and fired at a lion about fifty yards off. I saw the - brute fall forward on his head, twist round and round and stagger - into a patch of high grass slightly to the left of where I was - riding. - - I did not venture to dismount with such a lot of these brutes all - around ahead of me, not feeling at all sure that I should be able - to remount quickly enough and gallop away after shooting. My horse, - untrained to the gun, would not allow me to fire from his back and - would probably have thrown me off had I done so. I stuck close to - Lee, determined to leave the shooting to him unless things became - critical, as his aim was true. His nerves were steady, which was - more than mine were, though I do not admit that I was at all - frightened. I counted seven lions; Lee says there were more. I saw, - and cried out to Lee, pointing to a great big fellow with a heavy - black mane trotting along slightly ahead of the rest. He was just - crossing a small spruit about one hundred yards ahead and as he - climbed the opposite bank offered his hind quarters as a fair - target. Lee fired at him, at which he quickened his pace and - disappeared in front. We approached the spruit and, almost - literally under my nose, I saw three lions tumble up out of it, - climb the opposite side and disappear. Now I own I longed for my - shooting pony Charlie, for they offered me splendid shots, quite - close, such as I could hardly have missed. I raised my rifle to - take aim at the last; but, perhaps fortunately for me, he - disappeared, before I could fire, in the high grass on the other - side. I saw Lee fire from his horse at one as it was climbing the - bank, which he wounded badly. It retreated into a patch of thick - grass the other side of the spruit, uttering sounds something - between a growl, a grunt and a sob. - -Mashonaland yielded no golden results to the practised eye of Mr. -Perkins; and it was not until the expedition had returned to -Johannesburg that he unfolded his novel theory of deep levels. At this -time the outcrop of the Great Banket reef was the only gold area which -was being worked. Mr. Perkins observed the slant at which the strata -emerged from the upper soil. He calculated accordingly. He advised the -purchase of farms and properties along the south side of the ridge. By -striking down directly into the earth the Great Banket reef would again -be overtaken--richer perhaps than ever before. Lord Randolph Churchill -must have stood at this time very close to an almost immeasurable -fortune. Such a vital thought could not, however, remain secret--was -already occurring to other minds. But the investments which he made were -not inconsiderable or ill-judged, and were sold at his death for upwards -of 70,000_l._ - -While such business and adventure occupied his mind the leadership of -the House of Commons fell vacant. Mr. Smith's heavy task was at an end. -For two sessions he had struggled against ever-increasing physical -distresses. Hour after hour he had sat on his Bench with his rug across -his knees--a pathetic and not unheroic figure. Night after night he had -risen in his place to discharge in singularly bad speeches his duty--as -he would have phrased it--to 'Queen and country.' Now he was gone, and -Lord Salisbury made haste to appoint Mr. Balfour in his stead. His -selection was almost universally applauded. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to his Wife._ - -Mafeking, November 23, 1891. - - So Arthur Balfour is really leader--and Tory Democracy, the genuine - article, at an end! Well, I have had quite enough of it all. I have - waited with great patience for the tide to turn, but it has not - turned, and will not now turn in time. In truth, I am now - altogether _deconsidere_. I feel sure the other party will come in - at the next election. The South Molton election is another among - many indications. No power will make me lift hand or foot or voice - for the Tories, just as no power would make me join the other side. - All confirms me in my decision to have done with politics and try - to make a little money for the boys and for ourselves. I hope you - do not all intend to worry me on this matter and dispute with me - and contradict me. More than two-thirds, in all probability, of my - life is over, and I will not spend the remainder of my years in - beating my head against a stone wall. I expect I have made great - mistakes; but there has been no consideration, no indulgence, no - memory or gratitude--nothing but spite, malice and abuse. I am - quite tired and dead-sick of it all, and will not continue - political life any longer. I have not Parnell's dogged, but at the - same time sinister, resolution; and have many things and many - friends to make me happy, without that horrid House of Commons work - and strife. After all, A. B. cannot beat my record; and it was I - who got him first into the Government, and then into the Cabinet. - This he and Lord S. know well.... It is so pleasant getting near - home again. I have had a good time (out here), but now reproach - myself for having left you all for so long, and am dying to be - again at Connaught Place. - - * * * * * - - - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -OPPOSITION ONCE MORE - - Though much is taken, much abides; and tho' - We are not now that strength which in old days - Moved earth and heaven; that which we are, we are; - One equal temper of heroic hearts, - Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will - To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield. - TENNYSON: _Ulysses_. - - -[Sidenote: 1892 AET. 43] - -The variations of English politics are continual, and at times so swift -that those who influence them and are in turn influenced by them are -hardly conscious of the pace they are travelling. As the general -situation alters, the relations of its principal characters insensibly -change. The doubtful or indifferent acquaintance of one year is the -trusted comrade of the next. Combinations impossible in January are -inevitable in June. Mortal offences are forgotten, if they are not -forgiven; and as the ship moves forward into newer waters only a fading -streak of froth lingers on the surface of the sea. - -Lord Randolph Churchill returned from South Africa early in 1892, to -find, so far as he was concerned, a better temper and complexion in -public affairs than at any time since his resignation. The life of the -Government was ebbing away; the appeal to country could not be long -delayed; and although the Parnell disclosures had immensely strengthened -the Unionist position, there was little in the record or character of -the Administration to excite popular enthusiasm. The drag of six years -of office made its effect felt, and the Grand Old Man seemed still to -enjoy the unconquerable splendour of his powers. That feeling of closing -up the ranks, usually the prelude to a General Election, was abroad in -the party; and its chiefs, though he did not at first realise it, looked -in amity, not unmingled with anxiety, to the erstwhile leader of Tory -Democracy, who had done such great things with the electors in the past -and might, for all they knew, exert even a greater influence in the -future. His reappearance in the House of Commons in the first days of -February created a stir, which his silent and reserved demeanour did not -speedily allay. Alike in the lobbies and the newspapers the question was -debated, 'What is he going to do?' And it must be admitted that his -answer to the resolution in which the South Paddington Conservative -Association inquired whether he proposed to stand, and if so whether he -would support the general policy of the Conservative party, did not -altogether remove the uncertainty which existed. - -'I would be obliged to you,' he wrote to the Secretary of the -Association (February 4, 1892), 'if you would inform the Committee that, -as at present advised, it is my intention in the event of a dissolution -of Parliament to offer myself to the constituency for re-election and -that in taking that course I should hope that I might rely upon the -renewed support of the body which the Committee represent. It would -further be my intention, in the event of my being re-elected as member -of Parliament for the borough, to give to the Tory party the same -support which I have given to it since the year 1874, when I first -entered Parliament. Of the usefulness of that support it is not for me -to judge; it is sufficient for me to say that my action in the future in -the House of Commons would be in accordance, and consistent, with my -action in the past.' - -To FitzGibbon he wrote with greater plainness. - - - -Penn House, Amersham: January 13, 1892. - - It was too pleasant to get a sight of your handwriting again. My - travel through South Africa was as nice an experience as anyone - could have, and though I am very glad to get back I really enjoyed - every hour of my journey. I think I find H. M. G. in a very weak - and tottering state; their feelings towards myself more bitter and - hostile than ever. But I imagine that, willy nilly, they will have - to shake off or subdue their prejudices, for great troubles are - before them. My information is that a large, influential and to - some extent independent section of Tories kick awfully against - Irish Local Government and do not mean to vote for it. This comes - from a very knowledgeable member of the Government outside the - Cabinet. If the Government proceed with their project they will - either split or seriously dishearten the party, and to do either on - the verge of a General Election would be suicidal. This is what - they ought to do: They ought to say this Irish Local Government is - far too large a question to be dealt with by a moribund - Parliament; they ought to confess that there is not sufficient - agreement among their supporters as to the nature and extent of - such a measure, such as would favour the chances of successful - legislation, and that they have determined to reserve the matter - for a new Parliament, when the mind of the country upon their Irish - administration has been fully ascertained. But I would not stop - there. What is the great feature of the political situation in - Ireland now? The resurrection in great force of priestly domination - in political matters. Now I would cool the ardour of these - potentates for Mr. G. by at once offering them the largest - concessions on education--primary, intermediate, and - University--which justice and generosity could admit of. I would - not give them everything before the General Election, but I would - give a good lot, and keep a good lot for the new Parliament. I do - not think they could resist the bribe; and the soothing effect of - such a policy on the Irish vote and attitude would be marked. Of - course the concession would have to be very large--almost as large - as what the Bishops have ever asked for--but preserving always - intact Trinity College. It would assume the material shape of a - money subsidy. What do you think of this? What is the frame of mind - of the Bishops? What form and scope would you give to such a - measure or measures as I suggest? - - H. M. G. have no imagination or originality. The keystone of their - policy has been to play against the life of Mr. G. This (not very - noble, but still human) policy should, once taken up, be pursued - remorselessly. To carry on the policy, the life of the Parliament - should be prolonged into '93. How to do this? Introduce a measure - dealing largely with the registration laws. - - 'One man one vote'--a trifle--could be conceded; twelve months' - residence in lieu of eighteen established; paid officials for - preparing register appointed in all constituencies. The new - register could not be ready before the early spring of next year, - and the convenient time for the election would be the summer or - autumn. Now, my dear FitzGibbon, imagine the consternation, fury - and utter paralysis of the Gladstonians if the Government were to - make this complete _volte-face_--this tremendous surprise (all so - logical and defensible as it is), the relief and joy of the Tories - at getting rid of Local Government and at getting another year of - life! Do not show this to anyone, unless it be to David Plunket, if - he is with you--the Government are too fond of appropriating my - ideas without acknowledgment--but write me all you think about it. - I could write pages in support of it, but your own wily and Ulysses - kind of mind will suggest to you all the wonderful elaboration of - which it is susceptible. - -And again in April:-- - - Politics attract me less and less and I successfully resist all - invitations to take part in them, whether in Parliament or in the - country. I really sincerely do not think that an offer of office - would cause me the slightest emotion or drag me from my freedom and - carelessness. However, that speculation is not likely to be put to - the test. I have now a nice position--well with my constituents, - well with my party--and am inclined to let well alone. I anticipate - with amiable malice a Unionist defeat, and speculate on the nature - of their struggles to resume power after that defeat. Balfour is - doing very well, and has been much benefited by the senseless - outcry raised against him by the Opposition.... Did you see my - beautiful Latin letter to the [Trinity] College authorities, - corrected and revised by Welldon of Harrow! It ought to have been - published. - -As the dissolution approached, overtures were made to him to contest -several constituencies and he was pressed on all sides for his -assistance. He declined everything. 'It is not my intention,' he wrote -to one ardent Tory Democrat,[75] 'to make any political speeches at the -present time. Formerly I made many; but the labour was thankless and -fruitless. Besides, I have not the smallest idea what the programme of -our party now is.... From 1880 to 1886 I advocated on my own account a -generally liberal and progressive policy, with the result that when I -came into office I found that none of my colleagues were prepared to -give to this policy the smallest genuine support; and that, office -having been reached, promises to the people were to be forgotten or -evaded. This experience I will never recommence; and it is for this -reason that I decline, and must continue to decline, all invitations to -take part in the platform exercises which precede the General Election.' -In Parliament he remained silent. He admired Mr. Balfour's early essays -in leading the House. 'At last,' he said, 'the Tory party have got a -leader whom they like.' To one who told him that if he sat below the -gangway he could soon overthrow the Government, he answered, 'No, no; -Arthur Balfour is too often nearly right.' - -The only interventions in outside politics which he allowed himself were -a speech on Metropolitan affairs during the London County Council -election and a letter to Mr. Arnold White, the Liberal-Unionist -candidate for Tyneside. This letter, however, outlines so boldly the -scope and direction of his views that it deserves to be quoted. - -He wrote:-- - - The Labour community is carrying on at the present day a very - significant and instructive struggle. It has emancipated itself - very largely from the mere mechanism of party politics; it realises - that it now possesses political power to such an extent as to make - it independent of either party in the State; and the struggle which - it is now carrying on is less against Capital, less one of wages or - division of profits, but rather one for the practical utilisation - in its own interest of the great political power which it has - acquired. The Labour interest is now seeking to do itself what the - landed interest and the manufacturing capitalist interest did for - themselves when each in turn commanded the disposition of State - policy. Our land laws were framed by the landed interest for the - advantage of the landed interest, and foreign policy was directed - by that interest to the same end. Political power passed very - considerably from the landed interest to the manufacturing - capitalist interest, and our whole fiscal system was shaped by this - latter power to its own advantage, foreign policy being also made - to coincide. We are now come, or are coming fast, to a time when - Labour laws will be made by the Labour interest for the advantage - of Labour. The regulation of all the conditions of labour by the - State, controlled and guided by the Labour vote, appears to be the - ideal aimed at; and I think it extremely probable that a foreign - policy which sought to extend by tariff over our Colonies and even - over other friendly States, the area of profitable barter of - produce will strongly commend itself to the mind of the Labour - interest. Personally I can discern no cause for alarm in this - prospect and I believe that on this point you and I are in perfect - agreement. Labour in this modern movement has against it the - prejudices of property, the resources of capital, and all the - numerous forces--social, professional, and journalist--which those - prejudices and resources can influence. It is our business as Tory - politicians to uphold the Constitution. If under the Constitution - as it now exists, and as we wish to see it preserved, the Labour - interest finds that it can obtain its objects and secure its own - advantage, then that interest will be reconciled to the - Constitution, will find faith in it and will maintain it. But if - it should unfortunately occur that the Constitutional party, to - which you and I belong, are deaf to hear and slow to meet the - demands of Labour, are stubborn in opposition to those demands and - are persistent in the habit of ranging themselves in unreasoning - and short-sighted support of all the present rights of property and - capital, the result may be that the Labour interest may identify - what it will take to be defects in the Constitutional party with - the Constitution itself, and in a moment of indiscriminate impulse - may use its power to sweep both away. This view of affairs, I - submit, is worthy of attention at a time when it is a matter of - life or death to the Constitutional party to enlist in the support - of the Parliamentary Union of the United Kingdom a majority of the - votes of the masses of Labour. - - You tell me that you find the designation 'Tory' a great difficulty - to you. I cannot see any good reason for this. After all, since the - Revolution the designation 'Tory' has always possessed an - essentially popular flavour, in contradistinction to the - designation 'Whig.' It has not only a popular but a grand - historical origin; it denotes great historical struggles, in many - of which the Tory party have been found on the popular side. Lord - Beaconsfield--who, if he was anything, was a man of the people and - understood the popular significance of names and words--invariably - made use of the word 'Tory' to characterise his party; and whatever - the Tory party may be deemed to be at particular moments, I have - always held, from the commencement of my political life, that, - rightly understood and explained, it ought to be, and was intended - to be, the party of broad ideas and of a truly liberal policy. - -His interest in Labour questions was, indeed, growing steadily. When the -Eight Hours Bill for Miners was discussed that year in the Commons, he -addressed a long private letter to Mr. Balfour praying for its -considerate treatment. 