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diff --git a/42732.txt b/42732.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 20c7aee..0000000 --- a/42732.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13856 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Englishman in China During the -Victorian Era, Vol. I (of 2), by Alexander Michie - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Englishman in China During the Victorian Era, Vol. I (of 2) - As Illustrated in the Career of Sir Rutherford Alcock, - K.C.B., D.C.L., Many Years Consul and Minister in China - and Japan - -Author: Alexander Michie - -Release Date: May 18, 2013 [EBook #42732] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ENGLISHMAN IN CHINA *** - - - - -Produced by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - In the caption to the illustration facing page 370, KOLENGSOO - should possibly be KULANGSU. - - - - -THE ENGLISHMAN IN CHINA - - - - -CHAP. XXIII.: Tsze-kung asked, saying, "Is there one word which may -serve as a rule of practice for all one's life?" The Master said, "Is -not RECIPROCITY such a word? What you do not want done to yourself, do -not do to others." - - - - - [Illustration: Mr Alcock, at the age of 34. - from a drawing by L. A. de Fabeck, 1843. - Walker & Cockerell ph. sc.] - - - - - THE ENGLISHMAN IN CHINA - DURING THE VICTORIAN ERA - - AS ILLUSTRATED IN - THE CAREER OF - SIR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK, K.C.B., D.C.L. - MANY YEARS CONSUL AND MINISTER IN - CHINA AND JAPAN - - BY - ALEXANDER MICHIE - - AUTHOR OF - 'THE SIBERIAN OVERLAND ROUTE,' 'MISSIONARIES - IN CHINA,' ETC. - - VOL. I. - - WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS - EDINBURGH AND LONDON - MDCCCC - - _All Rights reserved_ - - - - -PREFACE. - - -Reminiscences of the Far East called up by the death of Sir Rutherford -Alcock in November 1897 prompted the writer to send a contribution on -the subject to 'Blackwood's Magazine.' Being appreciated by the -family, the article suggested to them some more substantial memorial -of the deceased statesman, a scheme with which the writer fell in the -more readily that it seemed to harmonise with the task which friends -had been already urging upon him--that of writing some account of -occurrences in the Far East during his own residence there. For there -was no other name round which these events could be so consistently -grouped during the thirty years when British policy was a power in -that part of the world. As Consul and Minister Alcock was so -interwoven with the history of the period that neither the life of the -man nor the times in which he lived could be treated apart. And the -personal element renders his connection with Far Eastern affairs -particularly instructive, for, combining the highest executive -qualities with a philosophic grasp of the problems with which he had -to deal, he at the same time possessed the faculty of exposition, -whereby the vital relation between the theoretical and the practical -sides of Far Eastern politics was made plain. The student may thus -draw his lessons equally from the actions and the reflections of this -great official. - -The life history of Sir Rutherford Alcock is that of the progressive -development of a sterling character making in all circumstances the -most of itself, self-reliant, self-supporting, without friends or -fortune, without interest or advantage of any kind whatsoever. From -first to last the record is clear, without sediment or anything -requiring to be veiled or extenuated. Every achievement, great or -small, is stamped with the hall-mark of duty, of unfaltering devotion -to the service of the nation and to the interests of humanity. - -A copious and facile writer, he has left singularly little in the way -of personal history. The only journal he seems ever to have kept was -consigned by him to oblivion, a few early dates and remarks having -alone been rescued. When in recent years he was approached by friends -on the subject of auto-biography, he was wont to reply, "My life is in -my work; by that I am content to be remembered." We must needs -therefore take him at his word and judge by the fruit what was the -nature of the tree. - -In the following work the reader may trace in more or less continuous -outline the stages by which the present relation between China and -foreign nations has been reached. In the earlier portion the course of -events indicated is comparatively simple, being confined to -Anglo-Chinese developing into Anglo-Franco-Chinese relations. In the -latter portion, corresponding roughly with the second volume, the -stream becomes subdivided into many collateral branches, as all the -Western nations and Japan, with their separate interests, came to -claim their share, each in its own way, of the intercourse with China. -It is hoped that the data submitted to the reader will enable him to -draw such conclusions as to past transactions as may furnish a basis -for estimating future probabilities. - -The scope of the work being restricted to the points of contact -between China and the rest of the world, nothing recondite is -attempted, still less is any enigma solved. It is the belief of the -author that the so-called Chinese mystery has been a source of -needless mystification; that the relation between China and the outer -world was intrinsically simple; and that to have worked from the basis -of their resemblances to the rest of humanity would have been a -shorter way to an amicable understanding with the Chinese than the -crude attempt to accommodate Western procedure to the uncomprehended -differences which divided them. It needed no mastery of their -sociology to keep the Chinese strictly to their written engagements -and to deter them from outrage. But discussion was the invitation to -laxity; and laxity, condoned and pampered, then defiant and -triumphant, lies at the root of the disasters which have befallen the -Chinese Empire itself, and now threaten to recoil also upon the -foreign nations which are responsible for them. This responsibility -was never more tersely summed up than by Mr Burlingame in his capacity -of Chinese Envoy. After sounding the Foreign Office that astute -diplomatist was able to inform the Tsungli-Yamen in 1869 that "the -British Government was so friendly and pacific that they would endure -anything." The dictum, though true, was fatal, and the operation of it -during thirty subsequent years explains most that has happened during -that period, at least in the relations between China and Great -Britain. - -A word as to the orthography may be useful to the reader. The -impossibility of transliterating Chinese sounds into any alphabetical -language causes great confusion in the spelling of names. A uniform -system would indeed be most desirable, but common practice has already -fixed so many of them that it seems better, in a book intended for -general reading, not to depart too much from the conventional usage, -or attempt to follow any scientific system, which must, after all, be -based upon mispronunciation of the Chinese sounds. - -As regards personal names, it may be convenient to call attention to -the distinction between Chinese and Manchu forms. In the case of the -former the custom is to write the _nomen_, or family name, separately, -and the _pre-nomen_ (which by Chinese practice becomes the -_post-nomen_) by itself, and, when it consists of two characters, -separated by a hyphen--_e.g._, Li (_nomen_) Hung-chang (_post-nomen_). -In the case of Manchus, who are known not by a family name, but by -what may be termed, for want of a better expression, their -_pre-nomen_, it is customary to write the name in one word, without -hyphens--for example, Kiying, Ilipu. As the Chinese name usually -consists of three characters or syllables, and the Manchu usually of -two, the form of name affords a _prima facie_ indication of the -extraction of the personage referred to. Polysyllabic names, as -San-ko-lin-sin, are generally Mongol. - -The sovereign is not referred to by name, the terms Kwanghsu, -Tungchih, and so forth, being the Chinese characters chosen to -designate, or, as we might say, idealise the reign, in the same way as -impersonal titles are selected for houses of business. - -I desire to express my deep obligation to Sir Rutherford Alcock's -stepdaughter Amy, Lady Pelly, without whose efficient aid the book -could not have been compiled. It is a subject of regret to all -concerned that Lady Alcock herself did not live to see the completion -of a task in the inception of which she took a keen and loving -interest. - -To the other friends who have in different ways helped in the -production of the book, and particularly to Mr William Keswick, M.P., -for the loan of his valuable Chinnery and Crealock drawings, my best -thanks are due. - - A. M. - LONDON, _November 2nd, 1900_. - - - _Postscript._--The legend on the front cover is a - paraphrase of Chapter xxiii., Book xv., of the Analects of - Confucius, Dr Legge's translation of which has been adopted - by me as the motto of these volumes. - - - - -CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. - - - CHAP. PAGE - - I. THE ARMY SURGEON-- - I. YOUTH 1 - II. THE PENINSULA, 1832-1837 8 - III. ENGLAND, 1838-1844 23 - - II. SENT TO CHINA 29 - FOREIGN RELATIONS WITH CHINA 31 - - III. ANTECEDENTS OF THE WAR-- - I. THE OPIUM TRADE 42 - II. THE SEQUEL TO THE SURRENDER OF OPIUM 55 - - IV. THE FIRST CHINA WAR, 1839-1842 60 - - V. THE TREATY OF 1842 78 - - VI. THE FRUITS OF THE WAR AND PROSPECTS OF PEACE 86 - - VII. THE NEW INTERCOURSE: CANTON, 1842-1847 93 - - VIII. THE NEW TREATY PORTS--FOOCHOW, AMOY, NINGPO 112 - - IX. SHANGHAI 124 - I. THE TSINGPU AFFAIR 129 - II. REBELLION 135 - III. THE CHINESE MARITIME CUSTOMS 143 - IV. CREATION OF THE FOREIGN CUSTOMS 149 - V. MR ALCOCK'S DEPARTURE FROM SHANGHAI 156 - - X. CONSUL ALCOCK'S VIEWS ON GENERAL POLICY 161 - - XI. TRADE UNDER THE TREATY OF NANKING 167 - I. TEA 178 - II. SILK 187 - III. OPIUM 191 - IV. CHINESE EXPORTS 200 - V. BRITISH EXPORTS 203 - VI. NATIVE TRADE 207 - - XII. SHIPPING 211 - - XIII. THE TRADERS-- - I. FOREIGN 248 - II. CHINESE 263 - - XIV. HONGKONG 271 - - XV. MACAO 287 - - XVI. PIRACY 299 - - XVII. THE ARROW WAR 308 - I. THE EARL OF ELGIN AND HIS MISSION 320 - II. LORD ELGIN'S SECOND MISSION 349 - - XVIII. INTERCOURSE UNDER THE TREATIES OF 1858 AND 1860-- - I. THE DIPLOMATIC OVERTURE 361 - II. NEW PORTS AND OPENING OF YANGTZE 369 - III. ADMIRAL HOPE'S POLICY TOWARDS INSURGENTS 375 - IV. THE LAY-OSBORN FLOTILLA 387 - V. THE END OF THE REBELLION 392 - VI. EVACUATION OF CANTON 396 - VII. DEATH OF THE EMPEROR 397 - VIII. INFLUENCE OF THESE EVENTS ON PROGRESS OF - DIPLOMACY 398 - - - APPENDIX. - - I. NOTE ON OUR PRESENT POSITION AND THE STATE OF OUR - RELATIONS WITH CHINA, BY CONSUL ALCOCK, JANUARY - 19, 1849 411 - - II. CONFIDENTIAL DESPATCH BY CONSUL ALCOCK TO SIR GEORGE - BONHAM, JANUARY 13, 1852 428 - - III. CONFIDENTIAL DESPATCH TO SIR GEORGE BONHAM, DATED JUNE - 17, 1852. (EXTRACT) 432 - - IV. ACCOUNT OF THE SALT TRADE ANNEXED TO MR PARKES' SUMMARY - OF THE NATIVE MARITIME TRADE OF FOOCHOW, - 1846. (EXTRACTS) 439 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE FIRST VOLUME. - - - PAGE - - MR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK AT THE AGE OF THIRTY-FOUR. _Frontispiece_ - From a drawing by L. A. de Fabeck. - - MACAO 48 - - H.M. SHIPS IMOGEN AND ANDROMACHE PASSING BOCCA TIGRIS - BATTERIES 70 - - THE LAKES, NINGPO 114 - - THE FIRST CONSULAR RESIDENCE AT FOOCHOW 116 - - BRIDGE OVER RIVER MIN 120 - - THE SECOND CONSULAR RESIDENCE AT FOOCHOW, 1848 122 - - BAMBOO BRIDGE AT FOOCHOW 124 - - COUNTRY WATERWAY NEAR SHANGHAI 126 - - ENTRANCE TO SZE-KING, NEAR SHANGHAI 136 - - RUSTIC SCENE NEAR SHANGHAI 156 - - VILLAGE ON THE CANALS 200 - - DENT'S VERANDAH, MACAO 294 - - GEORGE CHINNERY 298 - From an oil-painting by himself. - - SIR FREDERICK BRUCE 348 - - MR LOCH DEPARTS FROM PEKING FOR ENGLAND WITH CHINESE - TREATY 354 - - MONSEIGNEUR MOUILLI 356 - - FIRST BRITISH CONSULATE AT KOLENGSOO, 1844 370 - - -MAPS. - - MAP OF CANTON WATERS 62 - - YANGTZE AND GRAND CANAL 75 - - MOUTH OF YANGTZE AND CHUSAN ARCHIPELAGO 132 - - ROADS AND WATERWAYS BETWEEN PEKING AND TIENTSIN 331 - - - - -THE ENGLISHMAN IN CHINA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE ARMY SURGEON. - - -I. YOUTH. - - Birth at Ealing -- Motherless childhood -- Feeble health -- - Irregular schooling -- Medical education -- Student days in - Paris -- Wax-modelling -- Admission to College of Surgeons - -- House Surgeon at Westminster Hospital. - -Born in the same year as Mr Gladstone, May 1809, John Rutherford -Alcock[1] predeceased that statesman by only six months. His -birthplace was Ealing, and he died in Westminster, after a residence -there in retirement of twenty-seven years. Being a delicate infant, he -was baptised in Ealing church when one day old. His childhood was -deprived of its sunshine by the loss of his mother, and it does not -appear that his father, a medical man of some note, and an artist to -boot, was equal to filling the void in the young life. Consequently -boyhood had for him none of the halo of a golden age, but was, on the -contrary, a grey and cheerless memory, furnishing tests of hardihood -rather than those glowing aspirations which generally kindle young -ambitions. - -His early life was passed with relatives in the north of England, and -he went to school at Hexham, where he had for companions Sir John -Swinburne and Mr Dawson Lambton. - -Of his school-days there is little to remark. Indeed his early -education seems to have been most irregular, having been subject to -long and frequent interruptions on account of ill-health, which -necessitated sea-voyages and other changes of air. Nevertheless the -diligence which was part of his nature compensated for these drawbacks -of his youth, and set its seal on his whole after-career. - -On returning to his father's house at the age of fifteen, the boy began -his medical education, being, according to the fashion of the day, -apprenticed to his father, and at the same time entered as a student -at the Westminster Hospital and the Royal Westminster Ophthalmic -Hospital under that distinguished surgeon, G. J. Guthrie. His passion -for art had already asserted itself, and he was enabled to indulge it -by constant visits to Chantrey's studio, where, "amid the musical -sounds of the chisel on the marble, with snatches of airs from the -workmen, where all breathed a calm and happy repose, he passed -delightful hours." His half-holidays were spent at Chantrey's in -modelling. - -In the following year he visited Paris, and seems ever after to have -looked back on the gay city as a kind of paradise, for there the world -first really opened to the young man of sixteen. Then began that life -of work and enjoyment, so blended as to be inseparable, which -continued without intermission for more than seventy years. In the -stimulating atmosphere of Paris, and its free and independent life, -the boy's faculties rapidly developed. He seemed, indeed, to expand -suddenly into full manhood. Destined for the medical profession, he -worked hard at anatomy, chemistry, and natural history, while taking -also a keen interest in artistic and literary subjects; mastered -French and Italian; and, in short, turned his twelve or eighteen -months' sojourn to highly practical account. - -From a small pocket-book containing notes of the journey to France, -and part of his work in Paris, we give some extracts illustrative of -the boy's character and powers of observation. - -It was on the 17th of August 1825 that the party embarked at the -Custom-House Stairs for Calais, the voyage occupying fourteen hours. -On landing the lad "amused himself by observing the effects in the sky -and the sea, and by picking up shells, bones of birds and animals, -which having remained in the sea until perfectly clean, looked -beautiful and white as ivory." Simple things interested him, and after -dinner at the Hotel Meurice in Paris he "listened with much pleasure -to a man playing airs on what he called an American flute"--which he -goes on to describe: "The tones were mellow in the extreme, and the -airs he played I think were much superior in sweetness to any I have -ever heard from an instrument so clear," and so on. Obviously a -subjective impression; it is his own emancipation that beautifies the -simplest things and inspires the simplest sounds. Like the -convalescent in Gray-- - - "The meanest floweret of the vale, - The simplest note that swells the gale, - The common sun, the air, the skies, - To him are opening Paradise." - -On his first Sunday in Paris he was "much struck with the beauty of -the paintings and a great number of pieces sculptured in -_bas-relief_." Then he walked in the gardens of the Tuileries, "which -in extent, in statues and in fountains, in the appearance of it taking -it altogether, far exceeded anything my imagination had conceived -concerning it." - -At Versailles he was "highly delighted with many of the paintings. The -gardens are extremely extensive and the fountains very numerous; ... -but it is all extremely artificial, and therefore soon fatigues the -eye." In these slight observations are perceptible the artistic -instinct and sense of fitness, faculties which served him so admirably -in his future work, and might have won him distinction in other fields -than those in which his lot was ultimately cast. - -He was in Paris for a serious purpose, the study of medicine and -surgery, and seriously he followed it. At the same time he mixed -freely in the artistic and literary society of the French capital, and -left none of his talents uncultivated. A characteristic incident in -his educational career was his mastering the art of modelling in wax -and in plaster. Following up his experiments in Chantrey's studio, he -took regular lessons in Paris, and attained such proficiency that, -young as he was, he was able to maintain himself while in that city by -the sale of his anatomical models. For one of these he mentions -receiving fifty guineas, and a few years after "for two arms and two -legs the size of life" he notes receiving 140 guineas. These also won -for him distinctions at home, for in the year 1825 he was awarded the -"Gold Isis Medal" of the Society of Arts, and in the following year -the "large gold medal" of that society, for original models in -coloured wax. And it may be mentioned as characteristic that although -in later years an active member of that society, Sir H. T. Wood, the -secretary, who knew him well, was unaware of Sir Rutherford Alcock's -having so early in life received the society's medals. "The fact is an -interesting one," he says, "and I am glad to have had my attention -drawn to it." Some of these works were preserved in the Museum of the -College of Surgeons, while others, prepared in special wax, were -bought by Government for the use of the Indian medical schools. - -From the small pocket-book to which we have already referred, and -which contains concise notes of his course of instruction in modelling -under a M. Dupont, we extract the note of his first lesson. It shows -thoroughness of mind, keenness of observation, and the instinct for -accuracy which enabled him so soon to attain to excellence in the art, -and led to success in all the other pursuits of his life:-- - - _Sept. 1._--To-day my first lesson in modelling began. I - saw M. Dupont work upon a mask of a little boy's face in - wax. He opened the eyes, but did not in my opinion make - them quite correct. The only thing I observed in particular - was his using oil very freely with his tool. I afterwards - saw three moulds of a thigh near the hip after amputation, - cast in wax. One was soaked in water, another was rubbed - with soft-soap, and a third was well oiled. The one that - was oiled produced the most perfect cast, but I should have - thought both water, soap, and oil were used much too - freely. They were all cast in wax of a deep red colour, and - one of them was placed in the stump of one of the thighs of - the model on which M. Dupont was engaged. It was not quite - large enough for the thigh in some places, and too large in - others. This he altered without scruple, so that when the - stump was finished, though it looked extremely natural, it - was by no means accurate. - -Before quitting the life in Paris the following sample of its popular -amusements as they presented themselves to the young student may be -interesting to readers, and it is unfortunately the last entry in the -pocket-book, and almost the last assistance we shall get from journals -during the seventy years of crowded life which followed:-- - - I went yesterday [Sunday, September 10, 1826] to the Swiss - Mountain, very extensive gardens on the Boulevards, where - the most respectable part of the pleasure-seeking Parisians - assemble on Sunday: you pay ten sous admittance. Here there - is a large establishment for dinners where you may dine as - at the restaurateurs, in a public room, or there are a long - suite of apartments for parties of four, six, or twelve - each, looking out into the gardens, and immediately before - the windows was the space enclosed by trees, which form a - canopy over it, and which is allotted to dancing. On one - side is the orchestra; and when I heard it there was a very - excellent band of musicians in it. It was rather - unfavourable weather, as there were in the course of the - day several very heavy showers, yet there seemed to be a - very great number of elegantly dressed females and - respectable-looking men; and some even highly-dressed, - which is a wonder, I think, for the gentlemen in Paris seem - to dress as much inferior to us as the French ladies dress - better than the English. Indeed it is quite delightful to - see the great taste with which they dress and the elegance - of contour in all their figures. I don't know how it - happens, but I never recollect seeing a French woman that - was at all above the lowest class of society that was a - slovenly or slattern figure, and very few that were not - really elegant, though their faces are, generally speaking, - plain. - - After having dined I went to see the Swiss Mountain, which - had made a noise whilst I was at dinner that very much - resembled distant thunder. I had no idea what it was; my - surprise may therefore be conceived when, on coming - suddenly in sight of it, I saw a man, apparently sitting on - a chair, whirl past me with a velocity more resembling the - speed of lightning than anything I had before seen,--so - much so, that though from the top to the bottom where they - drop might be about 200 feet, I had merely time to - perceive that there was a man seated on some sort of - vehicle like a chair. - - The mountain consisted of boards raised at an angle of - about from 60 deg. to 70 deg. with the ground, and gradually - becoming level. The distance from where they set off to - where they stop I have before stated, I think, to be about - 200 feet. - - This platform is sufficiently broad to allow three of the - vehicles to go down and one to return up at the same - time--that is to say, there are four iron grooves - accurately fitted to the small wheels on which the vehicles - move. There are horses as well as chairs for both ladies - and gentlemen. I saw several gentlemen on horseback and one - lady. The horses appear to me to be real horses' hides, - perhaps covering a wooden horse. They are accoutred with - saddle, stirrups, and bridle. One person who came down on - one of these horses rose and fell in his stirrups as though - riding a real horse; it created much laughter, and the - people surrounding immediately called out "Un Anglais! un - Anglais!" I believe he was an Englishman. It had a - ridiculous effect to observe the anxiety depicted on the - countenances of the heroes, and compare them, with the - knowledge of their perfect safety, with the laughing groups - that surrounded them. Sometimes a veteran hero would mount - one of the horses and come down with triumph in his - countenance; the effect then became still more ridiculous, - for he seemed like a great baby mounted on a hobby-horse - proportionately large. But so it is through life, I think; - one sees people capable of being elated as much by actions - little in themselves, but enlarged for the instant by - circumstances, as, for instance, in this case--the rapidity - of motion, the gay crowd, and the distant music--as they - would have been by an action really great in itself but - unembroidered by outward show. - - Hearing the music and wishing to see the dancing I had - heard so much of, I approached the dancers. We read that - the French enjoy dancing with great zest; certes, to see - them dance a quadrille, one would not say so: 'tis true it - is a dance in which custom has forbidden much exertion, - still the entire listlessness they show induced me to think - it was a task rather than a pleasure. But when a lively - waltz struck up and the waltzing began, I.... - -Here the notes break off. - -Of the student's life of four years from 1828 to 1832 there is little -which can or need be said. For two years and a half out of the four he -was house surgeon at the Westminster Hospital and the Ophthalmic -Hospital, having received, at the age of twenty-one, the diploma from -the Royal College to practise surgery. During this period he continued -modelling, and took pupils in that art. Writing for periodicals also -occupied some of his leisure time. - -No sooner was his student career ended than an opening presented -itself which determined the future course of his life, but in a way -very different from what could possibly have been anticipated. - - -II. THE PENINSULA, 1832-1837. - - Dynastic quarrel in Portugal -- Foreign legion -- Mr Alcock - enters the service, 1832 -- Character of the force and its - leaders -- Colonel Shaw -- Incidents of the campaign -- - Important medical services of Mr Alcock -- Joins the - Spanish Foreign Legion, 1836 -- Termination of the - campaign. - -There were troubles in Portugal. The usurper Dom Miguel was on the -throne. It was proposed to seat the rightful sovereign, Donna Maria, -there--her father, Dom Pedro, ex-Emperor of Brazil, who assumed the -title of Duke of Braganza, heading the movement. - -Sympathy was excited in France and England, in both of which countries -irregular forces were levied to co-operate with the constitutional -party in Portugal led by his imperial majesty. It was a kind of -service which tempted alike young bloods and old soldiers who had been -languishing in peace and idleness since 1815, and a small army of -"Liberators" was got together in England, with a corresponding naval -force. - -It has been mentioned that young Alcock had studied under the eminent -army surgeon Guthrie. Feelings of regard had sprung up between the two -which extended far beyond the professional sphere. Not only had the -boy been a favourite pupil whose aptitude reflected credit on his -teacher, but it is quite evident that a personal affection which -lasted their respective lifetimes was rekindled during the years they -subsequently spent together in Westminster. When, therefore, Mr -Guthrie was applied to by Mr O'Meara, who had been in attendance on -Napoleon at St Helena, to recommend a surgeon for the British-Portuguese -force, Guthrie sent at once for Alcock and discussed with him his -professional prospects. The upshot was that as, considering his -youth,--he was then only twenty-two,--it was useless for him to think -of beginning practice in London, a few years might be most -advantageously passed in military service abroad. The young man was -only too eager to close with the offer then made to him, which not -only afforded the prospect of active professional work, but seemed to -open the way for adventures such as the soul of a young man loveth. -Within twenty-four hours of accepting the offer Alcock was on the way -to Portsmouth and the Azores. For some time after his arrival there he -did duty on board ship. His ambition being cramped by this restricted -service, however, he was anxious to be transferred to the military -force. He accordingly applied to Colonel Hodges, who commanded the -marine battalion, to be taken on his staff. The colonel looked at him -with some hesitation owing to his extremely youthful appearance, but -on hearing that he had been specially recommended by Guthrie, said, -"Oh, that is a different matter; come along." - -Of the Peninsular expeditions of 1832-37 the interest for the present -generation lies less in their origin, aims, and results, than in their -conduct and incidents. They were episodes which have left no marks on -the general course of history visible to the ordinary observer, and -are memorable chiefly for their dramatic effects, the play of -character, the exhibitions of personal courage, capacity, and -devotion; of jealousy, intrigue, and incapacity; of love and hate; and -of the lights and shadows that flit across the theatre of human life. -Interferences in other people's quarrels naturally bring to the -surface all the incongruities. The auxiliaries are sure to be thought -arrogant whether they are really so or not, and the _proteges_ are no -less certain to be deemed ungrateful. Each party is apt to -underestimate the exploits of the other and to exaggerate his own. -They take widely different views of the conditions under which their -respective services are rendered; they misconstrue each other's -motives, assessing them at their lowest apparent value. Each side -looks for certain sentimental acknowledgments from the other, while -daily frictions and inevitable misunderstandings continually embitter -the disappointment felt at their absence. And there are not two -parties, but many. There are wheels within wheels; sections playing on -each other tricks which savour of treachery on the one side, while on -the other side there may be sulks which are constructive mutiny. The -question of pay is naturally a constant source of bitterness, for -countries that need foreign assistance are impecunious and dilatory. -Few of them would be entitled to the certificate which Dugald Dalgetty -gave to his excellent paymasters, the Dutch. Yet in spite of -drawbacks, there is a kind of method in the whole business, a movement -towards a goal, though at a maximum of cost, with the greatest waste -and the most poignant regrets over mismanagement. - -But what in these irregular campaigns is so remarkable as to be almost -repugnant to common reason is the devotion of the mercenary soldier. -This inspiriting sentiment, which springs up spontaneously like a -wild-flower in desert places, seems to put patriotism in the shade as -a motive for sacrifice. The hired soldier, though an alien, is often -indeed more faithful than the son of the soil, perhaps for the reason -that his allegiance is of a simpler nature, more categorical and -explicit. The direct personal character of such alien allegiance and -its transferability are exemplified in the lives of soldiers of -fortune in general: never better, perhaps, than in the wild and -dangerous career of Alexander Gardner, colonel of artillery in the -service of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, whose Memoirs have been recently -edited by Major Hugh Pearse. Is it the fighting instinct, hereditary -heroism, or military discipline that makes the soldier? Is it the -cause that inspires him, or is it only devotion to his immediate -leader? Explain it how we may, the British Legion both in Portugal and -in Spain maintained the character of their race for pluck and tenacity -as well as if they had been fighting for their own king and country. -And this is rendered still more remarkable when the promiscuous -manner of their muster is considered. Clandestine engagements in the -slums of Soho, under the guise of labour or emigrant contracts, in -evasion of the Foreign Enlistment Acts; surreptitious journeys, as -"hop-pickers," to Gravesend; secret embarkations under cover of night; -and the disciplining of a mob composed of the dregs of the streets, -afford subject of some graphic and humorous descriptions on the part -of the officers concerned in raising the squad and licking them into -shape. It must have required a very sanguine faith in the radical -qualities of the stock for any officer of repute to consent to "march -through Coventry" with such a herd of scalliwags. - -The officer who seems to have had a principal share in collecting -these raw levies, and distinguished himself in both campaigns in the -Peninsula, in which he bore a leading part, has left us some racy -descriptions of the force and its experiences in the field. Sir -Charles Shaw was himself a typical soldier by nature and by practice. -Circumstances alone would determine whether it should be as a soldier -of fortune, a patriot defending hearths and homes, or as an Ishmaelite -adventurer, that his sword would be unsheathed. The sporting and -adventurous instinct scents danger afar, like the war-horse in the -book of Job which laughs at the spears. The manner in which he came to -embrace the profession of arms was itself so characteristic as to -deserve mention. - -As a youth he was passionately devoted to sport, and when that -momentous question the choice of a profession came up for -consideration, sport decided it in favour of law, for the somewhat -original reason that the young gentleman had observed that lawyers -seemed to enjoy the longest holidays! He had begun his studies, and -was on his way to St Andrews to enter on a new course when an incident -occurred which diverted the current of his thoughts. He met a batch of -French prisoners of war being removed from one garrison to another, -whose misery affected him so much that he was instantly seized with -the idea of becoming a soldier. The particular form in which the -inspiration took him was that he put himself in the position of one of -these prisoners and imagined himself the hero of his own and his -comrades' deliverance. - -His studies at St Andrews, perturbed by the new passion, made -indifferent progress. The historic golf-links afforded some relief, -acting as a kind of neutral soothing medium between antagonistic -aspirations. But the final solution of his troubles came from a famous -piece of water which is there, called the Witches' Pond. The virtue of -this water was great in the barbaric age when the curse of witchcraft -lay heavy on the land. The suspected person was thrown into the water. -If she floated, her guilt was proven and she was incontinently burned; -if she sank, it proved the high specific gravity of flesh and bone. -Happy thought! The young man would subject his life's destiny to this -convenient ordeal. He would jump into the pond, and either sink as a -lawyer or emerge as a soldier! - -After this original form of baptism, initiation into the mysteries -soon followed, and the young soldier saw much active service during -the Napoleonic wars in the Peninsula and in the Low Countries. He -missed Waterloo through being on other duty, and in the piping times -of peace which followed that decisive battle an idyllic life at -Richmond seemed to bound the horizon of his unsatisfied ambition for -some fifteen years. From a totally unexpected quarter the call to arms -reached him in his retreat, and suddenly roused all his sleeping -energies. The offer of a commission in the service of the young Queen -of Portugal met with an eager response, and Shaw entered heart and -soul into the service of Donna Maria. - -As well as being an active soldier, Major Shaw was a lively -correspondent, and it is from his letters to his family that we get -the most brilliant flash-lights on the incidents of his military -career generally, and more particularly on that exciting portion of it -which most concerns the subject of these volumes. These letters were -edited and published by himself at the close of the operations in -Spain. - -Colonel Hodges, who commanded the foreign brigade in Portugal, and -seems to have left the queen's service in a huff, also published a -narrative of the campaign, of which, however, the historical value is -not enhanced by its apologetic and explanatory motive. - -From the contemporary notes of these two officers we get generous and -emphatic testimony to the manner in which Mr Alcock acquitted himself -under the ordeal of severe military service. Indeed his comrades and -commanding officers, first in Portugal and afterwards in Spain, seem -to have vied with each other in spontaneous eulogy of the conduct of -the young surgeon, none of them more flattering than General De Lacy -Evans, who commanded in Spain. It is the record of a hero and a -philanthropist, of high military ardour subordinated to still higher -duty both to the cause he was serving and to the comrades whose lives -were under his care. The valour of a non-combatant makes no less a -demand on the virile stamina than the valour of the soldier,--oftentimes -indeed more, since he lacks the stimulus of active conflict and -confronts danger passive and unarmed. A few extracts from these really -remarkable testimonials may still be read with pleasure after the -lapse of sixty years. - -Shaw writes to his family:-- - - A peasant led the way (they wear no shoes and their feet - are like hands). I took off my shoes, and after getting - down about fifty yards, I looked up and saw a favourite - soldier of mine close above me, and an intimate friend of - Ramus, the assistant-surgeon Alcock (a nice young fellow), - following. I ordered the soldier to halt; but his answer - of, "I'll follow your honour to death, captain," made me - silent. I tried military authority with young Alcock, as I - saw he was much excited; but no, his professional services - were, he thought, required, and follow he would. Every - moment expecting he would roll down, I clasped my toes and - fingers close to the precipice, that he might fall without - sweeping me with him: such is selfish nature! Two or three - times I determined to return, but the soldier's speech - forced me on. We reached the bottom in about half an hour, - and, believe me, I returned thanks. - - I proceeded along the rocky beach, and there found poor - Ramus lying on a rock, in a sleeping position, with all his - clothes torn, and a dreadful gash in his head; his body all - broken; but with an expression of countenance indicating he - had suffered no pain. I was astonished to see him without - his shoes; but in ascending a sharp rock I found them, with - the marks where his heels had caught as he tumbled - backwards head foremost. Finding that our descent had been - useless, I told those who had come down that I would not - allow them to risk their lives in ascending, and sent off - a peasant to get a boat; but he failed both in this and in - getting ropes to pull us up. Self again stepped in, and as - senior I led the way--one great reason being that no one - could tumble back on me! I reached the top--hands torn and - feet bruised; and to my joy young Alcock made his - appearance, but so faint that I was obliged to supply him - liberally with my brandy. - - The duty which now had to be performed by the medical men - was of the most arduous character. The surgeon of the - British battalion, Souper, carried away by the military - spirit instilled into him by being an actor in the "Three - Days of July," resigned his commission as surgeon, and on - this day commenced and finished his military career, being - killed at Hodges' side while carrying orders to the French - battalion. His place was filled up by Mr Rutherford Alcock, - who had the same love for "fire," but for a different - object--that of being close at hand to give prompt - assistance to any one who was wounded. Although young, - Alcock was old in knowledge and experience: he was highly - respected by all who knew him, and beloved by those who - entered into action, as they felt assured that he thought - not of his own safety when his services could be of benefit - to them. In the most exposed situations I saw him this day, - dressing officers and men with the same coolness as if he - were in a London hospital; and I cannot refrain from - expressing envy at the gratified feeling he must ever - possess when he thinks of the number of human beings he has - saved by his knowledge, experience, bravery, and activity, - both at Oporto, Vittoria, and St Sebastian. But his trials - after the fight of the 29th of September were great. - - Owing to the fights of Pennafiel, Ponte Fereira, and the - different affairs on the Lugar das Antas, the wards - allotted to the British in the general hospitals were full; - therefore, one may form some idea of the misery of the - British when scattered among the different hospitals, - speaking a language which was not understood. Measures were - taken by Hodges and Alcock to gather the wounded foreigners - together, but the Minister of War threw every impediment in - the way of this; almost making one suspect, that now that - the soldier had done his work and was useless, the sooner - he died the better. - - Truth compels me to state a fact I should wish to avoid, - but it is right that those who are to be soldiers should - know the value that is sometimes put upon their services. - The words were made use of by Dom Pedro, but from what I - have seen of him, I think others must have at the moment - prompted him. The medical man was mentioning that it would - be necessary to amputate the legs and arms of some of the - British. "No, no," said Dom Pedro, "you British are fond of - amputations, because your men are to have pensions, and - that is expensive." - - No application from myself as commanding the battalion; - from Alcock, as senior medical officer; nor from Hodges, as - the representative of the foreigners, had any effect on - Augustinho Jose Freire: thus the poor fellows, crowded - together, without beds, without nurses, without clothes, - and even without medicines, died in numbers. - -The references to Alcock's services are so frequent in these letters, -so unconventional and spontaneous, as to prove the deep and lasting -impression the young surgeon had made on his companions in arms. "I am -glad for all your sakes to tell you that my wounds have healed in an -extraordinary manner.... I consider myself greatly indebted to Alcock -both for his skill and attention." And at the close of the Portuguese -campaign: "I wonder if Alcock knows that he has got the decoration of -the Tower and Sword? No man in the service deserves it more, both for -bravery and kindness to the wounded." "The scarcity of medicines was -dreadful; but with the active and willing assistance of Alcock, and -the Portuguese medical gentlemen, it is quite wonderful what has been -accomplished." - -The bad condition of the hospitals at Oporto is the burden of many -references in both Shaw's letters and Hodges' more formal narrative; -and as the only records of the campaign from Alcock's own pen happen -to be in official documents connected with the medical service, we -give _in extenso_ one of his despatches, showing in an inexperienced -boy of twenty-three a maturity of judgment and a broad grasp of duty, -with, what is perhaps more important, a mastery of work, that would -not discredit a veteran. - - OPORTO, _Sept. 20, 1832_. - - SIR,--The danger to which the patients were found to be - exposed by the fire of the enemy caused their removal to a - place of greater safety, where they might at least have - nothing to fear from the enemy's shells. This change in the - arrangements, however, has been in other respects extremely - disadvantageous to the sick and wounded men. They are now - crowded from the higher parts of the building into the - corridors and ground-floors--a situation well known to be - unfavourable to the recovery of sick men, from the air - being so much less pure. Our own men, including the English - sailors, have been placed in one ward, which, though of - tolerably large dimensions, is very far from affording the - necessary space and quantum of air required for forty-eight - or fifty patients, which for some time has been the - average--an average which we may rather expect to see - increased than diminished during the approaching wet - season. Moreover, from peculiar localities, it is quite - impossible efficiently to ventilate the room, or to ensure - a free circulation of air, which is as essential as any - other means employed for the recovery of health. - - It is under these circumstances that I feel not only - authorised, but bound in duty, to draw your attention to - the subject; assured that in any measures proposed for the - benefit or wellbeing of the men under your command it is - only necessary to show they are really required to meet - your cordial support. Many difficulties, and many - disadvantageous arrangements, have always attended the - treatment of the patients in the present establishment; but - these last compulsory changes, when added to the former - state, place my patients in too dangerous a position to - allow me to be silent or inactive. Situated as we are, I - cannot promise the speedy recovery of any of the gunshot - wounds, nor indeed of the sick generally, and their - liability to any of the epidemics unfortunately so common - in crowded hospitals renders me exceedingly anxious to - have some steps taken to place them in a more favourable - position. - - The means I have to submit for your consideration and - approval are, I believe and hope, extremely feasible. I - desire to have some large dwelling-house appropriated for - the reception of all English and French sick and wounded, - by which means the General Hospital would be relieved of - nearly a hundred patients, and of those, moreover, who, - from the difference of language, are a fruitful and - constant source of trouble and inconvenience--nay, more, of - irregularity as prejudicial to the patients as it is - discreditable to a military establishment of such - importance. Many houses well adapted for this purpose might - easily be mentioned, already at the disposal of the - Government by the flight of the owners. One I could point - out at this moment which, from a superficial inspection, I - believe might be advantageously appropriated--a corner - house in the Praca de St Ildefonso, adjoining the church. - - The advantages which would accrue from this arrangement - cannot for a moment be counterbalanced by the trouble or - difficulty of first organising the separate establishment. - The patients could then be classed and placed in different - rooms, and not, as now, promiscuously crowded - together--surgical and medical, fevers and amputations; by - which arrangement their liability to any epidemic would be - exceedingly diminished, while the patients would be more - immediately under the eye and control of the medical - attendants. Both surgeon and patient would thus be placed - under more favourable circumstances, and the general - service much facilitated by the removal of foreign troops - from an establishment entirely Portuguese. - - In glancing at the advantages, I should omit one of very - great importance if I did not submit to you the facility it - would afford for the good treatment of wounded and sick - officers. Instead of being attended at their own quarters, - often just within the first line, to their own great risk - and the inconvenience of the surgeon, they would be removed - to a place of safety, and where, moreover, from being - entirely under medical command, their rank would procure - them none of those injurious indulgences in the way of - diet, &c., which even the wisest of us are apt to risk the - enjoyment of when in our power. They might easily enjoy - every necessary comfort, while they would be carefully - guarded from all imprudent excess. - - The chief difficulties I foresee, and which I have no doubt - will immediately present themselves to your mind, appear to - me very far from insurmountable. I require the assistance - of no Portuguese officer whatever, except a commissary or - purveyor, on whom I can _fully depend_, for the due and - regular supply of fuel, meat, wine, fowls, and such other - articles as are required for the good treatment of the - patients, and which are daily supplied to the General - Hospital. This is of the greatest importance, as any - irregularity in this branch of the service would not only - cripple my efforts, but be of serious injury to all under - my care. In addition to this I should require one - Portuguese domestic to every fifteen cases, for the purpose - of cooking, washing the linen, keeping the wards clean, and - such other menial duties as are independent of those - appertaining to the orderlies. The expense of a separate - establishment ought to be, and would be, of the most - trifling kind. The same beds, trussels, and utensils, now - exclusively appropriated to us, would be equally - serviceable in any other hospital. Two or three boilers, - and a few cooking utensils, with a slipper bath, are really - the chief and most expensive things required. I may safely - leave it to you, sir, to decide if this can cause any - grievous outlay. - - Should it be any convenience, or be deemed by you, sir, - advantageous to the service, to the English and French - might be added the wounded Portuguese soldiers of your - brigade. I have little more to add, but should you require - further detail, I beg to refer to a letter addressed to - Major Shaw on this subject. I am fully conscious and aware - of the labour I am entailing on myself, and that which is - still more irksome, the heavy responsibility, but I have a - duty to perform. I neither court the labour nor desire the - responsibility; but if they come as a consequence of my - efforts to do that duty I can look steadfastly on them, and - I trust I have energy and perseverance enough to do all - that depends upon me in spite of them. My most ardent wish - is to prove myself worthy of the confidence you have - honoured me with, and the trust conferred upon me.--I have - the honour to be, sir, your obedient humble servant, - - RUTHERFORD ALCOCK. - - To Colonel HODGES, - commanding Foreign Brigade, &c., &c. - -As the campaign in defence of the Queen of Portugal closed, that in -defence of the Queen Christina of Spain opened, and their rough -experiences in the former did not deter either Colonel Shaw or Surgeon -Alcock from accepting service in the Spanish Legion organised and -commanded by De Lacy Evans. "On my arrival in London," writes Shaw in -1836, "you may suppose how delighted I was to find my friend Alcock at -the head of the medical department, as his experiences in difficulties -made him decidedly the most proper man." As it is no part of our plan -to trace the operations, we give one characteristic letter from -Colonel Shaw. It is dated San Sebastian, 2 o'clock, May 6, 1836:-- - - MY DEAR MOTHER.--The steamer is detained, so I write to you - once more. I and my brigade are so fatigued and cut up that - we have been allowed to return here for the night. We had a - terrible morning's work of it, the brigade having lost, in - killed and wounded, about 400 men and 27 officers; others - not so much. How I escaped I know not; kind Providence was - my protector. My watch is smashed, the ball having cut - through cloak, coat, trousers, drawers, and shirt, and only - bruised me. A spent ball hit me on the chest, and my gaiter - was cut across by another. We had dreadful lines to force: - very steep, vomiting fire; and the clay up to our ankles - made us so slow that they picked as they chose. The enemy - not only behaved well behind their lines, but charged out, - and twice or thrice put us for a moment in confusion. - Alcock is slightly wounded. - -And as an agreeable pendant to the severe strictures on the state of -the Portuguese hospitals, the following may fitly close our extracts -from these racy records of arduous military adventure:-- - - BAYONNE, _September, 1836_. - - When you land, introduce yourself to my friend Alcock, and - beg him to take you through the hospitals. You will, or I - am greatly mistaken, be agreeably surprised by the - prevailing cleanliness and regularity, as also the care and - attendance bestowed on the sick and wounded. Alcock has had - a most difficult card to play. He knows well that there are - many disabled poor fellows who, if they were in the British - service, would be sent to England, certain of receiving - their pensions; but he is also aware that a poor fellow - sent to England from the service of Queen Christina, - instead of receiving his pension, is generally left to - starve. It is therefore from a praiseworthy charity that he - keeps many in hospital, under his own eye, in order that - they may in this manner get as much as will keep body and - soul together. - -Mr Alcock retired from military service in 1837 with the rank of -Deputy-Inspector of Hospitals, having received the Order of the Tower -and Sword together with the war medal of the three years' service in -Portugal, and the Cross of the Order of Charles III. and Commander's -Cross of Isabella the Catholic, with medals for the two principal -actions against the Carlists. - -The six years of Peninsular experiences he declared to have been "the -most stirring and attractive of his life," and in some portions of -that period he had "more complete personal gratification and material -happiness than could be safely anticipated in the future." He was now -to have six years of quite a different experience, which led up to the -turning-point in his life. - - -III. ENGLAND, 1838-1844. - - Returns to England, 1838 -- Alcock resumes professional - work -- Prize essays and publications -- Sir James Paget's - testimonial -- A Commissioner for adjusting Peninsular - claims -- Appointed Inspector of Anatomy, 1842 -- - Imperfections of the Anatomy Act -- Marriage to Miss Bacon, - 1841 -- His enforced abandonment of a surgical career. - -On his return to England in 1838 Alcock at once resumed the work of -his profession. In that year he published in a small 8vo volume 'Notes -on the Medical History and Statistics of the British Legion of Spain'; -and in 1839, and again in 1841, he carried off the Jacksonian prizes -of the Royal College of Surgeons awarded for the best essays on -subjects selected by the Council. The first of these was "On -Concussion or Commotion of the Brain"; the second, "On Injuries of the -Thorax and Operations on its Parietes"; and naturally the value of the -papers lay in the extent to which the author was able to draw on his -own observation and experience of gunshot wounds during his seven -years of Peninsular service. - -Of these contributions to medical literature Sir James Paget remarks -that "they may make one regret that he was ever induced to give up the -study of surgery. For they show an immense power of accurately -observing and recording facts, and of testing his own and others' -opinions by the help of all the knowledge of the facts possessed by -others at that time.... I doubt whether in the first half of this -century better essays on gunshot wounds of the head and of the thorax -had been written." - -And the small volume dealing with hospital experiences in Spain has -drawn from the same eminent authority the comment that "it tells in a -most graphic and clear manner the difficulties which, sixty years ago, -beset the practice of surgery and the care of troops during war. These -difficulties may have been greater at that time in Spain than in any -other country in Western Europe, and may be thought now impossible, -but they may be read with great interest, and one cannot doubt that -Sir Rutherford Alcock's true account of them helped to remedy them, -... contributed to the improvement of the medical department of the -army in this country." - -Mr Alcock joined the Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society in 1839, -and was appointed Lecturer in Surgery at Sydenham College, where he -delivered a series of lectures on complicated injuries, amputations, -&c. - -His professional labours were soon diversified by an employment which -could scarcely have been consistent with a large practice, though in -the beginning of his surgical career it might not seem to involve much -sacrifice except of time. But it was arduous, onerous, and absolutely -gratuitous. Great trouble had arisen between the Spanish Government -and the Foreign Legion in regard to pay. No settlement could be -obtained, and eventually a commission was appointed to examine and -adjudicate the numerous claims, to which commission Mr Alcock was -appointed by express and unanimous request of the general and the -field officers of the corps. His qualifications for such an office -were quite exceptional, for to first-rate business capacity, which had -been shown in the campaign, he added a knowledge of the language and -the country which was not common, and a character which commanded -universal confidence. His work on this commission extended over two -years, and was brought to a satisfactory termination in 1839. - -No sooner were the labours of the Spanish commission concluded than Mr -Alcock was, in 1840, appointed by the Foreign Office to a similar duty -in an Anglo-Portuguese commission constituted by the two Governments -to adjust the claims of British subjects who had served in the -Miguelite war of 1832-35. The work of that commission also was -satisfactorily accomplished in 1844, and, as in the Spanish -commission, Mr Alcock's labours were given without remuneration, in -order, as he said, that his judgment might be unbiassed.[2] - -During the course of the Spanish commission Mr Alcock was, in 1842, -appointed, on the strong recommendation of Sir Benjamin Brodie, to a -post under the Home Office, that of Inspector of Anatomy. It would be -distasteful and of no utility to rake up the circumstances which set -on foot an agitation culminating in the passing of an Act of -Parliament in 1832 known as "The Anatomy Act." Like many other Acts of -legislature in this country, it was a compromise by which difficulties -were sought to be evaded by cunningly devised phrases whereby the -thing that was meant was so disguised as to appear to be something -else. "The Act failed in two most important points; it failed in -honesty, and was wanting in the extent of the powers conferred." In -short, after ten years' trial the Act was becoming unworkable, and a -reform in its administration was imperatively demanded. It was at -that critical moment that Mr Alcock was nominated as one of the two -inspectors under the Act, and he entered on his duties with his -well-proved practical energy. Before the end of the first year a long -and interesting report was sent in by the inspectors, and we may judge -by the sample of the Hospital Report in Oporto how thoroughly they -exposed the difficulties and how practically they proposed to overcome -them. A second report followed in 1843. But Government is a lumbering -machine, always waiting for some stronger compulsion than a mere -demonstration of what ought to be; and we are not surprised, -therefore, to find fifteen years later, and fourteen after his -connection with the Home Department had ceased, Mr Alcock still -writing the most lucid and matter-of-fact memoranda on the conditions -under which competent inspectors might be induced "to work a very -imperfect Act of Parliament." - -It was during the period under review that the most interesting -episode in a young man's life occurred. On the 17th of May 1841, when -he had just completed his thirty-second year, he was married to Miss -Bacon, daughter of the sculptor of that name. The ceremony took place -at St Margaret's, Westminster, Dean Milman, then a Canon of -Westminster, officiating. His domestic bliss was unruffled, the couple -being profoundly congenial. - -But now "a change came o'er the spirit of his dream." The career which -opened before the young surgeon was full of promise. So far as the -personal factor was concerned, no man could have started with a -better equipment. There were efficiency, thoroughness, enthusiasm, -courage, and common-sense; there were, as we have seen in the student -days, manual dexterity and exactness and artistic power of no -contemptible order; there was, in short, every attribute of an -accomplished surgeon, who must in the course of nature rise to -eminence. A chair of military surgery was ready for him at King's -College, and an assistant-surgeonship at Westminster Hospital. All -that, however, had to be sacrificed and a new departure taken, in -consequence of an illness which left its mark in the form of paralysis -of hands and arms, and thus put an end to "all dreams of surgical -practice." - -This malady was a legacy from the Peninsula. Like Caesar, "he had a -fever when he was in Spain," a rheumatic fever of a particularly -severe type contracted at the siege of San Sebastian. This entailed -indescribable pain and misery during many months, and, in spite of -partial recoveries, seems to have left its after-effects seven years -later in what he calls the "mysterious" affection in his hands. It was -indeed considered remarkable that he should have survived an attack of -so formidable a character. He never recovered the use of his thumbs, -which marred the legibility of his writing to the end of his life. - -His professional career being thus rudely closed, it might well have -appeared to a man of thirty-five that his life was shipwrecked ere the -voyage was well begun. It would have been in accord with the -short-sighted judgment which men usually form of their own fortunes. -But - - "There's a divinity that shapes our ends, - Rough-hew them how we will;"-- - -and Alcock learned, what many before and since have learned, that -prosperity and adversity oft visit men in disguise, and are liable to -be mistaken the one for the other. Providence employs for its -favourites an alchemy whereby the very ashes of their misery may be -transmuted into pure gold; and what looks like disaster is but the -rending of the veil which concealed a world of richer promise than -that which they abandon with regret. - - [Illustration] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] He dropped the "John" so early in life that he was never known by -it. - -[2] The only valuable consideration he received for these labours was -bestowed some years later, when his entry into the service of the -Foreign Office was ante-dated to 1840, so as to include the period of -the Peninsular commissions. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -SENT TO CHINA. - - Importance of appointment -- New position created by Treaty - of Nanking -- Exceptional responsibility of the new consuls - -- The evolution and scope of foreign intercourse -- - Pioneer traders -- Mutual experiences of Chinese and - foreigners -- Results -- English inheritors of the record - -- An intolerable state of things -- Drastic remedy -- - Where it failed -- Chasm between Eastern and Western ideas - -- Commerce alone supplied a safe medium of intercourse -- - Its healing qualities -- But social and political - concomitants created friction -- Arbitrary interferences of - Chinese Government -- Their traditional mode of treating - barbarians -- Denial of human rights -- Absence of law in - their intercourse -- Spasmodic resistance to Chinese - tyranny aggravated the evils -- East India Company - submitted for the sake of gain -- Close of the Company's - charter -- Followed by endeavour of British Government to - establish official intercourse -- Determined resistance of - Chinese -- Lord Napier, first British envoy, not received - -- Loaded with insults -- Contradictory instructions given - by British Government -- To conciliate Chinese as in days - of Company, and at same time to open diplomatic relations - -- Lord Napier's appeal to experience -- His death at Macao - -- Captain Ellis, a third envoy, reverts to the policy of - submission -- Has no success. - - -When thus thrown upon his beam-ends in 1844, an appointment was -conferred on Mr Alcock which was not only honourable to him but -creditable to the Government which selected him. He was among the five -chosen to fill the office of consul in China under the treaty of -Nanking, which had been concluded in 1842. And if any event in human -life be deserving of such distinction, the opening thus provided for -the talents of Mr Alcock is on many grounds entitled to rank as -providential. To the end of his days he himself recognised that his -previous training had not been thrown away, but "had been -unconsciously preparing him for the great work of his life." The -Minister responsible for the appointment may be excused if, while -selecting a man of proved capacity for a post of unknown requirements, -he did not realise the full value of the service he was rendering to -his country. Governments are not always so perspicacious in gauging -the merits of the uncovenanted, and other nominations made under -circumstances not dissimilar have shown how easily the efficiency of -the candidate may be subordinated to considerations extraneous to the -public weal. - -The China consulates were a new creation, a venture into the unknown, -a voyage without landmarks or chart, where success depended on the -personal qualities of the pioneer navigators--their judgment, -resourcefulness, and faculty of initiative. Great issues hung upon the -opening of the new world of the Far East, the success of which was -largely in the hands of the agents who were employed, for they were -practically beyond the reach of instructions. There was no telegraph, -and the so-called Overland Route to India was just beginning to be -exploited for the conveyance of mails and passengers. Nor was it -possible for even the wisest Government to frame general instructions -providing for eventualities out of the range of common experience. The -conditions of service were therefore such as to constitute an ordeal -under which a bureaucratic official would shrivel into uselessness or -worse, while to a strong man they were a powerful stimulant, the very -breath of life. - -It was therefore a matter of serious consequence who should be -intrusted with the actual inauguration of the new relations with -China; and in the course of the present narrative it will probably -appear that it was a happy accident by which the country lost one -distinguished surgeon among many and gained in exchange a political -representative whose services must be considered unique. - - -FOREIGN RELATIONS WITH CHINA. - -To understand fully the state of our relations with China created by -the treaty of Nanking, the whole history not only of our own -commercial intercourse, but of that of the nations who were our -forerunners in the Far East, would have to be kept in mind. For much -as we tried and hoped then, and ever since, to confine the -international question to a few bald propositions respecting trade, -personal protection, and so forth, it is impossible to eliminate the -historical, the human, and the general political elements from the -problem. For both good and evil we are the necessary outcome of our -own antecedents, as are the Chinese of theirs, and if we had acquired -a stock of experience of the Chinese, no less had they of us; indeed, -if we fairly consider the matter, theirs was the more comprehensive. -For to the Chinese we represented not ourselves alone, nor the East -India Company, nor a generation or two of timid traders, but -Christendom as a whole--our Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch -precursors, the Romish propaganda, and all the abortive missions to -Peking. - -For three centuries and more what may be called the foreign education -of the Chinese had been proceeding: their habits were being formed in -so far as their dealings with strangers were concerned, and their -judgment was being trained by the authentic data with which they had -been plentifully supplied. European intercourse, in short, had been -one long lesson to the Chinese in the art of managing men from the -West. Without meaning it, we had been teaching them how to treat us, -just as we train animals to perform tricks; and the worst we can say -of the Chinese is that they have bettered the instruction, to their -loss perhaps as well as ours. - -In the chronicles of that long history there are many deeds worthy of -remembrance, as well as many of another hue, neither being confined to -one side. There were good and bad among the early adventurers, as -there are at all times in every other section of mankind. Of two -brothers, for example, connected with the very early times, the first -comer ingratiated himself with the Chinese, and left such a good -impression behind him that the second was received with open arms: -very soon, however, he abused the liberality of the natives, -committing outrages upon them, which led ultimately to his forcible -expulsion from the country and to restrictions on the outlets for -trade. Taking it as a whole, the record of the pioneers in China is -rather a despicable one, in which violence, cupidity, and cowardice -formed large ingredients. - -The English, as latest comers, being served heirs to the turpitudes -of all Europe, paid the penalty for the misdeeds and shortcomings of -their predecessors and their neighbours, as well as for their own. The -penalty was the intolerable degradation they had been made to endure, -with ever-increasing aggravation, at the only port where they were -permitted to trade--Canton. - -As there are forms of impurity which can only be cleansed by fire, so -there was no possible remedy for the miseries of Anglo-Chinese -intercourse short of open war. The hostilities begun in 1839, and -brought to a conclusion by the treaty of Nanking in 1842, were -naturally held as a drastic liquidation of long-standing grievances -and the harbinger of a new era of peace and mutual respect. Why even -the decisive and one-sided war should have proved an inadequate -solvent of the perennial strife may partly appear as our story -proceeds. - -The chasm between the Chinese and the Western world, as then -represented by Great Britain, was in fact much too deep to be bridged -over by any convention. Intercommunion between bodies so alien was as -the welding of heterogeneous metals, contact without fusion. From one -point of view, indeed, circumstances were highly favourable to a -sympathetic attachment, for there is no safer medium of intercourse -between nations than the commerce which blesses him that buys and him -that sells. It was the pursuit of commerce alone that drew men from -afar to the Asiatic coasts, and the reciprocal desire on the part of -the natives which opened for the strangers, be it ever so little, the -gates of the Chinese empire. The purely commercial relation left -little to be desired on the side of mutual goodwill. The impression -of it left on the mind of old residents in Canton is thus recorded by -Mr W. C. Hunter, an American merchant, who lived there from 1824: -"From the facility of all dealings with the Chinese who were assigned -to transact business with us, together with their proverbial honesty, -combined with a sense of perfect security to person and property, -scarcely a resident of any lengthened time--in short, any 'Old -Canton'--but finally left them with regret." - -Mr Hunter goes further and testifies to the "vigilant care over the -personal safety of strangers who came to live in the midst of a -population whose customs and prejudices were so opposed to everything -foreign." - -Why, then, was it that on the ground-level of common material -interest, and under the sunshine of the protection spontaneously -accorded by authority, the parties failed in two hundred years to -evolve between them a _modus vivendi_? The solution of this riddle can -only be found in a patient survey of events both before and after the -war. - -It would carry us far beyond our limits even to summarise the history -of foreign intercourse with China. Nor is such a task necessary, since -our concern lies mainly with those later developments which culminated -in the war of 1839-42, a glance at which seems essential to any fair -appreciation of the sequel. - -That there was no material cause of difference between the Chinese -Government and people on the one hand and the foreign traders and -their representatives on the other was made manifest by the -persistence and continuous growth of their mutual commerce. And their -common appreciation of the advantages of the trade is shown by the -readiness of each in turn to resort to the threat of stopping -business as a means of pressure on the other side. It is not therefore -the substance, but the accidents and conditions, of the intercourse -that generated the friction which led through outrage to reprisals; -and the two conditions most fruitful in conflict were the necessary -absence of law and the inevitable incomprehension of each others -status. - -Left to themselves, the traders on either side, though without law, -would have been a law to themselves, both parties having been -habituated to a discipline of custom more potent within its sphere -than any code, commercial or penal. But as no problem in life can ever -be isolated, so in this case the twofold interference of the State and -the populace constantly obstructed the genial flow of commercial -intercourse. - -The interference of the Chinese bore no resemblance to the -restrictions imposed on trade by Western Governments, for these, even -when most oppressive, are usually specific and calculable. There is a -tariff of duties, there are harbour and police regulations, and there -are the laws of the land. The peculiarity of the Chinese official -supervision of foreign trade was that it was incalculable and -arbitrary, governed by cupidities and jealousies, and subject to -individual caprice. Having barbarians to deal with, the Chinese -authorities followed the maxims of their ancient kings and "ruled them -by misrule, which is the true and the only way of ruling them." And -finding the barbarians submissive, they grew accustomed to practise on -them such indignities as a wanton schoolboy might inflict on a captive -animal, unrestrained by any consideration save the risk of -retaliation. The Chinese had no conscience to be shocked by the -persecution of foreigners, for in relation to them justice and -injustice were meaningless terms. Such arrogance was not so much the -result of any formulated belief as of a traditional feeling lying at -the bottom of their moral conceptions; and just as the Chinese people -to-day speak of foreigners, without consciousness of offence, as -"devils," so did the best educated officials in the days before the -war sincerely regard strangers as an inferior, if not a degraded, -race. As late as 1870 a British representative writing to the Chinese -Prime Minister complained that "the educated class, both by speech and -writing, lets the people see that it regards the foreigner as a -barbarian, a devil, or a brute." And there has been no change since -except what is enforced by prudence. To the absence of law in their -intercourse was therefore superadded a special negation of human -rights, naturally accompanied by an overbearing demeanour on the side -of the natives. The strangers were in effect outlawed. The attempts -made from time to time to assert their independence resembled the -spasmodic kicking of the ox against the goad which led rather to -aggravation than amelioration of the pain. The prevailing tone was -that of submission, inviting more and more aggression, until the cup -overflowed and war ensued. - -If we ask how it could happen that Britons of any class came to submit -to such ignominy, the only answer forthcoming is that they did it for -the sake of gain. And if, further, we try to press home the -responsibility to any particular quarter, there is very little doubt -that the principal blame must be laid at the door of the East India -Company, which ruled and monopolised the English trade with China -until the expiration of their charter in 1834. The Board of Directors -in Leadenhall Street demanded remittances, and cared nothing for the -indignities which their distant agents might be forced to undergo in -order to supply these demands. "The interests at stake were too -valuable to be put at issue upon considerations of a personal nature, -... and the Court leave the vindication of the national honour to the -Crown." Such was their unchanging attitude. The agents on their side, -balancing the pros and cons, concluded that at any cost they must -retain the favour of the omnipotent Board. By this course of procedure -the prestige which would have protected British subjects from outrage -was bartered away; the Chinese were induced by the subservience of the -Company's officers to practise constantly increasing insolence, and -small blame to them. The demeanour of the Company's representatives -was that of men carrying out instructions against their better -judgment. Occasionally, indeed, their judgment got the better of their -instructions, and they would attempt to make a stand for their rights. -A case occurred in 1831 when new restrictions on the export of silver -were imposed by the Chinese authorities. Mr H. H. Lindsay, head of the -Company's committee, resented the proceeding, and threatened to stop -the trade. In the event, however, the committee gave way, and in token -of surrender delivered the keys of their factory to a Chinese -mandarin. - -The process which had been consecrated by time naturally did not stop -when the principal cause of it was removed. It continued uninterrupted -after the monopoly of the Company had ceased. Indeed the case became -much aggravated when the British agents, beginning with Lord Napier, -became representatives of the Crown instead of the Company. And so -little was the position understood by the authorities in Great Britain -that, yielding to considerations of convenience, they appointed some -of the very men whom the Chinese had been long accustomed to treat -with contumely to be the representatives of the King. But the Chinese -had a true presentiment of the nature of the changes which this new -departure threatened. They had learned from Captain Weddell, Commodore -Anson, and others what were the pretensions of the commander of a -Kings ship; and then justly inferred that a King's representative -would stand on a wholly different footing from a Company's -superintendent. They resolved, therefore, to nip in the bud every -effort to open international relations, employing to that end all the -weapons which were familiar to them. The viceroy of Canton not only -declined communication with the British envoy, but imprisoned him and -intercepted his letters, so that a naval force was required to release -him from captivity. Yet it was not malevolence but policy that guided -the hand of the Chinese authorities--the settled policy of keeping -foreigners at arm's-length at all costs. - -The rule of conduct enjoined by the British Government on the first -representatives of the Crown in China was emphatically conciliation, -as in the time of the East India Company and its superintendents. They -were to "cautiously abstain from all unnecessary use of menacing -language, or from making any appeal for protection to our military or -naval force (except in extreme cases), or to do anything to irritate -the feelings or revolt the opinions or prejudices of the Chinese -people." That article of the "Sign-manual Instructions to the -Superintendents of Trade in China" was faithfully carried out; while -the one ordering the envoy to "take up your residence at the port of -Canton" could not be obeyed because the Chinese provincial authorities -placed their veto on it. The conciliatory demeanour of the British -representative was met by the refusal, accompanied by the grossest -insults, of the Chinese to receive or acknowledge him. And not by -insults only, such as perverting the phonetic rendering of his name by -the substitution of characters bearing odious meanings, and by various -indignities offered to his person, but by interference with his -domestic servants, and even cutting off his food-supply, did they -coerce him into abandoning his post at Canton. Their conduct evoked -the opinion from Lord Napier, in reporting the incidents to his -Government, that "the viceroy of Canton was guilty of an outrage on -the British Crown calling for redress," which drew from the Duke of -Wellington (February 2, 1835) the chilling comment that "it is not by -force and violence that his Majesty intends to establish a commercial -intercourse between his subjects and China, but by the other -conciliatory measures so strongly inculcated in all the instructions -which you have received." Lord Napier's despatches prove that he -understood the situation perfectly. "What advantage or what point did -we ever gain," he wrote, "by negotiating or humbling ourselves before -these people, or rather before their Government? The records show -nothing but subsequent humiliation and disgrace. What advantage or -what point, again, have we ever lost that was just and reasonable, by -acting with promptitude and vigour? The records again assure us that -such measures have been attended with complete success." And he -recommended his Government "to consult immediately on the best plan to -be adopted for commanding a commercial treaty, or a treaty which shall -secure the just rights and embrace the interests, public and private, -of all Europeans,--not of British alone, but of all civilised people -coming to trade according to the principles of international law." - -Driven to death by Chinese official barbarities, and by the -discouragement of his own Government, Lord Napier was succeeded first -by one then by another of the East India Company's old staff, who -could only maintain themselves by sinking their character as British -national envoys and submitting to the indignities which the Chinese -more than ever delighted in imposing on them, increasing in virulence -in proportion as the resistance to them grew weaker. - -The line of policy inculcated upon Lord Napier was, in fact, -scrupulously followed after his death, notably by Captain Charles -Elliot, the third in succession, who received the King's commission in -1836. That officer indeed went far beyond his instructions in his -efforts to conciliate the Chinese; for though repeatedly ordered by -Lord Palmerston to communicate with the authorities direct, and not -through the Hong merchants;[3] and not to head his communications with -the word "petition"; and notwithstanding his own reiterated opinion in -the same sense, Captain Elliot entirely yielded to the Chinese -pretensions. He communicated through the Hong merchants, and -explicitly received the "commands" of the authorities with -"reverence." As was natural, the more he conceded the more was exacted -from him, until conciliation reached the point of exhaustion and there -was nothing left to give up. Matters had nearly reached this stage -when the British envoy could thus address the Governor of Canton -(through the Hong merchants) in 1837: "The undersigned respectfully -assures his Excellency that it is at once his duty and his anxious -desire to conform in all things to the imperial pleasure." The result -of this extreme humility was that Captain Elliot was forced to strike -his flag at Canton and withdraw to the Portuguese settlement of Macao, -on the ground that he was unable to maintain intercourse with the -authorities on the conditions prescribed for him by her Majesty's -Government. - - [Illustration] - -FOOTNOTE: - -[3] These were a syndicate appointed by the Chinese Government to -conduct the foreign trade and be responsible to the Government for the -proceedings of the foreign merchants. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -ANTECEDENTS OF THE WAR. - - -I. THE OPIUM TRADE. - - Its increase caused alarm to Chinese Government by throwing - the balance of trade against China -- English manufacturers - deplored the same fact -- Drain of silver -- Government - opposition to the importation of opium -- Official - participation in the trade -- The reign of sham -- - Illustrated by Mr Hunter -- Captain Elliot volunteers to - prevent smuggling -- Rebuffed by Canton authorities -- The - principal patrons of the opium trade -- Imperial Government - and the opium traffic -- Proposals to legalise it -- The - Empress -- Commissioner Lin appointed to suppress trade -- - His uncompromising proceedings at Canton -- Imprisonment of - the foreign merchants, and of the British envoy -- - Surrender of opium by Captain Elliot. - -Commerce itself had also for some time been a source of disquietude, -and it is an interesting circumstance that it was the same feature of -it which caused anxiety to both sides. The balance of trade was -against China, which in the year 1838 had to provide bullion to the -amount of upwards of L2,000,000 sterling to pay for the excess of -imports over exports. English manufacturers deplored the fact that the -purchasing power of China was restricted by the paucity of her -commodities suitable for foreign markets, while the Chinese -authorities saw with genuine alarm a yearly drain of what they deemed -the life-blood of their national wealth; for not only was silver and -gold bullion exported in what to them were large amounts, but the -vessels which brought raw cotton and opium from India were frequently -ballasted for the return voyage with the copper coinage of the -country. Crude, arbitrary, and quite ineffectual devices were resorted -to by the Chinese for the arrest or mitigation of the leakage of the -precious metal. Opium, being the commodity which the people most -imperatively demanded, was always paid for in hard cash, while -ordinary merchandise might be bartered against Chinese produce. It is -not therefore difficult to understand how, without prejudice to moral -or political considerations, the article opium should have become so -conspicuous a factor in the agony which preceded the war. - -In characterising the relations then subsisting between the Chinese -and foreigners as lawless, it is not meant that China is a country -governed without law, although it is true that even in the purely -domestic administration of the State legality is systematically -travestied. But in connection with foreign relations, and almost as a -necessity of the case, every trace of legality was obliterated in -practice, and the merchants were constantly entangled in a labyrinth -of illusions and pitfalls. No regulation was, or was ever intended to -be, carried out as promulgated; it was generally something quite -different that was aimed at, and it is literally true that the law was -more honoured in the breach than in the observance. - -Many Chinese eagles swooped on the carcass of foreign trade; various -authorities competed for the spoil; and the constantly changing orders -were often merely stratagems by which one set of officials sought to -steal an advantage over another. The rules of the game were perfectly -understood, and the loftiest professions of public duty were the -invariable concomitant of the most corrupt practice. - -The two principal trade authorities in Canton were the viceroy of the -two provinces, and the _hoppo_, who held an independent commission -from Peking as superintendent of the customs. Smuggling was of course -systematic. Though there were severe dormant laws against it whereby -unwary individuals might on occasion be entrapped, yet the practice -was openly carried on in every department of traffic, its chief -patrons being the viceroy and the _hoppo_. The importation of opium -was officially prohibited, but no branch of trade was so effectually -protected. The depot ships lay in what was regarded as the outer -waters of China--that is, the archipelago in the estuary of the Canton -river. But the drug was brought to land in the viceroy's own boats and -to his profit. The traffic was conducted under a fluctuating -arrangement between the native merchants and the authorities, the -latter taking frequent occasion to pick quarrels with the former in -order to have a pretext for extortion. The fees levied upon the -opium-dealers were divided among the officials, but they could never -trust each other to deal fairly in the distribution of the takings. By -way of check on sharp practice a Chinese war-vessel was in the habit -of visiting the receiving ships, taking from them an account of their -deliveries, and at the same time making a small levy for the -commanders personal behoof, for which a formal receipt was granted. - -A new _hoppo_ came to Canton in 1837, and, as had been the custom -with his predecessors, he inaugurated his commission by issuing -drastic edicts, in concert with the viceroy, against the sale of -opium, even going through the form of arresting some of the dealers. -This demonstration, like all that had gone before, was merely intended -to cover a heavier exaction than had yet been levied. The dealers and -boatmen refused the terms, and by way of protest the latter burned -their boats. Whereupon the two high officers built boats of their own, -which, with the Government ones already employed in the business, -brought the whole of the opium to Canton. In this manner was the trade -resumed after a temporary stoppage caused by the strike of the dealers -and boat-owners against the extortions of the viceroy and _hoppo_. Nor -was there ever any secret in Peking respecting these proceedings. -Indeed the occasion of any high official travelling to the capital was -always marked by a great enhancement of the market price of opium, of -which the official or his retinue invariably carried a large quantity -for sale there. This circumstance was published in the trade circulars -printed in Canton, without the least concealment of the name of the -mandarin under whose protection the drug was transported. The _hoppo_ -was, and still is, an imperial _protege_, and it was, and is still, -perfectly understood that he divides the proceeds of his Canton -harvest with his patrons. It is for that purpose that he receives the -appointment. And this was a trade proscribed under extreme penalties -by imperial edict! It is needless to trace the network of elusion in -which the administrative ingenuity of Chinese officialdom was -exercised, and the specimen given above may be taken as typical of -the system. "Nevertheless, during the year 1838 very serious and -determined measures began to be adopted by the Chinese authorities, -directed generally against the trade in opium; and imperial edicts -threatened death as the punishment for both the dealers in and smokers -of the drug." - -It is hardly possible outside of China to realise the systematic -make-believe under which public affairs are carried on. - - Life and business in Canton, says Mr Hunter,[4] was a - conundrum as insoluble as the Sphinx; everything worked - smoothly by acting in direct opposition to what we were - told to do. Certainly we were told to "listen and obey," to - "tremble and not by obstinacy and irregularity to court the - wrath of the imperial will"! We were reminded from time to - time that we were "sojourning in the land on sufferance." - We were threatened and re-threatened with the "direst - penalties if we sold _foreign mud_ to the people; truly - forbearance could no longer be exercised." Yet we continued - to sell the drug as usual. Our receiving ships at Lintin - must no longer loiter at that anchorage, but "forthwith - either come into port or return to their respective - countries." The heart of the ruler of all within the _Four - Seas_ was indeed full of compassion and had been indulgent - to the barbarians. But now no more delay could be granted, - "cruisers would be sent to open their irresistible - broadsides" upon the foreign ships. Yet in spite of these - terrors the ships never budged. We were "forbidden to - wander about except three times a-month, and that not - without a linguist," but we walked whenever we pleased, and - the linguist is the last person we ever saw. - -And so on through a long catalogue of prohibitions to the disregard of -which the officials themselves were always parties. - -We get an exact description also of the mode in which the opium trade -was carried on from the pen of Mr Hunter, himself an actor as well as -an eyewitness. It furnishes a perfect illustration of the reign of -sham which prevails generally in China:-- - - We anchored on the inside of the island of Namoa close by - two English brigs, the Omega and Governor Findlay. Inshore - of us were riding at anchor two men-of-war junks, with much - bunting displayed; one bore the flag of a _foo-tseang_ or - commodore. Knowing the "formalities" to be gone through - with the mandarins, we expected a visit from one, and until - it was made no Chinese boat would come alongside, nor would - a junk, not even a bumboat. We had no sooner furled sails - and made everything shipshape, when his "Excellency" - approached in his gig--a sort of scow as broad as she was - long.... He was received at the gangway by Captain Forster. - His manner and bearing were easy and dignified. When - cheroots and a glass of wine had been offered, the - "commodore" inquired the cause of our anchoring at Namoa. - The _shroff_ gave him to understand that the vessel, being - on her way from Singapore to Canton, had been compelled, - through contrary winds and currents, to run for Namoa to - replenish her wood and water. Having listened attentively, - the great man said that "any supplies might be obtained, - but when they were on board, not a moment must be lost in - sailing for Whampoa, as the Great Emperor did not permit - vessels from afar to visit any other port." He then gravely - pulled from his boot a long red document and handed it to - his secretary, that we might be informed of its purport. It - was as follows:-- - - -_An Imperial Edict._ - - As the port of Canton is the only one at which outside - barbarians are allowed to trade, on no account can they be - permitted to wander about to other places in the "Middle - Kingdom." The "Son of Heaven," however, whose compassion is - as boundless as the ocean, cannot deny to those who are in - distress from want of food, through adverse seas and - currents, the necessary means of continuing their voyage. - When supplied they must no longer loiter, but depart at - once. Respect this. - - TAO-KUANG, _17th year, 6th moon, 4th sun_. - - This "imperial edict" having been replaced in its envelope - and slipped inside of his boot (for service on the chance - of another foreign vessel "in distress"), his Excellency - arose from his seat, which was a signal for all his - attendants to return to the boat, except his secretary. The - two were then invited to the cabin to refresh, which being - done, we proceeded to business. The mandarin opened by the - direct questions, "How many chests have you on board? Are - they all for Namoa? Do you go farther up the coast?" - Intimating at the same time that _there_ the officers were - uncommonly strict, and were obliged to carry out the will - of the "Emperor of the Universe," &c. But our answers were - equally as clear and prompt, that the vessel was not going - north of Namoa, that her cargo consisted of about 200 - chests. Then came the question of _cumsha_, and that was - settled on the good old Chinese principle of "all same - custom." Everything being thus comfortably arranged, wine - drunk, and cheroots smoked, his Excellency said "Kaou-tsze" - (I announce my departure).... Chinese buyers came on board - freely the moment they saw the "official" visit had been - made. A day or two after, several merchant junks stood out - from the mainland for the anchorage. As they approached we - distinguished a private signal at their mastheads, a copy - of which had been furnished to us before leaving - Capshuymun. We hoisted ours, the junks anchored close to - us, and in a surprisingly short time received from the Rose - in their own boats the opium, which had been sold at - Canton, and there paid for, deliverable at this anchorage. - It was a good illustration of the entire confidence - existing between the foreign seller in his factory at - Canton and the Chinese buyers, and of a transaction for a - breach of any of the conditions of which there existed no - legal redress on one side or the other. - - [Illustration: MACAO.] - -From his asylum in Macao Captain Elliot thought he saw an opportunity -for making a fresh attempt to ingratiate himself with the Chinese -authorities. Disregarding the fact that the only return for his -previous efforts at conciliation had been accumulated insult and -odious accusations against himself personally, Captain Elliot resolved -on trying once more. So, when the opium agitation broke out in -1838-39, he volunteered his assistance in suppressing smuggling in the -river. The viceroy, being the head and front of the abuse, spurned the -offer, saying, what was perfectly true, that he could stop the traffic -himself by a stroke of the pen. - -Ignoring the rebuff, Captain Elliot did nevertheless issue an order -that "all British-owned schooners, or other vessels habitually or -occasionally engaged in the illicit opium traffic, _within_ the Bocca -Tigris, should remove before the expiration of three days, and not -again return within the Bocca Tigris, being so engaged." And they were -at the same time distinctly warned, that if "any British subjects were -feloniously to cause the death of a Chinaman in consequence of -persisting in the trade within the Bocca Tigris, he would be liable to -capital punishment; that no owners of such vessels so engaged would -receive any assistance or interposition from the British Government in -case the Chinese Government should seize any of them; and that all -British subjects employed in these vessels would be held responsible -for any consequences which might arise from forcible resistance -offered to the Chinese Government, in the same manner as if such -resistance were offered to their own or any other Government, in their -own or in any foreign country." This gratuitous assumption of the -functions of the Chinese executive plunged Captain Elliot into still -greater difficulties, and prepared the way for the tragic events which -were to follow a year later. In vulgar parlance he "gave himself away" -to the Chinese, for in professing to be able to stop opium traffic -within the river he tacitly accepted the responsibility of stopping -it also in the estuary, where the British depot ships lay at anchor. -It was, in fact, the driving home of this responsibility by the -Chinese which was the apparent occasion of the war. For it is certain -that during his three years of office as representative of the Crown -of England Captain Elliot had given no provocation to the Chinese, nor -had he in any way withstood their aggression. - -But a sudden change now came over the scene. The opium question had -been for some time debated in the imperial counsels with considerable -earnestness, the issue turning on the alternatives of suppressing or -legalising the traffic. It seems likely that in those deliberations -the reigning emperor, Tao-kuang, played a very secondary part; indeed -as an active factor in the government of the country he appears to -have been of little more account than his successors have been. He is -described as an amiable but weak man, sensible of the difficulties of -his country, but misinformed with regard to them by the favourites -around him. The most interesting personality about the Imperial Court -at that time appears to have been the empress, who had raised herself -to that exalted position by her talents as well as by her -fascinations. Though her career was a very short one, she exercised a -potent influence on affairs throughout the whole empire. She was -credited with a rare power of judging men and of selecting them for -offices of trust. She was a reformer of abuses and a true patriot; but -what was most remarkable, considering the order of ideas which -surrounded her, she held liberal views as to the extension of foreign -intercourse, and was at the head of the party which was in favour of -legalising the opium traffic. A memorial addressed to her urging this -measure was submitted by the emperor to the governor of Canton, Tang, -who with his colleagues reported on it favourably. The success of the -empress's policy enraged her enemies and stirred them to the most -strenuous efforts to compass her fall. The emperor, it is said, -remained neutral in this strife. The opposition party prevailed, -gaining over the emperor to their side while he was smarting from the -grief caused by the death of his own son from opium, an event which -enlisted his personal feelings against the drug. - -So far, however, had the question been carried, that the legalisation -of the opium trade was fully anticipated by Captain Elliot up to the -very hour that the storm burst. - -The final decision of the Government was to put an end to the trade, -for which purpose they sent an imperial commissioner to Canton, armed -with full authority to carry out the emperor's edicts. He arrived at -his post, March 10, 1839. Commissioner Lin, the best known character, -with the exception of Captain Elliot himself, in connection with the -war, was a man of uncommon energy and resolution, and was therefore in -some respects well chosen for the extraordinary task which was imposed -upon him. He was a native of Fukien province, an official of high -standing, having been Governor-General of the Central Provinces, the -Hu Kwang. He was now appointed Governor-General of the Two Kwang and -Imperial Commissioner for dealing with the opium question. As a -Chinese administrator he had been popular, and was no doubt possessed -of many high qualities.