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diff --git a/42715.txt b/42715.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0346615..0000000 --- a/42715.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,22510 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Pompeii, Its Life and Art, by August Mau - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Pompeii, Its Life and Art - -Author: August Mau - -Translator: Francis Kelsey - -Release Date: May 16, 2013 [EBook #42715] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POMPEII, ITS LIFE AND ART *** - - - - -Produced by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and spaced text by =equal - signs=. In the ads, an = sign denotes bold text. - - On page 431, 1854 should possibly be 1845. - On page 533, the page number referenced is missing on the first - Chapter XXXV citation. - On page 544, the pages listed as pp 226-223 are possibly a typo. - - [Theta] represents the greek letter named in the brackets. - [=HS] represents the characters HS with a bar over the top. - [*] represents the Roman Denarius sign. - [E] represents the Roman symbol for 2 oz., two stacked "c"s. - [M] represents the Roman numeral 1000. - [^C] represents a backwards C. - \B and \F represent VB and VF ligatures. - In Figure 54 and the subsequent text, letters indicated by ~A~ - represent small capital letters. - - - - - POMPEII - ITS LIFE AND ART - - - - - [Illustration: PLATE I.--VIEW OF THE FORUM, LOOKING TOWARD VESUVIUS] - - - - - POMPEII - ITS LIFE AND ART - - BY - AUGUST MAU - - GERMAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE IN ROME - - Translated into English - BY FRANCIS W. KELSEY - UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN - - _WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS FROM ORIGINAL - DRAWINGS AND PHOTOGRAPHS_ - - NEW EDITION, REVISED AND CORRECTED - - New York - THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. - 1902 - - _All rights reserved_ - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1899, 1902, - BY FRANCIS W. KELSEY. - - First Edition, October, 1899. - New Revised Edition, with additions, November, 1902. - - Norwood Press - J. S. Cushing & Co.--Berwick & Smith - Norwood Mass. U.S.A. - - - - -PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION - - -For twenty-five years Professor Mau has devoted himself to the study -of Pompeii, spending his summers among the ruins and his winters in -Rome, working up the new material. He holds a unique place among the -scholars who have given attention to Pompeian antiquities, and his -contributions to the literature of the subject have been numerous in -both German and Italian. The present volume, however, is not a -translation of one previously issued, but a new work first published -in English, the liberality of the publishers having made it possible -to secure assistance for the preparation of certain restorations and -other drawings which Professor Mau desired to have made as -illustrating his interpretation of the ruins. - -In one respect there is an essential difference between the remains of -Pompeii and those of the large and famous cities of antiquity, as Rome -or Athens, which have associated with them the familiar names of -historical characters. Mars' Hill is clothed with human interest, if -for no other reason, because of its relation to the work of the -Apostle Paul; while the Roman Forum and the Palatine, barren as they -seem to-day, teem with life as there rise before the mind's eye the -scenes presented in the pages of classical writers. But the Campanian -city played an unimportant part in contemporary history; the name of -not a single great Pompeian is recorded. The ruins, deprived of the -interest arising from historical associations, must be interpreted -with little help from literary sources, and repeopled with aggregate -rather than individual life. - -A few Pompeians, whose features have survived in herms or statues and -whose names are known from the inscriptions, seem near to us,--such -are Caecilius Jucundus and the generous priestess Eumachia; but the -characters most commonly associated with the city are those of -fiction. Here, in a greater degree than in most places, the work of -reconstruction involves the handling of countless bits of evidence, -which, when viewed by themselves, often seem too minute to be of -importance; the blending of these into a complete and faithful picture -is a task of infinite painstaking, the difficulty of which will best -be appreciated by one who has worked in this field. - -It was at first proposed to place at the end of the book a series of -bibliographical notes on the different chapters, giving references to -the more important treatises and articles dealing with the matters -presented. But on fuller consideration it seemed unnecessary thus to -add to the bulk of the volume; those who are interested in the study -of a particular building or aspect of Pompeian culture will naturally -turn to the _Pompeianarum antiquitatum historia_, the reports in the -_Notizie degli Scavi_, the reports and articles by Professor Mau in -the Roman _Mittheilungen_ of the German Archaeological Institute, the -Overbeck-Mau _Pompeji_, the Studies by Mau and by Nissen, the -commemorative volume issued in 1879 under the title _Pompei e la -regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio_, the catalogues of the paintings by -Helbig and Sogliano, together with Mau's _Geschichte der decorativen -Wandmalerei in Pompeji_, H. von Rohden's _Terracotten von Pompeji_, -and the older illustrated works, as well as the beautiful volume, -_Pompeji vor der Zerstoerung_, published in 1897 by Weichardt. - -The titles of more than five hundred books and pamphlets relating to -Pompeii are given in Furchheim's _Bibliografia di Pompei_ (second -edition, Naples, 1891). To this list should be added an elaborate work -on the temple of Isis, _Aedis Isidis Pompeiana_, which is soon to -appear. The copperplates for the engravings were prepared at the -expense of the old Accademia ercolanese, but only the first section of -the work was published; the plates, fortunately, have been preserved -without injury, and the publication has at last been undertaken by -Professor Sogliano. - -Professor Mau wishes to make grateful acknowledgment of obligation to -Messrs. C. Bazzani, R. Koldewey, G. Randanini, and G. Tognetti for -kind assistance in making ready for the engraver the drawings -presenting restorations of buildings; to the authorities of the German -Archaeological Institute for freely granting the use of a number of -drawings in its collection; and to the photographer, Giacomo Brogi of -Florence, for placing his collection of photographs at the author's -disposal and making special prints for the use of the engraver. In -addition to the photographs obtained from Brogi, a small number were -furnished for the volume by the translator, and a few were derived -from other sources. - -The restorations are not fanciful. They were made with the help of -careful measurements and of computations based upon the existing -remains; occasionally also evidence derived from reliefs and wall -paintings was utilized. Uncertain details are generally omitted. - -It is due to Professor Mau to say that in preparing his manuscript for -English readers I have, with his permission, made some changes. The -order of presentation has occasionally been altered. In several -chapters the German manuscript has been abridged, while in others, -containing points in regard to which English readers might desire a -somewhat fuller statement, I have made slight additions. The -preparation of the English form of the volume, undertaken for reasons -of friendship, has been less a task than a pleasure. - - FRANCIS W. KELSEY. - - ANN ARBOR, MICHIGAN, - October 25, 1899. - - - - -PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION - - -The author and the translator unite in expressing their deep -appreciation of the kind reception accorded to the first edition of -this book. - -The second edition has been revised on the spot. Besides minor -additions, it has been enlarged by a chapter on the recently -discovered temple of Venus Pompeiana, and a Bibliographical Appendix; -prepared in response to requests from various quarters. Among the new -illustrations in the text are a restoration of the temple of Vespasian -and a reproduction of the bronze youth found in 1900, besides the -Alexandria patera and one of the skeleton cups from the Boscoreale -treasure; in Plate VIII are presented two additional paintings from -the house of the Vettii. - -The translator is alone responsible for Chapter LIX, which was -prepared for the first edition at Professor Mau's request, at a time -when he was pressed with other work; for the paragraphs in regard to -the treasure of Boscoreale, and for one-half of the references in the -Bibliographical Appendix. - - AUGUST MAU - FRANCIS W. KELSEY - - ALBERGO DEL SOLE, POMPEI - August 2, 1901 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - INTRODUCTION - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. THE SITUATION OF POMPEII 1 - - II. BEFORE 79 8 - - III. THE CITY OVERWHELMED 19 - - IV. THE UNEARTHING OF THE CITY 25 - - V. A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 31 - - VI. BUILDING MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION, AND ARCHITECTURAL - PERIODS 35 - - - PART I - - PUBLIC PLACES AND BUILDINGS - - VII. THE FORUM 45 - - VIII. GENERAL VIEW OF THE BUILDINGS ABOUT THE FORUM.--THE - TEMPLE OF JUPITER 61 - - IX. THE BASILICA 70 - - X. THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO 80 - - XI. THE BUILDINGS AT THE NORTHWEST CORNER OF THE - FORUM, AND THE TABLE OF STANDARD MEASURES 91 - - XII. THE MACELLUM 94 - - XIII. THE SANCTUARY OF THE CITY LARES 102 - - XIV. THE TEMPLE OF VESPASIAN 106 - - XV. THE BUILDING OF EUMACHIA 110 - - XVI. THE COMITIUM 119 - - XVII. THE MUNICIPAL BUILDINGS 121 - - XVIII. THE TEMPLE OF VENUS POMPEIANA 124 - - XIX. THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNA AUGUSTA 130 - - XX. GENERAL VIEW OF THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS NEAR THE - STABIAN GATE.--THE FORUM TRIANGULARE AND THE - DORIC TEMPLE 133 - - XXI. THE LARGE THEATRE 141 - - XXII. THE SMALL THEATRE 153 - - XXIII. THE THEATRE COLONNADE USED AS BARRACKS FOR - GLADIATORS 157 - - XXIV. THE PALAESTRA 165 - - XXV. THE TEMPLE OF ISIS 168 - - XXVI. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS MILICHIUS 183 - - XXVII. THE BATHS AT POMPEII.--THE STABIAN BATHS 186 - - XXVIII. THE BATHS NEAR THE FORUM 202 - - XXIX. THE CENTRAL BATHS 208 - - XXX. THE AMPHITHEATRE 212 - - XXXI. STREETS, WATER SYSTEM, AND WAYSIDE SHRINES 227 - - XXXII. THE DEFENCES OF THE CITY 237 - - - PART II - - THE HOUSES - - XXXIII. THE POMPEIAN HOUSE 245 - - I. Vestibule, Fauces, and Front Door 248 - - II. The Atrium 250 - - III. The Tablinum 255 - - IV. The Alae 258 - - V. The Rooms about the Atrium. The Andron 259 - - VI. Garden, Peristyle, and Rooms about the Peristyle 260 - - VII. Sleeping Rooms 261 - - VIII. Dining Rooms 262 - - IX. The Kitchen, the Bath, and the Storerooms 266 - - X. The Shrine of the Household Gods 268 - - XI. Second Story Rooms 273 - - XII. The Shops 276 - - XIII. Walls, Floors, and Windows 278 - - XXXIV. THE HOUSE OF THE SURGEON 280 - - XXXV. THE HOUSE OF SALLUST 283 - - XXXVI. THE HOUSE OF THE FAUN 288 - - XXXVII. A HOUSE NEAR THE PORTA MARINA 298 - - XXXVIII. THE HOUSE OF THE SILVER WEDDING 301 - - XXXIX. THE HOUSE OF EPIDIUS RUFUS 309 - - XL. THE HOUSE OF THE TRAGIC POET 313 - - XLI. THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII 321 - - XLII. THREE HOUSES OF UNUSUAL PLAN 341 - - I. The House of Acceptus and Euhodia 341 - - II. A House without a Compluvium 343 - - III. The House of the Emperor Joseph II 344 - - XLIII. OTHER NOTEWORTHY HOUSES 348 - - XLIV. ROMAN VILLAS.--THE VILLA OF DIOMEDES 355 - - XLV. THE VILLA RUSTICA AT BOSCOREALE 361 - - XLVI. HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE 367 - - - PART III - - TRADES AND OCCUPATIONS - - XLVII. THE TRADES AT POMPEII.--THE BAKERS 383 - - XLVIII. THE FULLERS AND THE TANNERS 393 - - XLIX. INNS AND WINESHOPS 400 - - - PART IV - - THE TOMBS - - L. POMPEIAN BURIAL PLACES.--THE STREET OF TOMBS 405 - - LI. BURIAL PLACES NEAR THE NOLA, STABIAN, AND NOCERA - GATES 429 - - - PART V - - POMPEIAN ART - - LII. ARCHITECTURE 437 - - LIII. SCULPTURE 445 - - LIV. PAINTING.--WALL DECORATION 456 - - LV. THE PAINTINGS 471 - - - PART VI - - THE INSCRIPTIONS OF POMPEII - - LVI. IMPORTANCE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.--MONUMENTAL - INSCRIPTIONS AND PUBLIC NOTICES 485 - - LVII. THE GRAFFITI 491 - - LVIII. INSCRIPTIONS RELATING TO BUSINESS AFFAIRS 499 - - - CONCLUSION - - LIX. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE POMPEIAN CULTURE 509 - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX 512 - - INDEX 551 - - KEY TO THE PLAN OF POMPEII 559 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - PLATES - - PLATE - - I. VIEW OF THE FORUM, LOOKING TOWARD VESUVIUS. From a - photograph _Frontispiece_ - - FACING PAGE - - II. COURT OF THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO. From a photograph 88 - - III. THE GREEK TEMPLE AND THE FORUM TRIANGULARE, SEEN - FROM THE SOUTH. Restoration (Weichardt, _Pompeji vor - der Zerstoerung_, Tafel II) 134 - - IV. THE BARRACKS OF THE GLADIATORS. From a photograph 160 - - V. STABIAN BATHS: MEN'S APODYTERIUM, WITH THE ANTEROOM - LEADING FROM THE PALAESTRA. From a photograph 188 - - VI. INTERIOR OF THE AMPHITHEATRE, LOOKING NORTHWEST. - From a photograph 216 - - VII. INTERIOR OF A HOUSE (IX. v. 11), LOOKING FROM THE - MIDDLE OF THE ATRIUM INTO THE PERISTYLE. From a photograph 260 - - VIII. TWO WALL PAINTINGS IN THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII - --APOLLO AFTER THE SLAYING OF THE DRAGON, AND AGAMEMNON - IN THE SANCTUARY OF ARTEMIS. From photographs 328 - - IX. A DINING ROOM IN THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII. From a - photograph 338 - - X. THE STREET OF TOMBS, LOOKING TOWARD THE HERCULANEUM - GATE. From a photograph 420 - - XI. ARTEMIS. Copy of an Archaic Work. From a photograph 444 - - XII. SPECIMEN OF WALL DECORATION. Second or Architectural - Style (Mau, _Geschichte der decorativen Wandmalerei in - Pompeji_, Tafel V) 462 - - XIII. SPECIMEN OF WALL DECORATION, IN THE COURT OF THE - STABIAN BATHS. Fourth or Intricate Style. From a drawing - in the Naples Museum 470 - - - PLANS - - PLAN - - I. OUTLINE PLAN OF POMPEII preceding Chap. V - - II. THE FORUM, WITH ADJOINING BUILDINGS " " VII - - III. THE FORUM TRIANGULARE, WITH ADJACENT - BUILDINGS " " XX - - IV. THE VILLA RUSTICA NEAR BOSCOREALE " " XLV - - V. THE STREET OF TOMBS " " L - - VI. THE EXCAVATED PORTION OF POMPEII following the Index - - - ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT - - FIGURE PAGE - - 1. Map of Ancient Campania 2 - - 2. Vesuvius as seen from Naples. From a photograph 3 - - 3. View from Pompeii, looking south. From a photograph (A. M.) 5 - - 4. Venus Pompeiana. Wall painting. House of Castor and Pollux. - After _Monumenti dell' Instituto_, Vol. III, pl. vi. _b_ 12 - - 5. An amphora from Boscoreale. Collection of Classical - Antiquities, University of Michigan. From a drawing 15 - - 6. The Judgment of Solomon. Wall painting. Naples Museum. - From a photograph 17 - - 7. Cast of a man. Museum at Pompeii. From a photograph 22 - - 8. An Excavation. Atrium of the house of the Silver Wedding. - From a photograph 28 - - 9. Wall with limestone framework (Ins. VII. iii. 13). From a - photograph (F. W. K.) 37 - - 10. Facade of Sarno limestone, house of the Surgeon. From a - photograph 39 - - 11. Quasi-reticulate facing, with brick corner, at the - entrance of the Small Theatre. From a photograph 42 - - 12. Reticulate facing, with corners of brick-shaped stone - (I. iii. 29). From a photograph (F. W. K.) 43 - - 13. North end of the Forum, with the temple of Jupiter, - restored. From an original drawing[1] 49 - - 14. Remnant of the colonnade of Popidius, at the south end - of the Forum. From a photograph (A. M.) 51 - - 15. Part of the new colonnade, near the southwest corner of - the Forum. From a photograph (A. M.) 53 - - 16. Scene in the Forum--a dealer in utensils, and a - shoemaker. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After _Pitture di - Ercolano_, Vol. III, pl. 42 55 - - 17. Scene in the Forum--citizens reading a public notice. - Wall painting. Naples Museum. After _Pitture di Ercolano_, - Vol. III, pl. 43 56 - - 18. Plan of the temple of Jupiter 63 - - 19. Ruins of the temple of Jupiter. From a photograph 64 - - 20. Section of wall decoration in the cella of the temple of - Jupiter. After Mazois, _Les Ruines de Pompei_, Vol. III, pl. - 36 (Overbeck-Mau, _Pompeji_, Fig. 46) 65 - - 21. Bust of Zeus found at Otricoli. Vatican Museum. After - Tafel 130 of the Brunn-Bruckmann Denkmaeler 68 - - 22. Bust of Jupiter found at Pompeii. Naples Museum. From a - photograph 69 - - 23. Plan of the Basilica 71 - - 24. View of the Basilica, looking toward the tribunal. From - a photograph 73 - - 25. Exterior of the Basilica, restored. From an original - drawing 75 - - 26. Interior of the Basilica, looking toward the tribunal, - restored. From an original drawing 76 - - 27. Front of the tribunal of the Basilica. Plan and - elevation. From an original drawing 77 - - 28. Corner of mosaic floor, cella of the temple of Apollo. - After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 23 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 50) 80 - - 29. Plan of the temple of Apollo 81 - - 30. View of the temple of Apollo, looking toward Vesuvius. - From a photograph 83 - - 31. Section of the entablature of the temple of Apollo, - showing the original form and the restoration after the - earthquake of 63. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 21 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 264) 84 - - 32. Temple of Apollo, restored. From an original drawing 86 - - 33. Plan of the buildings at the northwest corner of the - Forum 91 - - 34. Table of Standard Measures. After Mazois, Vol. III, pl. - 40 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 23) 93 - - 35. Plan of the Macellum 94 - - 36. View of the Macellum. From a photograph 95 - - 37. The Macellum, restored. From an original drawing 97 - - 38. Statue of Octavia, sister of Augustus, found in the - chapel of the Macellum. Naples Museum. From a photograph 98 - - 39. Statue of Marcellus, son of Octavia, found in the chapel - of the Macellum. Naples Museum. From a photograph 101 - - 40. Plan of the sanctuary of the City Lares 102 - - 41. Sanctuary of the City Lares, looking toward the rear, - restored. From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, - 1896, p. 288) 103 - - 42. North side of the sanctuary of the City Lares, restored. - From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1896, p. 289) 104 - - 43. Plan of the temple of Vespasian 106 - - 44. Front of the altar in the court of the temple of - Vespasian. From a photograph 107 - - 45. View of the temple of Vespasian. From a photograph 108 - - 46. The temple of Vespasian, restored. From an original - drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1900, p. 133) 109 - - 47. Plan of the building of Eumachia 110 - - 48. Building of Eumachia--front of the court, restored. From - an original drawing 114 - - 49. Building of Eumachia--rear of the court, restored. From - an original drawing 116 - - 50. Fountain of Concordia Augusta. From a photograph (F. W. - K.) 117 - - 51. Plan of the Comitium 119 - - 52. Plan of the Municipal Buildings 121 - - 53. View of the south end of the Forum. From a photograph - (A. M.) 122 - - 54. Plan of the ruins of the temple of Venus Pompeiana* 125 - - 55. View of the ruins of the temple of Venus Pompeiana. From - a photograph 126 - - 56. Plan of the temple of Venus Pompeiana, restored* 128 - - 57. Plan of the temple of Fortuna Augusta* 130 - - 58. Temple of Fortuna Augusta, restored. From an original - drawing 131 - - 59. Temple of Fortuna Augusta--rear of the cella with the - statue of the goddess, restored. From an original drawing.* - (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1896, p. 280) 132 - - 60. Portico at the entrance of the Forum Triangulare. From a - photograph 135 - - 61. View of the Forum Triangulare, looking toward Vesuvius. - From a photograph 136 - - 62. Plan of the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare 137 - - 63. The Doric temple, restored. From an original drawing 138 - - 64. Plan of the Large Theatre 143 - - 65. View of the Large Theatre. From a photograph 145 - - 66. Plan of the Small Theatre 153 - - 67. View of the Small Theatre. From a photograph 154 - - 68. Section of a seat in the Small Theatre. After Mazois, - Vol. IV, pl. 29 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 101) 155 - - 69. A terminal Atlas from the Small Theatre. After Mazois, - Vol. IV, pl. 29 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 100) 156 - - 70. Ornament at the ends of the parapet in the Small - Theatre--lion's foot. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 29 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 99) 156 - - 71. Plan of the Theatre Colonnade, showing its relation to - the two theatres 157 - - 72. A gladiator's greave. Naples Museum. From a photograph 162 - - 73. A gladiator's helmet. Naples Museum. From a photograph 163 - - 74. Remains of stocks found in the guard-room of the - barracks. Naples Museum. From a photograph 163 - - 75. Plan of the Palaestra 165 - - 76. View of the Palaestra, with the pedestal, table, and - steps. From a photograph 166 - - 77. Doryphorus. Statue found in the Palaestra. Naples - Museum. From a photograph 167 - - 78. Plan of the temple of Isis 170 - - 79. View of the temple of Isis. From a photograph 172 - - 80. The temple of Isis, restored. From an original drawing 173 - - 81. Scene from the worship of Isis--the adoration of the - holy water. Wall painting from Herculaneum. Naples Museum. - Drawing, after a photograph 177 - - 82. Temple of Isis. Part of the facade of the Purgatorium. - After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 11, and Piranesi, _Antiquites de - Pompei_ Vol. II, pl. 65 179 - - 83. Decoration of the east side of the Purgatorium--Perseus - and Andromeda, floating Cupids. Stucco reliefs. After - Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 10 180 - - 84. Plan of the temple of Zeus Milichius 183 - - 85. Capital of a pilaster of the temple, with the face of - Zeus Milichius. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 6 (Overbeck-Mau, - Fig. 62) 184 - - 86. Plan of the Stabian Baths 190 - - 87. Stabian Baths--interior of Frigidarium. Drawing, with - indebtedness to Niccolini, _Le Case ed i Monumenti di - Pompei_, Vol. I, _Terme presso la porta stabiana_, pl. 7 191 - - 88. Bath basin in the women's caldarium--longitudinal and - transverse sections, showing arrangements for heating. - Drawing, with indebtedness to von Duhn und Jacobi, _Der - griechische Tempel in Pompeji_, pl. IX 194 - - 89. Colonnade of the Stabian Baths--capital with section of - entablature. Drawing 198 - - 90. Southwest corner of the palaestra of the Stabian Baths, - showing part of the colonnade and wall decorated with stucco - reliefs. From a photograph 199 - - 91. Plan of the Baths near the Forum 202 - - 92. Baths near the Forum--Interior of men's tepidarium. From - a photograph 204 - - 93. Baths near the Forum--Longitudinal section of the men's - caldarium. Drawing, after Gell, _Pompeiana_, edit. of 1837, - Vol. II, pl. 33, facing p. 91 205 - - 94. Plan of the Central Baths 209 - - 95. View of the Central Baths, looking from the Palaestra - into the tepidarium. From a photograph (F. W. K.) 210 - - 96. The Amphitheatre, seen from the west side. From a - photograph 213 - - 97. Preparations for the combat. Wall painting (no longer - visible) in the Amphitheatre. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 48 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 107) 214 - - 98. Plan of the Amphitheatre 215 - - 99. Transverse section of the Amphitheatre. After Mazois, - Vol. IV, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 104) 217 - - 100. Plan of the gallery of the Amphitheatre 218 - - 101. Conflict between the Pompeians and the Nucerians. Wall - painting. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 3 221 - - 102. View of Abbondanza Street, looking east. From a - photograph 227 - - 103. Fountain, water tower, and street shrine, corner of - Stabian and Nola streets. From a photograph (F. W. K.) 231 - - 104. Plan of the reservoir west of the Baths near the Forum 232 - - 105. Ancient altar in new wall--southeast corner of the - Central Baths. From a photograph (F. W. K.) 234 - - 106. Plan of a chapel of the Lares Compitales (VIII. iv. 24) 235 - - 107. Large street altar (VIII. ii. 25). From a photograph - (F. W. K.) 236 - - 108. Plan of a section of the city wall, with a tower and - with stairs leading to the top. After Mazois, Vol. I. pl. 12 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 7) 238 - - 109. View of the city wall, inside. From a photograph 239 - - 110. Tower of the city wall, restored. After Mazois, Vol. I, - pl. 13 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 8) 241 - - 111. Plan of the Stabian Gate 242 - - 112. Plan of the Herculaneum Gate 243 - - 113. View of the Herculaneum Gate, looking down the Street - of Tombs. From a photograph 244 - - 114. Early Pompeian house, restored. From an original - drawing 246 - - 115. Plan of a Pompeian house 247 - - 116. Plan and section of the vestibule, threshold, and - fauces of the house of Pansa. After Ivanoff, _Mon. dell' - Inst._, Vol. VI, pl. 28, 3 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 136) 249 - - 117. A Tuscan atrium--plan of the roof. After Mazois, Vol. - II, pl. 3 (Overbeck Mau, Fig. 139) 251 - - 118. A Tuscan atrium--section. After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 3 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 140) 252 - - 119. Corner of a compluvium with waterspouts and antefixes, - reconstructed. (Reconstruction, Ins. VII. iv. 16.) After - Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 143 253 - - 120. A Pompeian's strong box, arca. Naples Museum. From - photograph 255 - - 121. Atrium of the house of Cornelius Rufus, looking through - the tablinum and andron into the peristyle. From a - photograph 256 - - 122. End of a bedroom in the house of the Centaur, decorated - in the first style. From an original drawing 262 - - 123. Plan of a dining room with three couches 263 - - 124. Plan of a dining room with an anteroom containing an - altar for libations (VIII. v.-vi. 16) 264 - - 125. Hearth of the kitchen in the house of the Vettii. From - a drawing 267 - - 126. Niche for the images of the household gods, in a corner - of the kitchen in the house of Apollo. From a photograph (F. - W. K.) 269 - - 127. Shrine in the house of the Vettii. From a photograph 271 - - 128. Interior of a house (VII. xv. 8) with a second story - dining room opening on the atrium, restored. From an - original drawing 274 - - 129. Longitudinal section of the house with a second story - dining room (VII. xv. 8) restored. From an original drawing 275 - - 130. Plan of a Pompeian shop. After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 8 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 182) 276 - - 131. A shop for the sale of edibles, restored. After Mazois, - Vol. II, pl. 8 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 183) 277 - - 132. Plan of the house of the Surgeon 280 - - 133. A young woman painting a herm. Wall painting from the - house of the Surgeon. Naples Museum. After _Pitture di - Ercolano_, Vol. V, pl. 1 282 - - 134. Plan of the house of Sallust. After Mazois, Vol. II, - pl. 35 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 165) 284 - - 135. Atrium of the house of Sallust, looking through the - tablinum and colonnade at the rear into the garden, - restored. From an original drawing 286 - - 136. Longitudinal section of the house of Sallust, restored. - From an original drawing 287 - - 137. Plan of the house of the Faun 288 - - 138. Part of the cornice over the large front door of the - house of the Faun. From an original drawing 289 - - 139. Facade of the house of the Faun, restored. From an - original drawing 290 - - 140. Border of mosaic with tragic masks, fruits, flowers, - and garlands, at the inner end of the fauces, house of the - Faun. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 14 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 315) 290 - - 141. Longitudinal section of the house of the Faun, showing - the large atrium, the first peristyle, and a corner of the - second peristyle, restored. From an original drawing 292 - - 142. Detail from the mosaic representing the battle between - Alexander and Darius. From a photograph 294 - - 143. Transverse section of the house of the Faun, showing - the two atriums with adjoining rooms, restored. From an - original drawing 296 - - 144. Plan of a house near the Porta Marina (VI. INS. OCCID. - 13) 298 - - 145. Longitudinal section of the house near the Porta - Marina, restored. From an original drawing 299 - - 146. Plan of the house of the Silver Wedding 302 - - 147. Longitudinal section of the house of the Silver - Wedding, restored. From an original drawing 304 - - 148. Transverse section of the house of the Silver Wedding, - as it was before 63. From an original drawing 307 - - 149. Plan of the house of Epidius Rufus 310 - - 150. Facade of the house of Epidius Rufus, restored. From an - original drawing 311 - - 151. Transverse section of the house of Epidius Rufus. From - an original drawing 312 - - 152. Plan of the house of the Tragic Poet 313 - - 153. View of the house of the Tragic Poet, looking from the - middle of the atrium toward the rear. From a photograph 314 - - 154. Longitudinal section of the house of the Tragic Poet, - restored. From an original drawing 316 - - 155. The delivery of Briseis to the messenger of Agamemnon. - Wall painting from the house of the Tragic Poet. Naples - Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 58 (Overbeck-Mau, - Fig. 311) 317 - - 156. The sacrifice of Iphigenia. Wall painting from the - house of the Tragic Poet. Naples Museum. From a photograph 319 - - 157. Exterior of the house of the Vettii, restored. From an - original drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1896, p. 4) 321 - - 158. Plan of the house of the Vettii* 322 - - 159. Longitudinal section of the house of the Vettii, - restored. From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, - 1896, pl. 1) 324 - - 160. Transverse section of the house of Vettii, restored. - From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1896, pl. 2) 324 - - 161. Base, capital, and section of entablature from the - colonnade of the peristyle in the house of the Vettii. From - a drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1896, p. 31) 326 - - 162. View of the peristyle of the house of the Vettii, - looking toward the south end. From a photograph 327 - - 163. System of wall division in the large room opening on - the peristyle of the house of the Vettii 329 - - 164. Psyches gathering flowers. Wall painting in the house - of the Vettii. From a photograph 330 - - 165. Cupids as makers and sellers of oil. Wall painting in - the house of the Vettii. From a photograph 332 - - 166. Press for olives. From a wall painting found at - Herculaneum. Naples Museum. Drawing after _Pitture di - Ercolano_, Vol. I, pl. 35 333 - - 167. Cupids as goldsmiths. Wall painting in the house of the - Vettii. From a photograph 334 - - 168. Cupids gathering and pressing grapes. Wall painting in - the house of the Vettii. From a drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. - Mitth._, 1896, p. 81) 336 - - 169. Cupids as wine dealers. Wall painting in the house of - the Vettii. From a photograph 337 - - 170. Cupids celebrating the festival of Vesta. Wall painting - in the house of the Vettii. From a drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. - Mitth._, 1896, p. 80) 338 - - 171. The punishment of Ixion. Wall painting in the house of - the Vettii. From a photograph 340 - - 172. Plan of the house of Acceptus and Euhodia (VIII. v.-vi. - 39) 341 - - 173. Longitudinal section of the house of Acceptus and - Euhodia, restored. From an original drawing 342 - - 174. Plan of a house without a compluvium* (V. v. 2) 343 - - 175. Transverse section of the house without a compluvium, - restored. From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, - 1895, p. 148) 344 - - 176. Plan of the house of the Emperor Joseph II (VIII. ii. - 39) 345 - - 177. Bake room of the house of the Emperor Joseph II, at the - time of excavation. After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 34 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 4) 346 - - 178. Capital of a pilaster at the entrance of the house of - the Sculptured Capitals (VII. iv. 57). From a photograph 349 - - 179. Plan of the house of Pansa (VI. vi. 1) 350 - - 180. Section showing a part of the peristyle of the house of - the Anchor (VI. x. 7), restored. From an original drawing 351 - - 181. Plan of the house of the Citharist (I. iv. 5) 352 - - 182. Orestes and Pylades before Thoas. Wall painting from - the house of the Citharist. Naples Museum. From a photograph 353 - - 183. Plan of the villa of Diomedes 356 - - 184. Longitudinal section of the villa of Diomedes, - restored. From an original drawing, in part based on - Ivanoff, _Architektonische Studien_, Vol. II, pl. 5, 6 358 - - 185. Hot-water tank and reservoir for supplying the bath in - the Villa Rustica at Boscoreale. Museo de Prisco, Pompeii. - From a drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1894, p. 353) 362 - - 186. Olive crusher found in the Villa Rustica at Boscoreale. - Museo de Prisco. From a photograph 365 - - 187. Silver patera, with a representation of the city of - Alexandria. Boscoreale treasure, Louvre. After H. de - Villefosse. _Le tresor de Boscoreale_, pl. 1 366 - - 188. Dining couch with bronze mountings, the wooden frame - being restored. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 228 367 - - 189. Round marble table. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, - Vol. IV, pl. 56 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 229) 368 - - 190. Carved table leg, found in the second peristyle of the - house of the Faun. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. - IX, pl. 43 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 229) 368 - - 191. Bronze stand with an ornamental rim around the top. - Naples Museum. From a photograph 369 - - 192. Lamps of the simplest form, with one nozzle. Naples - Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231 370 - - 193. Lamps with two nozzles. Naples Museum. After - Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231 370 - - 194. Lamps with more than two nozzles. Naples Museum. After - Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231 370 - - 195. Bronze lamps with ornamental covers attached to a - chain. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231 371 - - 196. Bronze lamps with covers ornamented with figures. - Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231 371 - - 197. Three hanging lamps. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, - Fig. 231 372 - - 198. A nursing-bottle, biberon. Naples Museum. After - Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231 372 - - 199. Lamp standard of bronze. Naples Museum. After _Museo - Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 57 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 234) 373 - - 200. Lamp holder for a hand lamp. Naples Museum. After - Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233 374 - - 201. Lamp holder for hanging lamps. Naples Museum. After - _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 13 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233) 374 - - 202. Lamp holder in the form of a tree trunk. Naples Museum. - After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233 374 - - 203. Lamp stand. Naples Museum. From a photograph 374 - - 204. Bronze utensils. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, - Fig. 241, and _Museo Borb._ 375 - - 205. Mixing bowl, of bronze, in part inlaid with silver. - Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 32 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 248) 376 - - 206. Water heater for the table, view and section. Naples - Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. III, pl. 63 (Overbeck-Mau, - Fig. 240) 376 - - 207. Water heater in the form of a brazier. Naples Museum. - After _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. - 238) 377 - - 208. Water heater in the form of a brazier, representing a - diminutive fortress. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, - Vol. II, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 238) 377 - - 209. Appliances for the bath. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. VII, - pl. 16 (Overbeck Mau, Fig. 251) 377 - - 210. Combs. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, pl. 15 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252) 377 - - 211. Hairpins, with two small ivory toilet boxes. After - _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, pls. 14, 15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252) 378 - - 212. Glass box for cosmetics. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, - pl. 15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252) 378 - - 213. Hand mirrors. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, pl. 14 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252) 378 - - 214. Group of toilet articles. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, - pl. 15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252) 378 - - 215. Gold arm band. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. VII, pl. 46 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 318) 379 - - 216 _a-d_. Silver cups. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, - Vol. XI, pl. 45; Vol. XIII, pl. 49; Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing - p. 624 379 - - 216 _e_. Detail of cup with centaurs 380 - - 217. Silver cup. Boscoreale treasure, Louvre. After H. de - Villefosse, _Le tresor de Boscoreale_, pl. 8 382 - - 218. Ruins of a bakery, with millstones (VII. ii. 22). From - a photograph 386 - - 219. Plan of a bakery (VI. iii. 3) 388 - - 220. A Pompeian mill, without the framework 389 - - 221. Section of a mill, restored. From an original drawing 389 - - 222. A mill in operation. Relief in the Vatican Museum. - After _Ber. der Saechs. Gesellschaft_, 1861, pl. xii. 2 390 - - 223. Section of a bake oven (VI. iii. 3). After Mazois, Vol. - II, pl. 18 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 192) 391 - - 224. Kneading machine, restored (VI. xiv. 35). From an - original drawing 391 - - 225. Scene in a fullery--treading vats. Wall painting. - Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 49 - (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 195) 394 - - 226. Scene in a fullery--inspection of cloth, carding, - bleaching frame. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After _Museo - Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 49 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 194) 394 - - 227. A fuller's press. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After - _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 50 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 196) 395 - - 228. Plan of a fullery (VI. xiv. 22) 396 - - 229. Plan of the vat room of the tannery (I. v. 2) 398 - - 230. Mosaic top of the table in the garden of the tannery. - Naples Museum. From a photograph 399 - - 231. Plan of an inn (VII. xii. 35) 401 - - 232. Plan of the inn of Hermes (I. i. 8) 402 - - 233. Plan of a wineshop (VI. x. 1) 402 - - 234. Scene in a wineshop. Wall painting (VI. x. 1). After - _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. A 403 - - 235. Delivery of wine. Wall painting (VI. x. 1). After - _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. A 403 - - 236. Sepulchral benches of Veius and Mamia; tombs of Porcius - and the Istacidii. From a photograph (A. M.) 409 - - 237. The tomb of the Istacidii, restored. From an original - drawing 411 - - 238. View of the Street of Tombs. From a photograph 414 - - 239. Glass vase, with vintage scene, found in the tomb of - the Blue Glass Vase. Naples Museum. From a photograph 416 - - 240. Bust stone of Tyche, slave of Julia Augusta. After - Mazois, Vol. I, p. 31 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 223), with the - correction in the spelling of the name TYCHE 418 - - 241. Relief, symbolic of grief for the dead. After Mazois, - Vol. I, pl. 29 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 221) 421 - - 242. Front of the tomb of Calventius Quietus, with - bisellium. From a photograph 422 - - 243. End of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche, with relief - representing a ship entering port. From a photograph 423 - - 244. Cinerary urn in a lead case. After Mazois, Vol. I. pl. - 22 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 213) 424 - - 245. Sepulchral enclosure, with triclinium funebre. After - Mazois, Vol. I, pl. 20 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 210) 425 - - 246. Plan of the tombs east of the Amphitheatre* 431 - - 247. View of two tombs east of the Amphitheatre. From a - photograph (F. W. K.) 432 - - 248. View of other tombs east of the Amphitheatre. From a - photograph (F. W. K.) 434 - - 249. Four-faced Ionic capital. Portico of the Forum - Triangulare. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 272 439 - - 250. Capital of pilaster. Casa del duca d'Aumale. After - Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274 439 - - 251. Altar in the court of the temple of Zeus Milichius. - After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 6 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 63) 440 - - 252. Capitals of columns, showing variations from typical - forms. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274 442 - - 253. Capital of pilaster, modified Corinthian type. After - Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274 443 - - 254. Capitals of pilasters, showing free adaptation of the - Corinthian type. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274 443 - - 255. Statue of the priestess Eumachia. Naples Museum. From a - photograph 446 - - 256. Portrait herm of Caecilius Jucundus. Naples Museum. - From a photograph 447 - - 257. Double bust, Bacchus and a bacchante. Garden of the - house of the Vettii. From a photograph 448 - - 258. Dancing Satyr. Bronze statuette found in the house of - the Faun. Naples Museum. From a photograph 451 - - 259. Listening Dionysus, wrongly identified as Narcissus. - Bronze statuette in the Naples Museum. From a photograph 452 - - 260. Bronze youth, found in November, 1900. Naples Museum. - From a photograph 454 - - 261. Wall decoration in the atrium of the house of Sallust. - First or Incrustation Style. After Tafel II of Mau's - _Geschichte der decorativen Wandmalerei in Pompeji_ 460 - - 262. Distribution of colors in the section of wall - represented in Fig. 261 461 - - 263. Specimen of wall decoration in the house of Spurius - Mesor (VII. iii. 29). Third or Ornate style. After Tafel XII - of Mau's _Wandmalerei_ 466 - - 264. Detail of wall decoration. Fourth style. Naples Museum. - After _Pitture di Ercolano_, Vol. IV. pl. 57 468 - - 265. Specimen of wall decoration. Fourth style. From a copy - in the Naples Museum (showing decoration that has - disappeared) 469 - - 266. A fruit piece, Xenion. Wall painting. Naples Museum. - After _Pitture di Ercolano_, Vol. II, pl. 58 474 - - 267. A landscape. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After - _Pitture di Ercolano_, Vol. V, p. 149 475 - - 268. A group of women, one of whom is sounding two-stringed - instruments. Wall painting. Naples Museum. From a photograph 476 - - 269. Paquius Proculus and his wife. Wall painting. Naples - Museum. From a photograph 477 - - 270. The grief of Hecuba. Fragment of a wall painting. House - of Caecilius Jucundus. After _Ann. dell' Inst._, 1877, - Tafel P 479 - - 271. Athena's pipes and the fate of Marsyas. Wall painting - (V. ii. 10). Naples Museum. From a drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. - Mitth._, 1890, p. 267) 482 - - 272. The fall of Icarus. Wall painting (V. ii. 10). From a - drawing.* (Cf. _Roem. Mitth._, 1890, p. 264) 483 - - 273. Zeus and Hera on Mt. Ida. Wall painting from the house - of the Tragic Poet. Naples Museum. From a photograph 484 - - 274. Tablet with three leaves, opened so as to show the - receipt and part of the memorandum, restored. After - Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing p. 489 500 - - 275. Tablet restored, with the two leaves containing the - receipt tied and sealed. After Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing - p. 489 501 - -FOOTNOTE: - -[1] The original drawings are based upon sketches by Professor Mau. -The drawings marked with an asterisk are in the collection of the -German Archaeological Institute in Rome. - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - - - -CHAPTER I - -_THE SITUATION OF POMPEII_ - - -From Gaeta, where the south end of the Volscian range borders abruptly -upon the sea, to the peninsula of Sorrento, a broad gulf stretched in -remote ages, cutting its way far into the land. Its waves dashed upon -the base of the mountains which now, rising with steep slope, mark the -eastern boundary of the Campanian Plain--Mt. Tifata above Capua, Mt. -Taburno back of Nola, and lying across the southeast corner, the huge -mass of Monte Sant' Angelo, whose sharply defined line of elevation is -continued in the heights of Sorrento. - -This gulf was transformed by volcanic agencies into a fertile plain. -Here two fissures in the earth's crust cross each other, each marked -by a series of extinct or active volcanoes. One fissure runs in the -direction of the Italian Peninsula; along it lie Monti Berici near -Vicenza, Mt. Amiata below Chiusi, the lakes of Bolsena and Bracciano -filling extinct craters, the Alban Mountains, and finally Stromboli -and Aetna. The other runs from east to west; its direction is -indicated by Mt. Vulture near Venosa, Mt. Epomeo on the island of -Ischia, and the Ponza Islands. - -At three places in the old sea basin the subterranean fires burst -forth. Near the north shore rose the great volcano of Rocca Monfina, -which added itself to the Volscian Mountains, and heaping the products -of its eruptions upon Mons Massicus,--once an island,--formed with -this the northern boundary of the plain. Toward the middle the -numerous small vents of the Phlegraean Fields threw up the low -heights, to which the north shore of the Bay of Naples--Posilipo, -Baiae, Misenum--is indebted for its incomparable beauty of landscape. -Finally, near the south shore, at the intersection of the fissures, -the massive cone of Vesuvius rose, in complete isolation--the only -volcano on the continent of Europe still remaining active. Its base on -the southwest is washed by the sea, while on the other sides a stretch -of level country separates it from the mountains that hem in the -plain. On the side opposite from the sea, however, Vesuvius comes so -near to the mountains that we may well say that it divides the -Campanian plain into two parts, of which the larger, on the northwest -side, is drained by the Volturno; the small southeast section is the -plain of the Sarno. - - [Illustration: Fig. 1.--Map of Ancient Campania.] - -The Sarno, like the Umbrian Clitumnus, has no upper course. At the -foot of Mt. Taburno, bounding the plain on the northeast, are five -copious springs that soon unite to form a stream. Since 1843 the river -has been drawn off for purposes of irrigation into three channels, -which are graded at different levels; the distribution of water thus -assured makes this part of Campania one of the most fertile districts -in Italy. In antiquity the Sarno must have been confined to a single -channel; according to Strabo it was navigable for ships. - -In Roman times three cities shared in the possession of the Sarno -plain. Furthest inland, facing the pass in the mountains that opens -toward the Gulf of Salerno, lay Nuceria, now Nocera. On the seashore, -where the coast road to Sorrento branches off toward the southwest, -was Stabiae, now Castellammare. North of Stabiae, at the foot of -Vesuvius, Pompeii stood, on an elevation overlooking the Sarno, formed -by the end of a stream of lava that in some past age had flowed from -Vesuvius down toward the sea. Pompeii thus united the advantages of an -easily fortified hill town with those of a maritime city. "It lies," -says Strabo, "on the Sarnus, which accommodates a traffic in both -imports and exports; it is the seaport of Nola, Nuceria, and Acerrae." - - [Illustration: Fig. 2.--Vesuvius as seen from Naples.] - -A glance at the map will show how conveniently situated Pompeii was to -serve as a seaport for Nola and Nuceria; but it seems hardly credible -that the inhabitants of Acerrae, which lay much nearer Naples, should -have preferred for their marine traffic the circuitous route around -Vesuvius to the Sarno. However that may have been, Pompeii was beyond -doubt the most important town in the Sarno plain. - -Pompeii formerly lay nearer the sea and nearer the river than at -present. In the course of the centuries alluvial deposits have pushed -the shore line further and further away. It is now about a mile and a -quarter from the nearest point of the city to the sea; in antiquity it -was less than a third of a mile. The line of the ancient coast can -still be traced by means of a clearly marked depression, beyond which -the stratification of the volcanic deposits thrown out in 79 does not -reach. The Sarno, too, now flows nearly two thirds of a mile from -Pompeii; in antiquity, according to all indications, it was not more -than half so far away. - -In point of climate and outlook, a fairer site for a city could -scarcely have been chosen. The Pompeian, living in clear air, could -look down upon the fogs which in the wet season frequently rose from -the river and spread over the plain. And while in winter Stabiae, -lying on the northwest side of Monte Sant' Angelo, enjoyed the sun for -only a few hours, the elevation on which Pompeii stood, sloping gently -toward the east and south, more sharply toward the west, was bathed in -sunlight during the entire day. - -Winter at Pompeii is mild and short; spring and autumn are long. The -heat of summer, moreover, is not extreme. In the early morning, it is -true, the heat is at times oppressive. No breath of air stirs; and we -look longingly off upon the expanse of sea where, far away on the -horizon, in the direction of Capri, a dark line of rippling waves -becomes visible. Nearer it comes, and nearer. About ten o'clock it -reaches the shore. The leaves begin to rustle, and in a few moments -the sea breeze sweeps over the city, strong, cool, and invigorating. -The wind blows till just before sunset. The early hours of the evening -are still; the pavements and the walls of the houses give out the heat -which they have absorbed during the day. But soon--perhaps by nine -o'clock--the tree tops again begin to murmur, and all night long, from -the mountains of the interior, a gentle, refreshing stream of air -flows down through the gardens, the roomy atriums and colonnades of -the houses, the silent streets, and the buildings about the Forum, -with an effect indescribably soothing. - - [Illustration: Fig. 3.