'I humbly advise, but pressingly; in the debate -let Gorst have a little Labour fling. Keep your hand tight over Matthews -and, if you can see your way to it, make one of those interesting and -amicable speeches which you can do so well, not exactly saying that your -mind is open, but, to use a Gladstonianism, that it is not altogether -absolutely closed. You can realise,' he added quaintly, 'how much -importance I attach to the question when I tell you that I am actually -coming up from Lincoln and missing three important races in which our -horses run, to vote for the Bill. I do not think I would do this for the -Monarchy, the Church, the House of Lords or the Union.' - -The General Election came at that period, July, dear to the hearts of -Tory organisers, when democracy is supposed to be under the soothing -influence of summer weather, and before villadom has departed on its -holidays. Lord Randolph took little part in it. He stood for South -Paddington as a Conservative and an opponent of Home Rule. He let it be -understood that if he was not interfered with by the Liberal party he -would not speak outside the limits of his own constituency. This bargain -seeming sufficiently good, in view of the fact that the seat was -impregnable, no opposition was offered him. The only speech he found it -necessary to make, and his election address, dealt almost entirely with -the maintenance of the Union, though the latter also contained the -following paragraph:-- - -'My views as to the reforms in the public service which public safety -and economy alike urgently call for, are, I think, well known to you; -they have undergone no change, save that I hold them more strongly than -ever. You are also, I imagine, not unaware of my desire to meet with all -legitimate sympathy and good-will the newly-formed but very articulate -and well-defined demands of the labouring classes.' - -To FitzGibbon he wrote:-- - - I cannot manage to get over for the Trinity College festivities. I - have a great and increasing horror of anything in the nature of - speeches and functions. We are all over here awaiting in suspense - the result of the elections.... I have refused many invitations to - speak. I do not think the time at all propitious for anything in - the shape of a manifesto such as you suggest. Besides which, I have - no contest in this constituency; and as the Radicals are not - annoying me I do not want to provoke them. Nor do I feel called - upon to take any action which may be of the slightest use to a - Government and a party which for five years has boycotted and - slandered me.... - -The Paddington election proceeded smoothly to an unopposed return. -Parliament met only to change an Administration and separate for the -holidays. - -[Sidenote: 1893 AET. 44] - - I am living [Lord Randolph wrote to FitzGibbon in November] a very - quiet life in London, mainly occupied in reading books of one kind - and another. I have two discourses to deliver, one at Macclesfield - on the 30th inst. and one at Perth in December. Then _tacebo_. I - hope John Morley will make a final adjustment of the grievances of - those poor Christian Brothers. If I can usefully make any - representations to him, instruct me. We have always been very good - friends. Such Ministers as I have seen declare that they will soon - be turned out; but I cannot see why this should be so. At any rate, - beyond opposing their Home Rule Bill, I shall do nothing to bother - them, as I very greatly prefer them to their predecessors. - -This feeling of detachment was soon to be removed. The accession of Mr. -Gladstone to power and the imminence of a Home Rule Bill was bound to -unite in the most effective manner all sections of the Unionist party. -Lord Randolph had, since his return from South Africa, accepted, though -not without embarrassment, an invitation to dine with Lord Salisbury. -'C'est le premier plat qui coute,' wrote Wolff, who highly approved of -the proceeding. Now Chamberlain sent a very friendly letter, and this -was soon followed by a long and agreeable conference. The meetings which -Lord Randolph had consented to address at Perth and Macclesfield in the -autumn must have made his antagonism to the new Government plain; and -only the sudden death of his brother the Duke of Marlborough, in -November, which was a great shock to him, caused those arrangements to -fall through; so that Parliament met in January, 1893, without his -having formally joined himself to the official leaders of the -Opposition. - -With the opening of the Session and the beginning of the fight came full -and complete reconciliation. He was urged to take his place again upon -the Front Bench. 'If it had ever occurred to me,' wrote Mr. Balfour -(January 30, 1893), 'that you could sit anywhere but on our bench, I -would have spoken about it to you last night. _Everyone_ desires you -should do so, and _most of all_ yours ever, A. J. B.' At the meeting of -the Conservative party in the Carlton Club to consider the resistance to -the Home Rule Bill, he kept himself in the background at some distance -from Lord Salisbury. But after all the worthies had spoken, the assembly -still found the proceedings incomplete and loud cries were raised from -all parts of the room for 'Churchill.' At first there was no response, -but so continuous and insistent was the demand that Lord Randolph -eventually came forward and in a few simple words, which evoked -remarkable enthusiasm, declared his willingness to serve, to the best of -his ability, in the House of Commons under his friend and political -chief, Mr. Balfour. He was henceforward invited to attend the private -meetings of the Unionist leaders which were held at Devonshire House -during the passage of the Irish Bill, and he took his share in framing -the amendments and deciding upon the policy of the Opposition. - -But now, when a new prospect was opening to his view, when he had been -welcomed by the mass of the party, when he had returned to its inmost -councils and ranged himself once again with his old friends and -colleagues in whole-hearted support of a cause which he had long -defended, a dark hand intervened. The great strain to which he had -subjected himself during the struggle against Mr. Gladstone, the -vexations and disappointments of later years and finally the severe -physical exertions and exposure of South Africa had produced in a -neurotic temperament and delicate constitution a very rare and ghastly -disease. During the winter of '92 symptoms of vertigo, palpitation, and -numbness of the hands made themselves felt, and his condition was -already a cause of the deepest anxiety to his friends. But it was not -till he rose on the occasion of the introduction of the Home Rule Bill -that the political world realised how great was the change. It happened -that the debate was unexpectedly delayed by a question of privilege. The -suspense proved a strain greater than he could bear with composure and -when he rose his nervousness was extreme, and more to be looked for in -some novice presuming for the first time than in a Parliamentarian of -near twenty years' standing. He no longer dared to trust his memory: -while the notes of his speech on the first Home Rule Bill had been -written on a single sheet of paper, he now required eighteen. The House, -crowded in every part to hear him, was shocked by his strangely altered -appearance. It seemed incredible that this bald and bearded man with -shaking hands and a white face drawn with pain and deeply marked with -the lines of care and illness, and with a voice whose tremulous tones -already betrayed the fatal difficulty of articulation, could be that -same brilliant audacious leader who in the flush of exultant youth had -marched irresistibly to power through the stormy days of 1886. - -Yet the quality of his speech showed no signs of intellectual failing. -Avoiding the network of details in which so many speakers had stumbled, -he presented a broad intelligible picture. Lucid and original -expression, close and careful reasoning, wealth of knowledge, quaint -Randolphian witticisms--all were there. Although much of the charm and -force of his manner was gone, his statement was considered by good and -impartial judges to have been, with the exception of Mr. Chamberlain's, -the best speech delivered against the Bill. - -And he was destined to have one last flicker of success. Once again was -he to encounter, not unequally, his majestic antagonist; once again -those he had been so proud to lead, were to sustain him with triumphant -acclamation. Exactly a week after his reappearance he was entrusted with -the conclusion of the debate on the Welsh Church Suspensory Bill. The -trying circumstances of his first effort were no longer present and the -feeling that he had broken the ice comforted him. His whole condition -varied sensibly from day to day. This was his good day. The House seemed -friendly to him; his spirits responded to its mood, and for the moment -he seemed to recover all, or nearly all, of his former power. Anyone who -will take the trouble to read in Hansard the intricate and sustained -argument and the ready rejoinders of the speech will see that the vigour -of his mind was unimpaired. Triumph came at the end. Putting aside his -notes, he began a fierce and sparkling attack on Mr. Gladstone. It is -the last quotation I shall make:-- - -'What motive has influenced the right honourable gentleman and his -colleagues to propose this measure to the House? It is not, as the -member for Hertford said, "plunder." That is the local motive. The -political motive is widely different. It is undoubtedly to secure votes -for their Irish policy. On behalf of that Irish policy nothing must be -spared--not even the Established Church in Wales. Votes! Votes! Votes! -That is the cry of the right honourable gentleman, and that is the -political morality which he preaches. - - 'Haec Janus summus ab imo - Prodocet. Haec recinunt juvenes dictata senesque. - -Votes at any cost, votes at any price. Refrain from nothing that can get -you votes; adhere to nothing that can prevent your getting votes--the -votes which alone can accomplish the political salvation of the Liberal -party. I see before me,' he continued, backed by the clamorous growing -support of the great party from whom he had been so long estranged, -'many distinguished gentlemen, as able as any that this country can -produce, in the administration of public departments. But do you call -that a Government? Whom do you govern? One day the Government is at the -mercy of the Irish party; another day it is at the mercy of the Welsh -party; and on a third day yet to come it will be in the power of the -Scotch party. The Government is absolutely in the power of any of the -three sections of its majority. It must concede when any section makes a -demand. An English Government has never yet been conducted on such -principles--better suited to a Whitechapel auction than to the conduct -of our State.' - -This characteristic attack produced an electrical effect upon Mr. -Gladstone, and the years seemed to fall from his shoulders as he rose at -once to reply. 'I accept,' he cried, 'the monosyllabic invocation of the -noble lord and I say "Vote, Vote, Vote" for both Welsh Disestablishment -and Home Rule.' And in the course of a rejoinder which, though brief, -was inferior to few, if any, of his later speeches, he cast back the -reproaches of the Opposition and roused and rallied the enthusiasm of -his followers amid a storm of cheers and counter-cheers. The First -Reading passed by a majority of 56 in an angry and excited House, and -the members hurried home, saying that the days of the 'eighties' were -come back and that Randolph was himself again. - -FitzGibbon, who was increasingly his correspondent, kept him supplied -with an inexhaustible stream of fact and fancy upon the Irish Bill, and -Lord Randolph's replies to his old friend constitute a sufficient -account of his Parliamentary doings and domestic affairs:-- - - - -Branksome Dene, Bournemouth: January 15, 1893. - - Many thanks for your letter. I am happy to say Winston is going on - well and making a good and on the whole rapid recovery. He had a - miraculous escape from being smashed to pieces, as he fell thirty - feet off a bridge over a chine, from which he tried to leap to the - bough of a tree. What dreadfully foolhardy and reckless things boys - do! We have a sharp return of the cold, and snow is all about. I - keep thinking of my good time in Ireland, which was the best I have - had for a long time. - - - -50 Grosvenor Square, W.: February 18, 1893. - - Just a line to thank you for your letter. I imagine the speech - produced not unsatisfactory effects. I was awfully 'jumpy.' The - damned Bill is out, and I should greatly like from you, if you had - spare time, a _critique raisonnee_ of it. I shall have to make some - speeches--probably one to a great meeting in Scotland at Easter - time. The Second Reading is fixed for March 13, but this may be - only a nominal date. I am very anxious about the result when it - comes to a General Election. It is on England we must concentrate - our efforts. - - - -50 Grosvenor Square, W.: March 15, 1893. - - It is most good of you taking so much trouble for me in respect of - that measure, but I will try and make the best use of all you send - me, and the 'lawyer's notes' may develop into orations which may - electrify the country. If one can trust the statements of the - Unionist Press, the Bill has absolutely no prospects or chances of - passing. All the heart, what little there ever was, has been taken - out of the Repealers by the postponement of the Second Reading. I - only hope the end may not come too quick. The Local Veto Bill has - infuriated the liquor interest even more than the H. R. Bill has - Ulster. - - I do not think the G. O. M. has influenza, but it may be some time - before we see him again in the House of Commons. - - - -50 Grosvenor Square, W.: March 29, 1893. - - You are really too good, and I am shocked to have added so much to - your work. Your notes will be most valuable to me and I am looking - forward to their arrival. You will see that I loosed off last night - against Mr. G. and Morley. I think our party were very much - pleased. The old man is pressing us very hard with his demands for - the time of Parliament and his refusal to give decent holidays. I - have counselled that we do not enter on a futile resistance in - which we must be overborne. I am all for giving him rope; he is - sure to get into a terrible mess sooner or later. - - I have a busy Easter before me. Political discourses at Liverpool - and Perth, and I shall not get back to London till April 14. I - shall keep your notes, though more for Parliamentary purposes; they - will be too good for public meetings. With many thanks and much - gratitude. - - - -Penshurst: April 30, 1893. - - Well, we have had three important meetings at Devonshire House--D. - of D., M. of S., Joe C., Arthur B., Goschen, Sir Henry J., - Atkinson, and myself. With the general result I am much pleased. I - contended hard for the principle that none of our amendments should - be in any sense constructive, nothing that could give rise to an - idea that we were drifting into anything like an alternative - scheme. Joe C. was much for leading us in this way, but Devonshire - and Salisbury were very firm and the mischief was averted. Then - there was another great danger avoided. Joe C., A. B., and Goschen - were rather strongly in favour of an amendment excluding Ulster - from the Bill. Your powers of reflection and discernment will show - you at once what a horrid and dangerous trap that would have let us - into. However, thanks again to Salisbury and Devonshire, the idea - was dropped. - - No amendments will be moved by any of us, but some have been drawn - and will be given to others. James' amendments to the fifth clause - are very ingenious. But I shall send you a paper of amendments - marked after next Friday. We are to meet on Fridays when the H. R. - Bill is in Committee. Government will not get their Committee - Thursday: at the earliest not before Monday. I have not been very - well lately, and the last three days have had a dreadful cough, - which would quite have incapacitated me from speaking. I hope now - it is yielding to treatment, and fortunately I have had no speeches - to make. I am full of hope. There is much rumour that Mr. G. will - go to the House of Lords. Harcourt is certainly very unwell. - Belfast seems to have settled down. I have several speeches in the - country before me in May. Write to me when you have time, but not - in those horrid envelopes. - - - -50 Grosvenor Square. - - I have just delivered a twenty minutes' speech in the House of - Commons on the case of the Christian Brothers. We had a large - majority against the Ulster Bill. You will find a passage in - Morley's speech in which he said that he still hoped for an - arrangement, and that if he was a member of the Board [of National - Education] he should expect to be able to discover a method. The - Tories are, I expect, very cross with me. - - I think you can now go to work again. - - - -50 Grosvenor Square, W.: July 11, 1893. - - I wish you had not written in so uncomplimentary a strain about - Rosebery. I would have shown it him but for that. I have the very - highest opinion of his work,[76] and always describe it as a - literary diamond. Now please write me another letter, more - complimentary. You can bring out all the views which have occurred - to you without accusing him of absolute ignorance of Ireland. - Remember, he was in a very awkward position, and Mr. Gladstone was - very cold to him after the work appeared. After all, he made one of - the most luminous expositions of the benefits of the Union and that - covers every error. Do do what I ask, for I am very fond of - Rosebery and very intimate with him, and I always look forward to - being in a Government with him. He likes you very much, and knows - on what intimate terms you and I are. Write me a review, not longer - than your letter, fair and _raisonne_. It will not take you long, - and it might do a great deal of good. - -This is not the place to describe the stormy and protracted Session of -1893. The ruthless persistency of the Government; the stubborn -resistance of the Conservative party; the inch-by-inch struggle in -Committee; Chamberlain's keen