[5] It is possible that had he taken time to -study the foreign question with which he had to deal, and had he not -been betrayed by his too easy initial successes, he might have been -the means of placing the foreign relations of his country on a footing -of mutual accommodation. A reasonable man would have perceived the -utter impossibility of preventing the Chinese people from purchasing a -commodity for which they had an overmastering desire. He showed great -ignorance of human nature in proposing to break his countrymen of -opium-smoking within a year, after which time offenders were to be -beheaded.[6] This was but a sample of his violence and of his -incapacity to see two sides of a question. It must be remembered, -however, that he had undertaken to carry out the emperor's -instructions, and it is difficult to pronounce what amount of latitude -he might have allowed himself in the interpretation of them. - -His proceedings were of an uncompromising character most unusual with -Chinese. Possessing full authority, he exercised it to the utmost, -terrorising all the local officials into absolute subservience. The -governor of Canton, himself deeply implicated in the opium traffic, a -fact well known to the Imperial Commissioner, was constrained to save -himself by affecting the utmost zeal in executing the commissioner's -behests. Having thus disposed of all the opposition with which Chinese -high officials have usually to reckon from their subordinates, Lin -gave the rein to his headstrong temper, and instead of effecting -reform, plunged his country into a war which shattered the imperial -prestige. - -Within three weeks of Lin's arrival in Canton the drastic measures -against foreigners, and particularly against the opium trade, -culminated in his imprisoning the whole of the merchants within their -factories at Canton, menacing them with further outrages on their -person. At this crisis Captain Elliot, having left his residence at -Macao, made his way under difficulties to Canton, that he might share -the captivity of his countrymen and act as their head and mouthpiece. -Having thus got the superintendent of trade into his power, -Commissioner Lin preferred most extravagant demands upon him, -including the delivery to the Chinese of all opium owned by British -merchants, which amounted to 20,000 chests valued at upwards of -L2,000,000. The imprisoned merchants had no choice but to yield to the -demand made upon them by the representative of the British Crown; and -as the recent agitations had interfered greatly with the course of -trade, their assent to the terms was no doubt soothed by the -reflection that they were making a clearance sale of their goods to a -solvent purchaser, her Majesty's Government. They issued their -delivery orders for the opium on the 27th March 1839. It is to the -credit of Commissioner Lin that in a memorial to the throne he -commended the loyalty of certain of the British merchants.[7] - -This grand concession to the demand of Commissioner Lin was but the -climax of all the antecedent steps of British submission. There was no -haggling, but a prompt and unconditional surrender in the following -terms:-- - - -_Elliot to the Imperial Commissioner._ - - CANTON, _March 27, 1839_. - - Elliot, &c., &c., has now the honour to receive for the - first time your Excellency's commands, bearing date the - 26th day of March, issued by the pleasure of the Great - Emperor, to deliver over into the hands of honourable - officers to be appointed by your Excellency all the opium - in the hands of British subjects. - - Elliot must faithfully and completely fulfil these - commands, and he has now respectfully to request that your - Excellency will be pleased to indicate the point to which - the ships of his nation, having opium on board, are to - proceed, so that the whole may be delivered up. - - The faithful account of the same shall be transmitted as - soon as it is ascertained. - -Captain Elliot did not even give himself time to verify the figures, -and in his haste committed himself to the delivery of more opium than -was actually in being. The consequence was that he could not deliver -until fresh importations arrived, when he was obliged to enter the -market as an opium merchant and purchase sufficient to enable him to -fulfil his engagement. - - -II. THE SEQUEL TO THE SURRENDER OF OPIUM. - - Captain Elliot complains of his lengthened imprisonment -- - The continued cruelties of Commissioner Lin -- Subservience - of the Portuguese -- English merchants driven from their - homes in Macao to seek refuge on shipboard -- Pursued by - the vengeance of the Commissioner -- Chinese claim absolute - jurisdiction over person and property -- Demand for an - English seaman for execution. - -The interesting question in all this is how the Chinese authorities -were impressed with the magnanimous sacrifice of over L2,000,000 -sterling worth of private property as a ransom for the liberties of -British subjects. They were certainly not impressed favourably, for -Captain Elliot, together with the whole community, was detained for -many weeks after the delivery of the opium close prisoners in Canton, -and cut off from all outside communication. A week after the surrender -Captain Elliot wrote to Lord Palmerston, "The blockade is increasing -in closeness.... This is the first time in our intercourse with this -empire that its Government has taken the unprovoked initiative in -aggressive measures against British life, property, and liberty, and -against the dignity of the British Crown." On the same day the -Imperial Commissioner threatened to cut off the water-supply from the -beleaguered merchants. A week later Captain Elliot wrote, "The -blockade is not relaxed, ... the reverse is the case;" and he was -constrained, though with evident reluctance, to characterise "the late -measures as public robbery and wanton violence." Commissioner Lin's -"continuance of the state of restraint, insult, and dark intimidation, -subsequently to the surrender, has classed the case amongst the most -shameless violences which one nation has yet dared to perpetrate -against another." And there is a forlorn pathos in his confession, a -fortnight later, of the futility of "remonstrances from a man in my -present situation to a high Chinese officer determined to be false and -perfidious." - -Nor did the Chinese appetite for cruelty cease to grow by what it fed -upon even after the crisis of the Canton imprisonment was over. The -British community, when forced to seek safety on board of their ships, -were pursued from anchorage to anchorage by the implacable vengeance -of the Imperial Commissioner. The natives were by proclamation ordered -to "intercept and wholly cut off all supplies" from the English, some -of whom "had gone to reside on board the foreign ships at Hongkong, -and it was to be apprehended that in their extremity some may land at -the outer villages and hamlets along the coast to purchase -provisions," in which case the "people were to drive them back, fire -upon or make prisoners of them." "Even when they land to take water -from the springs, stop their progress and let them not have it in -their power to drink." Another proclamation stated that "poison had -been put into this water; let none of our people take it to drink." -During the summer of 1839 many murderous outrages were perpetrated by -the Commissioner's orders on English small craft wherever they were -found isolated or defenceless. - -It is not necessary to pursue these barbarities in detail. Sufficient -has been advanced to illustrate the spirit in which the Chinese -Government, in a time of peace and without a vestige of provocation, -drove the retreating and absolutely submissive English to desperation. -And their characteristic manner of recompensing servility was -illustrated with cynical humour in a long memorandum drawn up during -the progress of the war by Commissioner Lin, the author of the savage -proceedings just referred to. "Since," he says, "the English are so -eager for the recommencement of their traffic, let us couple the grant -with another stipulation, that they present us with the head of -Elliot, the leader in every mischief, the disturber of the peace, and -the source of all this trouble"--the last statement containing more -truth than probably the writer himself fully realised. - -Under such conditions it was obviously impossible to place the persons -and property of British subjects at the mercy of Chinese officials. -Yet this is what the authorities at Canton insisted upon,--"full -submission to Chinese penal legislation, involving capital punishment -by Chinese forms of trial." This was no new claim. The Chinese were -simply following the precedents. English, French, and Americans had -each in turn given up their men to be strangled on the demand of the -Chinese authorities, and though the right had not been exercised for -nearly twenty years, Lin evidently thought the occasion favourable for -reviving it. He furnished a clear explanation of what a Chinese trial -would be by demanding of the British representative the unconditional -surrender for execution of the alleged murderer of a Chinese. To -Captain Elliot's almost penitential protestations, that he had been -unable to discover the assumed murderer among the numerous liberty men -of ships of more than one nationality who had been in the scuffle, the -Chinese authorities paid no regard whatever. The Queen's -representative was publicly denounced in scurrilous language by -Commissioner Lin for concealing and failing to deliver up an offender, -and for criminal violation of the laws of China as "shown by our -reiterated proclamations and clear commands." This truculent -proclamation being followed by an ultimatum giving ten days for the -surrender of the unknown murderer under threat of the extermination of -the British community, the latter had to escape in a body from Canton -to seek refuge in Macao, whence they were expelled by the authorities -of that settlement at the behest of the Chinese commissioner. This act -of loyalty on the part of the Portuguese was duly acknowledged by the -Imperial Commissioners reply, through his subordinate officials, in -the following terms:-- - - We have received from his Excellency the Imperial - Commissioner a reply to our representation that the English - foreigners had, one and all, left Macao, and that the - Portuguese Governor and Procurador had ably and strenuously - aided in their expulsion, and faithfully repressed - disorder. The reply is to this effect:-- - - That the Portuguese Governor and Procurador having thus - ably obeyed the commands for their expulsion, evinces the - respectful sense of duty of those officers, and merits - commendation. I, the High Commissioner, in company with the - Governor, will personally repair to Macao to soothe and - encourage. And you are required to pay instant obedience - hereto, by making this intention known to them. - -Captain Elliot, in a despatch to the Portuguese governor, -characterised his act as a participation "in measures of unprecedented -inhospitality and enmity against British subjects."[8] - -Into the merits of the opium question itself, or of that unique -transaction, the surrender of L2,000,000 sterling worth of the -commodity by a British agent on the mere demand of a Chinese official, -it would be impossible to enter within the limits of space assigned to -us. But it is obvious that such a demand, made within two years of the -time when the viceroy of Canton was building a flotilla to carry the -merchants' drug from the receiving ships to his provincial capital, -was something so extravagant that compliance with it must be followed -either by open war or by complete submission and the abandonment of -China as a trading field. It is of course conceivable that had the -ordinary Chinese canon been applied to the case, and the proclamations -of Commissioner Lin been interpreted, like those that had gone before, -as the inaugural bombast of a newcomer, the demands might have been -evaded with impunity. The Portuguese, in fact, did evade them by the -simple expedient of sending their opium to sea for a time and bringing -it back again. There is some ground for the surmise that the High -Commissioner himself reckoned on evasion, and was even embarrassed by -his unexpected success in having such an enormous amount of property -frankly thrown on his hands. Our collision with China may thus be said -to have been brought about by a breach in the continuity of precedents -on both sides,--we reckoning up to a certain point on the continuance -of sham, and the Chinese on the continuance of submission. Both were -misled, and there was no way of reconciliation but by the arbitrament -of force. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[4] Bits of Old China. Kegan Paul. - -[5] When he visited Macao later in the year 1839--after the -events--there were public demonstrations in his honour, whether -prompted by public respect for his despotic power or approval of the -use he had just made of it, or merely a recognition of his previously -established reputation, may very well remain an open question. - -[6] Possibly, however, this was but a specimen of the hyperbolic -diction which is habitual with the Chinese. An official will threaten -his servant with instant decapitation for a trifling offence, meaning -nothing whatever thereby. - -[7] As in its commutation for the surrender of slave property, so now -the British Government inflicted serious injustice on the owners of -the opium. Captain Elliot's drafts on the Treasury were dishonoured, -he having had no authority to draw, and the merchants had to wait four -years for a most inadequate payment. - -[8] "By the treaty of 1703," wrote Sir Anders Ljunstedt, the last -chief of the Swedish Company's factory, "Portugal placed herself, as -it were, under the protection of Great Britain. This Power never -failed to render her ally the assistance she stood in need of either -in Europe or her ultramarine dominions." The English had defended -Macao against the French in 1803. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE FIRST CHINA WAR, 1839-1842. - - Captain Elliot despatches his only ship to India with a - report of the situation -- The helplessness of the British - community and persecutions by the Chinese during three - months -- Arrival of two ships -- The Chinese attack them - and are defeated -- Expedition from India and England - arrives -- Canton river blockaded -- Attempts to appeal to - Central Government rebuffed -- Squadron sent to the Peiho - -- Kishen appointed to treat -- Expedition returns south -- - Negotiations opened near Canton -- Bogue forts destroyed by - British ships -- Illusory negotiations -- River blockaded, - but commerce partially resumed -- Extensive war - preparations by Chinese -- Captain Elliot's confidence in - the Chinese -- Hostilities carried on -- Canton commanded - and ransomed -- Triumph of the populace -- Operations - extended to northern coasts -- Agreement between Captain - Elliot and Kishen repudiated by both sovereigns -- Arrival - of Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker -- War vigorously - prosecuted -- Towns and forts taken -- Nanking threatened - -- Commissioners Ilipu and Kiying appointed to treat -- - Treaty concluded at Nanking, August 29, 1842 -- The - character of Ilipu. - - -Captain Elliot, after the severities to which he and his countrymen -had been subjected, despatched a vessel to Calcutta with a report on -the situation to the Governor-General of India, making a corresponding -report at the same time to London. The departure of this, the only -vessel at the disposal of the British agent, left him and the -mercantile community in a helpless predicament during three critical -months, and it was natural that the Chinese should take advantage of -so favourable an opportunity to fill the cup of their cruelties fuller -than ever. The only form of reprisal which was left to the -unfortunate Captain Elliot was his intimation to the merchants that he -had moved both the British and Indian Governments to forbid the -admission of tea and other Chinese produce into their territories--an -announcement which is said to have irritated Commissioner Lin -excessively. On September 11, 1839, however, her Majesty's ship Volage -appeared on the scene. Her commander, Captain Smith, considered that -the least he could do in defence of his countrymen was to blockade the -Canton river by way of retaliation for "the stoppage of the supplies -of food by order of the Chinese Government, and for the Chinese people -having been ordered to fire upon and seize her Majesty's subjects -wherever they went; and that certain of them had been actually cut -off." - -This slight evidence of vitality on the part of the English produced -an immediate effect on the Chinese: their violent proclamations -against Elliot were withdrawn; provisions were no longer prohibited; -and certain negotiations were inaugurated for the resumption of trade -_outside_ the Barrier; whereupon Captain Smith promptly raised the -blockade. - -Before long, however, the Chinese resumed their offensive attitude, -endeavoured to compel British trading ships to enter within the Bogue, -and renewed their demands for the murderer of a Chinaman, failing -which the foreign ships were ordered to depart within three days on -pain of immediate destruction. They accordingly withdrew to the -anchorage of Tongku, which became the rendezvous of all the ships of -war. Difficulties continued to increase on both sides, without -prospect of any solution, until the 29th of October, when another -British man-of-war, the Hyacinth, arrived and joined the Volage. These -vessels proceeded to Chuenpee, with Captain Elliot on board, for the -purpose of eliciting from the Commissioner some explicit declaration -of his intentions. They were at once attacked by the Chinese admiral -with a fleet of twenty-nine war-junks, which they beat off; and thus -occurred the first hostile encounter between the armed forces of the -two nations. - - [Illustration: MAP OF CANTON WATERS.] - -Of the operations which followed, extending over nearly three years, -full accounts were given at the time, none better than the 'Narrative -of the Voyages and Services of the Nemesis from 1840-43,' by W. D. -Bernard, with which may be profitably compared Dr Eitel's concise -history,[9] published forty years later, with all the documents before -him. - -The British Government came to the conclusion that the limits of -forbearance had been overstepped. The action of the Chinese -authorities during 1839 forced on it the choice of two alternatives, -to abandon British subjects and their interests or to exact reasonable -treatment for them from the Chinese. The latter was selected, and it -was resolved to demand a commercial treaty under which foreign trade -might be carried on with security to person and property. In support -of this decision military and naval forces, equipped in England and in -India, assembled on the coast of China during the spring of 1840. -Among the novelties of this equipment were a number of small -light-draught iron steamers, the most famous of which was the Nemesis, -built for the Honourable Company by Mr Laird of Birkenhead, drawing -only six feet laden. This exceedingly mobile little craft, under her -energetic commander, W. H. Hall, performed almost incredible services -as the maid-of-all-work of the expedition. The blockade of the Canton -river, which had been established and withdrawn several times, was -finally declared on the 28th of June 1840, as a first step in the -regular war programme, by Commodore Sir Gordon Bremer. A few days -later the command of the fleet was assumed by Rear-Admiral the Hon. -George Elliot, who was also appointed joint-plenipotentiary with -Captain Charles Elliot. - -Before commencing a general war upon the Emperor of China every -resource was exhausted for opening communications with the Imperial -Government through other channels than that of Canton. The frigate -Blonde was despatched for this purpose to the harbour of Amoy, where -the local officials not only refused to receive a letter from the -English admiral, but ordered an attack upon the boat conveying it on -shore. The frigate retaliated for this insult by opening fire upon the -Chinese batteries and war-junks, after which she returned to Hongkong -to report proceedings to the admiral. About this time, early in July -1840, the island of Chusan was taken and occupied. The attempt to -deliver a letter from Lord Palmerston addressed to the Cabinet at -Peking, by way of Ningpo, having been frustrated by the authorities at -that port, a blockade was established of Hangchow Bay and the mouth of -the Yangtze. It had been Captain Elliot's favourite device, as it came -to be that of all his successors, to apply pressure to the Court of -Peking by means of a blockade of this the main artery of the Chinese -empire, and it was by following up this scheme that the war thus -commenced in 1840 was actually brought to a successful issue in 1842. - -The attempts to gain access to the Court through the southern seaports -having failed, the venue was shifted to the neighbourhood of the -capital itself. A heavy squadron of ships accordingly anchored off the -mouth of the Peiho--a demonstration which was sufficiently menacing to -the capital to induce the Court to appoint an official to parley with -Captain Elliot, and also to receive the undelivered letter from Lord -Palmerston. Kishen, a Manchu of high rank, was chosen for this service -by the emperor. The first, perhaps the sole, object of Kishen's -diplomacy was to relieve the apprehensions of the Court by procuring -the prompt withdrawal of the foreign forces. This end was achieved in -one short conference with Captain Elliot, when Tientsin was pronounced -to be too near the emperor's palace for negotiations, and it was -decided that the scene should be shifted back to Canton, a new -commissioner being appointed to supersede Lin, the impracticable. The -squadron thereupon, about the end of September, withdrew to Chusan. It -was generally believed that an armistice had been arranged pending -negotiations, but it was soon discovered that the only truce made -applied exclusively to the island of Chusan, where it had been -declared. The two English plenipotentiaries repaired to Macao in -November. - -All this while extensive preparations for hostilities were vigorously -prosecuted in the neighbourhood of Canton. Attempts to communicate -under flag of truce were repelled by force, and it was remarked that -the Chinese were sufficiently well versed in the significance of the -white flag to make free use of it for their own protection, while -disregarding its employment by the other side. The Imperial -Commissioner, Kishen, reached Canton at the end of November, his -arrival coinciding in point of time with the invaliding of Admiral -Elliot, the co-plenipotentiary, thus leaving the British negotiations -once more in the sole hands of Captain Elliot until such time as Sir -Gordon Bremer was appointed as his associate. - -Of the two diplomatists who had now to confront each other it would -be difficult to say whether the English or Chinese was the more -anxious to avert hostilities. To avoid precipitating a conflict -negotiations were not pressed home by either party, nor were any steps -taken to give effect to the conference which had been held between -them at Tientsin. - -The hostile demonstrations of the Chinese, and the extraordinary -exertions they were putting forth to place themselves in a position to -bar the entrance to the river, compelled the British naval -commander-in-chief to assume the offensive by attacking the outer -defences at its mouth. The forts and guns were destroyed as well as -the Chinese fleet of war-junks, native Indian troops and Royal Marines -forming an important part of the attacking force. There remained -extensive fortifications within the embouchure, and every preparation -was made on both sides for resuming the contest on the following -morning; but just as the British guns were about to open fire a small -sampan, with an old woman and a man on board, was sent off by the -Chinese admiral proposing a cessation of hostilities. This unpromising -overture did actually eventuate in an armistice, holding out the -prospect of a treaty of peace, but with the details as usual carefully -kept in the background. During the period of truce granted by Captain -Elliot the Chinese continued as active as ever in strengthening and -extending their defences. This necessitated continued precautions on -the British side, for it is to be noted throughout all the proceedings -that the naval and military commanders never shared the illusions of -Captain Elliot as regards the conciliatory intentions of the Chinese. -They formed their opinions upon what they saw with their eyes, and -not by what any Chinese official professed with his lips. - -On January 20, thirteen days after the attack on Chuenpee forts, -Captain Elliot announced from Macao that "preliminary arrangements had -been concluded. Hongkong was to be ceded, and an indemnity of -$6,000,000 to be paid by the Chinese; direct official intercourse on -terms of equality, and trade to be resumed, within ten days." This -good effect, he added, was "due to the scrupulous good faith of every -eminent person with whom negotiations are still pending." The British -plenipotentiary did not lose an hour in carrying out his part of the -incomplete compact, which was the substantial one of rendering back to -the Chinese their captured forts. The ceremony of the rendition of the -Chuenpee forts was performed on the 21st, when the British flag was -formally struck and the Chinese hoisted in its place under a salute -from the flagship. On the other side the occupation of Hongkong by the -British forces proceeded just as if the arrangements between the -plenipotentiaries had been definitive. - -Serious conferences then ensued between the British and Chinese -plenipotentiaries within the river, at a point known as the Second -Bar. The blockade was nevertheless maintained, so that a French -corvette which arrived to watch the course of events was unable to -enter the river. Captain Elliot, however, invited her commander to -accompany him and "assist" at his interview with Kishen. In the -meanwhile the conciliatory attitude of the Chinese commissioner was -severely denounced from the throne, and while these conferences were -proceeding, messengers of war were on their way from Peking charged -with nothing less than the extermination of the barbarians. Kishen was -degraded, and instead of peaceable negotiations, a proclamation was -placarded on the walls of Canton offering $50,000 each for the heads -of the British plenipotentiary and the commodore. - -After the expiration of this one-sided truce open hostilities were -re-entered upon. The Bogue forts had to be once more captured, and the -British flag re-hoisted. That accomplished, the blockade of the river -was raised. This somewhat remarkable step was no doubt due to the -overmastering anxiety shown throughout by Captain Elliot for the -immediate resumption of trade, he having learnt in the Company's -school to place the current season's business above every other -consideration. It appears certain that the quite disproportionate -value attached by him to this one object obscured his perspective, if -indeed it did not vitiate his whole policy. Trading vessels were -permitted to proceed up-river, but under the peculiar reservation that -the stakes, chains, and barriers placed by the Chinese to obstruct -navigation should first be removed. The fleet, nevertheless, had still -to fight its way up to Canton, Captain Elliot meanwhile never ceasing -to make overtures of peace to the Chinese. There were truces and -suspensions of hostilities, all of the same nature, binding only on -one side, and such a medley of peace and war as seemed rather to -belong to the middle ages than to the nineteenth century. Trade was -pushed on all the more briskly for the general fear that the duration -of peace was likely to be brief; and as both parties were alike -interested in getting the season's produce shipped, the Chinese -authorities were not ill-pleased to see commerce thus carried on while -they employed the interval in hurrying forward their grand -preparations for the crushing of the invading force. Hostilities were -suspended by an agreement on March 20, 1841, and Captain Elliot, after -residing some time in the foreign factory, where he had opportunities -of sounding the disposition of the new commissioners, declared himself -perfectly satisfied with their "assurances of good faith," which he -repeated in the same public manner a fortnight later--that is, a month -after the suspension of hostilities. On leaving the Canton factory -Captain Elliot, strong in the faith he professed, urged on the senior -naval officer the propriety of moving his ships away from the city in -order to show our peaceful disposition, the guard of marines which had -been stationed for the protection of the factories to be at the same -time withdrawn. - -The mercantile community by no means participated in the confidence of -the plenipotentiary, nor, as we have said, did the naval commanders. -Indeed so little satisfied were they with the turn of affairs, that -Sir Gordon Bremer left in a Company's steamer for Calcutta to lay the -situation before the Governor-General of India.[10] This occurred in -the middle of April. In the beginning of May troops were seen pouring -into the forts near the city. An immense number of fire-rafts in -preparation to burn the fleet could not be concealed, while placards -of a most menacing character were posted about the city walls. Captain -Elliot, whether he was shaken in his belief in the pacific assurances -of the Chinese authorities or not, returned to the scene, on board the -Nemesis, on the 10th of May, and it is said that, in order to show the -Chinese that he still believed in their good faith, he was accompanied -on this one occasion by his wife, probably the first European woman -who had set foot in Canton. - -Several weeks more elapsed before the British plenipotentiary allowed -himself to be finally disillusioned. Then he issued a proclamation to -the merchants warning them to be prepared to leave the factories at a -moment's notice, while the inevitable Nemesis was moved close up for -the protection of the foreign community generally. The Chinese had -employed the greatest ingenuity in masking their warlike preparations, -and even at the last, when they saw that concealment was no longer -possible, they attempted to allay the apprehensions of the foreigners -by issuing an edict in order "to calm the feelings of the merchants -and to tranquillise commercial business,"--their object being, as it -was confidently alleged, to take the whole community by surprise and -completely annihilate them. - - [Illustration: H.M. SHIPS IMOGEN AND ANDROMACHE PASSING BOCCA TIGRIS - BATTERIES.] - -Although thus attempting to lull the foreigners, the Chinese authorities -had previously warned the natives, through the elders, to remove their -families and effects from the neighbourhood of the river. On the very -day after the soothing proclamation, May 21, the signal for the -renewal of the war was given by the launching of a number of ingeniously -contrived fire-rafts, which were dropped down by the tide upon the -English vessels with the design of burning them at their anchors. This -scheme failed in its object, partly from miscalculation,--only ten or -twelve out of about a hundred being ignited,--and partly from the -intrepidity of the British officers and seamen in grappling with those -they could reach in their boats, and towing them out of their intended -course. Indeed the destructive effects of these elaborate engines were -turned on the Chinese themselves, some of the rafts taking the ground -close to the city and setting fire to the suburbs. This fiasco was -followed on the one side by an attack on the forts and the destruction -of a very large fleet of war-junks, and on the other by the demolition -and pillage of the foreign factories, not however without some curious -discrimination. - -The attack on Canton was now undertaken in earnest. On the 26th May -the heights in rear of the city had been captured and were held in -force, so that the whole Chinese position was completely commanded. -Everything was ready for the assault, which would have been a -bloodless affair, an elevation just within the wall affording a -military vantage-ground from which the whole city could have been -dominated without the least risk by a very small force. At this -critical moment Captain Elliot appeared to stay the hand of Sir Hugh -Gough and Commodore Senhouse, the commanders of the military and naval -forces respectively. Captain Elliot had, in fact, granted a truce in -order to discuss, not the terms of peace with China, but merely the -conditions on which the British forces should retire from Canton. The -principal of these were that the city should be evacuated by all the -Chinese and Manchu troops, estimated at 45,000, over whom the -authorities proved that they had perfect control; and that the -authorities should pay the ransom of $6,000,000, in consideration of -which all the river forts were to be restored to the Chinese, under -the proviso that the forts below Whampoa were not to be rearmed until -the final conclusion of peace. From first to last 1200 pieces of -cannon had been captured or destroyed in these river forts, which -would in any case have taken some time to replace. - -The incident which closed this transaction having an important bearing -upon future events, it merits particular attention. Two days after the -agreement was concluded the armed Braves of the city and locality -began to assemble in great numbers on the heights threatening the -British position, and they even advanced to the attack. Fighting -ensued, which lasted two days, during which the Chinese force was -constantly augmenting, and, though more than once dispersed by the -British, it was only to reassemble in greater numbers and renew the -attack. Thus the ransoming of the city seemed to be but the beginning -of strife. At length the British commander insisted upon the prefect -of Canton going out to the Braves and causing them to disperse, after -which the British force re-embarked. The incident left on the minds of -the Cantonese the conviction that they were invincible, for they took -to themselves the whole credit of expelling the barbarians.[11] This -belief was destined to bear much bitter fruit in after-days. - -The emperor repudiated all these pacific arrangements, and ordered -that as soon as the English ships had withdrawn new and stronger forts -were to be erected and armed. After the anomalous episode of Canton -the war was transferred to the northern coasts. Hongkong, with its -capacious and well-sheltered harbour and facilities for ingress and -egress, was found to be an admirable naval and military base, and the -island soon became a scene of intense activity afloat and ashore. The -Chinese were attracted to it in great numbers. Tradesmen, mechanics, -builders, carpenters, servants, boatmen, market-people, and common -labourers flocked into the island, where one and all found profitable -employment both under the British Government and in connection with -the commercial establishment which had already been set up there. It -is estimated that during the year 1841 not less than 15,000 natives -from the mainland had taken up their quarters in the new possession of -Great Britain, and were naturally of material assistance in the -fitting out of the great expedition which was about to invade the -eastern seaboard. One drawback, unfortunately, soon showed itself in -the sickness and mortality of the troops, who were attacked by a fever -attributed, rightly or wrongly, to the breaking up of the soil, which -was composed of decomposed granite. Possibly, however, the hardships -of campaigning in the unhealthy delta of the Canton river predisposed -the men, when the excitement was over, to attacks of the diseases -associated with the name of Hongkong. This disastrous epidemic left to -the colony an evil reputation, which survived many years of hygienic -improvement. - -The agreement concluded between Captain Elliot and Kishen, repudiated -by the emperor, was no less emphatically disapproved of by the -Government of Great Britain. Captain Elliot was recalled, and quitted -China on August 24, Sir Henry Pottinger, the new plenipotentiary, -having arrived, in company with Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, on -the 10th, to the great joy of every one. The war was thereupon pursued -systematically and with vigour. - -The twelve months over which these operations extended will not seem -long if we consider that the coast of China, with its marvellous -archipelago, was then scarcely known to navigators; that the ships -were propelled by sails; that they had to operate nearly 1000 miles -from their base--and that a place of which they held precarious -possession; and that the greatest caution was required in moving a -squadron of fifty vessels, besides transports and store-ships. Indeed -the real matter for surprise--and it reflects the highest credit on -the officers concerned--is that in an expedition of such magnitude, -including the advance of 200 miles up the Yangtze, a river till then -quite unknown, so few casualties occurred. It should also be -remembered that in this war against China precautions of quite unusual -stringency were observed for the protection of private property and -the avoidance of injury to the population. - -The Chinese Government was allowed ample time for reflection between -each step in the hostile advance, yet neither the capture of the coast -forts and cities nor the incursions which were made from convenient -points into the interior sufficed to bring the Court of Peking to sue -for terms. Amoy, Chinhae, Chapu, Ningpo, Wusung, and Shanghai were -taken in succession, and Chusan was reoccupied. The Chinese defence of -these various places was far from contemptible, excepting only as -regarded the antiquity of its methods and the inefficiency of its -weapons. The fortifications at the various ports were very extensive, -and were mounted with an immense number of guns. The troops in most -cases stood bravely the attack by superior weapons and skill, in -several cases waiting for the bayonet charge before abandoning their -earthworks. It was not until the fleet had made its way up the -Yangtze, secured the Grand Canal which connects the rich rice-growing -provinces with the northern capital, and had taken its station in -front of Nanking, the southern capital, that the strategic centre of -the empire was reached. - - [Illustration: YANGTZE AND GRAND CANAL.] - -At Nanking, therefore, commissioners were appointed to treat with Sir -Henry Pottinger, and as they had nothing to do but acquiesce in his -demands with the best grace, while at the same time saving the face of -the Imperial Government as much as the circumstances of such a -surrender would allow, the long-desired treaty of commerce was at last -concluded on August 29, 1842. - -The two Imperial Commissioners intrusted with the negotiations were -men of the highest distinction and rank, Ilipu and Kiying. Of the -latter it was said that he was the first high officer who since the -commencement of the war had dared to tell the naked truth to his -imperial master. Their joint memorial to the throne, on which the -imperial instructions for signing the treaty were based, was -remarkable for its clearness, simplicity, and outspokenness, -contrasting in these respects strongly with the customary tone of -flattery, evasion, and bombast. Of Kiying we shall hear further in the -sequel. - -Ilipu was already an old man and infirm. His name is never mentioned -by contemporary writers without respect amounting almost to -veneration. Governor-general in Nanking, he had been appointed -Imperial Commissioner and ordered to Ningpo to get the dependent -island Chusan cleared of foreigners. He had thus been brought into -communication with the foreign commanders in connection with the -occupation of Ningpo and the capture of Chapu, out of which a -correspondence ensued alike honourable to both sides. A number of -Chinese prisoners, after having their wounds attended to and their -wants provided for, with a small present of money, were restored to -liberty by the British commander. This unexpected action seemed to -impress Ilipu, who in return sent down to Chapu a number of English -prisoners, who had been for some time incarcerated at Hangchow, -treating them handsomely, according to his lights. The despatch of the -prisoners was accompanied by a respectful letter to Sir Hugh Gough and -Sir William Parker, probably the first communication deserving to be -so styled that ever passed between a high Chinese officer and a -foreigner. These circumstances augured well for the success of future -intercourse. Ilipu was sent to Canton as High Commissioner to arrange -details as to the carrying out of the treaty. He died there, and was -succeeded by Kiying, who brought the ratification of the treaty to -Hongkong in June 1843. - - [Illustration] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[9] Europe in Asia. Luzac & Co. - -[10] Commodore Senhouse, who succeeded temporarily to the command, was -so mortified by the course of diplomacy that his death at Hongkong in -the month of June 1841 was believed to have been hastened thereby. His -dying request was that his body should be taken to Macao, for burial, -as he feared that further conciliatory measures might result in -Hongkong being given back to the Chinese. - -[11] In a proclamation issued in 1844 it was said, "Remember how our -people were persuaded not to fall upon and massacre your soldiers." - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE TREATY OF 1842. - - A one-sided bargain -- Not deemed by Chinese obligatory -- - Condemned by powerful parties -- The Chinese conscience - against it -- Fulfilment therefore could not be voluntary - -- The Chinese and Manchus compared -- Repugnance to treaty - common to them both -- Much determination needed to obtain - fulfilment. - - -Out of such antecedents in peace and war it was a moral impossibility -that normal international relations between Chinese and foreigners -should follow the conclusion of peace. - -The treaty signed at Nanking by Sir Henry Pottinger in 1842, simple -and explicit in its grammatical construction, and fulfilling as far as -words could do so all the conditions of a charter of fair trade, was -tainted with the vices of a one-sided bargain. Indeed the Chinese did -not regard it in the light of a bargain at all, but as a yoke -temporarily imposed on them which it was their business to shake off. -Sir John Davis has told us that "at Peking almost every Chinese of -rank and influence was opposed to the fulfilment of the stipulations -of the treaty. The negotiators of it shared in the odium of the -cowardly generals who had deceived their sovereign by false -representations of their powers of defence." The obligations of the -treaty, in fact, sat so lightly on their consciences, that only so far -as they were held rigorously to its provisions would they observe -them. - -The open-mouthed denunciation of the treaty in high quarters was but -the textual confirmation of what was obvious in the nature of the -case, that the Chinese Government regarded the treaty of Nanking as a -_ruse de guerre_, a mere expedient for purchasing present relief, "a -temporary arrangement in order to recover from our losses." - -The official animus and the political conscience were thus entirely on -the side of what we call bad faith, a state of things which has come -down unabated to our own time, though prudence on the one side and -pressure on the other have generally toned down the outward -manifestation of it. - -Fulfilment of the treaty under these circumstances could only be hoped -for by the actual employment of the coercive agency which had secured -its signature, or by the conviction, firmly rooted in the minds of the -Chinese, that such agency was always ready to be invoked. But as -perpetual coercion on the part of Great Britain was not to be thought -of, the establishment and maintenance of satisfactory working -relations demanded on the part of the British agents responsible for -the execution of the treaty a rare combination of personal qualities. -They had, in fact, to assume a power which they did not possess, to -trade upon the prestige which their country had gained by the success -of its arms, trusting that their pretensions might be tacitly -acquiesced in. Had this attitude been consistently maintained, in -small as well as in great things, from the very outset, there is no -telling whether the observance of the treaty might not have become a -matter of Chinese routine, and in time acquired the sacred authority -of custom. But the contrary was the case, and it was not the -observance but the non-observance of the treaty that was allowed to -acquire the sanction of custom. - -The conduct of the war offered conclusive evidence that though certain -individuals, from either better knowledge or higher principle than -their contemporaries, were inclined to meet their enemies fairly, yet -the conscience of the State, as authoritatively represented in the -emperor's edicts, rejected as absurd the notion of keeping any kind of -faith with the barbarians. Hence the barren result of all appeals to -the binding authority of the compact, unless when backed by force; -hence also the efficacy of every application of force in the dealings -of foreign nations with China whether before or after the treaty of -1842. This consideration is indeed of the essence of our Chinese -relations, though habitually ignored in the conduct of our -intercourse. - -As regards the attitude of the Chinese Government towards foreigners -in connection with the war and the peace, an interesting and -suggestive distinction has been drawn by Sir John Davis between the -two elements in the Government, the Chinese and the Manchu,--a -distinction which has been independently made by other observers. It -is therefore a point well worthy of being kept in view both in the -conduct of official intercourse and in speculations as to the future -of the Chinese empire. Sir John Davis, who, first as a Company's agent -in China, then for a short time as British envoy before the war, and -eventually chief superintendent of trade for some years after that -event, had much experience in dealing with officials of the two races, -is emphatic on the point that moderation and humanity were always -found on the side of the Manchus, while implacable ferocity allied -with treachery distinguished the Chinese officials. The war, he says, -was solely the work of the latter, the peace, of the former. "New -Tajin was a thorough Chinese, and, like the rest of his tribe, -vociferous for war while it was absent, but unable to sustain its -presence; while the Tartars were generally advocates for peace, though -they did their duty in an emergency." The antithetic character of the -two races shown collectively and individually has been a matter of -general remark by foreigners acquainted with both. "Ilipu," says -Davis, "a Manchu by birth, possessed the un-Chinese quality of -straightforwardness and honesty of purpose.... As an early adviser of -the sovereign, he had endeavoured to dissuade him from risking a -foreign quarrel in making the English a party to the question of -restricting the consumption of opium among his own subjects." - -The Manchu Kishen, who replaced Commissioner Lin on the failure of the -latter, was also a man of good faith. He did his best first to avoid -and then to terminate the war, and in the middle of it concluded a -convention with Captain Elliot by which Hongkong was ceded and six -millions of dollars were to be paid as ransom for Canton. Yet having -been admonished by the emperor "to arouse the patriotism of the nation -and send the heads of the rebellious barbarians to Peking in baskets, -for to treat them reasonably is out of the question," he had to excuse -himself by resort to a false pretence of treachery. The convention he -represented as a ruse, because "his reinforcements were yet far off"; -but he declared that, "bearing the barbarians many a grudge," he only -abided his time "for exterminating them whenever it can be done." In -the impeachment of that capable statesman one of the charges was, "You -gave to the barbarians Hongkong as a dwelling-place, contrary to our -law of indivisibility," to which he was fain to answer, "I pretended -to do so, from the mere force of circumstances, to put them off for a -time, but had no such serious intention; ... a mere feint to avert the -further outrages of the barbarians." - -He took up similar ground in apologising for the conduct of Admiral -Kwan, a brave and respectable officer, who had asked and obtained an -armistice in the Canton river: "He has agreed to a truce with the -barbarians merely to gain time and be in a state to resist them." - -The courtesy of the Manchus was no less conspicuous. Lord Jocelyn, as -quoted by Mr Hunter, remarked, after a meeting with Kishen: "He rose -at our entrance and received the mission with great courtesy and -civility. Indeed the manners of these high mandarins would have done -honour to any courtier in the most polished Court of Europe." A French -envoy was similarly impressed in an interview with Kiying: "I have -visited many European Courts," he said, "and have met and known many -of the most distinguished men belonging to them, but for polished -manners, dignity, and ease I have never seen these Chinese surpassed." - -While the noblest of the officials were thus driven to assume a -perfidy which was not really in their heart in order to accommodate -themselves to the prevailing temper, the baser minds were clamouring -open-mouthed for meeting honour with dishonour. For it is instructive -to recall that the most truculent officials--Commissioner Lin, for -example--based their slippery strategy on the known good faith of the -barbarians, "which made their engagements sacred," as the Roman -generals took advantage of the Sabbatical prejudices of the Jews. The -Chinese could afford to play fast and loose with their end of the -rope, knowing the other end to be secured to a pillar of good faith. -The commissioners who signed the treaty in their report to the throne -also testified that "the English had acted with uniform sincerity." - -The confiding spirit of the English tempted the common run of Chinese -officials to practise systematic deception. Thus a disreputable -Tartar, who was governor of Canton, reported that he had "resolved to -get rid of them by a sum of money, as by far the cheapest way.... But -once having got rid of them, and blocked up all the passages leading -to Canton, we may again cut off their commerce, and place them in the -worst possible position," thus anticipating almost to the letter what -took place at the Taku forts in the second war between 1858-59. A -pamphlet, attributed to Commissioner Lin, whose wanton atrocities had -provoked the war, after testifying to the habitual good faith of the -barbarian, urged the Government "never to conclude a peace: an -armistice, a temporary arrangement for the present, in order to -recover from our losses, is all we desire." - -The Manchu and Chinese races are the complement of each other in the -economy of the State. The Manchus, with their military heredity, were -best fitted for the imperial _role_, while the Chinese are by -tradition rather men of business than administrators. From which it -may be inferred that the material progress of the country will rest -more with the Chinese with all their faults than with the Manchus with -their governing instincts. The Peking Court, indeed, has been long -under the numerically preponderant influence of the Chinese, and -except in matters of dynastic interest they are Chinese rather than -Manchu ethics which govern the acts of State. The counsels of such men -as Lin and the Chinese party generally prevailed, as we have seen, -over those of the distinguished Manchus, some of them belonging to the -imperial family, who had to do with the foreign imbroglio, and it was -in full accord with Chinese sentiment that the Emperor Tao-kuang was -brought to declare that such a nation as the English should not be -allowed to exist on the earth. - -Much of the hostility to the treaty may no doubt be fairly referable -to the military humiliation of a Government to whom war was rebellion -and rebellion parricide. Nor is the exasperation of the Chinese -against their conquerors to be measured by those chivalrous standards -which have been evolved from the traditions of nations accustomed, -even in war, to meet as equals. They were playing the game under a -different set of rules. But when every such allowance has been made, -the moral principle governing Chinese official conduct cannot be -designated by any word in Western vocabularies but perfidy. -Belligerency as understood by Western nations did not enter into their -conception, and their war tactics of kidnapping, poisoning the water, -torturing and massacring prisoners, and so forth, differed little from -their procedure in time of peace, being in either case based on the -implicit negation of human rights in connection with foreigners. - -It may thus be seen what difficulties had to be encountered, even -under the treaty, in guiding the intercourse between Chinese and -foreigners into safe and peaceable channels; how much depended on the -tact and capacity of the newly appointed consuls, and how little -assistance they could hope for from the department which commissioned -them. For no matter how perspicacious the Home Government might from -time to time be, they were as much in the hands of their -representatives after as they had been before the war. The distance -was too great and the communication too slow for the most vigilant -ministry to do more than issue general instructions. "The man on the -spot" would act as his judgment or his feelings or his power prompted -as emergencies might arise, and we have seen how even the clear -intentions of Lord Palmerston were thwarted by the idiosyncrasies of -some of his agents in China. - - [Illustration] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE FRUITS OF THE WAR AND PROSPECTS OF PEACE. - - Pretensions of British and Chinese irreconcilable -- - International equality inconceivable by Chinese -- British - aims as set forth by merchants -- The inadequacy of their - demands -- Clearer insight of their Government -- - Unsteadiness of British policy -- Consistency of Chinese - policy -- Treaty to be observed so far as needful to - obviate another war -- Canton irreconcilable -- Ransoming - the city in 1841 the cause of much subsequent trouble - there. - - -The pretensions of the contending parties being absolutely -irreconcilable, no spontaneous accommodation was possible between -them. The Chinese could never acknowledge, or even comprehend, -equality among nations, the single relationship of victor and victim -being the beginning and the end of their international ethics. If, -therefore, they ever set before their minds the issue to be decided by -a war, it must have assumed the brutal but simple oriental form, Whose -foot is to be on the other's neck? The question, then, to be submitted -to the ordeal of battle between Great Britain and China was, Which -should be the uppermost; which should henceforth dictate to the other? -In justice to the Chinese, it must be admitted that they realised more -clearly than their adversary what the quarrel really signified. What -disconcerted them and led to chronic misunderstanding in the sequel -was the after-discovery that the victor was slack in claiming the -fruits of his victory. Whether they really expected success to attend -their arms may be an open question, for their ingrained habit of -boasting of their prowess may have deceived even themselves. With this -caveat the temper in which the Chinese entered on hostilities may be -gathered from a proclamation of the High Commissioner and the viceroy -of Canton in September 1839:-- - - Let it be asked [they say], though the foreign soldiers be - numerous, can they amount to one tenth-thousandth part of - ours? Though it be allowed that the foreign guns are - powerful and effective, can their ammunition be employed - for any long period and not be expended? If they venture to - enter the port, there will be but a moment's blaze and they - will be turned to cinders. If they dare to go on shore, it - is permitted to all the people to seize and kill them. How - can these foreigners then remain unawed? - -From the British point of view the object of the China expedition was -set forth with conspicuous moderation by the merchants of London and -of the great industrial centres. And here it seems not unfitting to -remark upon the lively and intelligent interest which the commercial -community of that period was wont to take in the affairs of China. The -trade of Great Britain and of British India with that country had not -reached the annual value of L12,000,000 sterling including treasure, -yet we find in the years 1839 and 1840 a series of ably drawn -memorials to Government bearing the signatures of all the important -houses in the kingdom, showing the most intimate acquaintance with -everything that was passing in China, even though they failed to -apprehend the full signification thereof. The signatories of these -papers pointed out without circumlocution the measures necessary to -be taken in order to place the commercial interests of her Majesty's -subjects on a satisfactory footing. It would appear, therefore, that -it was from the independent merchants and manufacturers of Great -Britain and British India that the true inspiration came to Lord -Palmerston, who was then Foreign Minister; and not the inspiration -only, but the courage which was needed to throw over the pusillanimous -traditions of the Honourable East India Company, and to apply the -maxims of common-sense to our relations with the Chinese authorities. - -Among the memorials addressed to, and by request of, the Foreign -Secretary, that from the East India and China Association, -representing the merchants of London interested in the Far East, gives -perhaps the clearest exposition of the whole case from the commercial -point of view. After a succinct historical _resume_ of our successes -and failures in China, each traced to its cause, the memorialists -state their opinion that "submission will now only aggravate the evil, -and that an attempt should be made, supported by a powerful force, to -obtain such concessions from China as would place the trade upon a -secure and permanent footing." And they conclude with an outline of -the commercial treaty which they think would conduce to that result. - - _First._ Admission not only to Canton, but to certain ports - to the northward--say Amoy, Fuh-cho-foo, Ningpo, and the - Yang-che-keang and Kwan-chou--situated between 29 deg. and 32 deg. - north latitude, near the silk, nankin, and tea districts, - and it is on this coast that the chief demand for British - woollens, longells, and camlets exists. - - _Second._ Commercial relations to be maintained at these - places, or at Canton, generally with the Chinese natives; - but if the trade be limited to certain _hongs_, which we - must strongly deprecate, then the Government to be - guarantees of the solvency of such parties so chosen by it. - - _Third._ That British subjects in China carrying on a - legitimate trade shall not be treated by the Government or - its officials as inferiors, but be left free in their - social and domestic relations to adopt European customs, to - possess warehouses, and to have their wives and families - with them, and to be under the protection of the Chinese - laws from insult and oppression. - - _Fourth._ That a tariff of duties, inwards and outwards, be - fixed and agreed upon by the British and Chinese - Governments, and no alteration be made but by mutual - consent. - - _Fifth._ That the Queen's representative, as superintendent - of the trade, be allowed direct communication with the - Emperor and his Ministers, as well as with the local - authorities; and that he be permitted to reside at Peking, - or at a given port, for the protection of British subjects - and the regulation of the trade. - - _Sixth._ That in the event of any infraction of the Chinese - laws, the punishment for the same shall be confined to the - offender; and British subjects shall not be considered - responsible for the acts of each other, but each man for - his own--the innocent not being confounded with the guilty. - - _Seventh._ That supposing the Chinese to refuse opening - their ports generally, the cession by purchase, or - otherwise, of an island be obtained, upon which a British - factory could be established. - - Upon terms such as these the British trade with China - could, we think, be carried on with credit and advantage to - this country; and if force must be used to obtain them, we - cannot believe that the people of Great Britain and the - European community in general would offer any objection to - its exercise; at least we humbly suggest that the adoption - of this course is worth the trial, for if it be not - followed, the only alternative seems to be the abandonment - of this important and growing commerce to smugglers and to - piracy.--We have, &c., - - G. G. DE H. LARPENT. - JOHN ABEL SMITH. - W. CRAWFORD. - -These stipulations, and the hypothetical form in which they were -advanced, show how imperfect, after all, was the grasp which the -mercantile community had as yet taken of the situation. While fully -recognising the necessity of force and urging its employment, they yet -seem to have clung to the hope that in some way or another the -expected treaty was to be the result of amicable negotiation. They did -not clearly realise that as without force nothing could be obtained, -so with force everything could be. - -And from what an abyss the status of British subjects had come to be -regarded when it could be deemed a boon that they be placed under the -protection of Chinese law--instead of being kept for ever outside the -pale of law and of common human suffrages! Fortunately the Government, -profiting by past experience and better versed in political science, -held a more consistent course than that marked out for it by the -merchants, and went far beyond them in the concessions demanded of the -Chinese Government. Instead of trusting to Chinese law, protection for -the persons and property of British subjects was provided for under -the laws of Great Britain, a stipulation in the treaty which has been -the palladium of the liberties of all nationalities in China for sixty -years. The ambiguity which characterised the public appreciation of -the China question, even when expressed through the most authoritative -channel, deserves to be noted here on account of the influence it was -destined to exercise on the future conduct of affairs; for though the -British Government was perspicacious in the conduct of the war and in -arranging terms of peace, yet, lacking the sustained support of a -well-instructed public opinion, its Chinese policy was subject to -many backslidings. During protracted intervals of inadvertence the -pernicious influences which it was the purpose of the war to suppress -were allowed to regain lost ground, with the result that during the -whole sixty years our Chinese intercourse has been marred by the -chronic recrudescence of the old hostile temper which inspired the -outrages before the war. - -On the part of the Chinese Court there was undoubtedly a desire for -such substantial fulfilment of the treaty as might obviate the risk of -a renewal of the war. The final instruction of the Emperor Tao-kuang -while the negotiations were proceeding was, "Be careful to make such -arrangements as shall cut off for ever all cause of war, and do not -leave anything incomplete or liable to doubt." And so long, at least, -as the material guarantee of Chusan was retained by Great -Britain--that is, until 1846--no open violation was to be apprehended. -The Chinese war party, however--as distinguished from the more -reasonable Manchus--were furious in their denunciations of the treaty; -and it was the opinion of Sir John Davis that the situation was only -saved by the financial exhaustion of the country: "the ordinary taxes -could not be collected." There would in any circumstances have been a -strong presumption of covert evasion being resorted to, a presumption -which was reduced to a certainty by the indulgence extended to that -ancient focus of mischief, Canton. By one of those aberrations of -judgment which it is scarcely unfair to call characteristic, Captain -Elliot desired to save Canton, of all places in the Chinese empire, -from the pressure of war, and in 1841, in the midst of hostilities on -the coast, he accepted ransom for the city, a transaction so -inexplicable that her Majesty's Treasury, at a loss what to do with -the money, after much explanatory correspondence declared itself -unable to appropriate the fund in the manner intended by her Majesty's -representative. The arrogance of the Cantonese had been so -immeasurably puffed up by this misguided clemency that the peace left -the populace of the city and district absolutely convinced of their -invincibility. As the eradication of this dangerous delusion was among -the primary purposes of the war, so the pandering to the pride of -Canton proved, as was inevitable, the malignant root of all subsequent -bitterness.[12] - -FOOTNOTE: - -[12] It is impossible to review, however summarily, the events of that -period without free reference to the officer who was during the time -charged with the care of British interests in China. But no pretence -is made in these pages to pass a verdict on the public record of -Captain Elliot. His acts involved too many solecisms in finance, for -one thing, to have escaped the attention of Parliament; but, like -others who come before that tribunal, he was neither attacked on his -merits nor defended on his merits. None could question the sincerity -of the encomiums passed by the Duke of Wellington and Lord Melbourne -on his "courage, coolness, and self-devotion"; to which might well be -added a quite exceptional fearlessness of responsibility. But the -first representatives of the British Crown in China were doomed to -failure by the nature of their commission. The terms of their -instructions were more than contradictory--they were mutually -destructive. To conciliate the Chinese while opening official -relations with them was to mix the ingredients of an explosive. A -dilemma was, in fact, presented unwittingly by the British Government -to their agents. Lord Napier impaled himself on one horn--that of -claiming a diplomatic status; Captain Elliot on the other--that of -gaining over the Government by conciliation; and no earthly skill -could have saved either of them. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE NEW INTERCOURSE: CANTON, 1842-1847. - - The fundamental difficulty of giving effect to the treaty - -- Necessity for thoroughness -- Character of Kiying, - Imperial Commissioner -- His amicable relations with - British Superintendent of Trade -- Turbulence of Canton -- - Outrages on British merchants -- Condoned by Chinese - Government, if not encouraged both by imperial and - provincial authorities -- Sir John Davis's testimony -- His - passive treatment -- False policy of allowing Chinese - Government to screen itself behind the mob -- Postponement - of entry into city -- Climax in affair -- Evacuation of - Chusan -- Increase of insults at Canton -- Sir John Davis - palliates and then asks for redress -- Sudden reaction in - his policy consequent on Lord Palmerston's becoming Foreign - Secretary -- His clear despatches -- Sir John Davis makes a - raid on the river defences -- Has the city at his mercy -- - But makes an unsatisfactory agreement -- Withdraws - protection in spite of remonstrance of merchants -- - Massacre of six Englishmen in 1847 -- Redress -- Whole - question of British protection brought up -- Canton consul - objects to ship of war at factories -- Palmerston orders - one to be there -- Agreement to defer entry into city till - 1849 -- People intoxicated with their success -- The - potency of the people -- Its limitations -- Interesting - correspondence -- Final agreement dictated by people and - signed by Sir John Davis and Kiying. - - -To carry out a treaty which was odious to Chinese officials in -general, most of all to the bureaucracy and populace of the main -centre of intercourse, Canton, required an effort analogous to that of -maintaining a body of water at an artificial level--success in either -case depending on completeness. It is easier to keep the reservoir -intact than to compromise with leakages, as in certain conditions of -the human will total abstinence is less irksome than moderation. To -carry out the treaty, the whole treaty, and nothing but the treaty, -would seem, therefore, to have been the obvious course for British -agents to follow, a course suited equally to strong and to weak -characters. This was, no doubt, understood by some, though not by all, -of the British staff,--fifty years ago, as in our own day; but in the -distribution of the _personnel_ it fell out that the fundamental -condition of success was least realised just where it was most -imperatively needed--to wit, at that intermittent volcano, Canton. For -even the close proximity of the chief superintendent--only 120 miles -distant--at Hongkong was insufficient to keep the cistern of our -Canton relations water-tight. Sir John Davis, on the whole a competent -official, shared to some extent in the common human imperfection of -knowing what was right without always doing, or being able to do, it. -He is indeed himself the most candid witness to the breakdown of the -patchwork policy which he permitted to grow up in Canton, perhaps -because he could not do otherwise. - -The first British plenipotentiaries under treaty were exceptionally -fortunate in their Chinese colleague, the High Commissioner, Kiying. -He being a near kinsman of the emperor, and, with Ilipu, the principal -instrument in promoting the conclusion of peace, his appointment must -have been considered the best recognition the Court could accord of -the validity of the treaty. "Kiying," says Sir J. Davis, "was by far -the most remarkable person with whom Europeans have ever come in -contact in that part of the world; the most elevated in rank as well -as the most estimable in character." Intercourse with Kiying, -therefore, was pleasant, and conducive to self-respect. - -Both officials were unfortunate in having to reckon with an -intractable peace-disturbing element in their mutual relations. This -is the name which, for want of a more exact designation, must be given -to the people of Canton, "who, through every event since 1839, -remained incorrigible in the real hatred and affected contempt for -foreigners." - -It has always been, and still is, the practice of the Chinese -authorities to make use of the populace in their aggressions on -strangers. There is at all times in China, as in most countries, an -inexhaustible fund of anti-foreign sentiment ready to be drawn upon by -agitators, whether within the Government circle or not, and subject -also to spontaneous explosion. By working on these latent passions, -and inflaming the popular mind by the dissemination of odious -calumnies, Government could at any moment foment an anti-foreign raid. -It was a political engine in the use of which Chinese officialdom had -become thoroughly expert. It was tempting by its cheapness, and it -had, moreover, the special fascination for them that in the event of -being called to account for outrage they could disavow the excesses of -the "poor ignorant people." Such a force, however, is not without its -drawbacks to those who employ it. Like a fire, which is easy to kindle -but hard to control, the popular excitement was apt to extend beyond -the limits assigned by its instigators, and many an engineer has thus -been hoist by his own petard. "Otho had not sufficient authority to -prevent crime, though he could command it," says Tacitus; and the -observation fits the case of successive generations of Chinese rulers -as if it had been written for each one of them separately. - -The rowdy population of Canton enjoyed special immunity from official -control. Not only had they been habitually pampered for two hundred -years, and diligently taught to tyrannise over and despise foreigners, -but during the war they were allowed to organise themselves -independently of the authorities, and to claim the honour of driving -the invaders off on the occasion when the city was admitted to ransom. -On the mendacious reports of these transactions reaching him, the -emperor not only bestowed rewards on the leaders but encouraged the -populace to further hostile measures against the foreigners. The -liberal distribution of arms during the war proved afterwards a -powerful incentive to crimes of violence, of which outrages on -foreigners were but one development. - -The self-organised, self-trained bands of Canton were by no means -disposed to submit tamely to the new order of things, in the -settlement of which they had had no voice. They had bettered their -official instruction in the storing up and practising of hatred and -contempt for foreigners, and they did not choose suddenly to recant -merely because their Government had been coerced into making a treaty -in a distant province. Consequently, within three short months of its -signature notices were placarded inciting the people to violence; very -soon an organised attack on the British factories was made, and the -buildings were burned down. - -So far from attempting to repress such outrages, the governor of -Canton, "while the ruins were still smoking," reported to the throne -that the people "in their natural indignation had committed some -excesses against the grasping barbarians," and a very gracious answer -was vouchsafed to an offer of the people of certain outlying villages -to join the armed bands of the city. The Imperial Government as well -as the provincial government was thus identified with the popular -hostility to foreigners, and opposition to the fulfilment of the -treaty. "The excesses of the Canton mob," writes Sir John Davis, "were -perpetually and annually resumed, up to the public decapitation of the -four murderers of the Englishmen in 1847, with the subsequent -punishment of eleven more." - -But this is surely remarkable testimony from the Minister of Great -Britain who was charged with the protection of his nationals[13] from -wrong? With British garrisons in occupation of Kulangsu and Chusan, a -military and naval force in Hongkong, and a Chinese commissioner -professedly willing to afford protection and redress to foreigners, -the acquiescence of the British authorities in these recurrent -outrages seems to stand in need of explanation. The native -authorities, it was clear, would not, even if they dared, coerce the -Canton populace. Kiying himself, though meaning to be just, and ready -to enforce redress against individual culprits, recoiled before the -mob. So it would appear did the British representative, who, though -vigilant in requiring compliance with the treaty in minor respects, -seemed to be paralysed whenever the Cantonese were in question. He -had been too long accustomed to their practices not to be aware of the -cumulative quality of these outrages, and he was too practical a -philosopher not to know the wisdom of arresting the virulent stream at -its fountain-head. Yet "the miserable policy of the Chinese Government -... had permitted the populace of Canton ... to reach the -culminating-point of organised misrule in 1846," British merchants -being the sufferers. Why was nothing done to protect them at least -from the consequences of this misrule? - -The intricacies of the relation between the criminal rabble of Canton -and the authorities there it would be hopeless to unravel, just as it -would be vain to make such an attempt with regard to analogous cases -which are to this day of constant recurrence. But no special -penetration is needed to discover the falsity of a policy of allowing -an organised government to plead its inability to control its own -populace. Once admit such a plea and the security of the stranger is -gone, for he has relinquished his hold on the Government without being -compensated by any alternative security. Such was the state of things -which had been allowed to grow up in Canton, producing the only fruit -possible--outrage, ever increasing in violence and ending in massacre. - -The postponement of the right of entry into the city conferred by -treaty was a test case which gave the Chinese the clue to the weakness -of British policy. The consequences would have been less pernicious -had the right been frankly surrendered from the first, for to have it -merely deferred from time to time on the avowed ground of the populace -not being ready to acquiesce in it was to flatter the mob beyond -measure while feeding their passion for violence. It was in this -manner that the British Government had "given itself away" to the -lawless rowdies of Canton. - -The "climax" referred to by Sir John Davis occurred at an interesting -juncture of time, for it was in 1846 that the last British soldier -quitted Chinese soil, and Sir John Davis testifies that the -restoration of Chusan had produced a change for the worse in the tone -of the Chinese authorities. Kiying himself forgot his urbanity and -acted "with a degree of _brusquerie_, not to say insolence, never -before exhibited by him." - -A riotous attack on the foreign factories broke out in July 1846, in -which the merchants were compelled in a body to defend themselves -against an immense number of assailants. For this outbreak Sir John -Davis blamed one of the English merchants, and got him irregularly -fined by the consul. A murderous assault was committed on two British -seamen in the city of Canton in October following. In the ordinary -routine he reported the occurrence to the Foreign Office in a despatch -of seven lines. "Two English merchant seamen," he said, "having -strayed into the town, had been violently ill-used by the populace"; -adding that he "considered it to be the duty of the consul to prevent -seamen wandering through Canton." He at the same time instructed the -consul to find some means of punishing the master of the ship for -allowing his men liberty, and proposed placing greater power in the -hands of the consul for the restraint of British subjects generally. -Above this level the plenipotentiary seemed unable to rise. - -In March 1847 an English party of six, including Colonel Chesney, -commanding the Royal Artillery in Hongkong, narrowly escaped murder at -the hands of a riotous mob during an excursion up the Canton river. -They strayed much farther than the two sailors had done, and if they -did not fare worse it was due to the almost miraculous interposition -of a Chinese officer with his followers, he himself being roughly -handled by the mob. It would not do to apply to Colonel Chesney's case -the homoeopathic treatment which was thought appropriate to the -others, and Sir John Davis made a formal demand on the Chinese -authorities for the punishment of the aggressors. The cup of Chinese -iniquity was deemed full, and the avenger was at last let loose. - -Whence, it is pertinent to ask, came this sudden access of vigour in -the British representative? - -The juncture of time above referred to was interesting from another -point of view, for coincidently with the evacuation of Chusan and the -renewed arrogance of the Chinese, a political event took place in the -western hemisphere which had an important bearing on the whole -attitude of Great Britain. There was a change of Government, -Palmerston succeeding Aberdeen at the Foreign Office. The influence of -Lord Palmerston on Chinese affairs during his long public career was -so remarkable, that the ebb and flow of British prestige may be traced -as closely by his periods of office as the course of the oceanic tide -by the phases of the moon. Let any patriotic Englishman ransack the -records of the sixty odd years of that statesman's full activity, and -he will find no despatch or speech on the subject of China, even down -to our own day, that will afford him such genuine satisfaction as -those emanating from Lord Palmerston. They are so much the embodiment -of common-sense that they might sometimes be considered commonplace; -practical, true, clear as a bugle-note. He had been barely six months -in office when one of his terse despatches to Sir John Davis turned -that cautious official for the time being into a hero. The -astonishment of Sir John may be imagined when, in reply to his placid -report of the outrage on the two seamen, he received a curt -communication from the Foreign Office in which his attention was -directed to the punishment, not of the victims, but of the -perpetrators, of the outrage. - - I have [wrote Lord Palmerston, January 12, 1847] to - instruct you to demand the punishment of the parties guilty - of this outrage; and you will, moreover, inform the Chinese - authorities in plain and distinct terms that the British - Government will not tolerate that a Chinese mob shall with - impunity maltreat British subjects in China whenever they - get them into their power; and that if the Chinese - authorities will not by the exercise of their own power - punish and prevent such outrages, the British Government - will be obliged to take the matter into their own hands. - -Sir John Davis was the more ready to respond to this stirring appeal -that it reached him just as he had entered on a correspondence with -the Chinese respecting the attack on Colonel Chesney's party. The turn -of the tide was marked with unusual distinctness in a single sentence -of the plenipotentiary's despatch dated March 27, 1847. "The records -of the Foreign Office," wrote Sir John, "will convince your lordship -that during the last three years I have been rigidly tied down by my -instructions to the most forbearing policy.... The time has, in my -opinion, certainly arrived when decision becomes necessary and -further forbearance impolitic." The inspiration of these instructions -may be inferred from a speech of Lord Stanley's in 1845, in which he -said, speaking of China, "I believe, so far as our later experience -has gone, that there is no nation which more highly values public -faith in others; and up to the present moment I am bound to say there -never was a government or a nation which more strictly and -conscientiously adhered to the literal fulfilment of the engagements -into which it had entered." This from a Minister of the Crown, after -three years of continuous outrages in Canton and of refusal to fulfil -a specific article in the treaty, reflects either on the -superintendent of trade in China as having withheld information from -the Government, or on the Government itself in arriving at conclusions -diametrically opposed to the tenor of their agent's despatches. If it -be any justification of the Government theory to say so, the -sentiments expressed by Lord Stanley were echoed by the newspapers of -the day. "The Chinese," said one of them, "have acted with exemplary -good faith, nor is there the least probability of their failing in -future to do so." - -Under the new afflatus, and backed handsomely by the naval and -military commanders, Sir John Davis proceeded to prick the bubble of -mob lawlessness and to reduce the Anglo-Chinese relations to working -order. This he did by a sudden raid on the Canton river defences, -without apparently any diplomatic preliminaries. By a brilliant feat -of arms General D'Aguilar with a detachment from the Hongkong -garrison, conveyed by three small steamers of the China squadron, -swept the defences of the Canton river, blew up the magazines, spiked -827 pieces of heavy cannon, and placed the city of Canton "entirely at -our mercy, ... all without the loss of one British life." Under the -intoxication of such a triumph the plenipotentiary might be pardoned -the illusion that the Canton troubles were now at an end. "The Chinese -yielded in five minutes what had been delayed as many months." And yet -it proved to be a fool's paradise after all in which he found shelter, -for the old fatality of half-measures that has marred so many British -victories overshadowed Sir John Davis's first essay in diplomacy. The -agreement in seven articles concluded with Kiying on April 6, 1847, -contained such blemishes as the British negotiator could perceive -clearly enough when the work of other officials was in question. -Having laid down broadly that the good faith of the Chinese Government -bore a direct relation to the hostages they had given, yet the -plenipotentiary, when he came to business on his own account, -abandoned the securities which were actually in his hands, and, either -from misgivings of some sort, or under the impulse of a sudden -reconversion, he threw himself unreservedly on the good faith of the -Chinese without any guarantee whatever. - -With regard to the protection to be afforded to the merchants and the -prevention of attacks upon them, Lord Palmerston wrote in December -1846: "Wherever British subjects are placed in danger, in a situation -which is accessible to a British ship of war, thither a British ship -of war ought to be, and will be ordered, not only to go but to remain -as long as its presence may be required. I see no reason for -cancelling the instructions given to you for the constant presence of -a ship of war within reach of the factories at Canton." This promise -of Lord Palmerston's was the sheet-anchor of the merchants' security. -The question of having a ship of war close to the factories divided -the mercantile from the local official view, and as the Home -Government had so clearly adopted the former, the merchants took -courage to stand up for what they deemed their rights. Learning that -Sir John Davis, in the plenitude of his military success, had resolved -to withdraw all her Majesty's forces from Canton, they ventured to -make a strong remonstrance against such a step. Sir John, however, -while consenting to the retention of a portion of the force, never -allowed himself to be convinced of the need of any such measure. -Writing to his Government in August 1847, he declared that "the Canton -factories were never less in need of the presence of such a vessel -than at present,"--an opinion frequently reiterated until November 20, -when "for the first time since the peace it may be confidently -predicated that a steamer will not be required." This was within -sixteen days of the most cruel and revolting massacre of six young -Englishmen at Hwang-chu-ke, within three miles of the city. The -absence of a ship of war at that moment was deeply deplored, because -several of the victims were kept alive long enough to have been -rescued had there been any British force at hand. - -This massacre naturally produced a profound impression on the Canton -community, who felt that their warnings and petitions had been cruelly -disregarded. The resident British merchants, in a memorial to Lord -Palmerston, quoted his lordship's own instruction as to the -stationing of a British ship of war at Canton, and said "it was with -the utmost surprise and regret they beheld that officer [Sir J. Davis] -shutting his eyes to the danger that menaced us, ... and withholding -the protection he had been directed to afford." "The heavy calamity -which has befallen us," they add, "is the result of this infatuation." - -So much for the protection of life and property resulting from the -armed expedition of 1847. The value of the new agreement, purely local -in its bearing, which was the result of the successful invasion, was -esteemed but lightly by the merchants. In their memorial, written in -the month of August, they said: "If it is not deemed expedient to -carry out a general measure in the manner contemplated by the 4th -article of the new agreement, it would be much better that the -merchants be again left to themselves"; while respecting the military -raid and its consequences, they represented that "the just alarm -occasioned by the expedition four months ago, and the excitement kept -up by these fruitless negotiations, have done incalculable injury to -the trade without bettering the position of foreigners in the least." - -Such diverse views of policy held by the principal parties concerned -are typical of the relations which have subsisted between the -protectors and the protected throughout a great part of the period -which has elapsed since the British Government established relations -with China in 1834. - -These occurrences at Canton and the decided action taken by the -British Government brought up in a definite form the whole question of -the safety of British interests in China, and the means by which it -was to be secured. The conversion of Sir John Davis, though much, was -not everything. The aim of Lord Palmerston's policy was still liable -to be deflected by the perturbing influence of a minor planet in the -system. The consul in Canton gave him almost as much trouble in his -day as the famous Tiverton butcher did afterwards in his; and the -patience with which his lordship endeavoured to enlighten his agent on -the most elementary principles of human action was admirable. It had -been the practice of the consul "to report to your Excellency another -wanton and unprovoked attack on the part of the populace upon a party -of Englishmen," and at the same time to deprecate any measures of -defence, whether by organising volunteers among the residents or -having a British ship of war stationed where she could be seen. - -The consul's object in all this was to avoid exciting suspicion in the -minds of the Chinese populace. Sir John Davis, who had all along -agreed with the consul, had now to tell his subordinate that "Viscount -Palmerston was of opinion that we shall lose all advantages which we -have gained by the war if we take the low tone which has been adopted -at Canton." - - We must stop [continued his lordship] on the very threshold - any attempt on their part to treat us otherwise than as - their equals.... The Chinese must learn and be convinced - that if they attack our people and our factories they will - be shot.... So far from objecting (as the Consul had done) - to the armed association, I think it a wise security - against the necessity of using force.... Depend upon it - that the best way of keeping any men quiet is to let them - see that you are able and determined to repel force by - force, and the Chinese are not in the least different in - this respect from the rest of mankind. - -In the light of the history of the subsequent fifty years, one is -tempted to say that Lord Palmerston's dictum puts the eternal China -question in a nutshell. - -But when we reflect on the consequences of a man "of great experience" -needing such lectures and yet left for years undisturbed at a centre -of turbulence like Canton, can we greatly wonder at the periodical -harvest of atrocities which followed? - -The one important article in the April agreement was that suspending -for a definite period of two years the operation of the article of the -treaty of Nanking conferring the right of entering the city of Canton -and the other ports of trade. Sir John Davis demanded either -permission to "return your Excellency's visit in the city, or that a -time be specifically named after which there shall be general free -ingress for British subjects." To which Kiying replied, "The intention -of entering the city to return my visit is excellent. The feelings of -the people, however, are not yet reconciled to it." And Kiying easily -had his way. Sir John thereupon explicitly sanctioned a definite delay -of two years in the exercise of this treaty right, representing the -privilege in his report to Lord Palmerston as of little importance. - -Such, however, was not the view either of the Chinese or the British -community of Canton. The throwing open of the city was by the latter -considered the essential object of the recent expedition, and in their -memorial to Lord Palmerston the merchants stated that the Braves -having declared their determination to oppose the English at all -costs, the withdrawal of our troops _re infecta_ "intoxicated all -ranks of the people with an imaginary triumph." Exclusion from the -city thus remained as a trophy in the hands of the reactionaries, to -become in 1856 the crux of a new dispute and a new war. - -It was no imaginary, but a very real, triumph for "the people"; and -even looking back on the transaction with the advantage of fifty -years' experience, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that it was -an inversion of judgment to have a city entirely at your mercy and -then yield to the city instead of making the city yield to you. The -least that could have been expected was, that while the troops were on -the spot they should have vindicated the treaty of Nanking once for -all by opening the city gates and thus eliminating the most pregnant -source of future strife. - -On one point Sir John Davis was in agreement with the -memorialists--namely, in "tracing back the conduct of the Canton -populace to the operations of 1841, on which occasion they were spared -by our forces at the rear of the city." But the merchants were -pointing out to Lord Palmerston that Sir John Davis was himself -implicitly following that very precedent. - -The China career of Sir John Davis was destined to a tragic finale, -for in the midst of a series of decidedly optimistic despatches he was -startled by the news of the Hwang-chu-ke murders. Expiation was as -prompt as could have been reasonably expected, the High Commissioner -not daring to afford provocation for a further punitive expedition -which might not have ended quite so easily as that of the previous -April. - -The Canton imbroglio of 1847 threw into strong relief the potency of -the Chinese demos and its relation to the Central Government. The -pretensions of the populace and the stress of events drove the -Imperial Government into a corner and forced it to show its hand, -with the result that the occult combination which had been the despair -of British officials for fourteen years was resolved into its -elements, and for a time made amenable to treatment. It was -demonstrated by this experiment that though the Imperial Government -dared not, except in extremity, oppose any popular movement, yet when -necessity required the authorities assumed an easy mastery. Sir John -Davis wrote in one of his latest despatches, "Kiying had clearly -proved his power over the people when he chooses to exercise it." -Coerced themselves, the authorities applied corresponding coercion to -the people, even at the behest of foreigners, "truckling" to whom was -equally disgraceful to both the Chinese parties. The interaction of -the two Powers exemplified in a memorable way the principle of all -Chinese intercourse, that boldness begets timidity and gentleness -arrogance. When the people asserted themselves the authorities yielded -and fell into line with them, and when the authorities asserted -themselves the people succumbed. Such were the lessons of the Canton -operations of 1847, lessons since forgotten and relearned again and -again at ever-increasing cost. - -But the relations between the Government and the people bore also a -quasi-diplomatic character. They dealt with each other as if they were -two Estates of the realm having parallel or concurrent jurisdiction. -The most remarkable phase, however, of the popular pretensions which -was evolved under the unaccustomed pressure of the British Minister -was the attempt of the populace to diplomatise direct with him. So -curious an incident may still be studied with profit. The new -departure of the people was the more startling in that they had been -hitherto known only as a ferocious and lawless mob addicted to -outrage, whose hatred of foreigners gained in bitterness by a long -immunity from reprisals. Now that they had felt the "mailed fist" of a -man of fact, and were almost in the act of delivering up their own -heroes for execution, they sought to parley with the Power they had -despised. - -The elders of the murderous villages, in the midst of his stern -demands, sent a memorial to Sir John Davis full of amity and goodwill. -"Come and let us reason together" was the burden of this novel -address. The elders proposed a convention for the suppression of -outrages, somewhat on the lines of the Kilmainham Treaty, to supersede -the law of the land. "The former treaty drawn up in Kiangnan was not -well understood by the common people"; in other words, it was wanting -in validity, for "the resolutions of Government are in nowise to be -compared to those self-imposed by the people.... Were not this -preferable to the fruitless proclamations and manifestos of -government?" "It has, therefore," they say, "been resolved to invite -the upright and influential gentry and literati of the whole city to -meet together, and, in concert with the wealthy and important -merchants of your honourable nation, establish a compact of peace." - -Though he could not receive such a communication officially, Sir John -Davis forwarded a copy to the Foreign Office, to whom he imparted his -belief that the author was no other than Kiying himself--a surmise -which was soon confirmed. The paper was extensively circulated; its -arguments and phraseology were adopted by Kiying in his official -correspondence with Sir John Davis. "The compact of peace" which -closed their negotiations amounted to no more, indeed, than police -protection for foreigners in their country walks, which, however, was -counterbalanced by a new restriction excluding them from the villages -as they had already been from the city. The interesting point is that, -such as it was, it was the proposal of the people ratified by the two -plenipotentiaries. - - * * * * * - -From this hurried sketch of affairs at Canton during the first five -years of the new intercourse we see that the secular policy of China -had undergone no change as a result of the treaty. The settled -determination of the Government to exclude foreigners from the country -and keep them in strict subjection at the farthest maritime outpost of -the empire had been overcome by violence; but the Chinese never -abandoned the hope of retrieving their position in whole or in part, -nor did they forego any opportunity of avenging their military defeat. -A frontal attack being out of the question, the invader could be -perpetually worried by guerilla tactics, his sentries caught napping, -his chiefs bamboozled: what had been lost through force might thus be -won back by force and fraud judiciously blended, for craft is the -natural resource of the weak. The conditions of the contest have -varied with the international developments of fifty years, but time -has worked no change in the nature of the struggle East _v._ West. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[13] This convenient term, borrowed from the French, saves many -periphrases and sometimes an ambiguity. Neither "fellow-countrymen," -"fellow-subjects," nor "fellow-citizens" fully expresses the -relationship between an official in an extra-territorialised country -and those whom he protects and governs. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE NEW TREATY PORTS--FOOCHOW, AMOY, NINGPO. - - Visit of Chinese commissioners to Hongkong -- A - supplementary treaty negotiated -- Chinese thereby obtain - control of junk trade of colony -- Vain efforts to recover - the lost ground -- New ports criticised -- Amoy -- Alcock's - temporary residence there, 1844 -- Interpreter Parkes -- - Foochow -- Bad beginning -- Insolence of mandarin and mob - -- Lost ground recovered during Alcock's consulate -- His - family arrive -- Little trade -- Difficulties of diverting - the Bohea trade from old routes -- Alcock's commercial - reports -- Their grasp of salient points in a fresh range - of subjects. - - -It accorded with the fitness of things that the negotiator of the -treaty should remain to carry out its provisions. Sir Henry Pottinger -was appointed the first Governor of Hongkong, Chief Superintendent of -Trade, and Minister Plenipotentiary for Great Britain; Kiying and two -associates Imperial Commissioners for China. Intercourse between them -was of the most agreeable character. Though the wound to the pride of -China was deep and still fresh, the Imperial Commissioners' acceptance -of the new state of things exceeded what the most stoical philosophy -could call for. They came in person, on invitation, to the alienated -island, there to exchange the ratifications of the Nanking treaty; -entered heartily into the life of the community, showed great interest -in their nascent institutions, and "returned to Canton charmed with -English civilisation." China then was really converted, and Kiying the -patron saint of the young colony! That adroit Manchu, however, had a -purpose to serve by his effusive _bonhomie_: it was nothing less than -to undermine the treaty of Nanking. - -So long as Sir Henry Pottinger was negotiating under the guns of her -Majesty's ships he was master of the situation, but when pitted -against the Chinese in the open field the position was reversed, for -they had definite aims and knew how to gain them. Arrangements were -found necessary for the conduct of trade at the five consular ports; -the relations between the colony of Hongkong and the empire of China, -as regards criminals, debtors, &c., required definition; and, more -important still, the native shipping frequenting its harbour had to be -regulated. The negotiations required for these purposes afforded -Kiying a favourable opportunity for giving effect to the reactionary -policy of the Chinese Government. The supplementary treaty was -negotiated at the Bogue between Sir Henry Pottinger and Kiying in -October 1843. The Chinese version seems to have been signed by the -British agent without his having before him a textual English -translation: by its provisions the Chinese authorities engaged to -protect the junk traffic in colonial waters. Sir Henry Pottinger did -not realise the kind of weapon he had thus placed in the hands of his -friends until its damaging effects were demonstrated by experience. -Then what had been lost by diplomacy was sought to be partially -regained by persuasion. To this end strenuous efforts were made by -successive governors of Hongkong to induce Kiying to forego some of -the powers which had been inadvertently conferred on him, as their -exercise was proving ruinous to the trade of the island. But as this -result was precisely what had been intended by the Chinese, nothing -short of another war would have moved them to yield a single point. - -His hesitation to exercise the right of entry into the city of Canton -conferred by the treaty of Nanking, while allowing the Chinese the -full advantage of the concessions gained by them under the -supplementary treaty, must likewise be held as a blemish on the policy -of Sir Henry Pottinger. The best palliation of these errors of the -first treaty-maker is perhaps to be found in the fact that his -successors, with many years of actual experience to guide them, have -fallen into the same errors of both omission and commission. - -In other respects Sir Henry Pottinger's arrangements for giving effect -to the treaty seem to have been as practical as the untried -circumstances would allow. - - [Illustration: THE LAKES, NINGPO.] - -The opening of the new ports, with the exception of Shanghai, was -unfavourably commented upon by a section of the English press, not -perhaps unwilling to score a point against the "Tory Government, which -was alone answerable for the treaty of Nanking." They denounced the -opening of so many ports on the ground that it would only multiply -points of collision with the Chinese. Three years later the 'Times' -pronounced "Amoy, Foochow, and Ningpo as good for nothing as places of -trade," while Hongkong itself was equally despised as a commercial -colony. Some of the journals resuscitated the idea which had been -freely discussed during the years preceding the war, and advocated the -acquisition in sovereignty of islands as emporia instead of ports on -the mainland, and it is worthy of remark that the same idea was again -revived by Mr Cobden twenty years later. "Get two other small -islands," he said in 1864; "merely establish them as free ports" on -the model of Hongkong. And this with a view to superseding the treaty -ports on the coast, where trade had been established for twenty years. - -Three of the new ports--Shanghai, Ningpo, and Amoy--were opened under -Sir Henry Pottinger's auspices in 1843; Foochow in 1844. These places, -distributed at approximately equal intervals along the coast-line of -1000 miles between Shanghai and Canton, were not chosen at random. -They had all been at one time or another entrepots of foreign commerce -with either Europe, Southern Asia, or Japan. Foochow had been many -years before strongly recommended by one of the East India Company's -tea-tasters as most desirable for the shipment of tea. An expedition -equipped by the Company under Mr Hamilton Lindsay, who, like the other -servants of the Company, was versed in the Chinese language, visited -the northern coast in the chartered ship Amherst in 1832, and gained -the first authentic information concerning the commercial capabilities -of Shanghai. Mr Gutzlaff, who acted as secretary and coadjutor to Mr -Lindsay's mission, made several adventurous voyages, including one in -Chinese disguise, in a native junk, to Tientsin. Though the coast had -not yet been surveyed, and navigation was in consequence somewhat -dangerous, a good deal of fairly accurate information, some of it -already obsolete, was by these means placed at the disposal of those -who made the selection of the treaty ports. Ningpo was noted for its -literary culture, for the respectability and intelligence of its -inhabitants, and their friendly disposition towards foreigners. But -although it was the entrepot of a flourishing coasting trade, the -shallowness of its river, the want of anchorage at its embouchure, and -its vicinity to Shanghai, combined to preclude the growth of foreign -commerce at the port of Ningpo. - - * * * * * - - [Illustration: THE FIRST CONSULAR RESIDENCE AT FOOCHOW.] - -It was to Foochow that Mr Alcock was appointed in 1844, by Mr Davis -(as he then was), who had recently succeeded Sir Henry Pottinger. The -new consul, however, made his actual _debut_ at Amoy, where he was -detained for four months, from November 1844 to March 1845, acting for -the titular consul at that port. There he at once displayed that -energy and clear-sightedness which were to become so conspicuous in -his subsequent career. Two important matters had to be arranged within -the period named--the evacuation of the island of Kulangsu by the -British garrison and the future residence of the consul. Trifling as -this last may seem, it was a matter of no small consideration in -China, where, to paraphrase Polonius, the dwelling oft proclaims the -man. It was one of the innumerable devices of the Chinese authorities -for degrading new-comers in the eyes of the populace to force them to -live, as at Canton, within a confined space or in squalid tenements. -Mr Alcock knew by instinct the importance of prestige, while his -Peninsular training had taught him the value of sanitation. -Following these two guiding stars, he overbore the obstruction of the -officials, and not only obtained a commodious site but had a house -built to his own specification during his temporary incumbency of the -office. That, and his general bearing towards the authorities, stamped -on the Amoy consulate the impress of dignity which has never been -wholly effaced. He was most fortunate, it must be allowed, in his -instruments, chiefly in the interpreter whom he found at Amoy, a man, -or rather a boy--for he was only sixteen--entirely after his own -heart. That was Harry Parkes, one of the bravest and best of our -empire-builders. It is indeed to the journals and letters of Sir Harry -Parkes, edited by Mr Stanley Lane-Poole, and to notes supplied for -that biography by Sir Rutherford Alcock himself in 1893, that we are -chiefly indebted for the record of their joint proceedings at Amoy, -Foochow, and to some extent also Shanghai, from 1844 to 1848. The -consul made a favourable first impression on the young interpreter, -who described him in a family letter as "tall but slimly made, -standing about six feet in his boots; ... very gentlemanly in his -manners and address, and exceedingly polite." It was not, however, -till he reached his proper post, Foochow, that the mettle of the new -consul and interpreter was seriously tested. - -Foochow was of superior rank to the other two ports, being, like Canton, -at once a provincial capital and the seat of a governor-general or -viceroy of two provinces--namely, Fukien and Chekiang--and possessing -a Manchu garrison. The Chinese Government was believed to have been -most reluctant to open Foochow as a trading port at all, which seemed -reason enough for the British negotiators insisting on its being -opened. Its trade was small, which perhaps rendered the port the more -suitable for the experimental purpose of testing the principles which -were to govern the new intercourse. - -As the leading occurrences there have been set forth at some length by -Mr Stanley Lane-Poole in the above-mentioned work, there is the less -reason for us to linger over details. We find that on arrival at the -end of March 1845 Mr Alcock discovered that he had not to maintain, -but to regain, the prestige which had already been lost at Foochow. -Canton was, in fact, repeating itself both as regards the arrogance of -the Chinese and the acquiescence of British officials. Exclusion from -the city and various other indignities had been imposed on the consul, -who, on his part, had followed the course which had proved so fatal at -Canton of currying favour by submission. Living in a shed,[14] where -Mr Davis on a flying visit was ashamed to receive return calls from -the native authorities, keeping up no great state, afraid even to -hoist his consular flag for fear of hurting the feelings of the -Chinese, the consul soon brought upon himself and his nationals the -inevitable consequences of his humility. Mob violence and outrages, -encouraged at first by the authorities in order to cow the foreigners, -had attained dimensions which at last alarmed the authorities -themselves, all within two years of the opening of the port. Mr Alcock -set himself sternly to oppose this downward current, but a year -elapsed before the violence of the people and the studied rudeness of -the officials were finally stamped out. For, curiously enough, as Mr -Lane-Poole has so well pointed out, every outrage in Canton found its -echo at Foochow, showing clearly where lay the "centre of -disturbance," as our meteorologists express it. - -In the end, however, the ascendancy of the British authority was -completely achieved. The consul and the interpreter between them -succeeded in getting proud Tartars put in the common pillory and -lesser ruffians severely flogged, while before they left Foochow in -1846 they had extorted from the authorities substantial pecuniary -compensation for injuries sustained by British subjects. The credit of -these vigorous measures no doubt belonged in the first instance to Sir -John Davis, the chief superintendent, who had been so struck with the -deplorable condition of things on his first official visit to the port -in 1844 that he empowered the new consul to find the remedy. The -effect of this resolute policy on the mandarins was as prompt and -natural as the effect of the submissive policy had been, and it is -instructive to read the testimony of Sir John Davis that, after -redress had been exacted, "the consul was on the best terms with the -local authorities," which is the perpetual lesson taught in all our -dealings with the Chinese. - -Foochow is distinguished among the coast ports of China by the beauty -and even grandeur of its scenery and the comparative salubrity of its -climate. The city itself contains above half a million of people, -covers an extensive area on the left bank of the river Min, and is -connected with the foreign quarter by a stone bridge of forty-five -"arches," which are not arches but spaces between the piers on which -huge granite slabs are laid horizontally, forming the roadway. The -houses and business premises of the merchants, the custom-house and -foreign consulates, are all now situated on Nantai, an island of some -twenty miles in circumference, which divides the main stream of the -Min from its tributary, the Yungfu. In the early days the British -consulate was located within the walled city, in the grounds of a -Buddhist temple, three miles from the landing-place and business -quarter on Nantai, and approached through narrow and exceedingly -foul-smelling streets. - -Mrs Alcock joined her husband as soon as tolerable accommodation could -be prepared for her, and being the first foreign lady who had set foot -in the city, her entry excited no small curiosity among the people. A -year later Mrs and Miss Bacon, Mrs Alcock's mother and sister, were -added to the family party, and though curiosity was still keen, they -were safely escorted through the surging crowd to their peaceful -_enclave_ in the heart of the city. The situation was suggestive of -monastic life. Being on high ground the consulate commanded a superb -mountain view, with the two rivers issuing from their recesses and the -great city lying below forming a picturesque foreground, while in the -middle distance the terraced rice-fields showed in their season the -tenderest of all greens. The circumstances were conducive to the -idyllic life of which we get a glimpse in the biography of Sir Harry -Parkes, who shared it. He speaks in the warmest terms of the kindness -he received from Mr and Mrs Alcock, who tended him through a fever -which, but for the medical skill of the consul--no other professional -aid being available--must have ended fatally. They helped him with -books, enlarged his field of culture, and there is no doubt that daily -intercourse with this genial and accomplished family did much to -supply the want of that liberal education from which the boy had been -untimely cut adrift. The value of such parental influence to a lad who -had left school at thirteen can hardly be over-estimated, and he did -not exaggerate in writing, "I can never repay the Alcocks the lasting -obligations I am under to them." - - [Illustration: BRIDGE OVER RIVER MIN.] - -During the first few years there was practically no foreign trade at -Foochow except in opium, which was conducted from a sea base beyond -port limits, a trade which was invisible alike to Chinese and British -authorities in the sense in which harlequin is invisible to clown and -pantaloon. The spasmodic attempts which were made to open up a market -for British manufactures met with no encouragement, for only one -British merchant maintained a precarious existence, and the question -of abandoning the port was mooted. The prospect of commercial -development at Foochow depended on its vicinity to that classic centre -of the tea cultivation, the famous Bohea range, about 250 miles to the -westward, whose name, however, was used to cover many inferior -products. Ten years more elapsed before this advantageous position was -turned to practical account, owing to the serious obstacles that stood -in the way of changing the established trade route to Canton and the -absence of aggressive energy sufficient to overcome them. Through the -enterprise of an American merchant in alliance with Chinese, Foochow -began to be a shipping port for tea about the year 1853, growing year -by year in importance until it rivalled Canton and Shanghai. But as -its prosperity has always rested on the single article, the fortunes -of the port have necessarily fallen with the general decay of the -Chinese tea trade. - -Apart from the task of putting the official intercourse on a good -working basis, of maintaining order between the few foreigners, -residents, and visitors, and the native population, the consular -duties at a port like Foochow were necessarily of the lightest -description. But it was not in Mr Alcock's nature to make a sinecure -of his office. He was a stranger to the country, about which he had -everything to learn. He was surrounded by problems all of great -interest, and some of them pressing urgently for solution, and he had -to make a success of his port or "know the reason why." Among the -fruits of his labours during the latter part of his term at Foochow -are a series of commercial reports, partly published by Government, -which bear witness to exhaustive research into every circumstance -having any bearing on the genesis of trade, and applying to those -local, and to him absolutely novel, conditions the great root -principles which are of universal validity. Considering how alien to -his previous experience was the whole range of such subjects, his at -once grappling with them and firmly seizing their salient features -showed a mind of no common capacity. For there was nothing perfunctory -about those early treatises; on the contrary, they were at once more -polished and more profound than most things of the same kind which -have appeared during the subsequent half century. The principal -generalisations of recent commentators on the trade of China were in -fact set forth in the three Foochow consular reports of 1845-46, while -many supposed new lights which the discussions of the last few years -have shed on Chinese character and methods had been already displayed, -and in a more perfect form, in the buried records of the -superintendency of trade in China. - - [Illustration: THE SECOND CONSULAR RESIDENCE AT FOOCHOW, 1848.] - - [Illustration] - -FOOTNOTE: - -[14] "Mr Lay, who has been officiating as consul for some weeks, has -been located in a miserable house built on piles on a mud flat, apart -from the city, and above the bridge, where the tide, as it ebbs and -flows, daily sweeps up to his door; and all efforts to obtain even -decent accommodation in the city, where he is entitled to demand it, -or in any but this pestilent locality, have been in vain."--'Times' -Correspondent, Hongkong, October 22, 1844. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -SHANGHAI. - - Shanghai -- Importance of its situation -- Consul Balfour - -- Germ of municipal institutions -- The foreign - settlements -- Confidence and civility of the natives -- - Alcock appointed consul, 1846 -- Excursions into the - country -- Their limitations -- Responsibilities of - consuls. - - -Of the four new ports, Shanghai, by far the most important, had been -fortunate in the selection of its first consul. This was Captain -George Balfour of the Madras Artillery, who, like a wise -master-builder, laid the foundations of what is now one of the -greatest emporia in the world. Captain Balfour had managed the -beginnings of the settlement so judiciously that the merchants enjoyed -the fullest facilities for prosecuting their business, while the -consul maintained good relations with the native authorities and no -hostile feeling existed between the foreign and native communities. -The circumstances of the place were favourable to all this: the -foreign residents were not, as at Canton, confined to a narrow space; -they had abundance of elbow-room and perfect freedom of movement in -the surrounding district, which was well provided with footpaths and -an excellent system of waterways. The people of that part of the -country are of a peaceable and rather timid disposition. Altogether, a -healthy condition of things had grown up, there seemed to be no -grievance felt on either side, while the material prosperity of the -natives rapidly increased as a result of a great and expanding foreign -trade, to which they had never been accustomed. The regulation of -business accommodation and residence was very simple and worked -automatically. A certain area, ample for every purpose that could be -foreseen, was set apart by the Chinese Government for the residence of -foreigners, the location having been indicated by Sir Henry Pottinger -on his way from Nanking after the signing of the treaty. The rights of -the native proprietors were in no way interfered with, the merchants -and others who desired to settle were at liberty to deal with the -natives for the purchase of building lots, and as the prices paid were -so much above the normal value of the land there was no essential -difficulty in effecting purchases. But there being so many interested -parties, several years elapsed before the whole area had passed into -the possession of foreign occupants. The land remained the property of -the Crown, held under perpetual lease, subject only to a small -ground-rent, which was collected through the consulates, as at this -day. Roads were gradually marked out and jetties for boats were built -on the river frontage, and what is now a municipal council served by a -large secretarial staff and an imposing body of police, and handling a -budget amounting to L130,000, came into existence under the modest -title of a "Committee for Roads and Jetties." In the beginning there -seems to have been an idea of forming separate reservations of land -for the subjects of the three treaty Powers--Great Britain, France, -and the United States; but the exigencies of business soon effaced -the theoretical distinction as between England and America, whose -separate ideal settlements were merged for all practical purposes into -one cosmopolitan colony, in which the Powers coming later on the scene -enjoyed the same rights as the original pioneers. - - [Illustration: BAMBOO BRIDGE AT FOOCHOW.] - -To ground thus wisely prepared Mr Alcock succeeded in the autumn of -1846. His four months at Amoy and eighteen at Foochow were only -preparatory for the real work which lay before him in the consulate at -Shanghai, whither he carried in his train the interpreter Parkes, with -whom he had grown accustomed to work so efficiently. Shanghai by this -time was already realising the position assigned to it by nature as a -great commercial port, and the resident community, 120 Europeans all -told, was already forming itself into that novel kind of republic -which is so flourishing to-day, while its commercial interests were -such as to give its members weight in the administration of their own -affairs as well as in matters of public policy. - - [Illustration: COUNTRY WATERWAY NEAR SHANGHAI.] - -The level country round Shanghai was, as we have said, very favourable -for excursions by land and water, affording tourists and sportsmen -congenial recreation. The district was in those days remarkably well -stocked with game. Pheasants of the "ring-necked" variety, now so -predominant in English preserves, abounded close up to the city wall, -and were sometimes found in the gardens of the foreign residents. -Snipe, quail, and wildfowl were plentiful in their season, the last -named in great variety. All classes of the foreign community took -advantage of the freedom of locomotion which they enjoyed. Newly -arrived missionaries, no less than newly arrived sportsmen, were -encouraged by the ease and safety with which they could prosecute -their vocation in the towns and villages accessible from Shanghai. -Within the radius authorised by treaty the foreigners soon became -familiar objects in a district which is reckoned to support a -population as dense as that of Belgium. Not only did friendly -relations exist, but a wonderful degree of confidence was established -between the natives and foreign tourists. It was not the custom in -those days for foreigners to carry money, the only coinage available -being of a clumsy and non-portable character. They paid their way by -"chits" or orders upon their comprador, and it was not uncommon for -them in those early days to pay for supplies during their excursions -into the interior by a few hieroglyphics pencilled on a scrap of -paper, which the confiding peasant accepted in perfect good faith, and -with so little apprehension that sometimes a considerable interval -would elapse before presentation of these primitive cheques--until, -perhaps, the holder had occasion to make a journey to Shanghai. - -But although the foreigner in his proper costume moved freely within -the prescribed area, it was considered hazardous to venture beyond -these limits. It was also, of course, a nominal contravention of the -treaty, for the consequences of which the traveller must take the -whole risk. Those, therefore--and they were exceedingly few--who could -not repress the desire to penetrate into the interior adopted as a -disguise the costume of the natives. It was thus that Fortune made his -explorations into the tea districts of China. The notion that either -difficulty or danger attended these distant excursions gradually -disappeared, and about the year 1855 sportsmen and travellers began -to explore the forbidden country without any disguise at all, to the -great amusement of the populace, and to the profit of the priests of -the temples where they found accommodation. - -The consular authorities occupied a peculiar and highly responsible -position in China. Their nationals being exempt from native -jurisdiction, and subject only to the laws of their own country, -promulgated, interpreted, and, when occasion arose, executed, by the -consul, that functionary was morally answerable to the people and the -Government of China for the good behaviour of his countrymen. On the -other hand, it was his primary duty to defend them against all -aggression of the Chinese. Between these two opposite duties the -consul needed all the discretion, courage, and good judgment that he -could command; and it was but natural that individual temperament or -the pressure of local circumstances should cause diversity in the mode -in which the consuls interpreted their instructions and balanced the -different claims of their public duty. As has been said before, -Captain Balfour had shown himself most judicious in all his -arrangements for the protection and advancement of his countrymen in -Shanghai. Foreseeing, notwithstanding the peaceable disposition of the -natives, that risks might attend unfettered intercourse with the -interior, he had thought it prudent to restrict the rambles of British -subjects to the limits of a twenty-four hours' journey from -Shanghai,--a limit which coincided with curious exactness with the -"thirty-mile radius" of defence against the rebels which was laid down -by Admiral Hope eighteen years later. - - -I. THE TSINGPU AFFAIR. - - Attack on three missionaries -- Redress extorted by Consul - Alcock -- Its lasting effect. - -Affairs in Shanghai had followed a placid and uneventful course until -an incident occurred which brought into sudden activity the latent -forces of disorder. Within little more than a year after the arrival -of Mr Alcock at his new post an outrage was perpetrated on the persons -of three English missionaries, which led to the first and the last -important struggle between the British and Chinese authorities in -Shanghai. The assailants of Messrs Medhurst, Lockhart, and Muirhead, -the three missionaries concerned, were not the peaceably disposed -natives of the place, but the discharged crews of the Government -grain-junks, who had been cast adrift by the officials and left to -shift for themselves after the manner of disbanded soldiers. The -attack took place at a small walled town called Tsingpu, within the -authorised radius, and the three Englishmen came very near losing -their lives. Mr Alcock lost not a moment in demanding full redress -from the Chinese authorities, who instinctively sheltered themselves -under the old evasive pleas which had proved so effective at Canton. -It happened that the highest local official, the Taotai, had had -experience of the southern port, and, entirely unaware that he was -confronted in Shanghai with a man of very different calibre from any -he had encountered before, he brought out all the rusty weapons of the -Canton armoury, in sure and certain hope of reducing the consul's -demands to nullity. Evasion being exhausted, intimidation was tried, -and the consul and his interpreter were threatened with the vengeance -of an outraged people, quite in the Canton manner. But intimidation -was the very worst tactics to try on two Englishmen of the stamp of -Alcock and Parkes, and when that card had been played the Chinese game -was up. - -The situation was one of those critical ones that test moral stamina, -that discriminate crucially between a man and a copying-machine. It -was also one which illuminated, as by an electric flash, the pivotal -point of all our relations with China then as now, for the principle -never grows old. It is therefore important to set forth the part -played by the responsible officer, the support he obtained, the risks -he ran, and the effective results of his action. An absolutely -unprovoked murderous outrage had been perpetrated on three Englishmen; -the Chinese authorities refused redress with insolence and evasion; -acquiescence in the denial of justice would have been as fatal to -future good relations at Shanghai as it had been in the previous -decade in Canton. What was the official charged with the protection of -his countrymen to do? He had no instructions except to conciliate the -Chinese; there was no telegraph to England; communication even with -the chief superintendent of trade at Hongkong, 850 miles off, was -dependent on chance sailing vessels. Delay was equivalent to -surrender. Now or never was the peremptory alternative presented to -the consul, who, taking his official life in his hands, had to decide -and act on his own personal responsibility. Had time allowed of an -exchange of views with the plenipotentiary in Hongkong, we know for -certain that nothing would have been done, for the first announcement -of Mr Alcock's strong measures filled Mr Bonham (who had just -succeeded Sir John Davis) with genuine alarm. - - Considering the instructions [he wrote] with which you have - been furnished from the Foreign Office, dated December 18, - 1846, and the limited power and duties of a consul, I - cannot but express my regret that you should have taken the - steps you have seen fit to do without previous reference to - her Majesty's plenipotentiary, as undoubtedly, under the - peremptory orders recently received from her Majesty's - Government, I should not have considered myself warranted - in sanctioning, &c., &c. - -Fortunately for the consul and for the peaceful development of British -trade, one of Palmerston's specific instructions had been obeyed in -Shanghai. There was a British ship of war in port, the 10-gun brig -Childers, and, what was of still more importance, a real British _man_ -on board of her, Commander Pitman, who shared to the full the Consul's -responsibility for what was done. - -The measures adopted by Consul Alcock--when negotiation was -exhausted--were to announce to the Chinese authorities that, until -satisfaction had been obtained, no duties should be paid on cargo -imported or exported in British ships: furthermore, that the great -junk fleet of 1400 sail, laden and ready for sea with the tribute rice -for Peking, should not be allowed to leave the port. The Childers, -moored in the stream below the junk anchorage, was in a position to -make this a most effective blockade. The rage of the Taotai rose to -fever heat, and it was then he threatened, and no doubt attempted to -inflame the populace and the whole vagabond class. The Taotai ordered -some of the rice-laden junks to proceed; but though there were fifty -war-junks to guard them, the masters dared not attempt to pass the -ideal barrier thrown across the river by the resolute Captain Pitman. - - [Illustration: MOUTH OF YANGTZE AND CHUSAN ARCHIPELAGO.] - -The outrage took place on the 8th of March. On the 13th the consul -presented an ultimatum to the Taotai giving him forty-eight hours to -produce the criminals. This being disregarded, the measures above -referred to were enforced, with the full approval, it may be -mentioned, of the consuls of the two other treaty Powers. At the same -time Vice-Consul Robertson, with Parkes for interpreter, was -despatched to Nanking on board her Majesty's ship Espiegle to lay the -whole case before the viceroy of Kiangnan. The matter was there -promptly attended to, full redress was ordered, and the culprits -punished exactly three weeks after the assault. The embargo on the -rice-junks was removed, and affairs resumed their normal course.[15] -The effect of this lesson has never been effaced, harmony having -prevailed between British and Chinese officials and people in Shanghai -and the province from that day to this. - -The circumstances were of course very unusual which placed such ready -means of bloodless coercion in the hands of the British consul. The -fortuitous coincidence of the time of the outrage with the period of -departure of the grain fleet placed a weapon in the consul's hands -which of itself would have eventually brought the Chinese to terms, -should the matter in the mean time not have been taken out of the -hands of the consul and dealt with from Hongkong by the -plenipotentiary, whose views have been given above. So soon as the -detention of the grain fleet became known to the Government of Peking, -orders of a very drastic nature would undoubtedly have been despatched -to the viceroy of the province, and both he and his subordinate would -have been made answerable for their incompetence in imperilling the -supply of rice for the Government. But the pressure was doubly -intensified by the appearance of a foreign ship of war under the walls -of Nanking. Six years had not elapsed since a similar demonstration -had brought the Government to its knees, and to have allowed such an -invasion a second time would have drawn down the imperial wrath on the -luckless provincial authorities. For Nanking differs from the other -provincial capitals, such as Canton and Foochow, inasmuch as it is -near the strategic centre of the empire, commanding the main artery of -communication with the interior of the country, at the point of -intersection of the Yangtze river by the famous Imperial Canal which -connects the capital with the richest region in the Yangtze valley. A -blockade of the sea-going grain fleet with a simultaneous blockade of -these inland waters, so easily effected, would have throttled China. -The viceroy, who sent a report on the transaction to the throne by -special express, explained away his own hasty action by saying "that -the appearance of the barbarian chiefs at the provincial city may have -caused anxiety in the sacred breast." - -The verdict of the Home Government on the episode was substantially -the same as that on Sir John Davis's brilliant expedition on the -Canton river the year before: "Gratified with your success, but don't -do it again;" in other words, "Do it at your peril, leaving us to -applaud or repudiate according to the event." Perhaps it would be more -just to say that there were then, as always, conflicting views in the -British Cabinet, the apparent vacillations of the Government depending -a good deal on which of its members happened, for the moment, to have -the parole,--whether the Foreign Secretary, the Colonial Secretary, or -other Minister indited the despatch. - -Commenting some years later on the general question of our relations -with China, Mr Alcock wrote as follows: "A salutary dread of the -immediate consequences of violence offered to British subjects, -certainty of its creating greater trouble and danger to the native -authorities personally than even the most vigorous efforts to protect -the foreigners and seize their assailants will entail, seems to be the -best and only protection in this country for Englishmen." Palmerston -himself could not have laid down the law and common-sense of the case -with greater precision. - - -II. REBELLION. - - Taiping rebellion -- Rebel occupation of Shanghai -- - Encroachment of investing force on foreign settlement -- - Driven off by Anglo-American forces -- The French quarrel - with insurgents -- Consequent enlargement of French - concession -- The assumption of self-government by the - Anglo-American community -- Exemplary conduct of Chinese - authorities after their defeat -- French belligerency -- - Difficult question of neutrality -- Treatment of native - refugees. - -Affairs went smoothly and prosperously in Shanghai for another five -years, when the greatest calamity that has visited China in modern -times cast its shadow on the province and on the city. The appalling -ravages of the Taiping rebellion, which, originating in the southern -province of Kwangsi, followed the great trade-routes to the -Yangtze-kiang and down the course of that stream, leaving absolute -desolation in its wake, reached the southern capital, Nanking, on -March 8, 1853. The city was paralysed, and surrendered on the 19th, -apparently without a struggle; the whole Tartar garrison, numbering -20,000, were put ruthlessly to the sword, not a soul being spared. The -whole country, officials and people alike, was thrown into a state of -abject fear. The ease with which such Government forces as there were -succumbed to the onslaught of the rebel hordes may very well have -prompted the rowdy element, which exists more or less everywhere, to -make raids on their own account. Such a band, belonging as was -supposed to certain secret societies, but without any connection with -the main body of the Taipings, who were at the time applying fire and -sword to the populous towns on the Yangtze, surprised and captured the -walled city of Shanghai. "The news," says an eyewitness, "came like -thunder from a clear sky;" there was no thought of the city being in -danger either from within or without. The people were panic-stricken -at first, but fear with them seemed near akin to criminality, and the -scene enacted was what was repeated thousands of times and over a wide -area--one of general pillage and destruction. "Several hundred of the -usually innocent and simple country-folk--who must have scented their -prey as the eagle does the carcass, for as yet it was early -morning--fell upon the custom-house, whence they carried off chairs, -tables, windows, doors, everything that was portable, leaving the -floor littered with books and papers, which were being kicked about -and trodden on in a most unceremonious way." - - [Illustration: ENTRANCE TO SZE-KING, NEAR SHANGHAI.] - -For a period of eighteen months, beginning in September 1853 and -ending in February 1855, these rebels held possession of the city. -It took a little time before the authorities were able to gather any -force to expel them. But they did commence a species of siege which -ultimately succeeded in its object. There would be no interest in -tracing its progress. What we have to note is the effect which the -interregnum produced on the relations between the foreign officials -and community and the Chinese. - -The first was of a very remarkable character, being nothing less than -an armed collision between such foreign forces as could be mustered -and the imperialist troops who were investing the city. The Chinese -soldiers were in camp at a short distance outside of the foreign -settlement, which was exempt from the operations of the war. But the -discipline of Chinese troops is never very efficient, and unruly -stragglers from the camps kept the foreigners in the settlement in -constant hot water. It became, in fact, dangerous for them to take -their recreation in the open ground at the back of the settlement, -which was used as a racecourse. Immunity from reprisals produced its -invariable result, and the aggressions of the soldiery became more -persistent and better organised. The foreigners were at last driven to -retaliate in their own defence. After a formidable inroad of the -Chinese troops, the three treaty consuls met hastily and decided on -sending a demand to the Chinese general for the withdrawal of all his -soldiers from the vicinity of the settlement, failing which, his -position would be attacked at four o'clock the same afternoon by all -the available foreign forces. These were, marines and bluejackets from -her Britannic Majesty's ships Encounter and Grecian, marines and -sailors from the United States ship Plymouth, some sailors from the -merchant ships in port, and about 200 of the residents as infantry -volunteers. The English force was commanded by Captain O'Callaghan, -who was accompanied by Consul Alcock; the Americans were led by -Captain Kelley, who was accompanied by Consul Murphy; while the -volunteers were commanded by Vice-Consul Wade, subsequently her -Majesty's Minister to China. The attack on the Chinese position was -completely successful; indeed there was apparently very little -resistance, a circumstance which was attributed by Mr Wetmore, who was -in the action from beginning to end, to the uncovenanted co-operation -of the rebels within the city. It was, nevertheless, according to him, -writing nearly forty years after, "a hazardous, if not a reckless, -undertaking." - -Her Majesty's Government, in a despatch from the Foreign Office dated -June 16, "entirely approved of Mr Alcock's proceedings, and they -considered that he displayed great courage and judgment in -circumstances of no ordinary difficulty"; while the British community -unanimously conveyed their warmest thanks to Consul Alcock, -Vice-Consul Wade, and the naval officers concerned, for "saving their -lives and property from the most imminent jeopardy." And they add that -"any symptoms of hesitation and timid policy would inevitably have led -to serious consequences and far greater loss of life." - -It is to be remarked that the French took no part in this common -defence of the settlement, in explanation of which it must be noted -that they had never fallen kindly into the cosmopolitan system, but -as years went on kept themselves more and more apart, expanding what -was a mere consular residence until it covered two populous suburbs -embracing half of the circuit of the walled city, and what began as a -settlement came to be spoken of as a "concession." - -In this situation it was not difficult for them to pick a quarrel on -their own account with the rebels, which led to an ineffectual -bombardment of the city by French ships of war moored close under the -walls. Guns were then landed in the suburb, which was thereafter -embraced within the limits of the French concession, the houses being -demolished to give play to the artillery. A cannonade lasting many -days resulted in a practical breach in the city wall, which was -followed up by a combined assault by the French and the imperialist -troops, with whom they had allied themselves. The attack was repulsed -with severe loss to the assailants. - -Among the results of these operations and of the lapse of organised -government during eighteen months the most direct was perhaps the -establishment of the French on the ground where their batteries had -been placed. For reasons military or otherwise, a _tabula rasa_ was -made of an immense populous suburb, the ground then admitting of easy -occupation and the laying out of streets and roads. The area thus -occupied by the French is separated from the cosmopolitan settlement -of Shanghai by a tidal creek. - -Results less showy, but more important in the interests of humanity -and international commerce, were very soon apparent in the -cosmopolitan settlement. The first of these was the assumption by the -foreign community of the function of self-government and -self-protection, and the foundation of that important municipality, -which has established as fine a record of public service as any such -body has ever done. The inroads of vagabondage and crime would, -without the protective measures extemporised for the occasion, have -swamped the foreign quarter and reduced it to the desolate condition -of the native city. And this necessity of relying on their own -strength has no doubt given to the community of Shanghai that tone of -self-confidence which has characterised successive generations of -them. - -The effect of the collision on the relations between the foreign and -Chinese authorities can hardly be understood without some explanatory -words. In countries where the soldier, sudden and quick in quarrel, -seeks the bubble reputation in the cannon's mouth, there is a -psychological figment called military honour, which may be symbolised -in various ways, as, for example, by a rag at the end of a stick for -which brave men will cheerfully die. The warlike traditions which have -evolved European codes of honour have no existence in China. -_Revanche_, therefore, did not enter into the heads of the defeated -Chinese commanders, who contented themselves with posting placards -about their camps stating that "the barbarians were about to be -annihilated, but that they had ransomed themselves for 300,000 taels, -and that an additional 300,000 would be required." Their conduct, -however, was quite exemplary during the remainder of the siege, their -chief solicitude being to avoid encroaching on the foreign quarter. -Whatever be the explanation, the fact is that the Chinese were on -better terms with the foreign officials after than they had been -before the battle of "Muddy Flat," fought on the 4th of April 1854. -Within ten days they were amicably settling in concert the ground for -a new camp, which would not hamper the military operations of the -besiegers nor yet compromise the sanctity of the foreign settlement. - -Thus there was no obstacle whatever in the way of concerting with the -nearest representatives of the Government of China all those measures -which were demanded by the position of neutrality assumed by the -British Government between the insurgents and imperialist forces, and -also for the regulation and control of the Chinese refugees, who -poured into the foreign settlement to escape the rapine of savage war. -The neutrality of the British representative was difficult to -maintain: by force of circumstances it took a benevolent form towards -the beleaguered rebels, who were dependent for their continued -existence upon supplies received from and through the foreign -settlement. The situation was complicated by the action of the French, -who, having quarrelled with the insurgents, entered on the stage as a -third belligerent. Thereupon the French authorities made a grievance -of "the scandal of supplies being furnished to the declared enemies of -the French in the sight and under the protection of our English -guard," France being at the time allied with Great Britain in -prosecuting the war in the Crimea. Consul Alcock, whose sense of -propriety had already been considerably shocked by the facilities -which the position of the cosmopolitan settlement afforded for -conveying supplies into the city, treated the appeal of his French -colleague with respect, and made it the text of a representation to -the senior naval officer, urging him, if possible, to devise means in -conjunction with the measures which were already being adopted in the -settlement for enforcing British neutrality, so that "we may be able -to give an honest answer to all three belligerents--imperialists, -insurgents, and French." This policy was at the same time proclaimed -by a unanimous resolution of the largest meeting of residents ever, up -to that time, assembled in Shanghai. - -The question of the influx of refugees seems not to have met with such -a prompt solution, but that was due rather to the British -plenipotentiary's caution than to the obstruction of the Chinese. In a -despatch to Sir John Bowring, dated June 5, 1854, the consul thus -describes the evil in question:-- - - As regards the strange and altogether unsatisfactory - position in which we are placed by the pouring in of a - large Chinese population, who have squatted down within our - limits contrary to the standing edicts of their own - authorities, and run up whole streets of wooden and brick - tenements, giving cover to every species of vice and filth, - I have only to remark that a walk through the settlement - [the governor was expected on a visit] will, I am - convinced, satisfy your Excellency that the evil is already - too great and increasing at too rapid a rate to be - overlooked. The health of foreign residents, the security - of their property, and the very tenability of the place as - a foreign location, alike render it imperative that a - jurisdiction of some kind should be promptly and - energetically asserted. - -The important negotiations which, within three months, issued in the -birth of the Foreign Maritime Customs, must be regarded as by far the -most important outcome of the rebel episode of 1854-55. - - -III. THE CHINESE MARITIME CUSTOMS. - - Extent and audacity of smuggling -- Alcock's determination - to suppress it -- His report on the position -- Corruption - of the Chinese customs service -- Efforts of the British - Government to co-operate in collecting dues -- Nullified by - treaties with other Powers -- Consequent injury to all - foreign trade -- Unexpected solution of the difficulty - during the interregnum -- Impetus given to trade by the - Taiping rebellion -- Alcock with French and American - consuls takes over the customs and collects all dues in - trust for the Chinese Government -- Promissory notes - employed -- Conditions which made it impossible to enforce - payment -- Notes ultimately cancelled. - -Certain crying evils in foreign intercourse having arrested the -attention of Consul Alcock from the day of his arrival in China, he -bent himself strenuously to the task of overcoming or mitigating them. -They formed the subject-matter of many anxious reports to his -superiors, for Mr Alcock always took both a serious and a -comprehensive view of his duties. For many years there seemed little -hope of a successful issue to these labours; but at last a rift in the -clouds opened up the prospect of coping with at least one of them, and -that was smuggling. So universal was this practice that it seemed a -necessary and natural feature of all commercial dealings in China. As -its roots lay deep in the Chinese character and civilisation, no -stigma attached to the venality of the officials charged with the -collection of the maritime revenues. Although the practice was in -extent universal, it was by no means wholesale in degree, and where -the facilities for evading duties were so tempting, merchants must -often have been astonished at their own moderation. - -Among the legends of the coast, it is true, there were certain _tours -de force_ in the way of smuggling which made good topics for -walnuts-and-wine conversation among a community which was rather -lacking in subjects of general interest,--as of an apocryphal ship -clearing from China in ballast or with coal which would mysteriously -land in England a full cargo of tea, which had been taken on board -without being passed through the custom-house. Conversely, a shipload -of manufactured goods taken on board in England would melt on the -passage to China like a cargo of ice, so far as the records in the -Chinese custom-house would show. One special feat was kept alive, -post-prandially, for many years as the acme of audacious smuggling. -British goods were entered at the custom-house "for re-exportation," -and no duty paid. The merchant packed the empty cases with silk, which -was thus shipped under the original English marks, and was described -as calicoes, on which a "drawback" was claimed of import duties which -had never been paid at all. Such racy anecdotes belonged to the order -of Rabelaisian humour which inspired the boast of a certain Lancashire -manufacturer at the time when, owing to the scarcity and high price of -cotton, the "filling" of shirtings with plaster of Paris and other -substances to make up the required weight of the piece was raised to -almost the dignity of a fine art. Complaints being made by the -consumer that the cloth so compounded would not wash, this genial -Lancastrian declared that for his part he would never rest satisfied -until he could turn out his calicoes without any cotton in them at -all. - -Shanghai, of course, was the great centre of the smuggling trade. What -smuggling was done at Canton, being the only other important entrepot, -was on a system which was regulated by the customs authorities -themselves, and the testimony of Mr Alexander Matheson before the -House of Commons Committee was to the effect that their tariff was so -light that it was not worth the merchant's while to smuggle. Such, -however, was not the view taken by Mr Consul Alcock, who regarded the -smuggling system as a very serious evil, against which he waged a -relentless war. He not only compelled, as far as lay in his power, the -British merchants to comply with the letter of the treaty in their -dealings with the customs, but he further considered himself bound to -enforce on the Chinese officials themselves the proper discharge of -their duty. In these efforts to abolish irregular practices, which all -deplored, many of the British merchants were only too willing to -co-operate with the consul's efforts, and the Foreign Office was -repeatedly moved to take some action in the reform of these abuses. -The difficulties and anomalies of the situation were fully set forth -by Mr Alcock in many reports made to his superior, the chief -superintendent of trade, as the following extract, written in 1851, -will exemplify:-- - - How the commercial and custom-house system of the West and - the very opposite principles and practice of the East might - be combined so that both should work together with the - least possible friction and prejudice, was a difficult - problem, no doubt, for those who had the framing of - existing treaties. How even the trading operations of - foreign merchants, based upon good faith and honesty, could - be in any way associated with the corrupt and inept - administration of the Chinese custom-house, so that the - revenue of the latter alone should be liable to suffer and - not the foreign trade, though apparently a simpler task, - seems to have presented to the negotiators insuperable - difficulties. For one or other of these problems, - nevertheless, it was essential they should find some - adequate solution, or whatever treaties might be signed - their real mission was unfulfilled, and the basis of all - future trading relations left unstable and unsatisfactory. - - We cannot suppose this important fact was overlooked by the - British Government, which, on the contrary, appears to have - sought earnestly to meet the difficulty by undertaking in - good faith to co-operate with the Chinese authorities in - collecting the duties on British trade. Neither is it clear - that failure would have attended such a course had not a - disturbing element been speedily introduced from without - for which adequate provision does not seem to have been - made. We allude to the ratification of treaties with other - Governments which should repudiate all obligation on this - point to contribute to the protection of the Chinese - revenue. It might have been supposed that the Chinese - Government, having obtained so great and unquestionable an - advantage from the Power they had most to fear, would - scarcely have been so foolish as to throw it away upon the - first occasion, yet such proved to be the fact, and some - credit was taken by the United States commissioner for the - omission of all co-operative clauses. Two treaties in - consequence came into operation, founded upon different - principles--the one subversive of the other in a very - essential point. So much was this the case that no fair - trial could be given to the provisions of the British - treaty respecting the payment of duties, and any attempt to - act upon the system contemplated in it became altogether - unpracticable so soon as the alteration of our navigation - laws opened our ports to foreign shipping. - - We found that to secure the essential objects of these - treaties as they now stand there is one thing plainly - wanting and yet essential, an honest and efficient - custom-house, and who does not see that this is - unattainable in China? Too much or too little has been - done, therefore. We should either have refused to concede a - right to levy maritime duties, or obtained as the condition - some better guarantee for its impartial exercise. It should - have been remembered that although a foreign Power might - give this right to the Emperor of China, it could not so - easily give him honest and faithful servants, without which - custom-house duties cannot be fairly levied. The very - attempt to profit by such a right partially, and with - manifestly imperfect means, could not fail to prove - injurious to the trade it was the great object of the - treaties to develop and protect. It is superfluous now to - say that against this evil no sufficient provision was - made, and the result has been perpetual and irreconcilable - antagonism. From the first day the American treaty came - into operation the contracting parties, Chinese and - foreign, have been placed in a false position in regard to - each other and to the permanent interests of both. The - emperor had obtained a right he could not unaided duly - exercise, and the foreign merchant was laid under a legal - obligation which under such circumstances tended to make - his trading privileges nugatory. The former was daily - exposed to the loss of the whole or a part of a revenue to - which he was by treaty legally entitled, as the price of - commercial privileges to the foreigner; and the latter, in - so far as he recognised his obligation to pay to such - revenue, was debarred from trading with advantage or - profit. - - Loss to the custom-house is palpably only one of the - mischiefs resulting, and injury to foreign trade is the - direct consequence in a far more important degree. There - may be some disposed to question this, but when no man can - calculate on entering into an operation within 15 or 20 per - cent of the prime cost of his merchandise before it shall - leave his hands, and his next-door neighbour may gain - advantage over him to this amount, while the ordinary - margin of profit seldom exceeds that range, it is difficult - to arrive at any other conclusion. And when we consider - that the natural tendency of partial smuggling is to raise - the price in the buying and to lower it in the selling - market, its disastrous influence on the general prosperity - of the trade must be too plain to admit of contradiction. - However it may temporarily enrich a few, it must eventually - impoverish many. - - The British plenipotentiary may have thought that - smuggling, so far as the interests of trade were concerned, - would affect only the Chinese revenue: the American - commissioner clearly must have concluded so, and on this - supposition acted. But experience has abundantly proved - such a conclusion erroneous, and based upon a partial view - of the whole case. - -The solution of all these difficulties, and the end of the apparently -hopeless struggle to set things right, came about in a way that must -have been totally unexpected by all parties. It was through the -capture of Shanghai by the rebel band in 1853. - -The day the city fell the functions of the custom-house ceased, but -trade continued without interruption; indeed the export trade was -naturally stimulated by the eagerness of the natives to convert their -produce into money, and by the desire of the foreign merchants to get -their purchases safely on board ship. But there was no one in a -position to collect the dues. Mr Alcock, never timid when he had a -case for action which satisfied his own mind, proposed to his French -and American colleagues, who also never seemed to hesitate to follow -his lead, a method of bridging over the interregnum of the Chinese -authority and at the same time establishing for the first time the -precedent of collecting full duties. The plan was that the consuls -should themselves perform the functions which the Chinese officials -had never performed--take a rigid account of the goods landed and -shipped, and receive the amount of the duty on them, to be held in -trust for the Chinese Government when it should once more be -resuscitated in Shanghai. Not in coin, however, but in promissory -notes payable on conditions which were complicated by the necessity of -maintaining equality of treatment between the various nationalities -concerned. The contingencies were, in fact, such that it would never -have been possible to enforce payment of the notes, and in the end -they were all cancelled and returned to the merchants, so that during -the ten months between September 1853 and July 1854 there were no -duties collected at all at the port of Shanghai. - - -IV. CREATION OF THE FOREIGN CUSTOMS. - - The provisional system -- British and American ships pay - full dues -- Other nations enter and clear free -- - Americans follow the same course -- Alcock's strict views - of neutrality -- Danger of infringing it by establishment - of Government officials within the foreign colony -- - Breakdown of the provisional system -- Alcock calls upon - the Imperial Government -- Custom-house re-established by - the Taotai Wu -- Reappearance of all abuses -- Alcock's - remonstrances -- Antecedents of Wu -- He makes private - arrangements and admits vessels free of dues -- Alcock - allows British ships to do likewise -- Shanghai thus - becomes a free port -- Alcock's efforts to meet the - difficulty -- First idea of the foreign customs -- - Conditions of success -- Conference with the Taotai -- - Delegates appointed -- New custom-house inaugurated July - 12, 1854 -- Mr H. N. Lay appointed Inspector-General -- - Conditions and essential features which caused immediate - and permanent success of the foreign customs. - -The "provisional system," as it was called, worked smoothly for four -months, but not equally, for while British and American ships paid -full duties (in conditional promissory notes), those of other -nationalities, having mercantile consuls, were entered and cleared -exempt from all duty. One Prussian, one Hamburg, two Siamese, one -Austrian, three Danish, and two Spanish--in all ten vessels--were so -cleared between September and January, which was, of course, a serious -injustice to the competing merchants on whose ventures full duties -were levied. In vain might the British consul argue that the cargoes -of these defaulting ships bore no larger a proportion to the whole -trade than in normal conditions the smugglers would bear to the honest -traders. The American consul, sympathising with the latter, notified -on January 20, 1854, his secession from the provisional compact, to -which decision he gave immediate effect by allowing two vessels, the -Oneida and Science, to depart without payment or security of any -kind. It was impossible after this for the British authorities to -continue to lay a burden on their nationals from which competitors -were thus freeing themselves, the more especially as on broader -considerations their collecting duties at all for the Chinese had -been, three years previously, pronounced inexpedient by the British -Government. However commendable, therefore, on political and moral -grounds, and however convenient as a stop-gap, the provisional system -was doomed. The next move was by some means or other to procure the -re-establishment of a legal Chinese custom-house. - -This would have been done at an earlier period but for the strict -views held by Mr Alcock on the question of neutrality between the -belligerents. The soil of the foreign settlement had been declared -sacred and neutral. To permit any Chinese authority to use it even for -fiscal purposes seemed a violation of its neutrality. Besides, native -officials exercising their functions there would have had either to -protect themselves by military force, however small, or to be -protected by the foreigners, in either case compromising the -neutrality of the settlement. When the Chinese officials proposed as -an alternative to discharge customs functions afloat in the river, the -same objections presented themselves. The foreigners must in that case -also have defended the revenue collectors from attack by the rebels. -The customs authority therefore remained dormant. - -But on the breakdown of the provisional system whereby the three -treaty consuls acted as trustees for the Chinese Government, there was -no alternative left between making Shanghai absolutely a free port and -setting up some sort of native custom-house. As the lesser evil--to -say no more--Mr Alcock chose the latter, and within three weeks of the -lapse of the provisional system he had "called upon the imperial -authorities to re-establish a custom-house in some convenient -locality," offering at the same time to afford them the necessary -facilities for working it. The custom-house was, in fact, -re-established by the Taotai Wu on February 9, when the provisional -system of collecting duties, a system never favoured by the British -Government, was finally and officially terminated. - -The reinstatement of the custom-house under the superintendency of the -Taotai Wu was the signal for the prompt reappearance of all the worst -irregularities in an exaggerated form. - -The admonitions that official received from Mr Alcock on his treaty -rights and on the necessity for strictness and impartial accuracy were -completely thrown away. The Taotai had been formerly a merchant in -Canton, under the name Samqua; and whether it was the passion for a -"deal" inspired by early training, or the corruption of good manners -by subsequent association with official life, or, as is most likely, a -double dose of both, without the checks appropriate to either, he, the -superintendent of customs, fell at once to making private bargains -with individual merchants. By arrangement with him a Bremen ship, the -Aristides, was allowed to enter and clear without complying with a -single customs or port regulation or the payment of any dues, save -what may have been paid to Wu himself by way of douceur. Two American -ships and one British were dealt with in similar fashion. These facts -being brought to the notice of Mr Alcock, he called the Taotai to -account, and on receiving only subterfuges instead of explanation, he -thenceforth allowed openly to British ships the same privileges that -the Chinese authorities had voluntarily, though secretly, conferred on -those who chose to make corrupt bargains with them. That is to say, -Shanghai became now--from April 1854--absolutely a free port. - -At last, then, there was a real _tabula rasa_ inviting a fresh -experiment; and Mr Alcock immediately applied his mind to devising -some new expedient to meet the difficulty. The Chinese superintendent, -however willing to compound to his own advantage for the customs dues, -was as little pleased with its complete abolition as the foreign -authorities themselves, and he had made sundry alternative proposals, -based on his experience at Canton, for the effective collection of -duties. It seemed, however, that in the hands of such a facile -official, or any one likely to succeed him, his remedies against -smuggling were worse than the disease, and the necessity of a new -departure began seriously to occupy the minds of the treaty consuls. -The outcome was a novel scheme, which was mooted in a despatch to Sir -John Bowring, dated May 1, 1854, in which Consul Alcock, while -recognising that "the attempt will not be unaccompanied by serious -difficulties," declared that he "did not relinquish all hope of -success _if the collection of duties can in any way be brought under -the effective control of the three treaty Powers as to the executive -of the custom-house administration_." - -"On any other basis," he added, "I believe every effort to benefit the -Chinese revenue and at the same time protect the honest merchant must -in the nature of things prove nugatory." The idea took further shape -in a memorandum of suggestions drawn up by Mr Alcock on 15th June, -when he stated that "the sole issue out of the difficulties by which -the whole subject is beset under existing treaties is to be sought in -the combination of a _foreign element of probity and vigilance with -Chinese authority_." - -He adds as the first condition of success the "free concurrence of the -Chinese authorities" in any scheme which may be concocted, and then -proposes "the association with the Chinese executive of a responsible -and trustworthy foreign _inspector of customs_ as the delegate of the -three treaty Powers, to be appointed by the consuls and Taotai -conjointly at a liberal salary." This is put down at $6000 per annum, -the whole foreign staff to cost $12,000, and various details of -administration follow. - -It argues well for the absence of international jealousy in those days -that Mr Alcock proposed that a French gentleman of the name of Smith, -in the French consular service, should be the inspector whom he and -the American consul agreed to recommend to the Taotai. In a despatch -to M. Edan on the 27th of June 1854 he solicited his official sanction -to the appointment. - -The next step was a conference where the three treaty consuls--Alcock, -Murphy, and Edan--received the Taotai, who discussed with them and -then adopted substantially, though with some modifications, the -"suggestions" above quoted. - -Instead of one delegate from the three consuls, it was decided that -each was to appoint one, the three delegates then forming a "board of -inspectors with a single and united action." As many questions of -national and international jurisdiction were likely to arise out of -the executive functions of the inspectors, provision was made for -dealing with them, and as far as human ingenuity could foresee without -any experience to guide, every contingency, down to the minutiae of -internal administration, was considered in the instructions given to -the inspectors. The announcement of the newly-constituted Customs -Board was formally made by the consuls on July 6, and the new -custom-house was inaugurated on the 12th, the three inspectors being -Mr T. F. Wade, British; Mr Lewis Carr, American; and M. Smith, French. - -The new custom-house was an immediate success: it fulfilled every -purpose for which it was created, yielding its full revenue to the -Chinese Government, and putting an end to the temptations of traders -to seek illicit advantages over each other. It says much for the -soundness of the principles on which it was established that not only -has the custom-house of 1854 survived the shock of rebellion and war, -of extended treaties, of the multiplication of trading-ports from five -to thirty and of treaty Powers from three to thirteen, but its roots -have struck deep and its branches have spread wide over every portion -of the empire, and that in spite of the opposition of powerful -provincial officials, whose revenues it curtailed by diverting them -into the imperial channel. The triumvirate Board under which the -institution was launched was little more than nominal, the direction -of the customs being a one-man power from the outset, one only of the -three inspectors possessing either the knowledge, capacity, or zeal -needed to infuse life into the new department. - -The first English inspector, who was only lent for a time to start the -new enterprise, was replaced in a few months by Mr H. N. Lay, -interpreter to the consulate, who definitively retired from the -British in order to enter the Chinese service, while Mr Wade returned -to his vice-consular duties. The functions of the Board of Inspectors -were soon consolidated in the office of Inspector-General, which was -conferred upon Mr Lay, and held by him until 1863, when he was obliged -to resign the service of the Chinese Government in consequence of -their failure to ratify his engagements in connection with the Osborn -flotilla. - -It only remains to mention in this place that coincident with the -establishment of the maritime customs in Shanghai came the -instructions from her Majesty's Government to cancel the promissory -notes, amounting to a million of dollars, which had been given by the -British merchants for duties during the interregnum, the conditions -attached rendering them legally invalid. - -Although the organisation of the foreign customs was an expedient to -meet an emergency never likely to recur, the transaction, -nevertheless, forms a brief epitome of the ideal foreign relations -with China, and it is useful therefore to note what were its essential -features and the conditions of its creation. - -_First._ The Chinese Government were reduced to helplessness and were -amenable to advice. - -_Second._ Corruption and laxity were inherent in their nature and -ineradicable except by external force. - -_Third._ The external force, to be savingly applied, must not be -subversive of Chinese authority, but must supply the element in -administration in which the natives are absolutely wanting, and which -is so tersely summarised by Mr Alcock as "vigilance and probity." - -_Fourth._ This combination of Chinese authority with foreign -vigilance and probity, which has rendered the Chinese customs service -a kind of miracle of reform, was capable of renovating the whole -Chinese administration. Why it has not been extended into the other -departments of state is only another form of lament over lost -opportunities. - -_Fifth._ That the system was established on the broadest cosmopolitan -basis. - - -V. MR ALCOCK'S DEPARTURE FROM SHANGHAI. - - Promoted to Canton -- Impression he had made upon the - European colony of Shanghai -- Their confidence in his - integrity and ability -- His domestic life -- First - literary work -- Condition of affairs at Canton -- - Difficulties and obstructions -- Alcock leaves for home - before the outbreak of 1856. - -With these distinguished services Mr Alcock's career in Shanghai was -brought to a close. He was promoted to the senior consulate at Canton, -but he remained long enough in his northern post to see the city of -Shanghai once more in possession of the constituted authorities and -the restoration of peace in the vicinity of the port. Being -practically starved out, the insurgents set fire to the city and made -the best escape they could during the night, which happened to be the -last night of the Chinese year, 17th February 1855. Some may have -escaped, but the greater part fell into the hands of their enemies, -and for weeks afterwards many a ghastly trophy in the neighbourhood -attested the ruthless treatment which the fugitives received, -recalling the realistic picture in a certain epitaph of Villon. - - [Illustration: RUSTIC SCENE NEAR SHANGHAI.] - -On his departure from Shanghai in April of that year Mr Alcock -received a flattering testimonial from the British residents, who were -cordially joined by both French and Americans. This compliment had the -special value of being practically unanimous, while yet by no means -undiscriminating. As a curious characteristic of the social relations -of the community at that time, it may be mentioned that the document -was presented in two parts, substantially the same, but differently -worded. The explanation of the dual presentation is to be found in the -etiquette which was commonly observed between the Montagues and the -Capulets of the period, it being considered a point of honour that -neither should follow the signature of the other; hence the two -leading members of the community had each to head a separate list. - -It was impossible for an officer of such strict views and such an -uncompromising character to live for eight years in the midst of an -independent population whom he had to treat as his subjects without -provoking occasional resentment, and creating friction in carrying out -the details of his administration. Moreover, his public acts were of -too decisive a quality to commend themselves to universal approval. -Yet, frankly recognising all this, the memorialists state, "In -whatever degree as individuals we may have approved or dissented from -any of your acts of public policy, we are all ready to do justice to -the singleness of purpose and sense of public duty under which you -have uniformly acted. We believe that you have throughout held in view -your conscientious convictions of what was right and just, and that no -undue external influence has at any time operated to divert you from -them." In fact, the Shanghai community--_quorum pars fui_--were proud -of their consul, and looked up to him as soldiers do to a commander in -whom they have absolute confidence. They felt themselves ennobled by -contact with a character _sans peur et sans reproche_. Above all, he -represented before the Chinese authorities the dignity of his country -in a manner which has rarely been equalled, and gratitude for that -patriotic service would of itself have covered a multitude of sins. -The feeling of respect so generated reconciled the residents to that -which in another man might have been held to savour of coldness, for -in social life he was reserved, if not somewhat haughty in his -bearing,--partly no doubt from temperament, but chiefly from -absorption in the duties and responsibilities of his office, in -researches into all the matters which concerned his work, and in the -study of subjects which were congenial to his mind. It may also be -said, without reflection on either party, that those robust -recreations which engrossed the leisure of younger men--and the -community was very young--were not of a kind with which the consul had -much personal sympathy. His own distractions were more of a literary -and reflective order. He did not unbend to gain popularity. - -His domestic life left him nothing to desire in the way of society. To -his wife he was most devoted, and to her he addressed, in half -soliloquy, a series of thoughts on religious subjects which reveal -more than anything the deep earnestness of his nature. When this -loving helpmeet was snatched from his side in March 1853, the calm -exterior was little disturbed; but having to face that immense gap in -his life, he was thrown more than ever on his mental resources. His -isolation was the more keenly felt when he was relieved from the -heavy demand which the affairs of Shanghai had made on his energies, -and it was in the comparative leisure of Canton that he composed his -first serious political contribution to periodical literature, an -outlet for his thoughts which proved such an attraction to him to the -end of his life. His first essay was an article in the 'Bombay -Quarterly Review' on "The Chinese Empire and its Destinies," published -in October 1855. It was soon followed by a second, entitled "The -Chinese Empire and its Foreign Relations," a paper which fills no less -than seventy-eight pages of the 'Review.' The two together form an -able disquisition on the state of China which has not become obsolete -by lapse of time. - -It was during the same period also that he composed that series of -short essays which were published anonymously under the title of -'Life's Problems.' Instead of attempting any appreciation of that -little volume, we prefer to quote the impression it made on one reader -many years afterwards. In a letter of Dora Greenwell, published in her -Memoirs, she says: "I have met with a friend, a book that seems to -take my whole rational nature along with it. I have seen no such book -now or at any former time; and it is a book I have often longed for, -yet never hoped for--a book contemplating _life_ as it is in a -Christian spirit, yet from the natural standpoint." - -The consulate in Canton during the year that Mr Alcock occupied the -post presented nothing of sensational interest. There was a -superficial lull there, the lull before the storm which burst in -October 1856, after Mr Alcock had left for home on his first -well-earned furlough. The chronic obstruction to business and the old -difficulties in communicating with the Chinese authorities formed the -burden of his reports to his chief, Sir John Bowring. The question of -direct intercourse and of access to the city, which had been put off -from time to time, was still unsettled. The definitive postponement of -the treaty right of entry till 1849 had not rendered the solution of -it one whit easier. On the contrary, the concession had only served to -confirm the Chinese officials and people in their determination to -resist the claim for ever. On the accession of Lord Palmerston to the -Premiership in 1855 the dormant claim was revived, and Sir John -Bowring was instructed by the Government to obtain unrestricted -intercourse with the native authorities and the full exercise of the -right of admission to all the cities which were opened to trade, -Canton included. To repeated applications of this tenor the Viceroy -Yeh replied by the traditional evasions, thus laying the train for the -explosion which soon followed. - -Mr Alcock being personally severed from the chain of events which led -to the outbreak of hostilities in the autumn of 1856, it will be -convenient here to suspend the narrative and glance at some of those -general questions which form the subject-matter of our relations with -China. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[15] See this whole transaction described in his characteristic manner -by De Quincey in his brochure on China, originally published in Titan, -1857. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -CONSUL ALCOCK'S VIEWS ON GENERAL POLICY. - - Essays on international relations -- Foresight -- Its - connection with succeeding events -- The Canton city - question resuscitated. - - -Among serious students of the international problems arising out of -the forced intercourse of the Western nations with China, Sir -Rutherford Alcock occupies the first rank. In the long roll of -consular and diplomatic agents employed by the British Government -since 1833 he stands alone in the effort to evolve a reasonable -working scheme out of the chaos of blunders and misunderstandings -which marked the opening of China to foreign trade. Mr Taylor Meadows, -another consular officer, though equally far-sighted, was perhaps too -philosophical for the exigencies of current business. Consul Alcock's -political philosophy, on the other hand, grew entirely out of the -facts with which he had to deal from day to day, and was therefore -essentially practical. - -It might seem that fifty-year-old disquisitions on what we now call -the "China question" must have too much of the musty odour of ancient -history about them to afford profitable reading to a generation which -has only been aroused by the thunder of events to take an -interest--and that as yet perfunctory--in the affairs of the Far East. -But as Mr Alcock had the faculty of getting to the heart of things, of -seizing the principles which do not change, his early studies have -lost neither validity nor value through the lapse of years. On these -well-digested observations, accordingly, modern inquirers may -confidently rely as on a corner-stone of Anglo-Chinese politics well -and truly laid. And the lapse of time, so far from detracting from the -utility of these opinions, enhances their value. For by extending the -base of observation over a long period, errors due to personal -equation, change of circumstance, and other temporary causes, are -eliminated from the survey, and the seeker after truth is thus -furnished with a trustworthy criterion by which he may verify his -conclusions. The forecast of 1849, realised in the developments of -1900, affords strong proof that the earlier generalisations were not -the result of ingenious speculation. - -It seems reasonable, therefore, here to introduce some of the -reflections of Consul Alcock while he was as yet comparatively new to -China. These occur in various forms, as in confidential despatches, in -private memoranda, and notes for literary articles apparently never -extended. One of these notes, dated January 19, 1849, summing up the -results of six years' working of the treaty of Nanking, may well serve -as a landmark in the record of foreign intercourse with China. - -Some extracts from this and other papers are printed for the -convenience of the reader in an Appendix to the present volume.[16] -Though bearing directly on the policy of the time when they were -written, they are no less applicable to present circumstances. They -show that nothing had changed then, as nothing has changed since, in -the attitude of the Chinese to foreign nations. "The same arrogant and -hostile spirit exists, and their policy is still to degrade foreigners -in the eyes of the people.... Without the power [on our part] of -commanding attention to any just demands, there is every reason to -believe the Chinese rulers would still be the most impracticable of -Orientals.... We cannot hope that any effort of ours or of the emperor -would suffice to change at once the character and habits of the people -or even the population of a city." - -While advocating a resolute policy in maintaining all British rights -granted by treaty, the far-sighted consul uttered a timely caution -against pushing demands for concessions too far. In this he was in -accord with the policy, often enunciated by the British Government, of -not imperilling what we already possessed by striving after more. Mr -Alcock indicates clearly the danger which threatened British interests -from the prospective influx of Western Powers pressing through the -doors which Great Britain might be constrained to open:-- - - Powers who, having no such great interests to jeopardise, - are without this beneficial and most needful check, and may - therefore be induced to repeat at a semi-barbarian Court - the intrigues and counter-projects for the destruction of - our influence and the injury of our trade in the East which - are at work in our own times in every capital in Europe, as - formerly in India and the Eastern Archipelago. - -Nor could a much more accurate description of the state of affairs now -existing be given than the picture of the future drawn by Consul -Alcock:-- - - Russia, France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and America, with - their several jealousies and united rivalry with England, - their missionary enterprises or commercial and political - schemes clashing in their aim and development, are all - capable of creating such turmoil, strife, and disturbance - throughout the empire, if free access to the Court and the - provinces were insisted upon by Great Britain, as could - only end in the ejection of Europeans from China as - formerly from Japan, or an intestine war in which European - force would probably be involved on opposite sides, and to - their mutual destruction as States with commercial - interests in the country. These, again, might lead to - attempts at territorial possession, suggested in the first - instance, as in India, in self-defence, and afterwards - continued from necessity. With Russia spreading her - gigantic arms to the north and east, Great Britain on the - south and west, Spain, Holland, and Portugal with their - colonies in the Chinese and Indian seas, a struggle for - superiority on the soil of China for exclusive advantages - or predominant influence might be centred in Peking and - embroil the whole of Europe in hostile relations. - -An interesting feature in the prognostications of both Mr Alcock and -Mr Meadows in those early days was the ignoring of the Power which is -now assuming such an active part in the rearrangement of the Far East. -Germany was not even thought of as a world Power, but her entry on the -stage has only added confirmation to the soundness of all these -predictions. - -The more immediate significance, however, of the elaborate exposition -of the Anglo-Chinese situation which we are now considering, lay in -its connection with the chain of events which followed within a few -years, and its coincidence with the progress in the views of the -British Government, which might almost be traced back to the date of -the paper. The year 1849 was one of the critical epochs in foreign -intercourse with China, for it was then that the last promissory note -as to the opening of Canton became due, and was dishonoured. The years -of grace successively granted to the Chinese authorities to enable -them to prepare for the execution of the treaty stipulation had been -used by them, or at any rate by the populace, to render its execution -permanently impossible. Mr Bonham, who proceeded up the river to apply -for the fulfilment of the agreement of 1847, which promised admission -to the city within two years, was received, not with the suave evasion -of Kiying but with the coarse rebuff of Governor-General Seu, who amid -popular enthusiasm caused a memorial arch to be erected to commemorate -the third repulse of the barbarians. The turning-point of affairs had -been now reached; the scales fell from the eyes of the British -Government. Reluctantly they were driven to the conclusion that they -had for seven years been trifled with, that their agents, one after -another, had been duped; that while they deluded themselves by -imagining that by their concessions they were pouring oil on water, -they were, in fact, throwing that inflammable substance on fire. Such -systematic blunders could not be made with impunity. It began, in -short, to be perceived that the ground so weakly surrendered at Canton -could not be recovered without, in the prophetic words of Lord -Palmerston, "coming to blows" once more with the Chinese. - -The attention of the British Government being thus seriously directed -to China, they entered into correspondence with their plenipotentiary, -the governor of Hongkong, as to the best means of arresting the -decline of British prestige and of placing the interests of trade and -residence on a satisfactory footing. The plenipotentiary had no -resource but one for obtaining either information or advice on such -large questions, and that was always Consul Alcock at Shanghai, a -thousand miles from the seat of trouble, who had not then even seen -Canton. Mr Alcock was alert to respond to the invitation of his chief, -copiously, fearlessly, and with masterly lucidity as well as -comprehensiveness. In a despatch to Sir George Bonham dated January -13, 1852, the development of the new policy may be traced.[17] And the -whole situation is fully laid bare in a further despatch of June 17, -1852.[18] - -This confidential official correspondence,[19] carried on for a number -of years, constitutes a natural introduction to the chapter of history -which was about to open. In the transactions which led to a second -rupture with China Consul Alcock had personally no part, for he was on -leave in England, but there also his voice was heard in the discussion -of the causes and objects of the war. - -In a series of letters to the press, during 1857-58, commenting on the -progress of events, Mr Alcock endeavoured to keep the British public -informed of what was transpiring in China, the reasons for it, and the -probable consequences. These letters were republished in pamphlet -form, of course anonymously. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[16] See Appendix I. - -[17] See Appendix II. - -[18] See Appendix III. - -[19] See Appendices I., II., and III. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -TRADE UNDER THE TREATY OF NANKING. - - Trade the sole motive in all British and American dealings - with China -- Simplicity of this trade -- Chief staple - imports and exports -- Data for any review of Chinese trade - -- Mutual alarm caused by excess of imports -- Peculiar - conditions of British trade -- Entailing a loss of over 30 - per cent, yet steadily maintained -- System of barter -- - Consequent impossibility of clear accounts -- And ignorance - of position at any given moment -- Trade also hampered by - traditions of the East India Company -- Such as that of - keeping large stores on hand -- Gradual improvement on - these methods -- Advantages of landed investment in China - -- Perceived and acted on by the Jesuits -- And later by - foreign merchants -- The American trade -- Similarity of - currency -- Excess of Chinese exports met by shipments of - specie -- And later by credits on London banks. - - -Whatever may be said of that of other nations, the intercourse of -Great Britain and the United States with China, from the earliest -period to the latest, whether in peace or war, has had no other object -than trade between the nations, and therefore all the steps in that -intercourse must be judged in their relation to the promotion of -international commerce. War and diplomacy, geographical exploration -and reforms, even literary researches and mutual instruction, being -all ancillary to the main purpose, it seems fitting to consider as -briefly as may be what manner of thing it was which set, and still -keeps, all these auxiliary forces in motion. - -From its first introduction till now one feature has characterised the -Chinese foreign trade, and that is its simplicity. Both on the export -and the import side a few staple commodities have made up its whole -volume, and in this respect the statistics of to-day differ but little -from those of fifty years ago. The leading Chinese imports at the -conclusion of the first war were: From India, opium and raw cotton, to -which has been added, since the development of steam factories, cotton -yarn. From England, plain bleached and unbleached cotton goods, cotton -yarn, some descriptions of woollens, iron and lead, account for nearly -the whole value. The trade from the United States and the continent of -Europe in those days did not greatly affect the general aggregate. The -exports of Chinese produce were at the period in question almost -confined to the one article--tea. Subsequently silk grew into -importance, and soon exceeded in value the great speciality of China. -Rhubarb was a commodity on which, next to tea, the Chinese affected to -lay much stress, on the ground that foreigners were dependent upon it -for the preservation of their health, and that stopping the supply -might offer an easy means of coercing them. But the article never -assumed any important commercial value. Sugar, camphor, and matting -were also among the exports, the last named being much in demand in -the United States. It is only of recent years, however, that anything -like assorted cargoes of produce have been sent away from the Chinese -ports. The trade has passed through many vicissitudes, has had its -periodical ebb and flow, but has on the whole been prosaically -progressive. And this has been especially the case with the imports -of British and other Western produce. - -It would be instructive to review the circumstances of the Chinese -trade at successive stages of its progress, and to note the grievances -of merchants and manufacturers at different epochs and the obstacles -to commercial development as they were felt from time to time. It -would be more interesting to do this were it possible to discriminate -between permanent causes and temporary accidents. But it is not always -what is of the most lasting importance that makes the strongest -impression upon those who are actively engaged in the struggle for -life. The trader does not greatly differ from the world at large in -his love of a whipping-boy--that is to say, in the common tendency to -attribute mischances to objective rather than to subjective causes. -Prosperity, like good health, is, to those who enjoy it, its own -sufficient explanation, the normal reward of the merit each one takes -to himself as a matter of course. Adversity, on the other hand, is -assigned to demonic origin, its victims being martyrs to the powers of -nature or the hostile combinations of men. For these reasons it would -be as difficult to gather from their own accounts what were the real -helps and what the real hindrances to the traders' progress, as to -draw general conclusions on the state of agriculture from -conversations with working farmers. The commercial circular is a -familiar product of the modern era of open trade. It undertakes to -record the actual state of markets and to give the reasons why they -are not otherwise. If one were to circumnavigate the globe and compare -the ordinary run of these reports issuing from the great emporia, one -feature would be found common to them all--it is the bogy. Everything -would be for the best--but for certain adverse influences. It may be -the vagaries of some Finance Minister or Tariff Commission, the -restraint of princes, war, pestilence, or famine--inundations here and -droughts there; but a something there must always be to explain away -the moral accountability of the individual traders, manufacturers, or -planters. China and Japan have seldom been without such fatalistic -obstacles to commerce. For many years the rebellion was the _bete -noire_ of merchants, then the mandarins, and smaller rebellions; the -scarcity of specie at one period, at another the superabundance of -cheap silver. In Burma the King of Ava stood for long as the root of -all commercial evil. In Japan the Daimios and the currency served -their turn. India is never without calamities sufficient to account -for perhaps more than ever happens there. All such drawbacks, however, -though real enough as far as they go, are never exhaustive, and seldom -even reach to the core of the problem. They are as atmospheric -phenomena, to be observed, taken advantage of, or provided against, -and are extremely interesting to the individuals immediately affected -by them. But as regards the general course of trade, such incidents -are but as storms on the surface of the deep oceanic currents: it is -the onward sweep of the great volume of traffic that alone possesses -public interest. Of the circumstances which influence the course and -direction of that beneficent current a collation of the utterances of -traders would yield but a refracted account. So that in order to -appreciate the progress of commerce we have to fall back on the -unadorned columns of statistical tables, which themselves leave -something to be desired on the score of completeness.[20] - -With regard to certain periods of the China trade we have rather full -data, as, for instance, in the decade following the war, when the -working of the trade exercised the minds both of British merchants and -of their Government in a degree which has scarcely been equalled -since. The same may be predicated of the Chinese Government also, and, -as has been observed in a previous chapter, it was an interesting -coincidence that during that critical period it was the self-same -grievance that pressed on both sides--namely, the insufficiency of the -Chinese exported produce to pay for the goods imported. The effect of -this on the Chinese Government was to excite unfeigned alarm at the -steady drain of silver required to pay for the excess of their -imports. On the British side the grievance came home to the -manufacturers in the form of the incapacity of the Chinese to take off -an adequate quantity of the products of English looms. The remedy -proposed from the two sides was thoroughly characteristic of their -respective traditions. On the Chinese side it was negative, -obstructive, prohibitory, and absolutely vain. On the British side the -proposal was positive, expansive, and in accord with the spirit of -modern commerce. The Chinese remedy was to forbid the export of silver -and the import of opium, which, being the article in most urgent -demand, was usually paid for in bullion or in coined dollars. The -English remedy was to stimulate the export of Chinese produce. But -here a paradox stands in the way of a clear perception of the -position. The British trade was being carried on at a loss, which some -of the merchants estimated at 33 per cent on the round venture. That -is to say, manufactured goods were sold in China at a loss of 15 to 20 -per cent, and the proceeds, being invested in Chinese produce, -realised a further loss on sale in England of 17 or 20 per cent. - -To account for this unremunerative trade being carried on voluntarily -year after year, it is necessary to remember the great distance of the -two markets in the days before the introduction of steam and the -shortening of the voyage by the piercing of the Suez Canal. We have to -allow also for the gambling or speculative element which animates all -commerce, and the "hope-on-hope-ever" spirit without which no distant -adventure would ever be undertaken. The rationale of the phenomenon -was reduced to a very simple expression by Mr Gregson, who, when asked -by the Committee of the House of Commons if he could explain "the -singular proceeding of continuing the trade for a series of years with -perpetual losses on it," replied: "The manufacturers reason that as -the losses have been considerable the exports will fall off, and -therefore they may export again. They are generally deceived, because -their neighbours taking the same view, the exports are kept up and the -loss continues." - -The case thus bluntly stated by Mr Gregson was not such a temporary -phase as might naturally have been concluded. The same remarkable -features continued for many years afterwards more or less -characteristic of the China trade, so that had another commission been -appointed to consider the subject they would have been surprised to -find the old riddle still awaiting solution, Why so regular and simple -a trade should be carried on apparently without profit? The data of -supply and demand being well ascertained, prices remunerative to the -merchant might have been expected to arrange themselves automatically. -Further explanations seem, in fact, required to supplement Mr -Gregson's, and some of these must appear somewhat whimsical and -farfetched to the general reader. The peculiar method in vogue of -stating accounts was not perhaps without its influence in obscuring -the merchants' perceptions of the merits of their current operations. -The trade being virtually conducted by barter, the sale of a -particular parcel of goods did not necessarily close the venture. A -nominal price was agreed upon between buyer and seller for the -convenience of account-keeping, but this almost always had reference -to the return investment in tea or other produce. So that British -goods were regarded as a means of laying down funds in China for the -purchase of tea, while tea was regarded as a return remittance for the -proceeds of manufactured goods, and as a means of laying down funds in -England for further investments in the same commodity for shipment to -China. The trade thus revolving in an eternal circle, having neither -beginning nor end, it was impossible to pronounce definitely at what -particular point of the revolution the profit or loss occurred. A bad -out-turn of goods exported would, it was hoped, be compensated for by -the favourable result of the produce imported, and _vice versa_, _ad -infinitum_. Thus no transaction stood on its own merits or received -the unbiassed attention of the merchants. Their accounts did not show -the actual amount of loss or gain on a particular invoice, the -formula simply recording the price at which the venture, as an -operation in exchange, "laid down the dollar." The par value of that -coin being taken at 4s. 4d., the out-turn of a sterling invoice which -yielded the dollar at any price below that was of course a gain, or -anything above it a loss. But the gain or loss so registered was -merely provisional. The dollar as such was never realised: it was but -a fiction of the accountant, which acquired its substantial value only -when reinvested in Chinese produce. The final criterion, therefore, -was how much the dollar invoices of Chinese produce would yield back -in sterling money when sold in London, and how that yield compared -with the "laid-down" cost of the dollar in China. But even that -finality was only provisional so long as the circuit of reinvestment -was uninterrupted. - -Merchants were not called upon to face their losses as they were made, -nor could they realise their profits as they were earned. Long before -one year's account could be closed, the venture of one or two -subsequent years had been launched beyond recall, and the figures of -the newest balance-sheet related to transactions which, having already -become ancient history, were but a dry study compared with the new -enterprises bearing the promise of the future and absorbing the whole -interest of the merchant. Business was thus carried on very much in -the dark, the eyes of the trader being constantly directed forward, -while past experience was not allowed its legitimate influence in -forming the judgment. A blind reliance on the equalising effect of -averages was perhaps the safest principle on which such a commerce -could be carried on. The merchants themselves were wont to say that -after drawing the clearest inferences from experience, and making the -most careful estimates of probabilities, the wisest man was he who -could act contrary to the obvious deductions therefrom. Business thus -became a kind of concrete fatalism. - -The China trade was, moreover, much hampered by certain traditions of -the East India Company which long clung to its skirts. One of these -relics of conservatism, transmitted from the days of the maritime -wars, was the principle of storing up merchandise at both termini. It -was an understood thing that the Company should never keep less than -two years' supply of tea in the London warehouses, and long after the -Company ceased to trade stocks of that commodity often amounted to -nearly twelve months' consumption. Similarly, manufactured goods were -accumulated, whether of set purpose or from the mere force of habit, -in the China depots. The merchant seemed to have inherited the -principle of holding merchandise for some ideal price, locking up his -own or his constituents' capital, incurring cumulative charges on -commodities which were all the while deteriorating in value, and -eventually perhaps selling under some financial or other pressure. A -certain satisfaction seems to have been derived from the contemplation -of a full "go-down," as if the merchandise there stored had been -realised wealth instead of a block to such realisation. - -That primitive state of affairs is now a thing of the past, since the -progress of the world during the last thirty years has revolutionised -not the foreign trade of China, but the peculiar system on which it -was carried on. The distribution of capital and the services of -Exchange banks exploded many conservative doctrines. The first -merchants who, perceiving the necessity of reforming the habits of the -trade, boldly resolved to "sell and repent" on the arrival of their -merchandise, were pitied by their more antiquated neighbours, and -thought to be likely to stand much in need of repentance. But in their -case wisdom has been justified of her children. - -This bald sketch of the trade customs inherited from the East India -Company, though typical, is by no means exhaustive. There were, both -before and after the treaty of Nanking, many byways and specialities -and exceptions by which the vicious circle was broken with happy -results to the individuals. Indeed at all points there have been -collateral avenues to fortune, contributory enterprises more -profitable than those which were purely commercial. The various ways -of taxing commerce, as by insurance, freightage, storage, lighterage, -packing, financing, &c., have afforded, on the whole, safe and good -returns on capital. In countries where family improvidence is -prevalent, and where capital is scarce and dear, as is the case -generally in the Far East, both the opportunity and the inducement to -invest in real estate are afforded to those who are in a position to -take advantage of them,--for the same conditions which bring property -into the market provide the tenants for the new proprietors. By -following with that singleness of purpose which distinguishes all -their proceedings the line of financial policy so obviously suggested -by this state of things, the Jesuits, Lazarists, and other religious -orders have gradually accumulated in every locality where they have -settled a very large amount of house property in and around populous -centres. By this means they have laid whole communities of natives, -and even foreigners, under permanent tribute to the Church, and have -thereby rendered their missions independent of subventions from -Christian countries. Many of the foreign merchants, following this -worldly-wise example, have in like manner rendered themselves -independent of mercantile business. - -The American trade was for the most part exempt from the drawbacks as -well as the advantages of the circuit system. The similarity of -currency helped to simplify American commerce with China, and though -from an early period the United States exported manufactures to that -country, these went but a little way in payment for the products which -they imported from China. Hence large shipments of specie had to be -made to purchase their cargoes. No statistics exist, but Mr Hunter -incidentally mentions one ship carrying amongst other cargo $350,000, -and three other vessels carrying between them $1,100,000, which may be -taken as typical of the course of trade prior to the abolition of the -East India Company's monopoly. This mode of paying for produce was -succeeded in after-years by credits on London banks, drafts under -which supplied the most convenient medium of remittance to shippers of -opium and other produce from India. The circuit was trilateral, and to -a considerable extent remains so. - - -I. TEA. - - Causes of bad state of trade -- Failure of hopes built on - "free" trade -- Efforts for improvement -- Select Committee - of 1847 -- Excessive duties in England -- Irregularities in - valuation -- Annual consumption at this time -- Revenue - from the duties -- Beginnings of the India tea trade -- Mr - Robert Fortune -- Lord William Bentinck, Governor-General, - introduces tea culture, 1834 -- Assam Company founded 1839 - -- Fortune's missions to China -- Tea-plant indigenous in - India -- Progress of scientific culture -- Vicissitudes of - the trade -- Ultimate success of the India and Ceylon trade - -- An example of Western as against Eastern methods -- - Tea-planting introduced in Ceylon -- Rapid increase there - -- Why China has been supplanted in the market -- Ingenuity - and enterprise of the Indian planters -- A victory of race - and progress -- Obstructive measures of the Chinese - Government. - -There was an apparent inconsistency in the outcry for larger -quantities of Chinese produce to balance the trade, while the small -quantity that did come forward could only be sold at a loss. The -explanation may partly be found in the "boom" which naturally ensued -on the emancipation of the China trade from the oppressive monopoly of -the East India Company, and in the disappointment which, no less -naturally, succeeded the boom. To some extent also the onerous imposts -laid upon the principal article of export--tea--by the British -Exchequer might be held responsible for the anomaly; for the English -duties were a mechanical dead-weight on the trade, impeding the free -play of the other economic factors. There was a practically unlimited -supply of tea in China, and a growing demand for it in England, and -yet some L2,000,000 in specie was annually sent away from China as the -balance of trade. How to commute that amount of silver into tea for -the benefit of both countries might be said to be the problem before -the merchants and their Governments. - -The only means which appeared to them feasible to effect this object -was to lower the British import duty. Among many interesting -particulars concerning the actual state of the Chinese trade at that -time, we get from the report of the Select Committee of the House of -Commons on "Commercial Relations with China," of 1847, an insight into -the difficulties, such as in our day can scarcely be imagined, which -stood in the way of any reduction of the tea duties. - -On the opening of what was called free trade with China--"free," that -is to say, of the East India Company's monopoly--the duty was 96 per -cent _ad valorem_ on all teas sold at or under 2s. a pound, or 100 per -cent on all above that price. These _ad valorem_ duties worked -iniquitously for both the Government and the merchants, the Customs -levying the higher rate when the lower was appropriate, and the -merchants redressing the injustice in their own fashion when occasion -served. An attempt was made to remedy this regrettable situation by -the reduction of tea to three classifications, and the conversion of -the _ad valorem_ duties into specific duties ranging from 1s. 6d. to -3s. per pound on these classifications. The arrangement was still -found unworkable, and the most glaring irregularities were common. The -same parcel of tea, absolutely uniform in quality, divided between -London and Liverpool, would be assessed in one port on the lower, and -in the other on the higher, scale of duties, and the Customs would -grant no redress, though the overcharge might be ruinous to the -trader. - -This impossible state of things was remedied in 1836, when the duties -were converted to one uniform rate of 2s. per pound on all teas. -Subsequently 5 per cent was added to this, so that the duty in 1847 -was 2s. 21/4d. The object to which the Government inquiry was primarily -directed was to gauge the effect on the consumption of tea of the -raising or lowering of the duties, on which depended the ultimate -retail price. The admission of competition in the Chinese trade in -1834 had the immediate effect of reducing the "laid-down" cost of tea, -which promptly reacted upon the consumption of the article in England. -But as the import duty remained unaltered, while the prime cost of the -tea was much lowered, the Exchequer derived the whole benefit from the -increased consumption. - -The annual consumption at that time in Great Britain was 1 lb. 10 oz. -per head, or 46,000,000 lb. in total, and it was shown that in every -instance where the duty was lower the consumption was proportionately -greater. In the Isle of Man, where the duty was 1s. per pound, the -consumption quickly rose, when the restriction on the quantity allowed -to be imported there was removed, to 2 lb. 10 oz. per head. In the -Channel Islands it was 4 lb. 4 oz. per head. "In Newfoundland, -Australia, and other colonies the consumption is very much larger per -head than it is in this country." The Australian colonies have -maintained to the present day their pre-eminence as tea-drinkers, -their consumption averaging no less than 10 lb. per head. Consumption -in Russia and the United States is estimated at a little over 1 lb. -per head of the population. - -The colonists have always been the most intelligent consumers of the -article. Forty years ago they substituted good black teas for the -pungent green which had supplied the wants of the mining camps and -primitive sheep stations, and within the last few years they have -shown their appreciation of the flavoury Ceylon leaf by taking every -year a larger quantity in relative displacement of the rougher -qualities which come from India. The "geographical distribution" of -the taste for tea presents some rather curious facts. In the United -Kingdom, for example, dealers find that Irish consumers demand the -best quality of tea. The United States remained faithful to their -green tea long after that description was discarded in Australia; and -even when black tea came to be in part substituted, it was not the -Ceylon or Chinese Congou, but the astringent Oolong kinds, such as are -so largely supplied from Japan, which met the taste of American -consumers. - -The cost price of tea had been so much reduced by the abolition of the -East India Company's monopoly that the fixed rate of duty, instead of -being equivalent, as it had been when originally fixed, to 100 per -cent on the value, was estimated to average 165 per cent on Congou -tea, which was much beyond what the Legislature intended when the -tariff was decided; for while they reckoned on getting a revenue of -L3,600,000, the increase in the quantity had been so considerable that -the yield of the duty had risen to L5,000,000. The arguments and the -evidence in favour of reducing the duties were unanswerable from every -point of view. Yet the utmost which the advocates in 1847 seem to have -hoped for was that it might be reduced to 1s. per pound, which they -considered would entail a temporary loss to the revenue. But we see in -our day that the Government draws nearly L4,000,000 from the article -on a tariff rate of 4d. per pound, while the consumption per head of -population has risen to 6 lb., or a total of 235,000,000 lb. per -annum. - -While the mercantile community were thus straining after means of -developing the tea trade from China there were causes at work, of -which they seemed to have no suspicion, which have completely -revolutionised that trade, reducing China to a quite secondary -position as an exporter. Among the witnesses examined before the -Committee of 1847 there was one who may almost be said to have held -the fate of the Chinese tea trade in his hands, though probably he -himself was unaware of it. This was Mr Robert Fortune, curator of the -Physic Gardens at Chelsea, who had travelled in some of the tea -districts of China as agent of the Horticultural Society of London, -being also commissioned by the East India Company to investigate the -processes of the growth and manufacture of tea in China, and to bring -to India seeds and plants as well as skilled workmen to manipulate the -leaves. The idea of cultivating tea in India had long been entertained -by the Company. The plant itself had been found indigenous in Upper -Assam twenty years before Fortune's day, but no practical notice was -taken of the discovery until 1834, when the Government of India -resolved to attempt the culture of the leaf. The scheme received its -first embodiment in a Minute of Lord William Bentinck, the first -Governor-General of India,[21] in 1834. The plan he laid down was to -"select an intelligent agent, who should go to Penang and Singapore -and in conjunction with authorities and the most intelligent of -Chinese agents should concert measures for obtaining the genuine -plant, and actual cultivators." The state of affairs in China at the -time did not favour the prosecution of such an enterprise. The native -resources of India, however, began at once to be utilised. The Assam -Company, the pioneer of tea-culture, was established in 1839, and -continues its operations to our own day. After the treaty of peace and -the successful establishment of trade at the new ports in China, Lord -William Bentinck's ideas were realised in the two missions of Fortune, -who succeeded in conveying to India nearly 20,000 plants from both the -black and green tea countries of Central China. Although, judging from -subsequent experience, India might by her unaided efforts have -developed this great industry, yet it can hardly be doubted that the -enterprise of the practical Scottish gardener applied the effective -stimulus which raised tea-growing to the rank of a serious national -interest. Hybridisation between the imported Chinese plants and those -of indigenous growth proceeded actively, no less than one hundred -varieties being thus produced. Planters now consider that the native -plant would have served all their purposes without any intermixture, -but probably nothing short of practical experience would have -persuaded them of this. - -The vicissitudes of tea-growing in India have been so sharp that they -would form of themselves an interesting episode of industrial history. -Mania and panic alternated during the experimental stages of the -enterprise, with the inevitable result of wholesale transfers of -property, so that of the early pioneers comparatively few were -destined to enjoy the ultimate reward of their sacrifices. -Difficulties of many kinds dogged the steps of the planters, among -these being the unsatisfactory land tenure and the supply of labour. -The mortality among the imported coolies was for many years so heavy -that the Government was eventually obliged to interfere with severe -regulations, which were imposed in 1863. These and other difficulties -being successfully grappled with, the prosperity of the industry -flowed as smoothly as the Niagara river below the Falls, until the -supply of tea from India and Ceylon had completely swamped that from -the original home of the trade. - -The supplanting of Chinese by Indian tea in the markets of the -world--for even Russia is now an importer of the latter--is an -interesting example of the encroachment of Western enterprise on the -ancient province of Eastern habits. These are of course only general -terms, for from all such comparisons Japan must be either excluded or -classed rather among the foremost of the progressive nations than -among her nearest geographical neighbours. When tea-cultivation was -once shown to be "payable" in British Indian territory the energy of -the Western people was quickly brought to bear on the industry, and -through several cycles of success and failure, and over the dead -bodies, so to speak, of many pioneers, the production available for -and distributed in the English market has steadily grown from nothing -up to 154,000,000 lb. per annum. - -The cultivation of tea was introduced at a much later period into -Ceylon, where it most opportunely took the place of coffee, which had -been ruined by disease, and already the deliveries of tea from that -island press hard on that from India itself, having reached 90,000,000 -lb., or more than half of the Indian supply. The rate of progress in -Ceylon has been most remarkable. In 1883 the most experienced -residents in the island considered themselves sanguine in predicting -that the export of tea would eventually reach the total of 20,000,000 -lb.--it being at that time under 1,000,000 lb. While the products of -India and Ceylon have thus been advancing by leaps and bounds, the -import from China has dwindled down to 29,000,000 lb.,--about -one-tenth part of a trade of which forty years ago she held an easy -monopoly. - -How has such a gigantic displacement been brought about? Primarily, no -doubt, from the vigorous following up of the discovery that tea could -be profitably grown in India. But beyond that it is a victory of race -over race, of progress over stagnation, of the spirit of innovation -and experiment over that of conservative contentment. The Indian -planters have made a personal study of all the conditions of -tea-culture, have selected their plants, invented machinery to do all -that the Chinese have done for centuries by manipulation, have put -ample capital into the enterprise, and used the utmost skill in -adapting their product to the taste of their customers. Moreover, they -have by dint of advertising all over the world, attending exhibitions, -and many other devices, forced their commodity into markets which -would never have come to them. There was, on the other hand, no one -interested in the success of Chinese tea-growers, whose plantations -are in the interior of the country, subdivided into garden-plots, with -no cohesion among their owners for aggressive purposes. For though -the Chinese can and do combine, it is usually in a negative sense, to -obstruct and not to promote action, whereas the tea-growers of India -have shown examples of intelligent co-operation of the aggressive and -productive kind, not wasting power in seeking to impede rivals, but -devoting their whole energies to the prosecution of their own -business. And they have their reward. - -The short-sightedness of the Government has no doubt contributed to -the decline of the Chinese tea trade, through the excessive duties of -one kind and another which they have continued to levy on the article -from the place of growth to the port of shipment. It is fair to -remember, however, that their exactions bear most heavily on the low -grades, which, notwithstanding, continue to be shipped in quite as -large quantities as is desirable in the interest of consumers; while -the superior qualities, which are quite able to bear the taxes, have -almost ceased to be imported into Great Britain, the whole supply -finding its way to Russia. That country has long been celebrated, and -justly so, for the excellence of its tea, for which fantastical -reasons are wont to be given. The true reason is very simple. Russian -merchants purchase the fine Chinese teas for which no market can now -be found in England, the public taste having run so exclusively on the -product of India and Ceylon that a cup of good Chinese tea has become -a luxury reserved for those who have facilities for obtaining the -article outside the ordinary channels of trade. - - -II. SILK. - - Balance of trade adjusted by Shanghai silk trade -- China - the original silk country -- Silk chiefly exported from - Canton -- Advantages of the new port of Shanghai -- Disease - attacks the silkworm in Europe -- Shanghai supplies the - deficit -- Efforts in Italy and France to obtain healthy - seed from China and Japan -- Disease overcome by M. Pasteur - -- Renewed prosperity of the European producers shared by - the Chinese. - -Within six years of the time when the merchants of England were -earnestly seeking a remedy for the crying evil of the balance of trade -against China, the whole difficulty had disappeared through the -operation of natural causes. The great factor in bringing about the -change was the rapid growth of the trade of Shanghai, and more -particularly the large exportation of raw silk from that port. "The -noble article," as the Italians fondly call it, already in 1853 -represented a larger value than the tea exported; the turn of the tide -had come; the balance of trade had shifted; and in a very few years -silver flowed into the country more copiously than it had ever flowed -out. - -Of all the materials of commerce silk is perhaps the most classical. A -fibre so lustrous, so pure, and so durable, has been the desire of all -nations ancient and modern, and the peculiar interest excited by its -humble origin enveloped the subject in myths and legends during the -earlier intercourse between Europe and Asia. China was known to the -ancients as the cradle of sericulture, deriving, in fact, from its -most famous product the name Serica, by which it was known to the -Greeks and Romans. There is not a silk-producing country in the world -which is not directly or indirectly indebted to China for the seed of -the insect, if not also for the introduction of the white -mulberry-tree, upon the leaves of which the caterpillar is fed. Though -rivals have sprung up in many countries both in Europe and in Asia, -China has not lost its reputation, or even its pre-eminence, as a -producer of the article. - -The vicissitudes of the silk trade and cultivation would afford more -varied interest than the comparatively simple annals of the -displacement of tea. Though the subject falls outside the scope of the -present work, the changes that have taken place in Chinese commerce -cannot be intelligently followed without some reference to the -animated competition which has been going on for more than forty years -among the great silk-producing countries. The first in rank among -these was Italy, France following at a considerable distance. The -wants of Europe had been mainly supplied during centuries by the -product of these countries, India and the Levant and some others -contributing also their share. Japan had been growing silk for her own -use during all the time that intercourse with the rest of the world -was prohibited by severe laws, and she came later into the field as an -exporter. - -The quantity obtained from China previous to the opening of the five -ports was all derived from the southern provinces, and was exported -from Canton. In nothing was the pre-eminence of the new port of -Shanghai over its older rival destined to be more marked than in the -development of the silk trade. Its position within an easy canal -journey of the richest silk-growing districts in the whole empire gave -to the northern port advantages which were promptly turned to account -in co-operation between the foreign and the native merchants, -resulting before many years in the growth of a healthy and most -satisfactory trade. The supply of the article having up to that time -been regulated by the home demand, the entry of an outside customer -had a very stimulating effect upon the Chinese growers. Some years -elapsed before the product of the newly opened districts could be -fully tested and appreciated by the manufacturers in Europe. This time -was well employed by the Chinese cultivators and traders in maturing -their arrangements for bringing larger supplies to the foreign market, -suited to the requirements of the new purchasers, as far as they were -understood. The supply and demand had progressed evenly, admitting of -good profits to both sides, until a stage was reached when the trade -and cultivation were both ready to respond to a new stimulus, and just -then the new stimulus was applied. - -Disease began to attack the silkworms in Europe; the production of -Italian and other silk became precarious, and inadequate to the -demands of the manufacturing trade. Into the vacuum thus created -supplies from China were ready to pour in, and highly remunerative -prices awaited them. The export from Shanghai for the year 1856 was -very large, and the result encouraged growers and native and foreign -merchants to put forth still greater efforts in the following year, -when the shipments from that port reached 90,000 bales, worth probably -L10,000,000 sterling. These shipments, thrown on the market during the -money panic of 1857, resulted disastrously, but the impetus given to -the trade continued to be felt during many subsequent years. - -The Italians in the meanwhile, driven to their wits' end to save so -valuable an industry, tried first to obtain healthy seed from China -and Japan. The first experiments being unsuccessful, the eggs having -hatched during the voyage, steamers were specially chartered and -carefully fitted up with conveniences for preserving the precious -commodity. Experiment was also made of sending the seed by the caravan -route through Siberia to save the risk of premature incubation. In -fact, Jason's quest of the Golden Fleece was scarcely characterised by -more varied adventures than that of the Italians--the French also -joining to a certain extent--after a healthy breed of silkworm. After -many years of anxious and almost desperate efforts, some success was -obtained in introducing Chinese and Japanese seed into Europe; but the -produce of the exotic seed also in time became liable to attacks of -the parasite, and it was not till science came to the aid of the -cultivators that the true remedy was finally applied, and an important -item in the national wealth of Southern Europe was saved. It was M. -Pasteur who eventually furnished the means of detecting in the egg the -germ of the destructive parasite; so that by sorting out the infected -eggs and destroying them the race was purified. Thus the way was -opened for the restoration of European culture to more than its -pristine prosperity; for the many valuable lessons which the -cultivators learnt in the school of their adversity have stood them in -good stead now that fortune has again smiled upon them. - -Notwithstanding the revival of European silk-culture, the silks of -China and Japan and other Eastern countries still hold their own in -the Western markets, and continue to form an important constituent of -the export trade of the Far East.[22] The European markets to which -they are consigned are no longer indeed English, but French, German, -American, and others, the last forty years having witnessed a -revolution in the silk industries of Great Britain, and a virtual -transference of the old industries of Spitalfields, Norwich, -Macclesfield, and other districts to her manufacturing rivals. - - -III. OPIUM. - - The largest and most interesting Chinese import -- - Peculiarities of the trade -- Nominally contraband -- But - openly dealt in -- Ships anchored in the Canton river -- Or - near the trading-ports -- Wusung -- Opium cargoes - discharged into old hulks before entering Shanghai port -- - Importance of the opium traffic as a factor in foreign - intercourse -- The opium clippers -- The opium market - liable to much variation -- Piracy -- The clippers were - armed -- Occasionally attacked -- Anomalous position -- - Alcock's aversion to the opium traffic -- His reasons -- - Experience at Shanghai modifies his opinion -- The trade - being bound up with our Indian and Chinese commerce -- No - attempt to stop it could do other than aggravate the - mischief -- Still wishes to see the trade modified or - abolished -- Despatch to Sir J. Bowring -- His desire to - devise some scheme -- His last proposal of 1870 -- - Ambiguous attitude of the British Government -- Inheritors - of the East India Company's traditions -- These forbad the - carrying of opium in their ships -- Question of legalising - the traffic -- 1885 Chinese Government trebles the import - duty and asks the help of the Hongkong Government for its - collection. - -The most interesting constituent of trade in China has always been -opium, especially since the product of British India was so much -improved and stimulated by the Government as practically to supersede -in the China market the demand for the production of other countries. -The value of the opium imported exceeded that of all other articles, -the figures being returned at $23,000,000 and $20,000,000 respectively -for the year 1845. As the exports of Chinese produce were at that time -estimated at $37,000,000, it is evident that opium played a most -important part in the adjustment of the balance of trade; and as it -came from India and the returns from it had to go thither, opium and -raw cotton, which also came from India, formed the pivot of exchange. -As the opium was paid for in silver and not by the barter of produce, -it was natural to charge it with the loss of the silver which was -annually shipped away from China, and which was assumed to reach the -amount of L2,000,000 sterling, though that seems to be an -exaggeration. - -The trade in this commodity differs from all ordinary commerce in the -conditions under which it has been carried on, and in the sentiments -which have grown up concerning it. Until the treaty made by Lord Elgin -in 1858 the importation of opium had been for many years nominally -contraband, while yet the trade in it was as open as that in any other -commodity and was as little interfered with by the Government. Laxity -and connivance being the characteristics of Chinese officialdom, there -would be nothing extraordinary even in the official patronage of a -traffic which was forbidden by the State, so that it would not be safe -to infer from the outward show what the real mind of the responsible -Government was on that or any other subject. The necessity of saving -appearances, an object always so dear to the Chinese heart, -necessitated a special machinery for conducting the trade in opium. -Before the war, as has been already said, the ships carrying the drug -anchored at certain rendezvous in the estuary of the Canton river, -where they delivered their goods on the order of the merchants who -were located in Canton or Macao. The vessels also made excursions up -the coast, where they had direct dealings with the Chinese, the master -acting as agent for the owners. And when the northern ports were -opened, after the treaty of Nanking, the opium depot ships were -stationed at convenient points on the coast in the vicinity of the -trading-ports. The most important of these stations was at Wusung, on -the Hwangpu river, nine miles by road from Shanghai. There were -sometimes a dozen, and never less than half-a-dozen, hulks moored -there, dismantled, housed-in, and unfit for sea. The supply was kept -up in the earlier days by fast schooners and latterly by steamers, -which in the period before the treaty of 1858 discharged their opium -into these hulks without surveillance of any kind, and then proceeded -up the river to Shanghai with the rest of their cargo, which, though -often consisting of but a few odd packages, was taken charge of by the -custom-house with the utmost punctilio, while the valuable cargo of -opium was ignored as if it did not exist. - -The opium trade was a ruling factor in the general scheme of foreign -intercourse and residence in China. The postal communication, for -example, on the coast and between India and China was practically -dependent on it; for, being a precious commodity, it could afford to -pay very high charges for freight, and the opium clippers could be run -regardless of expense, as will be more fully described in the Chapter -on "Shipping." - -The high value of the article influenced the conduct of the trade in a -variety of ways, one in particular being that the vessels carrying it -had to go heavily armed. The coast of China before the war and after -swarmed with pirates, to whom so portable an article as opium offered -an irresistible temptation. The clippers on the coast were usually -small schooners from 100 to 200 tons burthen, and though with their -superior sailing powers they could always take care of themselves in a -breeze, they would have been helpless in a calm unless prepared to -stand to their guns. It was sometimes alleged by those opposed to the -traffic that these vessels were little better than pirates themselves, -inasmuch as they were forcing a trade prohibited by the laws of the -empire, and were armed to resist the authorities. The opium-carriers -were not unfrequently attacked by pirates, sometimes captured and -destroyed by them; but there never seems to have been any interference -or complaint on the part of the Government, even when prompted thereto -by British consuls. Nevertheless it was an anomalous state of things, -though one far from unusual in the first third of the century, that -European vessels should ply their trade armed like privateers. - -The attitude of Consul Alcock towards the opium trade was, from the -earliest days of his consulship in Foochow until his final departure -from China in 1870, one of consistent aversion, so decided, indeed, -that in some of the arguments adduced in his Foochow reports against -the trade the conclusion somewhat outran the premisses, as he in after -years acknowledged by marginal notes on those earlier despatches:-- - - A trade prohibited and denounced alike as illegal and - injurious by the Chinese authority constitutes a very - anomalous position both for British subjects and British - authorities, giving to the latter an appearance of - collusion or connivance at the infraction of the laws of - China, which must be held to reflect upon their integrity - and good faith by the Chinese. - - No small portion of the odium attaching to the illicit - traffic in China falls upon the consular authorities under - whose jurisdiction the sales take place, and upon the whole - nation whose subjects are engaged in the trade; and the - foundations of the largest smuggling trade in the world are - largely extended, carrying with them a habit of violating - the laws of another country. - - The opium is of necessity inimical and opposed to the - enlargement of our manufacturing trade. - - That which has been said of war may with still greater - force apply to the illicit traffic in opium, "It is the - loss of the many that is the gain of the few." - - Whichever way we turn, evil of some kind connected with - this monstrous trade and monopoly of large houses meets our - eye. - -In order to do justice to the agents in the traffic, he adds in the -same report on the trade for 1845-- - - While the cultivation and sale of opium are sanctioned and - encouraged for the purposes of revenue in India, and those - who purchase the drug deriving wealth and importance from - the disposal of it in China are free from blame, it is vain - to attempt to throw exclusive opprobrium upon the last - agents in the transaction. - -These were the impressions of a fresh and presumably unprejudiced mind -taking its first survey of the state of our commercial intercourse -with China. They were reflections necessarily of a somewhat abstract -character, formed on a very limited acquaintance with the actualities -of a trade which did not yet exist in Foochow. A few years' experience -at the great commercial mart of Shanghai widened the views of the -consul materially, and showed him that there was more in this opium -question than meets the eye of the mere philosopher. A confidential -report on the subject made in 1852 treats the matter from a more -statesman-like as well as a more businesslike point of view. In that -paper he does more than deplore the evil, and while seeking earnestly -for a remedy, fully recognises the practical difficulties and the -danger of curing that which is bad by something which is worse. - - The opium trade [he observes in a despatch to Sir John - Bowring] is not simply a question of commerce but first and - chiefly one of revenue--or, in other words, of finance, of - national government and taxation--in which a ninth of the - whole income of Great Britain and a seventh of that of - British India is engaged. - - The trade of Great Britain with India in the year 1850 - showed by the official returns an export of manufactures to - the value of L8,000,000, leaving a large balance of trade - against that country. A portion of the revenue of India has - also to be annually remitted to England in addition, for - payment of the dividends on Indian stock and a portion of - the Government expenses. These remittances are now - profitably made _via_ China, by means of the opium sold - there; and failing this, serious charges would have to be - incurred which must curtail both the trade and the - resources of the Indian Exchequer. - - In China, again, scarcely a million and a half of - manufactured goods can find a market; yet we buy of tea and - silk for shipment to Great Britain not less than five - millions, and the difference is paid by opium. - - A trade of L10,000,000 in British manufactures is therefore - at stake, and a revenue of L9,000,000--six to the British - and three to the Indian Treasury. - - Which of these is the more important in a national point of - view,--the commerce, or the revenue derived from it? Both - are, however, so essential to our interests, imperial and - commercial, that any risk to either has long been regarded - with distrust and alarm, and tends to give a character of - timidity to our policy and measures for the maintenance of - our relations with China--the more disastrous in its - results, that to the oriental mind it is a sure indication - of weakness, and to the weak the Chinese are both - inexorable and faithless. - - That the opium trade, illegal as it is, forms an _essential - element_, interference with which would derange the whole - circle of operations, must be too apparent to require - further demonstration. - - Reference to the practical details of the colossal trade in - which it plays so prominent a part shows that it is - inextricably mixed up with every trading operation between - the three countries, and that to recognise the one and - ignore the other is about as difficult in any practical - sense as to accept the acquaintance of one of the Siamese - twins and deny all knowledge of his brother. - - _No attempt of the British Government to stop or materially - diminish the consumption could possibly avail_, or be - otherwise than productive of aggravated mischief to India, - to China, and to the whole world, by giving a motive for - its forced production where it is now unknown, and throwing - the trade into hands less scrupulous, and relieved of all - those checks which under the British flag prevent the trade - from taking the worst characters of smuggling, and being - confounded with other acts of a lawless and piratical - nature affecting life and property, to the destruction of - all friendly or commercial relations between the two races. - It is also sufficient to bear in mind that it is a traffic, - as has been shown, which _vitalises_ the whole of our - commerce in the East; that without such means of laying - down funds _the whole trade_ would languish, and its - present proportions, colossal as they are, soon shrink into - other and insignificant dimensions; that the two branches - of trade are otherwise so _inextricably interwoven_, that - no means could be devised (were they less essential to each - other) of separating them. And finally, although Great - Britain has much to _lose_, China in such a quixotic - enterprise has little or nothing to _gain_. - -Notwithstanding all these weighty considerations, Mr Alcock never -swerved in his desire to see "the opium trade, with all its train of -contradictions, anomalies, and falsifying conditions," modified, if -not done away with. In a careful despatch to Sir John Bowring dated -May 6, 1854, reviewing our whole position in China, he thus expresses -himself:-- - - Any modification for the better in our relations must, I - believe, begin here. We must either find means of inducing - the Chinese Government to diminish the evil by legalising - the trade, or enter the field of discussion ... with a - stone wall before us.... The legalisation would go far to - diminish the obstacle such an outrider to our treaty - creates; but far better would it be, and more profitable in - the end in view of what China might become commercially to - Europe, America, and to Great Britain specially, if the - Indian Government abandoned their three million sterling - revenue from the cultivation of opium, and our merchants - submitted to the temporary prejudice or inconvenience of - importing silver for the balance of trade. - -Nearly twenty years afterwards we find Mr Alcock still engaged on the -problem how to diminish the trade in opium without dislocating both -the trade and finance of India, his last act on retiring from China in -1870 having been to propose a fiscal scheme of rearrangement by which -the opium trade might undergo a process of slow and painless -extinction.[23] - -The attitude of the British Government towards the opium trade has -always been ambiguous. Succeeding to the inheritance of the East India -Company as the great growers of opium, they had to carry on its -traditions. These had led the Company in its trading days into some -striking inconsistencies, for though they cultivated the poppy -expressly for the China market, employing all the intelligence at -their command to adapt their product to the special tastes of the -Chinese, they yet refused to carry a single chest of it in their own -ships which traded to China. By this policy they thought they could -exonerate themselves in face of the Chinese authorities from -participation in a trade which was under the ban of that Government. -The importation of the drug was thus thrown upon private adventurers, -and whenever the subject was agitated in Canton and Macao, none were -so warm in their denunciations of the trade as the servants of the -East India Company. This was notably the case with Captain Elliot, -who, after leaving the Company's service and becoming representative -of the Crown, never wearied in his strictures on the opium traffic. - -The question of legalising the traffic had frequently before been -considered by the Chinese Government,[24] and it was fully expected -that this was the policy which would prevail in Peking in 1837. The -pendulum swung to the opposite side, namely, that of prohibition, and -legalisation was not adopted until 1858. But once adopted, the idea -made such progress that in 1885 the Chinese Government made a -successful appeal to the British Government to be allowed to treble -the import duty authorised in 1858, and that the Colonial Government -of Hongkong should render them special assistance in collecting it. - - -IV. CHINESE EXPORTS. - - Efforts of the consuls to stimulate trade -- Alcock's work - at Foochow -- His despatches -- Exhibition of 1851 -- - Exhibits of Chinese produce sent by Alcock. - - [Illustration: VILLAGE ON THE CANALS.] - -The continuous efforts made by the consuls in the first decade after -the treaty to stimulate the action of foreign merchants in laying hold -of all the opportunities offered to them for extending their -connections with the Chinese trade ought not to be passed over without -notice. It was the burden of Consul Alcock's labours while in Foochow -to gather information from every source, to digest it as well as he -was able, and to lay it before his countrymen; and if he, in his -despatches to the plenipotentiary, sometimes reflected on what seemed -to him the apathy and want of enterprise of the merchants, that must -be set down to a laudable zeal to make his office fruitful of benefit -to his country. The same spirit animated his proceedings in Shanghai. -The demand made for exhibits for the Great Exhibition of 1851 found Mr -Alcock and his lieutenant Parkes eager to supply samples of Chinese -products of every kind likely to be of commercial interest. On -applying to the mercantile community of Shanghai for their -co-operation in collecting materials, he found them not over-sanguine -as to the results of such an effort, and in his despatch of December -1850 to the plenipotentiary he remarks that "the British and foreign -residents in Shanghai appeared to feel that the impossibility of -gaining access to the great seats of manufacture or the producing -districts for raw material placed them in too disadvantageous a -position to do justice either to themselves or the resources of the -empire, which could only be very inadequately represented, and in a -way more calculated to mislead than instruct." "The conclusion," he -goes on to say, "at which the mercantile community has arrived has -gone far to paralyse all exertion on my part." Nevertheless, with the -restricted means at his disposal, he set to work to collect specimens -of Chinese produce and industry and to transmit them to the Board of -Trade for the use of the Commissioners. Of objects of art he sent a -great variety in bronze, inlaid wood, porcelain, soapstone, and -enamels, and the fancy articles which have since acquired such great -reputation in the world that dealers in European and American capitals -send out commissions every year to make extensive purchases. Colours -used by the Chinese for dyeing purposes in twenty shades of blue, silk -brocades, and many valuable products of the Chinese looms, were well -represented, and the commoner utensils, such as scissors, needles, and -razors, some of which were within the last few years specially -recommended in consular reports to the notice of English -manufacturers, as if the suggestion were made for the first time. Of -raw material, samples were sent of hemp, indigo, and many other -natural products; and when it is considered how eager the British -mercantile community appeared to be to increase their importation of -Chinese produce--be it tea, silk, or any other commodity--in order to -balance the export trade, it is interesting to observe that in those -early days a number of articles of export were described and -classified, with an account of the districts of their origin, which -have only taken their place in the list of exports from China within -the last twenty years or so. These were sheep's wool of six different -descriptions, and camels' hair, which are now so extensively dealt in -at the northern ports of China. Perhaps these articles were not seen -in bulk by foreigners until after the opening of the new ports in -1861, and it is worthy of remark that even after this discovery, and -sundry experimental shipments, many years elapsed before the special -products of Northern China became recognised articles of foreign -trade. These now include straw plait, sheep's wool, goats' wools, -goats' skins, dogs' skins, camels' hair, horses' tails, pigs' -bristles, and a number of other articles of export which might -perfectly well have been brought to the foreign market of Shanghai -even before the opening of the northern ports. What was wanted was the -knowledge that such products were procurable and the organisation of a -market for their disposal in China, in Europe, and the United States. -To stimulate inquiry into these matters was an object of the consular -reports of the early days, and the fact that the seed then sown seemed -to have been buried in sterile soil for thirty years affords a -reasonable prospect that from the more advantageous basis on which -commercial men now stand still larger developments of international -commerce may be reserved to future adventurers. - - -V. BRITISH EXPORTS. - - Slow increase -- Turn of the scale by the Shanghai silk - trade -- Consequent inflow of silver to China -- Alcock's - comment on the Report of Select Committee -- His grasp of - the true state of affairs. - -This department of trade presents little else but a record of very -slow improvement, with some rather violent fluctuations due to obvious -and temporary causes. In the first year after the treaty of Nanking -the value of shipments to China from the United Kingdom was -L1,500,000; in 1852, L2,500,000; in 1861, L4,500,000, decreasing in -1862 to L2,300,000, and rising in 1863 to L3,000,000; after which -period it steadily increased to L7,000,000, at which it has -practically remained, with the exception of two or three years between -1885 and 1891, when it rose to L9,000,000. - -The theory of the merchants who gave evidence before the Committee of -1847, that an increase in the exports from China was all that was -needed to enable the Chinese to purchase larger quantities of -manufactured goods, has by no means been borne out by the subsequent -course of trade. For although the Chinese exports have been greatly -extended since then, that of silk alone having more than sufficed to -pay for the whole of the imports from abroad, there has been no -corresponding increase in the volume of these importations. What -happened was merely this, that the drain of silver from China, which -was deplored on all sides up till about 1853, was converted into a -steady annual inflow of silver to China.[25] Consul Alcock, having -been requested by her Majesty's chief superintendent of trade to make -his comments on the Report of the Select Committee, dealt -comprehensively with the whole question of the trade between Europe, -India, and China, and evinced a wider grasp of the true state of the -case than the London merchants had done. In a despatch dated March 23, -1848, the following passages occur:-- - - Nearly the whole of the evidence furnished by the witnesses - on our trade is calculated to mislead those imperfectly - acquainted with the details. The existence of this relation - [the importation of opium and raw cotton from India] is - kept out of sight, and conclusions are suggested which - could only be maintained if the Indian imports into China - did not form a part of our commerce, and did not come in - direct competition with the import of staple manufactures. - - To counteract as far as may be in my power the erroneous - tendency of the partial evidence which the Blue-Book - contains on this part of the subject, I have ventured for - the information of her Majesty's Government to bring - forward such facts and inferences as seem to me to place in - the strongest light the fallacy of the argument mainly - insisted upon before the Committee--viz., that we have only - our own consumption of tea to look to as indicating the - extent to which we can exchange our manufactures--that this - is the only limit of our imports into China. But imports of - what? Not certainly of cotton and woollen goods, for we - already export of tea and silk from China to the value of - some four millions sterling, and cannot find a profitable - market for manufactured goods to the amount of two - millions; and a somewhat similar proportion, or - disproportion rather, may be traced during the monopoly of - the East India Company, during the free-trade period prior - to the commencement of hostilities, and since the treaty. - Say that from a reduction of the tea duties or any other - cause we _double_ our _exports_ from China as we have - already done since 1833, from what data are we to infer - that in this same proportion the export into China of - British manufactures will increase; or in other words, that - for every additional million of tea there will be an - equivalent value expended upon our cotton fabrics? - - The anticipated result is contradicted by all past - experience in China, and a moment's reflection must show - that the essential elements have been overlooked. 1st, That - there is a balance of trade against the Chinese of some - $10,000,000, which must adjust itself before any increase - of our exclusively British imports into China can be safely - or reasonably expected, for which an additional export of - 20,000,000 lb. of tea and 10,000 bales of silk is required. - 2ndly, That if such increase of our exports hence restored - the balance of trade to-morrow, the proportion in which an - increased import of our goods would take place must depend - upon the result of a competition of cotton goods against - opium and raw cotton--all three objects in demand among the - Chinese; and the proportion of each that may be taken under - the assumed improvement depends upon the relative degree of - preference exhibited by our customers for the different - articles. The two latter have proved formidable rivals to - our manufactures, nor is there any reason to anticipate - beneficial change in that respect. - - The argument, therefore, that the only limit to our imports - into China is the consumption of tea and silk in Great - Britain, if meant to be applied, as it appears to be in the - evidence, exclusively to British imports--that is, to - cotton and woollens--is fallacious, and can only be - sustained by dropping the most important features of the - import trade, by treating opium and raw cotton as though - they had neither existence nor influence upon our British - staple trade. - - The influence of this mode of reasoning is calculated to be - the more mischievous that it comes from gentlemen of - practical mercantile information, and purports to suggest a - remedy for an evil which is, in truth, of our own creating, - and must recur as often and as certainly as the same causes - are in operation. The trade in China during the last three - years has been a losing, and in many instances a ruinous, - trade, not because the English do not drink more tea, or - the Chinese do not find it convenient to wear more cotton - of our manufacture, but simply because in such market the - supply has not been carefully regulated by an accurate - estimate of the probable demand. Our merchants at home have - unfortunately been led by such reasoning as I have quoted - to assume that in proportion as we purchase more tea the - Chinese would lay out more money in cotton goods, and that - the one might be taken as a true estimate of the other. - Hence came shipments after the treaty so disproportioned to - the actual wants or state of demand in the Chinese market - that an immediate glut, with the consequent and necessary - depreciation in price, followed. Nor did the evil end here: - a return was of necessity to be made for this enormous - over-supply of goods, hence more tea was shipped than the - legitimate demand of the English markets would have - suggested or justified, and at the other end of the chain - the same depreciation and ruinous loss was experienced.... - - I have submitted in this and the preceding Reports my - strong conviction that other conditions than a mere - increase in our exports hence are essential. Of these I - have endeavoured to show the principal and most important - are access to the first markets, the removal of or - efficient control over all fiscal pretexts for restricting - the free circulation of our goods in the interior and the - transit of Chinese produce thence to the ports, and, - finally, the abolition of all humiliating travelling limits - in the interior, which more than anything else tends to - give the Chinese rulers a power of keeping up a hostile and - arrogant spirit against foreigners, and of fettering our - commerce by exactions and delays of the most injurious - character. - -The conditions of the trade were, in fact, simpler than the merchants -had imagined. The Chinese entered into no nice estimates of the -balance of imports and exports, but purchased the goods which were -offered to them so far as they were adapted to their requirements--and -there is no other rule for the guidance of foreign manufacturers in -catering for the great Chinese market. - - -VI. NATIVE TRADE. - - Inter-provincial trade -- Advantages of the employment of - foreign shipping -- China exports surplus of tea and silk - -- Coasting-trade -- Salt. - -The great reservoir of all foreign commerce in China is the -old-established local inter-provincial trade of the country itself, -which lies for the most part outside of the sphere of foreign interest -excepting so far as it has come within the last forty years to supply -the cargoes for an ever-increasing fleet of coasting sailing-ships and -steamers. This great development of Chinese commerce carried on in -foreign bottoms was thus foreshadowed by Mr Alcock as early as 1848:-- - - The disadvantages under which the native trade is now - carried on have become so burdensome as manifestly to - curtail it, greatly to the loss and injury of the Chinese - population, enhancing the price of all the common articles - of consumption: any measures calculated, therefore, to - exempt their commerce from the danger, delay, and loss - attending the transport of valuable produce by junks must - ultimately prove a great boon of permanent value, though at - first it may seem the reverse. - - In a political point of view the transfer of the more - valuable portion of their junk trade to foreign bottoms is - highly desirable, as tending more than any measures of - Government to improve our position by impressing the - Chinese people and rulers with a sense of dependence upon - the nations of the West for great and material advantages, - and thus rebuking effectually the pride and arrogance which - lie at the root of all their hostility to foreigners. - - In a commercial sense the direct advantage would consist in - the profitable employment of foreign shipping to a greater - extent: it would also assist the development of the - resources of the five ports--more especially those which - hitherto have done little foreign trade. I have entered - into some details to show how the carrying trade may work - such results, particularly in reference to sugar, which - promises to pave the way at this port to large shipments in - this and other articles for the Chinese. - - A more effective blow will be given to piracy on the coast - by a partial transfer of the more valuable freights to - foreign vessels than by any measures of repression which - either Government can carry out, for piracy will, in fact, - cease to be profitable.... - - A further extension of the trade between our Australian - settlements and China, and our colonies in the Straits with - both, may follow as a natural result of any successful - efforts in this direction,--the addition of a large bulky - article of regular consumption like sugar alone sufficing - to remove a great difficulty in the way of a Straits - trade.... - - If this can be counted upon, I think it may safely be - predicated that at no distant period a large and profitable - employment for foreign shipping will be found here totally - exclusive of the trade with Europe. - -It has been said with regard to tea that the quantity sold for export -is but the overflow of what is produced for native consumption, and to -silk the same observation would apply. Essentially a consuming -country, it is the surplus of these two articles that China has been -able to afford which has constituted the staple of export trade from -first to last. It is an interesting question whether there may not be -surpluses of some other Chinese products to be similarly drawn upon. -If the foreign trade has been distinguished by its simplicity, being -confined to a very few standard commodities, such cannot be predicated -of the native trade, which is of a most miscellaneous character. It is -impossible to give any statistical account of the coast and inland -traffic of China. Any estimate of it would be scarcely more -satisfactory than those which are so loosely made of the population. -In the early days, when the ports opened by the treaty of 1842 were -still new ports, great pains were taken by the consuls to collect all -the information they could respecting purely Chinese commerce, which -they not unnaturally regarded as the source whence the material of an -expanded foreign trade might in future be drawn. Especially was this -the case at Foochow under the consulship of Mr Alcock and the -assistantship of his energetic interpreter, Parkes. We find, for -instance, among the returns compiled by that industrious officer of -three months' trading in 1846, the quantities and valuations of over -fifty articles of import and as many of export given in great detail: -imports in 592 junks of 55,000 tons, and of exports in 238 junks of -22,000 tons. Of the sea-going junks he gives an interesting summary, -distinguishing the ports with which they traded and their tonnage, -with short abstracts of the cargoes carried. These amounted for the -year to 1678 arrivals from twenty different places, and 1310 -departures for twenty-four places; and this at a port of which the -consul wrote in 1847, "No prospect of a British or other foreign trade -at this port is apparent in the very remotest degree." Every traveller -in every part of China is astonished at the quantity and variety of -the merchandise which is constantly on the move. It is this that -inspires confidence in the boundless potentialities of Chinese -commerce, which seems only waiting for the link of connection between -the resources of the empire and the enterprise of the Western world. - -Besides the sea-borne trade of which it was possible to make these -approximate estimates, there is always in China an immense inland -trade; and at the time when piracy was rampant on the coast, and -before the aid of foreign ships and steamers was obtained, all the -goods whose value enabled them to pay the cost of carriage were -conveyed by the inland routes, often indeed from one seaport to -another, as, for instance, between Canton and Foochow, Ningpo, -Shanghai, &c.; and it is still by the interior channels that much of -the trade is done between Shanghai and the provinces to the north of -it, which would appear, geographically speaking, to be more accessible -from their own seaports. - -The relation of the Government to the inter-provincial trade is, in -general terms, that of a capricious tax-gatherer, laying such burdens -on merchandise as it is found able and willing to bear. The arbitrary -impositions of the officials are, however, tempered by the genius of -evasion on the part of the Chinese merchant, and by mutual concession -a _modus vivendi_ is easily maintained between them. - -The item of trade in which Government comes into most direct relation -with the trader is the article salt, which is produced all along the -sea-coast, and is likewise obtained from wells in the western -provinces. Like many other Governments, the Chinese have long treated -salt as a Government monopoly. As the manner in which this is carried -out illustrates in several points the ideas that lie at the root of -Chinese administration, some notes on the subject made by Parkes at -Foochow in 1846, and printed in an appendix to this volume, may still -be of interest.[26] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[20] The annual value of the whole foreign trade with China, imports -and exports, is now about L70,000,000. - -[21] His predecessors had been governors of Fort William in Bengal. - -[22] Eastern countries send to Europe half of the whole consumption of -the West--China yielding 35 per cent to 40 per cent of the entire -supply, Japan 12 per cent. - -[23] It is worth notice that this consistent opponent of the opium -trade during fifty active years should have come under the ban of the -Anti-Opium Society in England when the discussion of this important -question degenerated into a mere polemic. - -[24] Import duty had been regularly levied on opium for a hundred -years, the prohibition of importation having been decreed after 1796 -(Eitel). - -[25] During the last two decades important factors--such as foreign -loans, armaments, and the like--have so influenced the movements of -gold and silver that they bear no such simple relation to the "balance -of trade" properly so called as was formerly the case. - -[26] See Appendix IV. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -SHIPPING. - - The East Indiaman -- Opium clippers -- Coasting craft -- - Trading explorations -- Yangtze -- Japan -- Ocean trade -- - American shipping -- Gold in California -- Repeal of - British Navigation Laws -- Gold in Australia -- Ocean - rivalry -- Tonnage for China -- Regular traders -- Silk -- - British and American competition -- The China clipper -- - Steam -- The Suez Canal -- Native shipping -- Lorchas. - - -Next in importance to the merchandise carried was the shipping which -carried it. That stately argosy, the East Indiaman, was already -invested with the halo of the past. Her leisurely voyages, once in two -years, regulated by the monsoons, landing the "new" tea in London -nearly a year old, and her comfortable habits generally, were matters -of legend at the time of which we write. But a parting glance at the -old is the best way of appreciating the new. The East Indiaman was the -very apotheosis of monopoly. The command was reserved as a short road -to fortune for the _proteges_ of the omnipotent Directors in -Leadenhall Street, and as with Chinese governors, the tenure of the -post was in practice limited to a very few years, for the Directors -were many and their cognates prolific. So many, indeed, were their -privileges, perquisites, and "indulgences" that a captain was expected -to have realised an ample independence in four or five voyages; the -officers and petty officers having similar opportunities, -proportionate to their rank. They were allowed tonnage space, the -captain's share being 56 tons, which they could either fill with their -own merchandise or let out to third parties. The value of this, -including the intermediate "port-to-port" voyage in India, may be -judged from the figures given by one captain, who from actual data -estimated the freight for the round voyage at L43 per ton. The -captains enjoyed also the passage-money, valued by the same authority -at L1500 per voyage. There were other "indulgences," scarcely -intelligible in our days, which yet yielded fabulous results. These -figures are taken from a statement submitted to the Honourable Company -by Captain Innes, who claimed, on behalf of himself and comrades, -compensation for the loss they sustained through the cessation of the -monopoly. The captain showed that he made, on the average of his three -last voyages, L6100 per voyage--of which L180 was pay!--without -counting "profits on investments," for the loss of which he rather -handsomely waived compensation. L8000 to L10,000 per voyage was -reckoned a not extravagant estimate of a captain's emoluments. The -Company employed chartered ships to supplement its own, and the -command of one of them was in practice put up to the highest bidder, -the usual premium being about L3000 for the privilege of the command, -which was of course severely restricted to qualified and selected men. - -That such incredible privileges should be abused, to the detriment of -the too indulgent Company, was only natural. The captains, in fact, -carried on a systematic smuggling trade with Continental ports as -well as with ports in the United Kingdom where they had no business to -be at all, though they found pretexts, _a la Chinoise_, such as stress -of weather or want of water, if ever called to account. The Channel -Islands, the Scilly Islands, and the Isle of Wight supplied the -greatest facilities for the illicit traffic, and their populations -were much alarmed when measures were threatened to suppress it. The -inspecting commander reported officially from St Mary's, in 1828, -"that these islands were never known with so little smuggling as this -year, and the greatest part of the inhabitants are reduced to great -distress in consequence, for hitherto it used to be their principal -employment."[27] The ships were also met by accomplices on the high -seas which relieved them of smuggled goods. What is so difficult to -understand about such proceedings is that the Court of Directors, -though not conniving, seemed helpless to check these irregularities. -Their fulminations, resolutions, elaborate advertisements, and -measures prescribed for getting evidence against offenders, bore a -curious resemblance to those futile efforts which are from time to -time put forth by the Chinese Government, which is equally impotent to -suppress illicit practices in its administration. One cause of this -impotence was also very Chinese in character. The smugglers had -friends in office, who supplied them with the most confidential -information. - -The East India Company, nevertheless, in one important respect -received value for its money--in the competence of its officers. The -greatest pains were taken to secure the efficiency of the service, for -the ships were more than mere carriers or passenger-boats. They were -maintained on a war-footing, and were manned by thoroughly disciplined -crews. Many gallant actions at sea, even against regular men-of-war, -stand to the credit of the Indiamen. - -But what conceivable freight-money or profits on merchandise could -support a trade carried on under such luxurious conditions! It was -magnificent, indeed, but it was not business, and no surprise need be -felt that the East India Company, while furnishing its employees with -the means of fortune, made very little for its shareholders by either -its shipowning or mercantile operations. The Company was a standing -example of that not uncommon phenomenon, the progressionist become -obstructionist, blocking the door which it opened. For many years it -had played the part of dog-in-the-manger, keeping individual traders -out while itself deriving little if any benefit from its monopoly. -Whenever independent merchants succeeded--under great difficulties, of -course--in gaining a footing, they invariably proved the superiority -of their business methods; and it is to them, and not to the Company, -that the development of trade in the Far East is due. English -shipowners had constantly agitated for a share in the traffic round -the Cape, and there were many Indian-owned ships engaged in the China -trade, the Company's ostentatious abstention from carrying the opium -which it grew affording this favourable opening for private -adventurers. - -It is somewhat surprising that the seafaring nations of the world, who -were free from the restrictions which so cramped the British -shipowners, should have suffered to endure so long a monopoly so -baseless as that of the East India Company. The fact seems to prove -the general depression of maritime energy in the early part of the -century. But succeeding to such a patriarchal _regime_, it is little -wonder that the common merchantmen, reduced to reasonable economical -conditions, should have reaped a bountiful harvest. The Company's -terms left a very handsome margin for shrinkage in the freight tariff, -while still leaving a remunerative return to the shipowner. The -expiration of the Company's charter, therefore, gave an immense -stimulus to the common carriers of the ocean; though, starting from -such an elevated plateau of profits, the inducements to improvements -in the build and management of ships were not very urgent. - -The size of the ships and their capacity for cargo underwent slow -development in the first half of the century. The East Indiamen -averaged about 1000 tons, some ships being as large as 1300, while -those chartered by the Company seem to have run about 500 tons. All -were bad carriers, their cargo capacity not exceeding their registered -tonnage. In the ordinary merchant service which succeeded large ships -were deemed unsuited to the China trade, 300 tons being considered a -handy size, until the expansion of trade and necessity for speed -combined with economical working forced on shipowners a larger type of -vessel. - -Of quite another class were the opium clippers, which also in a -certain sense represented monopoly in its long struggle with open -trade--the monopoly of capital, vested interests, and enterprise. The -clippers, first sailing craft and then steamers, were able by means of -the advantages they possessed to prolong the contest into the -'Sixties; indeed the echo of it had scarcely died away when the Suez -Canal and the telegraph cable revolutionised the whole Eastern trade -at a single stroke. The precious cargoes they carried, and scarcely -less valuable intelligence, supplied the means of maintaining the -opium-carriers in the highest efficiency. Every voyage was a race, the -rivalry being none the less animated for the smallness of the -competing field. Indeed, when reduced to a duel, the struggle became -the keenest. It was only towards the close of the period that the -opium-clipper system attained its highest organisation. The great -China houses of Jardine, Matheson, & Co., and Dent & Co., then ran -powerful steamers--the former firm chiefly between Calcutta and -Hongkong--their time of departure from the Indian port being regulated -so as to enable them to intercept the English mail-steamers on their -arrival in Singapore, where they received on board their owners' -despatches, with which they proceeded at once to Hongkong before the -mail-steamer had taken in her coal. They had speed enough to give the -P. and O. steamer two days on the run of 1400 miles; and making the -land in daylight, they would slip into one of the snug bays at the -back of the island at dusk and send their private mail-bag to the -merchant-prince to digest with his port, and either lie hidden under -the cliffs or put to sea again for a day or two with perhaps a number -of impatient passengers on board. - -The rival house of Dent & Co. devoted their energies more especially -to the China coast. Their fast steamers would start from Hongkong an -hour after the arrival of the Indian and English mail, landing owners' -despatches at the mouth of the Yangtze, whence they were run across -country to Shanghai. To gain exclusive possession of a market or of a -budget of news for ever so brief a period was the spur continuously -applied to owners, officers, and men. How the public regarded these -operations may be inferred from a note in Admiral Keppel's diary of -1843: "Anonymous opium-clipper arrived from Bombay with only owners' -despatches. Beast." - -All this of course presupposed a common ownership of ship and cargo, -or great liberties, if not risks, taken with the property of other -people. In the years before the war this common management of ship and -cargo was a simple necessity, for opium had to be stored afloat and -kept ready for sailing orders. The 20,000 chests surrendered in 1839 -might have been all sent away to Manila or elsewhere had that course -of procedure been determined on. Captain John Thacker, examined before -the Parliamentary Committee of 1840, being asked what he would have -done in case the Chinese had ordered away the opium, answered, "I -would have sent mine away to the Malay Islands, to exchange it for -betel-nut and pepper.... I had a ship at Canton that I could not get -freighted with tea, and I intended to send her away with the opium." A -kind of solidarity between ship and cargo was thus an essential of the -trade at that time, and what originated in necessity was continued as -a habit for many years after its economical justification had ceased. - -The ambition of owning or controlling ships became a feature of the -China trade, the smaller houses emulating the greater. It seemed as if -the repute of a merchant lacked something of completeness until he had -got one or more ships under his orders, and the first use the -possession was put to was usually the attempt to enforce against all -comers a quasi-monopoly either in merchandise or in news. To be able -to despatch a vessel on some special mission, like Captain Thacker, -had a fascination for the more enterprising of the merchants, which -may perhaps be referred back to the circumstance that they were men -still in the prime of life. - -The passion was kept alive by the inducements offered by a series of -events which crowded on each other between the years 1858 and 1861. -Before that time the spread of rebellion, the prevalence of piracy, -and the general state of unrest and distrust which prevailed among the -Chinese commercial classes, threw them on the protection of foreign -flags, and the demand for handy coasting craft was generously -responded to by all maritime nations, but chiefly by the shipowners of -Northern Europe. Such a mosquito fleet was perhaps never before seen -as that which flew the flags of the Hanse Towns and of Scandinavia on -the China coast between 1850 and 1860; and many a frugal family on the -Elbe, the Weser, and the Baltic lived and throve out of the earnings -of these admirably managed and well-equipped vessels. The vessels were -mostly run on time-charters, which were exceedingly remunerative; for -the standard of hire was adopted from a period of English -extravagance, while the ships were run on a scale of economy--and -efficiency--scarcely then dreamed of in England. A schooner of 150 -tons register earning $1500 per month, which was a not uncommon rate, -must have paid for herself in a year, for the dollar was then worth -5s. Yet the Chinese also made so much money by subletting their -chartered tonnage that foreigners were tempted into the same business, -without the same knowledge or assurance of loyal co-operation at the -various ports traded with. - -The habit of handling ships in this way, whether profitably or not, -had the effect of facilitating the despatch of reconnoitring -expeditions when openings occurred, and they did occur on a -considerable scale within the period above mentioned. The year 1858 -was an epoch in itself. It was the year of the treaty of Tientsin, -which threw open three additional trading-ports on the coast, three -within the Gulf of Pechili, and three on the Yangtze. Of the three -northern ports, excepting Tientsin, very little was known to the -mercantile community, and the selection of Teng-chow and Newchwang by -the British plenipotentiary shows what a change has in the interval -come over the relative intelligence of the Government and the -merchants; for in those days, it would appear, the Government was as -far in advance of the merchants in information about China as the -merchants of a later period have been in advance of the Government. -These unknown, almost unheard-of, ports excited much interest during -the year that elapsed between the signing of the treaty and its -ratification. Information about them from Chinese sources was -therefore diligently sought after. - -Within a couple of miles of the foreign settlement of Shanghai--and it -was the same thing in the Ningpo river--compact tiers of large -sea-going junks lay moored head and stern, side to side, forming a -continuous platform, so that one could walk across their decks out -into the middle of the river. Their masts, without yards or rigging, -loomed like a dense thicket on the horizon. Of their numbers some idea -may be formed when we remember that 1400 of them were found loaded at -one time in 1848 with tribute rice. Of this enormous fleet of ships -and their trade the foreign mercantile community of Shanghai was -content to remain in virtual ignorance. They traded to the north, and -were vaguely spoken of as "Shantung junks"--Shantung then standing for -everything that was unknown north of the thirty-second parallel. The -map of China conveyed about as much to the mercantile communities on -the coast in those days as it did to the British public generally -before the discussions of 1898. These junks carried large quantities -of foreign manufactured goods and opium to the unknown regions at the -back of the north wind, of which some of the doors were now being -opened. How was one to take advantage of the opening, and be first in -the field? Time must be taken by the forelock, and a certain amount of -commercial exploration entered into in order to obtain data on which -to base ulterior operations. Accordingly in the spring of 1859, a few -months before the period fixed for the exchange of ratifications of -the treaty, several mercantile firms equipped, with the utmost -secrecy, trading expeditions to the Gulf of Pechili. Their first -object was to discover what seaport would serve as the entrepot of -Tengchow, since that city, though near enough to salt water to have -been bombarded for a frolic by the Japanese navy in 1894, possessed -no anchorage. The several sets of argonauts, among whom was the writer -of this book, seeking for such an anchorage, found themselves, in the -month of April, all together in the harbour of Yentai, which they -misnamed Chefoo, a name that has become stereotyped. Obviously, then, -that would be the new port, especially as the bay and the town showed -all the signs of a considerable existing traffic. It was full forty -miles from Tengchow, but there was no nearer anchorage. The foreign -visitors began at once to cultivate relations with the native -merchants, tentatively, like Nicodemus, making their real business by -night, while the magnificent daylight was employed in various local -explorations. These were full of fresh interest, the Shantung coast -being the antithesis of the Yangtze delta; for there were found -donkeys instead of boats, stony roads instead of canals, bare and -barren mountains instead of soft green paddy- or cotton-fields, stone -buildings, and a blue air that sparkled like champagne. - -Our own particular movable base of operations was one smart English -schooner, loaded with mixed merchandise, and commanded by a sea-dog -who left a trail of vernacular in his wake. Soon, however, we were -able to transfer our flag to a commodious houseboat, of a hybrid type -suited to the sheltered and shallow waters of the Lower Yangtze, but -not, strictly speaking, seaworthy. Next, a Hamburg barque came and -acted as store-ship, releasing the English schooner for more active -service. The master of that craft was also a character, full of -intelligence, but rough, and the trail of tobacco juice was over all, -with strange pungent odours in the cuddy. - -Having thus inserted the thin end of the wedge, pegged out mentally -the site of the future settlement, and trifles of that sort, the -pioneers of commerce waited for the official announcement of the port -being opened. Meantime there was the unknown Newchwang to be -discovered, at the extreme north-east corner of the Gulf of Liaotung, -and for this purpose the boat aforesaid presented a very tempting -facility. The trip was accomplished, not without anxiety and detention -on the way by stress of weather, and the British flag was shown in the -Liao river, to the best of our knowledge, for the first time in May -1859. Many other ports and harbours in the gulf were visited during -the summer and autumn. Weihai-wei became very familiar, not as a place -of trade, which it never was, but as a convenient anchorage better -sheltered than Chefoo. How blind were the pioneers to the destinies of -these gulf ports and the gulf itself! How little did they dream of the -scenes that peaceful harbour was to witness, the fortifications which -were to follow, the Chinese navy making its last desperate stand there -like rats caught in a trap; and finally, the British flag flying over -the heights! - -The treaty of course was not ratified, though the news of the repulse -of the British plenipotentiary at Taku only reached the pioneers in -the form of tenebrous Chinese rumours with an ominous thread of -consistency running through their various contradictions. The most -conclusive evidence, however, of