--View from Pompeii, looking south.] - -How shall I undertake to convey to the reader who has not visited -Pompeii, an impression of the beauty of its situation? Words are weak -when confronted with the reality. Sea, mountains, and plain,--strong -and pleasing background,--great masses and brilliant yet harmonious -colors, splendid foreground effects and hazy vistas, undisturbed -nature and the handiwork of man, all are blended into a landscape of -the grand style, the like of which I should not know where else to -look for. - -If we turn toward the south, we have at our feet the level plain of -the Sarno, in antiquity as now--we may suppose--not checkered with -villages but dotted here and there with groups of farm buildings, -surrounded with stately trees. Beyond the plain rises the lofty -barrier of Monte Sant' Angelo, thickly wooded in places, its summit -standing out against the sky in a long, beautiful profile, which, -toward the right, breaks up into bold, rugged notches; the side of the -mountain below is richly diversified with deep valleys, projecting -ridges, and terraces that in the distance seem like steps, where among -vineyards and olive orchards stand two villages fair to look on, -Gragnano and Lettere, so near that individual houses can be clearly -distinguished. Further west the plain before us opens out upon the -sea, while the mountains are continued in the precipitous coast of the -peninsula of Sorrento. Height crowds upon height, with villages -wreathed in olive orchards lying between. Here the hills descend in -terraces to the sea, covered with vegetation to the water's edge; -there the covering of soil has been cast off from the steep slopes, -exposing the naked rock, which shines in the afternoon sun with a -reddish hue that wonderfully accords with the dark shades of the -foliage and the brilliant blue of the sea. Further on the tints become -duller, and the sight is blurred; only with effort can we distinguish -Sorrento, resting on cliffs that rise almost perpendicularly from the -line of the shore. Further still the outline of the peninsula sinks -into the sea and gives place to Capri, island of fantastic shape, -whose crags rising sheer from the water stand out sharply in the -bright sunlight. - -But we look toward the north, and the splendid variety of form and -color vanishes; there stands only the vast, sombre mass of the great -destroyer, Vesuvius, towering above the city and the plain. The sun as -it nears the horizon veils the bare ashen cone with a mantle of deep -violet, while the cloud of smoke that rises from the summit shines -with a golden glow. Far above the base the sides are covered with -vineyards, among which small groups of white houses can here and there -be seen. West of us the outline of the mountain descends in a strong, -simple curve to the sea. Just before it blends with the shore there -rise behind it distant heights wrapped in blue haze, the first of -moderate elevation, then others more prominent and further to the -left. They are the heights along the north shore of the Bay of -Naples--Gaurus crowned with the monastery of Camaldoli, famous for its -magnificent view; the cliffs of Baiae, the promontory of Misenum, and -the lofty cone of Epomeo on the island of Ischia. So the eye traverses -the whole expanse of the Bay; Naples itself, hidden from our view, -lies between those distant heights and the base of Vesuvius. - -But meanwhile the sun has set behind Misenum; its last rays are -lighting up the cloud of smoke above Vesuvius and the summit of Monte -Sant' Angelo. The brilliancy of coloring has faded; the weary eye -finds rest in the soft afterglow. We also may take leave of these -beautiful surroundings, and inquire into the beginnings of the city -which was founded here. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -_BEFORE 79_ - - -When Pompeii was founded we do not know. It is more than likely that a -site so well adapted for a city was occupied at an early date. The -oldest building, the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare, is of the -style of the sixth century B.C.; we are safe in assuming that the city -was then already in existence.[2] The founders were Oscans. They -belonged to a widely scattered branch of the Italic stock, whose -language, closely related with the Latin, has been imperfectly -recovered from a considerable number of inscriptions, so imperfectly -that in each of the longer inscriptions there still remain words the -meaning of which is obscure or doubtful. From this language the name -of the city came; for _pompe_ in Oscan meant 'five.' The word does -not, however, appear in its simple form; we have only the adjective -derived from it, _pompaiians_, 'Pompeian.' If we are right in assuming -that the name appeared in Oscan, as it does in Latin, in the plural -form, it was probably applied first to a gens, or clan, and thence to -the city; the Latin equivalent of Pompeii would be Quintii. Pompeii -was thus the city of the clan of the Pompeys, as Tarquinii was the -city of the Tarquins, and Veii the city of the Veian clan. The name -Pompeius was common in Pompeii down to the destruction of the city, -and in other Campanian towns, notably Puteoli, to much later times. - -In order to follow the course of events at Pompeii, it will be -necessary to pass briefly in review the main points in the history of -Campania. The Campanian Oscans, sprung from a rude and hardy race, -became civilized from contact with the Greeks, who at an early period -had settled in Cumae, in Dicaearchia, afterward Puteoli, and in -Parthenope, later Naples; and the coast climate had an enervating -effect upon them. When toward the end of the fifth century B.C. the -Samnites, kinsmen of the Oscans, left their rugged mountain homes in -the interior and pressed down toward the coast, the Oscans were unable -to cope with them. In 424 B.C. the Samnites stormed and took Capua, in -420, Cumae; and Pompeii likewise fell into their hands. But they were -no more successful than the Oscans had been in resisting the influence -of Greek culture. How strong this influence was may be seen in the -remains at Pompeii. The architecture of the period was Greek; Greek -divinities were honored, as Apollo and Zeus Milichius; and the -standard measures of the _mensa ponderaria_ were inscribed with Greek -names. - -In less than a hundred years new strifes arose between the more -cultured Samnites of the plain and their rough and warlike kinsmen in -the mountains. But Rome took a part in the struggle, and in the -Samnite Wars (343-290 B.C.) brought both the men of the mountains and -the men of the plain under her dominion. Although the sovereignty of -Rome took the form of a perpetual alliance, the cities in reality lost -their independence. The complete subjugation and Romanizing of -Campania, however, did not come till the time of the Social War (90-88 -B.C.) and the supremacy of Sulla; the Samnites staked all on the -success of the popular party, and lost. - -In the narrative of these events Pompeii is not often mentioned. At -the time of the Second Samnite War, in the year 310 B.C., we read that -a Roman fleet under Publius Cornelius landed at the mouth of the -Sarno, and that a pillaging expedition followed the course of the -river as far as Nuceria; but the country folk fell on the marauders as -they were returning, and forced them to give up their booty. We have -no definite information regarding the attitude of the Pompeians after -the battle of Cannae (216 B.C.); probably they joined the side of -Hannibal, who, however, was defeated by Marcus Marcellus near Nola in -the following year, and was obliged to leave Campania to the Romans. - -In the Social War, when, in the summer of 90 B.C., the Samnite army -marched into Campania, Pompeii allied itself with the insurgents; as a -consequence, in 89, it was besieged by Sulla, but without success. Two -years later, Sulla went to Asia to conduct the war against -Mithridates. Returning victorious in the spring of 83 B.C., he led his -army into Campania, where he spent the winter of 83-82; his soldiers, -grown brutal in the Asiatic war and accustomed to every kind of -license, may have proved unwelcome guests for the Pompeians. - -The sequel came in the year 80, when a colony of Roman veterans was -settled in Pompeii under the leadership of Publius Sulla, a nephew of -the Dictator. Cicero later made a speech in behalf of this Sulla, -defending him against the charge that he had taken part in the -conspiracy of Catiline and had tried to induce the old residents of -Pompeii to join in the plot. From this speech we learn that Sulla's -reorganization of the city was accomplished with so great regard for -the interests of the Pompeians, that they ever after held him in -grateful remembrance. We learn, also, that soon after the founding of -the colony disputes arose between the old residents and the colonists, -about the public walks (_ambulationes_) and matters connected with the -voting; the arrangements for voting had probably been so made as to -throw the decision always into the hands of the colonists. The -controversy was referred to the patrons of the colony, and settled by -them. From this time on, the life of Pompeii seems not to have -differed from that of the other small cities of Italy. - -As the harbor of Pompeii was on the Sarno, which flowed at some -distance from the city, there must have been a small settlement at the -landing place. To this probably belonged a group of buildings, partly -excavated in 1880-81, lying just across the Sarno canal (canale del -Bottaro), about a third of a mile from the Stabian Gate. Here were -found many skeletons, and with them a quantity of gold jewellery, -which was afterward placed in the Museum at Naples. The most -reasonable explanation of the discovery is, that the harbor was here, -and that these persons, gathering up their valuables, fled from -Pompeii at the time of the eruption either in order to escape by sea -or to take refuge in Stabiae. Flight in either case was cut off. If -ships were in the harbor, they must soon have been filled with the -volcanic deposits; if there was a bridge across the river it was -probably thrown down by the earthquake. - -A second suburb sprang up near the sea, in connection with the salt -works (_salinae_) of the city. Our knowledge of the inhabitants, the -Salinenses, is derived from several inscriptions painted upon walls, -in which they recommend candidates for the municipal offices, and from -an inscription scratched upon the plaster of a column in which a -fuller by the name of Crescens sends them a greeting: _Cresce[n]s -fullo Saline[n]sibus salute[m]_. From another inscription we learn -that they had an assembly, _conventus_, possibly judicial in its -functions; for in connection with a date, it speaks of a fine of -twenty sesterces, which would amount to about 31/2 shillings, or 85 -cents: _VII K. dec. Salinis in conventu multa HS XX_, 'Fine of twenty -sesterces; assembly at Salinae, November 25.' Still another -inscription speaks of attending such a meeting on November 19: _XIII -K. dec. in conventu veni_. - -The suburb most frequently mentioned was at first called Pagus Felix -Suburbanus, but after the time of Augustus, Pagus Augustus Felix -Suburbanus. Its location is unknown. As it evidently took the name of -Felix from the Dictator Sulla, who used this epithet as a surname, we -may assume that its origin dates from the establishment of the Roman -colony; it may have been founded to provide a place for those -inhabitants of Pompeii who had been forced to leave their homes in -order to make room for the colonists. The existence of a fourth suburb -is inferred from two painted inscriptions in which candidates for -office are recommended by the Campanienses; this name would naturally -be applied to the inhabitants of a Pagus Campanus, who, perhaps, had -originally come from Capua. - -Of the government of Pompeii in the earliest times, before the Samnite -conquest, nothing is known. The names of various magistrates in the -Samnite period, however, particularly the period of alliance with Rome -(290-90 B.C.), are learned from inscriptions. Mention is made of a -chief administrative officer (_mediss_, _mediss tovtiks_); of -quaestors, who, probably, like the quaestors in Rome, were charged -with the financial administration and let the contracts for public -buildings; and of aediles, to whom, no doubt, was intrusted the care -of streets and buildings, together with the policing of the markets. -The Latin names of the last two officials suggest that their offices -were introduced after 290. There was also an assembly called -_kombenniom_, with which we may compare the Latin _conventus_; but -whether it was an assembly of the people or a city council cannot now -be determined. - - [Illustration: Fig. 4.--Venus Pompeiana. From a wall painting.] - -After the establishment of the Roman colony, Pompeii was named -_Colonia Cornelia Veneria Pompeianorum_, from the gentile name of the -Dictator Sulla (Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix) and from the goddess to -whom he paid special honor, who now, as Venus Pompeiana, became the -tutelary divinity of the city. This goddess is represented in wall -paintings. In that from which our illustration is taken (Fig. 4), she -appears in a blue mantle studded with golden stars, and wears a crown -set with green stones. Her left hand, which holds a sceptre, rests -upon a rudder; in her right is a twig of olive. A Cupid stands upon a -pedestal beside her, holding up a mirror. - -From this time the highest official body, as in Roman colonies -everywhere, was the city council, composed of decurions. The -administration was placed in the hands of two pairs of officials, the -duumvirs with judiciary authority, _duumviri iuri dicundo_, and two -aediles, who were responsible for the care of buildings and streets -and the oversight of the markets. When the duumvirs and the aediles -joined in official acts they were known as the Board of Four, -_quattuorviri_. Down to the time of the Empire it appears that the -aediles were not designated officially by that name, but by a title -known to us only in an abbreviated form, _duumviri v. a. sacr. p. -proc._ This probably stands for _duumviri viis, aedibus, sacris -publicis procurandis_, 'duumvirs in charge of the streets, the -temples, and the public religious festivals.' The title of aedile -seems to have been avoided because it had been in use in the days of -autonomy, and the authorities thought it prudent to suppress -everything that would suggest the former state of independence. -Nevertheless, the word retained its place in ordinary speech, as is -shown by its use in the inscriptions painted on walls recommending -candidates for office; thence it finally forced its way back into the -official language. The duumvirs of every fifth year were called -quinquennial duumvirs, _duumviri quinquennales_, and assumed functions -corresponding with those of the censors at Rome; they gave attention -to matters of finance, and revised the lists of decurions and of -citizens. - -All these officials were elected annually by popular vote. The -candidates offered themselves beforehand. If none came forward, or -there were too few,--for the city officials not only received no -salary, but were under obligation to make generous contributions for -public purposes, as theatrical representations, games, and -buildings,--the magistrate who presided at the election named -candidates for the vacancies; but each candidate so named had the -right to nominate a second for the same vacancy, the second in turn a -third. The voting was by ballot; each voter threw his voting tablet -into the urn of his precinct. No information has come down to us -regarding the precincts (_curiae_) into which the city must have been -divided for electoral purposes. - -The election of a candidate was valid only in case he received the -vote of an absolute majority of the precincts. If the result was -indecisive for all or a part of the offices, the city council chose an -extraordinary official who bore the title of prefect with judiciary -authority, _praefectus iuri dicundo_. This prefect took the place of -the duumvirs, not only when an election was indecisive, but also when -vacancies arose in some other way, or when peculiar conditions seemed -to make it desirable to have an officer of unusual powers, a kind of -dictator; or finally, when the emperor had received the vote; in the -last two cases, the prefect was undoubtedly appointed by the emperor. -Thus, in the years 34 and 40 A.D., the Emperor Caligula was duumvir of -Pompeii; but the duties of the office were discharged by a prefect. A -law passed in Rome toward the end of the Republic on the motion of a -certain Petronius contained provisions regarding the appointment of -prefects; one chosen in accordance with them was called _praefectus ex -lege Petronia_, 'prefect according to the law of Petronius.' - -There were also in Pompeii priests supported by the city, but only a -few of them are mentioned in the inscriptions. References are found to -augurs and pontifices, to a priest of Mars, and to priests (_flamen_, -_sacerdos_) of Augustus while he was still living; Nero had a priest -even before he ascended the throne. Mention is made of priestesses, -too, a priestess of Ceres and Venus, priestesses of Ceres, and others, -the divinities of whom are not named. - -The suburbs could scarcely have had a separate administration; they -remained within the jurisdiction of the magistrates of the city. In -the case of the Pagus Augustus Felix mention is made of a _magister_, -'director,' _ministri_, 'attendants,' and _pagani_, 'pagus officials'; -but apparently these were all appointed for religious functions only, -in connection with the worship of the emperor. The _magister_ and the -_pagani_, in part at least, were freedmen; the four _ministri_, first -appointed in 7 B.C., were slaves. - -Apart from commerce, an important source of income for the Pompeians -lay in the fertility of the soil. In antiquity, as now, grapes were -cultivated extensively on the ridge projecting from the foot of -Vesuvius toward the south. The evidence afforded by the great number -of wine jars, _amphorae_ (Fig. 5), that have been brought to light -would warrant this conclusion; and lately wine presses also have been -discovered near Boscoreale, above Pompeii. Pliny makes mention of the -Pompeian wine, but remarks that indulgence in it brings a headache -that will last till noon of the following day. The olive too was -cultivated, but only to a limited extent; this we infer from the small -capacity of the press and other appliances for making oil found in -the same villa in which the wine presses were discovered. At the -present time the making of oil is not carried on about Pompeii. In the -plain below the city vegetables were raised, as at the present day; -the cabbage and onions of Pompeii were highly prized. - -The working up of the products of the fisheries formed an important -industry. The fish sauces which so tickled the palate of ancient -epicures, _garum_, _liquamen_, and _muria_, were produced here of the -finest quality. The making of them seems to have been practically a -monopoly in the hands of a certain Umbricius Scaurus; a great number -of earthen jars have been found with the mark of his ownership (p. -506). - - [Illustration: Fig. 5.--An amphora from Boscoreale.] - -The Pompeians turned to account, also, the volcanic products of -Vesuvius. Pumice stone was an article of export. From the lava -millstones were made for both grain mills and oil mills, which were -apparently already in extensive use in the time of Cato the Elder; he -twice mentions the oil mills of Pompeii. In Pompeii itself the -millstones of the oldest period are of lava from Vesuvius; later it -was found that the lava of Rocca Monfina was better adapted for the -purpose, and millstones of that material were preferred. Small -hand-mills of the lava from Vesuvius were in use at Pompeii down to -79; but the larger millstones of this material found in the bakeries -had been put one side. In shape and finish the mills of local make -were superior to the more carelessly worked stones from Rocca Monfina; -the preference for the latter was due to the fact that they contained -numerous crystals of leucite, which broke off as the mill wore away, -and so kept the grinding surfaces always rough. Millstones from Rocca -Monfina may be seen at different places in Rome, as in the Museum of -the Baths of Diocletian. - -To the sources of revenue which contributed to the prosperity of -Pompeii we may add the presence of wealthy Romans, who, attracted by -the delightful climate, built country seats in the vicinity. Among -them was Cicero, who often speaks of his Pompeian villa (Pompeianum). -That the imperial family also had a villa here is inferred from a -curious accident. We read that Drusus, the young son of the Emperor -Claudius, a few days after his betrothal to the daughter of Sejanus, -was choked to death at Pompeii by a pear which he had thrown up into -the air and caught in his mouth. These country seats, no doubt, lay on -the high ground back of Pompeii, toward Vesuvius; they probably faced -the sea. But the identification of a villa excavated in the last -century, and then filled up again, as the villa of Cicero, is wholly -without foundation. - -_Salve lucrum_, 'Welcome, Gain!' Such is the inscription which a -Pompeian placed in the mosaic floor of his house. _Lucrum gaudium_, -'Gain is pure joy,' we read on the threshold of another house. A -thrifty Pompeian certainly did not lack opportunity to acquire wealth. - -How large a population Pompeii possessed at the time of the -destruction of the city it is impossible to determine. A painstaking -examination of all the houses excavated would afford data for an -approximate estimate; but the results thus far obtained by those who -have given attention to the subject are unsatisfactory. Fiorelli -assigned to Pompeii twelve thousand inhabitants, Nissen twenty -thousand. Undoubtedly the second estimate is nearer the truth than the -first; according to all indication the population may very likely have -exceeded twenty thousand. - -This population was by no means homogeneous. The original Oscan stock -had not yet lost its identity; inscriptions in the Oscan dialect are -found scratched on the plaster of walls decorated in the style -prevalent after the earthquake of the year 63. From the time when the -Roman colony was founded no doubt additions continued to be made to -the population from various parts of Italy. The Greek element was -particularly strong. This is proved by the number of Greek names in -the accounts of Caecilius Jucundus, for example, and by the Greek -inscriptions that have been found on walls and on amphorae. The -Greeks may have come from the neighboring towns; most of them were -probably freedmen. In a seaport we should expect to find also Greeks -from trans-marine cities; and, in fact, an Alexandrian appears in one -of the receipts of Jucundus. There were Orientals, too, as we shall -see when we come to the temple of Isis. - -Thus far there has come to hand no trustworthy evidence for the -presence of Christians at Pompeii; but traces of Jewish influence are -not lacking. The words _Sodoma_, _Gomora_, are scratched in large -letters on the wall of a house in Region IX (IX. i. 26). They must -have been written by a Jew, or possibly a Christian; they seem like a -prophecy of the fate of the city. - - [Illustration: Fig. 6.--The Judgment of Solomon. Wall painting.] - -Another interesting bit of evidence is a wall painting, which appears -to have as its subject the Judgment of Solomon (Fig. 6). On a tribunal -at the right sits the king with two advisers; the pavilion is well -guarded with soldiers. In front of the tribunal a soldier is about to -cut a child in two with a cleaver. Two women are represented, one of -whom stands at the block and is already taking hold of the half of the -child assigned to her, while the other casts herself on her knees as a -suppliant before the judges. It is not certain that the reference here -is to Solomon; such tales pass from one country to another, and a -somewhat similar story is told of the Egyptian king Bocchoris. The -balance of probability is in favor of the view that we have here the -Jewish version of the story, because this is consistent with other -facts that point to the existence of a Jewish colony at Pompeii. - -The names Maria and Martha appear in wall inscriptions. The assertion -that Maria here is not the Hebrew name, but the feminine form of the -Roman name Marius, is far astray. It appears in a list of female -slaves who were working in a weaver's establishment, Vitalis, -Florentina, Amaryllis, Januaria, Heracla, Maria, Lalage, Damalis, -Doris. The Marian family was represented at Pompeii, but the Roman -name Maria could not have been given to a slave. That we have here a -Jewish name seems certain since the discovery of the name Martha. - -In inscriptions upon wine jars we find mention of a certain M. -Valerius Abinnerichus, a name which is certainly Jewish or Syrian; but -whether Abinnerich was a dealer, or the owner of the estate on which -the wine was produced, cannot be determined. In this connection it is -worth while to note that vessels have been found with the inscribed -labels, _gar[um] cast[um]_ or _cast[imoniale]_, and _mur[ia] cast[a]_. -As we learn from Pliny (N. H. XXXI. viii. 95), these fish sauces, -prepared for fast days, were used especially by the Jews. - -Some have thought that the word _Christianos_ can be read in an -inscription written with charcoal, and have fancied that they found a -reference to the persecution of the Christians under Nero. But -charcoal inscriptions, which will last for centuries when covered with -earth, soon become illegible if exposed to the air; such an -inscription, traced on a wall at the time of the persecutions under -Nero, must have disappeared long before the destruction of the city. -The inscription in question was indistinct when discovered, and has -since entirely faded; the reading is quite uncertain. If it were -proved that the word "Christians" appeared in it, we should be -warranted only in the inference that Christians were known at Pompeii, -not that they lived and worshipped there. According to Tertullian -(Apol. 40) there were no Christians in Campania before 79. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[2] It seems strange that traces of other buildings of the same period -have not been discovered; but, on the other hand, it is far from -probable that the temple was first erected, and that the city -afterward grew up around it, for in that case the temple must have -been placed further west, on the highest point of the elevation, -overlooking the sea. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -_THE CITY OVERWHELMED_ - - -Previous to the terrible eruption of 79, Vesuvius was considered an -extinct volcano. "Above these places," says Strabo, writing in the -time of Augustus, "lies Vesuvius, the sides of which are well -cultivated, even to the summit. This is level, but quite unproductive. -It has a cindery appearance; for the rock is porous and of a sooty -color, the appearance suggesting that the whole summit may once have -been on fire and have contained craters, the fires of which died out -when there was no longer anything left to burn." - -Earthquakes, however, were of common occurrence in Campania. An -especially violent shock on the fifth of February, 63 A.D., gave -warning of the reawakening of Vesuvius. Great damage was done -throughout the region lying between Naples and Nuceria, but the shock -was most severe at Pompeii, a large part of the buildings of the city -being thrown down. The prosperous and enterprising inhabitants at once -set about rebuilding. When the final catastrophe came, on the -twenty-fourth of August, 79 A.D., most of the houses were in a good -state of repair, and the rebuilding of at least two temples, those of -Apollo and of Isis, had been completed. This renewing of the city, -caused by the earthquake, may be looked upon as a fortunate -circumstance for our studies. - -Our chief source of information for the events of August 24-26, 79, is -a couple of letters of the Younger Pliny to Tacitus, who purposed to -make use of them in writing his history. Pliny was staying at Misenum -with his uncle, the Elder Pliny, who was in command of the Roman -fleet. In the first letter he tells of his uncle's fate. On the -afternoon of the twenty-fourth, the admiral Pliny set out with ships -to rescue from impending danger the people at the foot of Vesuvius, -particularly in the vicinity of Herculaneum. He came too late; it was -no longer possible to effect a landing. So he directed his course to -Stabiae, where he spent the night; and there on the following morning -he died, suffocated by the fumes that were exhaled from the earth. The -second letter gives an account of the writer's own experiences at -Misenum. - -To this testimony little is added by the narrative of Dion Cassius, -which was written a century and a half later and is known to us only -in abstract; Dion dwells at greater length on the powerful impression -which the terrible convulsion of nature left upon those who were -living at that time. With the help of the letters of Pliny, in -connection with the facts established by the excavations, it is -possible to picture to ourselves the progress of the eruption with a -fair degree of clearness. - -The subterranean fires of Vesuvius pressed upward to find an outlet. -The accumulations of volcanic dust and pumice stone that had been -heaped up on the mountain by former eruptions were again hurled to a -great height, and came down upon the surrounding country. On the west -side of Vesuvius they mingled with torrents of rain, and flowed as a -vast stream of mud down over Herculaneum. On the south side, driven by -a northwest wind as they descended from the upper air, they spread out -into a thick cloud, which covered Pompeii and the plain of the Sarno. -Out of this cloud first broken fragments of pumice stone--the average -size not larger than a walnut--rained down to the depth of eight to -ten feet; then followed volcanic dust, wet as it fell by a downpour of -water, to the depth of six or seven feet. With the storm of dust came -successive shocks of earthquake. - -Such was, in outline, the course of the eruption. It must have begun -early in the morning of the twenty-fourth, and the stream of mud must -have commenced immediately to move in the direction of Herculaneum; -for shortly after one o'clock on that day the admiral Pliny at Misenum -received letters from the region threatened, saying that the danger -was imminent, and that escape was possible only by sea. Even then the -Younger Pliny saw, high above Vesuvius, the cloud, shaped like an -umbrella pine, which was to rain down destruction on Pompeii. Toward -evening, the ships off Herculaneum ran into the hail of pumice stone, -which, during the night, reached Stabiae and so increased in violence -that the admiral Pliny was obliged to leave his sleeping room from -fear that the door would be blocked up by the falling masses. - -Early in the morning of the twenty-fifth there was a severe shock of -earthquake, which was felt as far as Misenum. Then the dust began to -fall, and a cloud of fearful blackness, pierced through and through -with flashes of lightning, settled down over land and sea. At Misenum, -even, it became dark; "not," says Pliny, "as on a cloudy night when -there is no moon, but as in a room which has been completely closed." - -How long the fall of dust lasted we can only infer from this, that -when it ceased the sun had not yet set. In Misenum, which the shower -of pumice stone had not reached, everything was covered with a thick -layer of dust. Although the earthquake shocks continued, the -inhabitants went back into their houses. But Pompeii and Stabiae had -been covered so deep that only the roofs of the houses, where these -had not fallen in, projected above the surface; and Herculaneum had -wholly disappeared. - -All the plain of the Sarno was buried, as were also the slopes of the -mountains on the south. Stabiae, as we have seen, lay at the foot of -the mountains, on the coast. It had been destroyed by Sulla in the -Social War; its inhabitants, forced to scatter, settled in the -surrounding country. In the years 1749-82 numerous buildings were -excavated in the vicinity, in part luxurious country seats, in part -plain farm buildings; but the excavations were afterward filled up -again. The covering of Stabiae was like that of Pompeii, only not so -deep. - -Herculaneum was covered with the same materials; they were not, -however, deposited in regular strata, but were mixed together, and -being drenched with water, hardened into a kind of tufa which in -places reaches a depth of sixty-five feet. Excavating at Herculaneum -is in consequence extremely difficult; and the difficulty is further -increased by the fact that a modern city, Resina, extends over the -greater part of the ancient site. The excavations thus far attempted -have in most cases been conducted by means of underground -passageways. The statement that Herculaneum was overflowed by a stream -of lava, though frequently repeated, is erroneous. - - [Illustration: Fig. 7.--Cast of a man.] - -The woodwork of buildings in Pompeii has in many cases been preserved, -but in a completely charred condition. Frequently where walls were -painted with yellow ochre it has turned red, especially when brought -immediately into contact with the stratum of dust--a change which this -color undergoes when it is exposed to heat. Nevertheless, the -inference would be unwarranted that the products of the eruption fell -upon the city red-hot and caused a general conflagration. The -fragments of pumice stone could scarcely have retained a great degree -of heat after having been so long in the air; it is evident from -Pliny's narrative that they were not hot. - -With the dust a copious rain must have fallen; for the bodies of those -who perished in the storm of dust left perfect moulds, into a number -of which soft plaster of Paris has been poured, making those casts of -human figures which lend a melancholy interest to the collections in -the little Museum at Pompeii (Fig. 7). The extraordinary freshness of -these figures, without any suggestion of the wasting away after death, -is explicable only on the supposition that the enveloping dust was -damp, and so commenced immediately to harden into a permanent shape. -If the dust had been dry and had packed down and hardened afterwards, -we should be able to trace at least the beginnings of decay. - -Neither the pumice stone nor the dust, then, could have set wood on -fire. The woodwork must have become charred gradually from the effect -of moisture, as in the case of coal, and the change in the color of -the yellow ochre must be due to some other cause than the presence of -heat. This is all the more evident from the fact that vestiges of -local conflagrations, confined within narrow limits, can here and -there be traced, kindled by the masses of glowing slag which fell at -the same time with the pumice stone, or by the fires left burning in -the houses. - -From the number of skeletons discovered in the past few decades, since -an accurate record has been kept, it has been estimated that in -Pompeii itself, about two thousand persons perished. As the city -contained a population of twenty thousand or more, it is evident that -the majority of the inhabitants fled; since the eruption commenced in -the morning, while the hail of pumice stone did not begin till -afternoon, those who appreciated the greatness of the danger had time -to escape. It is, however, impossible to say how many fled when it was -already too late, and lost their lives outside the city. Mention has -already been made of some who perished at the harbor; others who went -out earlier to the Sarno may have made good their escape. Of those who -remained in the city part were buried in the houses--so with twenty -persons whose skeletons were found in the cellar of the villa of -Diomedes; others, as the hail of pumice stone ceased, ventured out -into the streets, where they soon succumbed to the shower of dust that -immediately followed. As the bodies wasted away little except the -bones was left in the hollows formed by the dust that hardened around -them, and the casts already referred to, which have been made from -time to time since 1863, give in some cases a remarkably clear and -sharp representation of the victims. - -The Emperor Titus sent a commission of senators into Campania to -report in what way help could best be rendered. A plan was formed to -rebuild the cities that had been destroyed, and the property of those -who died without heirs was set aside for this purpose. Nothing came -of it, however, so far as our knowledge goes. Pompeii is indeed -mentioned in the Peutinger Table, a map for travellers made in the -third century, but the name was apparently given to a post station in -memory of the former city. Conclusive evidence against the existence -of a new city is the absence of any inscriptions referring to it. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -_THE UNEARTHING OF THE CITY_ - - -The first excavations at Pompeii were undertaken by the survivors -shortly after the destruction of the city. As the upper parts of the -houses that had not fallen in projected above the surface, it was -possible to locate the places under which objects of value were -buried. Men dug down from the surface at certain points and tunnelled -from room to room underneath, breaking through the intervening walls. -This work was facilitated by the stratification of the volcanic -deposit; the loose bits of pumice stone in the lower stratum were -easily removed, while the stratum of dust above was compact enough to -furnish a fairly safe roof for narrow passageways. Only infrequently -is a house discovered that was left undisturbed; from this we -understand why comparatively little household furniture of value has -been found. Not only were rich house furnishings in demand,--the -excavators carried away valuable building materials as well. So -eagerly were these sought after that large buildings, as those about -the Forum, were almost completely stripped of their marble. - -In the Middle Ages Pompeii was quite forgotten. Possibly some remains -of the ancient buildings were yet to be seen; at any rate it seems to -have been believed that a city once existed there, for the site was -called La Civita. - -In the years 1594-1600 Domenico Fontana was bringing water from one of -the springs of the Sarno to Torre Annunziata, and in the course of the -work cut an underground channel through the site of Pompeii and -discovered two inscriptions; but no further investigations were made. -The indifference of Fontana may be explained by the fact that the -water channel was not dug out from above, like a railway cutting, and -then covered over, but was carried as a tunnel through the hill on -which the city stood, so that the workmen came to the ancient surface -at only a few points. In the part now excavated, the original level -was disturbed in but one place, near the temple of Zeus Milichius; -here the inscriptions were probably found. - -The excavation of the buried Campanian towns began, not at Pompeii, -but at Herculaneum, where in 1709 the workmen of the Austrian general, -Count Elbeuf, sunk a shaft, reaching the ancient level at the rear of -the stage of the theatre. The current statement that Elbeuf discovered -the site of Herculaneum by accident, his workmen being engaged in -digging a well, is erroneous. The location of the city was already -known, and Elbeuf was searching for antiquities. The error probably -originated in a misunderstanding of the Italian word _pozzo_, which -has a double meaning, "shaft," and "well." - -At first little was accomplished, but after 1738 excavations were -carried on by King Charles III in a more systematic manner. The -director of these excavations, Rocco Gioacchino de Alcubierre, in -March, 1748, had occasion to inspect the water channel mentioned -above, and learned that at the place called La Civita--which he -thought was Stabiae--objects of antiquity were often found. He came to -the conclusion that this site was more promising than that of -Herculaneum, where the excavations just then were yielding little of -value; the result of his recommendation was that on the thirtieth of -the same month excavations were commenced at Pompeii, with twelve -workmen. - -The first digging was done north of Nola Street, near the Casa del -Torello; then the men were set at work on the Street of Tombs, near -the Herculaneum Gate; and a part of the Amphitheatre also was cleared. -In 1750 the work was stopped, because the results were thought to be -unimportant. - -Attention was again directed to Pompeii in 1754, when workmen engaged -in constructing the highway that runs just south of the city -discovered a number of tombs. About the same time, west of the -Amphitheatre, the extensive establishment of Julia Felix, arranged -like a villa, and some buildings lying north of it, were excavated; -but they were all covered up again, as was also the so-called villa -of Cicero, which was uncovered in 1763. - -The parts excavated were not left clear until after 1763, when the -discovery of the inscription of Suedius Clemens, on the Street of -Tombs, had established the fact that the site was that of Pompeii. -Important discoveries were made soon after. In the years immediately -following 1764 the theatres, with the adjacent buildings, and the -Street of Tombs, together with the villa of Diomedes, were laid bare. -The excavations were conducted slowly and without system, yet with -scientific interest fostered by the Herculaneum Academy (Accademia -ercolanese), which had been founded in 1755. - -Under Joseph Bonaparte and Murat, 1806-15, the work received larger -appropriations, and was prosecuted with greater energy, particularly -in the quarter lying between the Herculaneum Gate and the Forum. In -the same period the Forum was approached from the south side also. In -1799, at the time of the Parthenopean Republic, the French general -Championnet had excavated, south of the Basilica, the two houses which -are still called by his name. From these, in 1813, the excavators made -their way into the Basilica, whence, in November of the same year, -they pushed forward into the Forum. However, the excavation of the -Forum itself with the surrounding buildings, prosecuted less -vigorously and with limited means in the period of the Restoration, -was not completed till 1825; by this time the temple of Fortuna and -the Baths north of the Forum had also been uncovered. The following -years, to 1832, brought to light the beautiful houses on the north -side of Nola Street--the houses of Pansa, of the Tragic Poet, and of -the Faun--and those on Mercury Street; later came excavations south of -Nola Street and in various parts of the city. - -The disturbances of the period of Revolution caused a cessation of -work for two years, from July 3, 1848, to September 27, 1850. During -the next nine years effort was expended chiefly in clearing Stabian -Street and the Stabian Baths. - -The fall of the Bourbon dynasty and the passing over of Naples to the -Kingdom of Italy caused another interruption, which lasted a year, -from December 5, 1859, to December 20, 1860. On the last date the -excavations were resumed under the direction of Giuseppe Fiorelli, a -man of marked individuality, who left a permanent impress upon every -part of the work. To him is due the present admirable system, -excellent alike from the technical and from the administrative point -of view. We owe it to him, that better provision is made now than -formerly for the preservation and care of excavated buildings and -objects discovered; the earlier efforts in this direction naturally -left room for improvement, and the painstaking of the present -administration is especially worthy of commendation. - - [Illustration: Fig. 8.--An excavation. Atrium of the house of the - Silver Wedding, cleared in the autumn of 1892.] - -Fiorelli put an end to haphazard digging, to excavating here and there -wherever the site seemed most promising. He first set about clearing -the undisturbed places lying between the excavated portions; and when -in this way the west part of the city had been laid bare, he commenced -to work systematically from the excavated part toward the east. Since -1860 only one public building has been excavated--the baths at the -corner of Stabian and Nola streets; but many private houses have been -uncovered, some of which are of much interest. Fiorelli remained in -charge of the excavations until 1875, when he was called to Rome to -become General Director of Museums and Excavations; he died in 1896, -at the age of seventy-two. His successors, first Michele Ruggiero, -then Giulio de Petra, have worked according to his plans, and in full -sympathy with his ideals. - -Up to the present time about three-fifths of Pompeii have been -excavated. In 1872 Fiorelli made the calculation that if the -excavations should continue at the rate then followed the whole city -would be laid bare in 74 years. Since that time the work has -progressed more slowly, partly in consequence of the greater care -taken for the preservation of the remains. At the present rate of -progress we may believe that the twentieth century will hardly witness -the completion of the excavations. - -Articles of furniture and objects of art that can easily be moved, as -the statuettes often found in the gardens, are ordinarily taken to the -Museum in Naples; a few things have been placed in the little Museum -at Pompeii. Now and then small sculptures have been left in a house -exactly as they were found; but the necessity of keeping such houses -locked and of guarding them with especial care prevents the general -adoption of this method of preservation. - -In respect to the preservation of paintings the practice has varied at -different periods. Generally, however, the best pictures have been cut -from the walls and transferred to the Museum, while the decorative -framework has been left undisturbed. It is keenly to be regretted that -in this way the effect of the decorative system as a whole has been -destroyed, for the picture forms the centre of a carefully elaborated -scheme of decoration which needs to be viewed as an artistic whole in -order to be fully appreciated; and the removal of a painting can -hardly be accomplished without some damage to the parts of the wall -immediately in contact with it. A far better method would be to leave -intact all walls containing paintings or decorative work of interest, -providing such means of protection against the weather as may be -necessary. A good beginning in this respect has been made in the case -of the house of the Vettii, the beautiful and well preserved paintings -of which have been left on the walls and are preserved with the -greatest care. - -The treatment of a mosaic floor is an altogether different problem. -While the floor as a whole, with its ornamental designs, is left in -place, fine mosaics representing paintings, which are delicate and -easily destroyed, are wisely taken up and placed in the Museum. - - -NOTES TO PLAN I - - The Regions are given as they were laid out by Fiorelli (p. - 34), the boundaries being marked by broken lines. The Insulae - are designated by Arabic numerals. - - Stabian Street, between Stabian and Vesuvius gates, separating - Regions VIII, VII, and VI, from I, IX, and V, is often called - Cardo, from analogy with the _cardo maximus_ (the north and - south line) of a Roman camp. Nola Street, leading from the Nola - Gate, with its continuations (Strada della Fortuna, south of - Insulae 10, 12, 13, and 14 of Region VI, and Strada della - Terme, south of VI, 4, 6, 8), was for similar reasons - designated as the Greater Decuman, _Decumanus Maior_; while the - street running from the Water Gate to the Sarno Gate (Via - Marina, Abbondanza Street, Strada dei Diadumeni) is called the - Lesser Decuman, _Decumanus Minor_. - - The only Regions wholly excavated are VII and VIII; but only a - small portion of Region VI remains covered. - - The towers of the city wall are designated by numbers, as they - are supposed to have been at the time of the siege of Sulla, in - 89 B.C. (p. 240). - - [Illustration: PLAN I.--OUTLINE PLAN OF POMPEII.] - - - - -CHAPTER V - -_A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW_ - - -The outline of Pompeii, with its network of streets, may be traced on -the accompanying plan. - -The city took its shape from the end of the old lava stream on which -it lay, which ran southeast from Vesuvius. It formed an irregular oval -a little less than four fifths of a mile (1200 metres) long and a -little more than two fifths of a mile (720 metres) wide in its -greatest dimensions. On three sides, west, south, and east, the wall -of the city ran along the edge of the hill; on the northwest side, -between the Herculaneum and Capua gates, it passed directly across the -ridge formed by the lava. - -The eight gates are known by the modern names given on our plan. Two -of them, the Herculaneum and Capua gates, lie at the points where the -wall comes to the edge of the lava bed on either side; the streets -that led from them descended to the plain. At the Herculaneum Gate the -much travelled highway from Naples, passing through Herculaneum, -entered the city; the Capua Gate does not seem to have been built to -accommodate a large traffic. Between these two lay the Vesuvius Gate, -through which the Pompeians passed out upon the ridge toward Vesuvius. - -From the Herculaneum Gate nearly to the Stabian Gate, on the south -side, ran a bluff, with a sharp descent. Nevertheless, as a gate was -needed on the side nearest the sea, the Water Gate, Porta Marina, was -placed here; through it a steep road led to the Forum, so steep that -it could not have been much used by vehicles; but that may have -mattered little to the fishermen bringing their catches to the market. - -The Stabian Gate lay in a depression at the end of the lava bed and -afforded a more convenient means of access to the city; thence a road -ran to the harbor on the Sarno, and to Stabiae. At the left another -road apparently branched off from this in the direction of Nuceria, -which could be reached also from the conveniently located Nocera Gate -further east; here also the slope of the hill was less pronounced. Two -gates, finally, gave access to the city on the somewhat steeper east -and northeast sides, the Sarno Gate, which takes its name, not from -the river, but from the modern town of Sarno, and the Nola Gate; it is -at least probable that the road passing through the latter led to -Nola. - -A glance at the plan will make it plain that the streets of Pompeii -must have been laid out according to a definite system; an arrangement -on the whole so regular and symmetrical would scarcely be found in a -city that had developed gradually from a small beginning, in which the -location of streets had been the result of accident. - -Two wide streets that cross the city very nearly at right angles give -the direction for the other streets running approximately north and -south and east and west, Mercury Street with its continuations, and -Nola Street. The former probably served as a base line in laying out -the city; this we infer from the fact that while it is exceptionally -broad, and the Forum lies on it, there is no gate at either end, and -it could have been little used for traffic. Nola Street has a gate -only at the east end; the west end opens into the Strada Consolare, -which follows the line of the city wall and leads to the Herculaneum -Gate at the northwest corner. That the other streets must have taken -their direction from these two is clearly seen in the case of those in -the northwest part of the city; on close examination it will be found -that the arrangement of the rest also is in accordance with the same -system, a fact which would perhaps be still more obvious if the -unexcavated eastern portion of the city were laid bare. - -In two instances, however, there is a deviation from this system. One -is in the quarter near the Forum. For reasons which have not been -satisfactorily explained, the Porta Marina was not placed on the -prolongation of the street coming from the Sarno Gate, but further -north. In order to reach this gate the street, as shown on the plan, -makes a bend to the north which is reproduced in the other east and -west streets lying south of Nola Street; west of the Forum, again, -the streets converge in order to give access to this gate. - -The other deviation, which affects Stabian Street, can be explained on -grounds of convenience. This street, which runs from the Stabian to -the Vesuvius Gate, abandoned the line of the north and south streets -west of it in order to take advantage of a natural depression in the -hill, by following which an easy grade could be established to the -higher parts of the city; that the blocks along this important -thoroughfare might not be too irregular in shape, the nearest parallel -streets on the east were laid out in such a way as to follow the -direction of Stabian Street. The street running south from the Capua -Gate resumes, with slight variation, the north and south line of -Mercury Street. - -The public buildings of the city form two extensive groups. One group -lies about the Forum (Plan II); with this we may reckon the Baths in -the first block north, and the temples of Fortuna Augusta and Venus -Pompeiana. The nucleus of the other is formed by the two theatres and -the large quadrangular colonnade which, designed originally to afford -protection for theatre-goers against the rain, was later turned into -barracks for the gladiators (Plan III). There are in addition only -four public buildings that need to be mentioned. Two are bathing -establishments, the Stabian Baths, and those at the corner of Stabian -and Nola streets. The third is a small building near the Herculaneum -Gate, consisting of a hall opening on the street, with a base for a -statue near the rear wall; this on insufficient grounds has been -called a custom-house. The fourth, the Amphitheatre, lies in the -southern corner of the city. - -As the public buildings were thus located in clearly defined groups, -it is not probable that many yet remain in the portion of the city -which has not been excavated. We may expect to find only bathing -establishments, and perhaps one or two temples. There were priestesses -of Ceres and of Venus, but the sanctuary of Ceres has not been -discovered. Mention is made also of a priest of Mars; but the temple -of Mars, according to the precept of Vitruvius (I. vii. 1) would be -outside the city. - -A word should be added regarding the modern division of Pompeii into -Regions, or wards, and Insulae. By an Insula is meant--in accordance -with ancient usage--a block of houses surrounded on all sides by -streets. The division into Regions was introduced by Fiorelli, and -rests upon a misconception which has been corrected by more recent -excavations. Fiorelli thought that the Capua Gate and the Nocera Gate -were connected by a street, and that the city was thus divided by four -streets (the assumed street, Stabian Street, Nola Street, and -Abbondanza Street with its continuations) into nine Regions, marked on -our plan with the numerals I-IX. - -In each Region every block, or Insula, has its number, and in the -Insula a separate number is given to every door opening on a street. -This arrangement is convenient because each house can be accurately -designated by means of three numbers. - -On the plans the Insulae are designated by Arabic numerals, but in the -text small Roman numerals are used for the sake of clearness; thus, -Ins. IX. i. 26, means the first Insula of Region IX, No. 26. - -The names of several of the more important streets, as of the better -known houses, are given in the text in the English form. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -_BUILDING MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION, AND ARCHITECTURAL PERIODS_ - - -Six centuries lie between the dates of the earliest and the latest -buildings at Pompeii; and in order to understand any structure rightly -we must first of all ascertain to what period it belongs. It is indeed -rarely possible to fix dates with exactness for the earlier time; but -certain periods are so clearly differentiated from one another, that -in most cases there is no room for doubt to which of them a building -is to be assigned. Before undertaking to characterize these periods, -however, it will be necessary briefly to notice what building -materials were used, and how they were turned to account in -construction. - -Exclusive of wood, which was more freely used in Pompeii than in -Campanian towns to-day, the principal building materials were Sarno -limestone, two kinds of tufa (gray and yellow), lava, a whitish -limestone often called travertine wrongly, marble, and brick. - -The Sarno limestone (_pietra di Sarno_) is a deposit from the water of -the Sarno, and is found in beds along the course of the river. It -contains many impressions of the leaves and stems of plants, and -varies greatly in compactness; it closely resembles the Roman -travertine, except that it has a more decided yellowish tint. - -Gray tufa is a volcanic dust which has been hardened by the presence -of water into rock. It has a fine grain, and is easily worked; it was -quarried in the vicinity of Nocera. The volcanic dust which formed the -yellow tufa was thrown out in an earlier period, when the Sarno plain -was still a part of the sea, and so hardened in salt water; it is more -friable than the gray tufa, and not so durable. - -The lava, which came originally from Vesuvius, was quarried at -Pompeii. Three varieties may be distinguished, differing in density -according as they were taken from the lower or the upper strata: solid -lava, or basalt, which, being heavy and extremely hard, was -extensively used for pavements and thresholds; slag, like the scoriae -found on the sides of Vesuvius to-day; and cruma, the foam of the lava -stream, which is light and porous, but on account of its hardness has -good resisting qualities. - -The whitish limestone has a fine texture, without impressions of -leaves, and is of an even color; it was to some extent employed as a -substitute for marble. It was not quarried at Pompeii, and was not -extensively used; the most important example of its use is in the -later colonnade about the Forum. The white Carrara marble (_marmor -lunense_) was preferred for columns, pilasters, and architraves; but -colored marbles of many varieties, cut into thin slabs and blocks, -were used as a veneering for walls and in the mosaic floors. - -Bricks were used only for the corners of buildings, for doorposts, and -in a few instances, as in the Basilica and the house of the Labyrinth, -for columns; brick walls are not found in Pompeii. The bricks seen in -corners and doorposts (Figs. 11, 95) are simply a facing for rubble -work. They are ordinarily less than an inch thick; they have the shape -of a right-angled triangle, and are so laid that the side representing -the hypothenuse--about six inches long--appears in the surface of the -wall. Sometimes fragments of roof tiles, more or less irregular in -shape, were used instead. The bricks of the earlier time contain sea -sand and have a granular surface, with a less uniform color; the later -bricks are smooth and even in appearance. - -The flat oblong roof tiles (_tegulae_), measuring ordinarily 24 by 19 -or 20 inches, had flanges at the sides; over the joints where the -flanges came together, joint tiles in the form of a half-cylinder -(_imbrices_) were laid, like those in use at the present day (Figs. -114, 117). - -The styles of masonry are characteristic and interesting. We may -distinguish them as masonry with limestone framework, rubble work, -reticulate work, quasi-reticulate work, ashlar work, and, in the case -of columns and entablatures, massive construction. - -The masonry with limestone framework dates from the earliest period. -The walls were built without mortar, clay being used instead. Since -this served only as a filling, without strength as a binding material, -it was necessary to arrange the stones themselves in such a way that -the wall would stand firm. This result was accomplished by using -large, oblong blocks, not only for corners and doorposts, but also for -a framework in the body of the wall; as shown in our illustration, -alternate vertical and horizontal blocks were built up into pillars -which would hold in place the courses of smaller stones that filled -the intervening spaces. The material of the larger, hewn blocks, as -well as of the smaller fragments, was Sarno limestone, with occasional -pieces of cruma or slag. - - [Illustration: Fig. 9.--Wall with limestone framework.] - -The rubble work, _opus incertum_, consists of fragments irregular in -shape, of the size of the fist and larger, laid in mortar. The -material used in the earlier times was ordinarily lava; later, Sarno -limestone. Corners and doorposts at first were built of hewn blocks; -afterwards bricks and blocks of stone cut in the form of bricks were -used for this purpose, and in the latest period frequently brick and -stone combined, _opus mixtum_ or _opus compositum_--a course of stone -alternating with every two or three courses of brick. An example of -the _opus mixtum_ is seen in the entrances of the Herculaneum Gate -(Fig. 113). Rubble work is the prevailing masonry at Pompeii; in -comparison the other kinds described may be considered exceptional. - -The reticulate work, _opus reticulatum_, formed the outer surface of a -wall, the inner part of which was built up with rubble. It was -composed of small four-sided pyramidal blocks, of which only the base, -cut square and smooth, showed on the surface; the tapering part served -as a key to bind the block into the wall. These blocks, which measured -from three to four inches square at the base, were laid on their -corners, so that the edges ran diagonally to the horizontal and -vertical lines of the wall; the pattern thus formed had the appearance -of a net, hence the name. The material was in most cases gray, -occasionally yellow, tufa. The corners and doorposts were at first -made of the same kind of stone cut in the shape of bricks; later of -bricks. This style of masonry was in vogue at Rome, and apparently -also at Pompeii, in the time of Augustus (Fig. 12; see also the -pedestal in the foreground of Plate I). - -The quasi-reticulate work belongs to the early years of the Roman -colony. In appearance it lies between rubble and reticulate work, -differing from the latter in that the small blocks are less carefully -finished and are laid with less regularity. The material is generally -lava, but tufa and limestone are also found. The corners and doorposts -are of brick, or of brick-shaped blocks of tufa or limestone (Fig. -11). - -Ashlar work, of carefully hewn oblong blocks laid in courses, is found -in the older portions of the city wall (Fig. 109) and in the walls of -the Greek temple in the Forum Triangulare; it was used otherwise only -for the fronts of houses (Fig. 10). The material in the earliest times -was Sarno limestone, later gray tufa. With the coming of the Roman -colony ashlar work went out of use, even for the corners of houses and -doorposts. - -In the construction of columns and many architraves large blocks were -used. Previous to the time of the Roman colony these were of gray -tufa, or, in rare instances, of limestone; a coating of white stucco -was laid on the surface. From the advent of the colony to the time of -the Early Empire, the whitish limestone was used; after that, Carrara -marble. - -Bearing in mind the styles of construction just described, we may now -turn to the architectural history of Pompeii, which, as we shall see, -falls naturally into six periods. - -The first period is that to which the Doric temple in the Forum -Triangulare and the city walls belong. From the style of the temple, -we may safely conclude that it was built in the sixth century B.C.; -the evidence is too scanty to enable us definitely to fix the date of -the walls. The building materials used were the Sarno limestone and -gray tufa. - -The second period may be designated as the Period of the Limestone -Atriums, so characterized from the peculiar construction of a number -of houses found in different parts of the city. On the side facing the -street these houses have walls of ashlar work of Sarno limestone (Fig. -10), but the inner walls are of limestone framework (Fig. 9). - - [Illustration: Fig. 10.--Facade of Sarno limestone, house of the - Surgeon.] - -Almost no ornamental forms belonging to this period have come down to -us; so far only a single column has been found, built into the wall of -a house. It is of the Doric style, and once formed part of a portico -that ran along the west side of the small open space at the northwest -corner of Stabian and Nola streets; it is thus the sole remnant of a -public building. In the only complete house that has survived from -this period, the house of the Surgeon, there was a portico in front of -the garden, but the roof was supported by square pillars, not by -columns. There is no trace of wall painting. - -Characteristic as the construction of the limestone atriums is, it is -difficult to determine to what age they belong. The beginning of the -period cannot be determined even approximately. The end, however, is -fixed by the earlier limit of the next period, the Second Punic War. -We may, therefore, assign the houses with the limestone atriums to a -period just preceding this war; reckoning in round numbers, they were -built before 200 B.C. - -In the third, or Tufa Period, came the climax of the development of -Pompeian architecture prior to the Roman domination. The favorite -building material was the gray tufa. - -With the exception of the Greek temple mentioned above, all the public -buildings of Pompeii that do not belong to the time of the Roman -colony have a homogeneous character; a list of them would include the -colonnade about the Forum, the Basilica, the temples of Apollo and of -Jupiter, the Large Theatre with the colonnades of the Forum -Triangulare and the Barracks of the Gladiators, the Stabian Baths, the -Palaestra, and the outer part of the Porta Marina with the inner parts -of the other gates. Closely associated with these public edifices is a -large number of private houses; as a specially characteristic example, -we may mention the house of the Faun. - -All these buildings are similar in style and construction; they -evidently date from a period of great building activity. It must also -have been a period of peace and prosperity; for the whole city, from -the artistic and monumental point of view, underwent a transformation. -Certain Oscan inscriptions, an early Latin monumental inscription, and -a few words, dating from 78 B.C., scratched upon the plaster of the -Basilica, oblige us to place the Tufa Period before the time of the -Roman colony; yet not long before, for the next oldest buildings date -from the first years of the colony. The time of peace that furnished -the background for the period can only have been that between the -Second Punic War and the Social War, about 200 to 90 B.C.; the Tufa -Period was approximately the second century before Christ. - -In marked contrast with the Period of the Limestone Atriums, the Tufa -Period has a pronounced artistic character. It is preeminently a -period of monumental construction. Buildings and public places are -adorned with colonnades of the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders. -The simple and beautiful forms of the Greek architecture are used, -sparingly indeed, but without petty detail and with evident fear of -excessive ornamentation. Columns and architraves are white, with only -slight suggestion of the earlier Greek polychrome decoration. A -variety of color, however, is laid on the walls, and with this period -the history of Pompeian wall decoration begins. - -The Tufa Period coincides throughout with the time of the first style -of decoration. This, known as the Incrustation Style, aimed to imitate -in stucco the appearance of a wall veneered with colored marbles. Wall -paintings are wholly lacking, but pictures, often of rare beauty, are -found in the mosaics of the floors. In this period, we may truly say -that Pompeian architecture was at its best. With it the pure Greek -tradition dies out; all the buildings of later times bear the Roman -stamp. - -The buildings of the Tufa Period are easily recognized by the -unobtrusiveness of the materials used in their construction. The -rubble work is mostly of lava; but gray tufa was used exclusively, not -only for ashlar work in facades, but also for columns and -entablatures. The surface of the tufa was coated with a layer of fine -white stucco, which gave it the appearance of marble. The use of -marble for building purposes, however, is foreign to this period; and -it speaks well for the culture of the Oscan Pompeians that they had -pleasure in beauty of form above richness of material. - -The fourth period covers the earlier decades of the Roman colony, from -80 B.C. to near the end of the Republic. According to inscriptions -which are still extant, soon after the year 80 a wealthy colonist, -Gaius Quinctius Valgus, when duumvir with Marcus Porcius as colleague, -built the Small Theatre, and afterwards, when quinquennial duumvir -with the same colleague, the Amphitheatre also. Both structures have -the quasi-reticulate facing (Fig. 11); and several other buildings in -which the same style of masonry is found without doubt belong to the -same period--the Baths near the Forum, the temple of Zeus Milichius, -a building just inside the Porta Marina, and apparently the hall at -the southeast corner of the Forum, which we shall identify as the -Comitium; with these should be included also the original temple of -Isis, which was destroyed by the earthquake of 63 A.D. Few houses -dating from this period have been discovered; the provision made by -the preceding period in this respect had been so generous that new -houses were not needed. - -From the aesthetic point of view the fourth period falls far below -that just preceding; the exhaustion of resources and the decline of -taste due to the long and terrible war are unmistakable. Theatre, -Amphitheatre, and Baths were alike built for immediate use, with crude -and scanty ornamentation; and where richer ornament was applied, as in -the case of the temple of Isis, it could not for a moment be compared -with that of the Tufa Period in beauty and finish. - - [Illustration: Fig. 11.--Quasi-reticulate facing, with brick corner, - at the entrance of the Small Theatre.] - -The wall decoration of the fourth period is of the second Pompeian -style, which came into vogue just after the founding of the colony, -and which we shall call the Architectural Style; for in part, as the -first style, it imitated a veneering of marble, not however with the -help of slabs or panels modelled in stucco, but by the use of color -only, laid on walls finished to a plane surface; in part it made use -of architectural designs which were painted either correctly or with -at least some regard for proper proportions. - -The fifth period extends from the last decades of the Republic to the -earthquake of the year 63 A.D. In the entire period, covering more -than a century, we are unable to distinguish a series of buildings -which may be classed together in style and construction as -constituting a homogeneous, representative group. Here and there we -can point out a piece of masonry which, from its similarity to that -of the fourth period, may be assigned to the end of the Republic; -again, walls with reticulate facing of tufa and corners of -brick-shaped blocks of the same stone belong to the time of Augustus -(Fig. 12), while reticulate work with corners of brick (Fig. 95) is of -later date; but there is a total lack of those distinguishing -characteristics which would serve to set off by themselves all the -buildings belonging to a particular time. Consequently in the case of -each structure it is necessary to take into account all the -circumstances, and then to form an independent judgment regarding its -style and date. - - [Illustration: Fig. 12.--Reticulate facing, with corners of - brick-shaped stone. The filled arch is probably to bear the weight of - the wall over a sewer.] - -The difficulty is further enhanced by the fact that three styles of -wall decoration fall within the limits of the same period. The -Architectural Style, already mentioned, remained in vogue to the time -of Augustus; it then gave place to the third or Ornate Style, which is -characterized by a freer use of ornament and the introduction of -designs and scenes suggestive of an Egyptian origin. The fourth or -Intricate Style came in about the year 50 A.D., and represents, with -its involved and fantastic designs, the last stage in the development -of Pompeian wall decoration. In the fifth period marble began to be -employed as a building material; the earliest dated example of its use -is the temple of Fortuna Augusta, erected about 3 B.C. - -The sixteen years between the earthquake of 63 A.D. and the -destruction of the city form the sixth period in the architectural -history of Pompeii. The buildings belonging to it can be easily -recognized, not only from their similarity in style and ornament, but -also from certain external characteristics, as newness of appearance, -unfinished condition, and the joining of new to broken walls. The only -important building wholly new is the large bathing establishment, the -Central Baths, at the corner of Stabian and Nola streets. For the -rest, effort seems to have been directed toward restoring the ruined -buildings as nearly as possible to their original condition. The wall -decoration throughout is of the Intricate Style. - -The measurements of buildings in the Roman Period conform to the scale -of the Roman foot, while the dimensions of structures antedating the -Roman colony in most cases reduce to the scale of the Oscan or old -Italic foot. The Roman foot (296 mm.) may be roughly reckoned at 0.97 -of the English foot (304.8 mm.); the Oscan foot (275 mm.) is -considerably shorter. As the Roman standard is of Greek origin, we may -perhaps find a structure conforming to it that was designed by a Greek -architect before the Roman Period. - - -KEY TO PLAN II - - A. THE FORUM. - - 1. Pedestal of the statue of Augustus. - 2. Pedestal of the statue of Claudius. - 3. Pedestal of the statue of Agrippina. - 4. Pedestal of the statue of Nero. - 5. Pedestal of the statue of Caligula. - 6. Pedestals of equestrian statues. - 7. Pedestals of standing figures. - 8. Pedestal for three equestrian statues. - 9. Speaker's platform (p. 48). - 10. Table of standard measures (p. 92). - 11. Room of the supervisor of measures. - - B. THE BASILICA. - - _a._ Entrance court. - 1. Corridor. - 2. Main room. - 3. Tribunal. - 4-4. Rooms at the ends of the tribunal. - - C. THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Podium. - 3. Cella. - 4. Altar. - 5. Sundial. - 6. Sacristan's room. - 7-7. Rooms made from earlier colonnade. - - D. D'. MARKET BUILDINGS. - - E. LATRINA. - - F. F. CITY TREASURY. - - G. COMMEMORATIVE ARCH. - - H. TEMPLE OF JUPITER. - - I. ARCH OF TIBERIUS. - - K. THE PROVISION MARKET--MACELLUM. - - 1. Portico. - 2. Colonnade. - 3-3. Market stalls. - 4. Market for meat and fish. - 5. Chapel of the imperial family. - 6. Banquet room. - 7. Round structure with water basin--Tholus. - 8. Pen. - - L. SANCTUARY OF THE CITY LARES. - - 1. Main room, unroofed, with an altar in the centre. - 2. Apse, with shrine. - 3. Recesses with pedestals. - 4. Niche opening on the Forum. - - M. TEMPLE OF VESPASIAN. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Altar. - 3. Cella. - 4. Portico. - - N. THE BUILDING OF EUMACHIA. - - See plan on p. 110. - - O. THE VOTING PLACE--COMITIUM. - - 1. Recess opening on the main room. - 2. Recess opening on the Forum. - - P-R. MUNICIPAL BUILDINGS. - - P. Office of the duumvirs. - Q. Hall of the city council. - R. Office of the aediles. - - S. FOUNTAIN. - - [Illustration: PLAN II.--THE FORUM WITH THE ADJOINING BUILDINGS.] - - - - -PART I - -PUBLIC PLACES AND BUILDINGS - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -_THE FORUM_ - - -The Forum is usually approached from the west side by the short, steep -street leading from the Porta Marina. Entering, we find ourselves near -the lower end of an oblong open space (Plate I), at the upper end of -which, toward Vesuvius, stands a high platform of masonry with the -ruins of a temple--the temple of Jupiter; the remains of a colonnade -are seen on each of the other three sides. Including the colonnade the -Forum measures approximately 497 feet in length by 156 in breadth; -without it the dimensions are 467 and 126 feet. The north side, at the -left of the temple, is enclosed by a wall in which there are two -openings, one at the end of the colonnade, the other between this and -the temple; at the right the wall bounding the open space has been -replaced by a stately commemorative arch, while the end of the -colonnade is closed by a wall with a passageway. Another arch, of much -simpler construction, stands at the left of the temple, in line with -the facade; it cuts off the area between the temple and the colonnade -from the rest of the Forum. A third arch once stood in a corresponding -position at the right. - -The colonnade is nowhere intersected by a street passable for -vehicles. Even the entrances on the north side form no exception. At -the left you descend to the area by several steps, at the right by one -only; yet here the exclusion of carts and wagons was made doubly sure -by placing three upright stones in the passageway. Only pedestrians -could enter the Forum, and they, too, could easily be shut out by -means of gates in the entrances; the places where the gates swung can -still be seen in the pavement, and one of them is shown in a painting -(Fig. 16). No private houses opened on this area; it was wholly given -up to the public life of the city and was surrounded by temples, -markets, and buildings devoted to the civic administration. - -The colonnade was not uniform in character upon all the three sides. -As will be seen from our plan (Plan II), on the south side, and on the -adjoining portion of the east side as far as Abbondanza Street, it was -constructed with two rows of columns and had a double depth. On the -east side, north of this street, the porticos in front of four -successive buildings (K, L, M, N) took its place. For the greater part -of its extent the colonnade was built in two stories, the lower of the -Doric, the upper of the Ionic order. The upper gallery was made -accessible by three stairways, at the southeast and southwest corners -of the Forum and at the middle of the west side; on the east side it -did not extend beyond Abbondanza Street. - -The portico in front of the first of the four buildings referred to, -that of Eumachia, contained a double series of columns, one above the -other, corresponding in style and dimensions with those of the -colonnade; but there was no upper floor running back from the -intervening entablature. The arrangement in front of the fourth -building, the Macellum, was similar; as the remains of the porticos in -front of the two intervening buildings have wholly disappeared, it is -impossible to determine their character. - -The area of the Forum was paved with rectangular flags of whitish -limestone. In front of the colonnade, the pavement of which was about -twenty inches above that of the open space, a broad step or ledge -projected, covering a gutter for rain water; the water found its way -into the gutter through semicircular openings in the outer edge of the -step. - -Of the many statues that once adorned the Forum not one has been -found. As may be seen from the pedestals still in place, they were of -three kinds, and varied greatly in size. - -First, statues of citizens who had rendered distinguished services -were placed in front of the colonnade on the ledge over the gutter. -Four pedestals that once supported statues of this sort may be seen on -the west side. - -Then equestrian statues of life size were set up in front of the -ledge, these also in honor of dignitaries of the city (Fig. 17). On -one of the pedestals the veneering of colored marble is still -preserved, with an inscription showing that the person represented was -Quintus Sallustius, "Duumvir, Quinquennial Duumvir, Patron of the -Colony." - -Finally, on the south side, the life size equestrian statues, which -seem at the outset to have been arranged symmetrically, were almost -all removed in order to make room for four much larger statues, the -pedestals of which still remain (Fig. 53, p. 122). These must have -represented emperors, or members of the imperial families. The -pedestal in the middle, which is in the form of an arch almost square -at the base, is much the oldest. Upon it was probably placed a -colossal statue of Augustus. It is incredible that during the long and -successful reign of the first emperor no statue in his honor should -have been erected in Pompeii; and this is the most suitable place. The -other three pedestals are similar in construction, and clearly belong -together. The one at the right (2 on the plan) supported a colossal -equestrian statue; that at the left (3) a colossal standing figure; on -the third, further forward (4), was a smaller equestrian statue. Here -stood, then, emperor, empress, and crown prince--Claudius, Agrippina, -Nero. - -A fifth pedestal, for an equestrian statue of the same size as that of -Nero, is seen further to the north, in front of the temple of Jupiter -(5). While unquestionably later than the time of Augustus, it must on -the other hand be older than the pedestals of members of the Claudian -family; for aside from himself, no one belonging to Nero's time can be -taken into consideration, and after his death the Forum lay in ruins -in consequence of the earthquake of the year 63. Who stood here, -however, can scarcely be even conjectured. Not necessarily an emperor; -the younger Drusus, for instance, Tiberius's son, or Germanicus might -have been thus honored if they had in any way come into relation with -the Pompeians. But if an emperor, it must have been Caligula; another -place was provided for the statue of Tiberius. - -In the south side of the arch at the northeast corner of the Forum are -two niches. It is highly probable that statues of the two oldest sons -of Germanicus, Nero and Drusus, were placed in them; a fragment of an -inscription referring to the former was found near by. These became -presumptive heirs to the throne after the death of Tiberius's son -Drusus, in 23 A.D.; but both afterwards fell victims to the morbid -suspicions of the emperor and the plots of Sejanus, Nero in 29 A.D., -Drusus four years later. - -On the top of the arch an equestrian statue of Tiberius probably -stood. That such a statue was placed here seems clear from analogy. -North of this arch was another, almost in line with it, at the end of -Mercury Street where it opens into Nola Street; and here the -excavators found fragments of a bronze equestrian statue which were -put together and set up in the Naples Museum. Whether this statue -represented Caligula or Nero has been a matter of dispute, but the -former is really excluded from consideration by the short, heavy -figure, which is better suited to Nero. There is no decided -resemblance to Nero either; but it is quite possible that, although as -crown prince he had been honored with a statue in the Forum, the -Pompeians thought it best to erect for him as emperor a more imposing -monument. - -Before leaving the area we may raise the question whether it contained -a speakers' platform, like the Rostra in the Roman Forum. If we have -reference to a special structure, probably not; no trace of a separate -tribunal has been discovered. The orator who wished to address the -people, however, could mount the broad platform in front of the temple -of Jupiter, on which once an altar stood; before him the audience -could gather in the open, on the only side of the Forum free from the -colonnade. This place well suited the convenience of both speaker and -hearers. It is possible that we should also identify as a tribune the -platform in a recess at the southeast corner (p. 120). - -On even a cursory inspection the Forum is seen to lack unity in the -details of its plan and in its architecture; the fact soon becomes -apparent that it reached its final form only as the result of a long -period of development. It will be worth while briefly to trace this -development, and to note at least the more important changes which -followed one another in the course of the centuries. - -In the earliest times the Forum was merely an open square bounded by -four streets. - - [Illustration: Fig. 13.--North end of the Forum, with the Temple of - Jupiter, restored.] - -The proof that this was the original form is in part based upon the -orientation of the temple of Apollo. The sides of this temple have the -same direction as the north and south streets in the northern part of -the city, and must have been laid out parallel with a street that once -ran between it and the Forum. The temple is, therefore, older than the -colonnade of the Forum, which shows a marked deviation from the line -of its axis; the divergence, as may be seen on our plan, was in part -concealed by making a difference in the thickness of the pillars -between the court of the temple and the Forum. It is obvious that the -colonnade on the west side takes the place of an older street; the -south side was probably defined by the prolongation of Abbondanza -Street toward the southwest. - -Near the southeast corner an inscription was found: _V[ibius] Popidius -Ep[idii] f[ilius] q[uaestor] porticus faciendas coeravit_, 'Vibius -Popidius, the son of Epidius, when quaestor caused this colonnade to -be erected.' No clew to the date is given, but it must have been -before the coming of the Roman colony, for after that time there was -no office of quaestor in Pompeii. It must also have been before the -Social War; in those years of tumult an extensive colonnade would not -have been built, and when the national spirit was so vehemently -asserting itself, we should expect to find inscriptions upon public -works in the Oscan language, certainly not in Latin. But the use of -Latin may very well date from the latter part of the period of -alliance with Rome; we may then with much probability assign the -inscription to the second half of the second century B.C. - -Remains of the colonnade of Popidius are still to be seen on the south -side, and on the adjoining part of the east side, extending just -across Abbondanza Street; traces of it are found also on the west -side, where it was afterward replaced by a new structure. On the east -side north of Abbondanza Street no traces remain; the appearance of -this part of the Forum was entirely changed when the four buildings -(K, L, M, N) with their porticos were erected, but we can hardly doubt -that the original colonnade extended here also. Our illustration (Fig. -14) shows the arrangement of the Doric columns in the lower story; of -the Ionic columns above only scanty fragments have been recovered. The -appearance of the whole may be suggested by our restoration (Fig. 13). - -In style and construction this colonnade belongs to the Tufa Period -(p. 40). While the forms are not those of the classical period, they -nevertheless manifest Greek feeling. The low ratio in the proportions -of the Doric columns, of which the height is equal to five diameters, -well accords with their use as a support for an upper gallery; -elsewhere in pre-Roman Pompeii more slender proportions are preferred, -even for the Doric style. The shaft is well shaped, with a moderate -swelling (_entasis_). Only the upper part is fluted; as the sharp -edges of the flutings near the bottom might easily be marred, the -divisions of the surface on the lower third of the shaft were left -flat. - -The architrave is relatively low, the result of an interesting -peculiarity in the method of construction. Blocks of tufa long enough -to span the intercolumniations were too weak to sustain the weight of -the rest of the entablature. To meet this difficulty a line of thick -planks was placed in old Italic fashion above the capitals of the -columns, and on these were laid short tufa blocks. Thus in our -illustration (Fig. 14), while the upper of the two bands of the -architrave is seen to be of stone, the lower shows the modern timber -supplied in the place of the ancient. That the planks were in reality -no thicker than has been assumed in the reconstruction is proved -beyond question by the later colonnade on the west side, which, -although entirely of stone, corresponds throughout in its proportions -with the older one; the architrave is equally narrow, and is likewise -divided into two parts. - - [Illustration: Fig. 14.--Remnant of the colonnade of Popidius, at the - south end of the Forum.] - -This explanation is curiously confirmed by an architectural painting -on the garden wall of one of the finest houses of the Tufa Period, the -house of the Faun. Here we find pilasters and entablature, except the -architrave, painted white; but the architrave is painted in two -bands, of which the lower is yellow, as if to represent wood. Nothing -would have been easier than to leave the architrave, moulded in -stucco, of one color as if it were all of one material; but special -effort was made apparently to indicate the appearance of a lower -division of timber. From this we may infer that in actual construction -no pains was taken to conceal the lack of uniformity in structural -materials by laying a coat of white or colored stucco over wood and -stone alike; on the contrary, the difference was not only recognized -in the decoration, but even accentuated, as the timber, whether -retaining its original color or painted with a suitable tint, -presented a marked contrast with the stone the surface of which was -covered with white stucco. If the strip of timber in the architrave -had been perceptibly thicker than that of stone above it, the effect -would not have been good; as the earlier Greek polychrome decoration -was now no longer in vogue, the stripe of color above the capitals -made a pleasing variation from the prevailing whiteness of the -structure. - -The Basilica at the southwest corner and the temple of Jupiter both -conform to the same variation from the direction of the early north -and south street that we have noticed in the case of the colonnade of -Popidius; they belong, therefore, to the same remodelling of the -Forum. It is quite possible that the erection of the temple, by -limiting the area of the Forum on the north side, caused its extension -toward the south beyond the earlier boundary. Originally the temple -was isolated, the north end of the Forum on either side being left -open; later, but still in the time of the Republic, a high boundary -wall with passageways was built on both sides of it. Later still the -two arches were erected in a line with its facade; afterwards, in the -time of Tiberius, the wall at the right of the temple was replaced by -the commemorative arch (I), and the smaller arch near the facade at -the right was removed in order that there might be an unimpeded view -of the great arch from the area. - -The colonnade of Popidius may have stood for more than a century; the -necessity of making thoroughgoing repairs no doubt became urgent. In -the meantime, however, the taste of the Pompeians had undergone a -change, and instead of repairing the old colonnade they began to -replace it by a new one, a part of which is shown in Fig. 15. Better -material, the whitish limestone, was used, and the construction was -more substantial; the blocks of the entablature were fitted together -so as to form a flat arch. Though the new colonnade followed closely -the proportions of the old, effective details, such as the fluting of -the columns, and the triglyphs with the guttae underneath, were -omitted. The refined sense of form characteristic of the earlier time -was no longer manifest; all is coarse and inartistic, the swelling on -the shafts of the columns, for example, being carried too high. - - [Illustration: Fig. 15.--Part of the new colonnade, near the southwest - corner of the Forum.] - -The new colonnade had a second story of the Ionic order, of the -columns of which (though not of the entablature) considerable -fragments have been found. The stylobate on which the columns rested -was renewed in limestone, and about the same time the Forum was paved -and the ledge over the gutter was laid with flags of the same -material. - -This second remodelling of the Forum commenced in the early years of -the Empire, the pavement having been laid before the pedestal of the -monument to Augustus was built. It was never carried to completion. On -the west side the new colonnade was almost finished when the -earthquake of the year 63 threw it nearly all down. At the time of the -eruption only the columns at the south end of this side, which had -safely passed through the earthquake, were still standing with their -entablature; they are shown in Fig. 15. The area was then strewn with -blocks, which the stonecutters were engaged in making ready for the -rebuilding. - -The Forum of Pompeii, as of other ancient cities, was first of all a -market place. Early in the morning the country folk gathered here with -the products of the farm; here all day long tradespeople of every sort -exhibited their wares. In later times the pressure of business led to -the erection of separate buildings around the Forum to relieve the -congestion; such were the Macellum, used as a provision market; the -Eumachia building, erected to accommodate the clothing trade; the -Basilica and the market house west of the temple of Jupiter, devoted -to other branches of trade. Yet in a literal sense the Forum always -remained the business centre of the city. - -It served, too, as the favorite promenade and lounging place, where -men met to discuss matters of mutual interest, or to indulge in -gossip. Here idlers loitered and plied busier men with questions -regarding public affairs, makers and dealers came together to talk -over and settle points of difference, and young people pursued their -romantic adventures. He can best form an idea of this bustling, -ceaseless, varied activity who knows what the piazza means in the life -of a modern Italian city, and stops to consider how much has been -taken from the life of the piazza by the cafes and similar places of -resort; modern squares, moreover, are usually not provided, as were -the ancient, with inviting colonnades, affording protection against -both sun and rain. - -The life of the Forum seemed so interesting to one of the citizens of -Pompeii that he devoted to the portrayal of it a series of paintings -on the walls of a room. The pictures are light and sketchy, but they -give a vivid representation of ancient life in a small city. First, in -front of the equestrian statues near the colonnade we see dealers of -every kind and description. There sits a seller of copper vessels and -iron utensils (Fig. 16), so lost in thought that a friend is calling -his attention to a possible purchaser who is just coming up. Next come -two shoemakers, one waiting on women, another on men; then two cloth -dealers. Further on a man is selling portions of warm food from a -kettle; then we see a woman with fruit and vegetables, and a man -selling bread. Another dealer in utensils is engaged in eager -bargaining, while his son, squatting on the ground, mends a pot. - - [Illustration: Fig. 16.--Scene in the Forum. - - In the foreground, at the left, dealer in utensils; at the right, - shoemaker waiting on four ladies. Wall painting.] - -The scenes now change. A man sitting with a writing tablet and stylus -listens closely to the words of another who stands near by; he reminds -us of the scribes who, under the portico of the theatre of San Carlo, -at Naples, write letters for those that have been denied the privilege -of an education. - -Then come men wearing tunics, engaged in some transaction, in the -course of which they seem to pass judgment on the contents of bottles -which they hold in their hands; their business perhaps involves the -testing of wine. Beyond these, some men are taking a walk; a woman is -giving alms to a beggar; and two children play hide and seek around a -column. The following scene is not easy to understand, but apparently -has reference to some legal process; a woman leads a little girl with -a small tablet before her breast into the presence of two seated men -who wear the toga. - - [Illustration: Fig. 17.--Scene in the Forum. - - Citizens reading a public notice. Wall painting.] - -In the next scene (Fig. 17) four men are reading a notice posted on a -long board, which is fastened to the pedestals of three equestrian -statues. The sketchy character of the painting is especially obvious -in the representations of the horses, which are nevertheless lifelike. -It is also interesting to note that the heads of the men in these -scenes are uncovered; in stormy weather pointed hoods (shown in a -tavern scene, Fig. 234) were sometimes worn. The festoons suggest a -trimming of the colonnade for some festal occasion. - -The last scene is from school life. A pupil is to receive a flogging. -He is mounted on the back of one of his schoolmates, while another -holds him by the legs; a slave is about to lay on the lash, and the -teacher stands near by with an air of composure. It would not be safe -to infer from this, however, that there was a school in the Forum; the -columns in this scene are different from those in the others and are -further apart. Possibly a part of the small portico north of the court -of the temple of Apollo was at one time let to a schoolmaster. - -The most important religious festivals were celebrated in the Forum. -Here naturally festal honors were paid to the highest of the gods--the -whole area enclosed by the colonnade was the court of his temple; but -we learn from an inscription, mentioned below, that celebrations were -held here in honor of Apollo also, whose temple adjoined the Forum, -and was at first even more closely connected with it than in later -times. - -Vitruvius informs us that in Greek towns the market place, _agora_, -was laid out in the form of a square (a statement which is not -confirmed by modern excavations), but that in the cities of Italy, on -account of the gladiatorial combats, the Forum should have an oblong -shape, the breadth being two thirds of the length. The purpose in -giving a lengthened form to the Forum, as also to the Amphitheatre, -was no doubt to secure, at the middle of the sides, a greater number -of good seats, from which a spectacle could be witnessed. In the -Pompeian Forum, as may be seen from the dimensions given at the -beginning of this chapter, the breadth is less than one third of the -length. However, there can be little doubt that gladiatorial -exhibitions were frequently held there before the building of the -Amphitheatre, which dates from the earlier years of the Roman colony. -After this time the Forum was still used for games and contests of a -less dangerous character. The epitaph of a certain A. Clodius Flaccus, -which is now lost, but was copied by a scholar in the seventeenth -century, tells us at length how in his first, and again in his second, -duumvirate (he was duumvir for the third time in 3 B.C.), in -connection with the festival of Apollo, he not only gave gladiatorial -exhibitions in the Amphitheatre, but also provided bullfights and -other spectacles, as well as musical entertainments and pantomimes, in -the Forum. - -Speaking of the Forum as a place for gladiatorial combats, Vitruvius -adds that the spaces between the columns should be wide,--that the -view of spectators might be as little as possible impeded,--and that -the upper story of the colonnade should be arranged with reference to -the collection of an admission fee. The latter suggestion is of -special interest. As we know from other sources, at public games -certain places were reserved for the officials and for the friends of -him who gave the spectacle; others were free to the public, while for -still others an admission fee was charged. If the exhibition was held -in a market place, with lower and upper colonnades, the former would -be open to the people; the latter in part reserved, in part accessible -on payment of the price of admission. - -It would be interesting to know whether on such occasions at Pompeii -the gates of the Forum itself were shut, so that admission even to the -free space could be regulated; perhaps they were in earlier times -when, as at Rome, slaves were forbidden to witness the games. However, -Cicero speaks of this time-honored regulation as in his day already a -thing of the past; and so in Roman Pompeii the gates of the Forum may -have remained open even on the days of the games. Their most important -use was probably in connection with the voting. - -The Forum had a part also in spectacles which were not presented -there. We are safe in assuming that, at least in the earlier times, -whenever a gladiatorial combat was given in the Amphitheatre, or a -play in the Theatre, the city officials, including especially the -official providing the entertainment, formed in procession with their -retinue and proceeded in festal attire to the place of amusement. -These processions could scarcely have formed anywhere else than in the -Forum, and thence they must have started out. - -The fact that the Forum was not accessible for vehicles suggests a -significant point of difference between the festal processions of the -colony and those of the capital. In the latter, vehicles had a -prominent place. Thus at Rome the official who gave the games in the -Circus entered the edifice with his retinue in chariots in the -imposing circus parade, _pompa circensis_, and a similar usage -prevailed in the case of other processions; priests, too, and -priestesses were on many occasions allowed to ride. But even in Rome -carriages were always considered a matter of luxury; and the municipal -regulations promulgated by Caesar prohibited the use of vehicles, -except those required for religious and civic processions, on the -streets of the city from sunrise till the tenth hour, that is, till -four o'clock in the afternoon. - -In Pompeii, and without doubt also in other cities of Italy and the -provinces, the closing of the Forum to vehicles made it necessary that -religious and other processions should proceed on foot. We have no -evidence of any exception to this rule. We ought perhaps to recognize -in it one of those devices by means of which Rome maintained a -position of dignified superiority over the provincial towns; to her -processions was allowed an element of display which to theirs was -denied. It was not permitted to name the two chief executive officers -of a municipality consuls, though their functions, within limits, -corresponded with those of the consuls at Rome; nor could the city -council be called a senate, though the Roman writers did not hesitate -to apply this term to corresponding bodies in states and cities -outside of Rome's jurisdiction. For like reasons, it would seem that -on public occasions officials and priests of a provincial town were -not permitted, as were those in Rome, to ride. Was this humiliating -restriction laid upon the Pompeians when the Roman colony came, or -previously when the city was in name the ally of Rome, but in reality -already subject? The evidence is almost conclusive for the latter -alternative; for the colonnade of Popidius, which as we have seen was -erected in the period of autonomy, left no entrance for vehicles, -though in other ways it added greatly to the attractiveness and -convenience of the Forum as a place for civic and religious -celebrations. - -No record of events has survived to help us form a picture of the -Forum as the seat of deliberative and judicial functions, the centre -of the city's political life; yet stirring scenes present themselves -to the imagination as we recall the critical periods in the history of -the city. - -In the Forum, about 400 B.C., the valiant Samnite mountaineers, having -taken the city by storm, assembled and established their civic -organization; here, in later times, without doubt amid conflicts -similar to those at Rome, the polity was put to the test and underwent -transformation. Fierce enough the strifes may have been during the -Samnite wars, and again in the time of Hannibal,--after the battle of -Cannae,--when the aristocrats who favored Rome contended with the -national party for the mastery. Here, on the platform in front of the -temple of Jupiter, the leaders of the national party stood in 90 B.C., -and with flaming words roused the people to revolt, to join the -movement which, starting in Asculum, had spread like wildfire over -Southern Italy. - -Then ten years of bloody war,--siege, campaigns, surrender,--and again -the scene changes. Roman soldiers stand thick in serried ranks upon -the area. They are the veterans of Sulla. An officer bearing a civil -commission, the nephew of the Dictator, appears before them. Standing -in front of the temple of Jupiter, he makes a proclamation regarding -the founding and administration of the colony. The citizens crowd back -timidly into the colonnade. Many of the best of the Pompeians have -fallen in battle; of the rest, a part at least will be dispossessed of -house and home to make room for the intruders, whose arrogance they -will be compelled submissively to endure. - -This is the last tragic act in the Pompeian Forum. After this time, -there will be disputes regarding the rights of the old residents and -the colonists, public questions of many kinds will call for -settlement; the elections will come each year, and the ardent southern -temperament may assert itself in violent scenes. Yet all these -disturbances will be only as the ripples on the surface; the depths -will remain undisturbed. The life of Pompeii has become an integral -part of the life of the Roman world. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -_GENERAL VIEW OF THE BUILDINGS ABOUT THE FORUM--THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER_ - - -The Forum was to the ancient city what the atrium was to the early -Italic house; it was used for every purpose for which a special place -was not provided elsewhere. And as sleeping rooms, dining rooms, and -storerooms were grouped about the atrium and opened into it, so around -the Forum lay the edifices which served the requirements of the public -life,--the most important temples, the municipal buildings, and market -houses or exchanges for different branches of business. - -Three temples adjoined the Forum at Pompeii. In addition, there was a -sanctuary of the City Lares; and the temples of Venus Pompeiana and -Fortuna Augusta were but a short distance away. These religious -edifices are representative of the different periods in the history of -the city. - -In very early times the Oscans of Pompeii received from the Greeks who -had settled on the coast the cult of Apollo, and built for the -Hellenic god a large, fine temple (C, in Plan II) adjoining the Forum -on the west side. - -Several centuries later, the divinities of the Capitol--Jupiter, Juno, -and Minerva--were enthroned in the temple that on the north side -towered above the area (H). - -On the east or right side followed, in Roman times, the edifices -erected for the worship of the emperors. The oldest is the unroofed -building, with a broad, open front, dedicated to the Lares of the City -and to the Genius of Augustus (L). Further north, in the first block -at the right beyond the Forum, is the temple of Fortuna Augusta, the -goddess who guarded the fortunes of Augustus, erected in 3 B.C. A -chapel for the worship of Claudius and his family was placed in the -Macellum (K, 5); this seems to have sufficed also for the worship of -Nero. After Nero's death and after the brief Civil War, a temple (M) -was built close to the shrine of the Lares in honor of Vespasian, the -restorer of peace, the new Augustus. This was the last temple erected -in Pompeii; it was not entirely finished at the time of the eruption. - -Three buildings at the south end of the Forum were used for city -offices (P-R). They were much alike, each containing a single large -hall. They were seemingly built in the early years of the Empire, and -repaired after the earthquake of the year 63. There is also a -structure at the southeast corner, south of Abbondanza Street, which -we may identify as the voting place, the Comitium (O). At the -northwest corner was apparently the city treasury, built in the latest -years of Pompeii, perhaps on the site of an earlier structure of the -same kind (F). - -At a comparatively early period the area was found to be too small for -the increasing volume of business; and the demand for roofed space -made itself felt. In the second century B.C. the large and splendid -Basilica (B), serving the double purpose of a court and an exchange, -was built at the southwest corner. - -Diagonally opposite, near the temple of Jupiter, a provision market, -the Macellum (K), was constructed; this also at an early date. It was -entirely rebuilt in the time of the Empire, perhaps in the reign of -Claudius. Previous to this rebuilding, the priestess Eumachia had -erected an exchange for the fullers on the same side of the Forum, -further south (N). - -On the west side, from pre-Roman times, stood a small colonnade in two -stories, with its rear against the rear of the colonnade on the north -side of the court of the temple of Apollo; only the first story, of -the Doric order, has been preserved. Probably this structure and the -small open space in front were at first used as a market; later, in -the imperial period, shops (D') were built upon the open space, and -the colonnade was made over into closed rooms, the purpose of which, -except in the case of one, is unknown (6, 7, 7). In the last years of -the city, a large market building (D) was erected between this small -place and the Forum. It was connected both with the city treasury and -with a latrina. - - * * * * * - -The temple of Jupiter dominates the Forum, and more than any other -structure gives it character. As we have seen, its orientation accords -with that of the colonnade of Popidius. It probably dates from the -pre-Roman period, the columns being of tufa covered with white stucco. -The earthquake of the year 63 left the temple in ruins, and at the -time of the eruption the work of rebuilding had not yet commenced. In -the meantime, it was used as a workshop for stonecutters. The journal -of the excavations reports the finding here of the torso of a colossal -statue out of which a smaller statue was being carved. A place for the -worship of the divinities of the temple must temporarily have been -provided elsewhere. - - [Illustration: Fig. 18.--Plan of the temple of Jupiter. - - 1. Speaker's platform. - 2. Portico. - 3. Cella.] - -The temple stands on a podium 10 Roman feet high, and including the -steps, 125 Roman feet long (Fig. 18). Very nearly a half of the whole -length is given to the cella; of the other half, a little more than -two thirds is occupied by the portico, leaving about a third (20 Roman -feet) for the steps. The pediment was sustained by six Corinthian -columns about 28 feet high. This arrangement--a deep portico in front -of the cella--is Etruscan, though the canon of Vitruvius, that in -Etruscan temples the depth of the portico should equal that of the -cella, is violated. The high podium also, with steps in front, is -characteristic of Etruscan, or at least of early Italic religious -architecture. On the other hand, the architectural forms of the -superstructure are Greek, and these in turn have had their influence -upon the plan; the intercolumniations are not wide, as in the Tuscan -style with its wooden architrave, but narrower, as in the Greek -orders. Vitruvius speaks of temples such as this, in which Greek and -Etruscan elements are united, at the end of his directions for the -building of temples; they are a development of Roman architecture. - -The arrangement of the steps is peculiar. Above is a series of long -steps reaching nearly across the front (Fig. 19); below are two narrow -flights near the sides, and between them is the projecting front of -the podium, used as a tribune, which has already been mentioned (p. -48). - - [Illustration: Fig. 19.--Ruins of the temple of Jupiter.] - -That an altar stood at the middle of this platform is proved by a -relief with a representation of the north side of the Forum, found on -the base of a chapel of the Lares in the house of the wealthy -Pompeian, L. Caecilius Jucundus. At the left we see the arch near the -facade and a strip of wall connecting it with the temple; next a -corner of the platform with an equestrian statue; then a flight of -steps, and the front of the platform with an altar at the middle; -finally the other flight of steps and another equestrian statue in a -position corresponding with that of the first. The columns shown in -the relief do not agree in number or style with those of the facade of -the temple, but such inaccuracies are common in ancient -representations of buildings, and there can be no doubt that the -temple of Jupiter is represented; the relief has, in fact, been used -in making our restoration of the arch at the left (Fig. 13). - -Both the portico and the cella no doubt had a coffered ceiling. Just -in front of the doorway, which was fifteen Roman feet wide, are the -large stones with holes for the pivots on which the massive double -doors swung (indicated in Fig. 18); the doors here were not placed in -the doorway, but in front of it, and were besides somewhat larger, so -that the effect was rendered more imposing when they were shut. - -The ornamentation of the cella was especially rich. A row of Ionic -columns, about fifteen feet high, stood in front of each of the longer -sides; the entablature above them probably served as a base for a -similar row of Corinthian columns, the entablature of which in turn -supported the ceiling. On the intermediate entablature, between the -columns of the upper series, statues and votive offerings were -doubtless placed. The floor about the sides was covered with white -mosaic, of which scanty remains have been found; the marble pavement -of the centre (inside of the dotted line, Fig. 18) has wholly -disappeared. - - [Illustration: Fig. 20.--Section of the wall decoration in the cella - of the temple of Jupiter.] - -A section of the wall decoration, in the second Pompeian style, is -shown in Fig. 20. We notice here the characteristic elements--imitation -of marble veneering, with large red central panels and a cornice -above. The base with its simple dividing lines upon a black ground was -painted over in the third style; originally it must have been more -suggestive of real construction, with a narrow painted border along -the upper edge. - -Against the rear wall of the cella stands a large pedestal, three -times as long as it is broad. It was originally divided by four -pilasters--two at the corners and two on the front between them--into -three parts. Later the pilasters and the entablature over them were -removed, and the whole was covered with marble veneering. Inside were -three small rooms, entered by separate doors from the cella. The -pedestal was thus built for three images; three divinities were -worshipped here, and in the little chambers underneath were perhaps -kept the trappings with which on festal occasions the images were -decked. - -A head of Jupiter, of which we shall speak later, was found in the -cella, as was also an inscription of the year 37 A.D., containing a -dedication to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the ruling deity of the Capitol -at Rome. It is thus proved beyond question that the Capitoline Jupiter -was worshipped here; and it will not be difficult to ascertain what -other divinities shared with him the honors of the temple. - -As the Roman colonies strove in all things to be Rome in miniature, -each thought it necessary to have a Capitolium--a temple for the -worship of the gods of the Roman Capitol, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; -and this naturally became the most important temple in the city. That -the worship of the three divinities was established at Pompeii is -evident from the discovery of three images representing them, in the -little temple conjecturally assigned to Zeus Milichius. These are poor -images of terra cotta, and the temple itself was altogether unworthy -to be a place of worship for the great gods that shaped the destinies -of Rome. We are warranted in the conclusion that the temple of Zeus -Milichius was used temporarily for the worship of the three divinities -of the large temple till the latter could be rebuilt; and that Juno -and Minerva stood on the great pedestal beside the king of the gods. - -It seems strange that the Pompeians should have erected a temple to -the gods of the Capitol in the pre-Roman period. It must be -remembered, however, that the worship of the three divinities was by -no means limited to Rome and her colonies. The Etruscans, as Servius -informs us in his commentary on Virgil, thought that a city was not -properly founded unless it contained sanctuaries of Jupiter, Juno, and -Minerva. Vitruvius, also, in his directions for laying out a city, -makes the general statement that the most prominent site should be set -aside for the temples of the same divinities. If we consider further -that the opposition of the Italians to Rome found expression only in -the Social War, and that previously they had looked upon the -attainment of Roman citizenship as the highest object of ambition, the -gradual adoption of Roman customs at Pompeii and the erection of a -temple to the Capitoline divinities are seen to be less remarkable. -The building of such a temple was a natural expression of political -aspirations; it was in complete harmony with the use of Latin in the -inscription of Popidius (p. 50). - -There is, however, another possibility that may be stated. The -remodelling of the Forum was certainly commenced in the pre-Roman -period; but it is not impossible that the work was interrupted by the -breaking out of the Social War and that the colonists completed it, -dedicating the temple to the gods of the Capitol. The use of several -brick-shaped blocks of stone,--such blocks are not found in other -buildings of the pre-Roman time,--the lack of any trace of the wall -decoration of the first style, the form of the egg-and-dart moulding -on the capitals of the Ionic columns in the cella, and the -correspondence of certain dimensions with the Roman scale of -measurements may be alleged in favor of this hypothesis. The evidence -at present does not warrant a positive decision against it. - -The fact that we have here a Capitolium may explain the special -prominence of the altar in front, which might just as well have been -placed in the area of the Forum at the foot of the steps. In Rome the -Capitol lay upon a summit of a hill; perhaps the aim in this case was -to place not only the temple but also the altar upon an elevation so -that here, as there, the priest should go up to offer sacrifice. - -The podium of the temple contains vaulted rooms which can be entered -from the Forum through a narrow door on the east side. Their use is -unknown. We are reminded of the temple of Saturn in the Forum at Rome, -the podium of which served as a treasury, _aerarium_. The vaults, -_favissae_, may have been used as a place of safe keeping for -treasure, or for furniture of the temple, or for discarded votive -offerings. - - * * * * * - -The beautiful head of Jupiter found in the cella deserves more than a -passing mention. In order to appreciate its character we may view it -in contrast with the Otricoli Zeus, with which it is closely related. -In both heads we feel the lack of that majestic simplicity, that -ineffable and godlike calm, which rested on the features of the Zeus -of Phidias. Here man has much more obviously made God in his own -image; the face shows less of the ideal, with more of human energy and -passion. - - [Illustration: Fig. 21.--Bust of Zeus from Otricoli, now in the - Vatican Museum. After Tafel 130 of the Brunn-Bruckmann Denkmaeler.] - -It is not for us to decide whether the Otricoli mask is from the -school of Praxiteles, or shows more of the influence of Lysippus; it -is sufficient here to notice that the type was developed in the second -half of the fourth century B.C., the century after Phidias. The -similarity between these two examples of the type is apparent at first -glance. The shape of the two heads is, in general, the same, and there -is the same profusion of hair and beard, symbolic of power; but the -differences in detail are striking. - -In the Otricoli Zeus the peculiar shape of the forehead--prominent in -the middle up to the roots of the hair and retreating at the -sides--seems to suggest, not so much the power of a world-encompassing -and lofty intellect, as absorption in great, unfathomable thoughts. In -the lines of the massive face irresistible force of will is revealed, -and the capability of fierce passion lurks beneath the projecting -lower part of the forehead and uneven eyebrows, threatening like a -thundercloud. But for the moment all is deep repose, and the lids seem -partly closed over eyes that look downwards, as if not concerned with -seeing. The sculptor has conceived of Zeus as the occult power of -nature, alike the origin and law of all things, or as the -personification of the heavens veiled by impenetrable mists. - - [Illustration: Fig. 22.--Bust of Jupiter found at Pompeii. Naples - Museum.] - -Great force of will is seen also in the face of the Pompeian god; but -it is will dominated by alert and all-embracing mind. The forehead -expands in a broad arch; the eyes, wide open, look out with full -vision under sharply cut brows. Here we have no secret brooding; a -powerful yet clearly defined and comprehensible personality is stamped -upon features carved in bold, free lines. And this personality is not -lost in mystical self-contemplation; the god is following with closest -attention the course of events in some far distant place, affairs that -in the next moment may require his intervention; excitement and -expectancy are seen in the raised upper lip. The ideal of this artist -was the wise and powerful king, whose watchful and all-protecting eye -sees to the furthest limits of his kingdom. Surely this variation of -the Otricoli type must have been conceived in a monarchical period, -the period when the Greek world was ruled by the successors of -Alexander. - -The Pompeian god is more a sovereign; the Zeus of Otricoli is more -poetic, more divine. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -_THE BASILICA_ - - -The Basilica, at the southwest corner of the Forum, was the most -magnificent and architecturally the most interesting building at -Pompeii. Its construction and decoration point to the pre-Roman time; -and there is also an inscription scratched on the stucco of the wall, -dating from almost the beginning of the Roman colony: _C. Pumidius -Dipilus heic fuit a. d. v. nonas Octobreis M. Lepid. Q. Catul. -cos._,--'C. Pumidius Dipilus was here on the fifth day before the -nones of October in the consulship of Marcus Lepidus and Quintus -Catulus,' that is October 3, 78 B.C. - -The purpose of the building is clearly indicated not only by its plan -and the details of its arrangement but also by the word _Bassilica_ -scratched a number of times by idlers on the stucco of the outer wall -at the right of the south entrance. This sure identification lends to -the edifice a special significance; it is without doubt the oldest -example that we have of an important architectural type whose origin -is lost in obscurity, but of which the derivative forms may still be -recognized in the architecture of to-day. What the temple developed by -the Greeks was to pagan antiquity, that the basilica became to the -Christian Church--a type dominating a system of religious -architecture. Pagan worship was individual,--a narrow chamber sufficed -for the image of the god and the requirements of religious service; -but Christian worship was social, and its functions demanded a larger -room, in which a congregation could be assembled. The religious -architecture of the Church therefore broke with the religious -architecture of pagan antiquity, and turned for its model to the -basilica. - -Our knowledge of the history of the basilica begins with the erection -of the Basilica Porcia in Rome by Cato the Elder, in 184 B.C.; other -basilicas followed, and in Caesar's day a number stood about the -Forum. Regarding its development prior to the time of Cato only -conjectures can be offered. The name _basilica_ (_basilike stoa_, 'the -royal hall') points to a Greek origin; we should naturally look for -the prototype of the Roman as well as the Pompeian structure in the -capitals of the Alexandrian period and in the Greek colonies of Italy. -But no ruin, no reference in literature comes to our aid. The -supposition that the King's Hall (_basileios stoa_) in Athens, the -official residence of the King Archon, was the prototype of all -basilicas, has little to support it; our information in regard to the -form of this building is quite inadequate, and the name alone warrants -no positive conclusion. It is more probable that both the name and the -architectural type came from the 'royal hall' of one of the successors -of Alexander. - -A basilica was a spacious hall which served as an extension of a -market place, and was itself in a certain sense a covered market. It -was not limited to a specific purpose; in general, whatever took place -on the market square might take place in the basilica, the roof of -which afforded protection against the weather. It was chiefly devoted, -however, to business transactions and to the administration of -justice. The form is known partly from the remains of the basilicas in -Rome--Basilica Julia, Basilica Ulpia, the Basilica of Constantine--and -in Africa, but more fully from the treatise of Vitruvius and the -description of a basilica which he himself erected at Fano. - - [Illustration: Fig. 23.--Plan of the Basilica. - - _a._ Entrance court. - 1. Corridor. - 2. Main room. - 3. Tribunal. - 4. Rooms at the ends of the tribunal.] - -According to these sources the plan of a typical basilica is -essentially that of the building before us (Fig. 23). An oblong space -is divided by columns into a broad central hall and a corridor which -runs around the four sides. The height of the columns, in the typical -basilica, is equal to the width of the corridor, which is covered by a -flat roof; the inner edge of this roof is carried by the entablature -above the columns. The main room is higher than the corridor. Above -the entablature is a low wall on which there is a second row of -columns; these carry the main roof and form a clerestory, the light -being admitted through the intercolumniations. - -The main hall and the corridor were devoted to trade; the dealers -perhaps occupied the former, while in the latter the throng of -purchasers and idlers moved freely about. The place set aside for the -administration of justice, the tribunal, was ordinarily an apse -projecting from the rear end. In our Basilica, however,--and in some -others as well,--it was a small oblong elevated room back of the -central hall, toward which it opened in its whole length. - -This ideal plan would answer very well for that of the early Christian -basilicas, excepting in one respect; instead of a corridor on all four -sides they have only aisles parallel with the nave, an arrangement -which had already been adopted in some basilicas designed for markets. -The Christian basilicas would give us a still truer idea of the -arrangement and lighting of the pagan prototype if in most cases a -part of the numerous windows had not been walled up, thus producing a -dimness in keeping with a religious but not a secular edifice. - -In pagan structures the ideal plan was by no means strictly followed. -Vitruvius himself at Fano, and the architects of other basilicas the -remains of which have been discovered, did not hesitate to depart from -it. So the Basilica at Pompeii, as we shall see, presents a -modification of the general plan in an important particular, the -admission of light; and this deviation was carried out with finer -artistic feeling than was displayed by Vitruvius in his building. - -Our Basilica is undoubtedly of later date than the Basilica Porcia, -but the Pompeians, who at the time when it was built were pupils of -the Greeks in matters of art, found their model not in Rome but in a -Greek city, perhaps Naples. - -Five entrances, separated by tufa pillars, lead from the colonnade of -the Forum into the east end of the basilica. First comes a narrow -entrance court (_a_), extending across the entire building and open to -the sky. On the walls, as also on the outside of the building, are -remains of a simple stucco decoration; below, a yellow base with a -projecting red border along the upper edge; above, a plain white -surface. At the left outside the entrance court is a cistern for rain -water collected from the roof; the stairway close by (shown on the -plan) had nothing to do with the Basilica, but was connected with the -upper gallery of the colonnade about the Forum. - - [Illustration: Fig. 24.--View of the Basilica, looking toward the - tribunal.] - -Mounting four steps of basalt we pass from the narrow court into the -building. The five entrances here are separated by four columns. Those -next to the two sides on the right and on the left were closed by a -wall in which was a wide doorway; the three at the middle were left as -open intercolumniations. The enclosed space before us measures 180-1/3 -English feet (200 Oscan feet) in length, 78-3/4 feet in breadth. -Twenty-eight massive brick columns, 4 Oscan feet in diameter, separate -the great central hall from the broad corridor running about it; only -the lower part of the columns, built of small bricks evidently made -specially for this purpose, is preserved (Fig. 24). Attached -half-columns, with a diameter a little more than three fourths that of -the others, project from the walls; the wall decoration, which -imitates in stucco a veneering of colored marbles, is of the first -style (p. 41). The columns of the entrance and those at the rear have -the same diameter as the half-columns; part of the Ionic capitals -belonging to them have been found, but the capitals of the large -columns have wholly disappeared. - -There are only scanty remains of the floor, which consisted of bits of -brick and tile mixed with fine mortar and pounded down (_opus -Signinum_); it extended in a single level over the whole enclosed -space, and from this level our estimates of height are reckoned. On -three sides of the main hall near the base of the columns under the -floor is a square water channel, indicated on our plan; eight -rectangular basins lie along its course, but the purpose of it is not -clear. The tribunal projects from the rear wall, its floor being six -Oscan feet above that of the rest of the building. - -The large columns about the main hall, with a diameter of more than 31/2 -feet, must have been at least 32 or 33 feet high; the attached -half-columns with the columns at the entrance and at the rear, -including the Ionic capitals, were probably not more than 20 feet -high. But assuming that the roof of the corridor was flat, the walls -must have been as high as the entablature of the large columns, and so -must have extended above the entablature of the half-columns; -considerable portions of this upper division of the walls remain. - -Along the walls on the ground are to be seen a number of capitals, -fragments of shafts and bases belonging to a series of smaller columns -with a diameter of 1.74 feet, all found in the course of the -excavations. They are of tufa, coated with white stucco; they can -belong only here, and by the study of their forms--columns, -half-columns, and peculiarly shaped three-quarter-columns--the upper -division of the walls can be restored with some degree of certainty. -Not to go into technical details, in the upper part of the side walls -a section of wall containing a window alternated with a short series -of columns in which the columns, for the sake of greater solidity, -were set twice as close as the half-columns in the lower division of -the wall, the intercolumniations being left entirely open (Fig. 25); -over the entrances at the front the wall was continuous but was -divided into sections by half-columns corresponding with the columns -below, a window being placed between every two half-columns in order -to conceal the difference in width between the sections of wall at the -front and those at the sides. The arrangement was similar at the rear, -on either side of the tribunal, as may be seen from the section (Fig. -27). - - [Illustration: Fig. 25.--Exterior of the Basilica, restored.] - -With this restoration of the outer walls completed we are able to form -a clear idea of the appearance of the main hall. Whether or not the -rafters could be seen from below is uncertain, but the probability is -that, as assumed in our restoration (Fig. 26), they were hidden by a -coffered ceiling. The simple and beautiful interior abounded in fine -spatial effects. The corridor and main room were almost as high as the -main room was wide, that is between 35 and 40 feet. The light -streaming in through the openings in the upper portion of the walls -was evenly distributed throughout the hall; we may assume that when -the sun became too hot on the south side it could be shut out by -curtains. - -In our Basilica, then, we notice a wide divergence from the ideal or -normal plan. Instead of a clerestory above the main hall a -proportionally greater height is given to the corridor. The normal -height of a basilica corridor is represented by the lower division of -the walls with the attached half-columns and their entablature; this, -however, is here treated simply as a lower member, and upon it, rather -than upon the entablature of the columns about the main hall, was -placed an upper division of wall admitting light and air through -intercolumniations and windows. - - [Illustration: Fig. 26.--Interior of the Basilica, looking toward the - tribunal, restored.] - -The tribunal at the rear is the most prominent and architecturally the -most effective portion of the building. The base is treated in a bold, -simple manner; upon it, at the front, stands a row of columns the -lower portions of which show traces of latticework. The decoration of -the walls, like that of the rest of the interior, imitates a veneering -of colored marbles. The shape and comparatively narrow dimensions of -the elevated room indicate that we have here a tribunal in the strict -sense, a raised platform for the judge and his assistants; in the -basilicas provided with apses the latter were large enough to make -room both for the judicial body and for the litigants. Here the -litigants stood on the floor in front of the tribunal, and when court -was in session the general public must have been excluded from this -part of the corridor. The arrangement in this respect was far from -convenient, but seemingly convenience was sacrificed to aesthetic -considerations; the builders wished to treat the projecting front of -the tribunal as an ornament to the building. - - [Illustration: Fig. 27.--Front of the tribunal--plan and elevation.] - -Under the tribunal was a vaulted chamber half below the level of the -ground; two round holes, indicated on the plan, opened into it from -above. It could hardly have been designed as a place for the -confinement of prisoners; escape would have been easy by means of two -windows in the rear, especially when help was rendered from the -outside. More likely it was used, in connection with the business of -the court, as a storeroom, in which writing materials and the like, or -even documents, might be kept; they could easily have been passed up -through the holes when needed. The second story of the tribunal was -not as completely open to the main hall as the first. Its front, the -remains of which have for the most part been recovered, was divided -off by half-columns corresponding in number and arrangement with the -columns of the first story, but each half-column was flanked by narrow -pilasters, while a parapet of moderate height occupied the intervening -spaces. It was built apparently with a view to architectural effect -rather than practical use (Fig. 27). - -At the right and the left of the tribunal are places for stairways. -Each of these contains a landing on the same level with the floor of -the tribunal, from which it was cut off by a door; the steps -connecting with these landings, being of wood, have disappeared. In -both stair rooms, however, flights of stone steps lead down to the -vaulted chamber below, so that this could not have been accessible if -there were wooden steps on both sides connecting the tribunal with the -floor of the Basilica. Probably on one side the wooden steps led from -the tribunal down to the floor, but on the other ascended from the -corresponding landing to the second story, thus leaving the stairway -to the lower room unobstructed on that side. At some later time the -door at the left between the tribunal and the landing was walled up, -perhaps because the gallery was no longer used; if still in use it -could to all appearances have been reached only by a ladder. - -The two open rooms at the rear on either side of the tribunal agree in -their decoration with the entrance court except that the base with its -border is higher, and the white surface above is moulded in stucco so -as to give the appearance of slabs of white marble. They were no -higher than the first division of the wall; the windows seen in Fig. -27 above the broad entrances opened into the outer air. Perhaps they -were used as waiting rooms for litigants. - -Opposite the north entrance between two columns stood a curb like -those over the mouths of cisterns; only the foundation stone with a -circular opening is preserved. The remains of a lead pipe, which -brought the water to it, show that it must have been connected with an -aqueduct. At the further end of the main hall was an equestrian statue -of which no trace has been found. - -The arrangement of the roof is a problem of much difficulty. Without -wearying the reader by presenting various possibilities, it will be -sufficient for our purposes to suggest the explanation which, on the -whole, has the most in its favor. As assumed in our restoration, the -roof of the main hall was carried by the entablature of the -twenty-eight large columns. Thus in general the arrangement -corresponded fairly well with that of other basilicas except that, -owing to the lack of a clerestory, the roof of the main hall was not -much if any higher than that of the corridor. From the flat roof of -the corridor, at least on the south side, the rain water flowed into -the cistern near the front part of the building. - -The five entrances opening from the Forum into the narrow court could -be closed by latticed doors. Similar doors hung also on the wooden -jambs of the north and south entrances. With such doors a complete -safeguarding could not have been contemplated. Tradespeople using the -Basilica must either have removed their wares at the close of business -hours or have made the stalls sufficiently secure for protection. We -can hardly doubt that ordinarily a night watchman was on duty about -the building. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -_THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO_ - - -In some respects the study of the large temple on the west side of the -Forum is especially satisfactory. The building had been completely -restored after the earthquake of 63, and was in good order at the time -of its destruction. Though ancient excavators removed many objects of -value, including the statue of the divinity of the temple, much was -left undisturbed, as the interesting series of statues in the court; -in addition, a number of inscriptions have been recovered. On the -whole, more complete information is at hand regarding this sanctuary -than in reference to any other in Pompeii. - - [Illustration: Fig. 28.--Corner of mosaic floor, cella of the temple - of Apollo.] - -The identification of this as the temple of Apollo is certain. The -accompanying illustration shows a corner of the floor laid over the -greater part of the cella (3 on the plan); the parts along the inner -walls were of white mosaic. This floor was composed of small, -lozenge-shaped pieces of green and white marble and slate; of the two -narrow stripes between the lozenge pattern and the bright mosaic fret -along the border one is of slate, the other of red marble. In the -slate stripe was an inscription. The letters were outlined by means of -small holes filled with metal, every seven holes forming a vertical -line, every four a horizontal. The inscription, which was in Oscan, -stated that the quaestor O[ppius] Camp[anius], by order of the council -and with money belonging to Apollo, had caused something to be -made;[3] what this was cannot be determined, as the important word is -missing, but apparently it was the floor. In the cella, moreover, -stands a block of tufa, having the shape of half an egg; this is the -Omphalos, the familiar symbol of Apollo. In the court on the first -pilaster at the right as you enter a tripod is painted, too large for -mere decoration, and explicable only as a symbol of the god. Lastly, -in the design of the stucco ornamentation with which the entablature -of the peristyle was adorned after the earthquake, the principal -figures are griffins. The griffin was sacred to Apollo, and though it -was often used as a purely decorative theme, in this case a reference -to the divinity of the temple is unmistakable (Fig. 31). - - [Illustration: Fig. 29.--Plan of the temple of Apollo. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Podium. - 3. Cella. - 4. Altar. - 5. Sundial. - 6. Sacristan's room.] - -As previously stated (p. 49), the deviation of the axis of this -building from that of the Forum is undoubtedly due to the fact that it -followed the direction of a street which bordered it on the east side -before the colonnade of Popidius was built; this is therefore an -evidence of the antiquity of the temple. The style of architecture, -however, is in no essential particular different from that of the -colonnade and of other buildings of the Tufa Period, and gives no -indication of great age. The most probable explanation is that the -temple was rebuilt in the Tufa Period on the site of an earlier -structure, the orientation of which was preserved. The difference in -direction is concealed by the increasing thickness, from south to -north, of the pillars between the Forum and the court of the temple. -The spaces between the pillars were originally left open. Later, at -what time it is impossible to determine, they were all walled up -except the three opposite the side of the temple; since the temple was -excavated these also have been closed. In comparison with the -entrances from the Forum, at first ten in number, the one on the -south side, opening on the street leading from the Porta Marina, must -have been considered unimportant. Otherwise pains would have been -taken to give to the colonnade on that side an even number of columns, -so that the door of the temple should face an intercolumniation; as it -is the number is uneven and the entrance to the court had to be put a -little to one side that it might not open upon a column. - -The court is of oblong shape. The continuous colonnade about the -sides, the peristyle, was originally in two stories. At the rear of -the peristyle on the north side stood the small colonnade of the Doric -order already mentioned (p. 62); one of the rooms into which in later -times this was divided (6) was connected with the court of the temple, -and was probably occupied by the sacristan (_aedituus_). - -The temple stood upon a high podium, in front of which is a broad -flight of steps. The small cella was evidently intended for but one -statue. The columns at the sides of the deep portico, which in other -respects follows the Etruscan plan (p. 63), are continued in a -colonnade which is carried completely around the cella. - -In Plate II and Fig. 30 we give a view of the ruins as they are -to-day; in Fig. 32 a view of the temple as it appeared before the -earthquake of 63. The height and diameter of the Corinthian columns -seen in the restoration can be calculated with approximate -correctness; of the entablature and parts above nothing has been found -except a large waterspout of terra cotta in the form of a lion's head. - -The colonnade about the court was built of tufa, and coated with white -stucco. It presents an odd mixture of styles, of which other examples -also are found at Pompeii; a Doric entablature with triglyphs was -placed upon Ionic columns having the four-sided capital known as Roman -Ionic. Here, as in the earlier colonnade about the Forum, the stone -blocks of the entablature were set upon beams; and in the blocks now -in place we may see the sockets made to receive the ends of the joists -of the second story floor. Evidently with the purpose of supporting -this second story, which was probably of the Corinthian order, the -Ionic columns below were made relatively short. No remains of an -upper gallery, however, have been found; and it is quite possible that -when the colonnade was restored, after the earthquake, the second -story was omitted. The upper floor could be reached from the second -story of the small colonnade north of the court, which was accessible -by means of a stairway leading from the Forum. - - [Illustration: Fig. 30.--View of the temple of Apollo, looking toward - Vesuvius. At the left of the steps, the column on which was the - sundial; in front of the steps, the altar.] - -When the restoration of the temple and its colonnade was undertaken, -the feeling for the pure and simple forms of the Greek architecture -was no longer present; the prevailing taste demanded gay and fantastic -designs, with the use of brilliant colors. The Pompeians improved the -opportunity afforded by the rebuilding to make the temple and its -colonnade conform to the taste of the times. - -First the projecting portions of the Ionic and Corinthian capitals -were cut off; then shaft and capital alike were covered with a thick -layer of stucco. New capitals were moulded in the stucco, of a shape -in general resembling the Corinthian, and were painted in red, blue, -and yellow; the lower part of the shaft, unfluted, was also painted -yellow. The entablature, at least in the case of the colonnade, was in -like manner covered with stucco and ornamented with reliefs in the -same colors. All this gaudy stucco has now fallen off; and our -illustration (Fig. 31) is taken from Mazois, who made the drawing soon -after the court was excavated. The later capitals and stucco -ornamentation of the temple itself had wholly disappeared before the -excavations were made. - - [Illustration: Fig. 31.--Section of the entablature of the temple of - Apollo, showing the original form and the restoration after the - earthquake.] - -The wall decoration of both the temple and the colonnade was -originally in the first style; a remnant of it may still be seen in -the cella. After 63 it was modernized. The walls of the temple both -within and without were done over in stucco, so as to resemble ashlar -work of white marble; apparently it was the intention to give the -appearance of real marble. The walls of the colonnade were painted in -the latest Pompeian style, in bright colors, on a white ground. The -decorative designs, to judge from the remains and from sketches, were -not of special interest. There was a series of pictures representing -scenes from the Trojan War,--the quarrel between Achilles and -Agamemnon, the embassy of the Greeks to Achilles, the battle between -Achilles and Hector (the subject of this, however, is doubtful), the -dragging of Hector's body about the walls of Troy, Priam making -entreaty for the body of Hector, and the rape of the Palladium,--but -they have long since perished and are known only from unsatisfactory -drawings. - -Long before this modernizing of the temple the west side of the court -had undergone a complete transformation. The peculiar bend in the -street at the northwest corner (shown in Plan II), the diagonal line -with which the small colonnade north of the court ends, and the -narrow, quite inaccessible space between the west wall of the court -and the houses lying near it, cannot easily be explained as a part of -an original plan, but must rather be the result of later changes. The -north and south street which now ends abruptly at the northwest corner -must originally have been continued through the west colonnade, the -ends of which were left open; this colonnade was then a public -thoroughfare, on which the windows of houses opened, and perhaps also -doors. - -We learn from an inscription that about the year 10 B.C. the city -purchased from the residents whose property adjoined the colonnade, -for the sum of 3000 sesterces (about $155), the right to build a wall -in front of their windows; this explains how the narrow space between -the wall on the north side of the court and the houses came to be cut -off. The inscription reads: _M. Holconius Rufus d[uum] v[ir] i[uri] -d[icundo] tert[ium], C. Egnatius Postumus d. v. i. d. iter[um] ex -d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] ius luminum opstruendorum [=HS] [M] [M] [M] -redemerunt, parietemque privatum Col[oniae] Ven[eriae] Cor[neliae] -usque ad tegulas faciundum coerarunt_,--'Marcus Holconius Rufus, -duumvir with judiciary authority for the third time, and Gaius -Egnatius Postumus, duumvir with judiciary authority for the second -time, in accordance with a decree of the city council purchased for -3000 sesterces the right to shut off light (from adjoining buildings) -and caused to be constructed a wall belonging to the colony of Pompeii -to the height of the tiles,' that is, as high as the roofs of the -houses. - -The wall referred to was no doubt that on the west side of the court -of the temple; when it was built the ends of the colonnade on that -side must have been closed, so that this ceased to be a thoroughfare. -Marcus Holconius was duumvir for the fourth time in the year 3-2 -B.C.; as an interval of at least five years must intervene between two -duumvirates, his third duumvirate must have been not far from 10 B.C. - -The pedestal in the cella, on which the statue of Apollo stood, still -remains, but no trace of the statue itself has been found. - - [Illustration: Fig. 32.--Temple of Apollo, restored.] - -Near the foot of the steps in front is a large altar of travertine, -having the same inscription on both sides: _M. Porcius M. f., L. -Sextilius L. f., Cn. Cornelius Cn. f., A. Cornelius A. f. IIII vir[i] -d[e] d[ecurionum] s[ententia] f[aciundum] locar[unt]_,--'Marcus -Porcius the son of Marcus, Lucius Sextilius the son of Lucius, Gnaeus -Cornelius the son of Gnaeus, and Aulus Cornelius the son of Aulus, the -Board of Four, in accordance with the vote of the city council let the -contract (for building this altar).' The names of the four officials -who erected the altar, the two duumvirs and two aediles (for the title -see p. 12), appear without surnames; this points to a relatively early -time, at the latest the age of Augustus. - -At the left of the steps is an Ionic column with the inscription: _L. -Sepunius L. f. Sandilianus, M. Herennius A. f. Epidianus duovir[i] -i[uri] d[icundo] d[e] s[ua] p[ecunia] f[aciundum] c[urarunt]_,--'Lucius -Sepunius Sandilianus the son of Lucius, and Marcus Herennius Epidianus -the son of Aulus, duumvirs with judiciary authority, caused (this) to -be erected at their own expense.' Old sketches, made soon after the -court was excavated, represent the column with a sundial on the top. -The probability that a sundial belonging to the column was actually -found is increased by the fact that these same men placed one on the -circular bench in the Forum Triangulare. Here, in front of the temple -of the Sun-god, such a dial would certainly have been in place. At the -right of the steps are some blocks of lava containing holes, in which, -undoubtedly, the supports of a votive offering were once set, but the -holes give no clew to the size or character of the offering. - -Other divinities besides Apollo were honored in this sanctuary, which -in the earlier time was evidently the most important in the city; -statues and altars for their worship were placed in the court. The -pedestals of the statues still remain where they were originally -placed, on the step in front of the stylobate of the colonnade; the -statues themselves, with one exception, have been taken to Naples. -There were in all six of them, grouped in three related pairs. In -front of the third column at the left of the entrance, stood Venus, at -the right was a hermaphrodite--both marble figures of about one half -life size. They belong to the pre-Roman period and were originally of -good workmanship, but even in antiquity they had been repeatedly -restored and worked over. As a work of art, the hermaphrodite is the -more important. - -An altar stands before the statue of Venus. In pre-Roman times this -may have been the only shrine in the city at which worship was offered -to Herentas; for by that name the goddess of love was known in the -native speech. Venus as goddess of the Roman colony (Fig. 4), was -represented in an altogether different guise, and had a special place -of worship elsewhere (see pp. 124-129). - -Though the statues of Venus and of the hermaphrodite here form a pair, -both artistically and in respect to arrangement, the latter belongs -not to the cycle of Venus but to that of Bacchus; and in order to make -this the more evident, the ears of a satyr were given to the figure. -We may, perhaps, infer that the god of wine also was worshipped in -this sanctuary. In the sacristan's room (6 on the plan) we find a -painting in which Bacchus is represented as leaning upon Silenus who -is playing the lyre, meanwhile allowing the panther to drink out of -his cup. This seems strange enough in a temple of Apollo; still it -cannot be considered conclusive evidence that Bacchus actually -received worship here. Without doubt the Wine-god was honored in -Pompeii, the region about which was rich in vines. He appears -countless times in wall paintings, but no shrine dedicated to him has -yet been found. - -On the right side of the court, in front of the third column, was a -statue of Apollo; on the left directly opposite stood Artemis, both -life size figures in bronze. An altar stood before the statue of -Artemis; the altar of Apollo was before the temple. Both statues were -armed with the bow, and it is evident that they were not designed to -stand facing each other, but side by side, or one behind the other; -both may originally have belonged to a Niobe group. As works of art, -they are not of high merit. We recognize a certain elegance and nicety -of finish, but these qualities cannot compensate for superficiality in -the treatment of the figure, want of expression in the faces, and lack -of energy in the movement. We have no other evidence of the worship of -Artemis in Pompeii. - -Further on, in front of the fifth column on either side, was a marble -herm. That on the right is still in place and is seen in Plate II. It -is of fine workmanship, and clearly belongs to the pre-Roman period; -it represents Hermes, or Mercury. The god appears as a youth standing -with his mantle drawn over the back of his head; the face, with a -placid, serious, mild expression, is inclined a little forward. In -this form Mercury was honored as the presiding divinity of the -palaestra, the god of gymnastic exercises; we shall find him in the -same guise later in the court of the Stabian Baths (p. 200). How this -type of Hermes came to be chosen for the place of honor in athletic -courts is by no means clear; it was certainly designed originally to -represent him as a god of death, the Psychopompus, conductor of souls -to the Underworld. The worship of Mercury here as a god of gymnastic -exercises would not be in harmony with the surroundings; we should -rather believe that the Pompeians, having placed him in such close -relation with Apollo, god of the death-dealing shaft, and the earth -goddess, Maia, associated more serious ideas with his image. - - [Illustration: PLATE II.