and unceasing attack from below the -gangway; the venerable figure of the Prime Minister, erect and -unflinching, at the table; the mutilated procedure of Parliament; and -the rising storm of partisanship on both sides contribute to an account -which seems to approach by sure gradations a violent climax. Lord -Randolph has left a record, in the form of a private letter to the -Speaker, of the explosion:-- - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to the Speaker._[77] - -50 Grosvenor Square: July 29, 1893. - - I am desirous of submitting to you a true account of the - disturbance and the real cause of the disorder which occurred in - the House of Commons on Thursday night. - - The cry of 'Judas' was the retort to Mr. Chamberlain's expression - 'Herod.' But Mr. Chamberlain has never taken any notice of it on - previous occasions, nor did he on Thursday night, for I saw him - smiling; and I do not consider that this exclamation was, except in - a certain sense, the real cause of the turmoil. When Mr. Balfour - left the House he told me that in the event of a division we were - to vote with the Government against Mr. Clancy's amendment, a - course in which I thoroughly concurred. I did not know the - tremendous passions which were raging behind me. The division had - begun and I was already proceeding into the Lobby, when, turning - round, I saw that scarcely a single member of the party had moved. - I returned, and told them of Mr. Balfour's wishes, and begged them - to go into the 'No' Lobby. But I was met by cries that they would - not divide, and I ascertained that Mr. Vicary Gibbs had been trying - to raise a point of order on the question of the cry 'Judas,' and, - because that had not been settled, this very considerable section - of the Opposition would not on any account divide. I thought it - obvious that a point of order could not be decided when a division - had been called, for the reason that a number of members had left - the House for the Lobby. I urged upon them that not leaving their - seats to vote was the gravest violation of the rules of the House, - but all to no purpose. I therefore proceeded myself into the Lobby, - where there was a small muster of Liberals, three or four - Ministers, but none, so far as I could see, of the Opposition. - - We waited for about two minutes, when the sound of a great noise - reached us. We returned to the House; the floor was crowded with - members, all standing; there was much scuffling; and certainly the - scene was the most appalling I ever witnessed. I made my way to the - Front Opposition Bench again, and implored the occupants of the - Opposition benches to come into the Lobby to record their votes. - There was still time to take the division, if only they would have - moved from their seats; but all my efforts were more useless than - before. - - When you took the Chair, Sir, Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Balfour - (neither of whom had seen all that passed) informed you that you - had been sent for to decide a point of order as to the propriety of - the cry 'Judas.' With all respect nothing could have been more - inaccurate. I lay down confidently that the whole disorder arose - from the Opposition members being determined not to take part in - the division and from the Chairman seeming not to know that he - could compel them to do so under pain of very severe penalties. - - I must excuse myself for wearying you, Sir, with this long - statement, but I would make two justifications: (1) I read there is - a possibility of an inquiry into the cause of the disturbance, and - I am anxious that my evidence should be before you; (2) that there - has been so much disorder and defiance of the authority of the - Chairman of Committees by individual members of all parties during - the progress of the Government of Ireland Bill that if it is not - checked by the high authority which resides in yourself, Sir, the - House of Commons will go from bad to worse, and it is impossible - to foresee to what extent it may change its character in a very - short time. - -Lord Randolph's speech on the Welsh Church was his last Parliamentary -success. Throughout the passage of the Home Rule Bill he held his place -in the front rank of the Opposition and took a regular and not -undistinguished part in the debates. In the Easter recess his speeches -to large audiences at Liverpool and Perth commanded the attention of the -country, and now, as in former years, he provided his party with an -inexhaustible supply of catchwords and homely arguments. But the fire -and force of his oratory were gone, never to return; and as the Session -drew on, his difficulties of utterance and of memory increased, and the -severe and unrelenting labour exhausted the remnants of his strength. -Several times in the hot summer months he failed to hold the attention -of the House and even sometimes to make himself understood. Once, -indeed, the members grew impatient and the House was filled with -restless murmurs. But his friends--some of them his most distinguished -opponents--rallied to him, checked the interruptions, and tried -perseveringly to make all look smooth and successful. And in these days -it was observed that Mr. Gladstone would always be in his place to pay -the greatest attention to his speeches and to reply elaborately to such -arguments as he had advanced. - -Lord Randolph Churchill was acutely conscious of his failing powers and -the realisation roused him to immense exertions. A year before he had -hardly cared for political affairs. Now he plunged desperately into the -struggle. Others around him encountered the measures of a Liberal -Administration. He faced a different foe. With the whole strength of his -will he fought against the oncoming decay. He refused to accept defeat. -He redoubled his labours. If five hours no longer sufficed for the -preparation of a speech--he would take five days. If his memory played -him false, it must be exercised the more. If the House of Commons was -escaping from his grip, he would see whether the people would still hear -him. - -During the months of May and June he spoke at no fewer than ten -important meetings--at Reading, Bolton, Macclesfield, Leicester, -Carlisle, Pontefract, Boston and other big towns. Everywhere he was -received by immense audiences and frequently he succeeded, as of old, in -arousing their interest and enthusiasm. The fertility of his mind and -the store of political knowledge and expression he had accumulated were -astonishing. Almost every one of these speeches was reported verbatim in -the _Times_ newspaper. All were confined to the single subject of the -Home Rule Bill and the circumstances that attended its passage. No -repetition of argument or phrase can be detected in the entire series of -speeches. - -It was at this time that he looked towards Bradford. That city had even -before the General Election invited him to contest its central -division. His eye for a political country was as good as ever. To -persuade a great commercial centre to change its party allegiance, to be -returned at the election with three solid seats won for the Unionist -cause, to entrench himself in the heart of Yorkshire was a plan most -attractive to his nature; and had he lived, these objects would -certainly have been accomplished; for all divisions of Bradford returned -Unionist members to the Parliament of 1895 and that condition continues -to this day. On May 26 he addressed a large meeting in the St. George's -Hall. His candidature was adopted with enthusiasm by the local -Conservatives. Meetings were held, the organisation was improved, the -Unionist press was strengthened and supported, and a new impulse was -imparted to the Conservative movement throughout the whole district. - -For the autumn of 1893 he prepared a further extensive campaign all over -the country, and he convinced himself that it was still in his power to -raise a great wave of democratic excitement that would shake the -Government and establish his position before the world. In order to -collect all his strength for this effort he withdrew before the end of -the Session to Kissingen and Gastein and submitted himself to the -strictest discipline that the doctors could advise. The quiet peaceful -life, with its simple routine of baths, walks and long drives, when the -afternoon sun cast the shade of the forest and the hills over half the -valley, seemed for a time to restore his health: and he hastened to -write glowing accounts to his mother of the improvement. But these -appearances were illusory and, underneath, the process of dissolution -went remorselessly forward. - -One incident--not unworthy of record--diversified the weeks at Kissingen -and lighted up the autumn of 1893. - - - - _To his Mother._ - - _August 7._--The sensation of yesterday was the visit of Prince - Bismarck. We had left cards on him the day before, and I did not - expect he would do more than return them. However, yesterday the - weather was showery, and as Jennie was rather seedy we did not go - our usual drive. I was reading the papers when a great big Chasseur - appeared and informed me that the Fuerst von Bismarck was in his - carriage at the door and was asking for me. I hurried downstairs - and met the Prince at his carriage. He came up to our rooms--which - luckily are on the first floor--and sat down, and we began to - converse. I had sent off a message to Jennie, who had gone to the - Kurhaus to see a friend. So I had about a quarter of an hour in - which to talk to the Prince. I will tell you of his appearance. He - is seventy-eight--so he told me afterwards--but he looks so much - younger than Mr. Gladstone that in fact you would hardly give him - more than seventy-three or seventy-four years. He looked in good - health, and came upstairs without the slightest difficulty. We - discussed various subjects, which I will go through _seriatim_. We - spoke in English; but whether it was for that reason, though he - spoke very correctly, he struck me as being nervous. Perhaps it was - meeting with a total stranger, because he had never seen me before. - However, he was most gracious and seemed very anxious to please. - You may imagine that I did my very best to please him, for I - thought it a great honour for this old Prince to come and see us. - - The conversation began on Kissingen--the baths, the waters, &c. He - told me he had first come here in 1874, and had been here almost - every year since. He gave up drinking the waters about eight years - ago, but he continues to take baths, and thinks they do him good. - After this I asked him why he never went now to Gastein. He said, - laughing, 'Oh, Gastein is a peculiar water to some - people--sometimes dangerous'; that he knew two of his friends who - died of apoplexy when taking the baths; and added that his doctor - had told him that Gastein was the last resource; and he remarked, - 'And I am seventy-eight,' and seemed quite pleased about it. Then - he talked about the Emperor William on a question as to whether - Gastein had not added some years to his life. He quite admitted it, - and told me that for many years the Emperor used to go to Carlsbad, - when he used to accompany him; and this reminiscence seemed very - pleasing to him. In talking of the Emperor he always used the - expression 'my old master.' - - Then I turned the conversation on to Siam, and asked him whether he - did not think it was a satisfactory settlement. He appeared to - agree and began speaking in this connection of M. Jules Ferry. He - regretted his loss, and said that Jules Ferry was the best man that - France had had for years, and joked a little about his - appearance--long whiskers, &c. Then he went on to say that he - thought, if Jules Ferry had remained in power, a very good - arrangement and condition would have come about between the Germans - and the French. He said that he had nearly concluded an agreement - between himself and Jules Ferry that France should remain on - friendly and peaceful terms with Germany, and that he (Prince B.) - would support France in Tunis and Siam, and generally in her - Eastern colonisation. Then I remarked about Siam that Rosebery had - learned out of his book this principle--to ask for no more than he - required, but to insist on getting what he required, and to treat - with neglect what was not essential. He said that was so and he - went on to praise Rosebery, and described him as a good combination - of will and caution, and added that of all English statesmen he was - the one who was most modest and quiet in his acts and attitude. - - Of course, no conversation would be complete without a reference to - Mr. Gladstone, to which I led him. He, of course, began by - admitting that Mr. Gladstone was very eloquent; but that he had - always been like an ungovernable horse whom no one could ride in - any bridle, and was not to be controlled in any way. He used a - German adjective to describe the horse, which I have forgotten; but - seeing his drift, and in reply to his question what was the English - expression for the German word, I said 'ungovernable and - unmanageable and hard to ride' would express it, and I remarked - that in England people often called such a horse a 'rogue.' On - which he turned his face to me with a smile, but said nothing, - though he clearly understood the allusion. He further in - conversation said that he should be very alarmed and anxious if - such a man as Mr. Gladstone governed 'my country.' Then Jennie - arrived and he talked mainly to her for a few minutes, when he - announced that his son Herbert and his recently married wife - arrived that afternoon to stay a few days with him, and that he - hoped we should see something of them. - - Without doubt this Prince and statesman has a most powerful - attraction. The whole of his career, from the time when he was - First Minister of the King and fought the Parliament, to the time - of the proclamation of the German Empire at Versailles, seems to me - more intelligible now, and at the same time a work that only this - man could have carried out or even conceived the possibility of. I - never took my eyes off his face while he was talking to me and kept - trying to fix it in my memory. For all his quiet manner his - qualities would be apparent to any observer of experience; you can - trace the iron will in great emergencies which has so frequently - borne him up, all the calm courage for which the North Germans are - peculiarly distinguished, and yet with all that--in spite of the - recollection of the great things he had done--no trace of pride, no - sign of condescension, but perfectly gracious and polite, a true - _Grand Seigneur_. He carried himself at his age as erect as a - soldier, and for all his long black coat and his rather old black, - soft, low-crowned wideawake hat he looks all over what he is--the - combination, so rarely seen in this century, of statesman and - General. - -This friendly conversation, proving mutually agreeable, was followed by -an invitation to dinner with the Bismarck family. 'We dined,' so runs -the account, 'in the hall of an old Bishop's palace, on the first floor, -which a friend of the Prince owns and lends him every year. It was of -large and fine proportion. At one end we assembled before dinner; at the -other end the table was laid. The dinner was a regular old-fashioned -German dinner, a little _bourgeois_ (like the Berlin Court under the old -Emperor), but everything was dignified as to the table--the food, the -wine, the old servants--and, though very different to our ideas, had -really _un air noble_. All this was greatly added to by the presence of -the Prince, his impressive appearance, and the combination of respect -and affection which all his family and those friends that were dining, -showed him. His good spirits and excellent humour and his sustained -support of the conversation--sometimes with Jennie, sometimes with me, -sometimes with Herbert and his wife--can never be forgotten by anyone -who saw it.' - -Lord Randolph sat next to Prince Bismarck and was so occupied in -observing him and the scene generally that he took but little part in -the conversation. The picture was complete--the Princess, feeble and -broken in health; Count Herbert and his wife; the famous black -wolf-hounds which once upon a time frightened Gortschakoff so much; -Bismarck himself, 'speaking English very carefully and slowly, -frequently pausing to get the right word, but always producing it, or -something like it, in the end'; drinking a mixture of very old hock -poured into a needle-glass of champagne--'"the last bottle [of hock], a -present from ----," a Grand Duke whose name I cannot remember'--at length -arriving at his great pipe, prepared all ready for him by a venerable -retainer, 'stem two feet in length, curved mouthpiece, bowl long and -large in china and standing up square with the stem, lighted by broad -wooden safety-matches to prevent him burning his fingers; and all the -time running on in talk brisk and light, always courtly and genial, -never quite serious.' - -'I did not dare,' declares Lord Randolph, 'to drink this old hock, and -only sipped it. The Prince, who was joking, said to Jennie that he was -very sorry I had not drunk my share, as it would cause him to drink too -much and he would be "half over the seas."' Presently he wanted to know -about Mr. Gladstone. He would be useful in putting to rights the -disorders of German finance. Would the English people exchange him for -General Caprivi? 'I told him,' writes Lord Randolph shamelessly, 'that -the English people would cheerfully give him Mr. Gladstone for nothing, -but that he would find him an expensive present!' So with chaff and good -temper the evening passed away--pleasant, memorable, one of the last he -was to know. - -[Sidenote: 1894 AET. 45] - -Lord Randolph returned from Germany none the better for his rest and -plunged forthwith into an exhausting campaign. What experience can be -more painful than for a man who enjoys the fullest intellectual vigour, -and whose blood is quite unchilled by age, to feel the whole apparatus -of expression slipping sensibly from him? He struggled against his fate -desperately, and at first with intervals of profound depression. But, as -the malady progressed, the inscrutable workings of Nature provided a -mysterious anodyne. By a queer contradiction it is ordained that an -all-embracing optimism should be one of the symptoms of this fell -disease. The victim becomes continually less able to realise his -condition. In the midst of failure he is cheered by an artificial -consciousness of victory. While the days are swiftly ebbing, he builds -large plans for the future; and a rosy glow of sunset conceals the -approach of night. Therefore as Lord Randolph's faculties were steadily -impaired, his determination to persevere was inversely strengthened; and -in spite of the advice and appeals of his family, by which he was deeply -wounded, he carried out in its entirety the whole programme of speeches -he had arranged. Huddersfield, Stalybridge, Bedford, Yarmouth, Dundee, -Glasgow, Bradford and Camborne followed each other in quick succession -in October and November. But the crowds who were drawn by the old -glamour of his name, departed sorrowful and shuddering at the spectacle -of a dying man, and those who loved him were consumed with -embarrassment and grief. It is needless to dwell longer upon this. - -[Sidenote: 1895 AET. 46] - -He spent Christmas at Howth. The old circle of friends were gathered -once more, and they saw with sadness that their hopes of his return to -power, cherished for so many years, would never be fulfilled. When he -came back to England for the beginning of the Session, the hounds were -hard upon his track. But it was not till June that he consented to -yield. The doctors ordered complete rest. 