the turn affairs had taken was the -interference of the officials with the native merchants and people at -Chefoo, whom they forbade intercourse with the foreigners, and made -responsible for the presence of the foreign ships. The ships, -therefore, had to move out of sight, and it was in this predicament -that the harbour of Weihai-wei offered such a welcome refuge. - -To put an end to the intolerable suspense in Chefoo the Hamburger was -got under weigh and sailed to the westward. On approaching the mouth -of the Peiho the situation at once revealed itself: not one English -ship visible, but the Russian despatch-boat America, and one United -States ship, with which news was exchanged, and from which the details -of the Taku disaster were ascertained. This news, of course, knocked -all the commercial adventures which had been set on foot in the gulf -into "pie." Nothing remained but to wind them up with as little -sacrifice as possible,--a process which was not completed till towards -Christmas. - -The three ports to be opened on the Yangtze stood on quite a different -footing. They had not been named, and their opening was somewhat -contingent on the position of the hostile forces then occupying the -river-banks. The navigation, moreover, was absolutely unknown above -Nanking, and it was left to Captain Sherard Osborn to explore the -channel and to Lord Elgin to make a political reconnaissance at the -same time in H.M.S. Furious, of which cruise Laurence Oliphant has -left us such a delightful description. It was not, however, till 1861 -that the great river was formally opened by Admiral Sir James Hope. -Trade then at once burst upon the desolate scene like the blossoms of -spring. On the admiral's voyage up to Hankow, on the 600 miles of -stream scarcely a rag of sail was to be seen. Within three months the -surface of the river was alive with Chinese craft of all sorts and -sizes. The interior of China had for years been dammed up like a -reservoir by the Taipings, so that when once tapped the stream of -commerce gushed out, much beyond the capacity of any existing -transport. The demand for steamers was therefore sudden, and -everything that was able to burn coal was enlisted in the service. The -freight on light goods from Hankow to Shanghai commenced at 20 taels, -or L6, per ton for a voyage of three days. The pioneer inland steamer -was the Fire Dart, which had been built to the order of an American -house for service in the Canton river. She was soon followed by others -built expressly for the Yangtze, and before long regular trade was -carried on. Again the tradition asserted itself of every mercantile -house owning its own river steamer, some more than one. Steamers -proved a mine of wealth for a certain time. Merchants were thereby -enticed into a technical business for which they had neither training -nor aptitude, and the natural consequences were not very long delayed. - -While on the subject of river steamers, it is interesting to recall -that in the beginning English merchants sent their orders for the -Yangtze to the United States. The vessels were light, roomy, and -luxurious, admirably adapted to their work. In the course of a few -years, however, the tables were turned, and the Americans themselves -came to the Clyde builders with their specifications, and had their -river steamers built of iron. Many economies and great improvements -have been made in the construction and management of these vessels -since 1861, but we need not pursue the matter into further detail -here. - -The opening of the Yangtze made a revolution in the tea trade, for the -product of Central China, which formerly was carried on men's backs -over the Meiling Pass to Canton, could now be brought by water cheaply -and quickly to Hankow, which in the very year of its opening became a -subsidiary shipping port--subsidiary, that is, to Shanghai, where the -ocean voyage began. Before long, however, this great central mart -became an entrepot for ocean traffic. To the steamer Scotland, owned -by Messrs W. S. Lindsay & Co. and commanded by Captain A. D. Dundas, -R.N., belongs the honour of being the first ocean steamer to ascend -the river to Hankow, and thereby opening the interior of China to -direct trade with foreign countries. And within two years a sailing -vessel was towed up the river and loaded a cargo of the new season's -tea for London. - -But the most interesting item in the budget of that _annus mirabilis_ -1858 was the opening of Japan to foreign intercourse. To -contemporaries it was the discovery of a new world of activity, -intelligence, beauty--an elaborate civilisation built on strange -foundations. Could the veil of the future have been withdrawn for the -men of that day, how their imaginations would have been staggered -before the unrolling of an epic transcending in human interest all the -creations of fiction! But before all things there was trade to be done -with awakening Japan, nobody knew what or how; while the seductive -novelties of the life, the art, the scenery, and the laws contested -the supremacy of the claims of mundane commerce. Here was an ideal -opening for the commercial pioneer. What kind of merchandise would the -Japanese buy, and what had they to sell, were naturally the first -objects of inquiry. For this purpose ships with trial cargoes had to -be sent hither and thither to explore, and there was work here for the -kind of handy craft that had had such a run on the China coast. By -their means was the foreign trade of the Japanese ports opened to the -world. The clipper ship Mirage, laden with Manchester goods in which -the late Sir John Pender was interested, lay several days in Shanghai -waiting orders to proceed on an experimental trip to Japan as early as -1858, but the owners wisely concluded that the venture would be -premature. - -So far we have dealt only with what may be considered as the outriders -of the host, and the subject would be very incomplete without giving -some account of the main body, the common carriers of the -international trade, filling by far the most important place in the -economical system of the countries of their origin. While endeavouring -to confine our attention as much as possible within the limits of the -field embraced by the China, developing later into the Far Eastern, -trade, the progress of the merchant shipping employed therein cannot -be fully understood except from a standpoint more cosmopolitan. For -the history of the Eastern shipping is intimately bound up with events -which were taking place in other and widely-separated quarters of the -globe in the middle of this century. Within the space of three to four -years events happened of a world-moving character, forming the basis -of the commercial revolution that has set its mark on the second half -of the century. The catholicity of commerce and its unfailing -inventiveness in supplying human wants were wonderfully illustrated at -this time. Events so different in their nature as the potato blight -in one hemisphere, the production of gold in another, and the -abrogation of the Navigation Laws in England, combined within these -few years to revolutionise the world's shipping trade. - -In the year 1847 the world was first startled by the definitive -announcement of gold discoveries in California, and four years later a -similar phenomenon appeared in Australia. Coincidently with these -events the first Universal Exhibition of the industries of all nations -was held in Hyde Park, and whatever we may think of the relative -influence of that and of the gold discoveries, there can be but one -opinion as to the splendid advertisement which the Exposition lent to -the golden promise of the Antipodes and the East Pacific. Thenceforth -the whole world, industrial, commercial, and financial, beat with one -pulse, a fact which has received constantly accumulating illustrations -until the present day. It was as if the sectional divisions of the -globe had been united in one great pool, forced to maintain a common -level, subject only to disturbances of the nature of rising and -falling waves. The new supplies of gold, by making money plentiful, -inflated the price of all commodities and stimulated production in -every department of agriculture and manufacture; but the time-worn yet -ever-new passion for wealth, disseminated afresh throughout the -civilised world, probably acted more powerfully on the material -progress of mankind than the actual possession of the new riches. The -rapid peopling of desert places created a demand for the necessaries -of life--food, clothing, housing, tools, and appliances of every -description. In a word, the tide of humanity, rushing to America for -food and to the goldfields for the means of buying it, made such calls -on the carrying powers of the world as could not be satisfied without -a stupendous effort. - -Of all nations the most responsive to the stimulus was beyond doubt -the United States: it was there that shipbuilding had been making the -most gigantic advances. The total tonnage afloat under the American -flag bade fair at one time to rival that of Great Britain. The -attention of the American shipping interest had been particularly -directed towards China, where excellent employment rewarded the -enterprise, not only in the ocean voyage out and home, but also in the -coasting trade, which included the portable and very paying item of -opium. English merchants and shipowners did not, of course, resign -their share in the China trade without a struggle; but they were -fighting on the defensive, and under the disadvantages incidental to -that condition of warfare. Every improvement they introduced in the -efficiency of their ships in order to cope with the advances of their -rivals was promptly followed by a counter-move which gave the -wide-awake Americans again the lead. About 1845 an important step -forward was taken in the despatch of a new type of vessel from the -United States to China which surpassed in speed the newest and best -English ships. The British reply to this was the building of clippers, -initiated in 1846 by Messrs Hall of Aberdeen. The first of these, a -small vessel, having proved successful in competing for the coasting -trade of China, larger ships of the clipper type were constructed, and -so the seesaw went on. - -Then emigration to the United States, chiefly from Ireland, made -demands on the available tonnage which was indifferently met by -vessels unfit for the work, and the American builders were not slow to -see the advantage of placing a superior class of vessel on this -important Atlantic service. - -Following close on this salutary competition--East and West--came one -of the epoch-making events just alluded to, the gold-mining in -California, which more decisively than ever threw the advantage in the -shipping contest on the side of the United States. The ocean was the -true route to California for emigrants and material; but the voyage -was long, and impatience of intervening space being the ruling temper -of gold-seekers, the shortening of the time of transit became a crying -want for the living cargoes, and scarcely less for the perishable -provisions which the new ships were designed to carry. Speed, comfort, -and capacity had therefore to be combined in a way which had never -before been attempted. The result was the historical American clipper -of the middle of the century, beautiful to look on with her cloud of -white cotton canvas, covering every ocean highway. These were vessels -of large capacity, carrying one-half more dead-weight than their -registered tonnage;[28] built and rigged like yachts, and attaining a -speed never before reached on the high seas. The pioneer of this fine -fleet made the voyage from New York to San Francisco, a "coasting -voyage" from which foreign flags were excluded, and returned direct in -ballast, the owners realising a handsome profit on the outward passage -alone. The Americans not only had the Californian trade practically -in their own hands, but were prompt to turn the advantage which that -gave them to profitable account in the competition for the trade of -China. The ships, when empty, sailed across the Pacific, loading, at -Canton or Shanghai, tea and other produce for London or New York, the -three-cornered voyage occupying little more time than the direct route -to China and back to which English ships were then confined. As the -American clippers earned on the round about a third more freight than -English ships could obtain on their out-and-home voyage, competition -bore very hard on the latter. Larger and finer ships were constantly -being added to the American fleet until they almost monopolised the -trade not only between New York and San Francisco, but also between -China and Great Britain. British shipping was, in fact, reduced to the -greatest depression, the falling off in the supply of new tonnage -being almost commensurate with the increase of that of the United -States. A phenomenal advance was recorded also in the entries of -foreign ships into British ports to the displacement of British-owned -tonnage. - -It was at this most critical juncture that the heroic remedy of repeal -of the Navigation Laws in 1850 consigned British shipowners to -absolute despair; for if they could not hold their own while protected -by these laws, how were they to survive the removal of the last -barrier from the competition of the whole world? But the darkest hour -was, as often happens, that before the dawn. The withdrawal of -protective legislation proved the turning-point in the fortunes of the -British shipowner. In part it was an efficient cause, inasmuch as it -threw the shipowner entirely on his own resources for his existence. -He had to look to improvements in the efficiency and economy of his -ships, for which it must be admitted there was considerable room. -There were many conservative prejudices to be got rid of--that one, -for example, which held it dangerous to have less than one foot in -breadth to four in length, the adherence to which rendered British -ships oval tubs compared with the American, which had for many years -been proving the superiority of five and even six to one. The English -axiom, which had so long resisted plain reason, had at last to yield -to necessity. And so with many other antiquated conditions, including -the quality and qualifications of masters, officers, and seamen. - -The exertions made in Great Britain to improve merchant shipping were -at once stimulated and immeasurably assisted by the gold discoveries -in Australia, an island in the South Pacific more absolutely dependent -on sea communication than San Francisco on the American continent had -been. It was, moreover, in British territory, where no exclusive -privileges could be enjoyed, and where competition was entirely -unfettered. Of course the clipper fleet of the United States was -prepared to do for Australia what it had done so well for California; -but the prospect of the carrying trade between Great Britain and her -colonies falling into alien hands aroused the spirit of the English to -make a supreme effort to at least hold their own, if not to recover -lost ground. - -The seven seas soon became alive with rival clipper ships of great -size and power, and the newspapers chronicled the runs they made to -Australia and California in days, as they now record the hours -consumed on steamer voyages across the Atlantic. Ancient barriers -seemed to be submerged, and fusion of the ocean traffic of the world -into one great whole opened the way to a new dispensation in the -history of merchant shipping. Tonnage was tonnage all the world over, -and became subject to the comprehensive control in which the gold and -silver produced in distant countries was held by the great financial -centres. But the ocean telegraph was not yet, and for twenty years -more many gaps were left in the system of ocean communications, whence -resulted seasons of plethora alternating with scarcity in particular -lines of traffic. - -There was probably no trade in which the overflow of the new output of -tonnage was more quickly felt than in that of China. It became a -common custom for vessels of moderate size which had carried goods and -emigrants to Australia and California, whence no return cargoes were -at that period to be had, to proceed to India or China in -ballast--"seeking." This was a source of tonnage supply which the -merchants resident in those countries had no means of reckoning upon, -though such a far-reaching calculation might not be beyond the powers -of a clear head posted at one of the foci of the commercial world. An -example may be quoted illustrative of the local tonnage famine which -occasionally prevailed during that transition period. An English ship -arrived in ballast at Hongkong from Sydney in 1854. The owner's local -agent, or "consignee," recommended the captain to proceed at once -north to Shanghai, where, according to latest advices, he would be -sure to obtain a lading at a high rate of freight. The cautious -skipper demurred to taking such a risk, and refused to move unless the -agent would guarantee him L6, 10s. per ton for a full cargo for -London. This was agreed. The ship reached the loading port at a moment -when there was no tonnage available and much produce waiting shipment, -and she was immediately filled up at about L7 or L8 per ton. It fell -to the lot of this particular vessel, by the way, to carry a mail from -Hongkong to Shanghai, the P. and O. Company's service being then only -monthly, and no other steamer being on the line. It was just after the -outbreak of the war with Russia. About a couple of days after the -departure of the Akbar--for that was her name--when it was considered -quite safe to do so, a resident American merchant, unable to contain -himself, boasted of having sent by this English vessel the despatches -of the Russian admiral under sealed cover to a sure hand in Shanghai. -The recipient of this confidence, like a good patriot, reported the -circumstance promptly to the governor of the colony, and he to the -senior naval officer, who with no less promptitude ordered a steam -sloop, the Rattler, to proceed in chase of the ship. The pursuit was -successful; the Russian despatches were taken out and brought back to -Hongkong, where they were submitted to the polyglot governor, Sir John -Bowring. - -Another incident of the same period will show how it was possible for -a bold operator to exploit the tonnage of the world on a considerable -scale without the aid of the telegraph, or even of rapid communication -by letter. One such operator in London, reckoning up the prospective -supply and demand of tonnage throughout the world, foresaw this very -scarcity in China of which we have just given an illustration. He -thereupon proceeded to charter ships under various flags and engaged -in distant voyages to proceed in ballast to the China ports, there to -load cargoes for Europe. The wisdom of the operation was far from -clear to the charterer's agents in China when they heard of ships -coming to them from the four quarters of the world at a time when -freights were low, with but little prospect of improvement, so far as -they could see; but their outlook was circumscribed. Though as the -ships began to arrive the difficulty of providing profitable -freightage seemed to presage the ruin of the venture, yet subsequent -arrivals justified the prevision of its author by earning for him -highly remunerative freights. The tide had really risen as it had been -foreseen; but it soon receded, and before the last charter had been -fulfilled the time-factor, which is fatal to so many well-laid -schemes, interposed, and probably caused the early profits to be -swallowed up in the final losses. - -The bulk of the China traffic, however, was carried not by these -erratic outsiders but by the regular traders, which loaded in London, -Liverpool, or New York with manufactured goods, coal, and metals, and -returned from China with tea, silk, and other produce. It must have -been a profitable business, for the average freight homeward in the -'Forties and 'Fifties seems to have been about L5 per ton; and if we -allow even one-third of that for the outward voyage, it would give the -shipowner somewhere about L7 for the round voyage, which was -accomplished with ease within the twelve months. It must be -remembered, however, that the expenses of running were proportionately -high on the small vessels which were then in the trade. In the course -of time, when speed and facilities of despatch at home and abroad had -been further improved, the clippers from London took in Australia in -the outward voyage by way of filling up the time until the tea crop -was brought to market. - -When the great increase in the export of silk took place a special -rate was paid on it to favourite ships on account of its high value. -But though this precious article could afford, when necessary, extreme -rates of freight, its total bulk was too small--about one-tenth of -that of tea--to affect seriously the general carrying trade of China. -A certain quantity was regularly shipped by the "overland route"--that -is, by P. and O. Company's steamers to Suez, and thence by rail to -Alexandria, to be there reshipped for its ultimate destination, -Marseilles or Southampton. But the capacity of the steamers was so -small that only a _pro rata_ allotment of space was made to -applicants, and the freight charged for it was at the rate of L25 per -ton. Under exceptional conditions one sailing ship in the year 1856 -carried a silk cargo of 6000 bales, valued at L750,000 sterling, which -was said to be the largest amount ever ventured, up to that time, in -any merchant vessel. It was so unexpectedly large that the shippers -were unable fully to cover their risk by insurance. A singular -fatality attended the outset of this voyage, showing the fallibility -of human judgment even under the most favourable circumstances. The -commander of this ship had been perhaps the most successful in the -China trade, and it was the extraordinary confidence that was placed -in his judgment that induced the merchants to intrust to his care -merchandise of such enormous value. Though much impressed with the -sense of personal responsibility for its safety, he was yet tempted by -a fine starlit night to break ground from the anchorage at Shanghai -and drop down the river to Wusung, where he touched on the well-known -bar, and was passed by the outward-bound mail-steamer the following -morning. The ship was of course reported "on shore," and so the -letters ordering insurance which the mail-steamer carried were -rendered useless. The master, though the ship had lain but a few hours -on soft mud, dared not proceed to sea with such a valuable cargo -without examining the ship's bottom. To do this he had to be towed -back to Shanghai, fourteen miles by river, discharge, strip off the -copper, replace it, reload the cargo, and recommence the voyage. It -proved much the longest she had ever made, and there was great anxiety -among the merchants, especially among those of them who were only -partially insured. But as fate would have it, while the ship was on -the high seas her cargo was growing in value, the silk famine in -Europe having in the mean time clearly declared itself; so that what -with the delay of a month or two at the start and several weeks more -on the passage, a time was gained for sufficient profit to accrue on -the silk to lay the foundation of several respectable fortunes, and -the commander, to whose error of judgment the result was due, was -received in London with acclamation and with substantial gratuities -from some of the fortunate owners of his cargo. The lucky craft was -the Challenger, Captain Killick, which had distinguished herself in -racing against the American clipper Nightingale in 1852 and 1863, and -was the first sailing-vessel to load tea at Hankow in 1863,--a -historic ship. - -During the time of the deepest gloom in shipping circles, consequent -on the repeal of the Navigation Laws, at a meeting where the ruin of -the industry was proclaimed in chorus by the shipowners present, one -man had the courage to rise up and stem the current of depression. -"The British shipowners have at last sat down to play a fair and open -game with the Americans, and, by Jove! we will trump them," were the -words of Mr Richard Green, the eminent shipbuilder of Blackwall, as -quoted by Mr W. S. Lindsay in his 'History of Merchant Shipping.' Mr -Lindsay adds that Mr Green was as good as his word, for shortly after -he built, to the order of Mr Hamilton Lindsay, a China merchant, the -ship Challenger, of 600 or 700 tons, expressly to match the American -Challenge, more than double her size, and thought to be the fastest -ship then afloat. Though the two never met, the performances of the -English, whether for speed or for dry carrying, quite eclipsed the -American ship. It was with another competitor that the pioneer -Blackwall clipper tried conclusions, and the circumstance suggests a -somewhat whimsical association of the evolution of the China clipper -with the Great Exhibition. A ship of exquisite model and finish had -been built in America for the purpose of conveying visitors to that -great gathering. She was put into the China trade, for which by her -size she was well suited. Whether by prearrangement or not, she met -the Challenger in 1852 in Shanghai, where they were both laden with -tea simultaneously. Immense excitement was aroused, which took the -usual form of heavy wagers between the respective partisans on the -issue of the race to London. It was a close thing, as sportsmen say, -the British ship coming in two days ahead of her rival. Dissatisfied, -as the owner of a yacht or of a racehorse is apt to be with his -defeat, certain changes were made by the owners of the Nightingale in -her equipment for the next year's voyage. The race was again run from -the same port, on the same conditions--and with the same result, only -still more in favour of the English ship. - -A general excitement about such a trivial matter as the relative speed -of two ships was only to be accounted for by the awakening -consciousness of the significance of the English shipping revival -which was then beginning. The interest extended much beyond the circle -of those directly concerned. The deck of a mail steamer, to take an -instance, became suddenly animated as the signals of a sailing-vessel -were read out. Speaking a ship at sea was no such unusual occurrence, -but when the name of Challenger was passed round, passengers and crew -rushed to the side, gazing intently on the shapely black hull and -white sails reflecting the morning sun. She was in the Straits of -Malacca, on her way back to China to run her second heat. A young man -among the passengers betraying ignorance of the cause of the commotion -felt as small as if unable to name the last Derby winner. The world at -that time seemed to have grown young. Imagination was directed to a -dawn gilded with promise which the sequel has surely not belied! - -Thus the China Sea became a principal battle-ground whereon the -struggle for ascendancy between the ships of Great Britain and the -United States was most strenuously fought out. It was, as Mr Green -said, a fair and open contest, alike creditable to both sides, and an -unmixed benefit to the world at large. The energy of the English -shipping interest was thoroughly aroused, and the shipowners and -shipbuilders of Scotland came speedily to the front. In a few years -after the issue was joined between the United States and Great -Britain, the shipbuilders of the latter country found a potent -auxiliary in iron, which began to be used for sailing-ships.[29] The -vessel that led the way in this innovation, combining great speed with -the other conditions of success, was the Lord of the Isles, Captain -Maxton, of Greenock, which distinguished herself by beating two of the -fastest American clippers of twice her size in the run from Foochow to -London in 1856. The gradual introduction of steam on long voyages, -which followed the free use of iron, was also to the advantage of the -British competitors; and thus from a combination of favouring -circumstances and dogged efforts to turn them to account, the -ascendancy of British shipping was finally established. - - * * * * * - -In sketching the performances of these vessels we have somewhat -anticipated the advent of that famous fleet of tea clippers which -commanded the traffic of the Far East for something like fifteen -years. For the beginnings of that struggle we have to go back to the -year 1851, when the Leith clipper Ganges raced two Americans, the -Flying Cloud and Bald Eagle, from China to London, finishing up with -an interesting tack-and-tack contest up Channel from Weymouth, the -English ship passing Dungeness six hours ahead. At that period the -odds in mere numbers were so overwhelming against the English vessels -that such occasional victories as the above were calculated to inspire -the builders with courage to persevere. The Aberdeen clippers, -Stornoway, Chrysolite, and Cairngorm, worthily followed the -London-built Challenger in disputing the prize of speed with the best -of their American contemporaries; and after the race of 1856, won, as -has been mentioned, by the iron ship Lord of the Isles of Greenock, -the American flag was practically eliminated from the annual contest. -Competition, however, by no means slackened on that account, but -rather increased in intensity. Past achievements opened the eyes of -those interested to the possibilities of indefinite improvement in the -build, rig, and equipment of ships, so that the idea took root and -became a passion. Each year brought forth something new, giving birth -in the following year to something still newer, until a type of ship -was evolved which seemed to be the acme of design and execution. -British clippers raced against each other for the blue ribbon of the -ocean with as great zest as they had ever done when other flags were -in the field. - -The competition for speed received a great stimulus from the opening -of Foochow as a regular tea-shipping port in 1856. The port had been -hindered by official restrictions from enjoying its natural advantages -at an earlier period, and it was mainly due to the enterprise of the -leading American house that these obstacles were at last removed and -the produce of the Bohea hills diverted to its proper outlet. The -event marked an epoch in the tea trade; for Foochow being so much -closer to the plantations than the other two ports, it became possible -to put on board there the first growth of the season with a prospect -of landing the new teas in London a couple of months earlier than the -trade had been accustomed to. It may be mentioned as one of the -curiosities of conservatism that this very circumstance was used to -the commercial prejudice of shipments from the new port. It was -revolutionising the established routine of the trade, would interfere -with the summer holidays, and it was gravely argued that October was -the very earliest time when the London buyers could be induced to -attend to the tea-market. But the fragrance of the new tea was -irresistible in dispersing such cobwebs. So far from its coming too -early to market, the best shipbuilders in the world were soon engaged -in constructing ships that would accelerate the arrival of the new tea -by as much as a couple of days. And so hungry was the trade that -special arrangements were made to facilitate the brokers obtaining -samples to sell by before the vessel passed Gravesend, and he would be -an obscure grocer who was not able to display in his shop window a -tea-chest bearing the name of the clipper on the day following her -arrival in the dock. The annual tea-race from Foochow thus became one -of the events of the year. Premiums were paid to the winner, and -sliding scales of freight were in course of time introduced, graduated -by the number of days on passage. - -No better proof could be adduced of the high excellence of the ships -as well as of the good seamanship of their commanders than the -exceeding closeness of the running on that long ocean voyage of twelve -thousand miles. Several times it happened that vessels starting -together would see nothing of each other during the hundred days' -passage until the fog lifting in the Downs would reveal them close -together, from which point the winning of the race depended on the -pilot or the tug. Of the great race of 1866 Mr W. S. Lindsay, from -whose valuable work on Merchant Shipping we have drawn freely for -these details, says: "This race excited extraordinary interest among -all persons engaged in maritime affairs. Five ships started--the -Ariel, Taeping, Serica, Fiery Cross, and Taitsing. The three first -left Foochow on the same day, but lost sight of each other for the -whole voyage until they reached the English Channel, where they again -met, arriving in the Thames within a few hours of each other." Very -fast passages continued to be made after that time. The Ariel and -Spindrift raced in 1868, and the Titania made a quick run in 1871; but -Mr Lindsay awards the palm to the Sir Lancelot and Thermopylae as "the -two fastest sailing-ships that ever traversed the ocean." The former -vessel, 886 tons register, made the run from Foochow to London in -ninety days in 1868, and an interesting fact is recorded by the owners -of that fine ship bearing on the propelling power of sails. Many -experienced navigators had during the clipper-racing entertained -misgivings as to the value of the excessive amount of sail and the -heavy rig which were deemed necessary to the equipment of a clipper. -The ships, they said, "buried themselves under the press of canvas." -Writing seven years after the performance just mentioned, the owner -of the Sir Lancelot said: "After the mania for China clipper-sailing I -had 8 feet cut off from all the lower masts, and reduced the masts -aloft and the yards in proportion. Yet with that (and no doubt a -proportionately reduced crew) she maintained her speed undiminished." -This was not an uncommon experience.[30] - -It is not to be supposed that the produce of China or the imports into -the country were all carried by clipper ships. Theirs was a special -service reserved for the most valuable produce and for the first few -weeks of the season. After that fitful fever the trade of the year -settled down to what may be called daily-bread conditions, when ships -with moderate speed, large capacity, and frugally sailed, made steady -and substantial profits for their owners. It is a commonly accepted -maxim that the race--for profits, at all events--is not always to the -swift. It was a saying of Mr Green, whose firm owned a large fleet of -ships in the Australian and Indian trade, that in his balance-sheet -for the year he found that his slow ships had paid for his fast ones. -Nor did this economic rule lose its validity when steam came to -supersede sail. - -The clippers proper had not had a clear run of fifteen years when -steamers began to trespass on their preserves. The possibility of a -successful steam voyage round the Cape began to be proved in 1864, -and was demonstrated in 1866, when Mr Alfred Holt of Liverpool first -established his "blue-funnel" line, beginning with the Ajax, Achilles, -and Agamemnon. But though sailing clippers were displaced, the -sporting element in the China trade was not extinguished. The opening -of the Yangtze revived the interest in early arrivals of tea by -bringing the "black leafs" of Hunan and Hupeh to the sea nearly as -soon as the "red leafs," whose outlet was Foochow. The produce of the -central provinces up till 1861 was conveyed by a slow and expensive -route, a considerable portion of it on the backs of porters, to -Canton. Hankow when opened became at once the entrepot for these teas, -and sea-going ships began to load their cargoes in the very heart of -the Chinese empire. For some years there had been two sets of -races--one from Foochow and one from Hankow--which took the wind out -of each other's sails, and the sport became somewhat stale. - -It was the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, and the consequent -improvements in the construction of steamships, that gave its full -value to the Yangtze as a trade route. For then ocean steamers loaded -at Hankow with all the advantages of the short route and convenient -coaling-stations, and the old excitement of the Foochow racing was -revived under a still higher pressure. Every year witnessed some new -design for combining the maximum cargo and coal stowage with the -maximum speed, so that new tea, which but a few years before was -landed in November, now came to market early in July. The last great -race occurred in 1883 between the Glenogle and Stirling Castle. By -that time Indian tea was rapidly gaining the ascendant in the great -consuming marts, displacing the Chinese article, which could no longer -afford the prestige of being carried by steamers built and run -regardless of expense. Thenceforth all Far Eastern produce found an -everyday level; merchandise was carried to and fro by regular lines, -with measured intervals of sailing, all the year round, freights were -fixed by common agreement, and the trade assumed a character of an -omnibus traffic on a large scale. - -The Suez Canal produced an immense lateral extension of trade with -China by bringing the Black Sea, Mediterranean, and North Sea ports -into direct communication with the ports of the Far East. The Russian -volunteer fleet, composed of very large and swift steamers, each -capable of conveying 2000 troops, carried tea direct from Hankow to -Odessa. Trade with Marseilles and Genoa was developed by British and -German enterprise as well as by the Messageries Maritimes of France. -Antwerp, Bremen, and Hamburg became the terminal ports for important -lines of steamers. The mercantile navy of Japan had not risen into -general notice during the earlier time with which we are principally -concerned, and it would deserve a treatise by itself. - - * * * * * - -By a process of natural selection native shipping in China and Japan -has been extensively superseded by foreign, and an immense dislocation -of capital has in consequence taken place. The effect of this has been -severely felt on the China coast, especially in such large shipping -ports as Taku, Shanghai, and Ningpo, where there were in former days -large and prosperous shipowning communities. The disturbance has -probably been much less marked in Japan, owing to the greater agility -of the people in adapting themselves to inevitable changes. Certain it -is that in both countries there is still a large junk fleet employed -in the coasting trade, being protected against foreign as well as -steam competition by their light draught and their privilege of -trading at ports not opened to foreign trade. - -The temptation to evade the prohibition of foreign flags led in former -days to sundry bizarre effects on the coast of China. The natives, -finding it to their advantage to employ foreign vessels, exercised -their ingenuity in making them look like Chinese craft. This would at -first sight appear no easy matter, seeing that the Chinese junks -carried no yards and their hulls were of a construction as different -from that of a modern ship as was possible for two things to be which -were intended for the same purpose. The junks possessed certain -qualities conducive to buoyancy and safety, such as water-tight -bulkheads, which at once strengthened the hull and minimised the -danger of sinking. But their sailing properties, except with the wind -"free," were beneath contempt. Their weatherly and seaworthy qualities -commended vessels of foreign construction to the Chinese traders, -while the talisman of the flag was deemed by them a protection against -pirates, and perhaps also, on occasion, against official inquisition. -Probably what on the whole the native owner or charterer would have -preferred was that his ship should pass for foreign at sea and for -native in port. To this end in some cases resort was had to -hermaphrodite rigging, and very generally to two projecting boards, -one on each side of the figurehead, bearing the staring Chinese eye, -such as the junks south of the Yangtze carry. The open eye on the -ship's bow was to enable the Chinese port officials to close theirs to -the unauthorised presence of strangers, and thus everything was -arranged in the manner so dear to the Chinese character. - -In the south of China the advantage of the flag was sought without the -foreign appearance of the vessel. The foreign flag was hoisted on -native-built small craft, a large fleet of which hailed from Macao -under Portuguese colours, and were from time to time guilty of great -irregularities on the coast. The Chinese of Hongkong, British subjects -born and bred, registered their vessels and received colonial sailing -letters, renewable at frequent intervals, as a check on bad behaviour. -With these papers short trips were made along the south coast, and a -local trade was carried on in the estuary of the Canton river. These -vessels of about 100 or 200 tons burthen were called "lorchas," of -which we shall hear more in subsequent chapters. - - [Illustration] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[27] For interesting details of the smuggling organisation which -lasted up to the middle of the present century, see 'Smuggling Days -and Smuggling Ways,' by the Hon. Henry N. Shore, R.N. - -[28] The modern ship carries 70 to 75 per cent of dead-weight over her -registered tonnage, and of weight and measurement combined about -double. - -[29] The American and British clippers were originally built of wood -sheathed with metal. After that came trial of iron ships coated with -tallow, but finally at the climax of the sailing clippers' notable -races they were all of composite construction--_i.e._, iron frames -planked with wood and sheathed with yellow metal. This type of vessel -(now out of date) was the essential feature of the fastest sailing -China clippers. Thereupon followed the iron and steel steamship as the -permanent carrier, and the white-winged argosies were no more! - -[30] Mr James MacCunn of Greenock says that all these racing clippers, -which were practically the same size, carried double crews, numbering -about thirty-three all told, equal to that of a 2500-tons merchantman -of to-day. The Sir Lancelot, besides the shingle ballast below the -tea, carried 100 tons fitted kentledge in the limbers stowed between -skin and ceiling, whereby great "stiffness" was ensured--a factor of -much value in beating down the China Sea against the monsoon, and at -other times in "carrying on" under a heavy press of canvas. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -THE TRADERS. - - -I. FOREIGN. - - Their relations to their official representatives -- And to - the trading interests of their own countries -- Their unity - -- High character -- Liberality -- Breadth of view. - -In the preceding portions of this narrative it has been shown how much -the character of the principal officials on both sides influenced the -progress of events. There was, however, yet another factor which -contributed in a lesser degree and in a different manner to the -general result which ought not to be entirely omitted from -consideration, and that was the personal qualities and traditional -characteristics of the two trading communities, foreign and Chinese. -It was they who created the subject-matter of all foreign relations, -and stood in the breach in all the struggles between foreign and -native officials. It was their persons and their fortunes which were -ever at stake; it was they who first felt the shock of disturbance, -and were the first to reap the fruits of peace. - -The relation of the foreign mercantile community to their official -representatives was not always free from friction, because the same -high authority which enjoined on the officials the protection of the -persons and the promotion of the interests of the lay community -empowered them also to rule over these their _proteges_, and to apply -to them an arbitrary discipline in accordance with what they conceived -to be the exigencies of the time. Duty in such circumstances must -often have assumed a divided aspect, and rules of action must -frequently have been put to a severe strain; nor is it surprising -that, owing to these peculiar relationships, the resident communities -should not have been able on all occasions to see eye to eye with the -agents of their Governments. - -In their national and representative character the China merchants -were wont at different crises to have moral burdens laid on them which -did not properly fit their shoulders. They were little affected by the -shallow moralism of the pulpit, which, taken literally, would have -counselled general liquidation and the distribution of the proceeds -among the poor, leaving the common creditor out of account; but -official sermons also were on certain occasions preached to, or at, -the merchants, implying some obligation on their part to sacrifice -individual advantage to the greater good of the greater number. Were -there no other answer to such altruistic monitions, it would be -sufficient to plead that under such theories of duty commerce could -not exist, and its political accessories would become superfluous. No -road to commercial prosperity has been discovered which could dispense -with the prime motive for the exertion which makes for progress--to -wit, individual ambition, cupidity, or by whatever term we choose to -designate the driving power of the complex machine of civilised life. -Mammon is, after all, a divinity whose worship is as universal as -that of Eros, and is scarcely less essential to the preservation of -the race. Nor is it by collective, but by strictly individual, -offerings that these deities are propitiated, and the high purposes of -humanity subserved. It is no reproach, therefore, to the China -merchants that they should have seized every opportunity for gain, -totally irrespective of the general policy of their country. It was -not for them to construe portents, but to improve the shining hour. -And if it should at any time happen that the action of private -persons, impelled by the passion for gain, embarrassed a diplomatist -in his efforts to bring about some grand international combination, -the fault was clearly his who omitted to take account of the ruling -factor in all economic problems. The trade was not made for Government -policy, but the policy for the trade, whose life-blood was absolute -liberty of action and a free course for individual initiative. The -success of British trade as a whole could only be the aggregate of the -separate successes not otherwise attainable than by each member of the -mercantile fraternity performing his own part with singleness of -purpose. Nothing certainly could ever justify any trader in foregoing -a chance of gain for the sake of an ideal benefit to the community, -even if it were likely to be realised. A distinction must be drawn -between the tradesman and the statesman. Though their functions may -sometimes overlap, their respective duties to the State are of a -different though complementary character. - -To the charge which from time to time has been levelled at the China -merchants, that they were too narrow and too selfish, it may be -plausibly replied that, on the contrary, they were if anything too -broad; for their individual interests were not so bound up with -general progress as are the interests of colonists in a new country, -where co-operation is essential. Progress meant, to the China -merchants, the admitting of the flood of competition, which they were -in no condition to meet. The general interests of the country required -the opening of new markets; in a lesser degree the interests of the -manufacturing section required the same thing; but the interests of -the merchants, albeit they appeared to represent their country and its -industries, were in fact opposed to expansion. Yet so strong in them -was the race instinct for progress that their private advantage has -oftentimes actually given way to it, so that we have seen throughout -the developments of foreign intercourse with China the resident -merchants placing themselves in the van in helping to let loose the -avalanche which overwhelmed them and brought fresh adventurers to -occupy the ground. - -Nor has the relation of the merchants, even to the operations in which -they were engaged, been always clearly understood. Although they -personified their national trade in the eyes of the world, the -merchants were never anything more than the vehicles for its -distribution, having no interest in its general extension, though a -powerful interest in the increase of their individual share. The -productions which provided the livelihood of many thousands of people -in China, and perhaps of a still larger number in Great Britain and -other manufacturing countries, did not concern them. A percentage by -way of toll on merchandise passing through their warehouses was the -limit of their ambition. A clear distinction should therefore be -drawn between the merchant and the producer or manufacturer; on which -point some observations of Wingrove Cooke[31] are worth quoting:-- - -"The calculations of the merchants do not extend beyond their own -business. Why should they? Fortunately for himself, the merchant's -optics are those of the lynx rather than those of the eagle. An -extremely far-sighted commercial man must always run risks of -bankruptcy, for the most absolutely certain sequences are often the -most uncertain in point of time." The same writer, however, comments -on the ignorance and narrowness of both British traders and -manufacturers, and their failure to avail themselves of the -opportunities offered to them of exploiting the trading resources of -the Chinese. "There is no spirit of inquiry abroad," he says, "no -energy at work, no notion of distracting the eye for a moment from -watching those eternal shirtings, no thought whether you cannot make -better shift with some other class of goods. Manchester made a great -blind effort when the ports were opened, and that effort failed. Since -then she has fallen into an apathy, and trusts to the chapter of -accidents." As for the merchants on whom manufacturers relied to push -the sale of their wares, "they come out here," he says, "to make -fortunes in from five to seven years, not to force English calicoes up -into remote places. Their work is to buy Chinese produce, but," he -goes on, "if the English manufacturer wants extraordinary exertion, -carefully collected information, and persevering up-country -enterprise--and this is what he does want--he must do it himself. The -British export trade will not maintain mercantile houses, but it would -pay for travelling agents acting in immediate connection with the home -manufacturers, who should keep their principals at home well informed, -and who should work their operations through the established houses -here. The evil is that British goods are not brought under the eyes of -the Chinaman of the interior cities." - -The inaccuracies of some of these comments need not obscure the shrewd -and prophetic character of the general advice tendered to the British -manufacturers. After an interval of forty years they have begun to act -upon it, and though their progress has as yet been slow, they are -taking to heart another portion of Mr Cooke's advice, that "all -dealing with the interior of China is impossible unless your agents -speak the language of the people." - -A certain divergence between the official and non-official view of -affairs had begun to show itself in the period before the war. Before -the close of the East India Company's monopoly the independent -merchants perceived that their interests, as well as those of the -Company itself, were prejudiced by the truckling tactics of its -agents, and though few in number, the mercantile community began to -give utterance to their grievances and to show they had a mind of -their own on public commercial policy. As the whole position of -foreigners in China rested on premisses which were essentially false, -disappointment, irritation, and alarm were chronic. Every one -concerned, official and unofficial, was aggrieved thereby, while no -one was disposed to accept blame for the grievance. A tendency to -recrimination was the natural consequence. When their representatives -failed to protect them against the aggressions of the Chinese the -merchants complained, while the officials in their turn were not -indisposed to retort by alleging provocative or injudicious conduct on -the part of the merchants themselves as contributory to the -ever-recurrent difficulties. Through the retrospective vista of two -generations it is easy now to see where both parties were at -fault--the merchants in making too little account of the difficulties -under which their representatives were labouring, and the officials in -failing to perceive that the causes of their disagreements with the -Chinese lay altogether deeper than the casual imprudence of any -private individual, even if that could be established. The despatches -of the earlier "superintendents," notably those of Sir George -Robinson, betray a certain jealousy of the political influence -supposed to be wielded by the mercantile community of Canton working -through their associations in England, and the superintendents seemed -therefore concerned to cast discredit on mercantile opinion. It would -have been strange enough, had it been true, that an isolated community -of a hundred individuals should be torn by faction, yet it is a fact -that on their assumed disagreements an argument was based for -invalidating the representations which they occasionally made to the -Home Government. Their views were disparaged, their motives impugned, -and their short-sighted selfishness deplored. The note struck in 1835 -has been maintained with variations down almost to our own day,--a -circumstance which has to be borne in mind by those who aim at a fair -appreciation of British relations with China during the last sixty -years. - -Far, however, from being a disunited flock, the mercantile body in -China generally have on the whole been singularly unanimous in their -views of the political transactions with which their interests were -bound up; while as to the old community of Canton, no epithet could be -less appropriate than one which would imply discord. Concord was the -enforced effect of their circumstances. Imprisoned within a narrow -space, surrounded by a hostile people, exposed to a constant common -peril, the foreign residents in Canton were bound to each other by the -mere instinct of self-preservation. They became, in fact, what Nelson -called his captains, a "band of brothers." The exclusion of females up -till 1842, and the deterrent conditions of married life there even -under the treaty, made it essentially a bachelor community, living -almost like one family, or as comrades in a campaign. Of the -disinterested hospitality and good-fellowship which continue to this -day, even in the maturity of their domestic development, to -characterise the foreign communities in China, the germ is doubtless -to be discovered in that primitive society which oscillated between -Canton and Macao during the thirty years which ended in 1856, in which -year their factories were for the last time destroyed, and the old -life finally broken up. - -But there is something more to be credited to these early residents -than the mutual loyalty prescribed for them by the peculiar conditions -of their life. They exemplified in a special degree the true temper -and feelings of gentlemen,--a moral product with which local -conditions had also, no doubt, something to do. They lived in glass -houses, with open doors; they could by no means get away from one -another, or evade a mutual observation which was constant and -searching. Whatever standards, therefore, were recognised by the -community, the individual members were constrained to live up to them -in a society where words and deeds lay open to the collective -criticism. And the standard was really a high one. Truth, honour, -courage, generosity, nobility, were qualities common to the whole -body; and those who were not so endowed by birthright could not help -assuming the virtue they did not possess, and, through practice, -making it eventually their own. Black sheep there were, no doubt, but -being never whitewashed, they did not infect the flock, as happens in -more advanced communities. - -These intimate conditions favouring the formation of character were -powerfully reinforced by the one feature of European life in China -which was external to the residents, their contact with the -surrounding mass of Chinese. The effect of intercourse with so-called -inferior races is a question of much complexity, and large -generalisations on such subjects are unsafe, each case being best -considered on its proper merits. In their intercourse with the -Chinese, certain points stood out like pillars of adamant to fix the -principles by which the foreign residents were obliged to regulate -their bearing towards the natives. In the first place, the strangers -formed units hemmed in and pressed upon by thousands; therefore they -must magnify themselves by maintaining an invincible prestige, they -must in the eyes of that alien world always be heroes, and they must -present a united front. Extending the same principles from the -material to the moral sphere, the foreigners must maintain the -reputation of their caste for probity, liberality, and trustworthiness. -Their word must be as good as their bond; they must on no account -demean themselves before the heathen, nor tolerate any temptation from -a Chinese source to take unfair advantage of their own kind, the -Caucasian or Christian, or by whatever term we may indicate the white -man. Whatever their private differences, no white man must permit -himself to acquiesce in the disparagement of his own people in the -view of the people of the country. They must be, one and all, above -suspicion. Such were some of the considerations which were effective -in maintaining the character of Europeans in China. Although -association with a race so alien as the Chinese, with such different -moral standards, must have had the usual deteriorating effects of such -contact, yet the positive gain in the formation of character from the -practice of such maxims of conduct as those above indicated probably -left a balance of advantage with the China merchants. - -The case would be imperfectly stated were mention not made of the -process of natural selection which constituted the merchants a body of -picked men. China was a remote country. It offered neither the -facility of access nor the scope for adventure which in more recent -times have attracted such streams of emigration to distant parts of -the world. The mercantile body was a close corporation, automatically -protected by barriers very difficult to surmount. The voyage itself -occupied six months. Letters were rarely answered within a year. Hence -all the machinery of business had to be arranged with a large -prescience. Even after the opening of the overland route to Suez -communication with China was maintained by sailing-ships up till 1845, -when the Lady Mary Wood, the first steamer of the P. and O. Company, -reached Hongkong, with no accommodation for more than a few -passengers, and carrying no more cargo than a good-sized lighter. And -later still, when steamers carried the mails fortnightly to China, the -expense of the trip was so great that only a chosen few could afford -it. It took L150 to L170 to land a single man in Hongkong, and in -those days when extensive outfits were thought necessary, probably as -much more had to be laid out in that way. The merchants who -established themselves in China after the opening of the trade were -either themselves men of large means, or they were the confidential -representatives of English and American houses of great position. -There were no local banks, operations extended over one or two years, -an immense outlay of capital was required, and credit had to be -maintained at an exceedingly high level, not only as between the -merchants in China and their correspondents in London, Liverpool, New -York, and Boston, but between both and the financial centre of the -world. Through such a winnowing-machine only good grain could pass. It -was a natural result that the English and American merchants both in -China and India should have been superior as a class to the average of -other commercial communities. And what was true of partners and heads -of houses was no less so of their "assistants." There were no -"clerks," as the term is commonly used in England, except Portuguese -hailing from the neighbouring settlement of Macao. The young men sent -from England were selected with as much care as it was possible to -bestow, for they were precious. Not only were they costly, but it -might take a year to make good casualties. Besides, in countries -situated as China was then, where contingencies of health were never -out of mind, it was not worth while to send out one who was a clerk -and nothing more. There must be potential capacity as well, since it -could never be foreseen how soon emergencies might arise which would -require him to assume the most responsible duties. Hence every new -hand engaged must enjoy the fullest confidence both of his immediate -employers and of the home firm to which they were affiliated. - -As might be expected under such circumstances, family connections -played a large part in the selection, and the tendency of the whole -system was to minimise the gulf which in advanced societies separates -the master from the man. In education and culture they were equals, as -a consequence of which the reins of discipline might be held lightly, -all service being willingly and intelligently rendered. The system of -devolution was so fully developed that the assistant was practically -master in his own department, for the success of which he was as -zealous as the head. The "mess" _regime_ under which in most houses -the whole staff, employers and employees, sat at one table, tended -strongly in the direction of a common social level. - -What still further contributed much to raise the position of -assistants was the tradition which the merchants both in India and -China inherited from the East India Company of what may be called -pampering their employees. They were permitted to carry on trade on -their own account, in the same commodities and with the same buyers -and sellers, in which they possessed advantages over their employers -in having all the firm's information at command with the privilege of -using its machinery free of cost. The abuses to which such a system -was liable are too obvious to be dwelt upon; but to be himself a -merchant, sometimes more successful than his principal, though without -his responsibilities, certainly did not detract from the social status -of the assistant. - -Sixty years ago the China community was composed of men in the prime -of life. The average age was probably not over thirty--a man of forty -was a grey-beard. In this respect an evolutionary change has come over -the scene, and the average age of the adult residents must have risen -by at least ten years. But the China community in all its stages of -development has maintained the colonial characteristic of buoyancy and -hopefulness. Reverses of fortune never appalled its members. Having -been early accustomed to the alternations of fat years and lean, a -disastrous season was to them but the presage of a bountiful one to -follow; while a succession of bad years made the reaction only the -more certain. This wellspring of hope has often helped the China -merchants to carry the freshness of spring even into the snows of -winter. The nature of their pursuits, moreover, fostered a -comprehensive spirit. Trained in the school of wholesale dealing, and -habituated to work on large curves, the China merchants have all -through felt the blood of the merchant princes in their veins, and it -has even been alleged to their disadvantage that, like the scions of -decayed families the world over, the pomp and circumstance were -maintained after the material basis had in the natural course of -affairs vanished. Nay, more, that the grandiose ideas appropriate to -the heirs of a protected system have disqualified them for the contest -in small things which the latter days have brought upon them. - -Of that restricted, protected, quasi-aristocratic, half-socialistic -society some of the traditions and spirit remain; but the structure -itself could not possibly withstand the aggression of modern progress, -and it has been swept away. New elements have entered into the -composition of the mercantile and general society of the Far East, its -basis has been widened and its relations with the great world -multiplied. In innumerable ways there has been improvement, not the -least being the development of family life and the more enduring -attachment to the soil which is the result of prolonged residence. -Living, if less luxurious, is vastly more comfortable, more refined, -and more civilised, and men and women without serious sacrifices make -their home in a country which in the earlier days was but a scene of -temporary exile. Charities abound which were not before needed; the -channels of humanity have broadened, though it cannot be said at the -cost of depth, for whatever else may have changed, the generosity of -the foreign communities remains as princely as in the good old days. - -Yet is it permissible to regret some of the robuster virtues of the -generation that is past. The European solidarity _vis-a-vis_ the -Chinese world, which continued practically unbroken into the eighth -decade of the century, a tower of moral strength to foreigners and an -object of respect to the Chinese, has now been thrown down. Not only -in private adventures have foreigners in their heat of competition let -themselves down to the level of Chinese tactics, but great financial -syndicates have immersed themselves in intrigues which either did not -tempt the men of the previous generation or tempted them in vain; and -even the Great Powers themselves have descended into the inglorious -arena, where decency is discarded like the superfluous garments of the -gladiator, and where falsity, ultra-Chinese in quality, masquerades in -Christian garb. The moral ascendancy of Christendom has been in a -hundred ways shamelessly prostituted, leaving little visible -distinction between the West and the East but superior energy and -military force. - -Take them for all in all, the China merchants have been in their day -and generation no unworthy representatives of their country's -interests and policy, its manhood and character. Their patriotism has -not been toned down but expanded and rationalised by cosmopolitan -associations, and by contact with a type of national life differing -diametrically from their own. Breadth and moderation have resulted -from these conditions, and a habit of tempering the exigencies of the -day by the larger consideration of international problems has been -characteristic of the mercantile bodies in China from first to last. -And though statesmanship lies outside the range of busy men of -commerce, it must be said in justice to the merchants of China that -they have been consistently loyal to an ideal policy, higher in its -aims and more practical in its operation than that which any line of -Western statesmen, save those of Russia, has been able to follow. It -had been better if the continuous prognostications of such a compact -body of opinion had been more heeded. - - -II. CHINESE. - - Business aptitude -- High standard of commercial ethics -- - Circumstances hindering great accumulations. - -As it requires two to make a bargain, it would be an imperfect account -of the China trade which omitted such an important element as the -efficiency of the native trader. To him is due the fact that the -foreign commerce of his country, when uninterfered with by the -officials of his Government, has been made so easy for the various -parties concerned in it. Of all the accomplishments the Chinese nation -has acquired during the long millenniums of its history, there is none -in which it has attained to such perfect mastery as in the science of -buying and selling. The Chinese possess the Jews' passion for -exchange. All classes, from the peasant to the prince, think in money, -and the instinct of appraisement supplies to them the place of a ready -reckoner, continuously converting objects and opportunities into cash. -Thus surveying mankind and all its achievements with the eye of an -auctioneer, invisible note-book in hand, external impressions -translate themselves automatically into the language of the -market-place, so that it comes as natural to the Chinaman as to the -modern American, or to any other commercial people, to reduce all -forms of appreciation to the common measure of the dollar. A people -imbued with such habits of mind are traders by intuition. If they have -much to learn from foreigners, they have also much to teach them; and -the fact that at no spot within the vast empire of China would one -fail to find ready-made and eager men of business is a happy augury -for the extended intercourse which may be developed in the future, -while at the same time it affords the clearest indication of the true -avenue to sympathetic relations with the Chinese. In every detail of -handling and moving commodities, from the moment they leave the hands -of the producer in his garden-patch to the time when they reach the -ultimate consumer perhaps a thousand miles away, the Chinese trader is -an expert. Times and seasons have been elaborately mapped out, the -clue laid unerringly through labyrinthine currencies, weights, and -measures which to the stranger seem a hopeless tangle, and elaborate -trade customs evolved appropriate to the requirements of a -myriad-sided commerce, until the simplest operation has been invested -with a kind of ritual observance, the effect of the whole being to -cause the complex wheels to run both swiftly and smoothly. - -To crown all, there is to be noted, as the highest condition of -successful trade, the evolution of commercial probity, which, though -no monopoly of the Chinese merchants, is one of their distinguishing -characteristics. It is that element which, in the generations before -the treaties, enabled so large a commerce to be carried on with -foreigners without anxiety, without friction, and almost without -precaution. It has also led to the happiest personal relations between -foreigners and the native trader. - - When the business of the season was over [says Mr - Hunter][32] contracts were made with the Hong merchants for - the next season. They consisted of teas of certain - qualities and kinds, sometimes at fixed prices, sometimes - at the prices which should be current at the time of the - arrival of the teas. No other record of these contracts was - ever made than by each party booking them, no written - agreements were drawn up, nothing was sealed or attested. A - wilful breach of contract never took place, and as regards - quality and quantity the Hong merchants fulfilled their - part with scrupulous honesty and care. - -The Chinese merchant, moreover, has been always noted for what he -himself graphically calls his large-heartedness, which is exemplified -by liberality in all his dealings, tenacity as to all that is material -with comparative disregard of trifles, never letting a transaction -fall through on account of punctilio, yielding to the prejudices of -others wherever it can be done without substantial disadvantage, a -"sweet reasonableness," if the phrase may be borrowed for such a -purpose, which obviates disputation, and the manliness which does not -repine at the consequences of an unfortunate contract. Judicial -procedure being an abomination to respectable Chinese, their security -in commercial dealings is based as much upon reason, good faith, and -non-repudiation as that of the Western nations is upon verbal finesse -in the construction of covenants. - -Two systems so diametrically opposed can hardly admit of real -amalgamation without sacrifice of the saving principle of both. And -if, in the period immediately succeeding the retirement of the East -India Company, perfect harmony prevailed between the Chinese and the -foreign merchant, the result was apparently attained by the foreigners -practically falling in with the principles and the commercial ethics -of the Chinese, to which nothing has yet been found superior. The -Chinese aptitude for business, indeed, exerted a peculiar influence -over their foreign colleagues. The efficiency and alacrity of the -native merchants and their staff were such that the foreigners fell -into the way of leaving to them the principal share in managing the -details of the business. When the venerable, but unnatural, Co-hong -system of Old Canton was superseded by the compradoric, the connection -between the foreign firm and their native staff became so intimate -that it was scarcely possible to distinguish between the two, and -misunderstandings have not unfrequently arisen through third parties -mistaking the principal for the agent and the agent for the principal. - -Such a relationship could not but foster in some cases a certain -lordly abstraction on the part of the foreign merchant, to which -climatic conditions powerfully contributed. The factotum, in short, -became a minister of luxury, everywhere a demoralising influence, and -thus there was a constant tendency for the Chinese to gain the upper -hand,--to be the master in effect though the servant in name. The -comprador was always consulted, and if the employer ventured to omit -this formality the resulting transaction would almost certainly come -to grief through inexplicable causes. Seldom, however, was his advice -rejected, while many of the largest operations were of his initiation. -Unlimited confidence was the rule on both sides, which often took the -concrete form of considerable indebtedness, now on the one side now on -the other, and was regularly shown in the despatch of large amounts of -specie into the far interior of the country for the purchase of tea -and silk in the districts of their growth. For many years the old -practice was followed of contracting for produce as soon as -marketable, and sometimes even before. During three or four months, in -the case of tea, large funds belonging to foreign merchants were in -the hands of native agents far beyond the reach of the owners, who -could exercise no sort of supervision over the proceedings of their -agents. The funds were in every case safely returned in the form of -produce purchased, which was entered to the foreign merchant at a -price arbitrarily fixed by the comprador to cover all expenses. Under -such a _regime_ it would have needed no great perspicacity, one would -imagine, to foretell in which pocket the profits of trading would -eventually lodge. As a matter of fact, the comprador generally grew -rich at the expense of his employer. All the while the sincerest -friendship existed between them, often descending to the second or -third generation.[33] - -It would be natural to suppose that in such an extensive commercial -field as the empire of China, exploited by such competent traders, -large accumulations of wealth would be the result. Yet after making -due allowance for inducements to concealment, the wealth even of the -richest families probably falls far short of that which is not -uncommon in Western countries. Several reasons might be adduced for -the limitation, chiefly the family system, which necessitates constant -redistribution, and which subjects every successful man to the -attentions of a swarm of parasites, who, besides devouring his -substance with riotous living, have the further opportunity of ruining -his enterprises by their malfeasance. Yet although individual wealth -may, from these and other causes, be confined within very moderate -limits, the control of capital for legitimate business is ample. Owing -to the co-operative system under which the financiers of the country -support and guarantee each other, credit stands very high, enabling -the widely ramified commerce of the empire to be carried on upon a -very small nucleus of cash capital. The banking organisation of China -is wonderfully complete, bills of exchange being currently negotiable -between the most distant points of the empire, the circulation of -merchandise maintaining the equilibrium with comparatively little -assistance from the precious metals. - -The true characteristics of a people probably stand out in a clearer -light when they are segregated from the conventionalities of their -home and forced to accommodate themselves to unaccustomed conditions. -Following the Chinese to the various commercial colonies which they -have done so much to develop, it will be found that they have carried -with them into their voluntary exile the best elements of their -commercial success in their mother country. The great emporium of -Maimaichen, on the Siberian frontier near Kiachta, is an old -commercial settlement mostly composed of natives of the province of -Shansi, occupying positions of the highest respect both financially -and socially. The streets of the town are regular, wide, and -moderately clean. The houses are solid, tidy, and tasteful, with -pretty little courtyards, ornamental door-screens, and so forth, the -style of the whole being described as superior to what is seen in the -large cities within China proper. The very conditions of exile seem -favourable to a higher scale of living, free alike from the incubus of -thriftless relations and from the malign espionage of Government -officials. - -In the Philippine Islands and in Java the Chinese emigrants from the -southern provinces have been the life and soul of the trade and -industry of these places. So also in the British dominions, as at -Singapore and Penang, which are practically Chinese Colonies under the -British flag. Hongkong and the Burmese ports are of course no -exceptions. - -The description given by Mr Thomson[34] of the Chinese in Penang would -apply equally to every part of the world in which the Chinese have -been permitted to settle:-- - - Should you, my reader, ever settle in Penang, you will be - there introduced to a Chinese contractor who will sign a - document to do anything. His costume will tell you that he - is a man of inexpensive yet cleanly habits. He will build - you a house after any design you choose, and within so many - days, subject to a fine should he exceed the stipulated - time. He will furnish you with a minute specification, in - which everything, to the last nail, will be included. He - has a brother who will contract to make every article of - furniture you require, either from drawings or from models. - He has another brother who will fit you and your good lady - with all sorts of clothing, and yet a third relative who - will find servants, and contract to supply you with all the - native and European delicacies in the market upon condition - that his monthly bills are regularly honoured. - - It is, indeed, to Chinamen that the foreign resident is - indebted for almost all his comforts, and for the profusion - of luxuries which surround his wonderfully European-looking - home on this distant island. - -The Chinese are everywhere found enterprising and trustworthy men of -business. Europeans, worried by the exhaustless refinements of the -Marwarree or Bengali, find business with the Chinese in the Straits -Settlements a positive luxury. Nor have the persecutions of the race -in the United States and in self-governing British colonies wholly -extinguished the spark of honour which the Chinese carry with them -into distant lands. An old "'Forty-niner," since deceased, related to -the writer some striking experiences of his own during a long -commercial career in San Francisco. A Chinese with whom he had -dealings disappeared from the scene, leaving a debt to Mr Forbes of -several thousand dollars. The account became an eyesore in the books, -and the amount was formally "written off" and forgotten. Some years -after, Mr Forbes was surprised by a visit from a weather-beaten -Chinese, who revealed himself as the delinquent Ah Sin and asked for -his account. Demurring to the trouble of exhuming old ledgers, Mr -Forbes asked Ah Sin incredulously if he was going to pay. "Why, -certainly," said the debtor. The account was thereupon rendered to him -with interest, and after a careful examination and making some -corrections, Ah Sin undid his belt and tabled the money to the last -cent, thereupon vanishing into space whence he had come. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[31] China in 1857-58. Routledge. - -[32] The Fankwae at Canton. - -[33] Apart from their liberality in the conduct of business, the -generosity of the Chinese mercantile class, their gratitude for past -favours, are so remarkable as to be incomprehensible to the Western -mind. An account of them would read like a "fairy tale." - -[34] The Straits of Malacca, &c. By J. Thomson. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -HONGKONG. - - Two British landmarks -- Chinese customs and Hongkong -- - Choice of the island -- Vitality of colony -- Asylum for - malefactors -- Chinese official hostility -- Commanding - commercial position -- Crown Colony government -- - Management of Chinese population -- Their improvement -- - English education -- Material progress -- Industrial - institutions -- Accession of territory. - - -The past sixty years of war and peace in China have left two landmarks -as concrete embodiments of British policy--the Chinese maritime -customs and the colony of Hongkong. These are documents which testify -in indelible characters both to the motives and to the methods of -British expansion throughout the world. For good and for evil their -record cannot be explained away. Both institutions are typically -English, inasmuch as they are not the fulfilment of a dream or the -working out of preconcerted schemes, but growths spontaneously -generated out of the local conditions, much like that of the British -empire itself, and with scarcely more conscious foresight on the part -of those who helped to rear the edifice. - -The relation of the British empire to the world, which defies -definition, is only revealed in scattered object-lessons. India throws -some light upon it--the colonies much more; and though in some -respects unique in its character, Hongkong in its degree stands -before the world as a realisation of the British ideal, with its -faults and blunders as well as with its excellences and successes. - -The want of a British station on the China coast had long been felt, -and during the ten years which preceded the cession innumerable -proposals were thrown out, some of which distinctly indicated Hongkong -itself as supplying the desideratum. But as to the status of the new -port the various suggestions made neutralised each other, until the -course of events removed the question out of the region of discussion -and placed it in the lap of destiny. - -The earliest English visitors to the island described it as inhabited -by a few weather-beaten fishermen, who were seen spreading their nets -and drying their catch on the rocks. Cultivation was restricted to -small patches of rice, sweet-potatoes, and buckwheat. The abundance of -fern gave it in places an appearance of verdure, but it was on the -whole a treeless, rugged, barren block of granite. The gentlemen of -Lord Amherst's suite in 1816, who have left this record, made another -significant observation. The precipitous island, twelve miles long, -with its deep-water inlets, formed one side of a land-locked harbour, -which they called Hongkong Sound, capable of sheltering any number of -ships of the largest size. Into this commodious haven the English -fugitives, driven first from Canton and then from Macao, by the -drastic decree of the Chinese authorities in 1839, found a refuge for -their ships, and afterwards a footing on shore for themselves. Stern -necessity and not their wills sent them thither. The same necessity -ordained that the little band, once lodged there, should take root, -and growth followed as the natural result of the inherent vitality of -the organism. As Dr Eitel well points out, this small social body did -not originate in Hongkong: it had had a long preparatory history in -Macao, and in the Canton factories, and may be considered, therefore, -in the light of a healthy swarm from the older hives. - -During the first few years of the occupation the selection of the -station was the subject of a good deal of cheap criticism in the -press. A commercial disappointment and a political failure, it was -suggested by some that the place should be abandoned. It was -contrasted unfavourably with the island of Chusan, which had been -receded to China under the same treaty which had ceded Hongkong to -Great Britain; and even as late as 1858 Lord Elgin exclaimed, "How -anybody in their senses could have preferred Hongkong to Chusan seems -incredible." - -But, in point of fact, there had been little or no conscious choice in -the matter. The position may be said to have chosen itself, since no -alternative was left to the first British settlers. As for Chusan, it -had been occupied and abandoned several times. The East India Company -had an establishment there in the beginning of the eighteenth century, -and if that station was finally given up either on its merits or in -favour of Hongkong, it was certainly not without experience of the -value of the more northerly position. Whatever hypothetical -advantages, commercial or otherwise, might have accrued from the -retention of Chusan, the actual position attained by Hongkong as an -emporium of trade, a centre of industry, and one of the great shipping -ports in the world, furnishes an unanswerable defence both of the -choice of the site and the political structure which has been erected -on it. Canton being at once the centre of foreign trade and the focus -of Chinese hostility, vicinity to that city was an indispensable -condition of the location of the British entrepot, and the place of -arms from which commerce could be defended. And it would be hard even -now to point to any spot on the Chinese coast which fulfilled the -conditions so well as Hongkong. - -The course of its development did not run smooth. It was not to be -expected. The experiment of planting a British station in contact with -the most energetic as well as the most turbulent section of the -population of China was not likely to be carried out without mistakes, -and many have been committed. Indeed, from the day of its birth down -to the present time domestic dissensions and recriminations respecting -the management of its affairs have never ceased. - -This was inevitable in a political microcosm having neither diversity -of interest nor atmospheric space to soften the perspective. The -entire interests of the colony were comprised within the focal -distance of myopic vision. Molehills thus became mountains, and the -mote in each brother's eye assumed the dimensions of animalcula seen -through a microscope. The bitter feuds between the heads of the -several departments of the lilliputian Government which prevailed -during the first twenty years must have been fatal to any young colony -if its progress had depended on the wisdom of its rulers. Happily a -higher law governs all these things. - -Freedom carried with it the necessary consequences, and for many years -the new colony was a tempting Alsatia for Chinese malefactors, an -asylum for pirates, who put on and off that character with wonderful -facility, and could hatch their plots there fearless of surveillance. -When the Taiping rebellion was at its height, piracy became so mixed -with insurrection that the two were not distinguishable, and it -required both firmness and vigilance on the part of the authorities to -prevent the harbour of Hongkong becoming the scene of naval -engagements between the belligerents. During the hostilities of -1857-58 a species of dacoity was practised with impunity by Chinese, -who were tempted by rewards for the heads of Englishmen offered by the -authorities of Canton. - -It cannot, therefore, be denied that the immigrants from the mainland -in the first and even the second decade of its existence were leavened -with an undesirable element, causing anxiety to the responsible -rulers. - -The Chinese authorities, as was natural, waged relentless war on the -colony from its birth. Though compelled formally to admit that the -island and its dependencies were a British possession, they still -maintained a secret authority over the Chinese who settled there, and -even attempted to levy taxes. As they could not lay hands on its -trade, except the valuable portion of it which was carried on by -native craft, they left no stone unturned to destroy that. By skilful -diplomacy, for which they are entitled to the highest credit, they -obtained control over the merchant junks trading to Hongkong, and -imposed restrictions on them calculated to render their traffic -impossible. By the same treaty they obtained the appointment of a -British officer as Chinese revenue agent in Hongkong--a concession, -however, disallowed by the good sense of the British Government. But -the Chinese were very tenacious of the idea of making Hongkong a -customs station, never relaxing their efforts for forty years, until -the convention of 1886 at last rewarded their perseverance by a -partial fulfilment of their hopes. - -For reasons which, if not very lofty, are yet very human, the -diplomatic and consular agents of Great Britain have never looked -sympathetically on the colony--indeed have often sided with the -Chinese in their attempts to curtail its rights. - -Nor has the Home Government itself always treated the small colony -with parental consideration. Before it was out of swaddling-clothes -the Treasury ogre began to open his mouth and, like the East India -Company, demand remittances. A military establishment was maintained -on the island, not for the benefit of the residents, but for the -security of a strategical position in the imperial system. The -colonists were mulcted in a substantial share of the cost, which the -governor was instructed to wring out of them. The defences themselves, -however, were neglected, and allowed to grow obsolete and useless, -and, if we mistake not, it was the civil community, and not the -Government, that insisted on their being modernised. The compromise -eventually arrived at was, that the colonists provided the guns and -the imperial Government the forts. An interesting parallel to this was -the case of Gibraltar, which possessed no dock until the civil -community by sheer persistence, extending over many years, at length -overcame the reluctance of the British Government to provide so -essential an adjunct to its naval establishment. The colony had -suffered much from the war with China, but the Home Government refused -it any participation in the indemnity extorted from the Chinese. - -But these and other drawbacks were counterbalanced, and eventually -remedied, by the advantages offered by a free port and a safe harbour. -Standing in the fair way of all Eastern commerce, which pays willing -tribute to the colony, Hongkong attracted trade from all quarters in a -steadily increasing volume, and became the pivot for the whole ocean -traffic of the Far East.