--COURT OF THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO] - -The herm on the opposite side of the court probably represented Maia. -No trace of it has been found; the female herm in the Naples Museum -formerly assigned to this place is now known to have been brought from -Rome. In Greek mythology, the mother of Hermes was Maia, the daughter -of Atlas; and this relationship, by a common confusion, was -transferred to the Italian Maia, who was originally goddess of the -spring, and gave her name to the month of May. The assignment of the -herm opposite Mercury to Maia is based upon a number of inscriptions -which establish the existence of a cult of Mercury and Maia in -Pompeii. From the same source we learn that with the worship of these -two that of Augustus was intimately associated; there are few better -illustrations of the development of emperor worship in the Early -Empire. - -These inscriptions were found in different places, none of them in -their original location. They are dedications once attached to votive -offerings, of which one was set up each year by a college of priests, -consisting of slaves and freedmen, under the general direction of the -city authorities. The official title of this college at first, -certainly to 14 B.C., was _Ministri Mercurii Maiae_, 'Servants of -Mercury and Maia'; the word _minister_ indicates a low order of -priesthood. The worship of the emperor was then added, and the priests -were called 'Servants of Augustus, Mercury, and Maia.' Still later, at -least as early as 2 B.C., the names of the two divinities were -dropped, and the priests were designated simply as 'Servants of -Augustus.' - -The extant inscriptions of this series come down to the year 40 A.D. -As an example, we give that of 2 B.C., in which the _ministri Augusti_ -first appear: _N. Veius Phylax, N. Popidius Moschus, T. Mescinius -Amphio, Primus Arrunti M. s., min. Aug., ex d. d. iussu M. Holconii -Rufi IV, A. Clodi Flacci III d. v. i. d., P. Caeseti Postumi, N. -Tintiri Rufi d. v. v. a. s. p. p. Imp. Caesare XIII, M. Plautio -Silvano cos_,--'Numerius Veius Phylax, Numerius Popidius Moschus, -Titus Mescinius Amphio and Primus the slave of Marcus Arruntius, -Servants of Augustus (set this up), in accordance with a decree of the -city council, on the order of Marcus Holconius Rufus, duumvir with -judiciary authority for the fourth time, Aulus Clodius Flaccus, -duumvir for the third time, and of Publius Caesetius Postumus and -Numerius Tintirius Rufus, duumvirs in charge of the streets, -buildings, and public religious festivals (the official title of the -aediles, p. 13) in the thirteenth consulship of the Emperor Caesar -(Augustus), the other consul being Marcus Plautius Silvanus.' - -It is not difficult to understand how the worship of Augustus came to -have a place in this sanctuary. The divinities here honored stood in -close relation to him. Apollo was his tutelary divinity, to whom he -thought that he owed the victory at Actium, and in whose honor he -built the magnificent temple on the Palatine. Venus, moreover, was -revered as the ancestress of the Julian family; and finally Mercury -was said to be incarnate in Augustus himself. - -This last conception found expression in one of the finest of the odes -of Horace, written in 28 B.C. Fearful portents, the poet says, are -threatening Rome; Jupiter with flaming right hand has even struck his -own temple on the Capitoline. To what god shall we turn for help--to -Apollo, to Venus, or to Mars? or rather to thee, winged god, Maia's -son, that even now doest walk the earth in the form of a youth, the -avenger of Caesar:-- - - Sive mutata iuvenem figura - Ales in terris imitaris almae - Filius Maiae, patiens vocari - Caesaris ultor. - -It is interesting to note that evidence of the worship of Augustus as -Mercury has come to light also in Egypt. In an inscription from -Denderah we find _Helmis Kaisar_, 'beloved of Ptah and of Isis'; -Helmis Kaisar is apparently 'Hermes Caesar,' and in Egyptian -inscriptions Augustus is elsewhere referred to as 'the beloved of Ptah -and of Isis.' - -FOOTNOTE: - -[3] O . KAMP[aniis ... kva]ISSTUR . KOMBENNI[eis tanginud] . -APELLUNEIS EITIU[vad ... ops]ANNU . AAMAN[aff]ED. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -_THE BUILDINGS AT THE NORTHWEST CORNER OF THE FORUM, AND THE TABLE OF -STANDARD MEASURES_ - - -The large building at the northwest corner of the Forum (Fig. 33, 1, -2, 3) was erected after the earthquake of the year 63. We do not know -whether at the time of the eruption it had yet been roofed; the inside -at least was in an unfinished state. - - [Illustration: Fig. 33.--Plan of the buildings at the northwest corner - of the Forum. - - 1. City treasury. - 2. Latrina. - 3, 4. Market buildings.] - -This building is divided into three parts, one of which, that furthest -north, at the corner, contains both lower and upper rooms. Below, at -the level of the Forum, are two dark vaulted chambers, one at the rear -of the other. The front chamber is dimly lighted by a slit in the -ceiling and was entered from the Forum by a narrow door; there are -traces of a strong iron grating in the doorway. It has been supposed, -not without probability, that these were the vaults of the city -treasury, the aerarium; if they had been built for prison cells, they -would naturally have had separate entrances. - -Above these chambers are two rooms which open not on the Forum, but on -the street that runs past them on the north (1, 1). They resemble -shops and would be classed as such without further question but for -the fact that the level of the floor is nearly five feet above the -sidewalk, so that they could have been reached only by means of steps. -If the identification of the chambers below as the vaults of the city -treasury is correct, these rooms must have been occupied by the -treasury officials, who could here transact business with the public -without admitting the latter to their offices. - -The middle room (2) was a public closet, with a small anteroom. As the -doors to and from the anteroom were not placed opposite each other, -the interior was not visible from the street. The room was not -entirely finished; nevertheless, we can see the water channel running -along three sides, and above it the stones on which the woodwork was -to be placed; the inlet pipe was in position, as well as the outlet -for carrying the water off into a sewer at the rear. - -The last of the three parts of the building (3) is by far the largest. -It was a high and spacious hall, with numerous entrances from the -Forum. It was divided into two rooms by two short sections of wall -projecting from the sides, and was evidently a market house, perhaps -for vegetables and farm products. - -The rooms formed by enclosing the small colonnade at the rear of the -court of Apollo have already been mentioned (p. 62). At the left of -the stairway leading to the second story (shown in Plan II) is a small -room which opens in its entire breadth upon the Forum (11). Close by -is a recess (10), also open toward the Forum, in the side of the first -of the thick pillars which separate the Forum from the court of the -temple. - -In this recess stood the table of standard measures, _mensa -ponderaria_ (Fig. 34), which is now in the Naples Museum, -unfortunately not entire; a part of it has disappeared. The part -remaining consists of a large slab of limestone (a little over 8 feet -long and 1.8, or 2 Oscan feet, wide), in which are nine bowl-shaped -cavities with holes at the bottom through which the contents could be -drawn off; this slab rested on two stone supports, and similar -supports above it carried another slab, which is now lost, with three -cavities. The table thus contained twelve standards of capacity for -liquid and dry measure, but only ten are shown in the illustration, as -two are too far back. - -It is evident that the table has come down from the pre-Roman period. -The names of the measures were originally written in Oscan, beside the -five largest cavities, and though the letters were later erased, they -are still in part legible. Only one word, however, can be made out -with certainty, beside the next to the smallest cavity; that is -_Kuiniks_, plainly the same as the Greek _Choinix_. We naturally infer -that in the pre-Roman time the Pompeians used Greek measures. - - [Illustration: Fig. 34.--Table of standard measures, _mensa - ponderaria_.] - -In the time of Augustus, about 20 B.C., the cavities were enlarged and -made to conform to the Roman standard, but the new names were not put -beside them. The inscription on the front of the larger slab has -reference to these changes: 'Aulus Clodius Flaccus, the son of Aulus, -and Numerius Arcaeus Arellianus Caledus, the son of Numerius, duumvirs -with judiciary authority, in accordance with a decree of the city -council, caused the measures to be made equal' to the Roman measures. - -A similar adjustment of measures to the Roman standard is indicated by -the use of the phrase _metra exaequare_ on a table found at Minturnae. -The adoption of a uniform standard was made a subject of imperial -regulation by Augustus, who, by this means, sought to promote the -unification of the Empire. Similar tables of measures have been found -in various parts of the Roman world, as at Selinunto in Sicily, in the -Greek islands, and at Bregenz on the Lake of Constance. - -It is probable that an official charged with the oversight of the -measures had his office in the small room next to the stairway (11). - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -_THE MACELLUM_ - - -The large building at the northeast corner of the Forum was a -provision market, of the sort called _Macellum_. The name Pantheon, -once applied to it, is now abandoned, and there is no longer the -slightest doubt regarding its purpose, which is indicated by its -general plan, the remains found in the course of the excavations, and -the paintings upon the walls. - -Such markets, where provisions, especially of the finer and more -expensive kinds, were sold and in which a cook also might be secured, -without doubt existed in the Greek cities after the time of Alexander; -from the Greeks, as in the case of the basilica, the Romans took both -the name and the architectural type. - - [Illustration: Fig. 35.--Plan of the Macellum. - - 1. Portico. - 2. Colonnade. - 3, 3, 3. Rows of market stalls. - 4. Market room for meat and fish. - 5. Chapel. - 6. Banquet room. - 7. Tholus. - 8. Pen.] - -The first macellum in Rome was built in 179 B.C. in connection with -the enlargement of a fish market. In later times, as we learn from -inscriptions, others were constructed in Rome and in various cities of -Italy and the provinces. - -A macellum built by Nero is shown on one of the coins of this emperor. -It agrees in essential points with our building, having stalls or -shops of more than one story in height, and at the middle of the court -a structure with a dome-like roof. The central structure, the -_tholus_, is mentioned by Varro as an essential part of a macellum, -but its use is known to us only from the remains found at Pompeii. - -The plan of our building is simple. A court in the shape of a -rectangle, slightly longer than it is broad, is surrounded by a deep -colonnade on the four sides. In the middle twelve bases, arranged so -as to form a dodecagon, supported an equal number of columns on which -a roof rested; underneath was a rectangular basin in the pavement, -from which a covered drain led toward the southeast corner. Under this -roof the fish that had been sold were scaled, the scales being thrown -into the basin, where they were found in great quantity. Behind the -colonnade on the south side, and opening into it, was a row of market -stalls or small shops (3 on the plan). Above these were upper rooms, -in front of which was a wooden gallery, but there was no stairway, and -apparently the shopkeeper who wished to use his second story had to -provide himself with a ladder. - - [Illustration: Fig. 36.--View of the Macellum. - - In the foreground, part of the stylobate. In the middle ground, - remains of the tholus. In the background, at the middle, walls and - pedestal of the imperial chapel; at the right, market room; at the - left, banquet room.] - -There were shops also on the north side, but they opened upon the -street bounding the Macellum on the north; a southern exposure for -the shop fronts seems to have been avoided on account of the damage -that the heat in summer might cause to the stock. In the shops on this -street--whether in those belonging to the building or those on the -opposite side is not stated--the excavators found charred figs, -chestnuts, plums, grapes, fruit in glass vessels, lentils, grain, -loaves of bread, and cakes. A few shops behind the portico in front -faced toward the Forum. - -A large market room (4) opened on the colonnade at the southeast -corner, the entrance being divided by two columns. Along three sides -runs a counter for meat and fish, the surface of which slopes toward -the middle of the room. That fish were sold on the left side is plain -from the special arrangement made to carry off the water; the floor -behind the counter here was raised and sloped toward the rear, where a -gutter connecting with it, and passing across the room, led under the -counter on the south side into the street. - -In the little room or pen at the northeast corner of the colonnade (8) -remains of skeletons of sheep were found. Such animals, then, were -sold here alive; instead of buying the flesh of slaughtered animals, -many purchasers no doubt preferred to obtain a victim which could be -sacrificed as an offering to the household gods before it was used for -food. - -The paintings on the walls of the colonnade are among the best -examples of the latest Pompeian style. Above the base are large black -panels with a broad red border; between them, in the vertical spaces -separating the border of one panel from that of the next, are light -and fantastic architectural designs in yellow on a white ground, the -parts designed to appear furthest from the eye being in green and red. -In this way a rich development of architectural forms is united, in a -consistent and effective decorative scheme, with large panels suitable -for paintings. - -Along the edges of the black panels run conventional plant designs; in -the middle are paintings symmetrically arranged in a series in which a -pair of floating figures alternates with a mythological scene enclosed -in a painted frame. Among the mythological pictures are Ulysses before -Penelope, who does not recognize him, Io guarded by Argus, and Medea -plotting the murder of her children. The whole arrangement is in -excellent taste, while the execution is careful and delicate. - -The treatment of the upper part of the wall is especially worthy of -note. Generally in walls of the fourth style the portion above the -large panels is filled with airy architectural designs upon a white or -at least a bright ground. In this instance the fantastic architectural -forms in the spaces between the black panels are continued upwards to -the ceiling, and in the midst of each group a standing figure is -painted on a blue ground--a girl with utensils for sacrifice, a satyr -playing the flute; but the spaces above the panels are completely -filled with representations of the things exposed for sale. -Unfortunately only a few of these pictures remain. One contains birds, -some alive, some killed and dressed; in another, different kinds of -fish are seen; and a third presents a variety of vessels in which wine -and other liquids could be kept. This departure from the usual style -of decoration, strikingly suggestive, can be explained only as having -a direct reference to the purpose of the building. - - [Illustration: Fig. 37.--The Macellum, restored.] - -In two small pictures in the black panels of the north entrance Cupids -took the place of men. The Pompeians were very fond of the -representation of Cupids as engaged in human occupations; it gave -opportunity for the poetic treatment of everyday life, which was thus -carried over into fairyland. So in one picture sprightly, winged -little figures are celebrating the festival of Vesta, the tutelary -divinity of millers and bakers, who on this day, just as appears in -the painting, wreathed with garlands their mills and much belabored -asses that once a year were thus admitted to a share in the festal -celebrations of their masters; the reference to trade in bread and -flour is obvious. - -In the other picture the Cupids are plaiting and selling wreaths; in -view of the extensive use of garlands at banquets and on gala days the -inference is warranted that they, too, were sold in this market. In -the market room for meat and fish there is another interesting picture -representing the local divinities of Pompeii--personifications of the -Sarno, of the coast, and of the country round about, suggesting that -here the products of the sea, the river, and the land might be -obtained. - - [Illustration: Fig. 38.--Statue of Octavia, sister of Augustus, found - in the chapel of the Macellum. She is represented in an attitude of - worship, with a libation saucer in her right hand, and a box of - incense in her left.] - -Besides the rooms thus far considered, which served a practical end, -we find in the Macellum two other rooms which gave to the building a -religious character and placed it under the special protection of the -imperial house. One, at the middle of the east end (5), is a chapel -consecrated to the worship of the emperors. The floor is raised above -that of the rest of the building, and the entrance is reached by five -steps leading up from the rear of the colonnade. On a pedestal against -the rear wall, and in four niches at the sides, were statues, of which -only the two in the niches at the right have been found; these -represent Octavia, the sister of Augustus (Fig. 38), and Marcellus -(Fig. 39), the hope of Augustus and of Rome, whose untimely death was -lamented by Virgil in those touching verses in the sixth book of the -Aeneid. An arm with a globe was also found, doubtless belonging to the -statue of an emperor that stood on the pedestal at the rear. The -chapel contains no altar; sacrifice was probably offered on a portable -bronze coal pan in the form of a tripod. Several beautiful examples of -these movable altars have been found, and there are numerous -representations of them in reliefs and in wall paintings. - -The Macellum in its present form was at the time of the eruption by no -means an ancient building. While finished and no doubt in use at the -time of the earthquake of 63, it had been built not many years before, -in the reign of Claudius or of Nero, in the place of an older -structure which dated from the pre-Roman period. The earlier Macellum, -of which scanty but indubitable traces remain, could not have -contained a chapel for the worship of the emperors; this was probably -introduced into the plan of the structure at the time of the -rebuilding. The most reasonable supposition is that the chapel was -built in honor of Claudius, and that his statue with the globe as a -symbol of world sovereignty stood on the pedestal at the rear, while -in the niches at the left were his wife Agrippina and adopted son -Nero. - -We can hardly doubt that Claudius was worshipped in Pompeii during his -lifetime; it is known from inscriptions that even before the death of -Claudius Nero was honored with the services of a special priest. That -Octavia and Marcellus, another mother with a son who was heir to the -throne, should be placed opposite Agrippina and Nero, was quite -natural. Claudius, who through his mother Antonia was the grandson of -Octavia, had great pride in this relationship, through which alone he -was connected with the family of Augustus; and from Octavia, Agrippina -and Nero also were descended, the former as a daughter of Germanicus, -Claudius's brother, and the latter through his father Gnaeus Domitius, -who was a son of the older daughter of Octavia, also called Antonia. -This thought was suggested by the grouping of Octavia and Marcellus -with Agrippina and Nero: Octavia's descendants are now on the throne, -as Augustus intended that they should be; and Nero is the pride and -hope of the emperor and the Roman people, as once Marcellus was. - -The room at the left of the imperial chapel, with a wide entrance -divided by two columns (6), was also consecrated to the worship of the -emperors. It contains a low altar (shown on the plan) of peculiar -shape. A slab of black stone rests on two marble steps; it has a -raised rim about the edge with a hole in one corner. Evidently this is -an altar for drink offerings; in this room sacrificial meals were -partaken of, at which the long estrade at the right, like a counter, -nearly three feet high, was perhaps used as a serving table. Such -meals had an important place among the functions of the Roman colleges -of priests, and some priesthood connected with the worship of the -emperors apparently had its place of meeting here; but whether this -was the college of the Seviri Augustales, composed of freedmen, or a -more aristocratic priesthood modelled after the Sodales Augustales at -Rome, cannot be determined. The purpose of the niche in the corner, -with the platform in front of it approached by steps, is unknown. - -In this room, also, there were two pictures containing Cupids. In one -they were represented as drinking wine and playing the lyre; in the -other, as engaged in acts of worship--both appropriate decorative -subjects for a room intended for sacrificial banquets. - -The Macellum was entered from three sides. At the front, facing the -Forum, was a portico consisting of two orders of white marble columns, -one above the other, supporting a roof. Fragments of the Ionic or -Corinthian columns belonging to the lower order, and of the well -proportioned intermediate entablature, have been preserved. Statues -stood at the foot of the columns, as also at the ends of the party -walls between the shops at the rear of the portico, and beside the two -columns of the little vestibule at the entrance; between the two doors -was a small shrine, and here, too, was a statue. - -The difference in direction between the front of the Macellum and the -side of the Forum is concealed by increasing the depth of the shops -from south to north, so that the depth of the portico remained the -same. The room at the extreme right, being so shallow that it could -not be used as a shop, was made into a shrine; the image or images set -up in it must have been very small. What divinities were worshipped -here, unless the Street Lares, cannot be conjectured. - - [Illustration: Fig. 39.--Statue of Marcellus, son of Octavia, found in - the chapel of the Macellum.] - -There is another entrance on the north side, and a third near the -southeast corner. In the latter are steps, and at the left as you come -in is a small niche under which two serpents were painted. This humble -shrine was probably dedicated to the presiding divinity of the -building, the Genius Macelli. - -The colonnade of the Macellum was thrown down by the earthquake of 63. -At the time of the eruption the stylobate on which the columns rested, -and the gutter in front of it, had been renewed; but only the columns -on the north side and a part of those on the west side had been set up -again. Both the columns and the entablature have entirely disappeared, -in consequence of excavations made in ancient times. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -_THE SANCTUARY OF THE CITY LARES_ - - -In earlier times a street opened into the Forum south of the Macellum. -Later, apparently in the time of Augustus, it was closed, and the end, -together with adjoining space at the south, was occupied by a building -which measures approximately sixty by seventy Roman feet. - -In richness of material and architectural detail this was among the -finest edifices at Pompeii. Its walls and floors were completely -covered with marble. Now we see only rough masonry, stripped of its -veneering, but enough vestiges remain to enable us to reconstruct the -whole; in Figs. 41 and 42 both rear and side views of the interior are -given. - - [Illustration: Fig. 40.--Plan of the sanctuary of the City Lares. - - 1. Main room, unroofed, with an altar in the centre. - 2. Apse, with shrine. - 3. Recesses--alae. - 4. Niche facing the Forum.] - -Opening into the main room at the rear is a large apse (Fig. 40, 2), -which gives to the building a peculiar character. In the inner part of -the apse is a broad foundation about six feet high, on which stood a -shrine (_aedicula_), containing a pedestal for three statues of not -more than life size; the foundation projects in front of the pedestal, -forming a table for offerings. A base of the same height as the -foundation of the shrine runs along the walls of the apse; it -supported two columns and two attached half-columns on the right, and -the same number on the left. - -On either side of the main room is a recess, _ala_, containing a -pedestal for a statue of more than life size. The two entrances were -flanked by pilasters nearly two Roman feet square, while each entrance -was divided into three parts by two columns. There were three niches -about six feet above the floor in each of the side walls of the main -room, and two more at the rear; all were originally flanked by small -pilasters which rested on a projecting base. The remains of an altar -may still be seen in the middle of the room. - - [Illustration: Fig. 41.--Sanctuary of the City Lares, looking toward - the rear, restored.] - -The height of both side and rear walls can be approximately computed -from the existing remains, the basis of computation for the side walls -being the thickness of the pilasters at the entrance. The rear part of -the building was certainly not less than 45 feet high, exclusive of -the gable, while the sides could not have been more than 30 or at most -35. This difference in height, taken with other indications, obliges -us to conclude that the central room was treated as a paved court open -to the sky; only the apse and the wings were roofed. - -It is evident that we have here a place of worship, yet not, properly -speaking, a temple. The shrine in the apse, with its broad pedestal -for several relatively small images, presents a striking analogy to -the shrines of the Lares found in so many private houses. Cities, as -well as households, had their guardian spirits. The worship of these -tutelary divinities was reorganized by Augustus, who ordered that, -just as the Genius of the master of the house was worshipped at the -family shrine, so his Genius should receive honor together with the -Lares of the different cities; thus in each city the emperor was to be -looked upon as a father, the head of the common household. As the -house had its shrine for the Lares, so also had the city; that in Rome -was near the spot on which the arch of Titus was afterwards erected. - - [Illustration: Fig. 42.--North side of the sanctuary of the City - Lares, restored.] - -Undoubtedly we should recognize in this edifice the sanctuary of the -Lares of the city, _Lararium publicum_. On the pedestal of the shrine -in the apse the Genius of Augustus probably stood, represented by a -statue of the emperor himself, with his toga drawn over the back of -his head, offering a libation; on his right and on his left were the -two Lares, like those represented in paintings (p. 271) and in the -little bronze images so often found in house shrines. - -In connection with the Lares the members of a family honored other -gods, Penates, to whose special protection the head of the household -had committed himself and his interests. As we shall see later, in -house shrines diminutive bronze figures representing Hercules, -Mercury, Fortuna, and other divinities are often found together with -those of the Lares. It is quite possible that other gods were likewise -associated with the Lares of the city; and perhaps here in the two -chapels at the sides of the main room images of Ceres and of Bacchus -were placed. Regarding the statues that stood in the eight niches it -is better to refrain from conjecture. On the outside of the building, -under the portico of the Macellum, was a small platform (4), the -raised floor of which was reached by steps. - -At the edge of the Forum in front of the building are eight square -blocks of basalt, which still have traces of the iron clamps by which -marble veneering was fastened on. These supported the columns of a -portico which was joined with the porticos of the Macellum and the -temple of Vespasian and took the place of the Forum colonnade. As the -main room of the building was open to the sky, the portico also must -have been without a roof; there is no trace of any support for the -ends of the rafters at the rear. The columns in front, probably of two -orders one above the other, were merely for ornament. Possibly awnings -were at times stretched over the area of the portico as a protection -against sun and rain. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -_THE TEMPLE OF VESPASIAN_ - - -South of the sanctuary of the City Lares is another religious edifice -of an entirely different character. Passing from the Forum across the -open space once occupied by the portico--of which no remains have been -found--we enter a wide doorway and find ourselves in a four-sided -court somewhat irregular in shape (Fig. 43). The front part is -occupied by a colonnade (1). - - [Illustration: Fig. 43.--Plan of the temple of Vespasian. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Altar. - 3. Temple. - 4. Portico, forming part of the colonnade of the Forum.] - -At the rear a small temple (3) stands upon a high podium which -projects in front of the cella and reached by two flights of steps. -The pedestal for the image of the divinity is built against the rear -wall. - -In the middle of the court is an altar faced with marble and adorned -on all four sides with reliefs of moderately good workmanship. The -sacrificial scene shown in the accompanying illustration (Fig. 44) is -on the front side, facing the entrance to the court. A priest with a -toga drawn over his head in the manner prescribed for those offering -sacrifice, pours a libation from a shallow bowl, _patera_, upon an -altar having the form of a tripod. With him at the left are two -lictors with their bundles of rods, a fluteplayer, two boys, -_camilli_, carrying the utensils for the sacrifice, and an attendant; -at the right a bull intended for sacrifice is being brought to the -altar by the slayer, _victimarius_, and an assistant. In the -background is a tetrastyle temple, doubtless the temple before us; the -scene represents the dedicatory exercises. The middle intercolumniation -of the portico, as indicated by the relief and shown in the plan, is -wider than the other two. - -On the sides of the altar some of the utensils and ceremonial objects -used in sacrificing are represented: at the left the napkin -(_mantele_), the augural staff (_lituus_), and the box in which the -incense was kept (_acerra_); at the right the libation bowl -(_patera_), a ladle (_simpulum_), and a pitcher. - - [Illustration: Fig. 44.--Front of the altar in the court of the temple - of Vespasian.] - -The reliefs on the back of the altar, which consist simply of a wreath -of oak leaves with a conventional laurel on either side, are of -special significance and give a clew to the purpose of the edifice. On -the thirteenth of January, 27 B.C., the Senate voted that a civic -crown--that is, one made of oak leaves, of the kind awarded to a -soldier who had saved the life of a Roman citizen--should be placed -above the door of the house in which Augustus lived, and that the -doorposts should be wreathed with laurel. From that time the civic -crown and the laurel were recognized as attributes denoting imperial -rank. This temple, therefore, was built in honor of an emperor. From -the inscriptions of the Arval Brethren, we learn that in the case of a -living emperor a bull was the suitable victim, but that an ox was -sacrificed to an emperor who had been deified after death. As the -victim on our altar is a bull, the temple must have been dedicated to -an emperor during his lifetime. With these facts in mind it will not -be difficult to ascertain to whose worship the building was -consecrated. - - [Illustration: Fig. 45.--View of the temple of Vespasian.] - -The coins of Augustus have both the civic crown and the laurel, but -those of his immediate successors have only the former. In the year 74 -the laurel again appears with the crown on the coins of Vespasian and -Titus, and we may suppose that the distinction formerly conferred on -Augustus was about this time revived in honor of Vespasian. It was -indeed quite natural that men should think of Vespasian and Augustus -together. Both restored peace and order after disastrous civil wars; -both adopted severe repressive measures against luxury and immorality, -and both adorned Rome with great public buildings. The temple of -Jupiter on the Capitoline, which Augustus had repaired and made more -magnificent, Vespasian rebuilt from the foundation after it was burned -in 69. - -The Senate, which had suffered so seriously at the hands of Nero, had -reason to be deeply grateful to Vespasian, who treated it with marked -respect, in this also following the example of Augustus. If the annals -of the reigns of the Flavian emperors were not so meagre, we should -very likely find a decree of the Senate honoring Vespasian with the -civic crown and the laurel. Such a decree might well have suggested -the founding of a temple, and the placing of these symbols of peace -and victory upon its altar. - -The temple itself was built, together with the court, after the -earthquake of 63, and at the time of the eruption the work was not -entirely completed. The walls of the cella and of the entrance from -the Forum had received their veneering of marble and were in a -finished state; but those of the court, divided off into a series of -deep panels above which small pediments alternated with arches (Fig. -45), had received only a rough coat of stucco and were still awaiting -completion. The temple must have been built in the time of Vespasian, -who reigned from 68 to 79 A.D.; and as this emperor possessed too -great simplicity of character to allow men to worship him as a god -while he was still alive, it was probably dedicated to his Genius. - - [Illustration: Fig. 46.--The temple of Vespasian, restored.] - -The rooms at the rear of the temple (shown on the plan) were entered -by a door at the right. They may have served as a habitation for the -sacristan, or as a place of storage for the sacrificial utensils. The -north room was also connected with rooms belonging to the sanctuary of -the Lares, the purpose of which is unknown. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -_THE BUILDING OF EUMACHIA_ - - - [Illustration: Fig. 47.--Plan of the building of Eumachia. - - 1. Portico, forming part of the colonnade of the Forum. - 2, 3. Small niches for statues. - 4, 4. Apsidal niches. - 5, 5. Large niches, accessible by means of steps. - 6. Entrance. - 7. Passage room to stairway. - 8. Porter's room. - 9, 9. Colonnade. - 10. Pedestal of the statue of Concordia Augusta. - 11, 11. Light courts. - 12, 12. Corridor. - 13. Broad niche with the statue of Eumachia. - 14. Passage leading from Abbondanza Street, with a door opening - into the corridor. - 15. Stone with ring. - 17, 17. Rectangular elevations. - 18, 18. Remains of masonry.] - -The plan of the large building on the east side of the Forum, between -the temple of Vespasian and Abbondanza Street, is simple and regular. -In front is a deep portico (1), facing the Forum. The interior -consists of a large oblong court with three apses at the rear and a -colonnade about the four sides (9); on three sides there is a corridor -behind the colonnade, with numerous windows opening upon it (12). The -corridor could be entered by three doors, two at the front end of the -court, connecting with the colonnade, and a third at the rear, -entered from the end of a passage leading up from Abbondanza Street -(14), the grade of which at this point is considerably below the -pavement of the building (Fig. 50). - -An inscription appears in large letters on the entablature of the portico, -and again on a marble tablet over the side entrance in Abbondanza -Street: _Eumachia L. f., sacerd[os] publ[ica], nomine suo et M. -Numistri Frontonis fili chalcidicum, cryptam, porticus Concordiae -Augustae Pietati sua pequnia fecit eademque dedicavit_,--'Eumachia, -daughter of Lucius Eumachius, a city priestess, in her own name and -that of her son, Marcus Numistrius Fronto, built at her own expense -the portico, the corridor (_cryptam_, covered passage), and the -colonnade, dedicating them to Concordia Augusta and Pietas.' - -The word _pietas_, in such connections, has no English equivalent, and -is difficult to translate. It sums up in a single concept the -qualities of filial affection, conscientious devotion, and obedience -to duty which in the Roman view characterized the proper conduct of -children toward their parents and grandparents. Here mother and son -united in dedicating the building to personifications, or -deifications, of the perfect harmony and the regard for elders that -prevailed in the imperial family. - -The reference of the dedication can only be to the relation between -the Emperor Tiberius and his mother Livia; it cannot apply to Nero and -Agrippina, for the reason that the walls of the building were -decorated in the third Pompeian style, which in Nero's time was no -longer in vogue. In 22 A.D., when Livia was very ill, the Senate voted -to erect an altar to Pietas Augusta. In the following year Drusus, the -son of Tiberius, gave expression to his regard for his grandmother by -placing her likeness upon his coins, with the word Pietas. - -On the coins of colonies also--of Saragossa and another the name of -which is not known--the Pietas Augusta appears, apparently about the -same time. Not long afterwards the harmonious relations between -Tiberius and his mother gave place to mutual suspicion and hostility; -the dedication therefore points to the earlier part of the reign of -Tiberius, and in this period the building was no doubt erected. The -statue of Concordia Augusta, a female figure with a gilded -cornucopia, was found in the building; the head, which has not been -preserved, probably bore the features of Livia. By this dedication the -building of Eumachia, as the Macellum later, was placed under the -protection of the imperial house. - -While the parts are enumerated in the dedicatory inscription, neither -the name of the building as a whole, nor the purpose, is mentioned. A -hint of the latter, however, is found in another inscription. A broad -niche (13) opens into the corridor at the rear, directly behind the -largest apse. Here stood a marble statue of a beautiful woman (Fig. -255), now replaced by a cast; the original is in Naples. Upon the -pedestal we read: _Eumachiae L. f., sacerd[oti] publ[icae], -fullones_,--'Dedicated to Eumachia, daughter of Lucius Eumachius, a -city priestess, by the fullers.' - -This building, in which the fullers had set up, in a specially -prominent place, a statue of the person who had erected it, must in -some way have served the purposes of their trade. Clearly enough it -was not a fullery; on the other hand, it was well adapted for a -clothier's exchange, a bazaar for the sale of cloth and articles of -clothing. Tables and other furniture for the convenience of dealers -could be placed in the colonnade and the corridor; in the corridor, -especially, goods exposed for sale in front of the open windows could -be conveniently inspected by prospective buyers,--not only by those in -the corridor itself, but also by those looking in from the colonnade. -The small doors between the corridor and the colonnade could be -securely closed, and the entrance from Abbondanza Street could be -easily guarded; there was only a narrow door at the end of the passage -opening into the corridor, and at the street entrance was a porter's -room connected by doors both with the passage and with the street. -This evidence of unusual precaution suggests that possibly the side -entrance, from its close connection with the corridor, was intended -especially for the conveyance of goods to and from the building, in -order that the front entrance might be left for the exclusive use of -purchasers and dealers. - -On the assumption that the building was a cloth market, it is clear -that the colonnade would naturally be open at all times, the corridor -only during business hours; after business hours the corridor would be -closed for the protection of the goods left there over night. The -windows may have been closed with shutters as in the Oriental bazaars. -Other peculiarities of arrangement also are cleared up by this -explanation, but we cannot present them in detail. It is not possible, -however, to make out what the purpose was of certain remains of -masonry found on the south side of the court (18) which have now -disappeared, or of two rectangular elevations at the rear (17), or, -finally, of a large stone in the middle of the court in which a -movable iron ring is fastened (15). Our information is so scanty that -we are unable to determine in all particulars what the requirements of -a fuller's exchange might have been. - -At the time of the eruption men were still engaged in rebuilding the -parts of the edifice that had suffered in the earthquake of 63. The -front wall at the rear of the portico was finished and had received -its veneering of marble; as shown by the existing remains, it -conformed to the plan of the earlier structure. The columns and -entablature of the portico had not yet been set in place; considerable -portions of them were found in the area of the Forum. The wall at the -rear of the court, with the three apses, had been rebuilt, and the -workmen had begun to add the marble covering. The other walls had -remained standing at the time of the earthquake; but the colonnade had -been thrown down and was now in process of erection. The remains of -the colonnade were removed in ancient times, probably soon after the -destruction of the city; yet from the parts that remain, both of the -old building and of the restorations, we can determine the -architectural character with certainty. We give two reconstructions of -the interior, one showing the front (Fig. 48), the other the rear -(Fig. 49). - -The colonnade and the portico were characterized by the same -peculiarity of construction: they were in two stories, one above the -other, but there was no upper floor corresponding with the -intermediate entablature. In the case of the portico this is certain -from the treatment of the wall at the rear, the ornamentation of which -is carried without interruption high above the level of the -entablature. If the appearance of this building alone had been taken -into account, it would have been simpler and more effective to place -at the front of the portico a single order of large columns the height -of which should correspond with that of the facade; but as the -colonnade about the Forum was in two stories, the front of the portico -was made to conform to it. The columns below were of the Doric, those -above of the Ionic, order. The material--whitish limestone--was the -same as that used in the new colonnade of the Forum. Nevertheless, by -the skilful handling of details a certain individuality was given to -the columns; while in general appearance they harmonized with those -about the Forum, the portico as a whole stood out by itself as -something distinct and characteristic. - -The columns of the portico were left unfluted, as were those of the -new Forum colonnade, and were of the same height; but their -proportions were more slender, their ornamental forms were slightly -different, and they were set closer together. The pains and skill -manifested in harmonizing the particular with the general -architectural effect reflect much credit upon the Pompeian board of -public works. Under the portico at the foot of each column was a -statue, facing the front of the building; the pedestals, which still -remain, assist in determining the places of the columns, of which only -one was found in position. The spaces between the columns could be -closed by latticed gates, as may be seen from traces of them remaining -in the marble pavement at the south end of the portico; the pavement -elsewhere has disappeared. - - [Illustration: Fig. 48.--The building of Eumachia: front of the court, - restored.] - -The wall at the rear of the portico, facing the Forum, was richly -ornamented. The broad entrance in the middle (6) was bridged at the -top by a lintel. At the ends are two large niches more than four feet -above the pavement (5), both reached by flights of steps. Between each -of these and the doorway is a large apsidal arched niche (4) extending -down to the pavement. Lastly in the projecting portions of the wall -are four smaller niches for statues. The whole facade was overlaid -with various kinds of colored marbles. - -None of the statues have been found, but the inscriptions belonging to -the two that stood in the small niches at the left are extant and of -special interest; the names of the persons represented, Aeneas and -Romulus, are given, together with a short enumeration of their heroic -deeds. These statues were evidently copies; the originals formed a -part of a famous series in Rome. - -Augustus set up in his Forum the statues of renowned Roman generals -with inscriptions setting forth their services to the State; in this -way, he said, the people might obtain a standard of comparison for -himself and his successors. At the beginning of the series were -Aeneas, the kings of Alba Longa, and Romulus. Not one of these statues -has been preserved, but some of the inscriptions have been found in -Rome, while others are known from copies discovered in Arezzo, where -without doubt, as at Pompeii, they were set up with copies of the -statues--a forcible illustration of the striving of the smaller cities -to be like Rome. Two other statues, perhaps representing Julius Caesar -and Augustus, stood in the niches at the right corresponding with -those of Aeneas and Romulus; it is not probable that the rest of the -series in Rome was duplicated here, because the remaining pedestals in -the portico were all designed for figures of larger size. - -The colonnade about the court was of marble. The front part, as one -entered from the portico, was higher than that on the sides and rear -(Fig. 48); it must have presented a fine architectural effect. The two -series of Corinthian columns, one above the other, reached the height -of 30 feet; the wall behind was diversified with niches and completely -covered with marble. At the right and at the left one could pass down -the sides under the colonnade, or through small doors into the -corridor. The walls between the colonnade and the corridor, pierced -with large windows, were decorated below with a dado of colored -marbles and above with painting upon stucco, in the third style. - -The two smaller apsidal niches at the rear were no higher than the -colonnade, but the central apse projected above and terminated in a -marble pediment (Fig. 49), fragments of which are still to be seen in -the building. It was entered through three arched doorways, above -which apparently there were windows. The image of Concordia Augusta, -with the features of Livia, probably stood on the pedestal at the rear -of the apse, while the statues of Tiberius and Drusus may have adorned -the niches at the sides. - - [Illustration: Fig. 49.--Rear of the court of the building of - Eumachia, restored.] - -We can readily see why the colonnade was made so high, and in two -stories, when a lower structure would have afforded better protection -against sun and rain. Had it been limited to the usual height the -corridor behind it would have been too dark; and if instead of a -double series of small columns, one above the other, there had been a -single series of large columns of the usual proportions, the thickness -of the latter would have shut out much light and have made the -colonnade seem less roomy. The arrangement adopted had the further -advantage that it harmonized the aspect of the colonnade with that of -the portico, the character of which, as we have seen, was determined -by that of the colonnade about the Forum. - -The small rooms of irregular shape at the sides of the apse (11) were -light courts, left open to the sky in order to furnish light to the -corridor at the rear, which was shut off from the colonnade. - -The corridor was about fourteen feet in height; its walls still have -remains of decoration in the third style. - -At the right of the broad niche (13), in which the statue of Eumachia -was found, a door opened into the passage leading from Abbondanza -Street; in the corresponding position at the left, where there was no -entrance, a door was painted upon the wall. This is a folding door in -three parts, of a kind quite common at Pompeii; the middle part is -hung by means of hinges, like those on doors of the present day, -fastened to one of the leaves at the sides, while these are -represented as swinging on pivots at the top and the bottom. - -A stairway at the southeast corner of the corridor, over the entrance -from Abbondanza Street, led to an upper room. A similar stairway was -placed in the last of the little rooms between the court and the -portico, at the left of the front entrance. The upper rooms, difficult -to reach, could hardly have been intended for salesrooms. They must -have been low, probably no higher than the difference between the -height of the colonnade and that of the corridor. They were most -likely used as temporary storerooms for the goods of the dealers. - - [Illustration: Fig. 50.--Fountain of Concordia Augusta. - - In the background, steps in the side entrance of the Eumachia - building.] - -In front of the entrance from Abbondanza Street, is a fountain of the -ordinary Pompeian form; as the material is limestone it is probably of -later date than the other fountains, which are generally of basalt. As -may be seen in our illustration (Fig. 50), the inlet pipe was carried -by a broad standard projecting above the edge of the basin, on the -front of which a bust of a female figure with a cornucopia is carved -in relief. The right side of the face has been worn away by eager -drinkers pressing their mouths against the mouth of the figure, whence -the jet issued; it reminds one of the attenuated right foot of the -famous bronze St. Peter in Rome. Hands also have worn deep, polished -hollows in the stone on either side of the standard. The figure -represents Concordia Augusta, but the name Abundantia, given to it -when first discovered, still lingers in the Italian name for the -street, which might more appropriately have been called Strada della -Concordia. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -_THE COMITIUM_ - - -The last building on the east side of the Forum, south of Abbondanza -Street, had undergone a complete transformation a short time before -the destruction of the city. Before the rebuilding, a row of pillars -separated the interior of the structure from the Forum and from the -street. At the edge of the sidewalk along the latter are square holes -opposite the pillars (shown on the plan, Fig. 51), evidently designed -for the insertion of posts, so that a temporary barrier of some sort -could be set up. The end of the space within the barrier where this -came to the Forum, and of the rest of the street as well, could be -shut off by latticed gates. - - [Illustration: Fig. 51.--Plan of the Comitium. - - 1. Recess opening on the main room. - 2. Recess opening on the Forum.] - -If the barrier were set up, and the latticed gate at the Forum end -left open, the building and the space within the barrier would be shut -off from Abbondanza Street, but closely connected with the Forum by -the numerous entrances. After the rebuilding only two entrances from -the Forum were left, and one from Abbondanza Street. - -It is altogether unlikely that so large a building, of irregular shape -and with pillars on two sides, was provided with a roof; we have here -an open space rather, serving as an extension of the Forum. The walls -were covered with marble and adorned with niches, in which, without -doubt, statues were placed. On the south side is a large recess the -floor of which, reached by a flight of steps, forms a kind of platform -or tribune about four feet above the pavement of the enclosure (1). A -small door at the right leads into a narrow room containing a similar -platform opening on the colonnade of the Forum (2), and to all -appearances once accessible from it by steps; afterwards both the -steps and the tribune were walled up. - -The purpose of these tribunes, and of the building as a whole, is far -from clear. An analogy, however, suggests itself. On one side of the -Roman Forum near the upper end was a small rectangular open space -called the Comitium, used in early times as a voting place. Between -the Forum and the Comitium was originally a speaker's platform, the -Rostra, so placed that orators by turning toward one side could -address an audience in the Comitium and facing about could harangue -the Forum. Though the later changes have obscured the original form of -our building, yet it is plain that at one time there must have been -two connected tribunes, one facing the Forum, the other the enclosed -open space; we may at least hazard the conjecture that the colonists -of Sulla, taking the arrangements of the capital as their pattern in -all things, designed this place as their Comitium. - -The enclosure was too small to admit of its use for voting according -to the ancient fashion, but general elections in the Comitium had long -been a thing of the past; only the unimportant curiate elections were -held there, at which each curia was represented by a lictor, and at -other times the place was used for judicial proceedings. So our -building was probably used, if not for elections, for formalities -preliminary to the elections and for business connected with the -courts. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -_THE MUNICIPAL BUILDINGS_ - - -At the south end of the Forum were three buildings similar in plan and -closely connected. In front they presented a common facade, the narrow -spaces between them being entered by low doors. The building at the -right (Fig. 52, 3) was at the corner of the Forum, while the space -separating the other two lay on a line dividing the Forum into two -equal parts; east of the last building is the Strada delle Scuole. - - [Illustration: Fig. 52.--Plan of the Municipal Buildings. - - 1. Office of the duumvirs. - 2. Hall of the city council. - 3. Office of the aediles.] - -The three buildings were erected after the earthquake of 63, on the -site of older buildings of the same character. In the walls of that -furthest east (1), considerable remains of the earlier walls are -embodied; in that near the corner the original pavement is preserved, -and in the middle building there are traces of the original pavement. -Previous to this rebuilding the inner series of columns belonging to -the colonnade about the Forum had in part been removed and a barrier -set up, by which the space in front of the middle building and that at -the left could be shut off (indicated on the plan by broken lines). At -the time of the eruption only the building at the left (1) was -entirely finished. The others still lacked their decoration on both -inner and outer walls. - -These three spacious halls must have served the purposes of the city -administration. The two at the right and the left are alike in having -at the end opposite the entrance an apse large enough to accommodate -one or more magistrates with their attendants; they were the official -quarters of the aediles and the duumvirs, while the middle hall was -the council chamber, _curia_, where the decurions met. - -The middle room was obviously intended to be the most richly -ornamented of the three, and was further distinguished from the others -by the elevation of its floor, which was more than two feet above the -pavement of the colonnade. In front of the entrance is a platform -reached at either end by an approach hardly wide enough for two -persons, thus suited for a select rather than a large attendance. - - [Illustration: Fig. 53.--View of the south end of the Forum. - - In the background, the ruins of the municipal buildings; in front of - these, the remains of the colonnade. In the middle ground the - pedestals of the statues of the imperial family.] - -Along the sides within runs a ledge a little more than five feet above -the floor, on which rested a double series of columns, one above the -other, serving both as ornament and as a support for a ceiling like -that of the temple of Jupiter. If we picture to ourselves the columns -in place, the walls covered with marble, and a rich coffered ceiling -above, we are led to form a favorable idea of the recuperative powers -of the city which set about the construction of such costly and -splendid buildings so soon after the terrible earthquake. - -The recess at the rear was designed for a large shrine patterned after -the small shrines of the Lares and Penates in private houses. The -Penates of the city were above all the emperor and his family. If this -shrine had been finished, figures representing Vespasian, Titus, and -Domitian would probably have been placed in it, facing the three -Capitoline divinities in the temple of Jupiter at the other end of the -Forum. - -The office of the aediles, situated at the corner of the colonnade and -close to the Basilica, and with no barrier to prevent ready access, -was particularly convenient for magistrates who, among other duties, -were charged with the maintenance of order and the enforcement of -regulations in the markets. One or perhaps both aediles sat in the -apse; while the rear and middle parts of the room were reserved for -those who had business with them. The front part, lower than the rest -by two steps (shown on the plan), may have served as a waiting room. -At the rear of the apse and in the walls at the sides were niches for -the statues of members of the imperial family and of those who had -rendered important services to the city. - -As the duumvirs not only sat as judges but also had in their hands the -financial administration of the city, we can see why the hall set -aside for their use was the first to be rebuilt after the earthquake. -The magistrates, of course, sat in the apse, along the wall of which -was a ledge for statues. The strong front doors were fastened with -iron bolts, and there was also a latticed gate on the step in front of -the threshold; probably the archives of the duumviral office were kept -within. The small side door at the right made it possible to enter and -leave the building after business hours or at other times when the -large doors were closed. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -_THE TEMPLE OF VENUS POMPEIANA_ - - -For some years it had been known that a temple once stood in the -rectangular block south of the strada della Marina; and in 1898 -workmen excavating here began to uncover the massive foundations. When -the volcanic deposits had been removed it was seen that the court of -the temple, with the surrounding colonnade, occupied the whole area -between the Basilica and the west wall of the long room now used as a -Museum. On the podium (Fig. 55) was found a part of a statuette of -Venus, of the familiar type which represents the goddess as preparing -to enter the bath; it was probably a votive offering set up by some -worshipper. In the subterranean passageway entered near the southeast -corner (Fig. 54, IV) the excavators found another votive offering, a -bronze steering paddle of the kind shown in paintings as an attribute -of Venus Pompeiana; an example may be seen in Fig. 4 (p. 12). From -these indications, as well as from the size of the temple and its -location, near the Forum and on an elevation commanding a wide view of -the sea, we are safe in assigning the sanctuary to Venus Pompeiana, -the patron divinity of Roman Pompeii. - -Prior to the founding of the Roman colony the site of the temple had -been occupied by houses, built in several stories on the edge of the -hill, which here slopes sharply toward the southwest; remains of the -houses, which must have resembled those farther east (an example is -the house of the Emperor Joseph II, p. 344), have been brought to -light in the course of the excavations. In less than a century and a -half the temple was twice built, twice destroyed; a third building was -in progress at the time of the eruption. - - [Illustration: Fig. 54.--Plan of the temple of Venus Pompeiana. - - I, II. Remains of podium of first and second temples. - III. Altar. - IV. Entrance to underground passage. - V, VI. Pedestals. - A-B, C-D-E. Foundations of walls of court of first temple. - F-G-G', G"-H-I. Foundation of stylobate of colonnade of first - temple, with gutter. - A'-B'. Foundation of rear wall of rooms opening on colonnade - of first temple. - _a-b-c-d._ Walls of court of second temple. - _e-f-g-h_, _e'-f'_, _g'-h'_. Foundations of colonnade of second - temple--two rows of columns on each side, a single row at the - rear. - K. Main entrance of court of second temple. - L. Smaller entrance of court of second temple. - _x_, _y_, _z_. Old foundation walls having nothing to do with - the temple. - ~A~-~B~-~C~-~C'~-~B'~. Enlargement of podium for third temple.] - -The first temple was erected in the early years of the Roman colony. -An area approximately 185 Roman feet square was prepared for it by -levelling off and filling up, terrace walls being built to hold in -place the earth and rubbish used for filling. The foundations of the -walls about the court (A-B, C-D-E) can still be traced except on the -south side, where, perhaps in consequence of the earthquake at the -time of the eruption, every vestige has disappeared, and at the -southwest corner, where excavations for building materials in modern -times have been carried below the Roman level, a part of the -foundation of the temple itself having been removed. These walls -conformed to the direction of the walls of the Basilica, the corners, -as those of the Basilica, showing a noticeable divergence from a right -angle. - - [Illustration: Fig. 55.--Ruins of the temple of Venus Pompeiana, - viewed from the southeast. - - At the right, foundation of the front row of columns of the latest - (unfinished) colonnade; then foundation of stylobate of earlier - colonnade, with gutter. In foreground, entrance to subterranean - passage. On the podium of the temple at the farther end is seen the - pedestal of the statue of the divinity. The wall at the rear of the - court is on the south side of the strada della Marina.] - -The front of the earlier colonnade is outlined by the gutter (F-G-G', -G"-H-I), constructed of blocks of tufa, which show signs of long use, -and the foundation of the stylobate behind the gutter, which is -plainly seen (Fig. 55); in places (as indicated in the plan), the -layer of mortar spread over this foundation shows the impressions made -by the blocks of the stylobate which rested on it. At the middle of -the north side (G'-G") both the gutter and the wall under the -stylobate were removed when the foundations of the third temple were -extended in that direction. Along the gutter were basins for water -used in cleaning the floor of the court, which was made of fine -concrete. The entrance to the court was at the northeast corner. - -On the east side of the court were six rooms, the rear of which was -formed by the wall A'B'. Two of these opened on the colonnade in their -whole breadth, and four with narrow doors, the thresholds of which, of -whitish limestone, are still in place. Their purpose cannot be -determined. The cross walls shown in the plan on the west side (_x_, -_y_, _z_) belonged to an earlier building, and have nothing to do with -the temple. - -In front of the temple are remains of a large altar of whitish -limestone (III). On the east side of the court is the base of an -equestrian statue (V), of the same material, which was afterwards -veneered with marble; near it is a pedestal of a standing figure (VI), -of masonry covered with stucco, and behind this is the small base of a -fountain figure. Near the southeast corner is the entrance (IV) to a -subterranean passageway which runs toward the south; it probably led -to rooms of earlier houses which were preserved, when the area was -filled up, for the use of the attendants of the temple. - -The temple itself, as the other edifices, religious and secular, of -the first years of the Roman colony, must have been built of common -materials and coated with stucco. Of the existing remains only the -inner part of the podium (I, II on the Plan) can be assigned to it; a -series of small blocks of tufa at the rear end is perhaps a remnant of -the cornice which was carried around the upper edge of the podium. - -To the Pompeians of the Empire the modest structure of Republican days -seemed unworthy of the tutelary divinity of their city. On the same -podium they built a temple of marble. Of this are preserved the -foundations of the door posts of the cella (Fig. 56 _a_) and the core -of the pedestal (D) on which stood the statue of the divinity, besides -some bits of the cella floor, which consisted of a border of white -mosaic (_b_), a broad strip of pavement of small flags of colored -marble (_c_), and an ornamental centre (_a_) now entirely destroyed. -The only remains of the superstructure that can be identified are in a -storeroom north of the temple of Apollo. They consist of fragments of -large marble columns, nearly thirty-two inches in diameter, and of an -entablature of corresponding dimensions. - - [Illustration: Fig. 56.--Plan of the second temple, restored. - - A. Steps. - B. Portico. - C. Cella. - D. Pedestal of the statue of the divinity. - _a._ Door of cella. - _b._ Floor border of white mosaic. - _c._ Pavement of colored marbles. - _d._ Ornamental centre.] - -After the completion of the temple the Pompeians set about rebuilding -the colonnade, on a scale of equal magnificence. First of all they -enlarged the court by removing the old walls to the foundations, and -constructed new outside walls (_a-b-c-d_), the corners of which -form right angles. The wall on the north side, of reticulate work, can -be distinguished in Fig. 55. That on the east side is also well -preserved, but of that on the south side no trace remains. The deep -foundation of the wall on the west side forms the farther wall of the -present Museum, the roof of which very nearly represents the level of -the floor of the ancient court. The colonnade was to be single on the -north, double on the east and west sides. The principal entrance was -at the northeast corner (K), with a smaller entrance (L) at the end of -the narrow street south of the Basilica. - -How far the work had progressed before the earthquake of the year 63 -it is not easy to determine. The new gutter along the front of the -colonnade had not yet been laid, but the foundations of the rows of -columns (_e-f-g-h_, _e'f'_, _g'h'_) were for the most part -ready. From the Corinthian capital and fragments of shafts and -entablature lying about the court it is clear that these members were -fitted and in place when they were thrown down. Part of the colonnade -was therefore finished. It was in two stories, probably without an -intervening floor, like the porticoes in front of the Macellum and the -building of Eumachia. Not less than three hundred marble columns must -have been required to complete the work; undoubtedly the wall back of -the colonnade was divided off by pilasters below and half columns -above, the intervening spaces being filled with marble. In point of -size, the temple with its court formed the largest sanctuary, in -richness of materials the most splendid edifice of the entire city. - -The great earthquake felled to the ground alike the finished temple -and the unfinished colonnade. But the Pompeians, in their time of -trouble least of all disposed, we may assume, to forsake their patron -goddess, soon commenced the work of rebuilding. Postponing the renewal -and completion of the colonnade as of secondary importance, they -cleared away the debris of the temple, and on the podium where the -cella had stood constructed a temporary place of worship, a small -wooden building strengthened at the bottom by a low wall around the -outside. Then they proceeded to enlarge the podium; the third temple -was to be even more imposing than its predecessor. The old steps were -removed from the front. The existing podium was cut back five Roman -feet on each side, and four inches at the rear, to form the core of -the new podium; on all sides of this a massive foundation wall was -commenced, five and a half Roman feet thick, made of large blocks of -basalt carefully worked and fitted. A similar wall was carried through -the old podium (~B~-~B'~), to serve as the foundation for the front wall -of the cella. The relative size of the component parts of the new -temple is thus clearly indicated. The cella was to extend over the -space ~B~-~C~-~C'~-~B'~, the portico over that marked ~A~-~B~-~B'~; how -far the steps were to project in front is uncertain. - -At the time of the eruption five courses of basalt had been laid, -reaching a height of more than four feet, the space between the core -of the old podium and the outer wall being filled with concrete as the -work progressed. On the north side of the court are still to be seen a -number of blocks of basalt not yet trimmed and fitted, just as they -were abandoned by the workmen when the work was stopped forever. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -_THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNA AUGUSTA_ - - -Passing out from the Forum under the arch at the northeast corner, we -enter the broadest street in Pompeii. On the right a colonnade over -the sidewalk runs along the front of the first block, at the further -corner of which, where Forum Street opens into Nola Street, stands the -small temple of Fortuna Augusta. The front of the temple is in a line -with the colonnade, which seems to have been designed as a -continuation of the colonnade about the Forum; the builders apparently -wished to have it appear that the temple was located on an extension -of the Forum rather than on a street. The colonnade is certainly not -older than the earlier years of the Empire, and the temple dates from -the time of Augustus. - - [Illustration: Fig. 57.--Plan of the temple of Fortuna Augusta. - - A. Altar. - B. Portico. - C. Cella. - D. Shrine for the statue of the divinity. - 1-4. Niches for statues.] - -The divinity of the temple and the name of its builder are both known -to us from an inscription on the architrave of the shrine at the rear -of the cella: _M. Tullius M. f., d. v. i. d. ter., quinq[uennalis], -augur, tr[ibunus] mil[itum] a pop[ulo], aedem Fortunae August[ae] solo -et peq[unia] sua_,--'Marcus Tullius the son of Marcus, duumvir with -judiciary authority for the third time, quinquennial duumvir, augur, -and military tribune by the choice of the people, (erected this) -temple to Fortuna Augusta on his own ground and at his own expense.' - -Such inscriptions were ordinarily placed on the entablature of the -portico. The portico of this temple, however, had been thrown down by -the earthquake of 63, and had not yet been rebuilt. The cella may have -been damaged also, but in order that the worship might not be -interrupted the shrine was restored; the inscription was temporarily -placed over it. - - [Illustration: Fig. 58.--Temple of Fortuna Augusta, restored.] - -The remains of the walls, columns, and entablature make it possible to -reconstruct the edifice with certainty (Fig. 58). The plan (Fig. 57) -in several respects closely resembles that of the temple of Jupiter, -from which the architect copied the projecting platform in front of -the podium, with its altar and double series of steps. The eight -columns sustaining the portico had Corinthian capitals. The walls of -the cella were veneered with marble. In the shrine at the rear stood, -without doubt, the image of Fortuna as guardian of the fortunes of -Augustus and protectress of the imperial family (Fig. 59). - -There were also in the walls of the cella four niches for statues, of -which two have been found. The face of one, a female figure, had been -sawed off in order to replace it with another, which has not come to -light; the features of the other statue were said in the reports of -the excavations to resemble those of Cicero, but the resemblance is -purely fanciful, suggested by the name Marcus Tullius in the -dedicatory inscription. Both statues were of persons connected with -the priesthood, not of members of the imperial family. Probably -statues of the latter were set up elsewhere, so that the cella was -left free for less important personages. - - [Illustration: Fig. 59.--Rear of the cella in the temple of Fortuna - Augusta, with the statue of the goddess, restored.] - -The worship of Fortuna Augusta was in charge of a college of priests, -consisting of four slaves and freedmen, who were called _Ministri -Fortunae Augustae_,--'Servants of Fortuna Augusta.' Our information in -regard to them is derived from five inscriptions, of which two were -found in the temple, the others in different places; but none of them -where they originally belonged. These all relate to the small statues, -_signa_, of which one was set up by the college every year. One -inscription, of the year 3 B.C., speaks of the 'first servants -(_ministri primi_) of Fortuna Augusta.' The priesthood was therefore -established in that year, and the temple was probably built only a -short time before. - -In donating the land for the temple Tullius retained the ownership of -a narrow strip of irregular shape at the right. Here a rough block of -basalt was set up with the inscription: _M. Tulli M. f. area -privata_,--'Private property belonging to Marcus Tullius, son of -Marcus.' - - -KEY TO PLAN III - - A. PORTICO AT THE ENTRANCE OF THE FORUM TRIANGULARE. - - B. FORUM TRIANGULARE. - - 1, 1. Colonnade. - 2. Promenade. - 3. Doric temple. - 4. Semicircular bench, with sundial. - 5. Sepulchral enclosure. - 6. Altars. - 7. Well house. - 8. Pedestal of the statue of Marcellus. - - C. OPEN-AIR GYMNASIUM--PALAESTRA. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Pedestal with steps behind it. - 3, 3. Dressing rooms. - - D. TANK FOR SAFFRON WATER. - - E. LARGE THEATRE. - - 1. Dressing room. - 2. Stage. - 3. Orchestra. - 4. Ima cavea. - 5. Media cavea. - 6. Summa cavea, over a corridor. - 7, 7. Tribunals. - - F. SMALL THEATRE. - - 1. Dressing room. - 2. Stage. - 3, 3. Tribunalia. - - G. THEATRE COLONNADE, USED AS BARRACKS FOR GLADIATORS. - - 1. Passage leading from Stabian Street. - 2. Entrance. - 3. Doorkeeper's room. - 4. Passage to the Large Theatre, walled up. - 5. Stairway leading down from the Forum Triangulare. - 6. Athletes' waiting room--Exedra. - 7. Room with remains of weapons and cloth. - 8. Guard room. - 9. Stairs leading to overseer's rooms. - 10. Kitchen. - 11. Mess room. - - H. TEMPLE OF ZEUS MILICHIUS. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Altar. - 3. Cella. - 4. Sacristan's room. - - I. TEMPLE OF ISIS. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Cella. - 3. Shrine of Harpocrates. - 4. Purgatorium. - 5. Hall of initiation. - 6. Hall of the Mysteries. - 7. Priest's residence. - - K. CITY WALL. - - L. FOUNDATIONS OF STEPS. - - [Illustration: PLAN III.--THE FORUM TRIANGULARE WITH ADJACENT - BUILDINGS.] - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -_GENERAL VIEW OF THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS NEAR THE STABIAN GATE--THE FORUM -TRIANGULARE AND THE DORIC TEMPLE_ - - -The end of the old lava stream on which Pompeii lay runs off into two -points; in the depression between them, as we have seen, was the -Stabian Gate. On the edge of the spur at the left a temple of the -Doric style was built in very early times. The descent here, toward -the southwest, is so sharp and the height so great that it was not -necessary to add a wall at the top as a means of defence. - -The sides of the temple followed in general the direction of the edge -of the cliff. Raised upon a high foundation, it not only dominated the -plain below but was visible also from the greater part of the city; -glistening in the sun, it became a landmark for mariners far out at -sea, who from a distance could offer greetings to the gods there -enshrined. - -In the second century B.C. the northwest corner of the depression back -of the Stabian Gate was selected as the site for a large theatre (E on -Plan III); previously, we may suppose, temporary wooden structures had -answered the purpose. This location was chosen, in accordance with the -Greek custom, because the places for the greater part of the seats for -the spectators could be easily cut in the natural slope, which here -had the shape of half a shallow saucer; a superstructure was necessary -only for the upper rows of seats. The architect, if not a Greek, was -certainly of Greek training. - -South of the theatre an extensive colonnade (G) was erected. It was -intended as a shelter for theatre-goers, but was afterwards turned -into barracks for gladiators. - -With a similar purpose, a colonnade of the Doric order was built along -two sides of the triangular level space about the Greek temple (1). -In front of the north end, where the two arms of the colonnade meet, a -high portico of the Ionic order was erected (A) facing the street, -thus forming a monumental entrance to the Theatre. The southwest side -of the area was left unobstructed, and the place, by reason of its -shape, is called the Forum Triangulare, 'Three-cornered Forum.' - -In connection with the building of the Theatre land had been -expropriated and cleared as far north as the first east and west -street. Here, near the entrance of the Forum Triangulare, a Palaestra -for gymnastic exercises (C) was built, with funds left for public -purposes by a benevolent citizen. Later, probably not before the time -of the Roman colony, a temple of Isis (I) was erected, adjoining the -Theatre on the northeast. - -Early in the Roman Period, not long after 80 B.C., a small roofed -theatre (F) was constructed east of the stage of the Large Theatre and -of the area at the rear. - -Stabian Street north and south of the Small Theatre was lined with -private houses. At the northeast corner of the block was a temple of -Zeus Milichius (H), seemingly of early date, but entirely rebuilt -about the time that the Small Theatre was erected. - - * * * * * - -Part of the columns and entablature belonging to the beautiful portico -at the entrance of the Forum Triangulare have been set up again and -are seen in our illustration (Fig. 60). The brackets projecting from -the rear wall were probably designed for statuettes or vases. When the -wall was rebuilt, after the earthquake of 63, a change was made in at -least one particular. The small doorway at the middle, now at right -angles with the wall, formerly passed obliquely through it, opening -toward the end of the promenade which was laid out in front of the -colonnade at the left. This promenade (2 on Plan III) was separated -from the area of the Forum by a low wall; on sunny winter days it must -have been the most frequented walk in the city. - - [Illustration: PLATE III.--THE GREEK TEMPLE AND THE FORUM TRIANGULARE, - SEEN FROM THE SOUTH. RESTORATION BY WEICHARDT] - -Besides the small doorway, which was closed by a latticed gate hung -from a wooden jamb, there was at the left a massive double door -with strong bolts, inside of which was still a second door. It seems -odd that one entrance should be so securely closed, while the -fastenings of the other were so light. Ordinarily, the large doors -must have been kept shut, while the small entrance was left open for -everyday use; but when there was to be a play in the Theatre, and the -magistrate who gave the entertainment proceeded from the Forum with a -retinue in festal attire, then the great doors were swung back in -honor of the occasion, and the opening of them formed part of an -impressive ceremony. - - [Illustration: Fig. 60.--Portico at the entrance of the Forum - Triangulare.] - -The colonnade within contained ninety-five Doric columns. It was only -one story in height, and the columns for this reason are more slender -than those of the same order in the Forum. The entablature varies from -the Doric type only in respect to the architrave, which consists of -two bands. The continuation of the colonnade along the southwest side -was prevented by the nearness of the temple to the edge of the cliff. -Here the magnificent view over the plain to the mountains and across -the Bay was unimpeded; for the enjoyment of it, two duumvirs in the -early years of the Empire built near the west corner of the temple a -semicircular stone seat, _schola_ (4 on Plan III), like those found in -connection with tombs. On the back they placed a sundial with the -inscription: _L. Sepunius L. f. Sandilianus, M. Herennius A. f. -Epidianus duo vir[i] i. d. scol[am] et horol[ogium] d. s. p. f. c._ -(for _de sua pecunia faciundum curarunt_),--'Lucius Sepunius -Sandilianus the son of Lucius, and Marcus Herennius Epidianus the son -of Aulus, duumvirs with judiciary authority, caused the seat and the -sundial to be made at their own expense.' The same duumvirs, as we -have seen, set up a sundial in the court of the temple of Apollo. - - [Illustration: Fig. 61.--View of the Forum Triangulare, looking toward - Vesuvius. - - At the left, remains of the Doric temple and of the altars and well - house in front of it; at the right, exterior of the large theatre.] - -At the foot of the middle column at the north end of the colonnade is -a broad basin of Carrara marble resting on a finely proportioned, -fluted standard; a jet of water fell into it from the end of a pipe -which passed through the column above. A little further forward is a -pedestal (8) veneered with marble on which is the inscription: _M. -Claudio C. f. Marcello patrono_,--'To Marcus Claudius Marcellus, the -son of Gaius, patron.' Here stood a statue of Marcellus, the nephew of -Augustus, a portrait statue of whom we have already found in the -imperial chapel of the Macellum. The reason why he was honored with -more than one statue is clear from the inscription before us: he was -patron of the colony. - -The surface of the Forum Triangulare was considerably higher than the -top of the city wall (K) south of the barracks of the Gladiators. It -seems likely that a flight of steps led down to the wall between the -barracks and the long colonnade, as seen in Weichardt's restoration -(Plate III). This explanation accounts for the existence of certain -remains of walls (L on the plan), the purpose of which is otherwise -obscure. - - * * * * * - -Of the ancient Doric temple but little remains: only the foundation, -which was high for a Greek temple, with a flight of steps in front; -two stumps of columns and traces of a third; four capitals, and -portions of the right wall of the cella. The plan of the cella, -however, has been traced by means of excavations. - - [Illustration: Fig. 62.--Plan of the Doric temple in the Forum - Triangulare. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Outer chamber of cella. - 3. Inner chamber of cella. - 4. Semicircular bench, with sundial. - 5. Sepulchral enclosure. - 6. Altars. - 7. Well house.] - -The foundation, unlike the podiums of the other temples at Pompeii, -was built up in a series of broad, high steps. The number of the -columns, eleven on the sides and seven in front, as in the temple of -Zeus at Agrigentum, has been calculated from the distances between the -stumps. Of those in front two were opposite the corners of the cella, -where the edges of the flight of steps come to the stylobate (Fig. -62). Only a narrow space was needed between the walls of the cella and -the surrounding columns, but in order to make the outward appearance -more imposing the columns were set as far out as they would have been -if a second series had been placed within, between them and the cella; -according to the classification of Vitruvius the temple was a -pseudodipteral. On account of the interval thus afforded between the -entrance of the cella and the columns in front (a little over sixteen -feet), it was thought proper to leave the number of columns uneven, so -that one stood over against the middle of the doorway. - -The temple was of mixed construction, part stone and part wood. The -entablature must have been of stone, otherwise the intercolumniations -would not have been so narrow. The space between the entablature and -the cella, however, could only have been bridged by means of timbers. -The stone used was the gray tufa, but the capitals were of the more -durable Sarno limestone. The surface was coated with stucco, which in -part at least was painted in bright colors. The projecting edge of the -eaves trough, also covered with stucco, was painted red, yellow, and -black, and ornamented with waterspouts in the shape of lions' heads -alternating with rosettes. - - [Illustration: Fig. 63.--The Doric temple, restored.] - -The proportions of the columns (lower diameter 6.07 feet, upper -diameter 3.12 feet) with their flaring capitals, and the narrow -intercolumniations (Fig. 63), point to an early period; the archaic -character of the capitals will be more fully appreciated if they are -compared with those of the colonnade of the Forum Triangulare. In -respect to age this temple ranks with the oldest of those at -Selinunto; it must have been built in the sixth century B.C. - -The cella, as our plan shows, was divided into two chambers. In the -inner chamber (3) a large rectangular flag is embedded in the floor at -one side so that a second (indicated on the plan by dotted lines) must -have been near it; the supports of a stone table in front of the image -of the divinity perhaps rested on them. On the long pedestal at the -right of the cella stood a deer of terra cotta, above life size, of -which some fragments have been found. - -Directly in front of the temple, at the foot of the steps, we find a -monument of an altogether unusual character. The respect with which it -was regarded is evidenced by its location in the place ordinarily -occupied by the principal altar. It consists of a small enclosure of -peculiar shape, fenced in by an outer wall and a low inner wall. To -judge from its form, it must have been a place of burial; we shall -find a tomb later the plan of which is quite similar (Plan V, right -side, 2), and it is said that human bones were found here. These walls -are not earlier than the imperial period, but they must have taken the -place of an older structure; for the altars were evidently put over -near the east corner of the temple (6 on the plan), because the place -which they would naturally have had was already occupied. For a -time--how long it would be idle to conjecture--this was beyond doubt -the most important temple of the city; the placing of the tomb in the -most sacred spot in front of it suggests that the founder or founders -of the city may have been buried here, and afterwards revered as -heroes. - -Instead of a single altar in front of the temple there are three, all -made of blocks of tufa, two of them resting on a single foundation; -the third is built on the ground without a foundation, and is of later -date. One altar is larger than the other two, and its surface is -divided into three parts. - -Not far from the altars are the remains of a small round structure (7 -on the plan, shown in Fig. 61) about twelve feet in diameter. The -roof, supported by eight Doric columns, was over the mouth of a well, -which had been driven down through the old lava bed till living water -was found for cleaning the temple and for religious rites. According -to the Oscan inscription on the architrave the well house was built by -N. Trebius, chief administrative officer (_meddix tuticus_) of the -city. - -It is impossible to determine what divinities were worshipped here. -The placing of two altars together, one being divided into three -parts, and the addition of a third, seem to imply that three -divinities received worship in common, and that besides these two -other gods were honored in this sanctuary. The terra cotta deer -furnishes a clew, but is not decisive evidence; deer were sacred to -several divinities, among others to Apollo and Artemis. A marble -torso of about half life size, found on the declivity south of the -temple, has been identified with some degree of probability as -belonging to a statue of Apollo. Perhaps originally Apollo and Artemis -were honored here, and with them Leto; but in an Oscan inscription -discovered in 1897 the temple seems to be designated as belonging to -Minerva (p. 240), who was perhaps also worshipped with them. - -At the time of the eruption the temple was in ruins. It may have been -in this condition only since the earthquake of 63, or for a longer -time. That the worship might not be abandoned a poor shrine was built -among the ruins, smaller than the old cella and a little further to -the right; a drum of a column, set up on the flag in the floor of the -cella, served as a pedestal for the image of the divinity. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -_THE LARGE THEATRE_ - - -Performances upon the stage were first given in Rome in the year 364 -B.C.; a pestilence was raging, and the Romans thought to appease the -gods by a new kind of celebration in their honor. The performers were -brought from Etruria, and the exercises were limited to dancing, with -an accompaniment on the flute. There was as yet no Latin drama. The -first regular play was presented more than a century later, in 240 -B.C., and the playwright was not a Roman but a Greek from Tarentum, -Livius Andronicus, who translated both tragedies and comedies from his -native tongue. The next dramatist was a Campanian, Gnaeus Naevius. The -building of a theatre was not yet thought of; a temporary wooden -platform was erected for the actors, and the spectators spread -themselves out on the green slope of a hillside facing it. - -When the censor Cassius Longinus in 154 B.C. commenced the erection of -a theatre on the Palatine hill near the temple of Cybele, at whose -festivals plays were given, the ex-consul Scipio Nasica rose in the -Senate and in a speech full of feeling warned the Romans not to -countenance this foreign amusement, on the ground that it would sap -the foundations of the national character. His words produced so deep -an impression that the Senate not only voted to pull down the part of -the building already erected, and to refuse permission for the -erection of similar buildings in the future, but even prohibited -altogether the renting of seats at theatrical representations; Romans -who wished to see a play must remain standing during a performance, or -sit on the ground. Naturally so stringent measures could not long -remain in force. Nine years later Mummius, the destroyer of Corinth, -presented dramas in connection with his triumph, and put up wooden -seats for the spectators. The first stone theatre in Rome was built by -Pompey, the rival of Caesar, in 55 B.C. In Pompeii, on the contrary, a -permanent theatre had been erected at least a hundred years earlier. - -The Oscan culture was so completely merged in that of Rome that our -knowledge of it as an independent development is extremely slight; and -no information has come down to us regarding the history of the native -drama. From literary sources we know only of a crude form of popular -comedy in which, as in the Italian Commedia dell' arte, there were -stock characters distinguished by their masks,--Maccus a buffoon, -Bucco a voracious, talkative lout, Pappus an old man who is always -cheated, and Dossennus a knave. The scene of these exhibitions was -always Atella, the Gotham of Campania, whence they were called Atellan -farces. - -The Theatre at Pompeii, however, is a proof that as early as the -second century B.C., in at least one Campanian city, dramatic -representations of a high order were given. Here, perhaps, as at -Athens, they were associated with the worship of Dionysus; for the -satyrs were companions of the Wine-god, and the head of a satyr, -carved in tufa, still projects from the keystone of the arch at the -outer end of one of the vaulted passages leading to the orchestra. -Greek verse, and native verse modelled after the Greek, must have -gained a hearing at Pompeii, and the works of Oscan poets--not a line -of which has come down to us--must have stirred the hearts of the -people long before Livius Andronicus, and Naevius, who brought -inspiration from his Campanian home, produced their dramas at Rome. - -In describing the Theatre it will be best to take up in order the -three main divisions common to Greek and Roman buildings of this -class: the _cavea_, the large outer part shaped somewhat like half a -funnel, containing seats for spectators; the orchestra, the small -semicircular portion enclosed by the cavea, with an entrance, -_parodos_, on either side; and the stage, facing the orchestra and the -cavea. The accompanying illustrations give a plan (Fig. 64), and a -view of the ruins in their present condition (Fig. 65); the exterior -as seen from the south is shown in Fig. 61. - -The cavea afforded seats for about five thousand persons. The greater -part of it, from the orchestra to the vaulted corridor under the summa -cavea (Fig. 64, 6), lies on the slope of the hill; the floor of the -corridor is on a level with the Forum Triangulare. - -The seats are arranged in three semicircular sections. The lowest, -_ima cavea_ (4), next to the orchestra, contains four broad ledges on -which, as well as in the orchestra itself, the members of the city -council, the decurions, could place their chairs, the 'seats of double -width.' - - [Illustration: Fig. 64.--Plan of the Large Theatre. - - 1. Dressing room. - 2. Stage. - 3. Orchestra. - 4. Ima cavea. - 5. Media cavea. - 6. Summa cavea. - 7. Tribunalia. - 8. Tank for saffron water.] - -The middle section, _media cavea_ (5), was much deeper, extending from -the ima cavea to the vaulted corridor. It contained twenty rows of -marble seats arranged like steps, of which only a small portion is -preserved. On a part of one of these, individual places, a little less -than 16 inches wide, are marked off by vertical lines in front, and -numbered; they probably belonged to some corporation which found it -necessary, in order to avoid confusion, to assign places to its -members by number. In Rome the fourteen rows nearest the bottom were -reserved for the knights. Whether a similar arrangement prevailed in -the municipalities and the colonies is not known, but if so the number -reserved here must have been smaller. - -The upper section, _summa cavea_ (6), supported by the vault over the -corridor, was too narrow to have contained more than four rows of -seats. - -The ima cavea was entered from the orchestra. The media cavea could be -entered on the lower side from the passage (_diazoma_, _praecinctio_) -between it and the ima cavea, which at the ends was connected by short -flights of steps with the parodoi leading outside; on the upper side -six doors opened into the media cavea from the corridor, from which -flights of steps descended dividing the seats into five wedgelike -blocks, _cunei_, with a small oblong block in addition on either side -near the end of the stage. - -The corridor was accessible by four doors, one from the Forum -Triangulare, another from the open space between this and the rounded -exterior of the Theatre, a third at the end of an alley east of the -temple of Isis, and a fourth opening from a steep passage leading up -from Stabian Street. The summa cavea, which for convenience we may -call the gallery, was entered by several doors (the exact number is -uncertain) from a narrow vaulted passage along the outside. This -passage, however, did not extend the whole length of the gallery, but -stopped where the outer wall of the Theatre joined that of the Forum -Triangulare. Here a stairway led to it; there was a second stairway at -the rear of the Palaestra, and a third leading from the alley east of -the temple of Isis; the three are shown on Plan III. At the edge of -the Forum Triangulare, a narrow stairway, built in the thick wall, led -directly to the gallery (Fig. 64). - -The outer wall back of the gallery rose to a considerable height above -the last row of seats. On the inside near the top were projecting -blocks of basalt (seen in Fig. 65), containing round holes in which -strong wooden masts were set; from these the great awning, _velum_, -was stretched over the cavea and orchestra to the roof of the stage, -protecting the spectators from the sun. This sort of covering for the -theatre was a Campanian invention, and here, where the cavea opened -toward the south, was especially necessary. In the Coliseum, and the -well preserved theatre at Orange, the arrangements for fastening the -masts are on the outside of the wall. The upper part of the wall of -our Theatre has been rebuilt in modern times, and it has been doubted -whether the blocks of basalt and the pieces of cornice above with -corresponding incisions are ancient; the latter surely are not modern, -and their slightly wedged shape shows that from the beginning they -must have been on the inside of the wall. - -Near the front of the orchestra at the right and the left were small -rectangular platforms; one is shown in Fig. 65. They were supported -by the vaults over the entrances (7, 7), and were reached by small -stairways near the ends of the stage. They were called tribunals, and -here, as in Rome, were no doubt reserved for the seats of those to -whom special honor was paid. One was set aside for the use of the -magistrate who gave the play; in Rome the vestal virgins, in -accordance with a decree of Augustus, occupied the other, and in -Pompeii their place was very likely taken by the city priestesses. - - [Illustration: Fig. 65.--View of the Large Theatre.] - -The shape of the orchestra is that of a semicircle enlarged in the -direction of tangents at right angles with the diameter; a complete -circle could be inscribed in the space. It was probably never used for -a chorus, but was occupied by the seats of prominent spectators, -particularly the city officials and their friends. It was entered by -means of the vaulted passages under the tribunals. - -The steps leading from the orchestra upon the stage (Fig. 65) can be -explained only on the supposition that even in the Roman period, to -which the steps in their present form belong, actors who took the -part of persons arriving from distant places came upon the stage -through the orchestra. In the niches in front of the stage, as we -learn from a wall painting, sat those charged with the maintenance of -order in the Theatre, two perhaps in the rectangular niches, or one in -the semicircular niche in the middle. - -The stage is long and narrow, measuring 120 by 24 Oscan feet; the -floor is a little more than three feet above the level of the -orchestra. The rear wall, as in ancient theatres generally, was built -to represent the front of a palace, entered by three doors, and -adorned with columns and niches for statues. In each of the short -sections of wall at the ends of the stage is a broad doorway, -extending across almost the entire space. The long narrow room behind -the stage, used as a dressing room (_postscaenium_), was entered by a -door at the rear, which was reached by an inclined approach. No trace -of the roof of the stage remains, but from the better preserved -theatres at Orange, in the south of France, and at Aspendus, in Asia -Minor, we infer that it sloped back toward the rear wall. The floor -was of wood. - -The room underneath the stage was divided into several parts. Between -the front wall and that just back of it (seen in Fig. 65) was the -place for the curtain, which, as in Roman theatres, was let down at -the beginning of the play, and raised at the end. The space between -the parallel walls must have been covered, leaving only a narrow slit -for the curtain; otherwise it would not have been easy to go upon the -stage from the steps in the orchestra. - -Underneath the place for the curtain is a low passage, in the vaulted -roof of which are two rows of holes, a little more than a foot square, -cut in blocks of basalt, and evidently designed to hold upright -timbers. This passage has in recent years been entirely cleared. In -the floor, directly under the openings in the vaulted roof and -corresponding with them, were square holes. In those nearer the front -of the stage were remains of timbers and of square pieces of iron -fitted to the ends of these, a larger and a smaller piece for each -hole. It seems likely that, as Mazois suggested, hollow upright beams -were set in the holes, and in them smaller hollow beams were placed, -in which were still smaller poles or iron rods; by the sliding of -these up and down, the long horizontal pole on which the curtain was -hung could be raised or lowered. The use of the inner row of holes has -not been satisfactorily explained. - -The room under the right of the stage is so low, about three feet, -that it could not have been available for any purpose, but that at the -left is higher, and was used for theatrical machinery, the scanty -remains of which arouse our curiosity without satisfying it. In the -floor are set two oblong blocks of limestone, about four feet in -length. Each has in its upper surface a round hole, between two and -three inches deep, with an iron socket, in which there are still -remains of an iron cap once fitted to the lower end of a vertical -wooden shaft that turned in it; the upper end of the shaft--assuming -that the blocks are in their original position--must have revolved in -a socket fixed in one of the joists of the stage floor. There is -besides on the upper surface of each block a rectangular depression, -and on either side a shallow incision; the purpose is altogether -obscure. A third stone, similar to these two, is set in the north wall -of the same room, and opposite it was fitted another; here, then, a -horizontal shaft turned; there was a similar pair of stones at the -left end of the place for the curtain. These arrangements suggest the -crane-like machine by which floating figures were brought upon the -stage, as Medea in the play of Euripides riding in a chariot drawn by -dragons, and the familiar _deus ex machina_; such machinery, according -to Pollux (Onomast. IV. 128), was placed on the left side of the -stage. - -When plays were presented, the front of the palace at the back of the -stage was concealed by painted scenery. As several pieces might be -produced one after the other, it was necessary to arrange for the -shifting of scenes. This was accomplished by drawing one set of -decorations off to the sides, thus bringing the next set into view -(_scaena ductilis_); the ends were changed by turning the _periactoi_, -huge three-sided prisms, each side of which was suited to a different -scene (_scaena versilis_). In spite of the clumsiness of the -arrangements, as contrasted with those of the best modern theatres, -the mounting of plays was artistic and impressive, and compares -favorably with that of Shakespeare's time. - -The only allusions to matters connected with theatrical -representations at Pompeii are in inscriptions relating to actors, as -Sorex (p. 176). A number of graffiti scratched on walls in various -parts of the city mention an Actius Anicetus, whose name is given in -full in an inscription found at Puteoli, C. Ummidius Actius Anicetus. -He seems to have been a very popular actor of pantomime, at the head -of a troupe. One of the inscriptions reads: _Acti, a[mor] populi, cito -redi_,--'Actius, darling of the people, come back quickly!' - -The theatre in antiquity was by no means reserved for scenic -representations alone. It was a convenient place for bringing the -people together, and was used for public gatherings of the most varied -character. In the theatre at Tarentum the memorable assembly met which -heaped insults upon the Roman ambassadors and precipitated war with -Rome. At Pergamos King Mithridates was to be crowned in the theatre by -a descending Victory, but by some mishap the wreath fell to the floor, -an omen of evil. When the Ephesians, stirred up by Demetrius the -silversmith, wished to take measures against Paul and his companions, -"They rushed with one accord into the theatre." On such occasions we -may suppose that the front of the palace at the rear of the stage -served as a background without other decoration. This use of the -theatre for general purposes was a Greek rather than a Roman custom, -but the theatre itself in Italy was an importation from Greece; and we -may suppose that the theatre at Pompeii was on more than one occasion -the scene of notable demonstrations. - -Our Theatre, as is evident from the character of the construction, in -its original form belonged to the Tufa Period, but was rebuilt in -Roman times. Some particulars in regard to the rebuilding are given in -an inscription: _M. M. Holconii Rufus et Celer cryptam, tribunalia, -theatrum_,--'Marcus Holconius Rufus and Marcus Holconius Celer (built) -the crypt, the tribunals, and the part designed for spectators,' that -is, the vaulted corridor under the gallery, the platforms over the -entrances to the orchestra, and the cavea. - -The two Holconii lived in the time of Augustus. The elder, Rufus, was -duumvir for the fourth term in 3-2 B.C. The work on the Theatre was -probably done about that time; for soon afterwards, before his fifth -duumvirate, a statue in his honor was erected in the Theatre, as we -learn from an inscription. Later, in 13-14 A.D., the younger Holconius -also, when he had been chosen quinquennial duumvir, was honored with a -statue. The masonry of the corridor and of the exterior arches -supporting it, as well as of the tribunals, well agrees with that in -vogue in the Augustan Age; we find brick-shaped blocks of tufa and -reticulate work. The marble seats in the cavea may be assigned to the -same period; in the