'They told me,' he wrote to -his mother, 'that I was to give up political life for a year. I did not -agree directly, but said I would think it over. I returned next day and -explained to them my plan [of a journey round the world]. Of this they -fully approved.' And now followed only a few dinners of farewell to good -friends--who knew they would never see him again--and busy preparations -for a long journey. He sailed, with his wife, for America on June 27 -under a sentence of death, operative within twelve months; and he -realised perfectly that his time was very short. But now Nature began -mercifully to apply increasing doses of her own anaesthetics, and for the -space there was yet to travel he suffered less than those who watched -him. Indeed, in an odd way he was positively happy in these last few -months; for the changing scenes kept him from sombre reflections, and -the increasing attention which he paid to details of all kinds occupied -his mind. Nothing was too small to command his interest, and neither in -America nor in Japan was ever seen so methodical a tourist. The light -faded steadily. At intervals small blood-vessels would break in the -brain, producing temporary coma, and leaving always a little less memory -or faculty behind. His physical strength held out till he reached Burma, -'which I annexed,' and which he had earnestly desired to see. But when -it failed, the change was sudden and complete. The journey was -curtailed, and in the last days of 1894 he reached England as weak and -helpless in mind and body as a little child. For a month, at his -mother's house, he lingered pitifully, until very early in the morning -of January 24 the numbing fingers of paralysis laid that weary brain to -rest. - -The illness of Lord Randolph Churchill had been followed with attention -throughout the country, and the tragic termination of his career evoked -greater manifestations of sympathy than are accorded to many who have -played a longer part in the world's affairs. Politicians of all ranks -and parties attended the service in Westminster Abbey. Large crowds -assembled in the streets through which the funeral procession passed. -The journey lay, by a strange coincidence, from Paddington to Woodstock. -The London terminus was thronged with representatives of the -Metropolitan constituency. Woodstock gathered around the churchyard at -Bladon. Thither, too, came deputations of the Birmingham Tories and -Irish friends. Over the landscape, brilliant with sunshine, snow had -spread a glittering pall. He lies close by the tower of the village -church, and the plain granite cross which marks the spot, can almost be -discerned, across a mile of lawn and meadow, from the great house which -was his childhood's home, and whose sinister motto his varied fortunes -had not ill-sustained. A statue is erected to his memory in Blenheim -Chapel; and a bust by the same hand was set up in the House of Commons -by private subscription among the members, and unveiled with a few -simple and well-chosen words by his oldest and truest political comrade, -Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. - - * * * * * - -The story of Lord Randolph Churchill's life is complete in itself and -needs no comment from the teller. That he was a great elemental force in -British politics, that he was broken irrecoverably at the moment of -maturity, should be evident from these pages. It is idle to speculate -upon what his work and fortunes might have been, had he continued to -lead the House of Commons and influence against its inclinations the -Conservative party. It is certain only that the course of domestic -policy in Finance, in Temperance and other social questions would have -been widely deflected from that which has been in fact pursued. Most of -all, perhaps, was Ireland a loser by his downfall; for more than any -other Unionist of authority he understood the Irish people--their pride, -their wants, their failings, their true inspiration. What would have -happened to him, aye, and to others had he lived the ordinary span of -men--after all, he was but forty-six--are questionings even more shadowy -and unreal. How would he have regarded a naval and military expenditure -of seventy millions in time of peace? What would he have thought of the -later developments of those Imperialistic ideas, the rise of which he -had powerfully, yet almost unconsciously, aided? What action would have -been wrung from him by the stresses of the South African war? Would he, -under the many riddles the future had reserved for such as he, have -snapped the tie of sentiment that bound him to his party, resolved at -last to 'shake the yoke of inauspicious stars'; or would he by combining -its Protectionist appetites with the gathering forces of labour have -endeavoured to repeat as a Tory-Socialist in the new century the -triumphs of the Tory-Democrat in the old? - -For all its sense of incompleteness, of tragic interruption, his life -presents a harmony and unity of purpose and view. Verbal consistency is -of small value. Yet even his verbal consistency was not especially open -to challenge. But the 'climate of opinion' in which he lived, the mood -and intention with which he faced the swiftly changing problems of a -stormy period, were never sensibly or erratically altered. The -principles and convictions which he developed in the Parliament of -1874, and professed during the Parliament of 1880, were those, which -guided him to the end. That the period was brief in which he swayed and -almost dominated the Conservative party is not wonderful. The marvel is -that he should ever have won to power in it at all. Only the peculiar -conditions of the Parliament of 1880, in the House of Commons and out of -doors, made his career, as I have described it, a possibility, and -enabled him to attack a Liberal Government for oppression and war and to -appeal to a Conservative party in the name of Peace, Retrenchment and -Reform. Tory Democracy was necessarily a compromise (perilously near a -paradox in the eye of a partisan) between widely different forces and -ideas: ancient permanent institutions becoming the instruments of -far-reaching social reforms: order conjoined with liberty; stability and -yet progress; the Tory party and daring legislation! Yet narrow as was -the path along which he moved, multitudes began to follow. Illogical and -unsymmetrical as the idea might seem--an idea not even novel--it grew -vital and true at his touch. At a time when Liberal formulas and Tory -inertia seemed alike chill and comfortless, he warmed the heart of -England and strangely stirred the imagination of her people. - -He contained in his nature and in his policy all the elements necessary -to ruin and success. If the principles he championed from 1880 to 1885 -were the cause of his rise, they were also the cause of his fall. All -his pledges he faithfully fulfilled. The Government changed. The vast -preponderance of power in the State passed from one great party to the -other. Lord Randolph Churchill remained exactly the same. He thought and -said the same sort of things about foreign and domestic policy, about -armaments and expenditure, about Ireland, about Egypt, while he was a -Minister as he had done before. He continued to repeat them after he had -left office for ever. The hopes he had raised among the people, the -promises he had made, the great support and honour he had received from -them, seemed to require of him strenuous exertions. And when all -exertions had failed, he paid cheerfully the fullest and the only -forfeit in his power. - -Lord Randolph Churchill's name will not be recorded upon the bead-roll -of either party. The Conservatives, whose forces he so greatly -strengthened, the Liberals, some of whose finest principles he notably -sustained, must equally regard his life and work with mingled feelings. -A politician's character and position are measured in his day by party -standards. When he is dead all that he achieved in the name of party, is -at an end. The eulogies and censures of partisans are powerless to -affect his ultimate reputation. The scales wherein he was weighed are -broken. The years to come bring weights and measures of their own. - -There is an England which stretches far beyond the well-drilled masses -who are assembled by party machinery to salute with appropriate -acclamation the utterances of their recognised fuglemen; an England of -wise men who gaze without self-deception at the failings and follies of -both political parties; of brave and earnest men who find in neither -faction fair scope for the effort that is in them; of 'poor men' who -increasingly doubt the sincerity of party philanthropy. It was to that -England that Lord Randolph Churchill appealed; it was that England he so -nearly won; it is by that England he will be justly judged. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -V - -_TWO ELECTION ADDRESSES_ - - 1886. - -_To the Electors of South Paddington._ - -Gentlemen,--A 'people's dissolution' has come upon us. Such is the title -given by Mr. Gladstone to the most wanton political convulsion which -has, in our time, afflicted our country. The caprice of an individual is -elevated to the dignity of an act of the people by the boundless egoism -of the Prime Minister. The United Kingdom is to be disunited for the -purpose of securing in office, if only for a little while, by the aid of -a disloyal faction subsisting on foreign gold, a Government deserted by -all who could confer upon it character or reputation. - -Mr. Gladstone has reserved for his closing days a conspiracy against the -honour of Britain and the welfare of Ireland more startlingly base and -nefarious than any of those other numerous designs and plots which, -during the last quarter of a century, have occupied his imagination. Nor -are the results of the repeal of the Union, whatever they may be, a -matter of moment to him. No practical responsibility for those results -will fall upon his shoulders. He regards with the utmost unconcern, or -with inconceivable frivolity, the fact that upon those who come after -him will devolve the impossible labour of rebuilding a shattered empire, -of re-uniting a divided kingdom. Let a credulous electorate give him, -for the third time, a Parliamentary majority by the aid of which another -Irish revolution may be consummated, and this most moderate of -Ministers will be satisfied, will complacently retire to that repose for -which he tells us 'nature cries aloud.' Nature, to whose cries he has -for so long turned a stone-deaf ear. - -This design for the separation of Ireland from Britain, this insane -recurrence to heptarchical arrangements, this trafficking with treason, -this condonation of crime, this exaltation of the disloyal, this -abasement of the loyal, this desertion of our Protestant -co-religionists, this monstrous mixture of imbecility, extravagance and -political hysterics, better known as 'the Bill for the future Government -of Ireland,' is furnished by its author with the most splendid -attributes and clothed in the loftiest language. (1) Under its operation -a nation of slaves paying tribute is to be filled with exuberant love -for Britain which it now hates, but with which it is now on a footing of -perfect political equality. (2) Persons who have subsisted and -flourished on the effects of crime and outrage are to be immediately -transformed into governors wise, moral and humane. (3) A peasantry which -has for years exhibited a marked disinclination to pay contract rents to -many landlords will instantly commence and for the next fifty years -continue with cheerful alacrity and fidelity to pay rent to one single -landlord; that landlord, moreover, assuming the garb of a foreign and -alien Government. (4) A people without manufactures, longing for -protection by which to create and foster manufactures, are to become in -a moment ardent converts to the blessings of free trade. (5) A -Parliament, in which any and every legislative project or deliberative -proceeding or executive act, may be vetoed for three years, is to abound -in rapid legislation, and to surpass our ancient historic Parliament in -efficiency of procedure. (6) A financial system, under which by no -possibility can revenue be adequate to expenditure, is to perform -prodigies of economy and 'to scatter plenty o'er a smiling land.' (7) A -pauper population is to roll in riches. (8) Law and order and rights of -property are immediately to take their place as the most sacred and -cherished institutions of a country a great portion of whose people -hitherto, from time immemorial, have regarded them only to deride them -and violate them, &c. &c. - -The united and concentrated genius of Bedlam and Colney Hatch would -strive in vain to produce a more striking tissue of absurdities. - -Yet this is the policy, the last specific for Ireland, which is gravely -recommended by senile vanity to the favourable consideration of a people -renowned for common sense, the possessors of an Empire erected and -preserved by the constant flow of common sense and, I doubt not, the -progenitors of a posterity equally powerful, equally courageous and -equally wise. - -For the sake of this fifth message of peace to Ireland, this farrago of -superlative nonsense, the vexatious and costly machinery of a general -election is to be put in motion, all business other than what may be -connected with political agitation, is to be impeded and suspended; -trade and commercial enterprise, now suffering sadly from protracted bad -times, and which political stability can alone re-invigorate, are to be -further harassed and handicapped; all useful and desired reforms are to -be indefinitely postponed, the British Constitution is to be torn up, -the Liberal party shivered into fragments. - -And why? For this reason and no other: To gratify the ambition of an old -man in a hurry. - -How long, gentlemen, will you and your brother electors tolerate this -one-man power? - -Since 1868, when this one-man power began to show itself in an acute -form, have you enjoyed domestic security or foreign credit? - -From that time to the present day, Ireland has been a struggling victim -in Mr. Gladstone's hands. The Irish Church, a great agency for moral, -social, and religious order, has been swept away; two special -confiscations of landed property were confidently recommended to, and -accepted by, Parliament as certain to produce peace; six coercion Acts -of the most stringent character Mr. Gladstone has obtained; and all to -no purpose. Confusion has become worse confounded; the fabric of -Government in Ireland has been shattered; lawlessness and disorder have -been triumphant and supreme; the present state of Ireland is one of -'grave disease,' says Mr. John Morley; and the blame is cast by Mr. -Gladstone on the system, on the Constitution, on the Union. - -It would be as reasonable to cast the blame upon the Equator. - -The blame for this disgrace cannot be cast upon the system or upon the -Constitution or upon the Union. - -The blame must be borne by the man who has been Minister and who is -Minister now. - -Under the baneful insecurity which is inseparably connected with his -name, your trade has gone from bad to worse, your Parliament has become -demoralised, your foreign credit shaken, your colonies alienated, your -Indian Empire imperilled. - -Naturally enough, Ireland has suffered most of all, for Ireland, of all -the Queen's dominions, was least able to stand a strain. - -What frightful and irreparable Imperial catastrophe is necessary to tear -the British people from the influence of this fetish, this idol, this -superstition, which has brought upon them and upon the Irish unnumbered -woes? - -The negotiator of the 'Alabama' arbitration, the hero of the Transvaal -surrender, the perpetrator of the bombardment of Alexandria, the -decimator of the struggling Soudan tribes, the betrayer of Khartoum, the -person guilty of the death of Gordon, the patentee of the Penjdeh shame, -now stands before the country all alone, rejected by a democratic House -of Commons. - -No longer can he conceal his personality under the shelter of the -Liberal party. One hundred members of that party in Parliament, -representing thousands of electors, refused, in spite of all manner of -blandishments, deceits and menaces, to support his Irish measure. All -his colleagues have abandoned him. From the Duke of Argyll to Mr. -Bright, from Lord Hartington to Mr. Chamberlain, one by one he has shed -them all; none is near him of his former colleagues save certain -placemen unworthy of notice. Last, but not least, the leading lights of -Nonconformity, such as Dr. Dale and Mr. Spurgeon, hitherto the pillars -of the Liberal party, stand aloof in utter dismay. - -Known to the country under various 'aliases'--'the People's William,' -'the Grand Old Man,' 'the old Parliamentary hand,' now, in the part of -'the Grand electioneering agent,' he demands a vote of confidence from -the constituencies. - -Confidence in what? - -In the Liberal party? No! The Liberal party, as we knew it, exists no -longer. In his Irish project? No! It is dead; to be resuscitated or not, -either wholly or in part, just as may suit the personal convenience of -the author. In his Government? No! They are a mere collection of -'items,' whom he does not condescend to consult. In himself? Yes! - -This is the latest and most perilous innovation into our constitutional -practices. A pure unadulterated personal _plebiscite_, that is the -demand; a political expedient borrowed from the last and worst days of -the Second Empire. - -Gentlemen, it is time that some one should speak out. I have written to -you plainly, some may think strongly; but whatever the English -vocabulary may contain of plainness and strength is inadequate to -describe truly and to paint realistically the present political -situation. - -At this moment, so critical, we have not got to deal with a Government, -or a party, or a policy. We have to deal with a man; with a man who -makes the most unparalleled claim for dictatorial