[35] The tide of prosperity could not be -stayed--it invaded every section of the community. The character of -the Chinese population was continuously raised. The best of them -accumulated wealth: the poorest found remunerative employment for -their labour. Crime, with which the colony had been tainted, -diminished as much through the expulsive power of material prosperity -as from the judicious measures of the executive Government, for the -credit must not be denied to successive administrators for the -improvement in the condition of the colony. Among those none was more -deserving of praise than Sir Richard MacDonnell (1865-72), who on -catching sight, as he entered the harbour, of an enormous building, -which he was told was the jail, remarked, "I will not fill that, but -stop the crime;" and he was nearly as good as his word,--a terror to -evil-doers. - -A Crown colony is the form of government which challenges the most -pungent criticism. The elected members of its legislature, being a -minority, can only in the last resort acquiesce in the decisions of -the official majority who constitute the executive Government. Such a -minority, however, is by no means wanting in influence, for it is, -after all, publicity which is the safeguard of popular liberty. The -freedom of speech enjoyed by an Opposition which has no fear of the -responsibility of office before its eyes widens the scope of its -criticisms, and imparts a refreshing vigour to the invective of those -of its members who possess the courage of their convictions. It -reaches the popular ear, and the apprehension of an adverse public -opinion so stimulated can never fail to have its effect on the acts of -the Administration. Under such a _regime_ it seems natural that, other -things being equal, each governor in turn should be esteemed the worst -who has borne rule in the colony, and in any case his merits are never -likely to be fairly gauged by any local contemporary estimate. King -Stork, though fair and far-seeing, may be more obnoxious to criticism -than King Log, who makes things pleasant during his official term. - -Hongkong being established as a free port, the functions of Government -were practically limited to internal administration, and the question -of greatest importance was the control of the Chinese population which -poured in. This was a new problem. Chinese communities had, indeed, -settled under foreign rule before, as in the Straits Settlements, in -Java, and in Manila, but at such distances from their home as rendered -the settlers amenable to any local regulations which might be imposed -on them. Distance even acted as a strainer, keeping back the dregs. -But Hongkong was nearer to China than the Isle of Wight is to -Hampshire. Evil-doers could come and go at will. It could be overrun -in the night and evacuated in the morning. Spies were as -uncontrollable as house-flies, and whenever it suited the Chinese -Government to be hostile, they proved their power to establish such a -reign of terror in the colony that it was dangerous to stray beyond -the beat of the armed policeman. Clearly it was of primary importance -to come to terms with the native community, to reduce them to -discipline, to encourage the good and discourage the bad among the -Chinese settlers. As their numbers increased the public health -demanded a yet stricter supervision of their habits. Sanitary science -had scarcely dawned when the colony was founded, and its teachings had -to be applied, as they came to light, to conditions of life which had -been allowed to grow up in independence of its requirements. To -tolerate native customs, domestic habits, and manner of living, while -providing for the general wellbeing of a community in a climate which -at its best is debilitating, taxed the resources of the British -executive, and of course gave rise to perpetual recrimination. But the -thing has been accomplished. Successive conflagrations have -co-operated with the march of sanitary reform and the advance in their -worldly circumstances in so improving the dwellings of the population, -that their housing now compares not unfavourably with that of the -native cities of India. The Southern Chinese are naturally cleanly, -and appreciative of good order when it is judiciously introduced -among them, even from a foreign source. - -A more complex question was that of bringing an alien population such -as the Chinese within the moral pale of English law, for law is vain -unless it appeals to the public conscience. The imposition of foreign -statutes on a race nursed on oral tradition and restrained from -misdoing by bonds invisible to their masters was not an undertaking -for which success could be safely foretold. The effect of a similar -proceeding on the subtle natives of India has been described as -"substituting for a recognised morality a mere game of skill, at which -the natives can give us long odds and beat us." "The mercantile and -money-lending classes in India," says Mr S. S. Thorburn, "delight in -the intricacy and surprises of a good case in court." With the Chinese -it has been otherwise. The population of Hongkong have so far -assimilated the foreign law that, whether or not it satisfies their -innate sense of right, it at least governs their external conduct, and -crime has been reduced very low: as for litigation, it is -comparatively rare; it is disreputable, and has no place in the -Chinese commercial economy. - -The best proofs of their acceptance of colonial rule is the constantly -increasing numbers of the Chinese residents; the concentration of -their trading capital there; their investments in real estate and in -local industries; their identification with the general interests of -the colony, and their adopting it as a home instead of a place of -temporary exile. The means employed to conciliate the Chinese must be -deemed on the whole to have been successful. There was first police -supervision, then official protection under a succession of qualified -officers, then representation in the Colonial Legislature and on the -commission of the peace. The colonial executive has wisely left to the -Chinese a large measure of a kind of self-government which is far more -effective than anything that could find its expression in votes of the -Legislature. The administration of purely Chinese affairs by native -committees, with a firm ruling hand over their proceedings, seems to -fulfil every purpose of government. The aim has been throughout to -ascertain and to gratify, when practicable, the reasonable wants of -the Chinese, who have responded to these advances by an exhibition of -public spirit which no society could excel. It is doubtful whether in -the wide dominion of the Queen there are 250,000 souls more -appreciative of orderly government than the denizens of the whilom -nest of pirates and cut-throats--Hongkong. - -As an educational centre Hongkong fulfils a function whose value is -difficult to estimate. From the foundation of the colony the subject -engaged the attention of the executive Government, as well as of -different sections of the civil community. The missionary bodies were -naturally very early in the field, and there was for a good many years -frank co-operation between them and the mercantile community in -promoting schools both for natives and Europeans. In time, however, -either their aims were found to diverge or else their estimate of -achievement differed, and many of the missionary teaching -establishments were left without support. - -After an interval of languor, however, new life was infused into the -educational schemes of the colony. The emulation of religious sects -and the common desire to bring the lambs of the flock into their -respective folds inspired the efforts of the propagandists, their zeal -reacting on the colonial Government itself with the most gratifying -results, so far at least as the extension of the field of their common -efforts was concerned. - -The Chinese had imported their own school systems, while taking full -advantage of the educational facilities provided by the Government and -the Christian bodies. Being an intellectual race, they are well able -to assimilate the best that Christendom has to offer them. But the -colonial system contents itself with a sound practical commercial -education, which has equipped vast numbers of Chinese for the work of -clerks, interpreters, and so forth, and has thus been the means of -spreading the knowledge of the English language over the coast of -China, and of providing a medium of communication between the native -and European mind. - -The material progress of Hongkong speaks volumes for the energy of its -community. The precipitous character of the island left scarcely a -foothold for business or residential settlement. The strip which -formed the strand front of the city of Victoria afforded room for but -one street, forcing extensions up the rugged face of the hill which -soon was laid out in zig-zag terraces: foundations for the houses are -scarped out of the rock, giving them the appearance of citadels. The -locality being subject to torrential rains, streets and roads had to -be made with a finished solidity which is perhaps unmatched. Bridges, -culverts, and gutters all being constructed of hewn granite and fitted -with impervious cement, the storm-waters are carried off as clean as -from a ship's deck. These municipal works were not achieved without -great expense and skilfully directed labour, of which an unlimited -supply can always be depended on. And the credit of their achievement -must be equally divided between the Government and the civil -community. - -The island is badly situated as regards its water-supply, which has -necessitated the excavation of immense reservoirs on the side farthest -from the town, the aqueduct being tunnelled for over a mile through a -solid granite mass. These and other engineering works have rendered -Hongkong the envy of the older colonies in the Far East. No less so -the palatial architecture in which the one natural product of the -island has been turned to the most effective account. The quarrying of -granite blocks, in which the Chinese are as great adepts as they are -in dressing the stones for building, has been so extensive as visibly -to alter the profile of the island. - -A great deficiency of the island as a commercial site being the -absence of level ground, the enterprise of the colonists has been -incessantly directed towards supplying the want. Successive -reclamations on the sea-front, costing of course large sums of money, -have so enlarged the building area that the great thoroughfare called -Queen's Road now runs along the back instead of the front of a new -city, the finest buildings of all being the most recent, standing upon -the newly reclaimed land. It is characteristic of such improvements, -that, while in course of execution, they should be deemed senseless -extravagance, due to the ambition of some speculator or the caprice of -some idealist, thus perpetually illustrating the truth of the Scottish -saying, "Fules and bairns should never see a thing half done." -Hongkong has been no exception to so universal a rule. - -The industrial enterprise of the colony has fully kept pace with its -progress in other respects. The Chinese quarter resembles nothing so -much as a colony of busy ants, where every kind of handicraft is plied -with such diligence, day in and day out, as the Chinese alone seem -capable of. The more imposing works conducted by foreigners occupy a -prominent place in the whole economy of the Far East. Engineering and -shipbuilding have always been carried on in the colony. Graving-docks -capable of accommodating modern battleships, and of executing any -repairs or renewals required by them as efficiently as could be done -in any part of the world, constitute Hongkong a rendezvous for the -navies of all nations. Manufactures of various kinds flourish on the -island. Besides cotton-mills, some of the largest sugar-refineries in -the world, fitted with the most modern improvements, work up the raw -material from Southern China, Formosa, the Philippines, and other -sugar-growing countries in the Eastern Archipelago, thus furnishing a -substantial item of export to the Australian colonies and other parts -of the world. The colony has thereby created for itself a commerce of -its own, while its strategical situation has enabled it to retain the -character of a pivot on which all Far Eastern commerce turns. - -This pivotal position alone, and not the local resources of the place, -enabled the colony to found one of the most successful financial -organisations of the modern world. The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank has -had a history not dissimilar from that of the colony as a whole, one -of success followed by periods of alternate depression and elation. -Now in the trough of the wave and now on its crest, the bank has -worked its way by inherent vitality through all vicissitudes of good -or bad fortune, until it has gone near to monopolising the exchange -business of the Far East, and has become the recognised medium between -the money-market of London and the financial needs of the Imperial -Chinese administration. - -It should not be overlooked as a condition of its success that the -great Hongkong Bank, like all other successful joint-stock -enterprises, whether in Hongkong or in China, has from its origin -borne a broad international character. Though legally domiciled in a -British possession, representative men of all nationalities sit on its -board and take their turn in the chairmanship as it comes round. The -international character, indeed, may be cited as one of the elements -of the success of the colony itself. No disability of any kind -attaches to alien settlers, not even exclusion from the jury panel. -They are free to acquire property, to carry on business, to indulge -their whims, and to avail themselves of all the resources of the -colony, and enjoy the full protection of person and property which -natural-born British subjects possess. They come and go at their -pleasure, no questions asked, no luggage examined, no permits required -for any purpose whatever coming within the scope of ordinary life. Nor -are they even asked whether they appreciate these advantages or not; -in fact they are as free to criticise the institutions under which -they live as if they had borne their part in creating them, which, in -fact, they have done, and this it is which marks the vitality of the -British system, whether in the mother country or in its distant -dependencies. - -The exceedingly cramped conditions of life on the island having proved -such an obstacle to its development, the acquisition of a portion of -the mainland forming one side of the harbour was at an early period -spoken of as a desideratum for the colony. The idea took no practical -shape, however, until the occupation of Canton by the Allied forces -under the administration of Consul Parkes; and it is one of the most -noteworthy achievements of that indefatigable man that, during the -time when Great Britain was in fact at war with the Government of -China, he should have succeeded, on his own initiative, in obtaining -from the governor of the city a lease of a portion of land at Kowloon, -which was subsequently confirmed by the convention of Peking in 1860. -The improvement of artillery and other means of attack on sea-forts -left the island very vulnerable, and the measures taken by the various -European Powers to establish naval stations on the Chinese coast, -together with the efforts which the country itself was making to -become a modern military Power, rendered it a matter of absolute -necessity, for the preservation of the island, that a sufficient area -of the adjacent territory should be included within its defences. -Following the example set by Germany and Russia, the British -Government concluded an arrangement with the Government of China by -which the needed extension was secured to Great Britain under a -ninety-nine years lease. A convention embodying this agreement was -signed at Peking in June 1898. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[35] The tonnage entered and cleared for the year 1898 amounted to -17,265,780, of which one-half was under the British flag. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -MACAO. - - Contrast with Hongkong -- An interesting survival -- - Trading facilities -- Relations with Chinese Government -- - Creditable to both parties -- Successful resistance to the - Dutch -- Portuguese expulsion from Japan -- English trading - competitors enjoy hospitality of Macao -- Trade with Canton - -- Hongkong becomes a rival -- Macao eclipsed -- Gambling, - Coolie trade, Piracy -- Population -- Cradle of many - improvements -- Distinguished names. - - -The three hours' transit from Hongkong to Macao carries one into -another world. The incessant scream of steam-launches which plough the -harbour in all directions night and day gives place to the drowsy -chime of church bells, and instead of the throng of busy men, one -meets a solitary black mantilla walking demurely in the middle of a -crooked and silent street. Perhaps nowhere is the modern world with -its clamour thrown into such immediate contrast with that which -belongs to the past. - -The settlement of Macao is a monument of Chinese toleration and of -Portuguese tenacity. The Portuguese learnt at an early stage of their -intercourse the use of the master-key to good relations with the -Chinese authorities. It was to minister freely to their cupidity, -which the Portuguese could well afford to do out of the profits of -their trading. To "maintain ourselves in this place we must spend -much with the Chinese heathen," as they themselves said in 1593 in a -letter to Philip I. Macao is, besides, an interesting relic of that -heroic age when a new heaven and a new earth became the dream of -European adventurers. The spot was excellently well suited for the -purposes, commercial and propagandist, which it was destined to serve; -for in spite of the crimes and cruelties of the sixteenth century -argonauts, the religious element was strongly represented in all their -enterprises.[36] Situated outside the river proper, though within its -wide estuary, and open to the sea, the settlement yet communicates by -an inner passage or branch of the Pearl river with the city of Canton. -It possesses two sheltered harbours adequate to the nautical -requirements of the Middle Ages. - -The small peninsula of Macao combined business conveniences with -salubrity of climate in a degree absolutely unrivalled in the torrid -zone. Its picturesque scenery was always found refreshing to the eye -wearied by long contemplation of brick walls, malarious swamps, or the -monotonous glare of the melancholy ocean. From the Chinese point of -view, also, it was an ideal location for strangers, since they could -be thus kept out of sight, isolated like a ship in quarantine, and put -under effective restraint. The situation lent itself to the -traditional Chinese tactics of controlling barbarians by stopping -their food-supply, a form of discipline of which the efficacy had been -proved at an early period in the history of the colony. The Chinese -adopted all the measures they could think of to confine traders to -Macao, where certain indulgences were held out to them, subject to -good behaviour. - -The Portuguese adventurers of the early sixteenth century, to whom the -modern world owes so much, did well in pitching on this "gem of the -orient earth and open sea" as a link in their chain of trading -stations, which extended from the coasts of Africa to the Japanese -islands. To trade as such the Chinese Government never seem to have -had any objection, nor, would it appear, to foreigners as such. So -long as there was nought to fear from their presence, the ancient -maxim of cherishing men from afar could be followed without reserve, -for the Chinese are by nature not an unkindly people. Tradition, -indeed, claims for the settlement of foreigners in the Cantonese -archipelago a purely hospitable origin, a storm-beaten vessel having -in the year 1517 received permission from the local authorities to -repair damages and dry her cargo there. The Portuguese frequented -several harbours before they settled at Macao, their principal station -being the island of Sanchuan, where Xavier was buried. About the -middle of the sixteenth century, the city of Canton being besieged by -a large piratical force whose base of operations was Macao, the high -provincial authorities in their extremity sought the aid of the -Portuguese, who came promptly to the rescue of the city, defeated the -pirates, and captured their stronghold. Moved by mixed feelings of -gratitude and policy, the Canton authorities thereupon sanctioned the -Portuguese occupation of Macao, not ill-pleased to set up at that -strategic point so effective a counterpoise to the native pirates. - -It said as much for the tact of the Portuguese as for the forbearance -of the Chinese authorities that such an isolated position as that of -Macao should have been held without force, and only on the prestige of -past achievements, on terms of mutual amity, for nearly four hundred -years. The Portuguese squatters paid to the Chinese Government a -ground-rent of about L150 per annum, in consideration of which they -enjoyed practical independence. "The merchants, fully aware that their -settlement at Macao was due neither to any conquest, nor as a return -for services by co-operating in destruction of pirates, bore in mind -two principles--to be on good terms with the provincial authorities, -and to improve as much as possible their exclusive trade with China." -The forms of administrative authority were indeed maintained by the -Chinese, their permission being required to reside and to build houses -and so forth--regulations which were more vexatious, perhaps, in -theory than in fact. The exercise of Chinese jurisdiction over the -person was asserted with moderation as regards the Portuguese, though -full authority was maintained over the native population. The -Portuguese, however, became dissatisfied with the relationship which -had worked smoothly for three hundred years, and when the -treaty-making era arrived they sought means to improve their status. -By persistent efforts they gradually freed themselves from the -overlordship of China, this object being finally attained by good -diplomacy in 1887, when the Imperial Government ceded to Portugal -sovereign rights over Macao in consideration of assistance rendered by -the colony in the collection of the Chinese opium revenue. - -Macao did not escape the fortunes of the long war of commercial -supremacy which was waged between Holland and Portugal, but the colony -successfully resisted two attempts to reduce it in 1622 and 1627. Its -resources at that period enabled the diminutive settlement even to -play some part in the game of empire in China itself, for we are told -that a force of 400 men from India, under the command of two -Portuguese officers, proceeded by land to Peking to support the last -Ming emperor in his struggle with the invading Manchus. These -auxiliaries returned whence they came without seeing active service. - -Although the Dutch failed to take military possession of Macao, they -took other trading colonies, and succeeded eventually in wresting from -the Portuguese their Asiatic commerce. They supplanted them entirely -in Japan, whose "gold and spoils" had greatly enriched the colony. -Being expelled, not without reason, in 1662, the Portuguese fugitives -from Japan retired to Macao. - -Other competitors also began to appear and to assert their right to -participate in the trade of the Far East, and Macao became the -hostelry for merchants of all nations, who carried on business with -the great Chinese emporium, Canton. Chief among these guests were the -Dutch and English East India Companies, both of which maintained -establishments at Macao for some two hundred years. - -The English Company had made use of the Macao anchorage first under a -treaty with the viceroy of Goa, and subsequently under Cromwell's -treaty with the Portuguese Government in 1654, which permitted English -ships to enter all the ports in the Portuguese Indies. Before the -close of the seventeenth century ships were despatched direct from -England to Macao. The English adventurers were not satisfied with the -privilege of anchoring so far from the great emporium, but direct -trade with Canton had yet to be fought for. The energetic Captain -Weddell, commanding the ship London, in 1655 met the obstructive -tactics of the Cantonese authorities by bombarding the Bogue forts and -forcing his way up the river, after which he was received in friendly -audience by the viceroy, and was granted full participation in the -Canton trade, much to the chagrin, it is said, of the jealous Macao -merchants. - -The loss of its own direct commerce was thus compensated for by the -tribute which the Portuguese colony was able to levy upon the general -trade of China, by whomsoever carried on. Massive houses, with immense -verandahs running all round them, and spacious and cool interior -recesses, attest to this day the ancient glory of Macao. Though now -neglected, and perhaps converted to baser uses, they afford a glimpse -of the easy life led by the Company's agents and the merchants in the -days before the treaty. During the business season, which was in the -cool months, the whole mercantile community repaired to the factories -at Canton while the ships lay at the deep-water anchorage of Whampoa, -and between these two points the work of the year was done--arduous -enough, no doubt, while it lasted. In spite of some contemporary -testimony to the contrary, one can hardly conceive the quasi-imprisonment -within the Canton factories as a kind of life to be enjoyed, but only -as one to be endured for an object. At any rate, when the last cargo -of tea had been shipped off the scene was like the break-up of a -school. The merchants and their whole establishment betook themselves -to their sumptuous river barges, and glided down the stream to Macao, -where the luxury of a long holiday awaited them. Once at least in -every year the foreigners were in full accord with the Chinese -authorities, who sternly forbade loitering, and kept up the form of -peremptorily sending the merchants away as soon as their business had -been done. Nevertheless, those who desired to remain found no -difficulty. - -The Portuguese colony, whether or not under compulsion, played an -ungracious part in the troubles which preceded the outbreak of war -between Great Britain and China. To evict from their houses a company -of helpless people and drive them to sea, even at the bidding of an -oriental tyrant, was a proceeding little in keeping with the -traditions of Lusitanian chivalry. But Englishmen may very well -forgive the Portuguese this act of inhumanity, since it compelled the -fugitives to seek a home of their own in the Canton waters, destined -to eclipse the fading glories of "la cidade do nome de Deos da Macao." - -The treaty of 1842, which enabled British merchants to set up house -for themselves, deprived Macao of a large portion of its revenue; but -even under this eclipse the era of its prosperity did not then come -quite to an end. - -The occupation of Hongkong supplied to British traders all the wants -which Macao had previously furnished, accompanied by a security which -the Portuguese Administration was unable to confer. Its harbour was -incomparably superior, fulfilling all the requirements of a modern -seaport. These advantages were irresistible; nevertheless, the -merchants vacated with evident reluctance the roomy mansions in which -the pleasantest part of their lives had been spent. Several of them -retained possession of their Macao homes, using them for purposes of -recreation. "Dent's comfortable quarters at Macao" afforded an -agreeable retreat for Admiral Keppel, and no doubt many others of the -nautical brotherhood before and after his time; for the sea-breezes of -Macao were almost as great a relief to the denizens of Queen's Road as -to the community which, after the treaty, was permanently quartered in -the Canton factories. To this day Macao, well served by fast and -commodious steamers, remains a favoured resort for week-end tourist -parties, picnics, honeymoons, and the like. - - [Illustration: DENT'S VERANDAH, MACAO.] - -The population of Macao is estimated at 75,000 Chinese and under 4000 -Portuguese, of whom the percentage of pure blood is not large. The -so-called Portuguese of the Chinese coast differ from those of Goa as -the Chinese differ from the Indian natives. They supply a want in the -general economy: in China, as clerks, for whose work they have, like -the indispensable babu, a natural aptitude; in India, as domestic and -personal servants. With the increase of typewriting and the practice -of dictation in mercantile establishments the clerical services of -the Macaese are likely to assume less importance. They are good -Catholics, smoke cigarettes, and are harmless. - -Though for many years Macao suffered depression from the loss of its -foreign trade, its natural advantages in course of time attracted to -it new branches of industry, which to some extent revived its drooping -prosperity. Foreign and native merchants found it convenient to -conduct a certain portion of their trade in tea and silk and other -articles in the quiet old city, where burdens were light and labour -abundant. Traffic of a less desirable character found also its natural -domicile in the colony. It became the headquarters of the lucrative -coolie trade, which there for many years found an asylum where it -feared no law, human or divine. To the credit of the Portuguese -Government, however, this traffic was abolished in 1874. Opium and -gambling licences now provide the chief contributions to a colonial -revenue, the surplus of which over expenditure furnishes a respectable -annual tribute to the needy mother country. - -There is yet another species of enterprise historically associated -with the colony which cannot be altogether omitted, though it should -be mentioned with the extenuating circumstances. Piracy, as we have -seen, was rampant on the coasts of Asia, as it was also in Europe, -before Vasco da Gama doubled the Cape; and it was not to be expected -in an age when successful buccaneers in the Atlantic were earning -distinction by harassing the common enemy Spain, that an isolated -colony in remote Asia, detached from Europe a century and a half -earlier, should have anticipated the ethical refinements of the -awakening conscience of Christendom. Slavery itself was tolerated -among the most enlightened races until the middle of the present -century, and if the Macaese did feel a sneaking toleration for -mitigated forms of it, as well as for other species of criminality -which flourished all round them, it must be admitted the temptation -lay very near to their hand. They had been brought up for centuries in -close familiarity with the practices of the sea-rover. Though it -cannot be said that piracy ever took rank as a domestic institution in -patriarchal Macao, yet the openings for young men were much restricted -by family custom, and instances have been reported of improvident sons -laying unfilial hands on their fathers' junks on the coast with a view -to rectifying the balance of the family finance. Whether or not such -modes of redress were ever actually carried into effect, the fact that -legends of this character should have woven themselves into the tissue -of local gossip within comparatively recent times, and in connection -with well-known names, indicates a state of feeling which should be -allowed for in considering the relation of Macao to Chinese piracy. - -The influence of Macao on the history of foreign relations with China -extended much beyond the sphere of mere commercial interests. For -three hundred years it was for foreigners the gate of the Chinese -empire, and all influences, good and bad, which came from without were -infiltrated through that narrow opening, which also served as the -medium through which China was revealed to the Western world. It was -in Macao that the first lighthouse was erected, a symbol of the -illuminating mission of foreigners in China. It was there also that -the first printing-press was set up, employing movable type instead of -the stereotype wooden blocks used by the Chinese. From that press was -issued Morrison's famous Dictionary, and for a long series of years -the Chinese Repository, a perfect storehouse of authentic information -concerning the Chinese empire, conducted chiefly by English and -American missionaries. The first foreign hospital in China was opened -at Macao, and there vaccination was first practised. It was from Macao -that the father of China missions, Matteo Ricci, started on his -adventurous journey through the interior of the country in the -sixteenth century, ultimately reaching the capital, where he -established an influence over the Imperial Court scarcely less than -miraculous, thus laying the foundation-stone of the Catholic -propaganda in China. The little Portuguese settlement has therefore -played no mean part in the changes which have taken place in the great -empire of China. - -Of the personages associated with its history, the most brilliant, or -at least the best known, was St Francis Xavier, the apostle of the -Indies,--a man of so magnetic a character that he was credited with -the miraculous gift of tongues, while as a matter of fact he seems not -to have been even an ordinarily good linguist, speaking to the natives -of the Far East only through an interpreter. Xavier died and was -buried in the neighbouring island of Sanchuan, whence his remains were -transferred first to Macao itself and afterwards to Goa. The names of -Xavier and Ricci cast a halo over the first century of the existence -of Macao. Another of the earlier residents of world-wide fame was the -poet Camoeens, who in a grotto formed of granite blocks tumbled -together by nature, almost washed by the sea, sat and wrote the -Portuguese epic 'The Lusiad,' celebrating the adventures of the great -navigator Vasco da Gama. Of names belonging to the present century, or -the English period, two only need be mentioned here. One was Robert -Morrison, the father of English sinology, who was sent to China by the -London Missionary Society in 1807. This remarkable man had mastered -the initial difficulties of the Chinese language before leaving -England. This he accomplished by the aid of a young Cantonese, and by -diligent study of MSS. in the British Museum, and of a MS. -Latin-Chinese dictionary lent to him by the Royal Society. His teacher -accompanied him on the long voyage to China, during which Morrison -laboured "from morning to midnight." In Canton a Pekingese teacher, a -Catholic convert, was obtained, and the study of Chinese was carried -on assiduously. The most enduring monument of these labours was the -Chinese-English dictionary, which was printed by the East India -Company at a cost of L15,000. This standard work has been the fountain -from which all students of Chinese have drawn since his time. - -Art has had but one representative, an Irish gentleman named George -Chinnery, who resided in Macao from 1825 till his death in 1852. Of Mr -Chinnery's drawings and paintings there are many scattered -collections, on some of which we have been able to draw for the -illustrations in these volumes. - - [Illustration: GEORGE CHINNERY. - (_From an oil-painting by himself._)] - -FOOTNOTE: - -[36] Nomenclature alone sufficiently attests this fact--whether of the -ships that carried them or of the lands they christened, as Natal, -Trinidad, &c. The gigantic cross carved in the granite face of Table -Mountain (it is said) by Vasco da Gama proclaimed to the wide ocean -the sanctity of his mission. English adventurers were strongly imbued -with the same pious spirit. Down to our own day marine policies open -with the words, "In the name of God, Amen"; while the bill of lading, -which within the past generation has become packed with clauses like a -composite Act of Parliament--all tending to absolve the owner from -responsibility as carrier--formerly began with the words, "Shipped by -the grace of God," and ended with the prayer that "God would send the -good ship to her desired port in safety." - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -PIRACY. - - Association with Hongkong and Macao -- Activity of British - navy in suppressing piracy -- Its historic importance -- - Government relations with pirates -- The convoy system -- - Gross abuse -- Hongkong legislation -- Progress of steam - navigation -- Fatal to piracy. - - -A factor which has done so much to shape commercial intercourse with -China as piracy cannot be properly ignored in a survey like the -present. The settlements of Hongkong and Macao were forced into -contact with this time-honoured institution, for these places are -situated as near to the piratical centre as they are to that of the -typhoon zone. From the time of the first war down to quite recent -years the British squadron on the China station was almost engrossed -in the two duties of surveying the coast and rivers, and of repressing -piracy,--services which were not interrupted even during the progress -of a war with the Imperial Government. Both proceedings were -anomalous, being a usurpation of the sovereign functions of the -Chinese Government. That Government, however, never evinced more than -a languid interest in operations against its piratical subjects. -Piracy, as such, seems indeed to have enjoyed that fatalistic -toleration which the Chinese Government and people are wont to extend -to every species of abuse, on the principle that what cannot be cured -must be endured. Nor is China the only country where banditti have -established with their future victims a conventional relation like -that of certain predatory animals which are said to live on easy terms -with the creatures destined to become their prey. Successful leaders, -whether of brigands or of sea-rovers, have from time to time attained -high political status in the empire. Wingrove Cooke says:-- - - Whenever anything occurs of historic importance we always - find that some bandit has had a hand in it. The land was - always full of them. When the Tartars possessed themselves - of China, one of these bandit chiefs had just possessed - himself of Peking, and the last of the Ming race had just - hanged himself. It was a pirate who drove the Dutch out of - Formosa; the son of a "celebrated pirate" who helped the - Cantonese to defend their city against the Tartars; and it - was a pirate who the other day destroyed the Portuguese - piratical fleet at Ningpo. In all ages and at all times - China has been coasted by pirates and traversed by bands of - robbers. - -In the 'Peking Gazette,' which he quotes, the Imperial Government -itself thus describes the rule of the robbers:-- - - They carry off persons in order to extort ransoms for them; - they falsely assume the characters of police officers; they - build fast boats professedly to guard the grain-fields, and - into these they put from ten to twenty men, who cruise - along the rivers, violently plundering the boats of - travellers, or forcibly carrying off the wives and - daughters of the _tanka_ boat people. The inhabitants of - the villages and hamlets fear these robbers as they would - tigers, and do not offer them any resistance. The - husbandman must pay these robbers a charge, else as soon as - his crop is ripe it is plundered, and the whole field laid - bare. In the precincts of the metropolis they set fire to - places during the night, that, under pretence of saving and - defending, they may plunder and carry off. - -When it suits the Government to enlist rebels or robbers in its -service it condones their misdeeds, and confers on them rank and -honour. The chief of the Black Flags, who kept up a guerilla war -against the French in Tongking, was a recent case in point, as was -also, if report speaks truly, the late gallant Admiral Ting, who -perished in the Chinese forlorn-hope at Weihai-wei in 1895. The -relationship between the authorities and the freebooters is often of -so equivocal a character, that foreign naval officers in their crusade -against pirates may have failed at times to make the proper -discrimination. Vessels seized as pirates occasionally escaped the -fate which should have awaited them by proving themselves revenue -protectors. But if the Government ever suffered from cases of mistaken -identity, the balance was handsomely redressed; for piracy and -smuggling being ingeniously blended, the forces of the British colony -might in their turn be induced, by information supplied by the Chinese -authorities, to act as revenue cruisers, under the belief that they -were being led against pirates. The hard fights resulting in the -destruction of piratical fleets bearing all the evidences of -criminality were, however, too frequent to permit any doubt as to the -general character of the craft so treated. - -But the anti-piratical agency was not confined to the commissioned -officers of her Majesty's navy. Foreigners of all nations were drawn -into the coasting traffic, in various capacities, as an antidote to -piracy, with benefit, no doubt, to legitimate trade, yet not without -some serious drawbacks. Dr Eitel tells us that during the first decade -after the war the waters of Hongkong swarmed with pirates, that the -whole coast-line was under the control of a blackmailing confederacy, -and that the peaceful trading junk was obliged to be heavily armed, so -that externally there was nothing to distinguish a trader from a -pirate. During this period European seamen took service with the -native pirates who made Hongkong their headquarters, whence they drew -their supplies, and where they kept themselves informed as to the -movements of valuable merchandise and of war-vessels. Foreigners were -enlisted also in the service of the honest trader; Chinese merchants -began to charter small European sailing-vessels for coasting voyages, -whereby they gained the protection of a European flag, the prestige of -a European crew, and the better sea-going qualities of a European -vessel. Steamers also began to be employed to convoy the native junks. - -The extension of the convoy system brought in its train the most -terrible abuses, the class of foreigners so employed being as ready to -sell their services to the pirates as to the merchants, and to turn -from protector to oppressor of the honest trader with as much facility -as Chinese fishermen and pirates interchange their respective parts. -Many tragedies were enacted along the coast and rivers of China--many -more, no doubt, than ever became known to the foreign public. Mr -Medhurst, consul at Shanghai, said that the foreigners employed by the -Chinese to protect their property on the water were guilty of -atrocities of all kinds in the inner waters, which the Chinese -authorities and people were unable to prevent. And Mr Adkins, consul -at Chinkiang on the Yangtze, reported in the same year, 1862, a -series of brutal murders committed by foreigners on the river, with -which the native authorities declined to interfere. The criminals, not -being amenable to any jurisdiction but their own, were thus left free -to commit their outrages, unless some representative of their own -country happened to be on the spot. The Taiping rebellion attracted -desperate characters from all quarters, to whom it was a matter of -indifference under what flag they served--pillage being their sole -inducement. The only conspicuous case of trial of a foreigner for -piracy was that of a young American, Eli Boggs, who was condemned in -the Supreme Court of Hongkong in 1857, and sentenced to transportation -for life. From such experiences it is to be apprehended that should -any part of the Chinese empire become disorganised, lawless foreigners -will be a more terrible scourge to the inhabitants than even the -native pirates and bandits. - -Of the abuses developed by the convoy system, and of the character of -the foreigners concerned therein, a graphic yet matter-of-fact account -is given by Wingrove Cooke. As the state of rampant lawlessness which -prevailed at the time on the China coast, and the traditional attitude -of the Government towards freebooters, are so perfectly illustrated in -his concise narrative of the destruction of a Portuguese convoy, no -apology is needed for quoting a passage or two from Mr Cooke's letter -dated Ningpo, August 24, 1857:-- - - The fishing-boats which ply off the mouth of the river Yung - pay convoy duties to the extent of 50,000 dollars a-year; - and the wood-junks that ply between Ningpo and Foochow, and - the other native craft, raise the annual payment for - protection to 200,000 dollars (L70,000) annually. These - figures are startling, but I have taken pains to ascertain - their correctness. - - The vessels employed in this convoy service were Portuguese - lorchas. These vessels were well armed and equipped. There - were no mandarin junks and no Portuguese ships of war to - cope with them or control them, and they became masters of - this part of the coast. It is in the nature of things that - these privateers should abuse their power. They are accused - of the most frightful atrocities. It is alleged that they - made descents upon villages, carried off the women, - murdered the men, and burnt the habitations. They became - infinitely greater scourges than the pirates they were paid - to repel. It is alleged, also, that complaints to the - Portuguese consul were vain; that Portuguese sailors taken - red-handed and handed over to this consul were suffered to - escape from the consular prison. Rightly or wrongly, the - Chinese thought that the consul was in complicity with the - ruffians who were acting both as convoy and as pirates.... - The leader of the pirate fleet was--I am going back now to - a time three years ago--a Cantonese named A'Pak. The - authorities at Ningpo, in their weakness, determined to - make terms with him rather than submit to the tyranny of - the Portuguese. - - A'Pak was made a mandarin of the third class; and his - fleet--not altogether taken into Government pay, for that - the Chinese could not afford--was nominally made over to - A'Pak's brother.... After a few of these very sanguinary - provocations, A'Pak--not, it is believed, without the - concurrence of the Taotai of Ningpo--determined to destroy - this Portuguese convoy fleet. - - For this purpose A'Pak's brother collected his snake-boats - and convoy junks from along the whole coast, and assembled - about twenty of them, and perhaps 500 men. The Portuguese - were not long in hearing of these preparations, but they - seem to have been struck with panic. Some of their vessels - went south, some were taken at the mouth of the river. - Seven lorchas took refuge up the river, opposite the - Portuguese consulate. The sailors on board these lorchas - landed some of their big guns, and put the consulate in a - state of defence, and perhaps hoped that the neighbourhood - of the European houses and the character of the consulate - would prevent an attack. Not so. On the day I have above - mentioned the Canton fleet came up the river. The - Portuguese consul immediately fled. The lorchas fired one - broadside at them as they approached, and then the crews - deserted their vessels and made for the shore. About 200 - Cantonese, accompanied by a few Europeans, followed these - 140 Portuguese and Manila-men ashore. A fight took place in - the streets. It was of very short duration, for the - Portuguese behaved in the most dastardly manner. The - Manila-men showed some spirit, but the Portuguese could not - even persuade themselves to fight for their lives behind - the walls of their consulate. The fortified house was taken - and sacked by these Chinamen, the Portuguese were pursued - among the tombs, where they sought refuge, and forty of - them were shot down, or hunted and butchered with - spears.... - - Merciless as this massacre was, and little as is the choice - between the two sets of combatants, it must be owned that - the Cantonese acted with purpose and discipline. Three - trading Portuguese lorchas which lay in the river with - their flags flying were not molested; and no European, not - a Portuguese, was even insulted by the infuriated butchers. - The stories current of Souero and his Portuguese followers - rivalled the worst of the tales of the buccaneers, and - public opinion in Ningpo and the foreign settlement was - strongly in favour of the Cantonese. - -But if Hongkong was the centre of piratical organisation, it was also -the centre of effort to put it down. The exploits of her Majesty's -ships, destroying many thousands of heavily-armed piratical junks, -were loyally supplemented by the legislation and the police of the -Colonial Government, which were continuously directed towards the -extermination of piracy. These measures, however, did not appear to -make any material impression on the pest. As part of his general -policy of suppressing crime, the most drastic steps were taken by Sir -Richard MacDonnell against pirates. He struck at the root of the evil -within the colony itself by penalising the receivers of stolen goods, -and by a stricter surveillance over all Chinese vessels frequenting -the harbour. He also endeavoured to secure the co-operation of the -Chinese Government, without which no permanent success could be hoped -for. This was not, indeed, the first time that Chinese co-operation -had been invoked. In one of the hardest fought actions against a -piratical stronghold--that of Sheipu Bay, near Ningpo, in 1856--her -Majesty's brig Bittern was towed into action through the bottle-neck -of the bay by a Chinese-owned steamer. But the assistance rendered to -the Government of Hongkong by the steam-cruisers of the Chinese -customs service was of too ambiguous a character to be of real use, -smugglers rather than pirates being the object of the Chinese -pursuit--smugglers of whom the high Chinese officials had good reason -to be jealous. - -The result of the police activity and of regulations for the coast -traffic was a great diminution in the number of piracy cases brought -before colonial magistrates. This, however, by itself was not -conclusive as to the actual decrease of the crime, for it may only -have indicated a change of strategy forced on the pirates by the -vigorous action of the Colonial Government. Foreign vessels were by no -means exempt from the attentions of the piratical fleets, though they -seldom fell a prey to open assault at sea. A different form of tactics -was resorted to where foreigners were the object of attack: it was to -embark as passengers a number of the gang with arms secreted, who rose -at a signal and massacred the ship's officers. Even after steam -vessels had virtually superseded sailers on the coast this device was -too often successful through want of care on the part of the master. -These attacks were carried out with great skill and daring, sometimes -on the short passage of forty miles between Hongkong and Macao, and in -several instances almost within the harbour limits of Hongkong itself. - -While awarding full credit to the indefatigable exertions of the -British squadron in China--the only one that ever troubled itself in -such matters--and to the unremitting efforts of the colony of -Hongkong, the reduction, if not the extinction, of armed piracy on the -coast of China must be attributed largely to the commercial -development, in which the extension of the use of steam has played the -principal part. Organised by foreigners, and employed by Chinese, -lines of powerful steamers have gradually monopolised the valuable -traffic, thus rendering the calling of the buccaneer obsolete and -profitless. Foreign traders, however, do well not to forget the debt -they owe to the institution which they have superseded. But for the -pirates, and the scarcely less piratical exactions of officials, the -Chinese would not have sought the assistance and the protection of -foreign men, foreign ships, or foreign steamers. Piracy has thus not -only worked towards its own cure, but has helped to inaugurate an era -of prosperous trade, based on the consolidation of the interests of -Chinese and foreigners, such as may foreshadow further developments in -which the same elements of success may continue in fruitful -combination. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -THE ARROW WAR, 1856-1860. - - Lorchas -- Outrage on the Arrow -- Question of access to - city -- Tone of British Foreign Office -- Firm tone of - British Government -- Destruction of Canton factories and - flight of foreign residents -- Operations in river. - - -From the earliest days of the British occupation it had been the aim -of the Canton authorities to destroy the "junk" trade of Hongkong by -obstructive regulations, for which the supplementary treaty of 1843 -afforded them a certain warrant. But as the Chinese began to settle in -large numbers on the island the claims of free commerce asserted -themselves, and gradually made headway against the restrictive schemes -of the mandarins. The Government fostered the legitimate commercial -ambition of the Chinese colonists by passing ordinances whereby they -were enabled to register vessels of their own, sail them under the -British flag, and trade to such ports as were open to British -shipping. Certificates of registry were granted only to men of -substance and respectability who were lessees of Crown land in the -colony. The class of vessel for which colonial registers were granted -was of native build and rig, more or less modified, of good sea-going -qualities, known by the local name of lorcha. Naturally the Canton -authorities looked askance at any measure aimed at the liberation of -trade, and so truculent an imperial commissioner as Yeh was not likely -to miss an opportunity of wreaking vengeance on the "native-born" who -dared to exercise privileges derived from residence in the hateful -colony. - -One of these registered vessels was the Arrow, commanded by an -Englishman and manned by Chinese. This vessel was in the course of her -traffic boarded at Canton at midday on October 8, 1856, by order of -the Chinese authorities, with marked official ostentation, her crew -forcibly carried off on a charge, according to a Chinese version, "of -being in collusion with barbarians," and her ensign hauled down. How -this outrage on the British flag was perpetrated, how resisted, and -what came of it, have been so often set forth that there is no need to -dwell upon the details here. The traditional insolence of the Chinese -was reasserted in all its virulence, as in the days of Commissioner -Lin, and once more the British agents were confronted with the dilemma -of aggravating past griefs by submission or of putting their foot down -and ending them. A single-minded and courageous man was in charge of -British interests in Canton, and, left with a free hand, there could -be no doubting the line Mr Parkes would take. The decision, however, -lay with Sir John Bowring, governor of Hongkong, her Majesty's -plenipotentiary and superintendent of trade, and with the naval -commander-in-chief, Sir Michael Seymour. - -We have seen that the likelihood of sooner or later having to clear -accounts with the authorities of Canton had not been absent from the -mind of her Majesty's Government for some years previously, though by -no initial act of their own would they have brought the question to a -crisis. If the governor entertained doubts whether the Arrow insult -furnished adequate provocation, his decision was materially helped by -the deadlock in relations which followed. A simple _amende_ for the -indignity offered to the flag was asked for, such as the Chinese were -adepts in devising without "losing face"; but all discussion was -refused; the viceroy would not admit any foreign official to a -personal conference. The small Arrow question thus became merged in -the larger one of access to the city, and to the provincial -authorities, which had on various pretexts been denied to the British -representatives in contravention of the treaty of 1842. - -It happened that the question had lately assumed a somewhat definite -place in the agenda of the British plenipotentiary. Lord Clarendon had -in 1854 instructed Sir John Bowring to take any opportunity of -bringing the "city question" to a solution, and Sir John addressed a -long despatch to Commissioner Yeh on the subject in April of that -year. It had no effect, and was followed up a few months later by an -effort in another direction. The turbulent character of the Cantonese -people and the impracticable arrogance of the imperial officers who -successively held office there had often prompted an appeal to Caesar, -and more than one attempt had been made in times gone by to submit the -Canton grievances to the judgment of the Imperial Court. These -attempts were inspired by a total misconception of the relations -between the provinces and the capital. In the year 1854, however, it -was decided to renew the effort to open direct communications with the -Imperial Government. And circumstances seemed to promise a more -favourable issue to the mission than had attended preceding ones. The -time had come when a revision of the tariff and commercial articles of -the treaties might be claimed, and besides the standing grievance at -Canton there were sundry matters in connection with the fulfilment of -the treaties which together constituted a justifying pretext for an -unarmed expedition to the Peiho. The chances of a favourable reception -were thought to be strengthened by the combination of the Treaty -Powers. Sir John Bowring and the American Minister, Mr McLane, -accordingly went together, with a competent staff of interpreters, to -Tientsin, where they were soon followed by the French secretary of -Legation. - -High officials were appointed to treat with them, because it was -feared that if some courtesy were not shown them the barbarians would -return south and join the rebels, who were then threatening the -southern provinces. But the net result of the mission was that it was -allowed to depart in peace. Lord Elgin, commenting on the proceedings, -sums up the instructions to the Chinese officials, gathered from the -secret reports afterwards discovered, as, "Get rid of the barbarians," -which would be an equally exhaustive rendering of all the instructions -ever given to Chinese plenipotentiaries. On the occasion of this visit -to the Peiho the foreign plenipotentiaries resorted, as had been done -on sundry previous occasions, to the oriental custom of approaching a -great man gift in hand. In the depleted condition of the imperial -treasury they calculated that the recovery of the duties unpaid -during the recent interregnum at Shanghai would be a tempting bait to -the Peking Government. The offer, however, could not, it would appear, -be intelligibly conveyed to the minds of the northern functionaries: -unacquainted with commercial affairs, and misconstruing the proposal -as a plea for the forgiveness of arrears, they at once conceded the -sop to Cerberus, pleased to have such a convenient way of closing the -mouths of the barbarians. - -In December following a favourable opportunity seemed to present -itself for renewing the attack on the exclusiveness of Canton. The -Taiping rebels had blockaded the river, and in a "pitched battle" -defeated the imperialist fleet and were actually threatening the city. -In this emergency Yeh implored the aid of the English forces. Sir John -Bowring thereupon proceeded to Canton with a naval force of five ships -to protect the foreign factories, the presence of the squadron having -at the same time the desired deterrent effect on the rebels, who -withdrew their forces. Now at last the governor felt confident that -the barrier to intercourse was removed, and he applied to the viceroy -for an interview; but Yeh remained obdurate, refused audience as -before, and with all the old contumely. Precisely the same thing had -happened in the north in 1853, when the governor of Kiangsu applied -through Consul Alcock to the superintendent of trade, Sir George -Bonham, for the assistance of one of her Majesty's ships in defending -Nanking against the expected attack of the Taipings. Divers -communications of like tenor had, during several months, led up to -this definite application. The appeal was most urgent, and yet in the -title given to her Majesty's plenipotentiary the two important -characters had been omitted, indicating that his power emanated from -the ruler of an "independent sovereign state." "Such an omission," -remarked Mr Alcock, "is characteristic of the race we have to deal -with, for even in a time of danger to the national existence they -cannot suppress their arrogance and contempt for barbarians." Arrogant -and contemptuous of course they were, and yet it may perhaps be -questioned whether such terms fully explain the mutilation of the -plenipotentiary's official titles. Although they had been compelled by -mechanical force to accord titles implying equality to foreign -officials, yet in the innermost conviction of the Chinese an -independent sovereign State was at that time almost unthinkable, and -could only be expressed by a solecism. If, therefore, we ask how an -imperial commissioner could demean himself by soliciting protection -from the barbarians to whom he was denying the scantiest courtesy, we -have to consider the point of view from which China had from time -immemorial and without challenge regarded all the outer States. For it -is the point of view that is paradoxical. To Yeh, considering -barbarians merely as refractory subjects, there was no inconsistence -in commanding their aid, while denying their requests. The position is -analogous to that of Ultramontanes, who claim tolerance for themselves -in heretical communities by a divine right which excludes the idea of -reciprocity. This key to the history of foreign intercourse with China -is too often forgotten. - -Nothing daunted, Sir John returned to the charge in June 1855, on the -occasion of the appointment of the new consul, Mr Alcock, whom he -asked permission to introduce to the Imperial Commissioner. His letter -was not even acknowledged for a month, and then in the usual -contemptuous terms. - -So far, indeed, from Yeh's being mollified by the assistance -indirectly accorded to him in defending the city from rebel attack, or -by the succession of respectful appeals made to him by Sir John -Bowring, a new campaign of aggression was inaugurated against the -lives and liberties of the foreign residents in Canton. This followed -the traditional course. Inflammatory placards denouncing foreigners, -and holding them up to the odium of the populace, were extensively -posted about the city and suburbs in the summer of 1856. These, as -usual, were followed by personal attacks on isolated Englishmen found -defenceless, and, following the precedents of ten years before, the -outbreaks of anti-foreign feeling in Canton found their echo also in -Foochow, where an American gentleman met his death in a riot which was -got up there in July. So serious was the situation becoming that Mr -Consul Parkes, who had succeeded Mr Alcock in June, solemnly warned -the Imperial Commissioner that such acts, if not promptly -discountenanced by the authorities (who of course were well known to -be the instigators), must inevitably lead to deplorable consequences. -The Chinese reply to this remonstrance was the outrage on the lorcha -Arrow. To isolate that incident, therefore, would be wholly to miss -the significance of it: it would be to mistake the match for the mine. - -Those who were on the spot and familiar with antecedent events could -have no doubt whatever that, in condoning the present insults, the -British authorities would have invited greater and always greater, as -in the days of Lin. The tone of recent despatches from the Foreign -Office fortified the governor in taking a strong resolution; the -clearness of Consul Parkes' view made also a deep impression on him; -and yet another factor should not be altogether overlooked which -contributed its share in bringing the two responsible officials to a -definite decision. It was not an unknown phenomenon in public life -that two functionaries whose co-operation was essential should -mistrust each other. This was distinctly the case with Sir John -Bowring and Sir Michael Seymour. They needed some connecting medium to -make them mutually intelligible, and it was found in the influence of -local public opinion. The mercantile community, which for twenty -years, or as long as they had had utterance, had never wavered in the -conviction that in strength alone lay their safety, were to a man for -vigorous measures at Canton. And it happened that, scarcely perceived -either by themselves or by the other parties concerned, they possessed -a special channel for bringing the force of their views to bear on the -two responsible men. Sir John Bowring had himself deplored "the -enormous influence wielded by the great and opulent commercial houses" -when adverse to his projects. He was now to experience that influence -in another sense, without perhaps recognising it, for when the wind is -fair it makes slight impression on those whose sails it fills. - -Among the business houses in China two stood pre-eminent. One had a -son of the plenipotentiary for partner; both were noted for their -princely hospitality, especially to officers of the navy. "Those -princely merchants, Dent & Co., as well as Matheson," writes Admiral -Keppel in his Diary, "kept open house. They lived in palaces." One of -the two buildings occupied by the former firm, "Kiying House," which -some twenty years later became the Hongkong Hotel, was as good as a -naval club for all ranks, while admirals and post-captains found snug -anchorage within the adjoining domain of the seniors of the firm. The -two great houses did not always pull together, but on this occasion -their separate action, converging on a single point, was more -effectual than any half-hearted combination could have been. Night -after night was the question of Canton discussed with slow -deliberation and accumulating emphasis in the executive and the -administrative, the naval and the political, camps respectively. -Conviction was imbibed with the claret and cheroots, and it was not -altogether without reason that what followed has sometimes been called -the "Merchants' War." - -The die was cast. The great Canton bubble, the bugbear of a succession -of British Governments and representatives, was at last to be pricked, -though with a delay which, however regrettable at the time, perhaps -conduced to greater thoroughness in the long-run. Those of our readers -who desire to trace the various operations against Canton during the -twelve months which followed cannot do better than consult Mr Stanley -Lane-Poole's 'Life of Sir Harry Parkes,' the volume of 'Times' -correspondence by that sage observer and vivacious narrator, Mr -Wingrove Cooke, and the delightful sailors book recently published by -Vice-Admiral Sir W. R. Kennedy. The campaign unfolded itself in a -drama of surprises. The force at the admiral's disposal being too -small to follow up the initial movement against the city, which gave -no sign of yielding by first intention, Sir Michael Seymour had to -content himself with intimating to the Viceroy Yeh that, -notwithstanding his Excellency's interdict, he had, with a guard of -bluejackets, visited the Viceregal Yamen; and with keeping hostilities -alive by a blockade of the river while awaiting reinforcements. - -The Arrow incident occurred in October. In December the foreign -factories were burned by the Chinese, and the Viceroy Yeh issued -proclamations offering rewards for English heads. The mercantile -community retired to Hongkong, a few to the quieter retreat of Macao. -The vengeance of Commissioner Yeh pursued them exactly as that of -Commissioner Lin had done in 1839. Assassinations were not infrequent -on the outskirts of the city of Victoria; and in January 1857 the -principal baker in the colony was induced to put a sack of arsenic -into his morning supply of bread, which only failed of its effect -through the excess of the dose acting as an emetic. - -The early portion of the year 1857 was enlivened by active operations -in hunting out Chinese war-junks in the various creeks and branches of -the river, commenced by Commodore Elliot and continued on a brilliant -scale by Commodore H. Keppel, who arrived opportunely in the frigate -Raleigh, of which he speaks with so much pride and affection in his -Memoirs. That fine vessel, however, was lost on a rock approaching -Macao, sinking in shallow water in the act of saluting the French -flag, a war vessel of that nationality having been descried in the -anchorage. The commodore and his officers and crew, thus detached, -were soon accommodated with small craft good for river service, and in -a very short time they made a memorable cutting-out expedition as far -as the city of Fatshan, destroying formidable and well-posted fleets -of war-junks in what the commodore described as "one of the prettiest -boat actions recorded in naval history." Sir W. Kennedy served as a -midshipman in those expeditions, and his descriptions supply a -much-needed supplement to that of the Admiral of the Fleet, correcting -it in some particulars and filling in the gaps in a wonderfully -realistic manner. No adequate estimate can be formed of the importance -of the year's operations in the Canton river without reading Admiral -Kennedy's brilliant but simple story. - -The Canton imbroglio made the kind of impression that such occurrences -are apt to do in England. The merits of the case being usually -ignored, the bare incidents furnish convenient weapons with which to -assail the Government that happens to be in office. Under such -conditions statements can be made and arguments applied with all the -freedom of a debating club. The Arrow trouble occasioned a temporary -fusion of the most incongruous elements in English politics. When Lord -Derby, Lord Lyndhurst, Bishop Wilberforce, Mr Cobden, Mr Bright, Mr -Gladstone, and Mr Disraeli were found banded together as one man, it -was neither common knowledge nor any sincere interest in the question -at issue, but "unanimosity" towards the Premier, that inspired them. -The Opposition orators took their brief from the published despatches -of Commissioner Yeh, which they assumed as the starting-point of the -China question, and found no difficulty whatever in discovering all -the nobility and good faith on the Chinese side, the perfidy and -brutality on the side of the British representative. Though successful -in carrying a vote of censure on the Government, the attitude of the -Coalition did not impress the public, and Lord Palmerston's appeal to -the electorate was responded to by his being returned to power by a -large majority. - -How very little the question itself affected public men in England may -be inferred from the notices of it in the Memoirs, since published, of -leading statesmen of the period. The fate of China, or of British -commerce there, was not in their minds at all, their horizon being -bounded by the immediate fate of the Ministry, to them the be-all and -end-all of national policy. What deplorable consequences all over the -world have arisen from the insouciance of British statesmen as regards -all matters outside the arena of their party conflicts! - -Sir John Bowring was made the scapegoat of the war. A philosophical -Radical, he had been president of the Peace Society, and his quondam -friends could not forgive a doctrinaire who yielded to the stern logic -of facts. As consul at Canton he had had better opportunities of -studying the question of intercourse with the Chinese than any holder -of his office either before or since his time. No one had worked more -persistently for the exercise of the right of entry into Canton. -Superseded in the office of plenipotentiary by the appointment of the -Earl of Elgin as High Commissioner for Great Britain, Sir John Bowring -remained Governor of Hongkong, and it fell to him to "do the honours" -to his successor, from whom he received scant consideration. Indeed -Lord Elgin made no secret of his aversion to the colony and all its -concerns, and marked his feeling towards the governor by determining -that he should never see the city of Canton--that Promised Land so -soon to be opened to the world through Sir John's instrumentality. - - -I. THE EARL OF ELGIN AND HIS MISSION. - - Capture of Canton -- The Treaty of Tientsin -- Comments on - the treaty -- Sequel to the treaty -- Omission to visit - Peking -- Comments thereon -- How to deal with Chinese -- - Commissioners to Shanghai to negotiate the tariff -- Two - pressing questions to be settled -- Delay of Commissioners' - arrival -- Resentment of Lord Elgin and change of tactics - re Canton -- Canton question same as Chinese question -- - Chinese demand for abandonment of Resident Minister -- Lord - Elgin's assent -- Comments thereon -- Treaty with Japan -- - The Taku disaster. - -The transports bringing the troops from England were meanwhile -hurrying at top speed--not in those days a very high one--round the -Cape of Good Hope, and the navy was being reinforced by several -powerful ships, including the mosquito squadron of gunboats which were -destined to play so useful a part, first in the operations of war, and -subsequently in patrolling the coast and rivers for the protection of -peaceful traders. Lord Elgin's arrival in Hongkong, coinciding in time -with that of the frigates Shannon, commanded by Sir William Peel, and -Pearl, Captain Sotheby, put heart into the long-suffering British -community at the port. But sinister news from India had reached Lord -Elgin on his voyage to China, in consequence of which, and on the -urgent request of the Governor-General, he took on himself to -intercept the troopships wherever they could be met with, and turn -their course to Calcutta. Before he had been many days in Hongkong, -foreseeing an indefinite period of inaction in China, and being -obliged in any case to wait the arrival of his French colleague, -without whom no French co-operation could be had, Lord Elgin -determined to proceed himself to Calcutta, taking with him the two -frigates Shannon and Pearl. This welcome reinforcement not only -arrived opportunely in India, but, as is well known, did heroic -service in throwing back the tide of mutiny. - -Fortune seemed in all this to be favouring the Chinese, nothing more -hurtful threatening them than a passive blockade of the Canton river -and its branches. But a fresh expedition was promptly despatched from -England to take the place of that which had been diverted to India. A -body of 1500 marines arrived in the autumn, and on them, supplemented -by the Hongkong garrison, devolved the duty of bringing China to -terms, the navy, of course, being the essential arm in all these -operations. - -Lord Elgin returned to China in ample time to meet the French -plenipotentiary, Baron Gros. His lordship's policy had from the first -been an interesting theme for speculation, not less so as the time for -putting it in force drew near. It had been surmised that his object -would be to leave Canton alone, and set out on another wild-goose -chase to the north. That so futile a scheme should not be carried out -without at least a protest, the mercantile community met Lord Elgin on -his arrival in June with an address couched in the following terms:-- - - We venture upon no opinion at present respecting the - readjustment of our relations with the empire at large, - though always prepared to hold our advice and experience at - your lordship's command; but upon that branch of the - question which we distinguish as the "Canton difficulty" we - would take this, the earliest opportunity, of recording our - opinion--an opinion founded upon long, reluctant, and, we - may add, traditional experience--that any compromise of it, - or any sort of settlement which shall stop short of the - complete humiliation of the Cantonese,--which shall fail to - teach them a wholesome respect for the obligations of their - own Government in its relations with independent Powers, - and a more hospitable reception of the foreigner who - resorts to their shores for the peaceable purposes of - trade,--will only result in further suffering to themselves - and further disastrous interruptions to us. - - Many of us have already been heavy sufferers by the present - difficulty. It must be apparent to your lordship that our - best interests lie upon the side of peace, and upon the - earliest solid peace that can be obtained. But, - notwithstanding this, we would most earnestly deprecate any - settlement of the question which should not have eliminated - from it the very last element of future disorder. - -The meaning of these weighty words, as interpreted by Wingrove Cooke, -was, "You must take Canton, my lord, and negotiate at Peking with -Canton in your possession." And he adds, "Such is the opinion of every -one here, from the highest to the lowest." We learn from his private -letters that it was by no means the opinion of the new plenipotentiary. -"The course I am about to follow," he writes, "does not square with -the views of the merchants." Yet his reply to their address was so -diplomatic that he was able to say "it gave them for the moment -wonderful satisfaction." The editor of Lord Elgin's letters suppresses -the rest of the sentence. The new plenipotentiary hoped even "to -conclude a treaty in Shanghai, and hasten home afterwards,"--a hope -which could only coexist with an entire disregard of our whole -previous experience in China; almost, one might argue, with an entire -ignorance of the record.[37] - -On his return from India, however, and on the assembling of the Allied -forces, he found that the course prescribed by history and -common-sense was, after all, the only practical one to follow, and -that was to commence hostilities at Canton. Yet Lord Elgin seems to -have submitted to the inexorable demands of circumstances with no very -good grace. Indeed his attitude towards the Canton overture and his -mission generally was decidedly anomalous. The two leading ideas -running through the published portion of his correspondence were, "It -revolts me, but I do it"; and, "Get the wretched business over and -hurry home." Lord Elgin's mental constitution, as such, is of no -interest to us except as it affected his acts and left its impress on -the national interests in China. From that point of view, however, it -is public property, and as much an ingredient in the history as any -other quality of the makers of it. First, we find him at variance with -the Government which commissioned him, in that he speaks with shame of -his mission: "That wretched question of the Arrow is a scandal to us." -Why? Her Majesty's Government had deliberated maturely on the Arrow -question, had referred it to their law officers, had concluded it was -a good case, and had written unreservedly in that sense to their -representative in China. Was it, then, greater knowledge, or superior -judgment, that inspired Lord Elgin to an opposite opinion? And in -either case would it not have been better to have had the point -cleared up before undertaking the mission? - -But, in point of fact, the Arrow question was not the question with -which Lord Elgin had to deal, as it had long before been merged, as we -have said, into the much larger one of our official relations with -China. - -The truth seems to be that Lord Elgin came to China filled with the -conviction that in all our disputes the Chinese had been the oppressed -and we the oppressors. Of our intercourse with them he had nothing -more complimentary or more definite to say than that it was -"scandalous." For his own countrymen he had never a good word, for the -Chinese nothing but good--until they came into collision with himself, -when they at once became "fools and tricksters." Having assembled a -hostile force in front of Canton, he writes, December 22, 1857, "I -never felt so ashamed of myself in my life.... When I look at that -town I feel that I am earning for myself a place in the Litany -immediately after 'plague, pestilence, and famine.'" Becoming -gradually reconciled to events, however, he writes, "If we can take -the city without much massacre I shall think the job a good one, -because no doubt the relations of the Cantonese with the foreign -population were very unsatisfactory." But why "massacre," much or -little? It was but a phantasy of his own he was thus deprecating. The -curious point is, however, that Lord Elgin imagined that everybody was -bent on this massacre except himself, and when all was over, and -"there never was a Chinese town which suffered so little by the -occupation of a hostile force," he appropriates the whole credit for -this satisfactory issue! "If," he writes, "Yeh had surrendered on the -mild demand made upon him, I should have brought on my head the -imprecations both of the navy and the army, and of the civilians, the -time being given by the missionaries and the women." An insinuation so -purely hypothetical and so sweeping would not be seriously considered -in any relation of life whatsoever; but no one who knows either the -navy or the army would hesitate to affirm that the humanity of every -officer and man in these services was as much beyond reproach as Lord -Elgin's own, albeit it might assume a different form of expression. -When the city, "doomed to destruction from the folly of its own rulers -and the vanity and levity of ours," had been occupied, and the bugbear -of massacre had vanished, the object of Lord Elgin's sympathies became -shifted: "I could not help feeling melancholy when I thought that we -were so ruthlessly destroying"--not the place or the people, but--"the -prestige of a place which has been for so many centuries intact and -undefiled by the stranger." Had he written this after witnessing some -of the horrors of the city described by Wingrove Cooke, possibly these -regrets for its defilement might have been less poignant. But though -reverence for the mere antiquity of China is a most salutary lesson to -inculcate in these our days, it is pathetic to see the particular man -whose mission was to humble her historical prestige tortured by -compunctions for what he is doing. One is tempted to wish the "job" -had been intrusted to more commonplace hands. - -Some of those English officials by whose vanity and levity the "city -was doomed to destruction" were also writing their private letters, -and this was the purport. "I confidently hope," wrote Mr Parkes, -before Lord Elgin's first arrival in China, "that a satisfactory -adjustment of all difficulties may be attained with a slight effusion -of blood. Canton, it is true, must fall. I see no hope of any -arrangement being arrived at without this primary step being effected, -but I trust that with the fall of that city hostilities may end, and -that the emperor may then consent to receive a representative at -Peking." However, as soon as he gets to actual business with the -Chinese, Lord Elgin finds that he also has to be stern even as others. -As early as January 10, 1858, a week after the occupation of the city, -"I addressed the governor in a pretty arrogant tone. I did so out of -kindness, as I now know what fools they are, and what calamities they -bring upon themselves, or rather on the wretched people, by their -pride and trickery." But what the novice was only beginning to find -out the veterans had learned years before.[38] - -His attitude to his countrymen generally is scarcely less censorious -than towards the officials who had borne, and were yet to bear, the -burden and heat of the day in China. From Calcutta he wrote:-- - - It is a terrible business being among inferior races. I - have seldom from man or woman since I came to the East - heard a sentence which was reconcilable with the hypothesis - that Christianity had ever come into the world. - Detestation, contempt, ferocity, vengeance, whether - Chinamen or Indians be the object. - -From China:-- - - The whole world just now is raving mad with a passion for - killing and slaying, and it is difficult for a person in - his sober senses, like myself, to keep his own among them. - -Again:-- - - I have seen more to disgust me with my fellow-countrymen - than I saw during the whole course of my previous life.... - I have an instinct in me which loves righteousness and - hates iniquity, and all this keeps me in a perpetual - boil.... The tone of the two or three men connected with - mercantile houses in China whom I find on board is all for - blood and massacre on a great scale. - -The perennial fallacy that underlies the "one-righteous-man" theory -from the days of Elijah the Tishbite downwards, and the ineptitude of -all indiscriminate invective, would be sufficient answer to such -sweeping maledictions. Below these ebullitions of the surface, -however, there lay a grave misgiving in Lord Elgin's mind concerning -his mission as a whole, in which many thoughtful people must have -shared: "Whose work are we engaged in when we burst thus with hideous -violence and brutal energy into these darkest and most mysterious -recesses of the traditions of the past?" This was written at Tientsin -after the passage of the forts, and it is well worth recalling, now -that the vultures of Europe are wheeling round the moribund empire. - -Canton city was occupied by the Allies on January 2, 1858. -Commissioner Yeh was captured, carried on board the paddle-sloop -Inflexible, and conveyed to Calcutta, where he eventually died. His -absence made it easier to deal with the other authorities. He is -perhaps the only Chinese official who has ever been made personally -responsible for attacks on foreigners. - -A provisional government was established under three commissioners -nominated by the Allied commanders-in-chief, though in fact the labour -and responsibility rested solely on one of the three, Mr Parkes. -Having induced the native governor, Pikwei, to resume his functions -and administer the affairs of the city, under supervision, order was -partially established, and the chiefs, diplomatic and military, -withdrew--much too abruptly, it was generally thought--to prepare an -expedition to the north. - -But the commissioners were left with inadequate forces to maintain -order, fettered as they were by instructions which rendered them -immobile. The British admiral, after nearly a year and a half's -experience in the river, might have known something of the Canton -problem, while the Allied plenipotentiaries apparently understood -nothing of it. This was shown by what contemporary opinion designated -Lord Elgin's "first symptom of weakness." When the figurehead Pikwei -was brought from his prison to be invested with authority under the -Allied commanders he coolly claimed precedence of the English admiral -and general, and Lord Elgin, contrary to his own pre-arrangement of -seats, &c., conceded the claim, thereby striking the keynote of the -relations which were to exist between the Allied commissioners and the -Chinese officials. Lord Elgin had occasion to remember this when, in -1860, Prince Kung tried to lead him into a similar trap, whereby he -himself would have been relegated to a second place. The result of -these arrangements was very much what might have been expected. -Finding the foreign garrison passive, the turbulent elements in the -city and the surrounding villages soon began to fan the embers of -their former fires. They refused to consider themselves conquered, and -set about reorganising their forces as they had done on previous -occasions, and, beginning with secret schemes of assassination, they -became emboldened by impunity, and by-and-by mustered courage to -attack and annoy the garrison of the city, which was as helpless to -repel insults as the mounted sentries at the Horse Guards. The army of -occupation was besieged, the prestige of the capture of the city was -in a few months wholly dissipated, and the officials and gentry -affected to believe that the barbarians were only in the river, their -presence in the city being ostentatiously ignored in public -correspondence. During the whole of the year 1858 the cry went up -continuously from the commissioners and military commanders, but it -remained practically unheeded by the chiefs in the far north, except -in so far that they drew still shorter the tether of the beleaguered -force, in order that they might avoid all possible collision with -their Chinese assailants. Lord Elgin at first deemed the turbulence at -Canton a good reason for effecting a speedy settlement with the -Imperial Government; but, as we shall see presently, that settlement -when made had no influence at all upon either the Government -officials or the gentry and populace of that city. The solution of the -Canton problem was found in an entirely different direction. - -It may be mentioned here that besides the administration of the city, -several important matters of business were arranged during the -commissionership of Mr Parkes. There was the question of the site at -Shameen for the future residence of foreigners; and the regulation of -coolie emigration, which had been carried on in an unsatisfactory -manner; and last, not least, the first lease of Kowloon, on the -mainland facing Hongkong, and forming one side of the harbour. This -important concession, as already said, was negotiated on the sole -initiative of Mr Parkes, the military authorities being talked into it -afterwards. It was the first response to the demand of Wingrove Cooke, -Why we had not taken possession of the peninsula of Kowloon, for "if -any other Powers should do so--and what is to prevent them--the -harbour of Hongkong is lost to us." Several important exploratory -expeditions were also undertaken in 1859, in which Parkes was -everywhere warmly received by officials and people, one of these -excursions being far up the West river, the opening of which, however, -to foreign trade remained in abeyance for forty years thereafter. - - [Illustration: ROADS AND WATERWAYS BETWEEN PEKING AND TIENTSIN.] - -The next object of the plenipotentiaries, of course, was to negotiate -at Peking, or wherever properly accredited negotiators could be met -with, Canton being held in pledge. Progress was slow, because the -fleet was so largely composed of sailing-vessels, which must wait for -the fair monsoon; and the plenipotentiaries did not assemble within -the river Peiho--the forts at its mouth having been silenced and the -guns captured--until June. There followed Lord Elgin to Tientsin the -French, American, and Russian Ministers, all bent on making treaties -and on observing each other. The resources of Chinese resistance -having been provisionally exhausted, imperial commissioners came to -arrest the further progress of the foreigners by negotiations, or, to -speak with strict accuracy, to concede the minimum that was necessary -to induce them to depart. Such, we may be sure, was the beginning and -the end of their instructions then, as it was afterwards. The work of -negotiation, so far as the form went, seems to have fallen to Mr H. N. -Lay, whose place was very soon to know him no more; but, in the words -of Lord Elgin, "anybody could have made the treaty." - -The contents of the treaty, signed June 26, 1858, fulfilled the -instructions of Lord Clarendon, and the commercial articles which -constituted its main body corresponded substantially with the -desiderata of the merchants as set forth in their memorials in -response to the invitation of Lord Elgin, the treaty going in advance -of their demands on certain points and falling short of them on -others. Opium was not mentioned, but was afterwards placed on the -tariff; and a toleration clause for the Christian religion was -inserted, without much apparent consideration for the consequences -involved in it. A special memorandum from Consul Alcock, called for by -the Foreign Office, had dwelt mainly on the precautions which should -accompany the exercise of such new privileges as promiscuous residence -in the interior; but, excepting in the case of merchants, where little -or no risk was involved, the warnings of Mr Alcock were unheeded alike -in the text of the treaty and in the subsidiary regulations. - -"The most important matter gained by the treaty," however, in the -opinion of Lord Elgin, was "the resident Minister at Peking," "without -which," wrote Mr Parkes, "the treaty was not worth a straw." And -substituting "lost" for "gained," such was also the opinion of the -Chinese negotiators. It was, indeed, the universal opinion. Diplomatic -representation at Peking might be fairly considered to have been the -primary object of the war of 1857-58, as commercial extension and -access to Canton had been that of 1839-42. And when "the miserable war -was finished" and "his liberty regained" Lord Elgin cleared out his -force, bag and baggage, as if he had been escaping from something, -leaving not a trace behind. - -As this move constituted a veritable crisis in Anglo-Chinese -relations, it seems advisable for a moment to consider its bearings. -Judging after the event, it is of course easy to perceive the fatal -error of Lord Elgin in hurrying away from the Peiho. A fair criticism -of his policy will confine itself strictly to the circumstances as -known at the time. His experience had so closely resembled that of his -predecessors, that he was aware that the Chinese were "yielding -nothing to reason and everything to fear." He had seen with his own -eyes the Queen's ratifications of previous treaties exhumed from a -collection of miscellaneous papers in Canton, they being, as -Commissioner Yeh remarked, not worth sending to Peking; he knew that -the treaty of Nanking had been observed by the Chinese only as far as -force or fear compelled them, and that its crucial stipulation had -been for many years evaded, and then with unmasked arrogance -repudiated; he knew that the very war in which he had been engaged, -and his whole mission to China, were caused and provoked by the -refusal of the provincial authorities to admit his predecessors or -himself within the walls of Canton. In his own ultimatum to -Commissioner Yeh, Lord Elgin had asked no more than the execution of -the treaty of Nanking, which included access to the city of Canton, -and compensation for damage to British property. Yet the Chinese -Government, dreading war as they did, had notwithstanding incurred its -hazards rather than open the gates of a distant provincial city. How, -then, were they likely to regard the, to them, infinitely greater -outrage of resident foreign Ministers in the sacred capital itself? -This demand was practically the only one against which the Chinese -commissioners made a stand. When everything had been written down -ready for signature they drew back, saying it was as much as their -heads were worth to subscribe such a condition. The answer was a -peremptory threat to march on Peking, whereupon the commissioners -signed the paper without another word. The crisis did not last -twenty-four hours. No one could believe that a miracle of conversion -had been wrought in that time, or that the enforced signature of the -Imperial Commissioners had changed a fundamental principle of Chinese -policy. What, under these circumstances, was the "present value" of -the treaty? Was it so much as conceivable that it would be voluntarily -carried out? Was it not evident rather that it was signed under -_duresse_ solely with the immediate view of getting the barbarians out -of doors and leaving the key within? What said the imperial decree -published in the 'Peking Gazette'? "The barbarians[39] had come -headlong with their ships to Tientsin. Moved by the commands of -Kweiliang and his colleagues, they have now weighed anchor and stood -out to sea." If our former treaty needed a material guarantee for its -execution, how much more this one? The test of good faith was in Lord -Elgin's own hands; he should clearly have applied it, and presented -himself at Peking for audience of the emperor. Perhaps it would have -been refused, in which case he would have at least known where he -stood. A campaign against Peking would have been easy with the handy -force he possessed, or at the worst he could have occupied Tientsin -and the Taku forts until all questions were settled. - -This was the view generally held at the time both by officials and the -lay community in China, before any untoward consequences had revealed -themselves. It was strongly expressed by Parkes, who deplored "the -ominous omission that Lord Elgin had gone away to Japan without -entering Peking or having an audience with the emperor." We have not -the advantage of knowing what Wingrove Cooke would have said of it, -but we may infer the prevailing opinion by what another newspaper -correspondent wrote from Shanghai on the receipt of the first news of -the signing of the treaty:-- - - SHANGHAI, _July 13, 1858_.[40] - - The "Chinese War," properly so called, has now reached its - termination, and the fleet in the Gulf of Pechili is - dispersing. Lord Elgin arrived here yesterday with the new - treaty, which his brother, the Hon. F. Bruce, carries home - by the present mail. The document will not be published - until it is ratified by the Queen, but in the mean time the - chief points of it may be tolerably well guessed at. The - diplomatists are confident that the new treaty will "give - satisfaction." That is saying a good deal, but how could it - be otherwise than satisfactory? The emperor was so - terror-struck by our audacious advance on Tientsin, that he - was ready to concede everything we wanted rather than see - us approach any nearer to his capital. There could have - been but little discussion--the ambassadors had simply to - make their terms. The new treaty, then, provides for - indemnification for losses at Canton, a contribution - towards the expenses of the war (for which Canton is held - as a guarantee), the opening of more ports for trade, - freedom of access to the interior, toleration for - Christians, and a resident Minister at Peking. The only - omission seems to be that Lord Elgin did not himself go to - Peking; for unless the right of residence at the capital - receives a practical recognition from the Chinese - Government at once, it will certainly lead to vexatious - discussion whenever we wish to exercise it. The right of - entry into Canton, conceded by the treaty of Nanking, but - not insisted on through the timidity of our - representatives, ought to have taught us a useful lesson. - While the emperor is in a state of alarm anything may be - done with him, but when the pressure is removed and the - fleet dispersed, Pharaoh's heart will certainly be - hardened, and then Chinese ingenuity will be employed in - evading as many of the provisions of the treaty as they - dare. Let us hope, however, that when the weather cools a - little and the thing can be done comfortably, Lord Elgin - may still pay a friendly visit to his new allies at their - headquarters [which he more than once threatened to do]. - -Such was contemporary opinion unbiassed as yet by visible effects. -When the tragedy took place a year later, of course people spoke out -more clearly. Parkes then wrote:-- - - The Chinese Government never intended, nor do they intend, - if they can avoid it, to carry out the Elgin treaty. It was - granted by them against their will, and we omitted all - precautions necessary to ensure its being carried out--I - mean, in quitting Tientsin as we did in July 1858, instead - of remaining there until the treaty had been actually - carried into effect. You will recollect in what a hurry the - admiral and Lord Elgin, one and all, were to leave and run - off to recreate in Japan and elsewhere. By that step they - just undid all they had previously done. - -Writing eighteen months after the event, and six months after the Taku -repulse, Laurence Oliphant fully confirmed the views of Parkes. "The -political importance," he observed, "of such an achievement"--_i.e._, -a march to Peking--"it is impossible to overestimate. The much-vexed -question of the reception of a British Minister at the capital would -have been set at rest for ever." He then goes on to give a number of -exculpatory reasons for the omission, which would have been more -convincing had they been stated by Lord Elgin himself in despatches -written at the time. - -Nor was Lord Elgin's own explanation to the House of Lords any more -satisfying. "In point of fact," he said, "I was never charged with the -ratification of the treaty. The treaty was never placed in my -possession. I never had the option of going to Peking." If his -lordship had had a better case he would never have elected to rest his -vindication on a piece of verbal finesse. Yet this speech gave their -Lordships for the moment "wonderful satisfaction."