original structure the benches must have been of -tufa. About the same time the present wall at the back of the stage -was built, in the place of an older and much simpler facade, but not -by the Holconii; if this also had been rebuilt by them, it would have -been mentioned in the inscription. - -Possibly the tribunals were an addition due to the Holconii. The -corridor under the gallery, however, must have been built in the place -of an earlier corridor, for the piers on the outside rest on -foundations similar in character to the oldest parts of the building. -As these piers served no other purpose than to sustain the passage -opening into the section of seats above the corridor, this must have -formed a part of the original plan. - -The statues of both the Holconii probably stood in niches in the wall -at the back of the stage. Holconius Rufus was further honored with a -monument of some sort in the cavea. The lowest seat of the media cavea -had at the middle, directly opposite the stage, a double width for a -distance of about five feet, gained by removing a portion of the next -seat above. Here was an inscription in bronze letters: _M. Holconio M. -f. Rufo, II. v. i. d. quinquiens, iter[um] quinq[uennali], trib[uno] -mil[itum] a p[opulo], flamini Aug[usti], patr[ono] colo[niae], -d[ecurionum] d[ecreto]_,--'[Dedicated] in accordance with a decree of -the city council to Marcus Holconius Rufus the son of Marcus, five -times duumvir with judiciary authority, twice quinquennial duumvir, -military tribune by the choice of the people, priest of Augustus, and -patron of the colony.' The object placed here was of bronze, and was -made secure by fastenings set in twelve holes; what it was is -altogether uncertain. The ancients had the custom of conferring -lasting honor upon a deserving man after death by placing in the -theatre a seat inscribed with his name. We should be glad to believe -that a 'seat of double width,' _bisellium_, the use of which was -allowed to members of the city council, was placed here, but the -arrangement of the twelve holes is difficult to reconcile with this -explanation. - -The architect employed by the Holconii, a freedman, was not honored -with a statue, but his name was transmitted to posterity in an -inscription placed in the outer wall near the east entrance to the -orchestra: _M. Artorius M. l[ibertus] Primus, architectus_,--'Marcus -Artorius Primus, freedman of Marcus, architect.' - -The plan of the Theatre could not have been taken from a Roman model; -it conforms, as we should have expected, to the Greek type. In the -Roman theatre the orchestra was in the form of a semicircle, of which -the diameter was represented by the stage. In Greek theatres, on the -contrary, the stage according to Vitruvius was laid out on one side of -a square inscribed in the circle of the orchestra; the orchestra, as -shown by existing remains, in most cases was either a complete circle -or was so extended by tangents at the sides that a circle could be -inscribed in it. The latter is the case in our Theatre, of which the -orchestra has essentially the same form as that of the theatre of -Dionysus at Athens. - -The stage falls under the limit of height,--five feet,--allowed by -Vitruvius for the stage of the Roman theatre, not to mention the -height of ten to twelve feet specified for that of the Greek type. The -reason assigned for the moderate elevation of the Roman stage is that -the orchestra was occupied by the seats of senators, whose view would -be obstructed if more than a moderate elevation should be given to the -front of the stage. The orchestra of our Theatre was apparently from -the beginning intended for the use of spectators, not for a chorus. - -The conclusions reached by Dr. William Doerpfeld in regard to the -stage of the Greek theatre, if borne out by the facts, would -necessitate a complete abandonment of previous views on the subject. -His theory, in brief, is, that not only the chorus but also the actors -went through their parts not on the stage but in the orchestra, which -had the form of a circle, and that what we are accustomed to consider -the front wall of the stage was rather the rear wall of the platform -in the orchestra on which the actors and chorus stood, this wall being -laid out on a tangent of the circle and having a height of twelve -feet, as we may understand from Vitruvius and from the remains of the -theatre at Epidaurus. - -The main reasons advanced in support of this theory are that the -platform currently regarded as the stage, which according to Vitruvius -and the existing remains was hardly more than ten feet wide, must have -been too narrow to allow free movement on the part of the actors, and -that the height above the orchestra was too great to admit of the -close relation between the actors and the chorus, of which there is -abundant evidence in the extant dramas. According to Dr. Doerpfeld, -the stage came into existence in Italy first, and in the Roman period, -when there was no longer any chorus; a platform five feet high was -built for the actors, extending to the middle of the orchestra, so -that this now took the form of a semicircle and could be used for the -seats of spectators. - -To undertake the examination of Dr. Doerpfeld's theory in detail would -not be pertinent here; yet we cannot bring our description of the -Theatre at Pompeii to a close without inquiring whether this -structure, which is perhaps a century older than the oldest Roman -theatre, shows any trace of the arrangement which the theory assumes. -Unfortunately, the evidence is not conclusive for either a negative or -an affirmative answer. Just as this second edition goes to press a -joint investigation of the whole matter has been undertaken by the -author and Dr. Doerpfeld, whose work is being facilitated by -excavations. It is yet too early to anticipate the conclusions to -which the evidence thus gained will lead; we may hazard a tentative -statement in regard to only one or two points. - -It now appears probable that the present stage was not constructed at -the same time with the other parts of the Theatre, but that it is a -later addition. There is no trace of an earlier stage, and there is -nothing to indicate that this was built against the part of the -structure designed for the spectators. We might assume that this -earlier stage was placed at a slight distance from the other parts of -the building, and that the entrances of the orchestra, the parodoi, -lay between, were it not for the fact that the outer doorways of the -present parodoi--notably that on the west side with the head of a -satyr on the keystone--unquestionably belong to the original -structure; and we should not be warranted in assuming two entrances to -the orchestra on each side. At the same time it is evident that the -construction of the tribunalia must have involved a rebuilding of this -part of the Theatre, and it is possible that originally passages led -from the outer doors of the present parodoi, not to the orchestra, but -to the ranges of seats. In that case, assuming that the stage was -slightly removed from the rest of the structure, we may freely grant -that the acting may have gone on in front of it rather than upon it, -and that this may have been a Greek theatre according to Dr. -Doerpfeld's view. But we are here dealing only with possibilities; it -is to be hoped that further investigation will bring to light data for -a final solution of the problem. - -In the open space between the Theatre, the Forum Triangulare, and the -Palaestra there is a deep reservoir for water (D), square on the -outside and round within. It was evidently used for the sprinklings, -_sparsiones_, with saffron-colored water, by which on summer days the -heat of the Theatre was mollified. That such sprinklings were in vogue -in Pompeii is known from announcements of gladiatorial combats, -painted on walls, in which they are advertised together with an awning -as part of the attraction,--_sparsiones, vela erunt_. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -_THE SMALL THEATRE_ - - -The names of the builders of the Small Theatre are known from an -inscription which is found in duplicate in different parts of the -building: _C. Quinctius C. f. Valg[us], M. Porcius M. f. duovir[i] -dec[urionum] decr[eto] theatrum tectum fac[iundum] locar[unt] -eidemq[ue] prob[arunt]_,--'Gaius Quinctius Valgus the son of Gaius and -Marcus Porcius the son of Marcus, duumvirs, in accordance with a -decree of the city council let the contract for building the covered -theatre, and approved the work.' Later the same officials, when, after -the customary interval, they had been elected quinquennial duumvirs, -built the Amphitheatre 'at their own expense' (p. 212). - - [Illustration: Fig. 66.--Plan of the Small Theatre. - - 1. Dressing room. - 2. Stage. - 3, 3. Tribunals.] - -When two magistrates set up an inscription in duplicate, ordinarily -the name of one appears first in one copy, while that of the second is -put first in the other. In all four inscriptions, however, two at the -Small Theatre and two at the Amphitheatre, Valgus has the first place. -The reason in the case of the Amphitheatre is not far to seek: Valgus -was the man of means, who furnished the money for the building, but -allowed his colleague and friend to share in the honor. We may also -believe that, while the Small Theatre was erected 'in accordance with -a decree of the city council,' and hence presumably at public expense, -a part of the funds was contributed by Valgus, who on this account -received honor above his less opulent colleague. - -The son-in-law of this Valgus, Publius Servilius Rullus, has been -undeservedly immortalized by a speech of Cicero in opposition to a -bill brought forward by him in regard to the division of the public -lands. From the same oration we learn that Valgus, a man without -scruples, had taken advantage of the reign of terror instituted by -Sulla to acquire vast wealth, particularly in the way of landed -property. Among his estates was one in the country of the Hirpini, -near the city of Aeclanum (south of Beneventum), which made him its -patron and for which, as shown by an inscription, he repaired the -walls destroyed in the Civil War. He was undoubtedly one of the -leading men in the colony founded by Sulla at Pompeii, and very likely -sought by large public benefactions to cast his former life into -oblivion. The Small Theatre must have been built in the early years of -the Roman colony, not long after 80 B.C. - - [Illustration: Fig. 67.--View of the Small Theatre.] - -A covered auditorium in the immediate vicinity of a large unroofed -theatre was not uncommon. About the time of the destruction of Pompeii -the poet Statius, praising the magnificence of his native city Naples, -speaks of 'twin theatres in a single structure, one open and one -roofed,'--_geminam molem nudi tectique theatri_. Our only clew to the -special use of such a building, however, is derived from the one -erected at Athens by Herodes Atticus, in the reign of Hadrian. This -was called an Odeum, that is, according to the derivation of the word, -a room for singing; musical entertainments were held there, -especially, we may assume, those musical contests which had so -important a place in ancient festivals. The purpose of the roof was -doubtless to add to the acoustic effect. - -The plan of the Large Theatre has been discussed at so great length -that a few words will suffice in relation to that of the smaller -structure (Fig. 66). That it might be possible to cover the enclosed -space with a roof, the upper rows of seats were reduced in length, and -the whole building--cavea, orchestra, and stage--was brought into an -oblong shape; only the orchestra and the lower rows of seats in the -cavea form a complete semicircle. The pyramidal roof was supported by -a wall on all four sides; in the upper part of the wall, between the -roof and the highest row of seats, there were probably windows. - -The seating capacity of the building was about fifteen hundred. The -lowest section of the cavea, as in the Large Theatre, consisted of -four low, broad ledges on which the chairs of the decurions could be -placed. Above these is a parapet, behind which is a passage accessible -at either end by semicircular steps. The broad range of seats above -was divided into five wedge-shaped blocks by flights of steps; only -two of these, however, extended as far as the passage running along -the upper side, which could be reached from the alley at the rear of -the building by means of stairways connecting with outside doors. - - [Illustration: Fig. 68.--Section of a seat in the Small Theatre.] - -The seats were of masonry capped with slabs of tufa about seven inches -thick. They had depressions in the side and in the top, as may be seen -in the accompanying section (Fig. 68). They were thus made somewhat -more comfortable, the person in front being less subject to -disturbance from the feet of one sitting on the next seat behind; a -saving of room was also effected--an important consideration in the -construction of a small auditorium. - -The tribunals (3, 3) differed from those in the Large Theatre in that -they were shut off entirely from the seats of the cavea by a sharply -inclined wall, and were entered only from the stage, by means of -narrow stairways; in this way the exclusive character of the seats was -made still more prominent. Besides the platform itself, measuring only -about 11 by 9 feet, three seats above each tribunal were set off with -it by the same division wall and were available for the occupants. - - [Illustration: Fig. 69.--An Atlas.] - -The sloping wall between the tribunal and the cavea on each side ends -with a kneeling Atlas (Fig. 69); large vases probably stood on the two -brackets supported by these figures. The end of the parapet on either -side is embellished with a lion's foot of tufa (Fig. 70). These rather -coarse sculptures illustrate the character of the art that was brought -to Pompeii by the Roman colony. The workmanship is by no means fine, -yet the muscles of the figures are well rendered, and the effect is -pleasing. - - [Illustration: Fig. 70.--Ornament at the ends of the parapet.] - -The pavement of the orchestra (seen in Fig. 67) consists of small -flags of colored marble. An inscription in bronze letters informs us -that it was laid by the duumvir Marcus Oculatius Verus _pro ludis_, -that is instead of the games which he would otherwise have been -expected to provide. - -At the ends of the stage, as in the case of the Large Theatre, there -were two broad entrances. The wall at the rear, which was veneered -with marble, had the customary three doors, and in addition two small -doors, one near each end. The long dressing room behind the stage had -likewise two broad entrances at the ends, besides four at the rear. -Apparently the two narrow doors near the ends of the wall at the rear -of the stage, and the two doors corresponding with them at the back of -the dressing room, were for the use of those who had seats on the -tribunals; they could thus enter and leave their places even when the -large side doors of both stage and dressing room had been shut--as -undoubtedly happened immediately after the procession (_pompa_) had -passed across the stage. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -_THE THEATRE COLONNADE, USED AS BARRACKS FOR GLADIATORS_ - - -'Behind the stage,' says Vitruvius (V. ix.), speaking of the -arrangements of the theatre, 'colonnades should be built, that shelter -may be afforded to spectators in case of rain and a place provided for -making preparations for the stage.' - - [Illustration: Fig. 71.--Plan of the Theatre Colonnade, showing its - relation to the two theatres. - - 1. Passage leading from Stabian Street. - 2. Entrance. - 3. Doorkeeper's room. - 4. Passage to Large Theatre, walled up. - 5. Stairway from the Forum Triangulare. - 6. Exedra--athletes' waiting room. - 7. Room with remains of costumes. - 8. Guard room. - 9. Stairway to overseer's rooms. - 10. Kitchen? - 11. Mess room.] - -This maxim of ancient architects was applied at Pompeii in a generous -way; in connection with the theatres there was an extensive system of -colonnades. To understand their use it will be necessary first to view -them as they were in the earlier time, and then to take account of -later changes. - -In the Oscan Period, and afterwards to the end of the Republic, when -a performance in the Large Theatre was interrupted by a shower, the -spectators in the upper seats could take refuge under the colonnade of -the Forum Triangulare; those below found shelter under the rectangular -colonnade at the rear, which was obviously built for the purpose, and -may be called, by way of distinction, the Theatre Colonnade (Fig. 71). -It contained seventy-four Doric columns, and enclosed a large open -area. The main entrance (2) was near the northeast corner. The -entrance hall on the side of the colonnade was supported by three -Ionic columns. It was connected at the north end with a short -colonnade on the east side of the area back of the stage of the -Theatre; this led to the large door at the east end of the stage and -the corresponding parodos of the orchestra; the wall at 4 on our plan -is a later addition. The Theatre Colonnade must have been used also as -a promenade on days when there was no performance; it was connected by -a broad passage (1) with Stabian Street. - -This colonnade seems too far away to have served as a place for making -preparations for the stage; another was erected for that purpose. At -the northwest corner a broad stairway leads down from the Forum -Triangulare (5; cf. Fig. 65); from the foot a small and inconvenient -flight of steps leads into the area at the rear of the stage. In a -line with the stairway is a series of small rooms opening toward the -south. These do not belong to the original structure. In their place -there was once a colonnade, which faced the north and connected the -large stairway with the short colonnade, the remains of which are -still to be seen on the east side of the area; the back of it was at -the same time the back of the north division of the Theatre Colonnade. -There was thus a covered passage extending from the foot of the -stairway along two sides of the area to the east entrance of the stage -and of the orchestra, which would answer very well to the second part -of Vitruvius's dictum; but it had also another important use. - -The portico of the Forum Triangulare, as we have seen, was at the same -time the monumental entrance of the Theatre, and the large doorway at -the left was used only for the ceremonious admission of the city -officials, who with their retinue formed a procession in the Forum -and wended their way hither in festal attire in order to open the -performance--a formality that may be compared with the parade with -which the Roman games were opened at Rome. - -The route of such a procession, after entering the Forum Triangulare, -is now clear. It passed along under the colonnade adjoining the -Theatre, beyond the entrances to the upper portion of the cavea; -turned and descended the broad stairway (5), proceeded under the -colonnade along the south and east sides of the area behind the stage, -and finally came upon the stage through the wide doorway at the east -end. It was indeed possible to pass beyond the stage entrance and -proceed through the parodos directly to the seats of the orchestra and -the lowest section of the cavea; but it is more in accordance with the -fondness of the ancients for display to suppose that the procession -moved across the stage, receiving as it passed the plaudits of the -great audience, and emerged from the entrance opposite that by which -it came in, disbanding in the court, whence the members could go to -their respective seats. We need not here raise the question whether -the procession passed upon the stage behind the triangular side -screens (_periactoi_), or whether these were set in place only after -it had already passed. - -When the colonnade on the south side of the court had been replaced by -rooms, and the Theatre Colonnade itself had been transformed into -barracks, this route of the processions was blocked. They could still -pass down the street in front of the temple of Isis, turn into Stabian -Street, and reach the stage through the passage at the rear of the -Small Theatre; but it does not seem probable that they followed this -course, for the reason that there are three large stepping stones in -the street before one comes to the entrance of the passage; these -would have proved a serious obstruction, and would undoubtedly have -been removed had the processions gone this way. - -We may rather believe that before the usual route was closed the -processions themselves had been given up. They were still in vogue, -however, when the Small Theatre was built; otherwise the purpose of -the wide entrances at the ends of the stage and of the room back of it -is not clear. Moreover the sidewalk in front of the Small Theatre, on -Stabian Street, is of an altogether unusual width, and was apparently -covered by a portico. We infer that the procession to this theatre -entered at the west end of the stage, and passed out at the east end; -since it could not disperse on the street, it would turn where the -sidewalk was broadest, go back through the room at the rear of the -stage into the court, and there disband. - -The discontinuance of the processions must then be assigned to the -period between the building of the Small Theatre and the changing over -of the Theatre Colonnade into barracks, which, to judge from the -masonry and the remains of the decoration, did not take place before -the time of Nero. The processions were abandoned either in the -troubled period of the Civil Wars, or in the early years of the -Empire; if in the latter period, their discontinuance may have been -due to legislation connected with the reorganization of the Empire -under Augustus, or to the overshadowing of them by more imposing -ceremonies introduced in connection with the religious festivals. - -Our information in regard to the later use of the Theatre Colonnade is -indeed meagre; not a single inscription bearing upon it has been -found. Yet when we take into account the changes that were made in it, -and the objects found there, the supposition that it was turned into -barracks for gladiators in the time of the Early Empire, and so used -till the destruction of the city, is seen to harmonize with almost all -the facts. - -First, rooms were built on all sides behind the colonnade; on the -north side they took the place of the south arm of the colonnade in -the area back of the stage. They were in two series, one above the -other; the upper rooms were entered from a low wooden gallery -accessible by three stairways. They could not have been intended for -shops; they were too small, measuring on the average hardly more than -twelve feet square, and the doors were too narrow. There were no doors -opening from one room into the other. Both lower and upper rooms, we -may conclude, were used for men's quarters. - - [Illustration: PLATE IV.--THE BARRACKS OF THE GLADIATORS, LOOKING - SOUTH] - -In the middle of the south side a large room was left, with the front -open toward the area, an exedra (6). On the east side was a still -larger room the front of which is divided off by pillars; other -rooms open from it, and among them is one (10) with several hearths, -evidently intended for a mess kitchen, if the hearths are ancient; -they may be modern. Over these rooms was a second story, reached by a -broad stairway (9). - -The immediate connection of the colonnade with the area behind the -stage was now cut off by a wall (4); there was left only a small door -in the corner, which could be readily fastened. The entrance from the -passage leading to Stabian Street (2) was provided with doors and -placed under the control of a guard, for whom a special room was built -at one side (3). There was a third entrance, narrow and easily closed, -at the northwest corner, where a flight of steps connected the foot of -the broad stairway (5) with the landing of the stairs leading to the -wooden gallery. - -Thus a complete transformation was effected. The promenade for -theatre-goers had become barracks, with a great number of cell-like -rooms, a mess kitchen, and narrow, guarded entrances. Soldiers, -however, could not have been kept here; in the period to which the -rebuilding belongs, garrisons were not stationed in the cities of -Italy except the Capital. On the other hand, gladiatorial combats in -Pompeii were so frequent, and on so large a scale, that a special -building for the housing and guarding of gladiators would seem to have -been a necessity; such a building would naturally have been erected by -the city and placed at the disposal of those who gave the games. As -early as the time of Augustus, Aulus Clodius Flaccus brought forward -forty pairs of gladiators in a single day, and on various occasions -afterwards as many as thirty pairs were engaged. How well the -colonnade was now suited for gladiators' quarters may be seen from a -glance at the plan. The area would serve as a practice court, the -exedra on the south side (6), protected from the sun, as the station -for the trainers and lounging room for men awaiting their turn; the -mess room would be the large apartment adjoining the kitchen (11), -while the quarters of the chief trainer, _lanista_, and his -assistants, would be in the second story, reached by the broad -stairway (9). - -The small rooms were poorly decorated, in the fourth style. There were -better paintings only in the exedra. On the rear wall of this room -was the oft repeated group of Mars and Venus; on the side walls, -gladiatorial weapons were represented, piled up in heaps, after the -manner of trophies, about eight feet high. The reference to the -purpose of the building, as in the case of the paintings in the -Macellum, is obvious. The columns about the area were originally -white; after the rebuilding the unfluted lower part was painted red, -the upper part yellow. Four columns, however, two at the middle of the -east side, and the two opposite them on the west side, were painted -blue, probably to serve as bounds in marking off the area for athletic -exercises. - -The objects found in the barracks are recorded in the journal of the -excavations. They indicate that at the time of the eruption the rooms -were occupied. Everything of value was removed from those on the north -side by the survivors, but the south half was apparently left -undisturbed, and has yielded a rich harvest. - - [Illustration: Fig. 72.--A gladiator's greave.] - -In ten rooms the excavators found a great quantity of weapons of the -kinds used by gladiators, including fifteen helmets, a shield, greaves -(Fig. 72), several broad belts trimmed with metal, and a couple of -armlets; there were more than a hundred scales of horn belonging to a -coat of mail, and a half dozen shoulder protectors, _galeri_, which -the net fighter, _retiarius_, who carried no shield and was armed only -with a net and a trident, wore on his left shoulder. The weapons were -mostly for defence, but remains of a few offensive weapons were found, -as the head of a lance, a sword, and a couple of daggers. In the same -room with the daggers and the sword (perhaps 7) were the remains of -two wooden chests containing cloth with gold thread; this may have -been used in gladiators' costumes. - -The helmets are characteristic (Fig. 73). They are furnished with a -visor, and part of them have a broad rim, richly ornamented with -reliefs; their shape corresponds exactly with that of the helmets -seen in paintings and reliefs representing gladiatorial combats. The -shield, which is round and only about sixteen inches in diameter, -would have been quite useless in military service. In a room under the -stairs the skeleton of a horse was found, with remains of trappings -richly mounted with bronze; one class of gladiators, the equites, -fought on horseback. - - [Illustration: Fig. 73.--A gladiator's helmet.] - -One of the small rooms on the west side (8) was used as a guard room. -Here were the stocks, the remains of which are shown in Fig. 74; they -were fastened to a board. At one end of the under piece was a lock, by -which the bar passed through the rings could be made secure. The men -confined had the choice of lying down or sitting in an uncomfortable -position. The four persons whose skeletons were found in this room, -however, were not in the stocks at the time of the eruption. That such -means of discipline should be employed in controlling gladiators is -entirely consistent with ancient methods. - - [Illustration: Fig. 74.--Remains of stocks found in the guard room of - the barracks.] - -Besides these finds, there were others not so easily explained. In the -two rooms in which the spearhead and the other offensive weapons were -found, there were eighteen skeletons, among them that of a woman -richly adorned with gold jewelry; she had a necklace with emeralds, -earrings, and two armbands, besides rings and other ornaments, and in -a casket a cameo, the elaborate setting of which is in part preserved. -In a room near the southwest corner the bones of a new-born infant -were found in an earthen jar. A number of weights also were -discovered, and vessels of terra cotta and glass; in three rooms there -were more than six dozen small saucers. Were the barracks wholly given -up to gladiators at the time of the eruption, or were some other -persons allowed to have quarters here, perhaps some of those whose -houses had been destroyed by the earthquake of 63 and had not been -rebuilt? A certain conclusion cannot be reached. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -_THE PALAESTRA_ - - -The oblong court north of the Large Theatre, between the entrance of -the Forum Triangulare and the temple of Isis, is the Palaestra. -Originally, the enclosed area was entirely surrounded by a colonnade, -with ten columns on the sides and five at each end; but at a -comparatively late period, probably after the earthquake of 63, the -columns at the east end were removed and the space thus gained was -added to the temple of Isis. - - [Illustration: Fig. 75.--Plan of the Palaestra. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Pedestal. - 3. Dressing rooms.] - -A number of the columns on the other three sides are still standing. -They are Doric but of slender proportions, the height, 101/2 feet, being -equal to eight diameters, while the intercolumniations measure about -nine feet. It is doubtful whether the columns carried a complete -entablature; more likely the roof rested directly on a wooden -architrave. - -The building clearly dates from the pre-Roman period. The columns are -of tufa coated with stucco, the dimensions of the colonnade (90 by 36 -Oscan feet) reduce to the early standard of measurement; and an Oscan -inscription was found here which says that the building was erected by -the Quaestor Vibius Vinicius, with money which Vibius Adiranus had -left by will to the Pompeian youth. The translation of the word -_vereiiai_, 'to the youth,' otherwise doubtful, is confirmed by -various facts which indicate that the building was intended as a small -palaestra or open-air gymnasium for boys. - -While the Palaestra had its original length, the entrance, which is -now nearer the east end, was at the middle of the north side. Opposite -it, near the colonnade on the south side, is a pedestal of tufa, -before which stands a small table of the same stone (Fig. 76). The -pedestal is reached by narrow steps. Here stood a statue of the patron -divinity of the Palaestra. When an athletic contest was held, the -wreath intended for the victor was laid on the stone table before the -god; after the award had been made, the successful contestant took up -the wreath and dedicated it to the divinity by mounting the steps and -placing it on the head of the statue. It is evident from the height of -the steps that the contestants were boys, not men. - - [Illustration: Fig. 76.--View of the Palaestra, with the pedestal, - table, and steps.] - -On the pedestal was undoubtedly a statue of Hermes, but not of the -type which we have already met with in the court of the temple of -Apollo (p. 88), and shall find later in the palaestra of the Stabian -Baths (p. 200); a base of this sort can hardly have been intended for -a herm. No trace of the missing statue has been discovered. - -Another statue stood at the foot of one of the columns on the south -side. It is a copy of the doryphorus of Polyclitus, and is now in the -Naples Museum (Fig. 77). Though it has been restored, there seems no -good reason to believe that the restoration is incorrect, and that the -figure is really a Hermes, having originally carried on the left -shoulder a herald's staff with entwined snakes, _caduceus_, instead of -a spear. For the adornment of a place devoted to athletic exercises -nothing could have been more appropriate than a copy of the doryphorus -as an ideal of youthful strength, of harmonious physical development; -and the Elder Pliny bears witness (N. H. XXXIV. v. 18), that it was -customary to set up such statues in a palaestra. This figure had no -pedestal; it stood on the ground, a man among men. - - [Illustration: Fig. 77.--Doryphorus. Statue found in the Palaestra.] - -At the west end of the court were dressing rooms where the boys, -before exercising, could anoint themselves and afterwards could remove -the oil and dirt with the strigil; such a dressing room in connection -with a bath was called a destrictarium. Water was brought into the -court by a lead pipe, which passed through one of the columns at the -right of the entrance and threw a jet either into a basin standing -below or into the gutter in front of the colonnade. - -It would be of interest to know what athletic exercises were practised -in the Palaestra; but apart from the pedestal with its steps and table -no characteristic remains were found here. The exercises in the Roman -period undoubtedly differed somewhat from those practised at the time -when the building was erected, when the Greek system was everywhere in -vogue. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -_THE TEMPLE OF ISIS_ - - -The loftiest and purest religious conceptions of the ancient Egyptians -were embodied in the myth of Isis and Osiris, which in the third -millennium B.C. had already become the basis of a firmly established -cult. These conceptions approached the monotheistic idea of an -omnipresent god, and with them was associated a belief in a blessed -immortality. Isis was the goddess of heaven, and Osiris was the -Sun-god, her brother and husband, who is slain at evening by his -brother Set,--the Greek Typhon,--ruler of darkness. Their child Horus, -also called Harpocrates, born after the father's death, is the fresh -sun of the new day, the successor and avenger of his father, the -conqueror of Set; he becomes a new Osiris, while the father, ever -blessed, rules in the realm of the dead, the kingdom of the West. Man, -the followers of Isis taught, is an incarnation of deity, whose -destiny is also his. He is himself an Osiris, and will enter upon a -better state of existence beyond the grave if a favorable judgment is -passed upon him in the trial given to the dead. - -The worship of Isis, associated with Mysteries from an early period, -was reorganized by the first Ptolemy with the help of Manetho, an -Egyptian priest, and Timotheus, a Greek skilled in the Eleusinian -Mysteries. The purpose of the king was to unite his Egyptian and Greek -subjects in one faith, and the effort was more successful than might -have been anticipated. In its new Alexandrian form the worship of Isis -and Osiris, or Serapis, as the latter divinity was now called, spread, -not only over all Egypt, but also over the other countries in the East -into which Greek culture had penetrated, and soon made its way to -Italy and the West. - -Various causes contributed to the rapid extension of the cult. It had -the charm of something foreign and full of mystery. Its doctrine, -supported by the prestige of immemorial antiquity, successfully -opposed the mutually destructive opinions of the philosophers, while -at the same time its conception of deity was by no means inconsistent -with philosophic thought; and it brought to the initiated that -expectation of a future life to which the Eleusinian Mysteries owed -their attractive power. The ascetic side of the worship, too, with its -fastings and abstinence from the pleasures of sense, that the soul -might lose itself in the mystical contemplation of deity, had a -fascination for natures that were religiously susceptible; and the -celebration of the Mysteries, the representation of the myth of Isis -in pantomime with a musical accompaniment, appealed powerfully to the -imagination. The cult also possessed elements that brought it nearer -to the needs of the multitude. The activities of the Egyptian -divinities were not confined to the other world; their help might be -sought in the concerns of this life. Thus the chief priest could say -to Apuleius that Isis summoned her elect to consecrate themselves to -her service only when the term of life allotted to them had really -expired, and that she lengthened their tale of years, so that all of -life remaining was a direct gift from the hands of the goddess. The -priests of Isis were looked upon as experts in astrology, the -interpretation of dreams, and the conjuring of spirits. - -A college of the Servants of Isis, Pastophori, was founded in Rome in -the time of Sulla, about 80 B.C. In vain the authorities tried to -drive out the worship of the Egyptian gods. Three times their temple, -in the midst of the city, was destroyed by order of the consuls, in -58, 50, and 48 B.C. But after Caesar's death, in 44 B.C., the -triumvirs built a temple in honor of Isis and Osiris; and a few -decades later, perhaps in the reign of Caligula, their festival was -recognized in the public Calendar. In Campania the Alexandrian cult -gained a foothold earlier than in Rome. An inscription of the year 105 -B.C., found at Puteoli, proves that a temple of Serapis was then -standing in that enterprising city, which had close commercial -relations with Egypt and the East. Soon after this date the earlier -temple of Isis at Pompeii must have been built. - - [Illustration: Fig. 78.--Plan of the temple of Isis. - - 1. Portico. - 2. Cella. - 3. Shrine of Harpocrates. - 4. Purgatorium. - 5. Hall of initiation. - 6. Hall of the Mysteries. - 7, 8, 9. Dwelling of priest. - _a._ Colonnade. - _b._ Pit for the refuse of sacrifices. - _c._ Niche for statue of Bacchus. - _d_, _d._ Niches at the sides of the cella. - _e._ Large altar.] - -The entrance to the court of the temple (Fig. 78) is from the north. -Above the door is an inscription which informs us that after an -earthquake (that of the year 63) Numerius Popidius Celsinus, at his -own expense, rebuilt the temple of Isis from the foundation, and that -in recognition of his generosity, though he was only six years of age, -the members of the city council, the decurions, admitted him without -cost to their rank: _N[umerius] Popidius N[umerii] f[ilius] Celsinus -aedem Isidis terrae motu conlapsam a fundamento p[ecunia] s[ua] -restituit; hunc decuriones ob liberalitatem, cum esset annorum sexs, -ordini suo gratis adlegerunt_. The temple evidently belonged to the -city; and the places for statues in the court, as the inscriptions -show, were assigned by vote of the city council. - -Other inscriptions give information in regard to the family of the -child Celsinus. His father was Numerius Popidius Ampliatus, his mother -Corelia Celsa; a brother bore the same name as the father. The real -rebuilders were of course the parents; by associating their -munificence with the name of their son, they opened the way for him to -the city offices, for which the father, a freedman, was not eligible. -Ampliatus perpetuated his own name by setting up a statue of Bacchus -in a niche in the outside of the rear wall of the temple (at _c_ on -the plan), with the inscription: _N. Popidius Ampliatus pater p. s._, -'Numerius Popidius Ampliatus the father (set up this statue) at his -own expense.' The names of the two sons appear with that of their -mother in the mosaic floor of the large room (6) behind the colonnade -at the rear. - -Though the rebuilding of Celsinus was 'from the foundation,' remains -of the old temple were utilized, as shafts of columns and Corinthian -capitals coated with white stucco; and the plan of the new building -was very nearly the same as that of the old. The stylobate of the -colonnade belongs to the earlier structure, but the columns originally -stood nearer together, eight instead of seven at the ends, and ten on -the sides. - -The architectural forms and the workmanship of these remains point to -a time just after the founding of the Roman colony; nevertheless the -dimensions of the colonnade, approximately fifty by sixty Oscan feet, -reduce to the pre-Roman standard of measurement, and the building may -have been commenced earlier. In later times the increasing number of -the worshippers of Isis made necessary an enlargement of the -sanctuary. The two rooms at the west end (5 and 6) were added at the -expense of the Palaestra, probably at the time of the rebuilding. - -In the middle of the court, which is surrounded by the colonnade, is -the temple, consisting of an oblong cella (2), the east side of which -is treated as a front, with a portico borne by six columns (1). A pit -for the refuse of sacrifices, enclosed by a wall (_b_) stands in the -corner of the court near the entrance from the street; in the opposite -corner there is a larger enclosure having the appearance of a small -temple (4). Near this are two altars; a third altar stood close to the -temple, and there are five others, somewhat smaller, between the -columns. On the south side, between the colonnade and the Theatre, is -a small area of irregular shape, east of which is a dwelling -containing five rooms (7, 8, 9). - -The accompanying illustrations show the temple as it is to-day (Fig. -79) and as it was before the eruption (Fig. 80). It has -architecturally nothing suggestive of the Egyptian style. Yet the plan -presents a marked deviation from ordinary types, as if the builders, -erecting an edifice for the worship of foreign gods, strove with set -purpose to produce a bizarre effect; at the right and the left of the -front of the cella is a large niche, projecting beyond the sides of -the portico, and inorganically connected with the main part of the -temple by a pilaster. In the ornamentation of this temple, as in that -of the temple of Apollo, the simple and chaste forms of the Greek -architecture were replaced by gaudy stucco ornaments more in harmony -with the prevailing taste. - - [Illustration: Fig. 79.--View of the temple of Isis.] - -Besides the broad flight of steps in front, a narrow stairway at the -left of the temple led to a side door opening into the cella. A base -of masonry about six feet high extends across the rear of the cella, -on which were two pedestals of tufa, about sixteen inches square, for -the statues of Isis and Osiris. In the two large niches outside other -divinities stood, perhaps Anubis and Harpocrates. The latter was -apparently worshipped also at the shrine in the wall on the east side -of the court (3), facing the doorway of the cella. A painting from -this shrine, now in the Naples Museum, represents a statue of -Harpocrates of the familiar type--a boy with his finger in his mouth -holding a cornucopia, with a lotus blossom resting on his forehead; -before him stands a priest in a long white robe, holding a candlestick -in each hand, while in the background is a temple surrounded by a -colonnade, evidently intended for a free representation of the temple -before us. In front of the shrine were the charred remains of a wooden -bench. - - [Illustration: Fig. 80.--The temple of Isis, restored. In the - background, the Large Theatre.] - -No statue was found in the cella or in the two niches in front. We may -suppose that the images of the four divinities, being of relatively -small size, were carried off by the priests at the time of the -eruption; had they been removed afterwards, the excavators would have -taken also the other objects in the cella used in the services of the -temple. Among these were two skulls, probably made use of in the -ceremonies attending initiation into the Mysteries, and a marble hand, -about four inches long, but whether a right or a left hand, the -journal of the excavations does not say. A left hand was carried in -the procession in honor of Isis, described by Apuleius; as the weaker -of the two, and so less ready to do evil, it symbolized the even -justice (_aequitas_) with which the deity governs the world. There -were also two wooden caskets, one of which contained a diminutive gold -cup, measuring less than an inch across the top, a glass vessel a -trifle over an inch and a half in height, and a statuette of a god -about half as high; in the other were two bronze candlesticks about -ten inches high, the use of which may be inferred from the painting -described above, and a bronze lamp with places for two wicks. - -The walls of the colonnade were painted in bright colors on a deep red -ground. The lower part of the columns was red, but above they were -white; the temple also was white, the purpose obviously being to give -the appearance of marble. Nevertheless the same decorative framework -appears both in the white stucco of the temple and the painted -decoration of the colonnade: a division of the body of the wall into -large panels, with a continuous garland of conventional plant forms -above. In the colonnade there was a yellow base, treated as a -projecting architectural member; above it large red panels alternated -with light, fantastic architectural designs in yellow on a red ground. -The frieze was black, with garlands in strong contrast--green, blue, -and yellow--enlivened with all sorts of animal forms. In the middle of -each of the large panels was a priest of Isis; in the lower part of -the intervening architectural designs were marine pictures,--galleys -maneuvering, and seafights. Similar pictures are found in other -buildings, as the Macellum, but marine views were especially -appropriate here, because Isis was a patron divinity of seamen. -Apuleius gives an interesting description of the spring festival, by -which the navigation of the opening season was committed to her -guardian care. - -Opposite the entrance of the temple the colonnade presents an -interesting peculiarity of construction, which is found also in other -buildings at Pompeii, as the Stabian Baths. The place of the three -middle columns on that side is taken by two large pillars, higher than -the rest of the colonnade, each of which is backed by an attached -half-column. This arrangement made the approach to the temple more -imposing, and also furnished an appropriate setting for the shrine of -Harpocrates against the wall. - -The principal altar, on which sacrifice was offered to the divinities -worshipped in the temple, is that near the foot of the steps in front -(_e_). The officiating priest stood on a block of stone at the side of -it, with the temple at his right; on this altar were found ashes and -fragments of calcined bones. The two smaller altars near by were -probably consecrated to the gods whose images were placed in the -exterior niches. - -Two rectangular pits were used as receptacles for the refuse of -sacrifices. One was quite small, and no trace of it can now be found; -it was near the large altar, and contained remains of burnt figs, pine -kernels and cones, nuts, and dates, with fragments of two statuettes -representing divinities. The wall about the other (_b_), when -excavated, was built up at each end in the form of a gable, and -evidently once supported a wooden roof; in this pit also were charred -remains of fruits. What divinities were worshipped at the altars -between the columns, it is impossible to determine. The small base -standing against the corner column near the entrance (seen in Fig. 79) -was probably a pedestal, not an altar. - -At the left of the steps leading up to the temple, and facing the -large altar, is a small pillar of masonry fifteen inches square and -nearly two and a half feet high. A similar pillar, which formerly -stood at the right, had thin slabs of stone on three sides. One of -these, that on the front of the pillar (now in the Naples Museum), was -covered with hieroglyphics. It is a memorial tablet, which Hat, 'the -writer of the divine word,' _hierogrammateus_, set up in honor of his -parents and grandparents; it contains symbolic representations in -three divisions, one above the other. In the upper division Hat, his -brother and colleague Meran, their father and grandfather, are praying -to Osiris, 'Lord of the Kingdom of the Dead'; below, Hat is bringing -to his parents and grandparents offerings for the dead, while in the -lower division Meran and two sisters unite with him in prayer to -Osiris. The tablet could hardly have been designed for a temple, but -still, by reason of its contents, it was considered appropriate for -this place. It was doubtless intended that a similar tablet should be -affixed to the pillar at the left, but perhaps none happened to be -available; statuettes of divinities were probably placed on the -pillars. - -The presence of a statue of Bacchus in the niche in the rear wall of -the cella is easily explained; this divinity was identified with -Osiris. Two ears are moulded in the stucco beside the niche, symbolic -of the listening of the god to the prayers of his worshippers. - -Against the west wall of the colonnade, near the corners, were two -pedestals, with statues of female divinities about one half life size. -At the right was Isis, in archaic Greek costume, with the inscription: -_L. Caecilius Phoebus posuit l[oco] d[ato] d[ecurionum] d[ecreto]_, -'Set up by Lucius Caecilius Phoebus, in a place granted by a decree of -the city council'; the name indicates that the donor was a freedman. -The other statue, at the left, represents Venus drying her hair after -the bath; it is of a common type and possesses small value as a work -of art, yet is of interest because of the well preserved painting and -gilding. Venus, as many other goddesses, was identified with Isis. - -In the same corner with the statue of Venus, against the south wall, -stood the herm of Gaius Norbanus Sorex, a marble pillar with a bronze -head. According to the inscription, he was an actor who played the -second part (_secundarum, sc. partium_), and was also magister of the -suburb Pagus Augustus Felix. He was probably a generous supporter of -the temple. A duplicate of the herm is found in the Eumachia building, -to which also he may have made a contribution. The low social standing -of the various benefactors of the temple is noteworthy; it indicates -in what circles the worship of the Egyptian divinities found its -adherents. As yet this was by no means an aristocratic cult, although -it became such later, especially after the time of Hadrian. - -While the Greek and Roman gods were honored chiefly at their -festivals, the Egyptian divinities demanded worship every day, indeed -several times a day. The early service, the 'opening of the temple,' -is described by Apuleius, who was probably admitted to the college of -the Servants of Isis in Rome in the time of the Antonines, and wrote -about 160 A.D. Before daybreak the priest went into the temple by the -side entrance and threw back the great doors, which were fastened on -the inside. White linen curtains were hung across the doorway, -shielding the interior from view. Now the street gate of the court was -opened; the thronging multitude of the devout streamed in and took -their places in front of the temple. The curtains were drawn aside and -the image of the goddess was presented to the gaze of her worshippers, -who greeted her with prayers and shaking of the sistrum, a musical -rattle, the use of which was characteristic of the worship of the -Egyptian gods. For a time they remained sitting, engaged in prayer and -in the contemplation of the divinity; an hour after daybreak the -service was closed with an invocation to the newly risen sun. This -description throws light on the purpose of the bench in front of the -shrine of Harpocrates. - - [Illustration: Fig. 81.