power which can be -conceived by free men. It is for that reason that I deliberately -addressed myself to the personal aspects of the question, and that I -have drawn the character of the claimant from recent history, and from -facts well within the recollection of all. - -Mr. Gladstone in his speech in Edinburgh on Friday recommended himself -to the country in the name of Almighty God. - -Others cannot and will not emulate such audacious profanity; but I do -dare, in soliciting a renewal of your confidence, to recommend the -policy of the Unionist party to you in the name of our common country, -our great Empire, upon whose unity and effective maintenance so largely -depend the freedom, the happiness and the progress of mankind. - -I am, Gentlemen, yours obediently, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - -Committee Room, 26 London Street, Paddington, June 19, 1886. - - 1892. - -_To the Electors of South Paddington._ - -Gentlemen,--A General Election is immediately before us. I desire again -to solicit the honour of representing South Paddington in the House of -Commons. It is pleasant to me to record my strong appreciation of, and -my abiding gratitude for, the kindness and indulgence which you have -consistently shown me and for the large measure of confidence which -during six years you have accorded me. I most earnestly trust that as -long as I have the good fortune to take part in public life the -connection between us may remain as close and strong as it has ever been -at any former time. - -My opinions on the policy of Home Rule for Ireland are unaltered and -unalterable. The impracticability and futility of such a policy become -more apparent and glaring as discussion and argument proceed. The -insanity of a scheme to create an independent Parliament in an island -inhabited by two races controlled by two religious creeds separated from -each other by an impassable abyss; the insoluble problem raised by such -a scheme as to the representation or non-representation of Ireland in -the British Parliament; the impossibility of guaranteeing effectually, -under any such scheme, justice to the Protestant minority, mainly -residing in Ulster; the endless and bitter conflicts which must arise -again, as they arose before, between the Irish and British Parliaments, -in addition to those which must surely arise between Irish and British -Administrations; the constitutional impossibility of establishing any -tribunal to pronounce authoritatively on the validity of laws passed by -either Parliament; the certain divergence of commercial and financial -policy to be followed by Ireland and Great Britain respectively; all -this Himalayan range of obstacles appears more utterly insuperable the -closer it is looked at, the more attentively it is studied. A conclusive -proof of the truth of these propositions is afforded by the impenetrable -reserve maintained by Mr. Gladstone and by all his colleagues even as to -the general form and outline of their Home Rule legislative project. The -formula which I have more than once expressed, that it is impossible to -put Home Rule into a Bill, is more rooted than ever in my mind; and even -if the Party of Repeal were to be furnished with ever so great a -majority at the coming General Election, that party is, I am convinced, -condemned to political impotence and sterility so long as they continue -to exhaust their energies in solving the insoluble, in accomplishing the -impossible. - -After six years of trial and labour the Unionist Party return to the -country with a record of work and action cleaner and less open to -serious attack than any other political party which I have known or read -of in modern times. Ireland, on which country the last General Election -turned, which was pronounced by our opponents to be ungovernable by the -Parliament of the United Kingdom, is now simply and easily governed. -Ireland was agitated in 1886; it is calm in 1892. Ireland was distressed -in 1886; it is prosperous in 1892. No real grievance now oppresses and -irritates the Irish peasant, nor can persons possessing reason and -experience doubt that the energies and sense of a new Parliament, if -this Parliament is swayed by a Unionist majority, will be employed in -constructing a scheme of Local Government for the Irish people so broad -and generous that the last vestiges of difference, inequality, -inferiority (if such there still be), between Ireland and Great Britain -will be swept away. - -Facts like these, written so largely on the history of the past six -years, cannot fail to strike and to arouse the common sense of the -British people as a whole; they must serve to dissipate the factious -fury of baffled opponents, to neutralise the allurements of innumerable -reckless and irredeemable promises. British electors at the present -moment are in duty bound to draw largely on their memories and to make a -very practical use of their experience. They cannot afford to forget or -to neglect the lessons they learnt from the anxious and even terrible -times which Ireland passed through during Mr. Gladstone's former -administration. Remembering how gloomy and hopeless was the outlook, how -frantic were the popular rage and passion which during all those years -distracted and paralysed Ireland, how impotent were the measures of Mr. -Gladstone's Government either to pacify or control; looking at Ireland -now, tranquil, materially prosperous, crime (ordinary and extraordinary) -reduced to an unprecedented minimum, the British electors must be -compelled to realise that an invaluable period, rarely in history -brighter, more full of justified hope and confidence, has at length, -after infinite difficulty, been attained, and that even to run the risk -of recurrence to former evils and perils would be an act of national -folly difficult to characterise, ominous of Imperial ruin. I do not -doubt but that South Paddington, in common with all other constituencies -where knowledge and political study extensively prevail, will pronounce -without hesitation in favour of the wisdom of the Unionist policy, of -the continuance in power of the Unionist Party. - -My views as to the reforms in the public service which public safety and -economy alike urgently call for, are, I think, well known to you; they -have undergone no change, save that I hold them more strongly than ever. -You are also, I imagine, not unaware of my desire to meet with all -legitimate sympathy and good-will the newly-formed but very articulate -and well-defined demands of the labouring classes. - -Thus recording my political faith, I trust that you may be willing and -satisfied to dispose of your political confidence as you have done in -former years since South Paddington became a separate borough, and that -I may be enabled again to serve in Parliament our constituency and the -country. - -I have the honour to be -Your obedient servant, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - -2 Connaught Place, W.: June 21, 1892. - - - - -VI - -_PARLIAMENTARY PROCEDURE_ - -LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S LETTER TO MR. SPEAKER AND HIS CORRESPONDENCE -WITH MR. GLADSTONE IN 1886. - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to the Speaker._ - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: Nov. 30, 1886. - - Dear Mr. Speaker,--I venture to submit to you for your information - and consideration, the result of the deliberations of the Committee - of the Cabinet on the question of Parliamentary Procedure. - - It would be of the greatest possible advantage to me if I could - have the honour of an interview with you, in order to examine and - explain more fully than I could do by letter the effect and object - of the various rules proposed. In case you should be coming to town - before the 22nd or 23rd December and would make an appointment with - me, I would be happy to wait upon you at any time or place which - would be most convenient to you. - - Two of the proposed new provisions especially concern the Chair: - - 1. The Closure of debate. (Rule No. 1.) - - 2. Motions for adjournment of the House at question time. (Rule No. - 6.) - - On the first these have been my views: The length of debate is - essentially a question of 'order.' The Chair is the only judge of - 'order.' By the present rule an unfair responsibility is thrown - upon the Chair, in that the initiative with regard to Closure is - thrown upon it, which initiative has to undergo the ordeal of a - vote of the House. It is difficult and almost impracticable for the - Chair to possess the information with regard to the proper time for - the exercise of the initiative, without which action in the - direction of Closure would be unsafe. - - The Government propose to give the initiative of any Closure motion - to the House, and a veto to the Chair with respect to receiving and - putting such a motion. The Chair, under this provision, is not only - the protector of fair and orderly debate (its chief function), but - also guards against abuse of the Closure rule from motives of - frivolity, obstruction, haste or tyranny. Nor can the decisions of - the Chair be questioned or overruled, for no question is put to the - House unless with the permission of the Chair. - - Further, in the event of the House agreeing to the proposal, the - association of the Chair with the exercise of the closing power - will have been, for a second time, deliberately affirmed. This is a - far better and more durable protection for minorities than any - arrangement of numbers. An extreme and violent Government in - office, supported by a powerful majority, would very soon make - short work of any protective arrangement of proportionate - majorities which might prove embarrassing to them. It would be a - much more difficult matter to dissociate and exclude the Chair from - all connection with, or control over, the Closure after that - Parliament had on two occasions laid down a contrary principle. - - Speaking generally, this Closure (as per enclosed) is aimed at - persistent, deliberate, wilful obstruction. The Speaker can at any - time permit an appeal to the House by a member, or a Minister, as - to whether such obstruction is or is not being resorted to. This - Closure is also designed to facilitate and render possible earlier - hours of session and prevent unnecessary, stupid and perverse - 'talking out.' - - In respect of Rule 6 (adjournment of House at question time): - After much anxious consideration I see no alternative to total - abolition of the power of moving such adjournment, except the - method proposed in the paper--of making the Chair the judge whether - the subject to be discussed on adjournment motion is of such - cardinal importance as to justify the postponement of the regular - assigned business of the day. I imagine that the expression 'urgent - matter of definite public importance' would receive, under the new - arrangement, a strict and proper interpretation, and regard this - matter, as the former one, as primarily a question of 'order.' - -Please excuse this lengthy letter, and -Believe me to remain -Yours respectfully and faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - -The Right Hon. the Speaker. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Gladstone._ - -_Confidential._ - -Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.: December 17, 1886. - - Dear Sir,--By the desire of the First Lord of the Treasury I have - the honour to submit to you, for your information and convenience, - the draft of the alterations in the procedure of the House of - Commons which it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to - recommend to the consideration of the House next session. - - I express the feelings of the Government when I assure you that in - the event of its being within your power, and in accordance with - your wishes, to offer any criticism or comment or suggestion on - these draft proposals prior to the meeting of Parliament, such - would be received and considered by the Government with every - respect and attention. - - I may add that in the opinion of the Government the House of - Commons would do well to arrive at conclusions as to the reforms of - procedure before commencing the regular business of the session; - that it is with that object that Parliament has been summoned so - early in the year; and that the Government, as at present advised, - will press this course upon the House of Commons. - -I have the honour to be -Your faithful servant, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. - - - - _Mr. Gladstone to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -_Confidential._ - -Hawarden Castle, Chester: December 18, '86. - - My dear Lord,--I have to thank you for your courtesy in apprising - me at this early date of the particulars in which the Government - propose to amend the procedure of the House of Commons and of their - intention to give precedence to the subject. - - In the last stages of this important matter, that of the present - year, I had but a minor concern, and I will therefore at once - communicate with Sir W. Harcourt, who represented principally the - late Administration on the Committee. The matter will remain - strictly confidential, and will not go beyond those of my late - colleagues who were specially concerned. In the meantime I do not - trouble you with any observations, but I thank you for your - obliging readiness to consider any suggestion which I may tender to - you. - -I remain -Faithfully yours, -W. E. GLADSTONE. - -Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer. - - - - - - -VII - -_POLITICAL LETTERS OF LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL_ - -1884-1893. - -_Freedom of Contract._ - - - - _Mr. Moore Bayley to Lord Randolph Churchill._ - -57 Colmore Row, Birmingham: March 22, 1884. - - My Lord,--I am a Conservative and an elector of the borough of - Birmingham, and as such hope at no distant period to render your - lordship, as a Conservative candidate for this borough, whatever - political service lies in my power. - - But before committing myself further in the compact that arose when - you were accepted as such Conservative candidate I should like to - know, as would a considerable number of political friends, how much - further your lordship's views on the rights of contract proceed in - the direction expressed in your speech in the House of Commons when - you supported the second reading of Mr. Broadhurst's Leaseholders - (Facilities of Purchase of Fee Simple) Bill. - - The enactments of the present Government have in many particulars - so violated the rights of contract between subject and subject that - I am sure your lordship will not consider my request for - information unreasonable as to the extent you are willing to commit - your supporters in the furtherance of such like principles. - -I remain -Yours obediently, -J. MOORE BAYLEY. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Moore Bayley._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: March 24, 1884. - - Dear Sir,--I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the - 22nd inst. In answer to your question as to my views on the rights - of contract I beg to inform you that where it can be clearly shown - that genuine freedom of contract exists I am quite averse to State - interference, so long as the contract in question may be either - moral or legal. I will never, however, be a party to wrong and - injustice, however much the banner of freedom of contract may be - waved for the purpose of scaring those who may wish to bring - relief. The good of the State, in my opinion, stands far above - freedom of contract; and when these two forces clash, the latter - will have to submit. If you will study the course of legislation - during the last fifty years, you will find that the Tory party have - interfered with and restricted quite as largely freedom of contract - as the Liberals have done. With respect to the two leading - instances of interference with freedom of contract during the - present Parliament, viz. the Irish Land Act and the Agricultural - Holdings Act, the Duke of Richmond's Agricultural Commission and - the House of Lords must divide the responsibility for this - legislation with Mr. Gladstone's Government. The latter had it in - their power to reject this legislation, and did not do so; the - former laid down the principles on which it was founded. - - In comparison with legislation of that kind the compulsory - conversion of long leaseholds into freeholds in towns, full and - ample compensation being paid to the freeholder, is, as I called it - in my speech in the House of Commons, 'a trifling matter.' - - You will find the principle of this measure advocated in the - _British Quarterly Review_ five years ago (a very orthodox organ of - Tory doctrine). You will find the principle again contained in the - 65th section of the Conveyancing Law and Properties Act, passed by - Lord Cairns in 1881. I may also add that Lord Cairns dealt a very - severe blow at the rights of owners of freehold property when he - gave to the courts of law power to protect leaseholders from - forfeiture for breaches of covenant. - - Under all these circumstances I am inclined to think that you will - agree with me that all this outcry against the supporters of Mr. - Broadhurst's Bill--this gabble about Socialism, Communism, and Mr. - George, &c.