[41] - -The omission to consummate the treaty was followed a few months later -by an act of commission of which it is difficult to render any clear -account, and which Oliphant in his 'Narrative' makes no attempt to -explain, merely reproducing the official despatches. Before leaving -China Lord Elgin pulled the key-stone from the arch of his own work, -reducing the treaty to that condition which Parkes had described as -"not worth a straw." At the instance of the Chinese commissioners he -moved her Majesty's Government to suspend the operation of "the most -important" article in it, the residence of a British Minister in -Peking. It is needless to follow the arguments, utterly unreal and -having no root either in history or in experience, by which this fatal -course was urged upon the Government, for they were of the same -species as those which had induced her Majesty's Ministers to -tolerate for fourteen years the exclusion of their representatives -from Canton, the right to enter which city had just been recovered by -force. It is most instructive to mark, as the key to many failures, -how, like successive generations of youth, successive British agents -in China have failed to profit by the experience of their -predecessors, and have had in so many cases to buy their own at the -expense of their country; for we see still the same thing indefinitely -repeating itself, like a recurring decimal. Even at this the end of -the nineteenth century we seem as far off as ever from laying hold of -any saving principle, though it stares at us out of the whole panorama -of our intercourse. Lord Elgin's procedure afforded at once the best -example what to do and the clearest warning what to avoid in China, -and it is the most useful for future guidance for the reason that -effect followed cause as closely as report follows flash. It was his -fate, much against his will apparently, to wage war on China in order -to revindicate a right which had lapsed through the weakness and -wrong-headedness of certain British representatives; yet in the -closing act of a perfectly successful war he commits the self-same -error on a more comprehensive scale, entailing on some future -Government and plenipotentiary the necessity of making yet another war -on China to recover what he was giving away. What is the explanation -of this continuous repetition of the same mistake? It would seem that, -knowing nothing of the Chinese, yet imagining they know something, the -representatives of Great Britain and of other Powers, notably the -United States, have been in the habit of evolving from their own -consciousness and keeping by them a subjective Chinaman with whom -they play "dummy," and of course "score horribly," as the most recent -diplomatic slang has it. Their despatches are full of this game--of -reckoning without their host, who, when brought to book, turns out to -be a wholly different personage from the intelligent automaton kept -for Cabinet use. Then, under the shock of this discovery, -denunciations of treachery--black, base, and so forth--relieve the -feelings of the foiled diplomat, while the substance of his previous -triumph has quite eluded him. To this kind of illusion Lord Elgin was -by temperament more predisposed than perhaps any of his predecessors -save Captain Elliot. Though convinced by his first encounter that -Chinese statesmen were "fools and tricksters," the simulacrum soon -asserted supremacy over the actuality of experience, and to the honour -of the very persons so stigmatised he committed the interests of his -country, abandoning all the securities which he held in his hand. - -But what, then, is the secret of dealing with the Chinese which so -many able men, not certainly intending to make failures, have missed? -This interesting question is thus partially answered by Wingrove -Cooke. "The result of all I hear and see," he wrote, "is a settled -conviction that at present we know nothing--absolutely nothing--of the -nature of those elements which are at work inside China. Crotchets, -&c., are rife, but they are all the offspring of vain imaginings, not -sober deductions from facts.... Treat John Chinaman as a man, and -exact from him the duties of a civilised man, and you will have no -more trouble with him." Which is but a paraphrase of Lord -Palmerston's prescription to consider the Chinese as "not greatly -different from the rest of mankind." Such, however, has always been -too simple a formula for the smaller minds. They would complicate it -by trying, with ludicrous effect, to get behind the brain of the -Chinese and play their opponent's hand as well as their own. Probably -it matters less on what particular footing we deal with the Chinese -than the consistency with which we adhere to it. To treat them as -_proteges_, and excuse them as minors or imbeciles while yet allowing -them the full licence and privileges of the adult and the sane, is -manifestly absurd. To treat them as dependent and independent at the -same time can lead to nothing but confusion and violent injustice. To -allow engagements with them to become waste paper is the surest road -to their ruin and our discomfiture. To let our Yea be Yea, and our -Nay, Nay, is as much the Law and the Prophets in China as it is -throughout the world of diplomacy. To this simplicity Lord Elgin had -attained, at least in theory, when he told the merchants of Shanghai -that in dealing with Chinese officials he had "been guided by two -simple rules of action. I have never preferred a demand which I did -not believe to be both moderate and just, and from a demand so -preferred I have never receded." - -What misgiving troubled the repose of Lord Elgin as to the good faith -of the Imperial Government on which he had ventured so much, may be -partly inferred from his avidity in catching at any straw which might -support his faith. Hearing that "his friends the two Imperial -Commissioners" who had signed the treaty were appointed to meet him in -Shanghai to arrange the tariff, Lord Elgin welcomed the news as -"proof that the emperor has made up his mind to accept the treaty." -But as the emperor had already, by imperial decree dated 3rd July, and -communicated in the most formal manner to Lord Elgin, expressly -sanctioned the treaty before the plenipotentiary left Tientsin, -wherefore the anxiety for further proofs of his good intentions? "This -decree was forced out of the emperor," Mr Oliphant tells us, "by Lord -Elgin's pertinacity"--and the threat of bringing up to Tientsin a -regiment of British soldiers then at the mouth of the river! As a -matter of fact, the mission of the two Imperial Commissioners was of -quite another character from that assigned to it by Lord Elgin. The -two men were sent to complete their task of preventing by every means -the advent of the barbarians to Peking, just as Lord Elgin himself -was, two years later, sent back to China to finish his work, which was -to bring the said barbarians into the imperial city. Between two such -missions there could be neither reconciliation nor compromise. - -There is authority for stating that the Imperial Commissioners were -expressly sent by the emperor to Shanghai (1) to annul the whole -treaty of Tientsin, and (2) failing the whole, as much of it as -possible, but especially the article providing for a Minister at -Peking. The ostensible purpose of the mission, from the foreign point -of view, was the settlement of the tariff and trade regulations,--about -which, however, the Chinese cared very little,--and delegates were -appointed for this purpose. The labour was conscientiously performed, -on one side at any rate, and the result was highly creditable to the -delegates. It was by insertion in the tariff of imports that opium -became recognised, chiefly, it would appear, at the instance of the -United States Minister, Mr W. B. Reed, who was on the spot. - -Apart from the tariff two principal questions occupied the minds of -the negotiators of the treaty--the actual situation at Canton on the -part of the English, and the prospective residence in Peking on the -part of the Chinese. Lord Elgin hoped, by an appeal to the treaty of -peace, to put an end to the hostile proceedings of officials and -people which had harassed the occupying force in Canton with impunity -for nine months. But it was the treaty itself against which officials, -gentry, and braves were making war, just as they had done in the case -of the treaty of 1842. There was no ambiguity about the movement. The -Government was carried on not in Canton but in the neighbouring city -of Fatshan, where the Governor-General Huang, who had been appointed -to succeed Yeh, held his court and issued his decrees. Two months -after the occupation of Canton the puppet whom the Allies had -installed there admitted that the object of the assemblage of braves -was to retake the city. Two months after the signature of the treaty -and its acceptance by the emperor the Governor-General Huang was -publicly offering a reward of $30,000 for the head of Parkes, and was -stimulating the people in every way to expel the foreigners from the -city. All this was in perfect accord both with imperial policy and -with Chinese ethics. It had the full sanction of the emperor, just as -similar operations had formerly had of his father. For the grand -purpose of destroying or impairing the treaty there was no distinction -in the Chinese mind between legitimate and illegitimate, honourable or -treacherous, methods. - -Lord Elgin, who had returned from Japan to Shanghai to meet the -Imperial Commissioners in September, disappointed at their -non-arrival, opened communications with them by a threat of returning -to Tientsin and thus saving them the trouble of completing their slow -journey to Shanghai. On their eventual arrival there he opened a -diplomatic campaign against Canton by a demand (October 7) to know -under what authority Huang and the military committees were organising -attacks on the Allies. In reply the Imperial Commissioners naively -proposed to promulgate the treaty. This frivolous answer provoked the -rejoinder (October 9) that the treaty had been three months before -publicly sanctioned by imperial decree, that something more than -"documents and professions" were required to satisfy Lord Elgin on a -question of "peace or war," and he demanded the removal of the -Governor-General Huang. The commissioners then said they had denounced -Huang to the throne, and hoped for his removal at no very distant -date. They would also move his Majesty the Emperor to withdraw his -authority from the hostile militia. Canton being thus disposed of, as -he supposed, Lord Elgin proceeded to other business. But the -hostilities at Canton continued without the least abatement for three -months longer, until something more strenuous than diplomatising with -the Imperial Commissioners was resorted to. The British Government had -at last become exasperated, and the Foreign Secretary, Lord -Malmesbury, wrote on October 14 to Lord Elgin, "The most severe -measures against the braves are the only ones which will obtain the -recognition by the Cantonese of the treaty of Tientsin." It was not -long before Lord Elgin himself became converted to the same belief, -for on January 20, 1859, he wrote to General van Straubenzee, after -some successful reprisals he had made on the village braves, that -"advantage should be taken of the cool weather to familiarise the -rural inhabitants of the vicinity of Canton with the presence of our -troops, and to punish severely braves or others who venture to attack -them." By this time also he had realised that the promise on which he -relied in October had been evaded, and he told the Imperial -Commissioners on January 22 that he would "have nothing more to say to -them on Canton matters,--that our soldiers and sailors would take the -braves into their own hands." - -The effect of the new tactics was immediate and satisfactory. When the -Allied troops began to move about they were welcomed in the very -hotbeds of hostility. "At Fatshan," writes General van Straubenzee on -January 28, "we were received most courteously by the authorities and -respectfully by the people." A five-days' excursion to Fa Yuen, the -headquarters of the anti-foreign committee, was likewise a perfect -success; and so everywhere throughout the Canton district. Lord Elgin -was now able to assume a bolder tone with the Imperial Commissioners -and address them in still plainer terms. - -"The moderation of the Allies," he wrote to them in February, "has -been misunderstood by the officials and gentry by whom the braves are -organised.... This habit of insult and outrage shall be put down with -the strong hand.... It shall be punished by the annihilation of all -who persist in it." There was no need for any such extreme remedy, for -as soon as the burglars realised that the watch-dog had been loosed -they ceased from troubling the household, and fell back on peaceful -and respectable ways of life. "With the cessation of official -instigation," Lord Elgin wrote in March, "hostile feeling on the part -of the inhabitants appears to have subsided," thus falling into line -with Consul Alcock, who wrote: "Clear proof was furnished that the -long-nurtured and often-invoked hostility of the Cantonese was -entirely of fictitious growth, due exclusively to the inclinations of -the mandarins as a part of the policy of the Court of Peking." And -then, too, the difficulty of removing the Governor-General Huang -disappeared. He had, in fact, been unsuccessful in expelling the -barbarians, just as Yeh had been, and the imperial decree superseding -him naturally followed. His presence or absence had then become of no -importance to the Allies, as, had he remained, he would have accepted -the accomplished fact of the foreign supremacy with as good a grace as -the gentry and their braves had done, for they never contemplated -endangering their lives by fighting. Outrages on stragglers, -assassination, kidnapping, and bravado filled up the repertory of -their militant resources, and when these were no longer effective they -retired into private life as if nothing had happened. The officials -were no less acquiescent once they realised that they had a master. - -The interest of this Canton episode lies in its relation to the -Chinese question generally. Foreign intercourse with China is marked -by a rhythm so regular that any part of it may be taken as an epitome -of the whole, like a pattern of wall-paper. From Canton we learn that -calculation of national advantage or danger, argument from policy, -even threats which are not believed, are so much "clouds and wind," -not profitable even as mental exercises. What alone is valid is -concrete fact; not treaties, but the execution of them. - - * * * * * - -The Imperial Commissioners had in good time presented their own demand -on Lord Elgin, and in most becoming terms, for between preferring and -meeting a request there is all the difference in the world. The two -Chinese signatories of the treaty frankly avowed that they had signed -without scrutiny under military pressure, and that certain -stipulations were highly inconvenient to the Imperial Government, -particularly the right of keeping a Minister in residence in Peking. -Lord Elgin agreed to move his Government, and the Government consented -to waive the right, conditionally. Lord Elgin laid stress on the -retention of the right as a right, forgetting that in China a right -conditionally waived is a right definitely abandoned. Nor only so, but -so far from consolidating what remains, it constitutes a -vantage-ground for demanding further concessions, and in other fields -of international relations besides that of China. Nothing therefore -could have been wider of the mark than any expectation that "the -decision of her Majesty's Government respecting residence in Peking -would induce the Chinese Government to receive in a becoming manner a -representative of her Majesty when he proceeds to the Peiho to -exchange the ratification." Experience pointed to quite the opposite -effect. - -These critical remarks are by no means intended either to belittle -Lord Elgin's good work, to depreciate his real statesmanship, or to -scoff at his sensibility and high-mindedness. But his errors being -like a flaw in a steel casting, pregnant with destruction, and as the -same kind of flaw continues to vitiate many of our smaller diplomatic -castings, the China question could not really be understood without -giving proper consideration to them. For the rest, as a despatch -writer Lord Elgin was both copious and able--he did not take a double -first at Oxford for nothing. Still, his writings and orations are -scarcely the source whence one would seek for light and leading on the -Chinese problem. They are vitiated by self-vindication. Many of them -are elaborate efforts to make the worse appear the better reason, -while their political philosophy is based too much on speculative -conceptions where ascertained data were available. - -On the last day of July 1858 Lord Elgin with his suite set out on -their memorable voyage to Japan, the narrative of which has been so -skilfully woven by Laurence Oliphant. This episode will claim our -attention later. His lordship came, saw, and conquered--returned to -China in a month crowned with fresh laurels. At Shanghai he saw the -tariff settled, and then performed another pioneer voyage of -prodigious significance. This was up the Yangtze as far as the great -central emporium Hankow. Captain Sherard Osborn was the Palinurus of -that original and venturesome voyage. After that, Lord Elgin bent his -steps towards England; but before leaving China the ghosts of things -done and undone haunted him. "A variety of circumstances lead me to -the conclusion that the Court of Peking is about to play us false," -was the melancholy epitaph he wrote on his mixed policy, on his honest -attempt to make war with rose-water, and his subordination, on -critical occasions, of judgment to sentiment. - -Meantime his brother Frederick, who had carried the Tientsin treaty to -London, was returning with it and the Queen's ratification and his -letter of credence as British Minister to China. The _denoument_ of -the plot was now at hand. The real mind of the Chinese Government was -finally declared in the sanguinary reception the new envoy met with at -the entrance of the Peiho in June 1859. Frederick Bruce was generally -considered a man of larger calibre than his elder brother. "In -disposition he was a fine, upright, honourable fellow," writes Sir -Hope Grant, "and in appearance tall and strong made, with a remarkably -good expression of countenance." But it took even him a long time to -fathom the new situation. After his disastrous repulse from the Taku -forts he wrote in August, "I regret much that when the permanent -residence was waived it was not laid down in detail what the reception -of the Minister at Peking was to be." But it was no question of detail -that barred his passage to Peking. It was the settled determination -never to see the face of any foreign Minister; and it seems strange -that it should have taken not only another year but another war -finally to convince the British plenipotentiaries and their Government -that the message of China from first to last, from Peking and Canton, -had been to fling the treaty in their face. - - [Illustration: SIR FREDERICK BRUCE.] - - -II. LORD ELGIN'S SECOND MISSION. - - Invasion of Peking -- Convention of Peking -- Establishment - of the British Legation -- Russian and British, a contrast. - -The Chinese perfidy at Taku had of course to be avenged. A formidable -expedition was equipped by the Allied Powers, Lord Elgin and Baron -Gros being reappointed as plenipotentiaries. The history of the famous -Peking campaign of 1860, with its tragic incidents, has been impressed -on the world by so many writers, military and civil, most of them -actors in the scenes they depict, that the barest outline of events -may suffice in this place. - -In the preliminary agreement between the two Governments, the British -military force was limited to 10,000 effectives; but the number -actually placed in the field exceeded that figure by the consent of -the French, whose forces were between 6000 and 7000. The British -contingent was commanded by General Sir Hope Grant, the French by -General Montauban, afterwards created Count Palikao,--"a fine, -handsome, soldier-like man, apparently under sixty years of age." - -The naval forces were commanded respectively by Vice-Admiral Sir James -Hope, "a tall, noble-looking man, with a prepossessing and most -gentlemanlike appearance,"[42] and by Admiral Page, "a superior man -with a great deal of dry humour, but bad-tempered."[43] - -The friction arising between Allies working together, waiting for each -other, consulting at every step, taking precedence of each other on -alternate days, at first vexatious, was in the end overcome by the -tact of the commanders on both sides. - -The first operation of war was to occupy the harbour of Chusan as an -intermediate base. After that the British force was conveyed in -transports to Talien-wan, where they were disembarked, while the -French were landed at Chefoo, on the opposite shore of the Gulf of -Pechili. At these points preparations were made for the intended -descent on the coast of the province of Chihli, between 200 and 300 -miles to the westward. The British force included 1000 cavalry in -splendid condition, and a battery of Armstrong guns, then for the -first time used in active service. The French had no cavalry, the -attempts to import horses from Japan were not successful, and the -scarcity of draught-animals on their side caused great delay in the -sailing of the expedition from the temporary depots. At length on July -26 a fleet of over 200 sail--a magnificent spectacle--carried the two -armies to within twenty miles of the Peiho, where they anchored, -waiting for favourable weather and a minute reconnaissance. - -The one piece of strategy in the campaign was the choice of a -landing-place. The Taku forts, which had been strong enough to repulse -Sir James Hope with severe loss a year before, had been further -strengthened, for to the Chinese it was a matter of life and death to -bar the entrance to the Peiho. The chain barrier across the mouth of -the river could not be forced under the concentrated fire of the -forts; only the lightest draught vessels could approach within five -miles; and a frontal attack was not to be thought of. But a decided -difference of opinion between the Allied generals had disclosed -itself as to the mode of procedure. The French commander was -determined to land on the coast to the southward of the forts; the -English was still more resolute in selecting as a landing-place the -mouth of the Peitang river, eight miles northward of Taku. So -irreconcilable were their views that it was agreed that each should go -his own way, only starting simultaneously. After more careful study, -however, General Montauban came to think better of his own scheme, and -proposed to Sir Hope Grant to join him in the landing at Peitang. - -So on August 2 the first detachments of 2000 from each army were -disembarked, and the campaign proper commenced. The forts at Peitang -were easily occupied, "a kind old man" pointing out where there were -loaded shells which would explode on foot pressure on a gun-lock laid -so as to fire a train. By means of a raised causeway leading through a -sea of "briny slush," positions were reached whence the Taku forts -could be attacked from the rear. Though bravely defended, the forts on -the left bank were captured, and as they commanded those on the -opposite bank no resistance was offered by the latter. The Peiho was -thus opened for the conveyance of troops and stores to Tientsin, which -was made the base of operations for the advance of the Allied armies -on Peking. - -The military movements were hampered by the presence of the two -plenipotentiaries, who stopped on the way to negotiate with the -unbeaten foe. Delay was not the only untoward consequence of these -proceedings. At one moment a military disaster seemed to have been -narrowly escaped. Taking advantage of the singular credulity of the -Allies, the Chinese, while engaging them in friendly negotiations, had -planned to decoy the army into a convenient camping-ground at -Changchia-wan, towards which the troops were marching, when, "To my -surprise," writes the commander-in-chief, "we found a strong Tartar -picket, who retired on our approach; and a little farther on were seen -great bodies of cavalry and infantry, the latter drawn up behind a -large nullah to our right front, displaying a number of banners." In -the meantime the envoys, Parkes, Loch, and other officers, who had -been negotiating with the higher mandarins at Tungchow, a couple of -miles off, were seized and made prisoners with their escort, all being -subsequently cruelly tortured, and most of them massacred, in -accordance with Chinese practice in war. - -Sir Hope Grant, finding his army of 4000 men in process of being -hemmed in, attacked and routed the Chinese troops on September 18, -resuming his march on the 21st, when the remainder of his force had -joined him. He had not gone far, however, when the way was again -barred, and another action had to be fought at the bridge Pali-chiao, -ten miles from Peking, where General Montauban distinguished himself, -and whence he derived his title. - -Far from owning themselves defeated, the Chinese on the morrow resumed -negotiations as between equals. The Imperial Commissioners who had -mismanaged the affair were replaced by Prince Kung, a brother of the -emperor, who sent letters under a flag of truce, saying he was ready -to come to terms, but "said nothing about our poor prisoners." The -Allied plenipotentiaries declined to treat until the captives should -be returned, whereupon Prince Kung sent another letter saying they -were safe, but would only be sent back on the restitution of the Taku -forts and the evacuation of the river by the Allied fleets. - -Lord Elgin had demanded that he should deliver the Queen's letter in -person to the emperor. Prince Kung refused this demand, which Lord -Elgin incontinently abandoned. Waxing bolder, Prince Kung next -threatened that the entry of the Allied forces into the capital would -be followed by the instant massacre of the prisoners. The -plenipotentiaries retorted by intimating that the surrender of -prisoners was a necessary condition of the suspension of hostilities. -A week having been wasted in this vain seesaw, an ultimatum was sent -into Peking on September 30. This was answered by the Chinese inviting -the Allies to retire to Changchia-wan, the scene of the great defeat -of their army, offering to sign the treaty there. And so the contest -was maintained until the Allied artillery was planted within sixty -yards of the north gate, and the hour was about to strike when the -wall was to be battered down. - -Most valuable information--the topography of the city--had been -supplied by General Ignatieff, who accompanied the Allies. A map which -he lent to Sir Hope Grant showed every street and house of importance -in Peking, laid down by a scientific member of the Russian mission in -the city. The data had been obtained by traversing the streets in a -cart, from which angles were taken, while an indicator fixed to the -wheel marked the distances covered. Without this plan the attack would -have been made from the south side, as proposed by General Montauban, -which would have involved a march through the commercial or Chinese -quarter, and the surmounting first of the Chinese and then of the -Tartar wall. The map made it clear that from every point of view the -north side offered the most eligible point of attack, where nothing -intervened between a great open plain and the wall of the Manchu city. - -Passing over the dramatic incidents of the destruction of the Summer -Palace, an act of calculated vengeance for the murder and maltreatment -of envoys and prisoners, the flight of the emperor on a hunting tour -to Jeho, whence he never returned, the release of the prisoners and -their account of the captivity, the new treaty was signed at the Hall -of Ceremonies on October 22, 1860, by Prince Kung, "a delicate -gentlemanlike man, evidently overcome with fear," and his coadjutor, -Hangki. The treaties of Tientsin were ratified, and some further -indemnities exacted. The special provisions introduced into the French -treaty will be referred to in a subsequent chapter.[44] - -The closing scene was marked by a degree of haste somewhat recalling -Tientsin in 1858. The very slow advance on Peking brought the climax -of the campaign unpleasantly close to the season when communication by -water would be shut off by ice; "the weather became bitterly cold, -some of the hills being covered with snow." And Sir Hope Grant's -never-failing counsellor, Ignatieff, with "his usual extreme -kindness," furnished him with the most important information that the -Peiho would soon become frozen up and it would be unsafe to linger in -Peking. Mr Loch's galloping off with the treaty, as shown in the -illustration, was rather typical of the whole business. The treaty -as such was of little consequence--the fulfilment of its provisions -was everything. - - [Illustration: MR LOCH DEPARTS FROM PEKING FOR ENGLAND WITH CHINESE - TREATY.] - -Some lessons, nevertheless, had been learned in the school of -diplomatic adversity. Peking was not left without a _locum tenens_ of -the Minister, Tientsin was not left without a garrison, and the Taku -forts were occupied by the Allies for a couple of years after the -final conclusion of peace. - -"Ring out the old; ring in the new." There seemed a natural fitness in -the Hon. Frederick Bruce succeeding the Earl of Elgin as Minister -plenipotentiary, and there was a dramatic finish in the farewell -ceremonial when the retiring representative of the Queen vacated the -seat of honour, placing therein his younger brother, whom he -introduced to Prince Kung as the accredited agent of Great Britain. -The new era was inaugurated; a real representative of her Britannic -Majesty was installed in the capital of the Son of Heaven. - -The season was late, and though two palaces had been granted on lease -for the residences of the British and the French Ministers, many -alterations and repairs were needed to render them fit for occupation, -which could not be effected before the closing of the sea -communication by ice. The Ministers therefore resolved to withdraw -from Peking for the winter, placing their respective legations in -charge of a junior consular officer, Mr Thomas Adkins, who volunteered -to hold the post until the return of the plenipotentiaries in the -following spring. - -Mr Adkins was not the only foreign sojourner in the Chinese capital. -There was a French Lazarist priest, Mouilli by name, who, having -successfully concealed himself among his native Christians during the -military advance of the Allies, emerged from his hiding-place on the -triumphant entry of the ambassadors, and showed himself in the streets -in a sedan chair with four bearers. There was the permanent Russian -establishment within the city, with its unbroken record of 173 years. -Originally composed of prisoners taken at the siege of Albazin, it had -become a seminary of the Orthodox Church and a political _vedette_ of -the Russian empire, invaluable to the two masterful diplomatists who -appeared suddenly on the scene in the years 1858 and 1860. The mission -served as a speculum through which Russia could look into the inner -recesses of the Chinese State, while to the Chinese it was a window of -bottle-glass through which the external world was refracted for them. -The Russian Government selects its agents on the principle on which we -select university crews or All-England elevens--namely, the most fit. -So important and far-sighted a scheme as the Peking mission was not -left to chance or the claims of seniority, but was maintained in the -highest efficiency. Its members--six ecclesiastical and four lay--were -changed every ten years. All of them, from the Archimandrite -downwards, were accomplished linguists, speaking Chinese like the -natives, and masters also of the Manchu and Mongol languages. Their -relations with the Chinese officials were unostentatious, yet -brotherly. Few secrets, either of administration, dynastic politics, -or official intrigue, no communications between the Government, -provincial or imperial, and any foreigners, escaped record in the -archives of the Russian mission. The _personnel_ were protected -from outrage or insult by their own tact and their traditional -prestige; and as the Daimios of Japan in their anti-foreign manifestos -declared that every foreigner could be insulted with impunity except -the Russians, so in China the name was a talisman of security. While -the Anglo-French expedition was marching towards Peking the Russian -Secretary, M. Popoff, had occasion to leave that city and pass the -night at a native inn on the road to Tientsin. The place became filled -with the retreating Chinese soldiery, and M. Popoff had the pleasure -of hearing their excited conversation respecting himself. They were -for dragging him out and killing him on the spot, when the landlord -interposed. "That foreigner is a Russian," said he; "it will be -dangerous to lay a hand on him." - - [Illustration: MONSEIGNEUR MOUILLI.] - -M. Popoff's errand was to meet General Ignatieff, who was making his -way to Peking with the Allied forces. It was of the utmost importance -that he should arrive simultaneously with the French and English -plenipotentiaries in order to save China from her doom. China's -extremity was Russia's opportunity for showing the sincerity of her -long unbroken friendship. The foreigners had come to possess -themselves of the empire and destroy the dynasty. Their ruthless -character was soon to be shown in the burning and pillage of the -Summer Palace. The Chinese Court's apprehension of the impending -calamity was proved by the flight of the emperor to a quasi-inaccessible -retreat. In that terrible crisis no sacrifice would have been deemed -by the imperial family too great to "get rid of the barbarians." -Confirming their own worst fears as to the designs of the invaders, -General Ignatieff revealed to them the only way of salvation. Nothing -would arrest the schemes of the Allies but the intervention of a -strong Power friendly to China. He had it in his power to make such -representations to Baron Gros and Lord Elgin as would induce them to -withdraw their troops. This essential service he offered to the Chinese -for a nominal consideration. Only a rectification of frontier by -inclusion of a sterile region inhabited by robbers and infested by -tigers, where no mandarin could make a living, fit only for a penal -settlement, with a rugged sea-coast where no Chinese sail was ever -seen. Prince Kung jumped at the providential offer of deliverance, and -so that great province called Primorsk, with its 600 miles of coast-line, -which gave to Russia the dominion of the East--"Vladivostock"--was -signed away by the panic-stricken rulers of China. A year later this -transaction cropped up in conversation over the teacups, after the -business of the day had been disposed of, between Prince Kung and a -certain foreign diplomatist, who remarked that there was never the -remotest intention on the part of the Allies of keeping a single -soldier in China after the treaty was made. The Prince looked aghast, -then said solemnly, "Do you mean to say we have been deceived?" -"Utterly," replied the other; and then the dejection of the Prince was -such as the foreigner, who lived to enjoy a twenty-years' acquaintance -with him, declared he never saw in his or any other Chinese -countenance. Thus General Ignatieff, without any force, in the vulgar -sense, of his own, was adroit enough and bold enough to wield the -forces of his belligerent neighbours so as to carry off the only -solid fruit of the war, while fulfilling the obligations of friendship -for China and denouncing her spoilers. - -The Russian envoy had not the same incentive to hurry away from Peking -as the other treaty-makers had, for the ice which would imprison them -would afford him the most expeditious road for travel homewards -through Siberia. He was nearly as much relieved as Prince Kung himself -at getting rid of these "barbarians," for then he had the field of -diplomacy all to himself. He made his treaty, and departed during the -winter by the back door, across Mongolia. - -Ignatieff was a man well known in English society, and thoroughly -conversant with England. Like most educated Russians, he was affable -and sympathetic--a "charming fellow." He was courteous and -companionable to the _locum tenens_ of the English Legation, and in -taking leave of Mr Adkins expressed the opinion that he would be all -right in his isolation so long as the emperor did not return to -Peking, but in that event his position would not be an enviable one. -However, "if you fear any trouble, go over to the Russian mission: -they will take care of you." - -The winter of 1860 left the statesmen of China some food for -reflection. The thundering legions had passed like a tornado which -leaves a great calm behind it. The "still small voice" had also -departed, with a province in his _chemadan_, gained without a shot or -even a shout. Two strongly contrasted foreign types had thus been -simultaneously presented to the astonished Chinese. Can it be doubted -which left the deeper impression? - -Preparations were made during the winter for receiving the foreign -Ministers in the spring. A department of Foreign Affairs was created -under the title of "Tsung-li Koh Kwoh She Yu Yamen," or briefly, -"Tsungli-Yamen," the three original members being Prince Kung, -Kweiliang, and Wensiang. The Yamen was established by imperial decrees -in January; Mr Bruce and M. Bourboulon arrived in March 1861, when -diplomacy proper began, the thread of which will be resumed in a later -section. - - [Illustration] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[37] "Verily," writes Wingrove Cooke, "Sir John Bowring, much abused -as he is both here and at home, has taken a more common-sense view of -these matters than the high diplomatists of England and France." - -[38] Before the conclusion of his second mission Lord Elgin's opinion -of at least one of those whom at the outset he disparaged had -undergone considerable modification. "Parkes," he wrote in 1860, "is -one of the most remarkable men I ever met for energy, courage, and -ability combined. I do not know where I could find his match." - -[39] Lord Elgin protested against the use of this tabooed term, but -took no exception to the statement as to his having obeyed the -commands of the Imperial Commissioners. - -[40] 'The Scotsman,' September 18, 1858. - -[41] It seems to have been a general opinion at the time that Lord -Elgin was deterred from proceeding to Peking by the protestations of -his learned advisers, who declared that his doing so would "shatter -the empire." - -[42] Sir Hope Grant's Journal. - -[43] Ibid. - -[44] Vol. ii. p. 224. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -INTERCOURSE UNDER THE TREATIES OF 1858 AND 1860. - - -I. THE DIPLOMATIC OVERTURE. - - Spontaneous fulfilment of treaties not to be expected -- - Retreating attitude of foreign Ministers -- Repression of - British tourists -- Hostility of Pekingese -- Conciliation - fails -- Chinese refuse to conclude treaty with Prussia -- - Glimpse of the real truth -- Rooted determination to keep - out foreigners -- Absence of the sovereign -- Female - regents -- Diplomatic forms in abeyance -- Foreign - Ministers' task complicated by assumed guardianship of - China -- Pleasant intercourse with Manchu statesmen. - -When Mr Bruce and M. Bourboulon took up their residence in Peking on -March 22, 1861, diplomacy was as yet a white sheet on which it was -their part to trace the first characters. The treaty--for all the -treaties were substantially one--was their charter; its integral -fulfilment their only safety. For as it had not been a bargain of -give-and-take between equals, but an imposition pure and simple by the -strong upon the weak, there would be no spontaneous fulfilment of its -obligations, rather a steady counter-pressure, as of water forcibly -confined seeking out weak spots in the dam. Moreover, the two parties -to the treaty, foreigners and Chinese, were not acquainted with each -other: aims, incentives, temper and character, and the nature of the -considerations by which they respectively would be influenced, were -all obscure. It was an uncertain situation, calling for vigilance and -caution. There can be no doubt the pregnant importance of the first -steps was realised by the representatives on both sides. The thoughts -of the Chinese on that critical occasion can only be inferred from -their acts. Of what was uppermost in the minds of the foreigners, or -at least of the English Minister, we have some slight indications from -the pen of a member of his staff, who, though not himself in the -diplomatic circle, claims to be the authorised chronicler of the early -days of the mission. This pretension is implicitly indorsed by the -fact that the preface to Dr Rennie's book[45] was written in -Government House, Calcutta, whither he followed Lord Elgin in the -capacity of physician. When the Ministers had only been five days in -Peking Dr Rennie wrote as follows: "Now is commencing perhaps the most -difficult part of a permanent English residency at Peking--namely, the -satisfying the Chinese that we are a tolerably harmless and -well-intentioned people, inclined to live with them on terms of amity -rather than the contrary, and that the desire of our Government is -that its subjects should respect, as much as is consistent with -reason, their national prejudices." - -Such an immaculate sentiment placed in the very forefront of an -ambassadorial programme, ushered in at the cost of two wars which -shook the foundations of the Chinese empire, leaves something to be -desired as a justification for being in Peking at all. But Dr Rennie -indicates no other purpose for which foreign legations were -established there. He does not get beyond the mere "residency." A -viceroy of India proclaiming at each stage of a "progress" that he was -a man of peace, a bride hoping to lead a passably virtuous life, would -scarcely be more naive than a foreign Minister's pious aspiration to -behave tolerably well to the Chinese. For where was the "difficulty," -one is tempted to ask? It is explained by Dr Rennie. - -Two English officers, it appears, had made an excursion to the Great -Wall without the necessary consular and local authorisation, and had -further shown "the bad taste, at a date so recent to its destruction," -to visit the Summer Palace. A formal complaint of these indiscretions -met Mr Bruce on his arrival, and credit must be given to the Chinese -for their appreciation of the tactical value of what Scotswomen call -"the first word of flytin'." They moved the first pawn, and put the -British Minister at once on the defensive. He responded by an -arbitrary exercise of authority whereby Englishmen were prohibited -from visiting Peking. The restriction possessed little direct -importance, since few persons were then affected by it; but as the -opening act of the new diplomacy, its significance could hardly be -overrated. Though "only a little one," it was a recession from the -right conferred on the subjects of all treaty Powers to travel for -business or pleasure not only to Peking, but throughout the Chinese -empire. It was as the tuning-fork to the orchestra. - -It is not permissible to suppose that the British Minister had not -good reasons for swerving from the principle of exercising rights, -great and small, for which, as he well knew, experience in China had -been one long, unbroken, cogent argument. Dr Rennie furnishes his -readers with the reason. "The Chinese," he observes, "would seem to -be very sensitive"; and "taking all the circumstances into -consideration, ... the fear that casual visits on the part of -strangers ... may prove antagonistic to the establishment of a -harmonious feeling at the opening of a new era in our intercourse with -the Chinese," the Minister resolved to keep Englishmen (and only them) -out of the capital. - -This explanation, like that of the purpose of the Legation itself, -leaves on us a sense of inadequacy. These hyper-sensitive people had -been engaged, only six months before, in torturing and massacring -foreign envoys and prisoners, for which atrocities the destruction and -sack of Yuen-ming-yuen was thought to be not too severe a reprisal. -That the high officials who had committed these cruelties and endured -the penalty should suddenly become so delicate that they could not -bear the thought of a harmless tourist looking upon the ruins of the -palace seems a somewhat fantastical idea. As for the sensitiveness of -the townspeople, Dr Rennie himself had some experience of it three -days after penning the above remarks. "A good deal of shouting and -hooting," he says, was followed by "stones whizzing past me." Then "my -horse was struck by a stone" and bolted. A similar experience befell -another member of the Legation on the same day in another part of the -city. Dr Rennie believed the stones to have been thrown by boys, which -is probable enough. The favourite Chinese official palliation of -outrages on foreigners is to attribute them to youths and poor -ignorant people, which, however, in nowise softens the impact of the -missile. Let us give the Chinese full credit for the virtues they -possess--and they are many--but no one familiar with the streets of -Peking would consider delicacy their predominant characteristic. View -the diplomatic incident how we please, it cannot be denied that the -Chinese drew first blood in the new contest, and at the same time -practically tested the disposition of the invading force. - -Another "straw" from Dr Rennie's journal may be noticed as indicating -the set of the current. _Apropos_ of the first commercial case that -had been sent up from the ports to the Minister, he records the -conclusion that "in almost every dispute which arises between -ourselves and the Chinese we are in the first instance in the wrong; -but, unfortunately [for whom?], the Chinese equally invariably adopt -the wrong method of putting matters right," so that "the original -wrong committed by us is entirely lost sight of." The observation -refers exclusively to mercantile affairs, and it was a rather large -generalisation to make after a month's experimental diplomacy in -Peking. - -The Minister soon found that his efforts to placate the Chinese -Government were not producing the intended effect. It was not the -"casual visitor" that in any special way annoyed them, but the -foreigner in all his moods and tenses, most of all Mr Bruce himself, -his colleagues and their staff, medical and other, and all that they -stood for. General Ignatieff had not, after all, conjured away the -foreign plague, nor were the Chinese statesmen entirely reassured even -as to their immunity from the military danger. In the month of April -Admiral Hope, Brigadier-General Staveley, and Mr Parkes visited -Peking, and were courteously received; but Prince Kung was visibly -relieved, Dr Rennie tells us, when assured that the admiral was not to -remain there. As for the general, his presence in the vicinity was -inevitable so long as a considerable British and French force remained -in garrison in Tientsin and Taku. Like the Ministers themselves, he -was an unpleasant necessity to be endured as well as may be. But being -thus obliged to tolerate the greater evil, it would appear to Western -reasoning that an admiral more or less in an inland town need not have -so greatly upset Chinese equanimity. Prince Kung, however, was not yet -able to look on such matters with Western eyes. Every foreigner kept -at arm's-length, no matter what his rank or condition, was a gain, as -every locust destroyed is a gain to the peasant. - -So when the Prussian envoy, Count Eulenberg, presented himself, the -British Minister vouching for his respectability, for the purpose of -making a treaty on the lines of those already made and ratified, his -efforts were frustrated by every plausible device. The envoy was -relegated to the most distant point at which it was deemed feasible to -stay his progress--namely, Tientsin, where negotiations were -vexatiously protracted during four months. The first and final -sticking-point was the claim to residence in the capital, which the -Chinese absolutely refused to concede. Eventually they agreed to -compound for a deferred entry ten years after signature. This by -haggling was finally reduced to five years, and the treaty was -thereupon concluded in August 1861. The old Canton tactics were thus -revived, as if nothing had happened since 1857. - -As the echo of Mr Bruce, Dr Rennie's comment on the proceeding is -worth noting. "Looks very like merely gaining time, in hopes that, -before that period expires, _all foreign residence in the capital_ -will be at an end." Here we catch a glimpse of the fundamental truth -underlying all Chinese diplomacy from first to last--the purpose, -never relaxed for an instant, of some day expelling foreigners from -the country. No foreigner could hope to unravel the tangle of Chinese -reasoning so as to comprehend in what manner the exclusion of one -State was to assist in the eviction of the representatives of four -Great Powers already established in the capital; but it may be -inferred from the above remark that Mr Bruce was beginning to perceive -that good behaviour towards the Chinese was not the be-all and end-all -of the functions of a British representative in China. There was -another side. We know, in fact, though Dr Rennie does not record it, -that Mr Bruce began to see the necessity of making a stand against the -reactionary pressure of the Chinese; that he was resolved on bending -the Ministers of the Yamen to his will--being satisfied he could do -it--instead of yielding to theirs in the vain hope of gaining their -confidence. - -The grand desideratum had been at last obtained, access to the -capital; but how different the realisation from the anticipation! -There was no sovereign and no Court, only the shell of the nut without -the kernel. And as diplomacy began so it continued, in successive -illusions, partially dispelled, yet clung to with slow-dying hope. - -At first sight, no doubt, the task of the foreign representatives -seemed an easy one: they had but to lay down the law to a defeated -Power, to hammer the softened metal. This course would have been as -simple in fact as it was in principle had they been united, and had it -been possible for them to take a simple view of their mission; but -from the first their duty to their respective countries was -complicated, and in varying degrees, by what they conceived to be -their duty towards China. It was inevitable that the attempt to follow -two lines of policy divided by such cleavage should result in a fall -into the crevasse. China, in fact, was too large a subject for either -the treaty Powers or their agents to grasp. She made huge demands on -the humanity, the indulgence, and the protection of the Powers who had -broken down her wall of seclusion, and she had nothing in kind to -offer them in return--neither gratitude nor co-operation, nor even -good faith. For this China could be blamed only in so far as her own -welfare was hindered by her irresponsiveness, for her statesmen were -not far wrong in attributing to any motive rather than pure -philanthropy the obtrusive solicitude of the Western Powers. -International relations even between kindred peoples are in the nature -of things selfish, or worse; and the more they assume an altruistic -mask the more they lie open to suspicion. In this cynical view of the -attitude of her neighbours China has never wavered. - -Yet it was not all illusion and Dead Sea apples. Something had been -gained by diplomatic access to the capital. The elaborate insolence of -the Chinese mandarin had been exchanged for the urbanity of the -well-bred Manchu. It became possible to converse. Foreigners were -listened to with attention, and answered with an open countenance. The -change was incalculable. It recalled the days of Lord Macartney and -the Emperor Kienlung, of Sir John Davis's pleasant intercourse with -Kiying, and of the agreeable impression left by the Manchu statesmen -who were concerned from 1841 onwards in the conduct of war or the -conclusion of peace. If to the kindly personal relations which -characterised the earlier years of Peking diplomacy no permanent -tangible result could be definitely ascribed, who can tell what evils -were staved off or calamity averted by these friendly amenities? - -In order, however, to appreciate the state of affairs in Peking in -1865, it is necessary to fill the gap in our narrative by an outline -of events following the ratification of the treaty of Tientsin and -Convention of Peking in October 1860. - - -II. NEW PORTS AND OPENING OF THE YANGTZE. - - Seven new coast ports -- Admiral Hope's Yangtze expedition - -- His relations with Taiping rebels -- Hankow, Kiukiang, - and Chinkiang opened to trade -- Panic in Hankow, and - exodus of population for fear of rebels. - -The new ports opened to trade--Tientsin, Newchwang, and Chefoo in the -North; Swatow, and two Formosan ports; Kiungchow in Hainan--added -considerably to the range of foreign commerce, and necessitated a -large extension of the foreign customs and of the consular services. -But the most important feature in the new arrangements was the -effective opening of the river Yangtze. It was interesting, as giving -access to the commercial centre of the empire; and as bringing -foreigners into direct contact, possibly conflict, with the Taiping -rebels. For the banks of the great river were at the time checkered -with the alternate strongholds of rebels and imperialists. Trade must -therefore either be carried on on sufferance from both, or be -efficiently protected from the interference of either belligerent. -Obviously this was a matter to be gone about discreetly. - -The course and capabilities of the great waterway, and the disposition -of the military forces on its banks, had been well reconnoitred by -Lord Elgin himself in 1858; and the ports to be opened, which were -left unnamed in the treaty, were pretty definitely indicated in the -survey then made. There were to be three in all. Chinkiang, which had -been recently recovered from the rebels, situated at the intersection -of the Imperial Canal and the Yangtze-kiang, was definitely fixed. The -two others farther up river remained to be selected. - -The opening of the river was by treaty made contingent on the -restoration of imperial authority on its banks; but as there was -nothing more likely to accelerate that consummation than commercial -traffic on the river, the Chinese Government acquiesced in the British -authorities making the experiment, at their own risk as regarded -possible trouble with the insurgents. The object was to "throw open -the general coasting trade of the river"; and Lord Elgin, on his -departure from China, left the undertaking in the hands of Admiral -Hope, to whom he attached Mr Parkes, withdrawn for the occasion from -his duties as commissioner in Canton. - - [Illustration: FIRST BRITISH CONSULATE AT KOLENGSOO, AMOY, 1844.] - -The admiral started from Shanghai in advance of Mr Parkes, with a -squadron of light-draught steamers, on February 11, 1861. He carried -an exploring expedition composed of Colonel Sarel, Captain Blakiston, -Mr Shereshewsky, and Dr A. Barton, whose proceedings are reported in -Blakiston's 'Five Months on the Upper Yangtze'; several American -missionaries; two Frenchmen, afterwards distinguished, MM. Eugene -Simon and A. Dupuis, the latter proving the means of eventually giving -Tongking to France; a French military attache; Lieut.-Colonel -Wolseley, D.A.Q.-M.G.; and a delegation from the Shanghai Chamber of -Commerce, with several private persons. Whether the pilots presumed -upon light draught and steam power, or whether the course of the river -had changed so much since the previous surveys were made, the vessels -got stranded, one after another, in the estuary; and as each grounded -a companion was told off to stand by her, so that before they had got -clear of what is known as the Langshan Crossing (the home of the -famous breed of black poultry) the admiral's tender, the Coromandel, -was the only vessel left in a mobile condition. Not to lose time, the -admiral determined to push on in that non-combatant craft to Nanking, -the rebel capital, and test the temper and intentions of the Taipings. - -As the steamer slowly approached the landing-place, in bright sunshine -and a still atmosphere, the batteries on the river front were crowded, -but remained silent. - -"What will you do, sir, if they fire?" the admiral was asked. - -"Oh, I will just drop down out of range, and send and ask them what -they mean by it," he replied, with deep deliberate utterance, not -unlike Beaconsfield's. - -An officer was sent ashore to parley, some rebel officers came on -board, and the prospect of an amicable understanding appeared to be -satisfactory. It was a critical juncture in the history both of the -Taiping movement itself and of foreign relations with it and with -China. Without exaggeration, it may be said that the proximate fate -of the Taipings then lay hidden within the brain of Sir James Hope, -and each occasion of contact between him and them during the next few -months added its definite contribution to the data on which the -momentous decision was ultimately taken. Although he had then no -higher opinion of the Taipings than that they were "an organised band -of robbers," the admiral was resolved to give them fair play; and -since no diplomatic intercourse could be held with insurgents, he -determined to take relations with them under his own supervision -(March 8, 1861). "The principle I shall adopt being that in the -district of country of which they hold possession the Taiping -authorities must be regarded as those of the _de facto_ Government, -... and this principle being likely to lead to the payment of double -duties (to rebels and imperialists) on all trade conducted at places -in their possession, I am desirous of definite instructions on the -subject." - -The first point to be settled with the rebel authorities at Nanking -was the non-molestation of British traffic passing up and down the -river within range of their batteries or otherwise, to secure which -object it had been determined to station a ship of war abreast of the -city. The sanction of the Taiping chiefs was wanted to this -arrangement, which, however, without such sanction, it would have been -all the more necessary to insist upon. The second point affected the -general relations between foreign trade and the rebel movement. The -next aim of the admiral was to arrive at an understanding with the -leaders for the neutralisation of Shanghai and Wusung within an area -of thirty miles round these two places. - -Not being prepared to enter into definite negotiations until the -arrival of Mr Parkes, who had not yet joined the expedition, Sir James -Hope returned to the squadron which he had left aground in the lower -reaches of the river. But thinking the time and the opportunity might -be usefully employed in gathering some acquaintance with the Taipings -at their headquarters, he landed three volunteers at Nanking, whose -presence he ascertained would not be unwelcome to the authorities -there. They were to remain in the city as the guests of the rebels -till the admiral's return. The party consisted of Lieut.-Colonel -Wolseley, Mr P. J. Hughes, vice-consul designate of Kiukiang, and one -of the Shanghai delegates. They were joined on shore by the Rev. -William Muirhead, missionary, who had reached Nanking by land from -Shanghai. The party was thus a thoroughly representative one. On the -return of the admiral a week later, accompanied by Mr Parkes, the -arrangements for a guard-ship were satisfactorily settled after some -puerile obstruction, and the expedition proceeded on its way up the -river to Hankow, where, as also at Kiukiang and Chinkiang, consular -officers were established; and the Yangtze was declared open by -notification in Shanghai on March 18, 1861. - -The expedition was fruitful in information concerning the rebels, all -tending to confirm the purely destructive character of the movement. -Certain incidents of the voyage were also most instructive to the -visitors. While the expedition was still at Hankow the Taipings had -captured a walled city, fifty miles distant, which had been passed by -the squadron on its way up a few days before. The news created a -universal panic throughout the three cities, Wuchang, Hanyang, and -Hankow, and the scene which followed could not be paralleled. It is -thus laconically referred to in the report of the delegates of the -Chamber of Commerce: "The abandonment was most complete, not a house -nor a shop was open, and it became equally impossible to purchase -goods, to check quotations, or pursue inquiries." - -One day the deep Han river was so packed with junks that one might -almost walk from bank to bank over their mat coverings. The next day -everything that could float was crowded with fugitive families with -their household stuff huddled precariously on the decks, and such a -fleet as, for number and picturesqueness, was probably never seen, -covered the broad bosom of the Yangtze, making slow headway under sail -against the current. - -Mr Parkes, eminently a man of fact, thus describes what he was witness -to:-- - - Darkness fell upon crowds of the people lying with their - weeping families, and the _debris_ of their property, under - the walls of Wuchang, anxious only to escape from defences - that should have proved their protection.... The noise and - cries attending their embarkation continued throughout the - night, but daylight brought with it a stillness that was - not less impressive than the previous commotion. By that - time all the fugitives had left the shore, and the river, - as far as the eye could reach, was covered with junks and - boats of every description bearing slowly away up-stream - the bulk of the population of three cities, which a few - days before we had computed at 1,000,000 of souls. - -Of what came of this and many such another melancholy exodus of -humanity, without resources, ready to brave any death rather than fall -into the hands of the destroyers, there is no record; and the scene -at Hankow, magnified a hundred times, would give an inadequate -conception of the havoc of the fifteen years of the Taiping rebellion. - - -III. ADMIRAL HOPE'S POLICY TOWARDS INSURGENTS. - - Devastation only to be expected of them -- Enforces - neutrality and respect for foreign property -- Thirty-mile - radius round Shanghai -- Hesitancy of British Minister and - Foreign Office -- Overcome by firmness of Admiral -- - Capture of Ningpo by rebels -- Arrangements for trade there - -- Bad faith of rebels -- Shanghai to be defended -- Its - dangerous position -- Ravages of rebels -- Offensive - movements against them -- Clearing of the thirty-mile - radius -- Cordial relations between English and French - admirals -- Mr Bruce won over -- The campaign -- Recapture - of Ningpo -- Chinese raise foreign force -- Ward -- - Burgevine -- Chinese statesmen who organised the - suppression of the rebellion -- General Gordon takes - command of the "Ever-Victorious Army." - -None of the spectators was more profoundly impressed than Admiral -Hope, and the spectacle undoubtedly helped to mature his views on the -demerits of the rebellion. On April 6 he wrote to the Admiralty: "A -period of anarchy, indefinite in duration, appears likely to ensue, in -which the commercial towns of the empire will be destroyed, and its -most productive provinces laid waste. For this state of things, so -destructive to foreign trade, I see no remedy except the recognition -by both parties, if practicable, of the neutrality of the consular -ports, which would then become places of security in which the Chinese -merchants and capitalists could take refuge." And towards the -realisation of this scheme the first step was the obligation laid upon -the rebel Government at Nanking that their forces should not approach -within thirty miles of Shanghai or Wusung. This idea, however, was but -slowly assimilated by her Majesty's Minister at Peking and by the -Government at home, and Lord Russell, while approving generally of the -admiral's policy, stipulated that no force be used except in direct -defence of British property. Mr Bruce wrote able despatches from -Peking, in which the pros and cons, the contingencies and risks, of -alternative courses were so well balanced, that the only practical -conclusion that could possibly issue therefrom was that eventually -arrived at,--to leave the decision to the admiral with a promise of -support, whatever course he might adopt. The Foreign Office and the -Peking Legation, in fact, faithfully represented the orthodox view of -affairs, whereby national policy is primarily reduced to a game of -safety for officials, and to the application of theories and general -principles often having little bearing on the actualities of the case. -The admiral's mind was cast in a different mould. To him the -exigencies of the situation were everything, the official balance very -little, the fear of responsibility nothing. The man on the spot, -seeing clearly the right thing to do and resolved to do it, was bound -in the end to gain the Government to his side, for Governments like a -strong arm to lean on. With men like Sir James Hope there was no risk -of complications arising, for complications arise mostly from the -nervous dread of them, never from going straight and clear to the -objective point. It needed a visit of the admiral to Peking, however, -and the best part of a year's correspondence, to convert the British -Government point by point to his views. - -Meantime the Taiping rebels advanced to Ningpo, the defence of which -Mr Bruce had refused to sanction, and they captured the city on -December 9, 1861, after engaging not to do so. The leaders there were -interviewed by the French Admiral Protet and the English Captain -Corbett with a view to gaining a comprehension of their plans, and "to -prevent the atrocities of which they have hitherto been guilty, and to -endeavour to effect an arrangement by which trade can be conducted -from the town. The French Rear-Admiral Protet will act in concert with -me," wrote Admiral Hope to Corbett, December 7. - -After the capture of the city the admiral instructed Captain Corbett -that if the rebels wished to levy any duties, he was to see that in -amount they did not exceed those stipulated in the imperial tariff. -Arrangements were also made by the three treaty Powers for the -protection of foreign life and the safety of the foreign quarter. The -position was, however, a very difficult one, as the rebels had no idea -of order or of keeping faith. Indeed the problem of protecting British -subjects while observing Lord Russell's neutrality instructions was -fast becoming impossible, for the conventions made with the Taiping -authorities in Nanking were disregarded by them, and Shanghai itself -was threatened. - -The admiral's conception of what was required for the protection of -British interests was all the while undergoing steady development, and -in January he wrote that Kiukiang and Hankow had become as essential -to our trade as Shanghai. Writing a month later, he pressed his plans -still more definitely upon the Admiralty. "On every occasion," he said -on February 21, 1862, "on which I have reported the state of Shanghai -since my return here, it has been my duty to bring the devastation and -atrocities committed by the rebels in its immediate vicinity very -prominently under their Lordships' notice. These proceedings have been -conducted at a distance much too close to be consistent with the -respect due to the occupation of the town by French and English -forces, or to leave its supplies of provisions and native trade -unaffected." - -The tension was at length relieved by the relaxation of Earl Russell's -restrictions. He had already said that "it might be expedient" to -protect the treaty ports, and that he was "of opinion that we ought to -defend Shanghai and Tientsin as long as our forces [the garrison left -from the Peking campaign] occupied these ports." But now, on March 11, -1862, he took a more practical view of the whole situation, and issued -her Majesty's commands that "Admiral Hope should not only defend -Shanghai and protect the other treaty ports, but also the British flag -and the Yangtze, and generally that British commerce is to have the -aid of her Majesty's ships of war." - -During the winter of 1861-62 matters had become very critical in -Shanghai. The rebel chiefs sent an intimation to the foreign consuls -that it was their intention to capture the town, and they proceeded to -burn the villages and ravage the country on both sides of the river -within gun-shot of the military lines. Special local measures of -defence were adopted by the residents, and fugitives in thousands -flocked into the only asylum where their lives were safe. The pressure -of these events led to yet more definite action on the part of Sir -James Hope, who perceived that the effective defence of Shanghai and -its sources of supply involved aggressive movements against the rebels -in order to drive them out of all the places they occupied within the -thirty-mile radius. In all these proceedings the admiral went hand in -hand with his French colleague, and with the commanders of the French -and British military forces. An agreement signed by the four on -February 13, 1862, settled the immediate question of the defence of -the city of Shanghai. An appeal to the British Minister completed his -conversion to a "forward policy." "I strongly recommend," wrote the -admiral on February 22, "that the French and English commanders should -be required by yourself and M. Bourboulon to free the country from -rebels within a line"--specified; and the reply was as hearty and free -from ambiguity as could be wished: "We can no more suffer Shanghai to -be taken by famine or destroyed by insurrection than we can allow it -to be taken by assault; and it requires but little experience in China -to be assured that the effect of remaining on a strict defensive -within the walls is to convince our assailants that we are unable to -meet them in the field." - -The plan of campaign was settled in an agreement signed by Sir James -Hope, Admiral Protet, and Brigadier Staveley, April 22, 1862, and was -carried out to the letter during the early summer and the autumn -following. At an early period of the operations Admiral Protet was -killed: his loss was deeply lamented, most of all by his British -colleague, with whom relations of exceptional intimacy had sprung up. -"The extent to which I enjoyed his confidence and regard will ever -prove a source of unmingled satisfaction to me," wrote Sir James Hope -on the day of the admiral's death, May 17, 1862, himself at the time -confined to his cabin by wounds. - -The rebel forces in Ningpo, who had been on their good behaviour for a -short time, became aggressive and insulting, even going the length of -offering rewards for foreign heads in the good old mandarin fashion. -It is well to remember that even in their unkempt condition, and with -everything to gain from the goodwill of foreigners, the Taiping rebels -lacked nothing of the most arrogant of Chinese assumptions. The -pretensions of the chief far exceeded those of the Emperors of China. -The Taipings required foreigners to be subject to their jurisdiction, -and they habitually applied derogatory terms to foreign countries. -Such things were regarded much as the eccentricities of a lunatic -might be. Nevertheless they were a faithful reflex of what is rooted -in the Chinese mind. - -The position of foreigners and the foreign ships there having thus -been rendered intolerable, the city was recaptured from the rebels by -Commander Roderick Dew in the same month--a brilliant feat of arms. -After the capture he wrote: "In the city itself, once the home of half -a million of people, no trace or vestige of an inhabitant could be -seen.... The canals were filled with dead bodies and stagnant filth." -The recapture of Ningpo was the beginning of an Anglo-Franco-Chinese -campaign against the rebels in Chekiang which was carried on -simultaneously with that round Shanghai. - -It is needless to follow in detail the operations which culminated two -years later in the final suppression of the Taiping rebellion; but the -relations which grew up between the British and French commanders on -the one side, and the Chinese military forces which were being -organised on the other, were so fruitful in results as to merit their -being held in particular remembrance. Though the history has been many -times written, it may still not be considered supererogatory to trace -some of the points of contact between the native and foreign motives -and plans of action, and the evolution of the defensive idea which was -the product of the combination. - -The Taiping rebellion had devastated the central and southern -provinces many years before the Chinese Government roused itself to a -serious effort to resist it. The movement of repression originated -with the Governor-General of the Hu provinces, whose chief lieutenant -and successor was Tseng Kwo-fan, Governor-General of Kiangnan at the -time of which we now speak. His brother, Tseng Kwo-chuan, the Governor -of Chekiang province, was the military leader, and Li Hung-chang, the -most capable and energetic of them all, was governor of the province -of Kiangsu. The imperialist forces had been gradually closing on -Nanking, and it was thought probable that this hemming-in process -forced the rebels to seek outlets and new feeding-grounds in the -populous districts of Kiangsu and Chekiang. The rebels had enlisted a -number of foreigners in their ranks, and made great efforts to supply -themselves with foreign arms and ammunition, for which purpose, among -others, communication with the sea was most important for them. Li, -_futai_ (governor), also began to enlist foreigners and raise a -special corps, drilled and armed in foreign fashion, and led by -foreign officers. The foreign agent in this enterprise on the -imperialist side was Frederick Ward, to whom Mr Bruce referred in May -1861 as "a man called Ward, an ex-Californian fillibuster." Within a -year Mr Bruce wrote, "In the Chinese force organised and led by Mr -Ward I see the nucleus of a military organisation which may prove most -valuable in the disturbed state of China." The truth is, "Ward's -force," which became known by its high-flown Chinese title of the -"Ever-Victorious Army," was seized on from its origin by Sir James -Hope, whose encouragement and support were essentially serviceable to -it in its early days. The admiral treated Ward as a comrade, fighting -by his side, and thus giving the new levy a military status. While the -Chinese troops were yet raw he co-operated with them by capturing -positions from the rebels and trusting Ward's men to hold them, on the -assurance of their leader that they were equal to that duty. Ward -himself was an unpretentious, cool, and daring man, reckless of his -own life. During his brief campaign he was riddled with bullets, one -of which entering his mouth destroyed the palate and impaired his -speech, and before long the fatal missile reached its mark. He was -succeeded in the command by his second, Burgevine, who, though a good -soldier, lacked Ward's tact and moderation, and got into trouble with -his paymasters, to whom he used violence and threats. He was deposed -from the command by Governor Li, which brought about a serious crisis, -for the disciplined force of foreigners and Chinese was left without a -head. In this emergency Li applied to the British authorities for the -loan of an officer to command the disciplined force. The -responsibility of the British representatives, naval and military, -became thus extended to finding a suitable Englishman to replace -Burgevine. Their first selection was Captain Holland, R.M., who held -the post for a short time, and was succeeded by Captain C. G. Gordon, -R.E. - -Gordon had arrived in China in 1860 in time to share in the last act -of the Peking campaign; he passed the year 1861 at Tientsin, where he -was highly esteemed as a model man and meritorious officer. In the -winter of 1861 he had conferences with Mr Bruce and Prince Kung on the -question of suppressing the rebellion; but none of their ideas, nor -the policy of the British Government, were then sufficiently advanced -to lead to any practical result. Gordon accompanied his corps to -Shanghai in the spring of 1862, and was engaged in the operations for -clearing the thirty-mile radius under General Staveley, who spoke -warmly of his daring reconnoitring services, for which Gordon had been -already distinguished in the Crimea. In the following winter he was -busy surveying and mapping the country which had been reconquered from -the rebels, and in the spring of 1863 he was offered by his chief the -leadership of Ward's force. Gordon's was no doubt the best selection -that could have been made, having regard only to the abilities which -were then recognised in him; for though General Staveley knew him well -both in Tientsin and Shanghai, it is not claimed for him, or any one -else, that he had prescience of those transcendent qualities and that -magnetic power which the subsequent campaign against the rebels was -the means of bringing to light. When Gordon took command of the -"Ever-Victorious," the force had had two years' training and regular -campaigning, and the men were entitled to rank as veteran troops. -Gordon, however, was to infuse new life into the corps by his dynamic -personality and by the diligent use of the regenerative agency of -"Sergeant What's-his-name." The number of foreigners actually employed -in the force is doubtful, but detailed returns of killed and wounded -in the course of a year's operations gave a hundred names. Gordon's -faculty of control was probably more severely tested by his management -of that motley foreign crew than of the whole indigenous force; but -the best of which it was capable was got out of this fortuitous -concourse of men, and under the inspiration of the commander several -names of distinction emerged from the cosmopolitan group. - -When Gordon took over the command in March 1863 it was six months -since the thirty-mile radius had been entirely cleared of rebels, and -the first duty of the "Ever-Victorious" was to keep that area clear; -its second to carry the war as far as it was able into the regions -beyond. Its efficiency, especially for this latter purpose, depended -on the support and co-operation of the British and French commanders, -whose troops remained in occupation of the treaty port of Shanghai. -For a time there was danger of a lapse in this co-operation. The -dismissed General Burgevine carried his grievances to Peking, and made -such an impression by his plausible address on the American and -British Ministers there, that Mr Bruce espoused his cause and wrote -strong despatches to the British commander, Staveley (April 10, 1863), -urging the reinstatement of Burgevine and the suppression of Gordon, -to whom it was to be explained that the step was no reflection on him, -&c. Again and again the Minister returned to the charge, both to the -commander in Shanghai and to the Foreign Office at home; but the -Governor Li was firm, and adduced such cogent reasons for the -dismissal of Burgevine that Major-General Brown, who had just -succeeded to the British command, joined Li in resolutely protesting -against the removal of Gordon, whom, it may be remarked, the English -general had never yet seen. The men on the spot prevailed against the -man who was theorising from a distance, and on the worst data -conceivable, the culprit's own account of himself. Mr Bruce, who, as -we have seen, was well acquainted with Gordon, must have had reasons -for his policy not given in his official despatches, for these were -inadequate and narrow for a man of his large capacity. - -We have said Major-General Brown had not then seen Gordon. He had -arrived from India in April to relieve General Staveley of the command -of the British troops in China. He was a wiry man and of an active -temperament, and rapidly mastered the situation. Probably to him is -due the credit of the first true perception of what manner of man this -young engineer officer was. General Brown was for a few days after his -arrival a guest in one of the spacious _hongs_ in the Shanghai -settlement, which had a wide verandah, giving access to all the -bedrooms. One morning very early the general, excited by a message -that had just reached him, rushed round in _deshabille_ calling for -his host with a piece of coarse Chinese paper in his hand. "Do you -know Major Gordon?" he said. "Why, yes, a very nice fellow, and -reported to be a first-rate officer." "But," exclaimed the general, -"he is a genius! Just look what I have received from him from the -front," and he unfolded the whitey-brown paper with some rough -diagrams, and a few not very legible pencil notes indicating his -position and plan of attack on Taitsan (where Captain Holland had been -repulsed) and Kuensan,[46] both cities on the line of communication -with the provincial capital, Soochow. "The man is a genius," -reiterated the general, "and must be supported." A few days later -another of these cryptic missives arrived, when a similar scene was -repeated with redoubled emphasis. "I tell you that man is a military -genius; that's what I call him, a military genius," said the dapper -little soldier in his vivacious reiterative manner. "I'll support him -for all I am worth." And then he developed his own plan of relieving -the "Ever-Victorious" of garrison duty, leaving the whole -force--secure of its base--free to engage in aggressive operations. -This plan of giving effective support to Gordon's force was carried -out to the letter, as subsequently described by the general in his -official despatches reporting the capture of Taitsan and Kuensan: "I -had a field force acting in conjunction, as a support, moving on the -extreme edge of our boundary, ... which was of great assistance to -Major Gordon in his operations." He adds: "Kuensan having fallen, -Major Gordon now proposes to make it his headquarters; ... and as the -_futai_ intends to make Taitsan his headquarters, I shall bring it -within the boundary, thus giving the imperialists every confidence to -hold it, knowing they could receive support from me at any moment." -How vital to the fortunes of the "Ever-Victorious Army" was this -decided action of General Brown's was seen when, three months later, -General Burgevine had gone over, with a certain following of -malcontents, to the Taipings, a movement which suggested to Gordon -serious misgivings as to the loyalty of the foreigners remaining in -his own force. Burgevine, however, had no success in the rebel camp, -and soon, in a secret interview with Gordon, sued for safe-conduct and -amnesty. Improving his acquaintance, however, with the new commander -of the "Ever-Victorious," Burgevine's next proposal was the bold one -of eliminating as between themselves all questions of conflicting -loyalty to the respective belligerents by throwing over both, and by -joining forces on their own account, to capture Soochow, and there -raise an army to march on Peking. It was a partnership which did in -nowise commend itself to Gordon, but the proposal served to show how -shrewd Li Hung-chang had been in his estimate of the deposed leader. - - -IV. THE LAY-OSBORN FLOTILLA. - - Orders sent through Mr Hart to Mr Lay -- Fleet equipped - under Captain Osborn, R.N. -- Ratification of their - agreements refused in Peking -- Government would not place - foreigners in a position of authority -- Misunderstandings - and final sacrifice of Mr Lay -- Ships paid off and sold -- - Crucial question the recapture of Nanking. - -The invincible distrust of foreign auxiliaries which dominates Chinese -policy and prevents the empire from ever having an army or a navy, -received another signal illustration in the same year in the great -fiasco of the Lay-Osborn flotilla. Mr H. N. Lay, Inspector-General of -Chinese Maritime Customs, was in England on leave in 1861, his _locum -tenens_ in Peking being Mr (now Sir) Robert Hart. Conferences with the -Chinese Ministers on the naval weakness of the empire resulted in a -very important decision, in consequence of which Mr Hart was empowered -to send to Mr Lay orders for certain armed vessels to be officered and -manned by Englishmen. Mr Lay executed the rather "large order" -according to his lights, engaging Captain Sherard Osborn to command -the fleet, which was equipped on a war-footing. The foreign enlistment -difficulties of the British Government were overcome, as the -Government was by that time ready to go to any length in assisting the -Government of China. The fleet duly arrived in China, and Mr Lay and -Captain Osborn presented themselves in Peking to obtain ratification -of their agreements from the Imperial Government. This was refused, -the force was disbanded, and the ships sold, at a heavy pecuniary -sacrifice to the Chinese, for they made no demur about payment. - -The rock on which the scheme seemed to split was the contention of Mr -Lay that the fleet was imperial, and that the commodore should take no -orders from viceroys or provincial authorities, but only from the -emperor, and through Mr Lay himself. This was a shock to the very -edifice of Chinese Government, conceived of as feasible only under the -belief that in its helpless condition the Government must accede to -anything. But the scheme was really impossible. So also, however, was -the alternative of provincialising the naval force, as has been shown -by subsequent failures in the attempt to use the services of British -officers in the Chinese navy. Such an instance of reckoning without -your host was never heard of before or since. It was like a practical -joke on a titanic scale. The ships were actually there, manned, -officered, and armed. It was a dangerous knot, which had to be -promptly cut or untied. Following the line of least resistance, Mr Lay -was made the scapegoat, on whose head the Minister "laid both his -hands"--rather heavily--"confessing over him the iniquities of all," -and sending him away into the wilderness. In the general interest the -sacrifice of Mr Lay was perhaps the safest way out of the imbroglio, -for he was a pugnacious little man in whose hands despotic power might -have been attended with inconvenience. Nevertheless, the blame of the -failure belonged to all the parties concerned--to Prince Kung, -Wensiang, Mr Hart, Mr Bruce, and the British Government. They each -entered into the scheme with different ideas, more or less vague, -except Mr Lay's own, which had perforce to be reduced to the definite -when he came to draw up contracts with British naval officers, and to -meet the strict requirements of British law. The Chinese Ministers of -course could have no conception what a foreign-equipped navy really -meant, nor had they probably fully divulged what was really in their -mind; Mr Lay and Mr Hart were young men with large ideas, but without -experience; Mr Bruce was a man of the world who had seen service, and -was, from his position, the most responsible of them all, and -therefore the most culpable in deceiving himself, and allowing the -British Government to be misled. He approved of the project, or it -could never have been carried out. But what was it precisely that he -approved of? He "saw with pleasure that Captain Osborn was about to -reorganise the preventive service" (October 6, 1862), and as late as -February 8, 1863, he wrote to Prince Kung of the "speedy arrival of -the steam flotilla which your Imperial Highness has so wisely -ordered"--as if it were a pair of official boots! Yet on the arrival -of the flotilla it was found that everybody concerned was at -cross-purposes, and the question naturally suggests itself, what steps -her Majesty's Minister had taken to satisfy himself as to the real -intentions of Prince Kung, whether they had been properly transmitted -by Mr Hart and correctly interpreted by Mr Lay and fully communicated -to her Majesty's Government. It appears that Mr Bruce had, in fact, -undergone a change of mind--induced, no doubt, by cogent -considerations--during Mr Lay's final sojourn in Peking. Having -received a message from the Minister urging a stiff attitude with the -Chinese Government and promising the full support of the Legation, Mr -Lay proceeded to the Yamen and laid down the law strongly, as his -manner was, in the full assurance that he had the British Minister at -his back. But after thus burning his boats he found himself abandoned, -for reasons of State which he was unable to appreciate. Such was the -account of the crisis given at the time by Mr Lay himself to a -confidential friend then residing in Peking. For the Chinese -Government the scheme was necessarily a leap in the dark. For the -British Government it involved a violent reversal of recently declared -policy, and on a most important issue. It was consequently a case -where extreme and minute precautions against possible misunderstandings -would not have been superfluous, yet--so far as has yet been made -public, for there is doubtless a missing link in the record--such seem -to have been wholly absent from the inception of the enterprise. - -The crux of the question, no doubt, was the position of Nanking. The -lever Mr Lay employed to secure acceptance of his conditions was the -prospect of the immediate capture of the Taiping capital, against -which the provincial Government, represented by the Viceroy Tseng, his -brother, and the governor of Kiangsu, Li, were expending their forces. -The temptation was exceedingly strong to close with Lay and secure the -services--probably much overrated for that particular object--of the -new flotilla, were it even by recourse to some ambiguous phrase which -might leave a loophole of escape from the agreement when its immediate -object had been served. Something like this might have been attempted -but for the uncompromising attitude of Li Hung-chang, for it was he -who smashed the flotilla scheme. It was true, he allowed, that the -assistance of the ships would enable the viceroy's forces to capture -the city at once; but, he added confidently, we shall succeed in time -by our own resources, and it were better to lose the city and the -province, and even the empire itself, than to place such power as Lay -demanded in the hands of any foreigner. Burgevine was fresh in the -_futai's_ mind--was indeed at that very time in the rebel camp near -him. Li's arguments clinched the matter. The flotilla was never -commissioned. The whole chapter of experiences of the campaign in -Kiangsu has left a vivid impression on the mind of Li Hung-chang: it -was the most interesting period of his life, but no incident of it -imparts such vivacity to his reminiscences as that of the Lay-Osborn -fleet. Nothing warms him to dramatic locution like a reference to that -episode. - - -V. THE END OF THE REBELLION. - - Gordon's brilliant campaign -- His quarrel with Li - Hung-chang -- And reconciliation -- Other French and - English officers co-operate in suppression of rebellion -- - Russian aid offered. - -Gordon's campaigning lasted one year: it was marked by great -successes, sundry reverses, more than one crisis, and many -discouragements. The famous quarrel with the _futai_ Li was -illustrative of several points of great utility to be borne in mind in -considering the working relations of Eastern and Western peoples; but -perhaps its chief interest lay in its revelation of the independent -and dominating character of Gordon himself, which was his -distinguishing mark through life. After a confused and scarcely -intelligible bargain with the rebel chiefs at Soochow, by which their -lives were to be spared, they were beheaded by order of Li. Gordon -resented this, and, like another Achilles, withdrew to his tent. For -this he was warmly applauded by General Brown, Mr Bruce, and the -Foreign Office, who all denounced Li as the most odious criminal, with -whom no further communication should be held. When, two months later, -Gordon, without consultation with any of these parties, but not -without friendly advice, changed his mind, resumed his friendship with -the governor and active operations in the field, the same chorus of -approval greeted his action as had previously been pronounced of his -inaction. Mr Bruce wrote on February 10, 1864, to Prince Kung, among -other things, that "Major Gordon is to be relieved from any -communication with Governor Li." Within a week Gordon, of his own -motion, had abandoned that position, leaving to the Minister to -explain the change of attitude in any way he pleased, which he did by -resort to that token coinage of diplomatic fiction which serves the -domestic purposes of the craft, but has no market-value outside its -conventional domain. An able explanatory letter from Mr Hart, the new -Inspector-General of Customs, who investigated the transaction on the -spot, would have afforded to the Minister colourable grounds for -"revision" of the earlier judgment, had he been allowed time to avail -himself of it. But Gordon's action forced his hand, and left him no -choice but to acquiesce first and find his reasons afterwards. The -Foreign Office, however, being at a distance, could not be swung back -again so quickly, and they had, on the impulse of the first advices, -withdrawn their sanction for Major Gordon's serving the Chinese at -all. This order reached him after he had, on his own motion, -definitely resigned the service, so that there was no further clashing -of authorities. Though the force contributed materially to the -suppression of the rebellion, the final act, the capture of Nanking, -was left to the unaided resources of the Viceroy Tseng. - -Not the least of Gordon's successes was the peaceable dissolution of -the force when it had done its work; for the establishment was, for -its size, enormously costly, and it was a two-edged sword in the hands -of the Chinese. The "Ever-Victorious Army" was happy in the -opportuneness of its death. A prolonged existence might easily have -dispelled the wonderful prestige it had gained in its short career and -limited scope. Perhaps, after all, its place in history owes -everything to the personality of its last leader, whose legacy to -mankind is not so much a catalogue of achievements as a -life--immortal. - -The renown of Gordon and the brilliancy of his exploits have thrown -unduly into the shade the Anglo-Chinese and Franco-Chinese campaign in -the neighbouring province of Chekiang, which had Ningpo for its sea -base. In their degree these operations were no less essential to the -ultimate overthrow of the rebellion than those in the province of -Kiangsu, and, among many others, the names of Prosper Giquel, who -afterwards managed the arsenal at the Pagoda anchorage, Foochow, and -of the large-hearted bishop, Mgr. Delaplace, afterwards translated to -the metropolitan see, where he died, deserve to be had in remembrance. -Sundry risings in other provinces caused trouble and apprehension; but -we may, for the purposes of this narrative, consider that the year -1864 witnessed the closing scene of the great rebellion. - -It would be impossible, within any reasonable space, to follow even in -outline the course of that stupendous devastation, exceeding in its -wanton waste of human life the horrors of the Thirty Years' War in -Germany: our concern has been only with that side of the movement with -which foreign nations were forced into contact, with its political -bearing, and its influence on the position of the Chinese Government. -It happened that only two of the Powers were directly concerned in -offensive operations against the rebels, but in the task of -suppression they had the moral support of them all. Indeed, but for -the French and English activity it seems probable that Russia was -ready single-handed to undertake the whole business. The Russian -Government from time to time signified its approval of the action -taken by the French and English in assisting the Chinese Government to -put down the rebellion. Russia was included in the thanks of the -Chinese to their foreign allies; she had at least furnished material -in the shape of "10,000 rifles and several cannons." These arrived in -Peking, after a protracted journey, at a time when the Russian -Minister deemed it expedient to explain to his British colleagues that -the arms had reference only to the rebellion. Moreover, Russia had, or -professed to have, serious intentions of sending a large force of her -own to co-operate in its suppression. M. Petchroff, a member of the -Russian Legation, spent a month in Shanghai in the autumn of 1862 in -frequent conferences on this subject with the Chinese authorities, the -report of which he carried in person to Admiral Popoff, who was at the -time in Japan. M. Petchroff called upon the British admiral while in -Shanghai, and informed him of this project. It was not carried out, as -Prince Gortchakoff explained to Lord Napier, because the Russian -Government had not force enough available to render effective -assistance, but they wished to show the Chinese that they were in -hearty sympathy with the Anglo-French policy, and might, for moral -effect, show their flag in co-operation, so far as prudence would -allow. - -The importance of putting an end to the rebellion, and the value of -foreign aid in doing so, were fully realised by the Peking Government. -Of this the abortive, but costly, Osborn flotilla furnished proof -enough; and the honours bestowed on Gordon by imperial decree were an -expression of the unspeakable relief which was felt in the palace at -the dispelling of the hideous nightmare. A final decree summing up the -movement, in a tone of restrained sincerity not usual in these -conventional documents, says: "Words cannot convey any idea of the -misery and desolation he [the Taiping chief] caused; the measure of -his iniquity was full, and the wrath of both gods and men was roused -against him." - - -VI. EVACUATION OF CANTON. - - Good feeling and compliments on both sides -- Mr Parkes's - able administration of the city. - -An event which passed off without the slightest sensation, because -without hitch, was the evacuation of Canton by the Allied troops in -October 1861. Were it only for one clause in the proclamation issued -by the high Chinese authorities on the occasion, this transaction -would form a valuable historical landmark:-- - - During the occupation of Canton by the allied troops of - England and France during a period of four years, their - conduct has never been otherwise than friendly towards the - military and people of the whole city, and the military and - people having also corresponded with courtesy and - friendship, harmony has been maintained from first to last. - Now that the troops are being withdrawn, the consuls of - England and France will continue to reside within the city, - while the merchants and people of all nations will - constantly pass in and out, or reside therein at their - pleasure. It remains the duty of yourselves, the military - and people, to continue to them the same respectful and - courteous relations that have prevailed during the - occupation. - -Compare this with the state of things existing only three years -before! Much of the success of the occupation and its good permanent -results were unquestionably due to the high qualities of Parkes, the -British commissioner, who thus modestly refers to the matter in his -despatch: "The confidence of the people in a strong and inoppressive -Government, added to their own governable character, materially -facilitated the task of maintaining order in a vast and most intricate -city containing a