--is highly inconsistent and ridiculous, and betrays a - prevalence of very deplorable and shocking ignorance as to the - extent to which the rights of property can be tolerated, and the - relation of the State thereto. - -I remain -Yours faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill on Temperance._ - -_Private._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: November 29, 1888. - - My dear Sir,--I am extremely obliged to you for your interesting - letter, with a great deal of the contents of which I am disposed to - concur. - - I think it would not be difficult to find a good many Conservatives - willing to make a considerable step towards a restrictive - regulation of the sale of alcoholic liquor. - - The party with which you are connected ought, however, in my - opinion, to consider practically the question of compensation in - some form or other to the retail trader. I exclude compensation to - the brewers and distillers as an impracticable and impossible - demand. The retail trader stands on a very different footing, and - any glaring injustice towards him would alienate many who would - otherwise join the Temperance movement. - - One good result of buying up retail liquor interests by charges on - the rates would be to give a permanence to any local decision in - favour of largely diminishing the number of or even abolishing - public-houses. - - The community would be most indisposed, by any reversal of its - Temperance policy, to run the risk of having again to face fresh - compensation liabilities. - - Caprice in popular decisions is a danger to be guarded against. - - I shall continue from time to time to urge the importance of strong - dealing with the Licensing Question. I only trust that your party - will not take up the position of 'everything or nothing,' but, if - good proposals are made, will accept them--reserving to themselves, - of course, the right to continue their agitation for more. - - We shall, however, not effect much against the publicans unless we - act vigorously in the direction of better houses for the poor. As - long as we allow such an immense portion of our population to live - in pigsties, the warmth and false cheerfulness of the public-house - will be largely sought after. - - The two questions appear to me to be inseparable. - - I shall always be very glad to talk over these matters with you - should you feel disposed for conference. - -I am -Yours very faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - -James Whyte, Esq., -United Kingdom Alliance. - - - - - - _Lord Randolph Churchill on Home Rule._ - -2 Connaught Place, W.: February 10, 1891. - - Dear Sir,--I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the - 4th inst. - - I am not at all surprised to learn that you, in common with, I - expect, the overwhelming majority of members of the English Home - Rule party, find yourself puzzled, embarrassed and anxious in - consequence of the recent very interesting disturbance of the - harmony of the Irish Home Rule party. - - I have always been of opinion that, however attractive Home Rule - for Ireland might be in theory, it was an absolute impossibility to - put Home Rule into a Bill. You might just as well try to square the - circle. - - The dispute between Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Parnell as to what took - place at what you call 'the notorious interview at Hawarden' brings - out this fact with exceeding clearness; and if you, and those who - agree with you politically, insist upon shutting your eyes rather - than contemplate a disagreeable truth, it will, I fear, be the sad - fate of your party to waste years of time and strength in fruitless - efforts to arrive at a solution of the hopeless problem 'How to put - Home Rule into a Bill.' - - You ask me, in conclusion, for my opinion as to what would be the - best policy for Ireland. - - In reply I would refer you to several speeches which I have - delivered and letters which I have written in recent years, in - which I have declared my conviction that in a large, liberal, - generous and courageous development of Local Government in Ireland - on lines similar to those which have been so successfully followed - in this country and in Scotland, will be found the best and the - only prospect of political tranquillity for the Irish people. - -I am -Yours faithfully, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - John Ogilvy, Esq. - - - -50 Grosvenor Square, W.: March 19, 1893. - - My dear Sir,--In accordance with your wishes I write a few lines to - you for the County Longford Meeting which is to be held to-morrow. - - It is a pleasure to me to offer my congratulations to the Unionists - of Longford on the energy and courage which they display in - publicly demonstrating, among a population apparently hostile, - their firm and tried attachment to the Parliamentary Union between - Ireland and Great Britain and their determination to resist all - efforts to sever that Union. - - I used in the foregoing sentence the word 'apparently' for indeed I - do not believe that the bulk of the farmers and peasant farmers of - Ireland are by any means confident as to the blessings which are to - flow from Home Rule. I hear from many quarters, some of them of - great authority, that there is arising and spreading in the minds - of the Irish agricultural population an anxious doubt as to what - will be their position under an Irish Parliament and whether the - taxes which that Parliament will be forced to levy on income or on - land, will not be far more onerous and exhausting than the rents - they formerly paid to the landlords. - - They will remember and reflect that under an Irish Parliament not - only will they be absolutely cut off, in times of difficulty and of - depression and of failure of crops, from all the sources of relief - which from the Imperial Parliament they can now confidently draw - upon and be assisted by; but they will be in the hands of a - Government which, from sheer financial exigencies, will be - compelled to treat the Irish taxpayer with the utmost rigour and - harshness, to lay upon him imposts heavier than he can bear, and to - exact relentlessly the payment of those imposts to the last - farthing and on the earliest day that they become due. - - I think you may well impress upon the farmers and peasant farmers - the perfect security of property which they now enjoy under the - protection of the Imperial Parliament; the perfect freedom which - they possess from oppression of any kind, either from heavy - taxation or from the unjust exactions of a pauper Government and - Parliament; the great advantages in respect of their rentals - secured to them by the Imperial Parliament and the great facilities - afforded for the easy purchase of their freeholds by its - liberality, which opportunities under the Home Rule Parliament - will, from the squalid poverty of its resources, become illusory - and insecure and in time absorbed by the hopeless insolvency of the - Irish Government. - - These are the great truths and facts which the loyal minority in - Irish counties can urge upon the farmers and the peasantry. The - Irish people, in respect of their material interests, have always - been bright and quick-witted; they will, with their ready - imagination, quickly discern that though it may be pleasant and - profitable to be represented in the Imperial Parliament by an - independent and numerically powerful party who can extract from the - British Exchequer and legislature no inconsiderable concessions to - Irish wants, necessities and demands, it will be a widely different - state of things when they (the Irish agricultural population) are - handed over, body and soul, tied and bound and without appeal, to - the uncontrolled domination of that 'separate and independent' - party who--untrained in the art of just and economical government, - eager to enjoy at any cost, and even only for a brief period, the - profits of office and the delights of a reckless exercise of - patronage and power--will have given over to their insatiable - appetites the lives and properties of those who now exist and - flourish, in tolerable prosperity and in perfect safety, by the - cultivation of the Irish soil. - - I have always been opposed to what is called 'Home Rule' more upon - the grounds that to the Irish people themselves it must bring - distress, poverty, misery and ruin, than on account of the dangers - it will entail upon the British Empire, though those dangers are - exceedingly great. - - I trust that you may be able to continue with ardour and success - the patriotic and excellent work among the Irish people which you - inaugurate to-morrow; you may be sure that the full sympathy and - genuine support of a vast majority of the English people will - attend you in the struggle and you may be confident that the dark - and menacing thunder-cloud that now impends over your country, - almost turning Irish day into night, will soon be dissipated by - the brightness of a recurring dawn of a new era of peace and - prosperity for Ireland under the enlightened rule of a United - Imperial Parliament. - -Believe me to be -Most faithfully yours, -RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. - - J. M. Wilson, Esq. - - - - -VIII - -_MR. JENNINGS' ACCOUNT OF HIS QUARREL WITH LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL_ - -MARCH, 1890. - - - - - _Mr. Jennings' Memorandum._ - - On Friday, the 7th of March, I called upon Lord Randolph Churchill, - to tell him my opinions with regard to the Resolution proposed by - the Government on the Report of the Special Commission. I told him - I thought some express reference should be made in the Resolution - to the emphatic acquittal of Mr. Parnell and his colleagues on what - I called the 'murder charges,' and gave him my reasons. With these - reasons he seemed to be much impressed, and after talking the - matter over he urged me _not_ to speak upon the main question, as I - intended, but to embody my ideas in an Amendment, for then the - Speaker could call upon me and I should have a recognised place in - the debate. Otherwise I might not be called upon at all, and have - no chance of speaking. I said that if any Amendment were drawn up, - it should be in the most moderate terms, so that it might avoid the - faults and disadvantages of Mr. Gladstone's on the same subject. He - then went to his table and drew up the Amendment, saying, when he - handed it to me, 'I think no one can object to this--there is not a - single adjective in it.' We considered it well, and at one o'clock - or so I left him, asking him to turn the subject well over in his - mind before we met at the House and to let me know whether he was - still in favour of the Amendment. At a little after three we met in - the lobby, and he assured me that he was confident the Amendment - was the right thing, and that he did not see how any reasonable - objection could be made to it. I then went into the House, and - after Questions gave notice of the Amendment. - - On Saturday night I dined with Lord R. and a party at the Junior - Carlton Club, but we did not have much conversation on the subject - until the end of the evening, when Lord Justice FitzGibbon came up - to us and condemned the Amendment. Lord R. then asked me to go to - his house the next morning, and talk the matter over with 'Fitz.' I - said that it was rather too late to 'talk it over' on the line - taken up by FitzGibbon, for I was committed to the Amendment and - intended to move it; that I should be very busy the next day, and - would rather be excused going to his house. But Lord R. pressed me - very earnestly to go and accordingly I did so. - - On entering his room (Sunday, the 9th), FitzGibbon having been with - him some time before, Lord R. said: 'I am sorry you put that - Amendment down; it is a mistake; can't be defended.' I was - astounded. 'But,' I said, 'it is your own Amendment.' 'Yes,' he - said coolly: 'but I have changed my mind.' I was silent a minute or - two, and then asked him to tell me why he had changed his mind. - 'FitzGibbon has been talking it over with me,' he said, 'and I am - sure he is right.' 'Then,' I said, 'I am sorry Lord Justice - FitzGibbon was not here last Friday morning.' I listened to what - FitzGibbon had to say--it had all been in the papers before--and as - soon as I could, I left. I felt, however, much disheartened at - hearing the author of the Amendment which I had been induced to - move, denounce it as 'all a mistake.' - - The next evening (Monday) Lord Randolph's brother-in-law (Lord - Curzon) came to me as I was sitting in the House and said he had - something important to say to me about the Amendment. We went - outside into the corridor by the library, and there he told me that - 'Randolph had made up his mind to stand altogether aloof from the - Amendment; he thought it would be best not to support it; he did - not see his way clear to have anything to do with it'--with more to - the same effect. I said: 'What will people think of him? He has - himself told one of the newspaper correspondents that he intends to - speak and vote for the Amendment.' 'Yes,' replied Lord Curzon, - 'that is the nuisance of his talking to those correspondents.' I - said: 'I know what _I_ shall think of his behaviour--first - Birmingham, and now _this_. You cannot doubt what my opinion will - be.' - - I should have mentioned that earlier in the day Lord R. C. had - called me to his side in the smoking-room and said: 'I shall - probably say something to-day on the main question, if I get a - chance.' I did not quite see what he meant, and when afterwards he - went away (at dinner-time) without speaking I thought he had meant - nothing. Afterwards came Lord Curzon's message, just referred to. - On the Tuesday, when the Amendment was to be moved, just as I was - going into the House, Lord Curzon again came to me, and said, - 'Randolph will not take any part in the debate unless you are - attacked.' He added: 'I cannot support you.' I said but little, and - went into the House, quite determined to go on. - - The House was crowded, and just before Questions were over R. C. - leaned back to me and said: 'I am going to speak on the main - question.' I asked him 'When?' 'Now,' he said. 'How can you, after - one Amendment has been voted on?' 'It is all right,' he said; 'I - have arranged it with the Speaker.' There was no time for - explanation or remonstrance. He was evidently quite determined, and - in a few moments the Speaker called upon him. - - He then delivered a violent diatribe against the Government, - accusing them, in effect, of having called the forger Pigott into - existence--'the bloody, rotten, ghastly foetus, Pigott, Pigott, - Pigott'--pointing with his finger at the Ministry each time he - mentioned the name. He suggested the possibility of a Pigott being - employed against himself. While he was speaking several friends who - had intended to support me came to me and whispered that they could - not be identified with so outrageous an attack upon the Ministry. - 'You will be linked with it,' said several of them. 'Everybody will - believe that the entire programme to-night was arranged between - you.' - - Smarting under the deliberate and treacherous manner in which I had - been thrown over, and at the utter want of consideration shown by a - leader for a follower placed _by_ that leader in a very responsible - and difficult position, I determined not to move the Amendment, and - to tell the House why I adopted that course. When R. C. sat down I - informed him that I should do this, and he made several attempts to - dissuade me. I was quite resolved, however, and am glad that I was - not induced to waver, although to throw up the Amendment was the - sorest disappointment I have ever had; and--for the time, at any - rate--the whole transaction has sickened me of political life. - -L. J. J. - - - -[I think it right to add to this memorandum the following note by Lord -Justice FitzGibbon.--W. S. C.] - -'Mr. Jennings' memorandum seems to me to give an unduly unfavourable -impression of Lord Randolph's action. Lord Randolph told me that when -Mr. Jennings first showed him the draft of the amendment he stated -plainly that he wished to take the whole responsibility for it, and -intended to move it whether Lord Randolph supported it or not. -Afterwards, at Connaught Place, on the day before the debate, the whole -subject was fully discussed by Lord Randolph, Jennings and myself, and -the conversation ended in a distinct statement by Lord Randolph to Mr. -Jennings that, on fuller consideration, he thought the amendment a -mistake, and that although he would not vote against it, he could not -speak in favour of it, but would speak upon the main question if he -spoke at all. His speech was, in substance, an examination of the -constitutional position which he had adopted, and a vindication of his -action in warning the Unionist leaders, two years before, of the dangers -and difficulties into which the Special Commission must lead them. When -I read the report of his speech in the _Times_, it seemed to me that, -but for the sudden loss of self-control indicated in the text, which, as -much by manner as by actual words, made it appear to be a bitter attack -upon the Government, it was conceived in a moderate tone. But, after -what had happened on the previous morning, I cannot understand how -Jennings could have imagined that there was a breach of faith with -him.' - - - - -IX - -_LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S MEMORANDUM ON ARMY AND NAVY ADMINISTRATION_ - -_Included in the Report of Lord Hartington's Commission, March 21, -1890._ - - -The Royal Commission desires, I apprehend, to recommend to her Majesty's -Ministers a system of government and management for the Army and the -Navy which shall appear to secure the _maximum_ of efficiency which can -be reasonably expected from normal expenditure on those services. By the -consent of all, under present arrangements, this _maximum_ has not been -attained. - -The present system of administration of the services may be said to -date, for the Army, from 1855, and for the Navy from some twenty-five -years earlier. A Prime Minister forming a government allots to the -different offices members of Parliament of prominence and supposed -capacity. Thus it invariably happens that gentlemen are appointed to -exercise supreme control over the Army and Navy who possess no -experience or knowledge of the military or naval service and profession. -They are expected to decide general and technical questions of naval and -military policy, they are supposed to be held responsible for the -consequences of their decisions, and after a tenure of office, sometimes -of several months, sometimes of a few years, they are succeeded by other -gentlemen who take their places, provided with a similar lack of -experience and knowledge. The duties which these two Ministers are -expected to discharge involve scientific and economical provision for -the defensive and offensive power of an Empire whose possessions are -scattered all over the world and whose subjects number over three -hundred million souls. - -It can hardly be a matter for surprise that such a system has not -altogether approximated to a satisfactory standard of combined -efficiency and economy. Governments and Parliaments have been untiring -in their pursuit after reform, but have as yet only succeeded in -progressively increasing public dissatisfaction and, simultaneously, -burdens on the taxpayer. The question seems to present itself whether -the time has not arrived for considering seriously and without prejudice -the expediency of a very radical change in our system of naval and -military administration. The object aimed at is the _maximum_ of -efficiency consistent with the amount of expenditure which the taxpayer -or his representatives will tolerate. Can any practical amount of -efficiency of administration be obtained without professional training -and knowledge? Can it be obtained without direct personal -responsibility? Can direct personal responsibility be reasonably -expected without professional control? The answer to these questions, I -submit, is obviously in the negative. Professional reputation to a -soldier or a sailor is everything next to life itself and the loss of it -equals professional ruin, entailing pecuniary and social loss of a heavy -character. To the ordinary politician under our political system -administrative miscarriage brings little or no evil consequences. His -fate, if unfortunate or unskilful, is in the vast majority of cases to -be transferred to some other office--to a foreign embassy, to a colonial -governorship or, at the worst, to the House of Lords. Neither pecuniary -nor social loss necessarily or ordinarily follows the unskilful and -possibly the disastrous administration of our Ministers for the Army and -Navy. More than this, the professional persons who advise respectively -the Secretary of State for War and the first Lord of the Admiralty -escape all risk of public censure, sheltered as they are by the -fictitious responsibility of the civilian Minister. History and theory -will be found to coincide, in support of the recital set forth above. - -Parliament is made the scapegoat for defective administration. The -control of Parliament, the interference of Parliament, the jealousy of -Parliament for its rights and privileges, these are the stock arguments -in favour of an adherence to the main lines of our present system of -naval and military administration. - -Personally, and speaking with some experience of the House of Commons -and after several years' close study of the House of Commons, I put -aside arguments of that kind. I have arrived at the conclusion that, -eliminating great party issues, the House of Commons, with respect to -the transaction of ordinary public affairs, is an assembly mainly -composed of businesslike and reasonable individuals who, having to find -certain funds for certain purposes, desire, in the main, that the -pecuniary demands of Government should not be obviously excessive and -that fair guarantees should be given for economical expenditure of the -funds provided. - -With these views I advocate, as an improvement on present arrangements, -that the administration of the Navy and the Army should be entrusted -respectively to members of those professions. That naval training, naval -experience and naval eminence should be the qualifications of our -Minister of Marine. That military training, military experience and -military eminence should be the qualifications for our Minister for the -Army. Superficially, at any rate, this suggestion would seem to be -reasonable and not out of accord with ordinary common sense. It may, -however, be met with the objection that it is unsuited to our -constitutional arrangements and incompatible with Parliamentary control. -I doubt whether this objection will sustain vigorous examination. -Parliament has to provide annually a certain number of millions sterling -for the purposes of Imperial defence, and while Parliament is always -willing and anxious, sometimes even over-anxious, to recognise and -reward the public service of an individual, if at the same time under my -proposed reform Parliament is enabled, without much difficulty, to do -what it cannot do now and what it never has been able to do--namely, to -detect and punish the maladministration of an individual--Parliament -would probably be satisfied. - -To this end I suggest that the offices actually in existence of -Secretary of State for War and of the Board of Admiralty be abolished. -In their place I propose that there should be created three new -offices-- - -I. A Commander-in-Chief or Lord High Admiral of the Navy, having, -subject to the Government, supreme control over and responsibility for -naval administration. Naval training, naval experience and naval -eminence being the qualification for this office. - -II. A Commander-in-Chief or Captain-General of the Army, having, subject -to the Government, supreme control over and responsibility for the -administration of the Army. Military training, military experience and -military eminence being the qualification for this office. - -For the purpose of securing continuity of administration, and also of -providing from time to time for fresh administrative energy, I propose -that these two offices should be appointments tenable for five years; -also for the purpose of gaining for the Cabinet military and naval -opinion at first hand, I recommend that the holders of these offices -should be created privy councillors and should be summoned to all -Cabinet Councils when military and naval questions are under -consideration, with, while those naval and military questions are under -consideration, an equal position with the other Cabinet Ministers. But -in order to keep the administration of the services free from party -politics I suggest that these two Ministers should take no part in the -discussion or decision of any questions other than those connected with -naval and military affairs. - -[A close parallel with the suggestion set forth above may be found in -the position on the Council of the Indian Viceroy of the Indian -Commander-in-Chief.] - -For the purpose of bringing these Ministers into immediate contact with -Parliament and at the same time of keeping them free from being -involved in daily party debates and divisions, I advocate that they -should be created members of the House of Lords. - -[The feasibility of this suggestion is, I think, to a large extent -illustrated by the positions now held in the House of Lords by his Royal -Highness the Duke of Cambridge and Lord Wolseley. Possibly also in -former days similar positions were to some extent maintained, without -inconvenience, by the Duke of Wellington and Lord Hardinge.] - -These two Ministers would each of them be assisted by (among other -officers) (1) a chief of the staff whose duties will be sketched below, -and (2) a financial secretary, with a seat in the House of Commons, -whose duty it would be to explain and, if necessary, to defend in that -assembly naval or military administration in detail. - -III. For the purpose of (1) preserving and insuring the financial -control of Parliament and of the Government, of (2) supplying the -much-needed link between the two services, so that one great -object--viz., Imperial defence--should be more completely attained, I -propose that there should be created the office of Secretary of State -and Treasurer for the Sea and Land Forces of the Crown. - -This Minister would, according to my view, settle with the responsible -heads of the services the amount of annual expenditure to be submitted -to the Cabinet; he would be charged with the duty of auditing the -accounts of the Admiralty and the War Office, with presenting to and -defending in Parliament those estimates and that expenditure. He would -be charged, further, with a third great duty--viz., with the control, -management of, and responsibility for, the Ordnance Department, and with -the making of the great contracts for the Army and the Navy. He would, -as it were, set up and carry on a great shop from which the military and -naval heads would procure most of the supplies which they needed. - -The main outlines of expenditure having been agreed upon by the two -professional Ministers in conjunction with the proposed Secretary of -State, this latter would not interfere nor necessarily be held -responsible for the administration of the services, excepting in so far -as he might have undertaken to provide those services with ordnance and -other supplies and in so far as his duty lay in auditing the accounts -and in testing the stores in hand. - -The Secretary of State as proposed would be assisted by (1) a Permanent -Under-Secretary of State, (2) a Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, -(3) an Accountant and Auditor-General, (4) a Controller of Ordnance and -Supplies, under whom would be (_a_) the Head of the Ordnance Factories, -(_b_) the Director of Contracts. - -The control and interference now exercised by the Treasury over Army and -Navy expenditure would, under the proposed scheme, cease and determine. -So also would the audit of the Controller or Auditor-General. I suggest -that the Secretary of State, or his Accountant and Auditor-General would -personally explain to Parliament and to the Committee of Public Account, -Army and Navy Expenditure. - -The relations between the proposed Ministers for the Army and Navy on -one hand, and the Government on the other, would be closely analogous to -the well-understood relations which now exist between the Home -Government and the Viceroy of India or the Ambassador at a Foreign Court -or a Colonial Governor. The Ministers for the Army and Navy might be -dismissed by a new Government coming into office, but such a dismissal -would be a grave Ministerial action requiring defence and explanation in -Parliament. - -The relations between the Ministers for the Army and Navy and the -Secretary of State for the Sea and Land Forces of the Crown would be -those of perfect equality and constant communication. The heads of the -Army and Navy would bring to the Secretary of State in very -authoritative form the views of their respective professions. The -Secretary of State would bring to the heads of the Army and Navy the -views of the Government and the House of Commons on the political -circumstances of the time. The three would examine in concert the -general requirements of Imperial defence from a point of view embracing -and balancing one against another all the exigencies or supposed -exigencies of the services. Where the claims or the views of the Army -and Navy might conflict, the Secretary of State would probably be found -an authoritative and acceptable arbitrator. In the event of the -Ministers for the Army and Navy disagreeing, either singly or jointly, -with the Secretary of State, recourse would be had to the Cabinet. In -the event of the Cabinet supporting the Secretary of State against the -Ministers of the Army and Navy, either singly or jointly, those -Ministers would have to consider whether their professional -responsibility or reputation would admit of their continuing to hold -office. In the event of the resignation of either or of both, -Parliamentary discussion must ensue, and a Parliamentary decision must -be taken. In the event of the administration of the heads of the Army -and Navy being questioned by Parliament, the Secretary of State first, -and the Government as a whole next, would have to consider whether they -could or could not support in Parliament the administrative action -arraigned. In either case, Parliamentary discussion and decision follow. -Under the arrangements suggested above in almost every conceivable -circumstance, I submit that not only in a very large measure (possibly -as great as is practicable) is direct personal responsibility actually -established, but also that the control of Parliament, far from being -diminished, is considerably increased and made much more effective. The -suggestions set forth above are, while probably open to much objection -and criticism, also probably capable of much improvement and -development, and in arriving at a judgment upon them, the Commissioners -should bear in mind that the evidence before us discloses in many -particulars a state of things more seriously unsatisfactory and possibly -more pregnant with danger than Parliament or the public imagine; and the -admitted defects of the present system of administration ought to be -balanced by the Commissioners against the suggested defects of proposals -for reform. - - - - -INDEX - - -Abergavenny, Marquess of, i. 315, 320 - -Admiralty expenditure, attack on, ii. 316 - -Affirmation Bill Speech, i. 252; - _Punch_ cartoon, 255 - -Afghanistan, Policy in, ii. 362 - -Alcester, Lord, i. 262 - -Alfred Churchill, Lord, i. 19, 52 - -Algiers, Italy, &c., Journey to, ii. 287, 289 - -Althorp, Lord, ii. 125 - -Arabi Pasha, i. 226, 261, 289 - -Argyll, Duke of, i. 224 - -Ashbourne, Lord, i. 128, 213, 214, 220, 393, 408, 409, 445; ii. 34, 78, -290 - -Ashley, Mr. Evelyn, i. 232 - -Ashmead-Bartlett, Mr., i. 311 - -Aston Riots, i. 361, 365 - - -Balfour, Mr. A. J., i. 134, 141, 149, 211, 219, 265, 304, 339, 343, 425, -433, 466, 471; ii. 29, 153, 195, 222, 301, 335, 350, 373, 391, 451, 452, -458, 460, 463, 470, 472 - -Barnaby, Sir N., ii. 318 - -Barnett, Mr. H., i. 52 - -Bartley, Mr., i. 318, 353 - -Baumann, Mr., ii. 415 - -Bayley, Mr. M., ii. 504, 505 - -Beach, Sir M. Hicks-, i. 76, 85, 307, 320, 347, 349, 350, 356, 359, 360, -368, 384, 385, 387, 398, 400, 403, 417, 418, 432, 438, 448, 515; ii. 21, -34, 39, 45, 101, 109, 110, 116, 124, 125, 128, 145, 149, 207, 219, 224, -250, 285, 335, 337, 343, 371, 387, 392, 395, 431 - -Beaconsfield, Earl of, i. 30, 64, 68, 84, 98, 112, 114, 120, 154, 157, -177, 197, 222, 334; ii. 300, 362, 460 - -Beaconsfield statue, unveiling of, i. 240 - -Beale, Mr. P., ii. 390 - -Beckett, Mr. E., ii. 307, 388 - -Belfast visit, ii. 59 - -Berlin, ii. 368 - -Birmingham: - contests, i. 285, 466, 532, 544; ii. 382 - meeting at Aston Park, i. 361, 365 - speeches, i. 287, 296, 365; ii. 399 - -Bismarck, Prince von, ii. 360, 368, 477 - -Blackpool speech, i. 290 - -Blandford, Marquess of, i. 3, 19, 43, 165, 267 - -Blenheim Harriers, i. 25, 33, 267 - -Blunt, Mr. Wilfrid, i. 261 - -Borthwick, Sir A., i. 258; ii. 431 - -Bradford speeches, ii. 175, 177 - -Bradlaugh, Mr. C., i. 122, 124, 129, 209, 276, 333, 350; ii. 321, 428 - -Breteuil, M. de, i. 72; ii. 435 - -Bright, Mr. John, i. 59, 225, 275, 285, 286, 287, 289, 292, 378; ii. 53, -94, 109, 113, 116, 300, 384 - -Bright, Mr. J. A., ii. 390, 392, 393 - -Brodrick, Mr., i. 343, 428, 440 - -Bryce, Mr., i. 251 - -Budget: - amendment (1885), i. 398, 405 - draft (1887-8), ii. 187 - -Bulgaria, ii. 154, 155, 165, 364 - -Buller, Sir R., ii. 138, 142, 143, 337 - -Burke, Mr., i. 207, 211 - -Burke, Sir J. Bernard, i. 95 - -Burma, i. 517; ii. 43, 484 - -Burnaby, Col., i. 258, 285, 320, 361, 378 - -Butt, Mr., i. 58, 82, 175 - - -Cadogan, Lord, i. 160 - -Caine, Mr., ii. 78, 421 - -Cairns, Earl, i. 227, 242 - -Cambridge University Carlton: - speech, i. 295 - undergraduates' deputation, i. 328 - -Cardwell, Lord, i. 65 - -Carnarvon, Lord, i. 251, 432, 440, 444, 460; ii. 20, 22, 28, 30, 57, 111 - -Cavendish, Lord F., i. 124, 144, 207, 211 - -Central Committee, i. 305, 308, 356 - -Chamberlain, Mr. J., i. 58, 62, 170, 211, 222, 281, 286, 287, 349, 365, -370, 422, 428, 452, 462, 467; ii. 48, 52, 53, 57, 58, 73, 74, 75, 80, -82, 85, 94, 96, 100, 108, 113, 118, 119, 120, 125, 133, 143, 153, 164, -195, 216, 221, 243, 250, 252, 254, 262, 267, 284, 285, 286, 288, 336, -344, 345, 348, 349, 350, 351, 375, 382, 384, 386, 388, 392, 395, 403, -419, 420, 428, 463, 470, 472 - -Chancellor of the Exchequer, ii. 126, 179 - budget of 1887-8, ii. 187 - economies and reforms effected, ii. 184 - resignation, ii. 213, 234, 240, 255, 268, 270, 282 - -Channel Tunnel Bill, ii. 381 - -Chaplin, Mr., i. 108, 245, 311, 313, 323, 355, 367; ii. 126, 175, 286, -287, 328 - -Chenery, Mr., i. 160, 167, 241, 248, 276 - -Childers, Mr., ii. 205 - -Civil Servants' petitioning powers--speech, i. 260 - -Clarke, Mr., i. 311 - -Closure, i. 212, 214, 219, 220; ii. 175, 176, 219 - -Coalition with Whigs, proposals for, ii. 6, 8 - -Cobden, Mr., i. 289, 292 - -Collings, Mr. Jesse, i. 251; ii. 45, 164, 176 - -Compensation for Disturbance Bill, i. 179 - -Connaught, Duke of, and the Bombay Command, i. 503 - -Conservative Party: - Irish policy--letter, ii. 3 - leadership, question of dual control, i. 227, 229, 242, 246, 251, 405 - Parliamentary Reform, attitude towards, i. 336 - -Cook, Mr., ii. 119, 133 - -Corrupt and Illegal Practices Suppression Bill, i. 264 - -Cotter, Mr., i. 320 - -County Government Bill, i. 106 - -Cowper, Lord, i. 185, 207; ii. 90 - -Cranborne, Lord, i. 234 - -Cranbrook, Lord, ii. 35, 36, 40 - -Creighton, Dr., i. 24, 34, 36, 37, 255 - -Cromer, Lord, ii. 377 - -Cross, Sir R., i. 342, 378 - -Curzon, Lady, i. 430 - -Curzon, Lord, i. 428; ii. 307 - -Curzon, Viscount, ii. 287, 290, 292, 295 - - -Damer, Rev. L. Dawson, i. 22, 23 - -Darling, Sir C., i. 364 - -Dartford speech, ii. 163, 175, 176 - -D'Aunay, Count, ii. 172 - -Davitt, Mr. M., i. 175, 176 - -De Worms, Baron, i. 166 - -Derby, Lord, i. 105, 227; ii. 49, 361 - -Dilke, Sir C., i. 70, 100-104, 276, 346, 347, 417 - -Dillwyn, Mr., i. 126 - -Disraeli. _See_ Beaconsfield - -Dixon Hartland, Mr., i. 258 - -Dodson, Mr., i. 143 - -Dolben, Mackworth, i. 7 - -Douglas, Mr. Akers-, ii. 264, 268, 388, 389 - -Duffield, Tom, i. 28 - -Dunraven, Lord, ii. 274, 432 - -Durham, Earl of, i. 281 - - -Eastern Question, i. 98, 100-104; ii. 154. - _See also_ Bulgaria - -Edinburgh speeches, i. 273, 278-281 - -Education, i. 3, 8, 21, 24, 38 - -Egypt and the Soudan: - Arabi Pasha, i. 226, 261, 289 - condition of, i. 225, 278, 334 - Gordon, Gen., i. 349, 351, 376 - policy, ii. 172, 365, 375 - Soudan, evacuation of, i. 380, 382, 386, 387 - Suleiman Sami, case of, i. 263 - Tewfik, Khedive, i. 261 - -Egypt, visit to, ii. 437 - -Egyptian Loan Bill, i. 378 - -Elcho, Lord, i. 339, 343 - -'Elijah's Mantle,' i. 248 - -Employers' Liability Bill, i. 136 - -Escott, Mr. T. H. S., i. 15 - -Established Church, Defence of--speech, i. 296 - -Eton, i. 8 - -Expenditure, criticisms on, i. 143, 232 - - -Fair Trade Movement, i. 290, 472; ii. 327 - -Ferry, M. Jules, ii. 478 - -FitzGibbon, Lord Justice, i. 77, 79, 395, 434, 435, 459, 471, 525; ii. -59, 89, 96, 124, 132, 263, 307, 351, 353, 386, 455, 462, 468, 513, 515 - -Forster, Mr., i. 63, 100, 174, 181, 185, 199, 201, 203, 207, 224, 349; -ii. 49, 113 - -Fourth Party: - Beaconsfield's approval, i. 154, 223 - Budget amendment (1885), i. 398 - Coercion policy, opinion as to, i. 197 - correspondence, i. 162 - dual control question, i. 228 - final phase, i. 303, 343 - Front Opposition Bench hostility, i. 260 - Gladstone's attitude, i. 152 - Gorst's article--letter, i. 548 - Lords' amendments to Redistribution Bill, i. 417 - obstruction, justification of, i. 150 - origin of, i. 131 - policy, i. 136, 158, 230 - Reform Bill, attitude towards, i. 341 - rupture and reunion, i. 199, 204, 209 - _Times_ statement, i. 168 - _Vanity Fair_ cartoon, i. 169 - work of, i. 143, 149, 230; ii. 150 - -France, relations with, ii. 365 - -Free Trade, i. 292 - -Freycinet, M. de, ii. 172-174 - - -Gastein, visit to, i. 267 - -Gathorne-Hardy, Mr., i. 64, 66 - -German Emperor, i. 166; ii. 368 - -Gibbs, Mr. V., ii. 472 - -Gibson, Mr. _See_ Ashbourne - -Gibson, Mr. Milner, i. 234, 289 - -Giers, M. de, ii. 358, 366, 367 - -Giffard, Sir H., i. 130, 368 - -Giles, Maj., ii. 447 - -Gladstone, Mr. H., i. 265 - -Gladstone, Mr. W. E., i. 58, 60, 64, 69, 145, 172, 222, 232, 234, 260, -261, 264, 271, 275, 282, 283, 284, 377, 416, 432, 441, 451, 472; ii. 1, -3, 22, 24, 27, 62, 137, 143, 157, 169, 214, 219, 220, 229, 241, 300, -309, 312, 334, 340, 341, 360, 361, 365, 373, 428, 433, 454, 456, 463, -466, 469, 470, 471, 474, 477, 502 - Affirmation Bill oration, i. 252 - Bismarck's estimate of, ii. 479, 481 - Bradlaugh case, i. 127, 210, 212, 350 - Burmese policy, ii. 43 - Disestablishment, views on, i. 454 - Egyptian policy, i. 261, 279, 334, 349 - Fourth Party, attitude towards, i. 152 - Irish Home Rule proposals, i. 390, 409; - ii. 29, 41, 51, 62, 66, 67, 78, 92, 96, 98, 100, 104, - 111, 116, 153, 327, 437, 491, 497 - obstruction, opinion on, i. 150 - Parnell Commission, ii. 413, 414 - rebuke of the Chair, i. 347 - Reform Bill (1884), i. 336, 342 - resignation, i. 400, 402; ii. 122 - Suleiman Sami, i. 263 - Transvaal, annexation of, i. 190, 192, 205, 208 - vote of 11,000,000_l._, i. 380 - -Glasgow, invitation to, i. 163 - -Godley, Sir A., i. 476, 481 - -Gordon, Gen., i. 349, 351, 376 - -Gorst, Mr., i. 124, 133, 245, 262, 304, 305, 310, 320, 342, 352, 358, -373, 417, 421, 425, 438, 440, 471; ii. 127, 461 - -Gorst, Sir J., i. 257 - -Goschen, Mr., i. 219, 220, 295, 453; ii. 46, 47, 48, 53, 87, 90, 113, -116, 132, 200, 201, 207, 208, 243, 259, 268, 272, 282, 308, 335, 339, -350, 361, 470 - -Grant, Mr. Corrie, i. 427, 428, 431 - -Grantham, Mr., i. 126 - -Granville, Lord, i. 102, 103, 276, 389, 432; ii. 361 - -Grey de Wilton, Lord, i. 60 - -Grosvenor, Lord R., i. 385 - - -Hamilton, Lord Claud, i. 311, 323, 443 - -Hamilton, Lord George, ii. 228, 229, 231, 234, 236, 319, 323, 324 - -Hamilton, Sir R., i. 445 - -Hanbury, Mr., ii. 378 - -Harcourt, Sir W., i. 67, 71, 153, 170, 204, 434, 438; ii. 49, 107, 145, -195, 205, 470 - -Hart-Dyke, Sir W., i. 435 - -Hartington, Lord, i. 58, 63, 103, 149, 179, 275, 349, 441, 453, 461; ii. -2, 3, 7, 46-48, 53, 54, 58, 69, 80-82, 87, 90, 94, 98, 113, 116, 120, -122, 124, 125, 141, 147, 153, 220, 221, 250, 256, 258, 272, 302, 321, -322, 337, 344, 349, 361, 365, 388, 392, 395 - -Hatzfeldt, Count, ii. 158 - -Healy, Mr., i. 435; ii. 4 - -Henry, Mr. Mitchell, i. 52 - -Herbert, Mr. A., i. 65 - -Holland, Sir H., ii. 127, 273 - -Holmes, Mr., i. 435, 436, 460 - -Home Rule: - attitude towards, i. 90, 280, 453; ii. 3, 23, 117, 490, 494, 507, 508 - Belfast visit, ii. 59 - Bill, proposals as to, ii. 50, 55, 92, 97, 99, 115 - Conservative policy, i. 448, 460; ii. 21, 23, 28, 427 - Gladstone's scheme, ii. 2, 29, 79 - Queen's Speech (1886), ii. 32 - -Hope, Mr. B., i. 65 - -House of Commons disturbance (1893), ii. 472 - -Hull speech, i. 163 - - -Iddesleigh, Lord, i. 64, 161, 219, 235, 265, 267, 326, 340, 354, 377, -398, 418; ii. 40, 127, 153, 155, 156, 160, 172, 174, 203, 212, 250, 276, -277 - Aston Park, i. 360, 363, 364 - Beaconsfield statue, unveiling of, i. 240 - Bradlaugh case, i. 124, 128, 210, 333, 334 - Egyptian policy, i. 262, 334 - Fourth Party, hostility to, i. 158, 260 - leadership of Conservative party, i. 145, 148, 157, 227, 242, 357, - 381, 382, 403, 407, 408, 418 - -India: - North-West Frontier delimitation, i. 379, 380, 483 - visit to, i. 374, 377, 554-564 - -India Office administration, i. 425, 474 - army reorganisation, i. 489 - Bi-metallism discussion, i. 478 - Bombay command, i. 503 - Budget statement, i. 491 - Burma, i. 517 - railway construction, i. 477 - Salisbury, Lord, correspondence with, i. 498 - -Ireland, boycotting, origin of, i. 183 - Coercion policy, attitude toward, i. 177, 189, 197, 203, 391, 393, - 396, 404, 409; ii. 34, 342 - Conservative party, policy of--letter, ii. 3 - Home Rule. _See that title_ - intermediate education question, i. 94, 97 - land legislation, i. 205, 434; ii. 92, 344 - Maamtrasna incident, i. 436 - Reform Bill (1884), i. 343, 344 - residence in, i. 75, 80, 82, 110, 111 - state of, i. 1, 82, 172, 183, 186, 199, 444; ii. 33 - visit to, i. 460 - -Irish County Government Bill, ii. 373 - -Irish Education Bill, plans for, ii. 352 - -Irish Educational Endowments Bill, i. 434 - - -J. S., excerpt from _Realm_, i. 16 - -James, Sir H., i. 134, 155, 255, 265, 411; ii. 47, 48, 58, 66, 113, 116, -250, 439 - -Jennings, Mr. L., i. 298; ii. 270, 286-288, 290, 307, 312, 320, 321, -327, 329, 378, 386, 387, 402, 413, 414, 419, 420, 424, 426, 512 - -Jerome, Miss, i. 39, 40, 57 - -Jerome, Mr., i. 43, 56 - - -Kerans, Mr., i. 378 - -King-Harman, Col., ii. 137 - -Kissingen, ii. 476 - - -Labouchere, Mr., i. 130, 213, 333; ii. 27, 145, 150, 253 - -Lansdowne, Marquess of, i. 224; ii. 273 - -Lanyon, Sir O., i. 193 - -Lawson, Sir W., i. 251 - -Leadership of the House. _See_ Iddesleigh _and_ Randolph Churchill - -Lee, Hans, ii. 447 - -Leigh, Mr. A., i. 16 - -Licensing question, ii. 430, 506 - -Liverpool meeting, i. 443 - -Lowther, Mr., i. 97, 245 - - -Maamtrasna incident, i. 436 - -McCarthy, Mr. J., ii. 28 - -Maclean, Mr. J. M., i. 325; ii. 137 - -Manchester speeches, i. 231; ii. 69 - -Manners, Lord J., i. 340 - -Marlborough, Duchess of, i. 14, 30, 109, 115, 258 - fund for relief of Irish distress, i. 110 - -Marlborough, Duke of, i. 3, 20, 21, 32, 40, 92, 108, 114, 170, 178, 227, -266, 429; ii. 463 - -Marriage, i. 57 - -Mashonaland, visit to, ii. 447 - -Matthews, Mr. H., i. 369; ii. 119, 126, 133, 134, 461 - -Mattinson, Mr., ii. 387 - -May, Sir Erskine, ii. 6, 408 - -Melbourne, Lord, ii. 14 - -Middle Temple Grand Day, 1885, i. 414 - -Milner, Sir F., i. 428 - -'Mr. Podsnap,' ii. 399 - -Mr. Spencer's travels, ii. 169 - -Mitford, Mr. P., i. 258 - -Moore, Mr. A. W., i. 481 - -Morley, Mr. J., i. 125, 391, 392, 404; ii. 1, 48, 78, 88, 153, 353, 377, -405, 433, 469, 471 - -Morris, Lord Chief Justice, ii. 23, 57 - -Mowbray, Sir J., i. 245 - -Mundella, Mr., ii. 397 - -National Union of Conservative Associations, i. 305, 307, 312, 315, 318, -320, 321, 324, 326, 327, 330, 352, 355, 356, 536-543 - -North, Col., ii. 386 - -Northbrook, Lord, ii. 273 - -Northcote, Mr. (senr.), i. 245 - -Northcote, Sir Stafford. _See_ Iddesleigh - -Norway, visit to, ii. 123 - - -O'Brien, Mr. B., i. 89 - -O'Brien, Mr. S., ii. 66, 67 - -Obstruction: - Closure, effect of, on, i. 220 - first use of, i. 87 - opinion on, i. 150 - -O'Connor, Mr. A., ii. 152 - -O'Donnell, Mr. F. H., i. 128 - -Oldham speech, i. 163 - -Opposition, functions of, i. 233, 239 - -Oxford, i. 31 - Territorial Military Centre--speech, i. 66 - - -Paddington, South, i. 471; ii. 454, 461 - election addresses, ii. 491, 496 - -Palmerston, Lord, i. 234; ii. 260 - -Parliamentary procedure, reform of, i. 211; ii. 10, 16, 17, 25, 42, 500, -502 - -Parnell, Mr., i. 83, 174, 175, 176, 183, 185, 202, 205, 393-395, 397, -446, 455; ii. 1, 22, 24, 30, 51, 54, 66, 103, 109, 141, 143, 147, 149, -375, 452, 454 - arrest and release, i. 206, 207, 210 - Commission, ii. 405, 413, 431 - Kilmainham treaty, i. 207, 210, 212 - Maamtrasna, i. 438, 440 - -Parnellism and Crime, ii. 406, 408, 423 - -Peel, Mr., ii. 9, 136 - -Percy, Lord, i. 306, 312, 313, 317, 318, 323, 352, 355 - -Perkins, Mr., ii. 447, 450 - -Pigott case, ii. 412, 416 - -Plunket, Mr., ii. 67, 84 - -Ponsonby, Sir H., ii. 268 - -Preston speech, i. 185, 187 - -Primrose League, i. 256, 356 - -Prince Imperial, monument to, i. 142 - -Prince of Wales's wedding, i. 9 - -Protection of Persons and Property Bill, i. 200 - - -Queen Victoria: - Bombay command appointment, i. 503 - Indian affairs, i. 485 - letter, ii. 154 - resignation of Chancellor, ii. 234, 240, 255, 268 - - -Radical party, principles of, i. 231, 288, 293 - -Raikes, Mr., i. 398; ii. 126 - -Randolph Churchill, Lady, i. 167, 258, 429, 430, 431; ii. 366-368 - -Randolph Churchill, Lord: - birth, i. 3 - Chancellor of Exchequer, ii. 126, 179 - characteristics, i. 6, 7, 14, 15, 33, 35, 48, 415; ii. 434 - chess, fondness for, i. 30 - death and funeral, ii. 484 - education, i. 3, 8, 21, 24, 38 - hunting, delight in, i. 4, 25, 28 - illness, ii. 464 - India, Secretary for, i. 425, 474 - leadership of House of Commons, ii. 126, 150, 154, 213 - letters, style of, i. 12, 13, 162-168 - maiden speech in Parliament, i. 66 - marriage, i. 57 - member of Parliament, i. 55 - nicknames and caricatures of, i. 275 - personal appearance, i. 15; ii. 465 - politics, early distaste to, i. 164, 166 - popularity in 1882, i. 273 - prediction in 1885, i. 473 - public life, disinclination for, i. 48 - speeches, style of, i. 276 - Turf experiences, ii. 432 - -Redistribution Bill, Lords' Amendments to, i. 417 - -Redschid Pasha, i. 388 - -Reed, Sir E., ii. 319 - -Reform Bill (1884), i. 335, 337, 341, 343, 360, 372, 550 - -Richards, Mr. B., i. 15 - -Richmond, Duke of, i. 227 - -Ripon, Marquess of, i. 492 - -Ritchie, Mr., ii. 126 - -Roberts, Sir F., i. 458, 490 - -Roebuck, Mr., i. 58 - -Rosebery, Earl of, i. 29, 433; ii. 49, 471, 478 - -Rowlands, Mr. J., i. 258; ii. 119, 120, 387, 391 - -Royal Buckhounds, i. 232 - -Royal grants--speech, ii. 396 - -Russell, Lord J., i. 234 - -Russell, Mr. E., ii. 142 - -Russia: - aggression in India, i. 380, 382, 386, 387, 389 - visit to, ii. 356 - -Rylands, Mr., i. 106; ii. 90 - - -Salisbury, Marquess of, i. 65, 227, 233, 245, 265, 281, 303, 347, 381, -423, 433, 458, 468; ii. 6, 7, 14, 21, 26, 54, 58, 72, 75, 78, 89, 90, -116, 135, 153, 155, 187, 264, 273, 277, 278, 281, 294, 299, 361, 362, -368, 377, 431, 463 - Bombay command appointment--letters, i. 504 - Burma policy, i. 522, 524 - Cabinet of 1885, i. 400, 401, 402, 407, 413, 416, 419; ii. 122, 124 - Carnarvon and Parnell, meeting of, i. 447 - correspondence of, i. 499 - Disestablishment, views on, i. 455 - Eastern Question, ii. 157, 158, 160, 162, 165 - Irish affairs, attitude towards, ii. 29, 30, 33-35, 37, 64, 138, - 334, 448, 470 - National Union, i. 312, 318, 319, 324, 330, 352, 357 - resignation of Lord Randolph, ii. 214, 218, 220, 223, 228, 231-234, - 236, 243, 250, 255, 261, 267, 282 - Woodstock speech, i. 161 - -Schnadhorst, Mr., i. 276, 286, 467; ii. 98, 119, 120, 134 - -Sclater-Booth, Mr., i. 106 - -Scott, Dr., i. 22 - -Sexton, Mr., i. 435; ii. 4, 64, 144 - -Siam, ii. 478 - -Slade, Sir A., i. 257 - -Smith, Mr. W. H., i. 245, 344, 408, 503; ii. 21, 36, 40, 42, 44, 90, -124, 137, 156, 171, 221, 226, 227, 229, 230, 232, 273, 281, 291, 295, -310, 311, 321, 335, 350, 381, 406, 407, 451 - -Soudan. _See_ Egypt and the Soudan - -South Africa: - affairs in, i. 190, 195 - visit to, ii. 447 - -Spencer, Lord, i. 390, 438, 439, 441; ii. 3, 48 - -Staal, M. de, ii. 157 - -Stanhope, Mr. E., i. 325, 330, 373; ii. 127, 273 - -Stanley, Col., i. 342, 372 - -Stockton speech, ii. 328 - -Stuart-Wortley, Mr., i. 323, 353 - -Suakin, ii. 375, 376 - -Suleiman Sami, i. 263 - - -Tabor, Mr., i. 3, 426 - -Tarbes, visit to, ii. 435 - -Temperance--letter, ii. 506 - -Tewfik, Khedive, i. 261 - -Thomas, Col., i. 4, 26 - -Tory democracy, i. 250, 290, 293, 295, 301, 302, 336, 349, 358, 411, -463, 465; ii. 404 - -Transvaal, i. 190, 193-196 - -Trevelyan, Sir G., ii. 48, 74, 84, 336, 340 - -Turf experiences, ii. 432 - -Turkey and the Eastern Question--letters, i. 100-104 - -Tyrwhitt, Mr. H., ii. 287, 289, 292 - - -United States, visit to, i. 73 - - -Villiers, Mr. C., i. 292 - - -Walsall speech, ii. 397 - -Walsh, Archbishop, ii. 4, 78, 353, 354, 356 - -War Office expenditure, attack on, ii. 316 - -Warren, Sir C., ii. 143 - -Watkin, Sir E., ii. 381 - -Webster, Sir R., ii. 407 - -Welby, Lord, ii. 182, 212 - -Welsh Church Suspensory Bill, ii. 466, 474 - -West, Sir A., i. 261; ii. 205 - -Whitby meeting, ii. 326 - -Whitley, Mr., i. 443 - -Winston Churchill, Mr., ii. 294, 468 - -Wolff, Sir H. D., i. 124, 126, 129, 131, 132, 163, 264, 267, 304, 305, -310, 311, 342, 358, 367, 421, 425, 428, 430, 438; ii. 236, 260, 261, 263 - -Wolverhampton speech, ii. 314 - -Woodstock: - elections, i. 52, 115, 426, 527-532 - parliamentary history, i. 18 - reform of borough--speech, i. 71 - Salisbury's, Lord, speech, i. 160 - -Zulu War, i. 142, 191 - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] _Seven Years at Eton_, Brinsley Richards, p. 377. - -[2] _Randolph Spencer-Churchill_, by T. H. S. Escott, M.A. (Hutchinson & -Co., 1895). - -[3] _Fortnightly Review_, October, 1874, vol. xvi., p. 412. - -[4] Byron, _Don Juan_, Canto ix. lxxxiv. - -[5] B. O'Brien, _Life of Parnell_, second edition, i. 163. - -[6] 'That this House, having been informed in her Majesty's gracious -Speech that the conditions on which her Majesty's neutrality is founded -have not been infringed by either belligerent engaged in the war in the -East of Europe, and having since received no information sufficient to -justify a departure from the policy of neutrality and peace, sees no -reason for adding to the burdens of the people by voting unnecessary -supplies.' - -[7] 'Elijah's Mantle,' _Fortnightly Review_, May, 1883. - -[8] I have been greatly assisted in this chapter by the excellent -accounts of the Fourth Party proceedings contributed by Mr. Harold -Gorst to the _Nineteenth Century_ from November 1902 to January 1903. -In relating some incidents, notably on pages 153 and 161, I have by his -permission used his actual words. - -[9] _Life of Parnell_, R. Barry O'Brien, vol. i. 247. - -[10] _Cf._ Mr. Forster's 'village ruffians.' - -[11] _Men, Mines, and Animals in South Africa_, p. 23. - -[12] Abridged. - -[13] Mr. Gladstone. - -[14] Mr. Chamberlain. - -[15] A quotation from Mr. Gladstone's famous pamphlet of 1876. - -[16] Preface to Lord Randolph Churchill's speeches, by L. J. Jennings, -p. xxiv. - -[17] Mr. Harold Gorst's articles, _Nineteenth Century_, November and -December, 1902. - -[18] Appendix II. - -[19] Appendix II. - -[20] See J. M. Maclean's _Reminiscences_, p. 68. - -[21] Appendix II. - -[22] Letter to Mr. Wainwright, M.P., June 9, 1884, Appendix III. - -[23] Mr. W. H. Smith. - -[24] See especially his letter to Mr. Harold Gorst of January 5, 1903, -published in the _Times_, included as an Appendix. - -[25] _Nineteenth Century_, January 1903, by Mr. Harold E. Gorst. - -[26] Now Sir Charles Darling. - -[27] Appendix IV. See especially his description of the tiger hunt. - -[28] January 17, 1885. - -[29] A note upon this chapter by Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. - -[30] August. - -[31] This was public-spirited. (See page 440.) - -[32] House of Lords, May 3, 1888. _Hansard_, 325, 1179. - -[33] Issued November 21, 1880. - -[34] See Lord Randolph's Letters from India, Appendix. - -[35] 'Ireland's Eye.' - -[36] Lord Ashbourne. - -[37] Our Very Good Lord: Ex-Chancellor Ball. - -[38] _Times._ - -[39] Appendix I. - -[40] This appears to have been an outside estimate. (See p. 490.) - -[41] Sir John Gorst's eldest son, now Sir Eldon Gorst. - -[42] The italics are mine.--W. S. C. - -[43] Mr. Smith to the Duke of Cambridge, October 9, 1885. - -[44] Official memorandum. - -[45] Colonel Burnaby was killed in action at Abu Klea, January 18, 1885. - -[46] This was written ten days ago. Its contents are not much affected -by recent events.--R. H. S. C.[*] - - [*] The Memorandum and Lord Randolph's footnote are both undated, but - Lord Salisbury's reply on the 9th shows that he had waited some days - before replying. I conclude therefore that November 26 or 27 would be - the latest date at which this document was written. - -[48] Mr. Labouchere, who has checked and confirms this account of the -conversation, remarks: 'As a matter of fact, Lord Randolph Churchill -had asked me some time before to tell Mr. Gladstone that he would urge -Ulster to resist by arms Home Rule, which I had done, and he now begged -me to repeat to him his declaration of war.' - -[49] _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii. p. 270. - -[50] Lost. The passage ultimately adopted reads as follows:-- - -'The social no less than the material condition of that country engages -my anxious attention. Although there has been during the last year no -marked increase of serious crime, there is in many places a concerted -resistance to the enforcement of legal obligations, and I regret that -the practice of organised intimidation continues to exist. I have caused -every exertion to be used for the detection and punishment of these -crimes, and no effort will be spared on the part of my Government to -protect my Irish subjects in the exercise of their legal rights and -the enjoyment of individual liberty. If, as my information leads me -to apprehend, the existing provisions of the law should prove to be -inadequate to cope with these growing evils, I look with confidence to -your willingness to invest my Government with all necessary powers.' - -[51] This was accompanied by the promise of a Bill dealing with the Land -Question, pursuing in a more extensive sense the policy indicated by the -Land Purchase Act in 1885. - -[52] At the Colonial Office, February 15, 1898 (O'Brien's _Life of -Parnell_, chap. xix. vol. ii.). - -[53] Appendix V. - -[54] - - Lord Randolph Churchill 2,576 - Rev. J. Page Hopps 769 - - -[55] Wrongly stated in the _Annual Register_ of 1886 as the Board of -Trade. - -[56] An expression quoted from Mr. Gladstone. - -[57] 'Lord Randolph as an Official,' _Nineteenth Century_, October 1896, -by the Right Hon. Sir Algernon West, K.C.B. - -[58] - - Scale of 1886, still in force:-- - - Where the packet, box, bottle, pot, &c., - did not exceed the price or value of _s._ _d._ - 1_s._, the duty was 0 1-1/2 - Exceeded 1_s._, but did not exceed 2_s._ 6_d._ 0 3 - " 2_s._ 6_d._ " 4_s._ 0 6 - " 4_s._ " 10_s._ 1 0 - " 10_s._ " 20_s._ 2 0 - " 20_s._ " 30_s._ 3 0 - " 30_s._ " 50_s._ 10 0 - " 50_s._ 20 0 - - Lord Randolph Churchill's - proposed scale:-- - - _s._ _d._ - Not exceeding 2_d._ in value 0 0-1/2 - " " 6_d._ " 0 1-1/2 - " " 1_s._ " 0 3 - " " 2_s._ " 0 6 - " " 4_s._ " 1 0 - " " 8_s._ " 2 0 - " " 12_s._ " 3 0 - " " 20_s._ " 5 0 - " " 40_s._ " 10 0 - Exceeding 40_s._ " 20 0 - - -[59] The exact figure is 291,666_l._ 13_s._ 6_d._, but some reduction -would probably occur in practice. - -[60] Lord Ashbourne. - -[61] Viscount Curzon, M.P. for South Buckinghamshire. - -[62] Viscount Curzon, February 21. _Hansard_, 311, 179. - -[63] Secretary to the Treasury. - -[64] _Times_, April 20, 1887. - -[65] See his letter to Mr. Arnold White, p. 459. - -[66] No. 119, Egypt No. 8, 1888, published January 12, 1889. - -[67] Letter to _Birmingham Daily Post_, April 18. - -[68] _Life of Gladstone_, Book X., chapter iii. - -[69] _Hansard_, March 1890. - -[70] See Appendix, Mr. Jennings's Memorandum and Lord Justice -FitzGibbon's note thereupon. - -[71] Appendix VIII. - -[72] Local Taxation Bill, June 17--228 to 224. - -[73] Addison, _Spectator_, No. 68. - -[74] _Men, Mines and Animals in South Africa._ - -[75] The Hon. Lionel Holland. - -[76] _Life of Pitt._ - -[77] Abridged. - - * * * * * - -Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: - -the form of a lettter to his=> the form of a letter to his {pg vi 95} - -the Tukrish rule=> the Turkish rule {pg vi 104} - -furtherance of this political opinion=> furtherance of his political -opinion {pg vii 53} - -even Constantiople=> even Constantinople {pg vii 158} - -I purpose=> I propose {pg vii 282} - -They outnumbered by three of four to one=> They outnumbered by three or -four to one {pg vii 385} - -be would not speak=> he would not speak {pg vii 461} - -the greatest atention to his speeches=> the greatest attention to his -speeches {pg vii 474} - -and responsibilty for=> and responsibility for {pg vii 521} - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Lord Randolph Churchill, by -Winston Spencer Churchill - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL *** - -***** This file should be named 42817.txt or 42817.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/8/1/42817/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif, University of Michigan Libraries -and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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