population of upwards of 1,000,000 inhabitants." The -"Canton question" was thus finally disposed of to the satisfaction of -all parties. - - -VII. DEATH OF THE EMPEROR. - - His flight from the capital -- Succession of his son -- - Regency of the two empresses -- Prince Kung's sanguinary - _coup d'etat_. - -Next in importance to the suppression of the Taiping rebellion, the -death of the Emperor Hsienfeng marked the period we are now -considering. That unfortunate monarch, who deserted his capital -against the strongest remonstrances of his advisers, on the approach -of the Allied forces, died at his hiding-place in August 1861, and his -only son was proclaimed in his stead under the style of Tungchih. The -new emperor was a child, and provision had to be made for a regency. -How this regency fell into the hands of two empresses--one the mother -of the young emperor, the other the true widow of the deceased--was -not very well understood by the foreigners then in the capital. Prince -Kung's _coup d'etat_, by which the three male members of the regency -were elaborately arraigned and then assassinated, was not organised to -get rid of any imaginary "anti-foreign faction," as was too easily -assumed at the time, but simply and solely to place the empire at the -feet of himself and the emperor's mother. "Parties" in Peking have -always been, and are to this day, a puzzle to foreigners, who, having -seldom at the moment any trustworthy means of informing themselves, -are apt to be carried away by "cries," sometimes got up for the -purpose of misleading them,--for the Chinese are not at all averse -from turning to account the half knowledge on which foreigners are -prone to form their opinions. - - -VIII. INFLUENCE OF THESE EVENTS ON PROGRESS OF DIPLOMACY. - - Inadequacy of foreign diplomacy -- Absence of sovereign -- - Allies committed to protection of China -- Coercion - impossible -- Large outlook of Mr Bruce -- The provincial - _versus_ imperial administration -- Attempt to force - Central Government to coerce provincial -- Contemptuous - attitude of Chinese Ministers -- Sir F. Bruce's despair -- - He clutches at various straws -- General reaction of - Chinese. - -How did these various occurrences influence the progress of diplomatic -relations with the Government? We have seen that diplomacy in Peking -was a venture launched on imported capital, which, meeting with no -indigenous support, was doomed from the first to feed upon itself. -There was no dialect through which the foreign idea could translate -itself to Chinese comprehension, no medium by which Chinese political -conceptions could be made intelligible to the foreigner. When Gordon -could not get his meaning filtered through an interpreter, he called -for a dictionary and put his finger on the word "idiotcy"--and the -most orthodox interpreting could not get much beyond this point in -establishing a common currency for the interchange of national ideas. -The initial difficulty in imposing foreign forms, foreign terms, -foreign procedure--of revolutionising at a stroke a system of -administration petrified by ancient usage--would have existed even if -the statesmen of China had been sincere converts to the innovation. -The contrary was, of course, the case: they were as much opposed to -the new relations as they had been to the military invasion itself. No -help, therefore, was to be expected from the Chinese side in creating -a workable scheme of international intercourse. They desired nothing -of that kind, their ambition soaring no higher than the creation of a -buffer against which external impulsion might expend its force. That -buffer was the Tsungli-Yamen. Foreign diplomacy, therefore, if it were -to subsist at all, must subsist on its own resources, the foundation -of which was force. The force that brought foreigners to Peking must, -either _in esse_ or _in posse_, for an indefinite time keep them there -and render them efficient. Force no doubt would have enabled the -foreign Ministers to bring about even those structural changes in the -Chinese system which were necessary to clear the ground for the -operation of their diplomacy. But if there was one thing more than -another of which Western Governments were determined to convince -themselves, it was that the law of force was finally abrogated in -China; that on a certain day at a certain hour, coincident with the -signing (by force) of a sheet of paper, the spirit of hostility had -departed from the Chinese mind; and that the law of love and reason -was, without preamble, to take the place of that which had brought -about the new relations. Whether believed in or not, this curious -paradox was to be the rule of all future action. - -The game that opens with the "king" off the board, and is afterwards -continued with the "queen" protected, is an obviously impossible one. -The foreign Ministers had to do with a Government of irresponsibility, -and instead of teaching its members from the outset to recognise their -new obligations--training them as children, which as regards foreign -matters they really were--the foreign Ministers began by treating the -Chinese Government rather as an infant too delicate for discipline, -with the familiar results of such treatment. The diplomats betrayed so -much anxiety to lure the sovereign back to his palace, that the -Chinese Ministers soon learned to exploit this feeling for their own -ends. That such and such a concession "would have a good effect at -Jeho" was inducement enough to the foreign representatives to waive -one point after another in the transaction of public business. When -the emperor died, after six months of this _regime_ of indulgence, the -position was changed materially for the worse,--for the diplomats had -now a veritable infant on their hands, with a female regent "behind -the curtain." No prospect thenceforth of even the initial formality of -delivering letters of credence until the child should grow up, by -which time many things might happen. Thus the European scheme of -diplomacy, which was to have been imposed bodily on the Court of -Peking, stumbled heavily on the threshold, and never recovered -itself. But the Chinese recovered. Their fear of the "fierce -barbarians" disappeared as they saw them throw away their weapons, and -the process was resumed by which the fruits of the war and of the -treaties of peace were gradually nibbled away. - -And of course the whole idea of coercing the Imperial Government, even -had it ever been entertained, was openly reduced to nullity when the -foreign Powers interfered for the suppression of the rebellion. The -Allies could not knock down with one hand what they were propping up -with the other, and thus the Imperial Government not only enjoyed -immunity, but knew that they possessed it,--that their late conquerors -were now fully committed to the upholding of the integrity of China -and the maintenance of the dynasty. Any liberties might consequently -be taken: remonstrances from the foreigners would be loud in -proportion to their hollowness, but the barbarians could not attack a -citadel full of their own hostages. - -Although remoteness from the scene of action and imperfect -acquaintance with local requirements were apt to invalidate his -conclusions on points of detail, and to compel him occasionally to -follow where he might have been expected to guide the action of his -subordinate executive, yet whenever Sir Frederick Bruce delivered his -mind on the position of China and her foreign relations as a whole, -his views were large, luminous, and statesmanlike. He foresaw from the -first what the degradation of the Chinese Government must inevitably -lead to. His outlook is revealed in a brief sentence in one of his -earlier despatches: "The weakness of China rather than her strength -is likely to create a fresh Eastern question in these seas." There -need be little doubt that that idea dominated his Chinese diplomacy. -Severity, or even strictness, may well have seemed on the face of the -matter inconsistent with the pious wish to strengthen China, yet we -now know that what she then most needed was to be braced up to the -fulfilment of her obligations as a necessity of her own wellbeing. - -The field of diplomacy in the orthodox sense being closed, and there -being no foreign interests in Peking, the subject-matter for the -Ministers' activity was furnished entirely from the trading-ports. Of -these there were fifteen open in 1861. The kind of questions which -arose may be generally defined as claims arising out of breaches of -treaty by provincial officials, for which redress was sought from the -Central Government. This was a reversal of Chinese methods, which, -even had the Government been well disposed, would not have been easy -to effect; and as the Government was hostile, difficulty became -impossibility. The British Minister after a year's trial began to -realise the magnitude of his Sisyphean task. "In a country like -China," he wrote to the Foreign Office in July 1862, "where the -principles of administration differ entirely from those practised by -us, the conclusion of a treaty is the commencement, not the -termination, of difficulties." - -To a consul he wrote at the same time: "The important result to be -gained by the establishment of direct relations with the Government of -Peking is the avoidance of local acts of violence.... Time will elapse -before the new system will work smoothly and efficiently, ... but you -must not go beyond pacific efforts to remedy the abuses complained -of." A few months later, in a general circular to consuls, he thus -carefully recapitulated the instruction:-- - - The object to be attained is that of forcing the local - officials to observe the treaty ... through the pressure - brought to bear upon them by the Peking Government, and - thus escape from the false position in which we have - hitherto been placed of coercing the local authorities and - people, and thus doing the work of the Imperial Government. - To initiate this new system of relations is a task which - can only be effected gradually and patiently; but the - attempt must be steadily and perseveringly made, in order - that the Chinese Government may be forced to teach its - people, &c. - -And at the same time he summed up the situation to the Foreign Office -in these words: "Our relations with China cannot be put upon a safe -footing until the Imperial Government itself compels its local -officers to observe treaties"--a matter in which the Central -Government itself most needed compulsion! - -But all this about "forcing" the local officials and "forcing" the -Imperial Government, without using any force, recalls the ancient -Chinese maxim of "ruling barbarians by misrule." The world rested -securely enough on the tortoise, but what did the tortoise itself rest -on? With grim satisfaction must the Chinese Ministers have watched the -foreigners entering on a desert campaign where they would exhaust -their strength without reaching the enemy. The warnings and threats -which alone the Minister allowed himself to use to enforce his demands -or his admonitions, as the case might be, were to the Chinese mere -blank cartridge. Prince Kung, replying to one of those minatory -despatches, "imagines that his Excellency uses this outspoken language -for the purpose of stimulating the Chinese Government to activity. His -Highness is sure that it is not his Excellency's desire to act in the -manner indicated." And so on indefinitely. The impression made on the -Chinese Government by the force of foreign diplomacy was likened by an -American Minister twenty years afterwards to "boxing a feather-bed." -The policy above described, inaugurated by Mr Bruce and followed -consistently by the British Government, was pithily termed by Lord -Salisbury, when in Opposition, as an "ideal policy" in pursuit of -which the concrete interests of the country were allowed to lapse. - -It would be tedious to trace in detail the process of disintegration -of treaty rights which followed these interesting overtures. It will -be more to the purpose to cite the British Minister's review of the -results twelve months later in a despatch to Prince Kung. This -despatch and the reply to it were deemed so important at the time that -they were separately called for by the House of Commons, and were -published as independent Blue Books (Nos. 6 and 8, 1864):-- - - Sir Frederick Bruce wished the Prince of Kung to understand - that he had reason to be greatly dissatisfied - - 1. With the general disregard of treaty provisions - manifested at the ports. - - 2. With the tone of the Government generally towards - foreigners. - - It is entirely due to the exertions of the Allied forces - that Shanghai and Ningpo are not now in rebel possession. - Had Shanghai fallen, the imperial authority would have - received a blow from which it could never have recovered.... - - Sir F. Bruce did not look for any extraordinary - demonstration of gratitude for these services, but he had - hoped that the Central Government would at least have - insisted on the faithful observance of the treaty at the - ports. He had hoped also that it would have addressed itself - with some increase of vigour to the organisation of a - competent executive. - - These expectations have not been realised. At several of the - ports the treaty is daily broken in matters great and small; - and the Central Government, if not unwilling, shows itself - unable to enforce a better order of things. The orders sent - by the Foreign Board, when Sir Frederick Bruce complains, - are not carried out, either because the local authorities do - not stand in awe of the Foreign Board or because they do not - believe the Foreign Board issues them in earnest.... - - The Foreign Board has gone through the form of issuing - instructions, but the causes of complaint remain as they - were, either because the local authorities do not fear or - because the Foreign Board does not care. Seeing that none of - the authorities complained of have been punished or removed, - that officials notoriously hostile to foreigners have been - appointed to places in which they have increased opportunity - of indulging in their anti-foreign tendencies, while - officials of friendly disposition have been withdrawn, Sir - Frederick Bruce is induced, however reluctantly, to infer - that if the Imperial Government be not adverse to friendly - intercourse, it is, at all events, indisposed to do what is - necessary to teach the people and local authorities that - China is sincerely desirous of friendly relations with - foreign Powers.... - - It is for the Chinese Government to consider whether it will - listen to these warnings, &c. - -_Prince Kung's Reply, 19th June 1863._ - - With reference to the proposition on which the British - Minister's note insists, that the treaty should rank with - the law, the Prince has to observe that the principle that - the treaty is identical with the laws of the Imperial - Government, and that breach of treaty is the same thing as - violation of the law, is the principle on which the - Government of China proceeds, and its only desire is that - foreign nations should regard the treaty in the same - light.... - - As regards the cases still undetermined in the provinces, - the Prince hopes that the British Minister will refer to - the record and inform him, case by case, of the particulars - of each, and the Yamen will at once write to the Provincial - Governments concerned to hurry them with the cases - enumerated.... - -_Sir Frederick Bruce's Reply, July 2, 1863._ - - Your Imperial Highness states in explicit terms that the - Government of China recognises the treaties as the law of - the empire in its relations with foreigners, and that - breaches of treaty are considered violations of those laws. - But the despatch of your Imperial Highness contains nothing - to show that this principle will be carried out in - practice. I stated instances in which the authorities, in - spite of the remonstrances of her Majesty's consul, had - deliberately set aside the letter of the treaty for no - other object than to curtail the privileges of her - Majesty's subjects. Your Imperial Highness in your reply - does not allude to these cases, nor do you inform me that - any steps have been taken to remedy these grievances or to - prevent a repetition of such conduct. I am simply requested - to send in a list of the grievances complained of; and I am - informed that the local authorities will be urged to settle - them with speed. Such a proposal is entirely - unsatisfactory; for what reason have I to suppose that the - instructions now to be sent by your Imperial Highness will - be attended to, when I see that the orders which I am - assured were given by your Imperial Highness for the - redress of outrages such as ... have been disobeyed? - -In these State Papers the relations present and prospective between -China and the outer world are accurately represented. Putting aside -local and temporary questions, the despatches might be dated 1873, -1883, or 1893, for the position remained substantially the same during -the three decades. - -The attitude of the British Minister we see to be one of hopeless -pleading and vague admonition; of the Chinese Ministers, elastic -resistance. One wonders how far, under the mask of dull decorum, the -Chinese entered into the real humour of the situation: foreigners -chafing impotently, but with their teeth drawn, occupying themselves -largely with the preservation of China and the dynasty; urging -reforms, military, financial, and administrative, while putting up -with the non-fulfilment of the commonest obligations. - -Sir F. Bruce was much too wise a man not to be perfectly conscious of -the negative result of foreign diplomacy in Peking. His private -letters, some of which were published by Mr Lay in 1864, are more -emphatic on the point than his public despatches. He saw it was a case -for desperate remedies, but unfortunately he had no remedy except such -as aggravated the disease. Like a drowning man, Sir Frederick Bruce -clutched at one straw, then another--first at the inspectorate of -customs, then at the collective body of his colleagues--to redress the -balance which lay so heavily against him. We see in the despatch of -June 12, 1863, the inception of what became known as the "co-operative -policy." That was an arrangement by which the cause of one foreigner -was to be made the cause of all, so that the treaty Powers might -present a solid front to the Chinese. Unfortunately such a policy -bears no fruit, since half-a-dozen Powers with separate interests, and -of varying tempers, can only unite in doing nothing. The co-operative -policy, therefore, by tying the hands of all the Powers, rendered the -Chinese more secure than ever from outside interference. - -From Sir Frederick Bruce's despatches it may be gathered that the -reason for the non-success of the Peking diplomacy was, that it was -not founded on fact. It assumed that the Government of China was -centralised instead of decentralised; that the administration of the -empire hinged on the initiative of Peking, from which distant point -the resident Ministers could protect their respective national -interests throughout the empire. This hypothesis, which might have -graced an academic debate, was acted upon as if it was a reality, and -the struggle to make it so has absorbed the resources of diplomacy for -forty years. The real fact, however, was quite otherwise. The -distinctive character of Chinese Government is not autocracy, but -democracy and provincial autonomy. The springs of action work from -below, not from above, and to reverse this order of the ages was to -convert a court of appeal into a court of first instance: to sue for a -tradesman's debt before the Lord Chancellor, requiring the legal -machinery to be first turned upside down. Diplomacy in China has thus -been a disheartening effort to drive in a wedge by its thick end -without adequate leverage. It is possible, indeed, that force might -have accomplished even as much as that, but force was the one thing -the use of which was proscribed. - -The redress of grievances being sought not where it could have been -exacted, at the point affected, but in the capital, the Central -Government was called on to exercise over the provincial officials a -kind of control which had never been exercised before. The provincial -officials, relieved from the local pressure which they respected, -easily evaded the novel and unconstitutional interference of the -capital, and violated the treaties with an impunity unknown in the -days before the admission of the foreign Ministers to Peking. The -treaties, no doubt, had become the "law of the land" so far as a mere -barbarian phrase could make them so, but a full-grown tree of Western -legality could not so easily transplant itself to an alien and -refractory soil. The argument from legality appealed, therefore, to -the ear only. The practical conclusion to which Sir Frederick Bruce -was led is very simply stated in two paragraphs of his letters to -Prince Kung: "My object has been to seek redress through the Imperial -Government, and to do away with the necessity of seeking redress by -forcible demonstrations at the ports. But it is evident that the -reluctance of your Imperial Highness to enter frankly into this policy -renders my efforts ineffectual." "Either the Imperial Government is -unwilling to use its influence to cause the treaties to be fairly -carried out, or it has not the power to cause its orders to be -obeyed." Sir Frederick would have hit still nearer the mark if he had -omitted the "either," "or," and said simply the Imperial Government -was _both_ unwilling and unable. - -Notwithstanding these definite views, the experiment of forcing a -centralisation which would have been a revolution on the -unintelligible Government of China had to be continued through many -weary years that were to follow, during which time the rights -conferred by treaty on foreigners fell more and more into abeyance. - -The progress in that direction made in the two first years is thus -summarised by Mr H. N. Lay, the first Inspector-General of Customs, on -his return to China in 1863:-- - - When I left China the emperor's Government, under the - pressure of necessity, and with the beneficial terror - established by the Allied foray to Peking in 1860 fresh in - their recollection, was in the best of moods, willing to be - guided, grateful for help, and in return for that help - prepared to do what was right by the foreigner. What did I - find on my return? The face of things was entirely changed. - There was the old insolent demeanour, the nonsensical - language of exclusion, the open mockery of all treaties.... - In short, all the ground gained by the treaty of 1858 had - been frittered away, and we were thrust back into the - position we occupied before the war,--one of helpless - remonstrance and impotent menace; ... the labour of years - lost through egregious mismanagement. The Foreign Board - looked upon our European representatives as so many _rois - faineants_.... Prince Kung was no longer accessible.... He - professed to be engaged with more important matters. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[45] Peking and the Pekingese. - -[46] Kunshan or Quinsan. - - - - -APPENDIX I. - - NOTE ON OUR PRESENT POSITION AND THE STATE OF OUR RELATIONS - WITH CHINA, BY CONSUL ALCOCK, JANUARY 19, 1849. - - -_Section I._ - -The lesson of the past is very legibly written in the history of our -relations,--oppression in the Chinese, increased by submission in the -English. Resistance of the latter followed by concession in the former -may be read in every stage, and the influence of the late war, beyond -the tangible effects embodied in the provisions of the treaties, has -been limited very much to outward forms: there is reason to suspect -that the policy of the Chinese has been masked, not changed. - -The same arrogant and hostile spirit exists, and their policy is still -to degrade foreigners in the eyes of the people, and to offer every -obstacle which may _with safety_ be interposed to any extended -intercourse,--objects which they seek to carry out by various covert -and indirect means. In this sense the letter of the treaty is often -quoted, but any large interpretation can only be secured under a moral -compulsion, as the least objectionable alternative. This may not, -perhaps, be wholly owing to bad faith, for distrust and fear of -foreigners probably influences the result. Hence all the principal -advantages enjoyed under the treaty are only held by a species of -personal tenure of precarious character, and a consul at one of the -ports may lose more in a week than her Majesty's Government may find -it easy to recover with costly and embarrassing efforts in a year. Our -present relations consist in a never-ceasing struggle, under veiled -appearances of amity; and the treaty extorted by force is generally -sought to be eluded by cunning. They have no objection to the foreign -trade as one of the elements of their own prosperity, though they -much underrate its importance; but to make it wholly acceptable [to -them], the former humiliating conditions are wanting. - -The whole effort of the Chinese rulers seems to be limited to -preserving peace as the first object, and, so far as may be compatible -with this, to assimilate our present to our ancient position as the -second. - -From the general bearing of our relations in connection with the past -and the future, the nature and extent of the disadvantages under which -we labour may be easily deduced:-- - - 1. Local insecurity to person and property at Canton. - - 2. Want of access to the first markets and of the means of - pushing and verifying the consumption of our manufactures - in the interior. - - 3. Ill-adjusted rates of duty on several important - articles. - - 4. Want of reciprocity and equality in our political - relations, and a certain inferiority in our position social - and political. - -By the first we are menaced with perpetual danger of fatal collision -and interruption to our commerce, while our general position is at the -same time prejudiced. By the second we are deprived of any large -market for our goods, and pay dearer for native produce. By the third -the Straits, Indian, and the native carrying trade are all impeded in -their growth and dwarfed in their proportions; and by the fourth -insuperable difficulties in remedying abuses or amending our relations -are encountered, our only means of action being upon Canton and its -governor, acting as an imperial commissioner. - -The full and rapid development of our commerce, a new and profitable -field for our manufactures, and a better guarantee for the maintenance -of our friendly relations, are the chief advantages to be sought in -the removal of these disabilities. - -The practicability of maintaining our relations on their present -unsatisfactory footing in the south must be very doubtful, nor is -there much hope that any of the essential advantages above specified -may be gained incidentally in the natural progress of time, and still -less that the grounds of alarm should of themselves disappear. The -causes of all that is bad in our position spring from too deep a -source, and may be traced too far back, to admit of any such hope: a -rooted conviction in the minds of a whole population, derived from -traditional knowledge of the humiliating and derogatory position -voluntarily accepted by foreigners, cannot be effaced by a treaty, or -even a short successful war which passed over the city that was the -offending cause almost harmless. How far it may be possible to convert -popular contempt and dislike into respect and fear, we cannot judge -from experience: hitherto, in the steps taken to that end, either too -much or too little has been attempted. - -There are practical difficulties of a peculiar and altogether local -character [it is obvious] to any immediate amelioration of our -position at Canton which do not exist elsewhere. Setting aside these -considerations, it will be found that all that is most valuable and -important in the advantages to be desired are of a nature to be -granted by the sole exercise of the emperor's will: greater freedom of -access, the modification of half-a-dozen items in the tariff, even the -exchange of envoys between the two Courts, if this were deemed -expedient, are all matters to be decided by a stroke of the vermilion -pencil. No hostile populations interpose a practical negative to -concessions such as these. The grounds upon which we may claim the -revisal of some of the provisions of existing treaties are derived -from the well-established conditions of all permanent relations of a -friendly and commercial character between sovereign States in the -civilised world. - -We may claim of right a modification of the basis of our relations on -the injury resulting to our interests from the bad faith or -impuissance (it matters little which) of the Chinese Government in -giving execution to the treaties in force. We may insist upon -prejudicial limits being abolished, since they have plainly failed in -their ostensible object to secure freedom from molestation or injury -which was the condition of their acceptance. - -If it be the traditional policy of the Tartar dynasty to keep -foreigners at the outer confines of the empire and in a degrading -position, it may with better justice be the policy of Great Britain to -obtain a direct action upon their centre, and freedom from idle and -vexatious restrictions. The right of a nation to interdict intercourse -and commerce, and therefore to determine upon what conditions it shall -exist, is but an imperfect right, and subject to such modifications as -the rights of other nations to the use of innocent objects of utility -dictate; and the refusal of a common right is an abuse of the -sovereign power, and an injury to be resisted. - -China, however disposed its rulers may be to deny the fact, is one of -a community of nations with common rights and obligations, and any -claim to exemption from the recognised terms of national intercourse -is inadmissible in the interest of all other countries. To admit such -a right of exemption would be to allow the arrogated superiority in -power and civilisation, and to pamper the hostile conceit of her -people. - -So long as the sovereign States of Europe will permit so obvious an -inference it cannot be matter of surprise, and scarcely subject of -reproach, to the Chinese, that they should be so ready to assert and -so pertinacious in acting upon it. - -But even if exclusion from the territories, from all trade and -intercourse, were an absolute right in the first instance, the Chinese -have forfeited all claim to its exercise--first, by voluntarily -entering into relations political and commercial in ages past with -other States and people, by exchange of embassies, by opening their -ports and territories and encouraging trade; and secondly, by -aggressive wars and invasion of the territory of Europe by the Tartar -and Mongolian races who have ruled the country. - -China preserves her undoubted right of self-preservation as a -political society and an empire, but this does not involve the -incidental right of interdicting intercourse, because her own history -shows that danger does not necessarily follow unlimited access, since -as late as the seventeenth century such free communication existed -with foreigners; and secondly, because the right of decision must be -shared by the interdicted party. - - -_Section II._ - -It is not enough, however, to determine the abstract principles upon -which a policy may be founded--that which is just may not always be -most expedient, and if both the one and the other, it may not be -practicable. - -The chief difficulties to be encountered in any attempt to place our -relations on an improved basis may be traced to three principal -sources:-- - - The Canton popular traditions and hostility. - The treaties in force. - The contraband trade in opium. - -The characteristic features of our position at Canton and their origin -are too well known to require illustration. To our political relations -before the war, and the humble and in every way derogatory attitude -assumed towards the Chinese, is clearly to be traced their present -insolence, assumed superiority, and hostility on finding it -questioned. - -The principle of narrow boundaries and restricted limits confirmed by -the Treaty of Nanking virtually sanctioned the tradition of the past, -which no mere verbal assertion of equality thus practically -contradicted can modify. The repudiation of this principle and the -establishment of a different footing seem to be essential to our -political equality, which would form the best foundation of an -improved social and commercial position, most especially in the south. -Were our chief political relations with the Chinese Government not -centred at Canton, it is very evident that that port would lose much -of the importance which now attaches to the sayings and doings of its -turbulent mob and impracticable authorities. Were the centre of our -political action anywhere else, the local difficulties, troublesome as -they are, must soon merge into comparative insignificance, and such a -measure as this would seem an easier task to accomplish than to change -the habits and the prejudices of a whole population. - -If we turn from Canton and its unsatisfactory history of oriental -insolence and presumption on the one side, and undue submission to -their exigencies on the other, and consider the exemption from all -such characteristics at Shanghai, the respective influences of the -treaties and of local circumstances may be deduced by a comparison of -the two chief ports. - -The various concurring circumstances terminating in the Tsingpu -outrage, which threatened to approximate the position of the British -at Shanghai to that occupied at Canton, have been detailed in the -correspondence of the period. The position was seriously affected by -the comparative immunity of whole villages participating in the -murders at Canton in the previous year, by the atrocious features of -the crime itself, and by the assumed necessity of the consul's -inaction pending a reference to her Majesty's plenipotentiary, -occupying several weeks. - -Prompt redress was imperiously demanded by the interests at stake and -the sinister aspect of affairs, and to enforce this coercive means -were employed, leaving nothing to be desired. - -The most important of the results obtained was the demonstration of a -power to shift the centre of action from a port where no progress -could be made to a vulnerable point nearer to Peking where immediate -attention could be commanded, and this was supplied by the mission to -Nanking. - -From these two circumstances--the serious deterioration of our -position, and the prompt and efficacious remedy provided--an important -conclusion may be drawn as to our means of effecting any required -change in our relations. - -In an empire vast in area as China, with an overflowing population, it -is no slight advantage to be enabled, without a single battle, to -invest and vigorously blockade the capital; and this it is in our -power to effect by a small squadron at the mouth of the Grand Canal in -the early spring, when Peking is dependent for its supplies for the -year on the arrival of the grain and tribute junks by that channel. A -more effective means of coercion this than the destruction of twenty -cities on the confines of the Chinese territory or on the coast. With -a starving Court and population around him, flight or concession -appears to be the emperor's only alternatives. - -The facility and the certainty with which this object may be attained -are important considerations. The insurmountable obstacles to the -advance of a European army into the interior are rendered nugatory and -altogether unimportant by the knowledge of this highroad to the heart -of the empire. - -The maintenance of our present relations is probably in no slight -degree due to the secret consciousness of their weakness at this -point. - -In any future policy that may be adopted, therefore, these facts and -views are calculated to supersede the necessity for active -hostilities, and must tend to avert from a peaceful and industrious -population all the worst calamities of war, at the same time that they -free her Majesty's Government from the embarrassment of a costly and -protracted war _in prospectu_. - -A simple and ready resource for commanding attention to any just -demands is indeed invaluable in China, and without it there is every -reason to believe the Chinese rulers would still be the most -impracticable of Orientals. With such a power, no insuperable -obstacles exist to the satisfactory solution of difficulties without -either costly effort or interruption to the trade of the five ports; -and it was the long-matured conviction of our powerful action, by -means of a command over the necessary supplies for Peking, that -dictated the course followed in the Tsingpu affair. - -The Chinese view of the opium trade and our agency in it forms perhaps -the chief obstacle to our taking that high ground with the rulers, and -good position with the people, which the extension of our commercial -interests demands. Let us look, then, to this opium traffic and the -influence it actually exercises upon our position in China. - -It is no question here whether opium should be classed in the category -of medicines, stimuli, or fatal poisons; the Chinese have decided that -for themselves, and regard it only as a poison, and the British as the -great producers, carriers, and sellers of the drug, to our own great -profit and their undoubted impoverishment and ruin. Nor does their -conviction end here: they believe to maintain this traffic we made war -and dictated a humiliating peace, and that we are prepared to do so -again, if they ventured on any interference to its prejudice. - -These opinions may be false or true in their foundation, that is not -the question, but, What is the influence they are calculated to -exercise? Hostility and distrust can alone be traced to this source. -No other feelings flow from it, and the consequences will meet us at -every turn of our negotiations, in our daily intercourse, and every -changing phase of our relations. As it overshadows with a sinister -influence the whole field of our political action, so must it be -seriously taken into account and calculated upon as an adverse element -in all we attempt in China. - -Accepted as _un fait accompli_, the best means of neutralising and -counteracting its bad effects are alone to be considered, since the -enormous capital, large revenue, and inseparable connection of our -legitimate trade with opium, as a means of laying down funds in China, -involved in the traffic, precludes all idea of its cessation or -removal. - -The effective protection lent to the chief opium-dealers, in their -capacity of British merchants, resident at the ports under the -provisions of the treaty, and the manifest inability of the Chinese -either to bring the legal proof we should require against these -principals, or of attacking by force their agents in the glaring -infraction of the Chinese laws, at the opium stations, no doubt flings -an air of insincerity over all our protestations of non-intervention, -while there is mockery in the invitation to assail large fleets of -heavily-armed European vessels. Even if the Chinese for a single -moment believed in the honesty of our declarations, they know the -utter futility of any means of attack they possess against such -superior force as the opium fleets present. This is the view taken by -the Chinese, who, though they do not confess their own weakness, do -not disguise or deny it to themselves. - -The obstacles which these opinions create and fling in our path -whenever advantages are sought at the hands of the Chinese in -furtherance of our national interests are to be overcome before any -progress can be made. There are three modes of dealing with them:-- - -1. By arguments to prove the fallacy of their assumption that we were -either the original cause of this traffic, or have now the power to -put an end to it, or finally, that it is an unmixed evil. - -2. By a modification in the demands we should, without this -consideration, be entitled to insist upon. - -3. By a mixture of kindness and decision, of instruction and -intimidation, and, in last resort, by coercion for the attainment of -all just and necessary concessions. - -And as we should naturally begin with the first, and may eventually -find ourselves compelled to resort to the last, so no doubt it will be -expedient many times to combine all the different methods of -overcoming the active or inert resistance we encounter in the Chinese -rulers. - -As to any remedy to be applied to the evils of the opium trade, there -seems to be none open to either Government but its legalisation, which -would strip it of its contraband character, and remove from the -emperor the open reproach to his authority, while it might be made to -yield a large revenue to his treasury. - -If on a question of national policy or morality, this measure, as the -lesser of two evils, is declined, there seems to be no help for the -mischief which must accrue to us from being the chief agents in the -traffic. But it is useless to disguise from ourselves the injurious -influence it will unfailingly exercise upon our political action, when -any rights on our part are weighed, and it is this which may entail -the necessity of our flinging the weight of the sword into the -opposite scale--sheathed it may be, but not the less significant and -compulsory in its effect. - -The opium grief and the Canton hostility thus work together and -dovetail into each other to our manifest prejudice, that port -continuing to enjoy its old privilege of being the great exponent and -centre of both. There we meet in their least veiled form the national -adverseness to foreigners concentrated and localised--the conviction -of injury and loss at our hands from opium, heightened into asperity -and bitterness by the arrogance of their tempers and the consciousness -of their weakness. - -In no other port does it seem likely the same overt expression and -concentration of adverse feelings will ever be experienced. It would -appear the more important, therefore, to modify the virulent form they -assume at Canton, and remove the bad precedent and example incessantly -furnished by the Cantonese. - -The entrance into the city is obviously a question of principle, not -of any _direct_ practical advantage in a _commercial_ sense. The -freedom from annoyance, and security to property, are more truly so, -and of these two the latter, by far the most essential and important -to our interests, seems only to require more storage room for goods, -away from a dense Chinese suburb which renders insurance from risk of -fire impossible, and entails upon our merchants all the additional -danger of fraud in the Chinese warehouse-keepers, who are of necessity -the custodians of our goods. - -We cannot hope that any effort of ours or of the emperor will suffice -to change at once the character and habits of a people, or even of the -population of a city. But the last war has shown that with us it rests -to bring at any time the pretensions of the Chinese rulers down to a -nearer level with their military power; and if they cannot from -inherent weakness do all that may be desirable, neither are they in a -position to refuse any concession, clearly at their option to grant, -and such are these which it would seem most important to Great Britain -to secure: the nature of our demands and the circumstances under which -they shall be preferred are considerations of policy and expediency. -But the real question, and by far the most important, it will be -obvious, is rather what it may be wise to demand, than what it may be -possible to obtain. The danger of collision between the rival -civilisations of the East and West has long been foreseen, -instinctively felt by the Chinese, and more clearly discerned by -Europeans in the result of the late war; and the larger commercial -interests growing up under, and in spite of, the present system of -restrictions, has only tended, by partially extending the points of -contact without placing our relations on a plain basis of reciprocity -and equality, to increase the chances. It can only be hoped that the -gradual introduction of European arts and ideas and their -fructification may in some degree fuse and harmonise the discordant -elements before the course of events which otherwise tend to -precipitate a violent and disastrous collision are beyond our control. -To such a peaceful and beneficial termination of the difficulties -which unavoidably beset our relations with China, the efforts of all -Western Powers should in the common interest be directed. - -These considerations must act as the most powerful checks to any -initiative measures of a large and comprehensive character for the -improvement of our position and the more rapid development of our -commerce. - -In this point of view the two greatest obstacles to any advance are -the large commercial interests and national revenue at stake, and the -danger of being followed by the envoys of other foreign Powers who, -having no such great interests to jeopardise, are without this -beneficial and most needful check, and may therefore be induced to -repeat at a semi-barbarian Court the intrigues and counter-projects -for the destruction of our influence and the injury of our trade in -the East which are at work in our own times in every capital in -Europe, as formerly in India and the Eastern Archipelago. - -Russia, France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and America, with their -several jealousies and united rivalry with England, their missionary -enterprises or commercial and political schemes clashing in their aim -and development, are all capable of creating such turmoil, strife, and -disturbance throughout the empire, if free access to the Court and the -provinces were insisted upon by Great Britain, as could only end in -the ejection of Europeans from China as formerly from Japan, or an -intestine war in which European power would probably be involved on -opposite sides, and to their mutual destruction as States with -commercial interests in the country. These, again, might lead to -attempts at territorial possession, suggested in the first instance, -as in India, in self-defence, and afterwards continued from -necessity. With Russia spreading her gigantic arms to the north and -east, Great Britain on the south and west, Spain, Holland, and -Portugal with their colonies in the Chinese and Indian seas, a -struggle for superiority on the soil of China for exclusive advantages -or predominant influence might be centred in Peking and embroil the -whole of Europe in hostile relations. The same objection applies to -all efforts to enlarge our intercourse and remove limitations, and has -ever prevailed. It was recognised as an objection to the last war. The -course of events urged on by the opium trade left but little -alternative at the last, or there can be no doubt, with the additional -fear of the uncertain result of a struggle with a vast empire like -China, the resources of which were so imperfectly known, the British -Government would have been deterred from any onward step, as these -motives did in effect prevent any hostile aggression, so long as it -was possible to avoid it, without the sacrifice of our trade. - -The war over, it again prevailed, and we are once more in a position -to accept as final the increased but limited advantages resulting, or -to try for more, and by our policy to avert or provoke disturbing -causes which must lead to change. The moderation which marked, and the -policy which dictated, our treaties carried us back to the old ground -of a nation trading by sufferance, under limitations and restrictions -which kept us at the boundaries of the empire, and with us the rest of -the Western world, the only difference being enlarged facilities and -better guarantees for the pursuit of trade on the coast-line, and -within the restricted limits of the five ports selected. It is now for -the British Government to determine whether we should rest content -with the revenue derived from an import of some 60 million lb. of tea -and the export from India of 40,000 chests of opium, netting together -some 7 millions sterling to the British and Indian Government, -together with the incidental advantage of the raw produce of silk, -promising to render us independent of Europe and the adjoining markets -for the supply of this staple of an important branch of our -manufactures at a cheaper rate, and the market for Indian cotton, the -circumstances which lend to China nearly all its importance; or take -measures, not free from danger and difficulty, of great prospective -magnitude, both in a political and commercial sense, to make China a -great market for our manufactures also. At present the Chinese take -considerably less than 2 millions sterling in annual value out of an -aggregate production of some 70 millions. In this respect they are of -less importance to us as customers than the West India colonies, the -Italian States and islands, or one of the larger European States, so -small a fraction do they absorb. The prospect that would urge us on -should be the hope of seeing China take of our manufactures as large a -share as all Europe, and instead of a couple of millions, create a -demand for more than twenty. The produce of tea and silk we have, the -market for opium and Indian cotton is ours. We want an equally large -and beneficial market for our manufactures--our cotton fabrics, -woollens, linen, and cutlery, for which our powers of production are -all but unlimited. - -Two questions suggest themselves, therefore, on the solution of which -the decision should depend, it being assumed as unquestioned that -something of risk and danger to that which we have must attend all -effective efforts to win that which is as yet wanting. - -To the first four great commercial objects involved in our relations -with China, as above specified, shall we sacrifice the fifth? - -Or shall we peril all for the attainment of the fifth, by the -endeavour to create a market for our manufactures which at present -exists only in its rudiments, and to a small fractional value? - -If the extreme exiguity of the market for manufactures be not held to -justify the voluntary incurrence of great risk or danger to our tea, -silk, opium, and raw cotton trade, which form the great bulk of our -commerce as it exists at the present day, British and Indian, it will -only remain to be determined what are the various secondary means at -our disposal for the improvement of this fifth or manufacturing branch -as the primary object, and their respective chances of success on the -one hand and dangers attending their adoption on the other. For the -dangers, it must be well understood, are of two kinds--those attending -failure, and those which may be consequent upon, and the ulterior -results of, success in the first instance. - -It being borne in mind that whatever we ask and obtain will be claimed -and enjoyed by others, it is necessary to consider to what use they -are liable to be turned by foreign Powers over whom we can exercise no -control, and whose interests or national jealousies may clearly be -adverse to our position in China and the advancement of our commerce. -To these various heads of a subject in every point of view great and -important, and surrounded by doubts and difficulties of the most -embarrassing character, the best information that can be brought by -any one individual is insufficient for a perfectly satisfactory -solution of the questions which must be discussed. All that can be -attempted is to throw some additional light upon the general bearing -of the whole, and to contribute such data and practical inferences, -illustrative of our present position and its future prospects, as may -help to suggest a safe conclusion as circumstances develop new phases -in our relations and call for action. - - -_Section III._ - -Assuming the present basis of our relations to continue, the best -course to be pursued in actual circumstances, more especially for the -maintenance of our advantageous position in the north, is worthy of -consideration. The instructions lately received from her Majesty's -Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs are of a nature to suggest -inquiry under the three heads to which they refer:-- - -1. Recourse to the authorities by British subjects in danger of -popular violence. - -2. Reference in all cases to her Majesty's plenipotentiary for -instructions. - -3. The verification of the punishment awarded to Chinese offenders. - -In reference to the instructions under the first of these heads, it is -to be observed that even with such unusual facilities as some of the -older missionaries possess who speak the dialect, and are often -familiar with the localities they visit, the resource indicated cannot -be counted upon as available. - -In the Tsingpu affair, as soon as they actually became sensible of -danger, it was clearly impossible, nor in one case in a hundred is it -probable, that such a resource will be in their power. - -In these cases the authorities keep out of the way, they and all their -ragged staff of runners and police; and if otherwise, moved by a fear -of worse consequences from the acts of the nearest British authority, -the means they take to rescue a maltreated foreigner are miserably -ineffective and uncertain in their results. Whoever will read the -details of the species of rescue effected in the Tsingpu business will -see that it was by the merest chance the three Englishmen had not -their brains beaten out, either before the arrival of the disguised -runners or while they were waiting an opportunity of stepping in to -render the unfortunate sufferers any service. - -It must be clear, therefore, that access to the authorities in -emergencies of this nature must always be difficult and generally -impracticable for a foreigner. Retreat to a boat or other place of -safety is as little likely to be attainable. - -A salutary dread of the immediate consequences of violence offered to -British subjects, the certainty of its creating greater trouble and -danger to the native authorities personally than even the most -vigorous efforts to protect the foreigner and seize their assailants -will entail, seems to be the best and only protection in this country -for Englishmen. When the Chinese authorities of all ranks, from the -viceroy at Nanking to the lowest police runners, are thoroughly imbued -with this feeling, it will not only rouse them to greater energy but -find its way to the populace by certain steps, and render such -exertion unnecessary, and the nationality of an Englishman will become -his safeguard. Hence the impolicy, not to say impossibility, of -treating instances of personal outrage such as that of Tsingpu as -police cases, and leaving redress to the ordinary administration of -Chinese laws. Where justice exists only nominally, and her image -should be represented not only blind but deaf, deplorable consequences -would result from such a course. There seems to be a democratic spirit -among the Chinese which renders the authorities especially averse to -risk collision with the populace or any popular feeling. The -Chih-hsien is himself exposed to insult and violence if he attempt to -enforce the collection of the taxes in a bad season, and but lately he -was besieged here in his own _yamen_. Not ten days ago the Taotai paid -1600 taels of silver to secure a piece of building-ground at the -urgent demand of the French consul, rather than exert his authority to -compel the owners to take the fair value of $400 offered, and upon the -posts put up to mark the boundaries these parties did not hesitate to -prohibit its appropriation. The principal check upon the people, and -safeguard for the authorities in cases of popular disturbance, seems -to be the conviction under which every Chinese quails, of the -terrible vengeance that may pursue them and their families, the tumult -once over, if they should have been marked or recognised. In -proportion as the magistrate is helpless before numbers, is his power -large of wreaking summary and vengeful punishment upon each of the -individuals that may form the mob, once separated from each other. - -Considerations such as these necessarily influence her Majesty's -consul on the spot, who each day has under his eyes these significant -details, national and administrative. Where danger threatens to -involve the persons or the property of British subjects, his sole -direct resource is to fall back upon the treaty, and to cover with the -aegis of national inviolability individual interests. By any other -course he falls inevitably into the hopeless condition of one waiting -for such redress as the common course of justice in China usually -affords, where everything assuming its form is venal and arbitrary. - -The result of all efforts made to secure the apprehension of thieves -or the recovery of property stolen from foreigners is conclusive as to -the kind of security to be obtained for British subjects where -infractions are dealt with as affairs of police in which justice is to -take its ordinary course. In scarcely one instance has any redress -been obtained since the port was opened. If thieves are overtaken, it -is only that they may disgorge their booty for the benefit of the -police sent after them, and the larger the amount the less chance is -there of either apprehension or restitution. Witness Mr Hubertson's -robbery, where his servant went off with nearly $10,000 in gold and -silver, and he was promptly traced and pursued. - -Then in reference to the standing orders that, in case of difficulty -arising, reference shall invariably be made to her Majesty's -plenipotentiary for instructions. Instances have been very numerous -showing the nullity of any means of action on the local authorities -here through the Imperial Commissioner at Canton, not only in these -matters, but in those treated on higher grounds, and affecting our -political position. Last year (1847) not only a list of cases where no -satisfactory exertion had been made to obtain redress for property -stolen was forwarded, but the consul urged upon Sir John Davis, her -Majesty's plenipotentiary at the time, the urgent necessity for the -removal of the then acting magistrate at Shanghai, who had openly -reviled a consulate servant for taking the service of the barbarians, -and dismissed him without redress. The only answer to be obtained from -his Excellency Kiying was to the effect that the Chih-hsien, as a -territorial officer, was not under his jurisdiction. Fortunately he -was removed very shortly for misconduct in the management of Chinese -affairs,--for however injurious his proceedings to the British, it was -obvious neither redress nor assistance was to be obtained from Canton -and the Imperial Commissioner. - -The paramount necessity of protecting its subjects in distant -countries is of course well understood by her Majesty's Government, -and in an oriental State this can only be effected by letting it be -known and felt that whoever attacks one of the solitary subjects will -be held to have attacked the sovereign and the nation. By this policy -a firman, far more potent than the Grand Seignior's in his own -territory, is given to every Englishman abroad, ensuring his freedom -from injury all over the world. - -The treaty viewed in this light becomes a real and efficient bulwark -against encroachments, and without such safeguard, with Chinese -management, it would at no distant period in all its most important -provisions become null and void. No doubt inconvenience results from -the necessity of treating casualties of collision between subjects of -different countries as infractions of a solemn treaty; but the -oriental, and in some respects very peculiar, character of the -Chinese, and our relations with them, must be borne in mind, and the -lesser of two evils chosen with such discretion and judgment as the -circumstances imperatively demand. - -At a distant and isolated port like Shanghai, where a brig of war is -by no means permanently stationed, the consul is left to his own -resources, separated by an interval of many weeks from the assistance -of her Majesty's plenipotentiary. When difficulties and emergencies -supervene, it is only by prompt demands for redress, and firm -resistance to any virtual negation of the rights and privileges -guaranteed by treaty, that he can hope successfully to defend the very -important interests confided to his charge. - -As regards the practicability and expediency of verifying the -punishments of any Chinese offender by the presence of a British -officer when a sentence is carried into execution, the instruction -received could only have been partially applicable to the Tsingpu -offenders had it been earlier received, for the most serious -punishment was banishment to a penal settlement in Tartary. - -But the whole subject is one of peculiar difficulty, nor can any hope -be entertained of submitting in this place a satisfactory solution. It -has long been felt that of all the provisions of the two treaties, -that which provided for the due administration of the laws on Chinese -offenders was the most nugatory. The chief difficulty consists in a -British officer being present at all during a trial in a Chinese -court, assuming the right were to be granted by treaty. Where the -ordinary mode of questioning is by torture, a process utterly -repugnant to our notions of justice and our sense of what is due to -humanity and truth, are we by our presence to sanction and be made -parties to such proceedings? Or are we to interfere and insist upon -justice being administered not according to their usages, but ours? -The objection to both courses seems equally valid, and yet without the -presence of an efficient officer there is no guarantee whatever for -the due administration of justice. - -As regards the presence of an officer at punishments, unless he is in -a position to identify the criminal, which must often from the -circumstances of the case be impossible, it may be questioned whether -our national character is not in danger of being compromised without -the real object of such risk being attained. Nothing could more -effectually tend to lower us in the opinion of the Chinese than to be -imposed upon by the jugglery of a substituted criminal, or the -punishment of an innocent man at our instigation, or even the illegal -and excessive punishment of a real offender. Yet to all these we are -exposed when we take upon ourselves to watch the course of justice and -verify the execution of the sentences. It may finally be observed that -there are punishments recognised in the Chinese code revolting for -their brutality, which an English officer could scarcely sanction with -his presence without discredit to our national feeling. A lesser -objection exists in the frequency of minor punishments for theft and -petty misdemeanours, so that an interpreter would be required for this -duty alone. - -These are some of the practical difficulties to the effective exercise -of any check upon the proceedings of the Chinese authorities in -criminal informations against Chinese subjects, and to devise a remedy -may require more consideration than has probably yet been given to the -subject. - -From this review of our actual position at the most favourably -situated of the northern ports, and the means by which it has been -preserved from deterioration, and in many essential points materially -improved, a correct inference may be drawn of the injurious -consequences of any retrograde influence from Canton, direct or -indirect. - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -CONFIDENTIAL DESPATCH BY CONSUL ALCOCK TO SIR GEORGE BONHAM, JANUARY -13, 1852. - - -I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's -confidential despatch of the 17th ultimo, and although the departure -of the Audax within three days of its receipt leaves me but little -time for consideration or inquiry, I have devoted so much time and -thought to the subject during the last five years that I venture to -reply without delay. - -On the general scope of coercive measures adapted to ensure success in -any negotiations with the Chinese Government, and more especially on -the blockade of the Grand Canal as a very cogent means, I have already -in my confidential report of January 19, 1849, and subsequently in -another of February 13, 1850, submitted the opinion I had formed after -long and careful study of our position in China; and further inquiries -and experience of the people we have to deal with have only served to -confirm the views contained in those reports. - -I took the responsibility of sending Mr Vice-Consul Robertson with the -Espiegle to Nanking in the spring of 1848 with the strong conviction -that at that particular season, with the tribute of grain uncollected -and a thousand of these grain-junks actually under an embargo at -Shanghai, any demonstration of force in the neighbourhood of the Grand -Canal _would command immediate attention_, and the result went far to -establish the accuracy of the conclusion. Circumstances since then -have, however, altered both in a favourable and an adverse sense. -Taokuang, with his humiliating experience of the superiority of our -arms and his known and acknowledged desire to avoid any further -collision during his reign, is no longer on the throne; and his young -successor, untaught by the experience of his father, has given very -unequivocal signs of disposition to enter upon a different policy. On -the other hand, a protracted and serious insurrection in the southern -provinces has drained his treasury, weakened his authority, and now -threatens, unless he finds means by force or bribery to put the -insurgents down, at no distant period to affect the stability of his -throne. If the arrogance of youth in the new sovereign should -therefore dispose him on the one side to venture on a crusade against -Western Powers, his perilous position in regard to his own provinces -cannot fail to impress upon him the prudence of at least temporising -until a more convenient season. I am led to think, therefore, from all -I can learn, that the two contrary forces will go far to neutralise -each other, and that Hsienfeng, with all his hostile feeling, will be -at the _present moment_ as accessible to reason, from the peculiarly -embarrassing position in which he is placed, if backed by coercive -means, as was his predecessor at the conclusion of the war. - -From this your Excellency will perceive that I deem the present time, -from the political condition of China, more favourable than any later -period may be for the success of coercive measures. As regards the -season of the year to be selected, both in reference to the navigation -of the Yangtze-kiang and the transmission of the grain tribute, the -blockading should not be commenced later than April. During the summer -the sun melts the snow on the mountains and sends down the freshets, -swelling the river until it overflows its banks with great accession -of violence to the current. When the fleet sailed up in July 1842 many -of the soundings taken were over paddy-fields, and altogether out of -the bed of the river, as the soundings and observations of the -Espiegle clearly demonstrated. The tribute also begins to be sent up -to Peking from some parts as early as April. A fleet of grain-junks -were at the mouth of the canal when the Espiegle made her appearance -at the end of March in 1848. - -How far a blockade at the present time would have the desired -effect--that is, if made effective before the month of May--is a -question upon which I cannot feel any doubt. Much would of course -depend upon the suddenness of the descent, and therefore upon the -previous secrecy observed; much upon the available nature of the force -employed. Besides two or three large-class vessels, I am strongly -persuaded there should be at least two small steamers of light draught -of water, and one or two brigs, which would be quite as effective -against any force the Chinese could bring to bear, and far more -manageable and serviceable, as well as less costly, than larger -vessels. If the result aimed at were not very promptly attained, it -might be necessary to retake Chinkiang-fu as a base of operations, and -to detach two or three small-class vessels to watch the entrances of -water-courses and canals nearer the mouth of the Yangtze-kiang, of -which there are at least four, and through them junks with tribute -might otherwise pass to the north and into the Grand Canal at some -point above the Yangtze-kiang, and between it and the Yellow river. -There is also a very free communication with all the lowland districts -south of the Yangtze-kiang and the north above Nanking by means of the -_Seu ho_, which runs from Soochow west into the Yangtze-kiang at _Wu -Hu_ and _Taiping_. But from this point northward there does not appear -to be any good water communication leading to the Grand Canal without -descending the Yangtze-kiang as far as _Iching_ and _Kwachow_ on the -two mouths of the Grand Canal at its junction with the Yangtze-kiang -below Nanking. These secured would therefore stop the main traffic by -the _Seu ho_ route to the north for the relief of Peking. My own -impression is that if no warning were given, nor time allowed for -previous preparation, our demands would be granted within one month of -the commencement of the blockade. If from any unforeseen cause, -however, the negotiations were protracted, and the Chinese Government -had leisure to recover from its panic and adopt plans for obtaining -tribute and grain by circuitous routes, it would be in that case that -Chinkiang-fu might be required, together with a good watch on the -various tributaries of the Yangtze-kiang below and eastward of Nanking -already referred to; and perhaps on the coast towards the Yellow river -and the Peiho two or three cruisers might be required to intercept -junks _sent by sea_ with tribute. Such in effect is the intention of -the Chinese Government at the present moment, without any reference -to us. The grain to be collected from the eight provinces, divided -into upper and lower, consists of the common grain and of white rice, -the latter for the consumption of the emperor and his Court, which it -is intended shall be sent this season by sea from _Shanghai_,--a -circumstance peculiarly favourable to the success of any blockading -measures, since, as it would be necessary under any contingencies to -cover Shanghai and our large interests there with an effective force, -the same means would enable her Majesty's Government to lay an embargo -on a large and especially important portion of the tribute already -collected in the port. I do not imagine it would be contemplated to -abandon Shanghai, and I am far from thinking it would be either -necessary or expedient--though at Ningpo, Foochow, and perhaps Amoy, -it might be considered well--to withdraw the few foreigners for a -time. At Canton, no doubt, it would be imperative either to give -adequate protection or to abandon the place. On this point I am -scarcely called upon to offer an opinion. It probably does not enter -into any plans contemplated to strike a blow at Canton, or to adopt -any measure necessarily entailing bloodshed and heavy loss: were it -otherwise, no doubt the fall of Canton and the humiliation of the -Cantonese would in itself go far to read a salutary lesson throughout -the empire, and especially at Peking, where there is reason to believe -they look upon Canton and the Cantonese as affording the great barrier -to our progress, from our inability to make any impression either upon -the city or the people. - -I do not, of course, presume to offer these suggestions on the general -measures which might be found needful for the protection of British -interests along the coast, and the distribution and economising of our -forces while a blockade on the Yangtze-kiang was being effected, as -better informed than your Excellency on such points, but merely refer -to them incidentally as necessary parts of any plan for demanding -redress by coercive measures at the mouth of the Grand Canal. - -For the better illustration of the points touched upon in this -despatch in reference to the different points of access to the Grand -Canal, either coastwise or by the Yangtze-kiang below Nanking and the -two mouths of the canal, which will have to be borne in mind, I beg to -enclose a very rough and hasty plan of the main channels, taken -chiefly from the elaborate map of the empire published under the -Jesuits, and which Mr Medhurst, when my last confidential report was -in hand, was good enough at my suggestion to work at on an enlarged -scale, availing himself of all the additional information, by -comparison of maps, itineraries, &c., that was accessible. - -I shall be glad if in this somewhat hasty reply to your Excellency's -despatch I have been able to afford such information as you have -desired; but if not, or upon any other points it should appear that -further inquiries can be prosecuted advantageously and without -creating suspicion, I shall be happy to give my best efforts to carry -out your Excellency's instructions. - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -CONFIDENTIAL DESPATCH TO SIR GEORGE BONHAM, DATED JUNE 17, 1852. -(EXTRACT.) - - -If I might without presumption express an opinion on our general -policy in China, I should add that it seems in danger of being -paralysed by the two antagonistic forces [alluded to in the preamble], -and by necessities difficult to reconcile. The magnitude and extreme -importance of our interests in the East--in commerce and revenue (for, -as I have shown, the China trade is the connecting-link between Great -Britain and India, and necessary to complete the circle of trading -operations)--suggest on the one hand the necessity of avoiding all -measures that may rashly jeopardise such interests, yet nevertheless -make it imperative on the other to adopt firmly and unhesitatingly -whatever steps may be necessary to prevent loss or deterioration. How -these can best be reconciled is the problem to be solved. As late as -the last war, throughout all our previous intercourse the attempt had -been made to arrive at the solution by a system of temporising and -concession, even to that which was unjust and injurious, and this -steadily carried out, with a few rare and brief exceptions. Our policy -since the treaty has manifested a tendency to an opposite course, -encouraged no doubt by the result of the first determined stand made. -It has, nevertheless, been so hesitatingly developed that we appear -to halt between the two. In words we have asserted resistance to -insult or wrongful treatment, but in acts we have not seldom -temporised and submitted. The fruit of this policy we now are -beginning to reap. Principles of action have sometimes been asserted -and then abandoned, instead of being persisted in until the end was -accomplished. In dealing with the Chinese, however, nothing appears to -be so necessary as to keep the ground once assumed. If this be true, -there cannot be too much caution used in first asserting or contending -for a right; but that step once taken, there is no safe halting-place -between it and full success. A course of alternate opposition and -submission cannot do otherwise than end in defeat; and defeat in this -country is never limited to its immediate consequences. It has -appeared, on looking back through the ten years which have now elapsed -since the termination of the war, that the first half of the period -was passed in comparative security under the strong influence its -events were calculated to exercise on the Chinese mind; but, true to -their invariable policy, they have never ceased to seek by every means -in their power to make the British authorities develop under what -instructions they were acting and to penetrate into their true spirit, -in order to ascertain the limits to which our sufferance would extend -and the nature of the powers of resistance or retaliation her -Majesty's Government were ready to authorise. I think it cannot be -matter of doubt to any one resident in China throughout this period, -that during the latter portion the Chinese have felt assured of the -essentially pacific determination of our Government and the policy of -endurance and sufferance in all cases of minor wrongs. And, assured -under such a system (with the known impossibility of any direct action -in Peking), they have, during the last two years more especially, felt -emboldened, systematically, by a series of apparently small -encroachments and aggressions, to undermine our position, and to -restore, as nearly as may be, the state of things existing before the -war, extending the system to all the ports. - -With this conviction I have thought it desirable to bring before her -Majesty's plenipotentiary in detail many illustrations of the -deteriorating influences at work at this port, and now venture to pass -these rapidly in review, that their collective evidence may not be -wanting. And in order that I may be brief, I shall merely note in the -margin the number and dates of various despatches bearing upon similar -matters, without further reference to their contents. By these I think -it will be seen that the general current and tendency of all the -official acts for the last two years upon which I have frequently -commented as they occurred has been distrust, and strongly adverse -alike to our trade and the stability of our position. - -Evidence, I think, will be found in these records to establish the -fact that the present Taotai Wu (or Samqua, as he is more familiarly -known, of Canton trading memory) has been especially selected as the -chief agent to initiate, and the fit instrument for carrying out, a -retrograde policy: his character, means, and the general direction of -his efforts to damage our local position, territorial and social--to -cripple and restrict our trade, and to Cantonise the whole of our -relations both with people and authorities in the north--are all in -keeping with this mission, and incomprehensible on any other -supposition. - -The steps of his progress have been carefully watched, and in the -despatches noted in the margin traced, together with their -effects--neither very apparent on the surface. These may perhaps best -be considered by aid of a somewhat arbitrary division as to subjects -rather than chronologically, for they have generally run on -conterminous and parallel lines. Starting from the Tsingpu affair, in -the spring of 1848, and his baffled efforts to pluck from us the best -fruit of the risks incurred to vindicate an important principle, from -which date he hung about the place--in the background it is true, but -not the less busy as a spy from Nanking, between which place and -Shanghai, occasionally acting Taotai, at others absent, he oscillated -until the fit time appeared to have arrived. After the accession of -the new emperor, Lin was displaced from the Taotai office, and he was -finally installed by "imperial appointment" to put his hand to the -work before him. His steps may be traced in the sinister influences -and obstruction brought to bear upon all our interests. - -The _land tenure and regulations_ under which a foreign colony had -rapidly risen covering more than a hundred acres of land, as an -element of strength and independence to the British more especially, -seems to have excited both the jealousy and the fears of the Chinese -authorities. There seemed no limit to its progress and development; -each year saw more and more land occupied, while houses of a large -and costly description rapidly filled up the vacant spaces. - -Before Wu came _ostensibly_ upon the scene some progress had been made -in the creation of difficulties, and the authorities having in the -spring of 1849 granted a large and absurdly disproportionate tract to -the French, over which the French consul claimed a territorial -jurisdiction, the national susceptibilities of the Americans gave the -opportunity of bringing French and Americans, and the latter and the -English, into collision, and they were not slow to profit by it to set -the land regulations practically aside while officially appearing to -uphold them. - -The desire of the community to carry out an extravagant and not very -practicable scheme for a new park or exercise-course that should -enclose nearly the whole arable ground and villages within our limits -afforded the next opportunity, and the arrogant humour and -superstitions of the Fukein clans supplied the ready instruments for -inflicting a second blow upon the rights and security of the foreigner -at Shanghai connected with the occupation of land. - -These attacks and aggressions have since been perseveringly followed -up--popular commotions, abusive and menacing placards, having all been -used in turns to the damage of our position, and the result has been -discredit, broken regulations, divided and antagonistic pretensions -between the two most numerous classes of foreign residents--the -British and American--and between all foreigners and the Fukein clans, -the most turbulent and aggressive of the native population at the -port,--a result of which, looking to all the present embarrassment and -future danger to our interests it is calculated to produce, I am bound -to say I think Samqua may well be proud. The national vanity of the -French leading them to an absurd and useless acquisition, the love of -exercise of the British leading the equestrians to press an -ill-advised and impracticable scheme for a three-mile racecourse, and -the national susceptibilities of the Americans leading them to dispute -the land tenure which hitherto had been the condition of their own -security,--all have been adroitly turned to the greatest advantage, to -the profit of the Chinese and the serious detriment of the foreigner. - -The progress made in creating obstacles to our _commerce_ has been not -less worthy of remark. For a system of total laxity in the -custom-house administration under Lin a capricious alternation of -vigilance and neglect, under which oppressive acts of partiality and -injustice are frequently perpetrated, has been substituted, to the -great derangement of operations in trade. The carrying trade has been -harassed and impeded, and the Taotai is now actively engaged in -efforts to get the cargo-boats under his exclusive control, and to -organise a _cohong_ of five firms on the model of the ancient -establishments at Canton, while already--I believe at his suggestion -(indeed he scarcely denies it)--information has reached me that a new -transit duty of seven mace per picul has been levied at Chung-An on -the produce proceeding thence from the Black Tea districts to -Shanghai. A duty of over 7 per cent, in violation of one of the most -important of our treaty stipulations, with a monopoly of cargo-boats, -a right to levy new transit duties, and a _cohong_--the three leading -advantages secured by the treaty vanish. It is vain to disguise the -fact, for nothing can be clearer or more certain. On these points I -have been collecting detailed information, and shall shortly be -enabled to write more fully on the subject. I beg your Excellency in -the meantime to rest assured that the main facts have already been -placed beyond doubt. In connection with these, freedom of access to -different points in the interior and with Ningpo by the inland route -as advantages long enjoyed have also attracted attention, and some -more feeble efforts have been made to throw obstacles in the way. - -In the _administration of justice_ perhaps more than in any other -directions adverse influences have been brought to bear with complete -effect. Redress for any injury inflicted on a foreigner, protection -from frauds, or recovery of debts, are all wholly unattainable. The -action of the Chinese tribunals in our behalf is null and void, and -the course taken by the authorities in all cases referred to there -amounts to a total denial of justice. The act of the Taotai in seizing -and flogging Mr ----'s boatmen was only wanting to withdraw from the -foreigners all protection dependent upon the Chinese laws and their -administration under our treaties. - -Under these three heads, therefore, I would sum up the progressive and -evident deterioration in our position here. The tenure of land, the -operations of trade, the administration of justice, have all been -objects of attack, and with serious prejudice. That, however, which is -at present evident as the effect of the steps taken, forms but a -small part of the injury which will in a very short period be too -manifest to be overlooked if no determined steps are taken to reverse -the policy now pursued. The time, I am firmly persuaded, has arrived -for meeting by energetic action these insidious attacks--as the _least -dangerous course_--if our most important interests here are really to -be defended with any effect. - -How this may best be done I feel your Excellency is entitled to demand -from the officer who seeks so earnestly to impress you with a -conviction that action is necessary, and I have no wish to shrink from -the responsibility of suggesting measures by which I conceive some -positive good may be effected, to repair the mischief, and much -impending evil at all events averted. - -In reference to the land, also, it would seem very desirable that some -understanding should be come to with the United States _charge -d'affaires_ by which any participation in the advantages of the -British location, consistent with the security of all, should be -freely conceded, while anything incompatible _with this condition_ -must be as certainly resisted, in their interest not less than ours. -If Dr Parker prove impracticable I see no resource but a reference -home, when I trust all the real importance of the questions at issue -to the _interests of British trade and the British position at this -port_ will be steadily kept in view; nor should it be forgotten that -in its maintenance all foreign States are deeply interested, whatever -the Americans for the moment may think. Any injury to our position -must recoil with double force upon so weak and small a minority as -they are when left to stand alone. - -As regards the measures now in progress for organising a _cohong_, -levying new transit duties, and creating a monopoly of cargo-boats, -all tending in the most serious degree to fetter our trade, in -indirect violation of the express stipulations of our treaty, I -confess there seems to be but one course consistent with the credit of -our Government or the defence of our interests, and that is resolutely -and firmly to resist them as infractions of treaty. Two modes of doing -this, however, suggest themselves. The one is by active -proceedings--prohibiting the payment of any maritime duties by British -subjects until satisfaction is obtained, and a distinct intimation -that if this does not suffice other _and more determined measures -should follow_. The other involves a system of _negation_ that would -be peculiarly embarrassing to the Chinese local authorities, and -eventually to the Government at Peking. This may be carried out by -simply holding the treaty to be _in abeyance_ by their own acts, and -declining to take any steps with British subjects to enforce the -conditions--whether as regarded customs, access to the interior, the -purchase of land, or the administration of justice--so long as the -measures objected to were persisted in. - -In reference to these two courses, I will not hesitate to say that, if -left to my discretion, I should adopt the first; but the condition of -ultimate success would be the certainty that, if the object was not -attained by such means, her Majesty's Government would feel pledged to -send a squadron to the mouth of the Grand Canal next spring with an -imperative demand for the Taotai's disgrace and the reversal of all -this obnoxious policy, and authority to resort to coercive measures if -not listened to. - -If, however, it should be deemed preferable to incur the risk of doing -nothing--or what, I confess, appears to me even more dangerous, to -make protests, or demonstrations which there is no serious intention -of following up to their legitimate conclusion--the negative policy is -of course the only one to be attempted. The responsibility of the -initiative would then be thrown upon the Chinese themselves. The -tables would be turned, and the Chinese will be left to right -themselves as they best could, while a large revenue will slip through -their hands and manifold complications and embarrassments in their -relations with foreigners arise to their confusion. The task, in fine, -they now assign to us would devolve upon them, and their sole remedy, -if they did not choose to give way, would be to stop the trade; but as -that would be a plain and ostensible _casus belli_, they will not -attempt it. - -If, on the other side, nothing effective be done, I must frankly state -my conviction that our position in the north will rapidly deteriorate, -and our relations be embroiled, if not irreparably injured. I believe -means for the amelioration of both may be safely taken, and have long -been required; but I feel still more strongly convinced that at no -distant period they _must_ be taken, and the longer they are delayed -the greater will be the ultimate cost, and the more imminent the -hazard to our future trade and relations with China. - -If I am correct in these inferences, the conclusion of the whole must -be that the time has arrived when it will be no longer safe to defer -strong and effective measures in defence of our interests, and that -there is a clear necessity for present action to avert at no distant -period a costly war and a shock to this empire it is so ill capable of -sustaining, that it must of necessity be attended with great peril not -only to the present dynasty but to the existing social organisation of -the country. - - - - -APPENDIX IV. - -ACCOUNT OF THE SALT TRADE ANNEXED TO MR PARKES' SUMMARY OF THE NATIVE -MARITIME TRADE OF FOOCHOW, 1846. (EXTRACTS.) - - -They have constituted the sale of salt a monopoly, which they place in -the hands of a set of merchants whom they hold liable for the payment -of a fixed amount of tax. This, in some instances, falls rather heavy -upon them, but proves an easy measure to the authorities, who have -thus but little trouble or expense of collection. All the supplies of -salt are drawn from the sea-shore, and consequently there is an -appointment of salt inspector in every maritime province, who -superintends everything connected with the _gabelle_: he holds a high -rank and receives good emoluments from the Government, 3000 taels per -annum. It also forms one of the duties of the governor-general of the -province to act as chief superintendent of salt excise. - -Most of the supplies from Fukien have to be sent into the interior and -the adjacent province of Kiangsi _via_ Foochow. The salt is made all -along the shore to the southward.... - -The salt is made at these places by people belonging to the various -localities, and the manufacture gives employment to numbers of -individuals, who in those sterile districts have few other means of -subsistence. The general method of manufacture is to collect the -saturated loam from the beach in heaps, and thence to draw off the -brine by drainage into large but shallow-built vats, when -crystallisation is effected by exposure to the natural heat of the -sun. The brine being all extracted from the heap, it is removed to the -beach, and the same earth, having been immersed in the salt-tide, can -again be used. In fine weather great quantities can thus be -expeditiously manufactured, but a succession of rain stops the works, -and a scarcity in the supplies is the consequence. The producers are -exempted from all taxes or charges on the part of the Government, on -the consideration that they are in mean labouring circumstances, -though many of the salt-farms are very extensive, and some of their -conductors possessed of better competence than the merchants, on whom -the whole burden of taxation falls. Junks are despatched to these -places by the salt merchants for freights. - -The Government system of exacting a fixed annual amount of _gabelle_ -is very defective, and places the trade, which might prosper under -other management, on an unhealthy basis. When the trade is dull, it -becomes still more depressed by the nature of the liabilities that the -merchants have at all times equally to bear, and which then become -burdensome; and again, on the other hand, in case of a thriving -season, the revenue is in no way advantaged. Their wretched executive, -however, prevents any improvement. They therefore content themselves -with fixing a stated sum, upwards of 300,000 taels per annum; and if -they can secure the requisite number of persons to undertake to -dispose of a certain quantity of salt that will yield excise to this -amount, they are content. Thus each merchant is bound to conduct the -sale of the quantity that he undertakes, or rather is held responsible -for the amount of duty due on such quantity, and having once paid this -up, should he be so disposed, he is at perfect liberty to transport -and sell more salt on his own account, duty free; whilst, on the other -hand, should he, from a glut in the market or other circumstances, not -be able to dispose of the quantity of which he had undertaken the -sale, he has still to pay duty on the whole at a fixed unalterable -rate. - -It is therefore the imminent risk attending salt speculations that -causes people of property to be so averse towards entering them. They -involve a great outlay of capital, with continual liability but -uncertain remuneration. Thus, if a man embarks the whole or greater -part of his means in speculations which do not succeed, he becomes -instantly embarrassed with the Government, and, with no incomings to -relieve him, may perhaps not succeed in recovering his first failure. -Most of the merchants being men who are selected merely on account of -their capital, the management of their business is entirely in the -hands of those they employ, for whose honesty or capacity they are -mainly dependent for success. The charges and expenses connected with -carrying on a salt business are very great. Yet there are several -instances of old merchants employing good managing men, and possessing -plenty of supporting capital, having amassed large fortunes in the -trade, though, on the contrary, cases are much more numerous of -speculators having suffered losses and contracted debts with the -Government. A debt to the State of no less than 1,450,000 taels by the -salt dealers of Foochow has thus gradually collected. - -The nomination of salt merchants is almost invariably compulsory, and -no one can retire from the business without he is totally unable from -want of means to continue in it. In these cases the reflection that -they were obliged to undertake the transactions that led to their ruin -must add increased poignancy to their losses. When once, however, they -have undertaken a transaction, they are much favoured by the -authorities, who give them entertainments and confer honours and -distinctions upon them. There are head merchants appointed, who hold -some control over the proceedings of the others. To be a head merchant -a man must be of known character and not owing anything to the -Government. They are responsible for all the other merchants, who, -however trustworthy, have all to be secured by the head merchants. In -case of any merchant becoming in arrears with the payment of his -duties, the salt inspector orders the head merchants to limit him to a -certain time in which to liquidate all charges. According as the case -needs, the head merchants convene and consult as to whether they -should pray for an extension of the term or require some of the other -merchants in substantial circumstances to lend the necessary amounts, -or perhaps they may proceed to pay it themselves. If also they find -that any of the other merchants are incompetent, from want of means, -to manage their business, they represent the same to the salt -inspector, that they may be allowed to retire. At present there are -four head merchants out of a total of sixty-one.... - -Smuggling is also carried on to some extent. As this, however, affects -the vital interests of the salt merchants, they show great vigilance -in investigating and reporting to the authorities any instances that -may come within their knowledge, and for this purpose fit up and -maintain several small vessels which keep up a constant watch against -contraband proceedings. - -There are a multiplicity of fees and charges which prove very onerous -to the merchants. [Here follows a list of forty-seven separate fees, -dues, and charges, amounting to 15,300 taels, or about L5000 sterling, -on 900,000 lb. weight, or about one-eighth of a penny per lb.] - - -END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. - - -PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Englishman in China During the -Victorian Era, Vol. I (of 2), by Alexander Michie - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ENGLISHMAN IN CHINA *** - -***** This file should be named 42732.txt or 42732.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/7/3/42732/ - -Produced by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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