--Scene from the worship of Isis--the adoration - of the holy water. Wall painting from Herculaneum.] - -The second service was held at two o'clock in the afternoon, but we do -not possess exact information in regard to it. It is, perhaps, -depicted in a fresco painting from Herculaneum (Fig. 81), the subject -of which is a solemn act in the worship of Isis, the adoration of the -holy water. In the portico of the temple, above the steps, two priests -and a priestess are standing. The priest in the middle holds in front -of him, in the folds of his robe, a vessel containing the holy water, -which was supposed to be from the Nile; his two associates are shaking -the sistrum. There is an altar at the foot of the steps; a priest is -fanning the fire into flame. On the right and the left of the altar -are the worshippers, with other priests, part of whom are shaking the -sistrum, while a fluteplayer sits in the foreground at the right. - -Another painting, the counterpart of that just described, seems to -portray the celebration of a festival; the surroundings correspond -fairly well with those of our temple. The doors are thrown back; a -dark-visaged man, wearing a wreath, is dancing in the doorway. Behind -him, within the temple, are the musicians, among whom can be -distinguished a girl striking the cymbals and a woman with a -tambourine. About the steps are priests and other worshippers, shaking -the sistrum and offering prayer; in front stands a burning altar. An -important festival of Isis occurred in November. It commenced with an -impassioned lamentation over the death of Osiris and the search for -his body. On the third day, November 12, the finding of the body by -Isis was celebrated with great rejoicing. So, perhaps, in this -painting the dance is a manifestation of the joy with which the -festival ended, the whole picture being a scene from the observance of -the Egyptian Easter. - -In such celebrations use would be made of the small brazier of bronze -found in the court in front of our temple, on which incense could be -burned. The ablutions, which played so important a part in Egyptian -rites, were performed in the rear of the court, where stood a -cylindrical leaden vessel, adorned with Egyptian figures in relief; a -jet fell into it from a lead pipe connected with the city aqueduct. - -The small building at the southeast corner of the court, which is -known as the Purgatorium, was open to the sky. It was made to look -like a roofed structure by the addition of gables at the ends. On the -inside, at the rear, a flight of steps leads down toward the right to -a vaulted underground chamber, about five feet wide and six and a half -feet long. The inner part of the chamber, divided off by a low wall, -was evidently intended for a tank. In one of the corners in the front -part is a low base, on which a jar could be set while it was being -filled. Here the holy Nile water--more or less genuine--was kept for -use in the sacred rites. - -The purpose of the tank is suggested by certain of the stucco reliefs -on the outside of the enclosing wall. In the gable, above the -entrance, is a vase, standing out from a blue ground, with a kneeling -figure on either side. The frieze contains Egyptian priests and -priestesses, also on a blue ground, with their faces turned toward the -vessel (Fig. 82). The figures are all worshipping the sacred water in -the vase. - - [Illustration: Fig. 82.--Part of the facade of the Purgatorium.] - -Of the other figures in relief, only the two goddesses in the panels -at the sides of the entrance have an Egyptian character. Under each of -them was a small altar of tufa, attached to the wall; the figure at -the left (Fig. 82) is plainly Isis. - -The side walls are decorated with reliefs in Greco-Roman style. They -are divided into a large middle panel, containing two figures, and two -side panels, each with a Cupid. In the middle panel, on the right -side, Mars and Venus are represented; in that at the left, Perseus -rescuing Andromeda (Fig. 83). - -The dwelling back of the colonnade, on the south side, consists of a -kitchen (8), a dining room (7), a sleeping apartment (9), and two -small rooms at the rear, under the stairway leading to the highest -seats of the Large Theatre. The ritual of the Egyptian gods was so -exacting, and the services of worship were so numerous, that it was -necessary for one or more priests to reside within the precincts of -the temple. These rooms were the habitation of a priest. - - [Illustration: Fig. 83.--Decoration of the east side of the - Purgatorium--Perseus rescuing Andromeda. - - At the right and the left floating Cupids, the one at the left - bearing a box of incense.] - -One of the rooms on the west side (6) is oblong in shape, with five -broad, arched entrances opening from the colonnade. The walls were -richly decorated in the last Pompeian style. There were seven large -paintings, five of which were landscapes with shrines, part being -Egyptian landscapes; the other two represent Io watched by Argus, with -Hermes coming to rescue her, and Io in Egypt, received by Isis. -Against the rear wall was a pedestal, on which probably stood the -female figure, above life size, the remains of which were found in one -of the entrances. Only the head, the hands, and the front parts of the -feet were of marble; the rest was of wood, no doubt concealed by -drapery. The priests seemingly had started to carry the statue with -them when they fled, but abandoned the attempt at the doorway. In the -same room a marble table, a sistrum, two pots of terra cotta, three -small glass bottles, and a glass cup were found. We may safely -conclude that here the common meals were served, of which, as we -learn from Apuleius, the devotees of the cult partook. And when, in -connection with the great festivals, the Mysteries were celebrated -with a presentation of the myth of Isis and Osiris in pantomime, this -large room was well adapted for the sacred exhibitions. - -The adjoining room, at the southwest corner of the colonnade (5), is -irregular in shape and of an entirely different character. It seems to -have been regarded as a sacred place, and to have been used for secret -ceremonies. It was entered from the colonnade by a narrow door, which -could be securely fastened. Large, sketchy pictures of gods were -painted on the walls on a white ground,--Isis, Osiris, Typhon,--with -sacred animals and symbols relating to the myth which to us are -unintelligible. The excavators found here the remains of four wooden -statues with marble heads, hands, and feet, one of a male figure, the -other three female; there were besides a statuette of an Egyptian god -made of green stone, on which were hieroglyphics; a statuette of white -clay, covered with a green glaze; a sphinx of terra cotta, fragments -of terra cotta statuettes of Egyptian figures, different kinds of -vessels of clay, glass, and lead, and a bronze knife, evidently -intended for use in sacrifices. At the left near the entrance is a -small reservoir, reached by three steps. On the north side is a niche -that apparently formed part of a small shrine. - -A kind of alcove opens off from the southeast corner of this room, the -entrance to which could be closed by a curtain. From this a few steps -and a door led into a storeroom, in which were found about three dozen -vessels of various shapes, an iron tripod, and no less than -fifty-eight earthen lamps. The lamps were in part provided with iron -rings, so that they could be suspended; there were also iron rods, -which the excavators supposed to be lamp holders. A rear door -connected the storeroom with the small area of irregular shape between -the Palaestra and the Theatre. - -These arrangements suggest the celebration of secret rites by night; -we may well believe that novices were here initiated into the order of -the Servants of Isis. Obscure hints in regard to the ceremonies -connected with the consecration to the service of the goddess are -thrown out by Apuleius. 'The initiation,' said the priest to him, 'is -conducted under the image of a voluntary death, with the renewing of -life as a gift from the deity.' Of his own experience he says merely: -'I came to the borders of death, I trod the threshold of Proserpina, -then came back through all the stages to life. In the middle of the -night I saw the sun shine brightly; I entered into the immediate -presence of the gods above and the gods below, and worshipped them -face to face.' - -Renunciation of past life, and a second birth to a new and purified -existence, were the main ideas underlying the ceremonies, which as -presented here must have been far less splendid and impressive than in -Rome, where they were witnessed by Apuleius. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -_THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS MILICHIUS_ - - -The small temple near the northeast corner of the block containing the -theatres is entered from Stabian Street. The court (Fig. 84, 2), like -that of the temple of Vespasian, has a colonnade across the front; -only the foundation and a Doric capital of lava are preserved. - - [Illustration: Fig. 84.--Plan of the temple of Zeus Milichius. - - 1. Colonnade. - 2. Court, with large altar. - 3. Cella. - 4. Sacristan's room.] - -At the end of the colonnade on the right is the room of the sacristan -(4). The large altar (Fig. 251) stands close to the foot of the steps -leading up to the temple. It is built of blocks of tufa, with a frieze -of triglyphs and panels like those found on walls in the first style -of decoration. - -The steps extend across the front of the temple, the unusual elevation -of which is explained by the inequality of the ground. Of the six -columns in the tetrastyle portico no remains have been found, but -three capitals of pilasters are preserved, two belonging to those at -the corners of the cella, and one, considerably smaller, to a -doorpost; they are of tufa, and were once covered with white stucco. - -The excellent proportions and fine workmanship of the capitals point -to the period of the first style of decoration; there was formerly a -remnant of that style on the north wall of the cella, copied before -1837. Nevertheless the quasi-reticulate masonry of the cella, closely -resembling that of the Small Theatre, dates from the early years of -the Roman colony. In this period the temple in its present form was -built, perhaps with the help of native Pompeian masons. - -Attached to the rear wall of the cella was an oblong pedestal on which -were placed two statues, representing Jupiter and Juno, together with -a bust of Minerva, all of terra cotta and of poor workmanship. The -suggestion at once presents itself that this was the Capitolium, -erected by the Roman colonists soon after they settled in Pompeii. It -is incredible, however, that colonists who had the means to erect -monumental buildings, such as the Amphitheatre and the Small Theatre, -should have housed the great gods of the Capitol in so modest a -temple, in so inconspicuous a spot, and should not have provided more -costly images. - -All the evidence is in favor of the explanation, already proposed (p. -66), that after the earthquake the worship of the gods of the Capitol -was transferred hither temporarily from the temple in the Forum, until -that should be rebuilt. - - [Illustration: Fig. 85.--Capital of pilaster with the face of Zeus - Milichius.] - -What divinity thus became the host of the Roman gods? It would be -impossible to say but for the fortunate recovery of an Oscan -inscription, which was set up in the passage of the Stabian Gate. This -commemorates the work of two aediles, M. Sittius and N. Pontius, who -improved the street leading out from the Stabian Gate 'as far as the -Stabian Bridge, and the Via Pompeiana as far as the temple of Zeus -Milichius; these streets, as well as the Via Jovia (and another, the -name of which cannot be made out) they placed in perfect repair.' - -It is natural to suppose that the Via Pompeiana, mentioned in -immediate connection with the road leading to Stabiae, was the -continuation of the latter within the city, or Stabian Street. This, -then, led to the temple named in the inscription, and as there is no -other temple on the street, the small sanctuary in which the images of -the Capitoline divinities were placed was the temple of Zeus -Milichius. - -This building, however, is not old enough to have been mentioned in an -Oscan inscription. It probably stands in the place of a much earlier -edifice. The masonry of the wall on the south side of the court is -different from that of the other walls, and older; as it shows no -trace of a cross wall, it must always have stood at the side of an -open space, such as that of the present court. To the earlier building -the capitals belong, the style of which, as remarked above, is -pre-Roman. - -In view of this explanation, we should probably recognize in the head -carved on the smallest of the pilaster capitals (Fig. 85) a -representation of Zeus Milichius, a divinity honored in many parts of -Greece, especially by the farmers; Zeus the Gracious, the patron of -tillers of the soil. The serious, kindly face, bearded and with long -locks, was more than a mere ornament; it was the god himself looking -down upon the worshipper who entered his sanctuary. As a -representation of Zeus it probably exemplifies an ancient type. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -_THE BATHS AT POMPEII.--THE STABIAN BATHS_ - - -In comparison with the great bathing establishments of Rome, the baths -at Pompeii are of moderate size. They have, however, a special -interest, due in part to their excellent preservation, in part to the -certainty with which the purpose of the various rooms can be -determined; and their remains enable us to trace the development of -the public bath in a single city during a period of almost two hundred -years. From this source, moreover, most of our knowledge of the -arrangements of the ancient bath is derived, without which the -imposing but barren remains of Rome itself would be for the most part -unintelligible. It is not easy for one living under present conditions -to understand how important a place the baths occupied in the life of -antiquity, particularly of the Romans under the Empire; they offered, -within a single enclosure, opportunities for physical care and comfort -and leisurely intercourse with others, not unlike those afforded in -the cities of modern Europe by the club, the cafe, and the promenade. - -Though the Roman baths differed greatly in size and in details of -arrangement, the essential parts were everywhere the same. First there -was a court, _palaestra_, surrounded by a colonnade. This was devoted -to gymnastic exercises, and connected with it in most cases was an -open-air swimming tank. The dressing room, _apodyterium_, was usually -entered from the court through a passageway or anteroom. A basin for -cold baths was sometimes placed in the dressing room; in large -establishments a separate apartment was set aside for this purpose, -the _frigidarium_. To avoid too sudden a change of temperature for the -bathers, a room moderately heated, _tepidarium_, was placed between -the dressing room and the _caldarium_, in which hot baths were given. -At one end of the caldarium was a bath basin of masonry, _alveus_; at -the other was ordinarily a semicircular niche, _schola_, in which -stood the _labrum_, a large, shallow, circular vessel resting upon a -support of masonry, and supplied with lukewarm water by a pipe leading -from a tank back of the furnace. The more extensive establishments, as -the Central Baths at Pompeii, contained also a round room, called -_Laconicum_ from its Spartan origin, for sweating baths in dry air. In -describing baths it is more convenient to use the ancient names. - -In earlier times the rooms were heated by means of braziers, and in -one of the Pompeian baths the tepidarium was warmed in this way to the -last. A more satisfactory method was devised near the beginning of the -first century B.C. by Sergius Orata, a famous epicure, whose surname -is said to have been given to him because of his fondness for golden -trout (_auratae_). He was the first to plant artificial oyster beds in -the Lucrine Lake, and the experiment was so successful that he derived -a large income from them; we may assume that he turned an honest penny -also by his invention of the 'hanging baths,' _balneae pensiles_, with -which his name has ever since been associated. These were built with a -hollow space under the floor, the space being secured by making the -floor of tiles, two feet square, supported at the corners by small -brick pillars (Fig. 88); into this space hot air was introduced from -the furnace, and as the floor became warm, the temperature of the room -above was evenly modified. - -This improved method of heating was not long restricted to the floors. -As early as the Republican period, the hollow space was extended to -the walls by means of small quadrangular flues and by the use of -nipple tiles, _tegulae mammatae_, large rectangular tiles with conical -projections, about two inches high, at each corner; these were laid on -their edges, with the projections pressed against the wall, thus -leaving an air space on the inside. - -In bathing establishments designed for both men and women, the two -caldariums were placed near together. There was a single furnace, -_hypocausis_, where the water for the baths was warmed; from this also -hot air was conveyed through broad flues under the floors of both -caldariums, thence circulating through the walls. Through similar -flues underneath, the warm air, already considerably cooled, was -conveyed from the hollow spaces of the caldariums into those of the -tepidariums. In order to maintain a draft strong enough to draw the -hot air from the furnace under the floors, the air spaces of the walls -had vents above, remains of which may still be seen in some baths. -These vents were no doubt sufficient to keep up the draft after the -rooms had once been heated; but in order to warm them at the outset a -draft fire was needed,--that is, a small fire under the floor at some -point a considerable distance from the furnace and near the vents, -through which it would cause the escape of warm air, and so start a -hot current from the furnace. The place of the draft fire has been -found under two rooms of the Pompeian baths; and a similar arrangement -has been noted in the case of Roman baths excavated in Germany. - -The use of the baths varied according to individual taste and medical -advice. In general, however, bathers availed themselves of one of -three methods. - -The most common form of the bath was that taken after exercise in the -palaestra,--ball playing was a favorite means of exercise,--use being -made of all the rooms. The bather undressed in the apodyterium, or -perhaps in the tepidarium, where he was rubbed with unguents; then he -took a sweat in the caldarium, following it with a warm bath. -Returning to the apodyterium, he gave himself a cold bath either in -this room or in the frigidarium; he then passed into the Laconicum, -or, if there was no Laconicum, went back into the caldarium for a -second sweat; lastly, before going out, he was thoroughly rubbed with -unguents, as a safeguard against taking cold. - -Some bathers omitted the warm bath. They passed through the tepidarium -directly into the Laconicum or caldarium, where they had a sweat; they -then took a cold bath, or had cold water poured over them, and were -rubbed with unguents. - -In the simplest form of the bath the main rooms were not used at all. -The bathers heated themselves with exercise in the palaestra, then -removed the dirt and oil with scrapers, _strigiles_, and bathed in the -swimming tank. - - [Illustration: PLATE V.--APODYTERIUM OF THE STABIAN BATHS, WITH THE - ANTEROOM LEADING FROM THE PALAESTRA] - -Up to the present time three public baths have been excavated in -Pompeii, two for both men and women, one for men only. Besides these -there are two private establishments in the eighth Region (VIII. ii. -17 and 23), one perhaps for men, the other for women; and another, -apparently for men, was discovered in the eighteenth century near the -Amphitheatre and covered up again, being a part of the villa of Julia -Felix. It is quite possible that two or three more bathing -establishments yet await excavation; one at least, connected with a -warm spring, is known to us from an inscription--that of M. Crassus -Frugi. About a dozen houses also contain complete baths for private -use. - - * * * * * - -The largest and oldest bathing establishment at Pompeii is that to -which the name Stabian Baths has been given, from its location on -Stabian Street. It was built in the second century B.C., but was -remodelled in the early days of the Roman colony, and afterwards -underwent extensive repairs. It is of irregular shape, and occupies a -large part of a block, having streets on three sides; on the north -side it is bounded by the house of Siricus. Opening upon two of the -streets are shops, which have nothing to do with the baths and are not -numbered on the plan (Fig. 86). - -Entering from the south through the broad doorway at A, we find -ourselves in the palaestra, C, which has a colonnade on three sides. -On the west side the place of the colonnade is taken by a strip of -smooth pavement with a raised margin; two heavy stone balls were found -here, which were obviously used in a game resembling the modern -ninepins; at the further end is the room for the players, K. Close to -the bowling course, at the middle of the west side, is the swimming -tank, F, with rooms (E, G) adjoining it at either end. At the corner -near the further room, G, is a side entrance, L; J is the office of -the director or superintendent in charge of the building. - -On the east side of the court are the men's baths, rooms I-VIII; north -of these are the women's baths, rooms 1-6, with the furnace room, IX, -between them. In the northwest corner of the building were small rooms -(_e-e_) intended for private baths. They had not been provided with -the improved heating arrangements, and were not in use at the time of -the catastrophe. The larger room adjoining (_k_) was a closet. - -The anteroom of the men's baths (IV), opens at one end into the -dressing room or apodyterium (VI), as seen in Plate V. It has a -vaulted ceiling, richly decorated. A door at the left leads into the -frigidarium (V), and another at the right into a servants' waiting -room (I), which is accessible from the court. This room was formerly -entered also from the street, through a passage (III), which was later -closed; on one side of it is a bench of masonry for the slaves in -attendance upon their masters. Similar benches are found in the -waiting room at the other end of the apodyterium (X). - - [Illustration: Fig. 86.--Plan of the Stabian Baths. - - A. Main Entrance. - B. Colonnade. - C. Palaestra. - F. Swimming tank. - I-VIII. Men's Baths. - IV. Anteroom. - V. Frigidarium. - VI. Apodyterium. - VII. Tepidarium. - VIII. Caldarium. - IX. Furnace room. - 1-6. Women's baths. - 1, 5. Entrances. - 2. Apodyterium. - 3. Tepidarium. - 4. Caldarium.] - -The apodyterium also was provided with benches of the same sort, as -indicated on the plan; they are shown in Plate V. Along the walls at -the sides, just under the edge of the vaulted ceiling, was a row of -small niches, the use of which corresponded with that of the lockers -in a modern gymnasium. These niches are about 5-3/4 feet above the floor, -while those in the other dressing room (2) are a little less than five -feet; from this difference in height it has been rightly inferred that -the smaller and simpler division of the baths was set aside for women. -The floor is paved with rectangular flags of gray marble, with blocks -of basalt next to the walls. While the walls were left simply white, -with a red base, the ceiling was elaborately decorated with stucco -reliefs in the style prevalent shortly before the destruction of the -city; there are vestiges of similar decoration in the tepidarium. In -octagonal, hexagonal, and quadrangular panels are rosettes, Cupids, -trophies, and bacchic figures. The lunettes are adorned with fantastic -architectural designs, in which we see bacchic figures standing on -pedestals, and Cupids riding on dolphins; the sides of the two arches -supporting the ceiling (one of them is seen in Plate V) are decorated -with female figures mounted on dolphins, which run out into -arabesques. The frequent suggestion of water in these motives is in -harmony with the purpose of the room. - -Even more effective is the decoration of the small round frigidarium. -Light is admitted, as in the Pantheon at Rome, through a round hole in -the apex of the domed ceiling. At the edge of the circular bath basin, -lined with white marble, was a narrow strip of marble floor, which is -extended into the four semicircular niches. Wall and niches alike are -painted to represent a beautiful garden, with a blue sky above (Fig. -87). The eye wanders among trees and shrubs, catching glimpses of -birds overhead, of statues and vases here and there in the midst of -the green foliage, and of jets of water falling into circular basins. -The blue dome is studded with stars. The bather could scarcely feel -the narrowness of a room, the decoration of which was so suggestive of -expanse and open air. A jet of water fell into the basin from a small -niche in the upper part of the wall; and the place of the overflow -pipe may be easily recognized. - - [Illustration: Fig. 87.--Stabian Baths: interior of the frigidarium, - restored.] - -The tepidarium (VII) and caldarium (VIII) were heated by means of -hollow floors and walls. The former is much the smaller, as we should -have expected from its use as an intermediate room, in which the -bathers would ordinarily not tarry so long as in the caldarium. The -large bath basin at the east end (indicated on the plan) is unusual; -it was seemingly a later addition, and was probably made to -accommodate those who in the winter shrank from using the frigidarium, -but wished nevertheless to take a moderately cold bath. Near the -bottom of the wall back of this basin, a hole had been made so that -underneath a fire could be kindled from the outside (in X), not in -order to heat the basin, which could be supplied with warm water by -means of a pipe, but to start the circulation of hot air from the -furnace; at the top of the wall above were two vents opening from the -warm air chamber. There was a place for another draft fire under the -women's caldarium. - -One of the fragments of stucco relief still remaining in the -tepidarium presents the figure of a man reading from a roll of -manuscript. It suggests the standing complaint of the ancients in -regard to the trials of bathers, who could not escape the ever-present -poet declaiming his latest production. - -At one end of the caldarium we find the bath basin, alveus; at the -other is the support of the labrum, which has disappeared. In the -niche above the latter are two vents for the draft, and above the -niche was a round window. This room, as most of the others, was dimly -lighted. The little round window of the anteroom is shown in our -plate. There were two similar windows in the lunette of the -apodyterium, above the roof of the anteroom; they are not seen in our -plate, having at one time been entirely covered up by the construction -of a wall to support the roof. A similar window was very likely placed -at the end of the tepidarium, over the roof of the frigidarium; and -perhaps these were supplemented by holes in the crown of the arched -ceilings, as in the women's apodyterium. - -The women's baths are entered from the court through a long anteroom -(6); the dressing room is connected also with the two side streets by -means of corridors (1, 5). Originally there was no communication -between the women's baths and the palaestra. - -The apodyterium (2) is the best preserved room of the entire building, -and also the most ancient. It shows almost no traces of the -catastrophe. The vaulted ceiling is intact. The smooth, white stucco -on the walls and the simple cornice at the base of the lunettes date -from the time of the first builders. Now, as then, light is admitted -only through two small openings in the crown of the vault and a window -in the west lunette. To a modern visitor the interior seems gloomy. -The pavement, of lozenge-shaped, reddish glazed tiles, belongs to the -same early period. There is a strip of basaltic flags connecting the -door of one of the corridors (1) with that of the tepidarium. This -much travelled path seems to indicate that many ladies--particularly, -we may assume, in the winter--went at once into the more comfortable -tepidarium without stopping in the dressing room. Along the walls were -benches, and above them niches, as in the men's apodyterium. In the -time of the Empire the fronts of the niches, finely carved in tufa, -were overlaid with a thick coating of stucco, the upper part being -ornamented with designs in relief. - -The women had no frigidarium. A large basin for cold baths was built -at the west end of the dressing room, but this also is a later -addition; before it was made, those who wished for cold baths must -have contented themselves with portable bath tubs. - -The tepidarium (3) and caldarium (4) are in a better state of -preservation than those of the men's baths, which they so closely -resemble in all their arrangements that a detailed description is -unnecessary. In their present form they are not so ancient as the -apodyterium, and the decoration is less elaborate than that of the -corresponding rooms on the other side. - -The labrum is intact, a round, shallow basin of white marble resting -on a support of masonry; it has here no separate niche. The bath basin -in the caldarium also retains its veneering of white marble, with an -overflow pipe of bronze at the upper edge; it is about two feet deep. -In such basins the bathers leaned against the sloping back, which for -this reason was called a cushion (_pulvinus_) by Vitruvius. This -alveus would accommodate eight bathers, that in the men's caldarium -perhaps ten. Places were probably assigned in numerical order, each -bather awaiting his turn. Those who did not wish to wait, or preferred -to bathe by themselves, might use individual bath tubs of bronze. -Remains of such a tub, as well as of bronze benches, were found in -this room. Near the bottom of the alveus in front is an opening, -through which the water could be let out; when it was emptied, the -water ran over the white mosaic floor, which was thus cleaned. - -In the time of the Early Empire it became the fashion to bathe with -very warm water. 'People want to be parboiled,' Seneca exclaims. The -construction of the alveus, however, was not well adapted to conserve -the heat, and an ingenious contrivance was devised to remedy the -difficulty, which may best be explained with the help of our -illustration, showing the arrangement of the bath basin in room 4 -(Fig. 88). A large hot air flue, D, led directly from the furnace to -the hollow space, C, under the alveus, A. Above this flue was a long -bronze heater, B, in the form of a half cylinder, with one end opening -into the end of the alveus. As the bottom of the heater was six inches -lower than that of the alveus, the cooler water from the basin would -flow down into it and be heated again, a circulation being thus -maintained. - - [Illustration: Fig. 88.--The bath basin in the women's - caldarium--longitudinal and transverse sections, showing the - arrangement for heating the water. - - A. Bath basin, alveus. - B. Bronze heater. - C. Hot air chamber under the floor. - D. Hot air flue.] - -A similar arrangement (called _testudo alvei_ by Vitruvius) probably -existed for the alveus in the caldarium on the other side; but that -part of the men's baths has been destroyed. Only one other heater of -this kind has been found,--and that much smaller,--in a villa near -Boscoreale, recently excavated; but the semicircular opening made for -the heater above the hot air flue may be seen in the Central Baths, in -a private establishment at Pompeii, and generally in the remains of -Roman baths. - -In the furnace room (_praefurnium_, IX) between the two caldariums, -stood three large cylindrical tanks. They have disappeared, but their -outlines can still be seen in the masonry of the foundations, and are -shown in our plan. The one furthest east was for hot water. It was -directly over the fire, and connected with the bath basins of the two -caldariums. The next, for lukewarm water, stood over a hollow space -opening into the furnace. A lead pipe leading from it to the labrum of -the women's caldarium is still to be seen; the water bubbled up in the -middle of the labrum. The third and largest reservoir, for cold water, -was placed on a foundation of solid masonry. - -The more important alterations made in the baths during the two -centuries that they were in use had to do with the arrangements for -heating, and may briefly be considered here before we proceed to -another part of the building. It will be best not to weary the reader -with details, but to present a brief summary of conclusions, which -will perhaps be found of interest, not only as casting light on the -gradual development of these baths, but also as illustrating that -adjustment of public buildings to the needs and tastes of successive -generations, which was as characteristic of ancient as it is of modern -life. - -For the extensive changes made in the earlier part of the first -century B.C. we have the evidence of an inscription, which had been -cast aside and was found in one of the smaller rooms. It reads, _C. -Uulius C. f., P. Aninius C. f., II v. i. d., Laconicum et destrictarium -faciund. et porticus et palaestr[am] reficiunda locarunt ex -d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] ex ea pequnia quod eos e lege in ludos aut in -monumento consumere oportuit faciun[da] coerarunt eidemque -probaru[nt]_. The form of the letters and the spelling point to the -time of Sulla as the period in which the inscription was cut. The -syntax is confused, but the meaning is clear: a Laconicum and -_destrictarium_ were built, the colonnade and palaestra repaired, by -the duumvirs Gaius Ulius and Publius Aninius, in accordance with a -vote of the city council; and they furnished the means for this work -in fulfilment of their obligation, incurred by the acceptance of the -duumviral office, to spend a certain sum upon either games or -buildings. - -The destrictarium--a room for removing dirt and oil with the strigil -after gymnastic exercises--is easily identified (D), as are also the -palaestra and colonnade; but in our survey of the baths, we have -found no separate chamber to which the term Laconicum could properly -be applied. In order to arrive at a solution of the difficulty, we -must note the successive steps by which, as shown by an examination of -the remains of the masonry, the heating arrangements were extended and -improved. - -At first, in the Baths as originally constructed, there were neither -hollow walls nor hollow floors. The heating was done by means of -braziers; and there were niches or lockers in the walls of the -caldariums and tepidariums similar to those now found in the dressing -rooms, but in double rows, the upper niches being larger, the lower -smaller. - -Later, a hollow floor was built in the men's caldarium. Later still, -this room was provided with hollow walls, which were extended to the -crown of the ceilings and the lunettes, the tepidarium being still -heated with braziers. - -Finally, a hollow floor and hollow walls were constructed at the same -time in the men's tepidarium, but the hot air chamber was not carried -up into the ceiling or the lunettes. - -A similar transformation was gradually accomplished in the women's -apartments; but owing, it would seem, to a desire for greater warmth -in the tepidarium, the hot air chamber here, as in the caldarium, was -extended to the lunettes and the ceiling. - -Since the method of heating by means of hollow floors only came into -vogue about 100 B.C., and since the duumvirate of Ulius and Aninius must -have occurred soon after 80 B.C., we are probably safe in supposing that -they built the hollow floors of the two caldariums, and that the new -heating arrangement was loosely called a Laconicum. At least a partial -warrant for this interpretation is found in a passage of Dion Cassius -(LIII. xxvii. 1), in which he says that Agrippa built the 'Spartan -sweating bath,' [Greek: to pyriaterion to Lakonikon]. Agrippa, however, -built, not a Laconicum in the narrow sense, but a complete bathing -establishment, and Dion, doubtless following some earlier writer, uses -the word as generally applicable to a system of warm baths. In default -of a better explanation, we must accept a meaning equally loose for our -inscription. - -It is not possible to date, even approximately, the other changes by -which the baths were conformed to the increasing desire for warmth and -comfort; but the decoration of the greater part of the building, with -its complicated designs and stucco reliefs, was clearly applied to the -walls not many decades before the destruction of the city. - -The unroofed swimming tank, F, was separated from the court by a -barrier of masonry about two feet high, which was extended also in -front of the rooms at the ends, E and G. On either side was a step, -both the steps and the barrier being veneered with white marble. The -tank was supplied by a pipe entering from the northeast; the overflow -pipe, at the southeast corner, is indicated on the plan. - -The rooms E and G, opening both on the swimming tank and on the court -with high arched doorways, were roofed shallow basins where the -athletes could give themselves a preliminary cleaning before going -into the tank. The walls are veneered with marble to a height of 61/2 -feet; above are painted plants, birds, statues, and nymphs, one of -whom holds a shell to catch a jet of water; over these the blue sky. -Here, as in the frigidarium, the artist strove to convey the -impression of being in the open air, in a beautiful garden, adorned -with sculptures. A jet of water spurted from the rear wall just above -the marble dado; above it is a large oblong niche, apparently for a -statue. - -After a time the basin in G was filled up, and covered with a mosaic -floor of the same height as the threshold; when one cleaning room was -found to be adequate, that was retained which had a separate dressing -room, D. On the white walls of the dressing room are traces of the -wooden wardrobes that once stood against them. In this room, the -destrictarium, the athletes disrobed, and rubbed themselves with oil -before engaging in gymnastic exercises, and to it they returned from -the palaestra, in order to scrape themselves (_se destringere_); then -they washed themselves in the next room, E, and finally plunged into -the tank. - -The room of the official in charge of the baths, J, had windows -opening on the court and into the bowlers' room, K. A large bronze -brazier was found here, presented, according to an inscription on it, -by Marcus Nigidius Vaccula, who, as a symbol of his name, had the -figure of a cow (_vacca_) stamped in relief on the brazier. We find a -similar brazier, together with benches, in the tepidarium of the baths -near the Forum, which had no other means of heating; we naturally -infer that the furniture here was intended for one of the tepidariums, -and used there before the improved method of heating was introduced. A -Nasennius Nigidius Vaccula, who died before 54 A.D., is known to us -from the receipts of Caecilius Jucundus. If he was the donor, and made -the gift when he was a young man, the change of the system of heating -in the tepidarium may have been made as early as 20 A.D. - - [Illustration: Fig. 89.--Colonnade of the Stabian Baths: capital with - section of entablature, restored.] - -The colonnade was originally uniform on all the three sides. The Doric -columns were of tufa, coated with fine white stucco. They were of -slender proportions, the height being a trifle over nine feet, with a -diameter of only sixteen inches. They were edged, not fluted, and -doubtless carried an entablature with triglyphs, of which no trace -remains. In the time of the Empire, apparently before the earthquake -of 63, the colonnade was remodelled in accordance with the prevailing -taste. The columns received a thick coating of stucco, with flutings -indicated by incised lines; the lower third of the shaft was painted -red, the upper portion being left white. Over the capitals, moulded in -stucco, was an entablature resting on thick planks, and ornamented -with light-colored stucco reliefs. The general effect may be seen from -our illustration (Fig. 89). - -In this reconstruction the sameness of the earlier colonnade was -varied with pleasing irregularities. Thus in front of the main -entrance (A), and in a corresponding position on the opposite side of -the court, the place of four columns was taken by two broad pillars -flanked by half-columns, and carrying a roof more than five feet -higher than that of the rest of the colonnade. A similar arrangement -has already been noted in the colonnade of the temple of Isis (p. -174). - - [Illustration: Fig. 90.--Stabian Baths: southwest corner of the - palaestra, showing part of the colonnade and wall decorated with - stucco reliefs.] - -The wall decoration of the court has been particularly well preserved -on the outer wall of D and E (Fig. 90; cf. Pl. XIII). The surface is -diversified by fantastic architectural designs in two stories, made up -of slender columns with their entablatures, open doorways with steps -leading up to them, and glimpses of interiors. In the panels thus -outlined, figures of all kinds stand out in white relief on a bright -red or blue ground. Above the arched doorway Jupiter sits, resting his -right hand on his sceptre; near by, on a pillar, is the eagle. Further -to the left a satyr offers Hercules a drinking horn. Another relief, -not so well preserved, has a motive suggestive of the purpose of the -building--Hylas at the spring seized by the nymphs. With this we may -associate two designs having reference to the exercises of the -palaestra: a boxer, at the left of the doorway of E, and at the right -a man scraping himself with a strigil. On the outer wall of G is -Daedalus, making wings for himself and Icarus. - -Under the colonnade at the rear, a herm stands close to the wall, -having the features of a youth with a garment drawn over his head and -covering the upper part of the body. For the explanation of it we are -indebted to Pausanias. 'In the gymnasium at Phigalia, in Arcadia,' -says this writer, 'is an image of Hermes. It has the appearance of a -man wrapped in a cloak, and terminates below in a square pillar in the -place of feet.' This is Hermes, the god of the Palaestra, here, as in -Phigalia, in a guise suggestive of his function of Psychopompus, the -conductor of departed souls. We have already met with an example of -the same type in the court of the temple of Apollo. - -A sundial stood on the roof of the frigidarium and men's caldarium, -supported by a foundation of masonry still visible. It bore an Oscan -inscription, from which we learn that it was set up by the Quaestor -Maras Atinius, in accordance with a decree of the council, the money -for the expenditure being derived from fines. The fines were very -likely collected here, by the official in charge of the building. -Sundials were erected also in the other baths at Pompeii. They were a -necessity, for all such establishments were conducted on a schedule of -hours. Hadrian ordered that the baths in Rome should be open from the -eighth hour, that is, after two o'clock in the afternoon; and a -regulation in regard to the time of opening, if not of closing, was -probably in force at Pompeii. - -A motley and tumultuous life once filled the barren court, the rooms -now ruined and deserted. The scene is well pictured by Seneca (Ep. -56): 'Quiet is by no means so necessary for study as men commonly -believe,' the philosopher gravely argues. 'I am living near a bath: -sounds are heard on all sides. Just imagine for yourself every -conceivable kind of noise that can offend the ear. The men of more -sturdy muscle go through their exercises, and swing their hands -heavily weighted with lead: I hear their groans when they strain -themselves, or the whistling of labored breath when they breathe out -after having held in. If one is rather lazy, and merely has himself -rubbed with unguents, I hear the blows of the hand slapping his -shoulders, the sound varying according as the massagist strikes with -flat or hollow palm. If a ballplayer begins to play and to count his -throws, it's all up for the time being. Meanwhile there is a sudden -brawl, or a thief is caught, or there is some one in the bath who -loves to hear the sound of his own voice; and the bathers plunge into -the swimming tank with loud splashing. These noises, however, are not -without some semblance of excuse; but the hair plucker from time to -time raises his thin, shrill voice in order to attract attention, and -is only still himself when he is forcing cries of pain from some one -else, from whose armpits he plucks the hairs. And above the din you -hear the shouts of those who are selling cakes, sausages, and -sweetmeats, besides all the hawkers of stuff from the cookshops, each -with a different and characteristic cry.' - -Such were the distractions of a Roman bath. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -_THE BATHS NEAR THE FORUM_ - - -The bathing establishment in the block north of the Forum is smaller -and simpler in its arrangements than that described in the last -chapter, but the parts are essentially the same. Here also we find a -court, with a colonnade on three sides; a system of baths for men, -comprising a dressing room (I) with a small round frigidarium (II) -opening off from it, a tepidarium (III), and a caldarium (IV); a -similar system for women, the place of the frigidarium being taken by -a tank for cold baths (2) in the dressing room; and a long narrow -furnace room between the two baths (V). On three sides of the -establishment are shops, in connection with which are several inns. - - [Illustration: Fig. 91.--Plan of the baths near the Forum. - - A, A'. Street entrances to court. - B. Colonnade. - I-IV. Men's baths. - I. Apodyterium. - II. Frigidarium. - III. Tepidarium. - IV. Caldarium. - V. Furnace room. - C. Area. - D. Court back of women's baths. - 1-4. Women's baths. - 1. Apodyterium. - 2. Basin for cold baths. - 3. Tepidarium. - 4. Caldarium. - _d._ Sundial.] - -These baths were built shortly after 80 B.C., about the time that -Ulius and Aninius repaired the Stabian Baths; the characteristic -masonry, with quasi-reticulate facing, is similar to that of the Small -Theatre and the Amphitheatre. The names of the builders are known from -an inscription found in duplicate: _L. Caesius C. f. d[uum] v[ir] -i[uri] d[icundo], C. Occius M. f., L. Niraemius A. f. II v[iri] d[e] -d[ecurionum] s[ententia] ex peq[unia] publ[ica] fac[iundum] curar[unt] -prob[arunt] q[ue]_. Thus we see that the contract for the building was -let and the work approved by Lucius Caesius, duumvir with judiciary -authority,--his colleague had probably died since election and the -vacancy had not yet been filled,--and the two aediles, Occius and -Niraemius, who are here styled 'duumvirs,' for reasons already -explained (p. 12); the cost was defrayed by an appropriation from the -public treasury. Though these Baths are of later construction than the -Stabian Baths, they seem more ancient because fewer changes were made -in them. - -The court here was not a palaestra; it was small for gymnastic -exercises, and was not provided with a swimming tank and dressing -rooms. The open space was occupied by a garden. - -The colonnade on the north and west sides of the court had slender -columns standing far apart, with a low and simple entablature; on the -east side the columns were replaced by pillars carrying low arches, -which served as a support for a gallery affording a pleasant view of -the garden. This gallery was accessible from the upper rooms of -several inns along the street leading north from the Forum, whose -guests no doubt found diversion in watching what was going on -below--an advantage that may have been taken into account by the city -officials in fixing the rent. There are benches on the north side of -the court, and at the middle a deep recess, or exedra (_b_), making a -pleasant retreat for quiet conversation. The entrance from the -frequented street at the left (A) is so arranged that passers-by could -not look in; near the entrance from the street on the opposite side -(A') is a closet (_c_). The decoration of the court was extremely -simple. Columns and walls were unpainted; on the lower parts, stucco -with bits of brick in it; above, white plaster. - -From the court a corridor (_a_) led into the men's apodyterium, which -could be entered also on the north side from the Strada delle Terme. -This room contained benches, as shown on the plan; but there were no -niches, as in the dressing rooms of the Stabian Baths, and wooden -shelves or lockers may have been used instead. The small dark chamber -at the north end (_f_) may have been used as a storeroom for unguents, -such as the Greeks called _elaeothesium_. It seems to have been -thought necessary here to connect the dressing room with the furnace -room (V) by a separate passage. - - [Illustration: Fig. 92.--Baths near the Forum: interior of the men's - tepidarium.] - -Light was admitted to the dressing room through a window in the -lunette at the south end, closed by a pane of glass half an inch -thick, set in a bronze frame that turned on two pivots. On either side -of the window are huge Tritons in stucco relief, with vases on their -shoulders, surrounded by dolphins; underneath is a mask of Oceanus, -and in the same wall is a niche for a lamp, similar to that seen in -Fig. 92, blackened by the soot. - -The frigidarium is well preserved. In all its arrangements it is -almost an exact counterpart of the one in the Stabian Baths, but the -scheme of decoration, suggestive of a garden, is less realistically -carried out, the ground being yellow; and the round window at the apex -of the domed ceiling has a rectangular extension toward the south in -order to admit as much sunlight as possible. - -The tepidarium, as will be seen from our illustration (Fig. 92), is in -the condition of the tepidariums of the Stabian Baths before the -improved arrangements for heating were introduced. There were no warm -air chambers in the walls or the floor. At one end we see the remains -of the large bronze brazier and benches (the iron grating is modern) -presented by Vaccula, to which reference has already been made (p. -197). The feet of the benches are modelled to represent hoofs, each -with a cow's head above. - - [Illustration: Fig. 93.--Longitudinal section of the men's caldarium.] - -There are niches in the walls, as formerly in the tepidariums of the -Stabian Baths, but several of them for some reason have been walled -up. Wild-visaged, muscular Atlantes stand out in bold projection on -the front of the partitions between the niches, sustaining a cornice -upon their uplifted hands. The window, seen in the illustration above -the lamp niche, was closed, as that in the dressing room, by a pane of -glass in a bronze frame. - -The decoration of the ceiling, unfortunately only in part preserved, -is well designed. Along the lower edge are arabesques, interwoven in a -scroll pattern, in white stucco on a white background. Above these are -panels of different sizes, in which raised white ornaments and figures -appear on a white, blue, or violet ground; among the motives are Cupid -leaning on his bow, Apollo riding on a griffin, Ganymede with the -eagle, and Cupids on sea horses. - -The caldarium is well preserved; only a part of the vaulted ceiling -has been destroyed. The hollow space for hot air in the floor and -walls is indicated in our section (Fig. 93). Here we see at the right, -the bath basin, lined with white marble, with its sloping back -affording a comfortable support for the bathers; at the other end is -the apsidal niche (_schola_) with the labrum. The direction of -Vitruvius, that the labrum should be placed under a window in such a -way that the shadows of those standing around should not fall on it, -is here literally observed. There were three other small windows at -the same end of the room, and a niche for a lamp. - -We learn from an inscription on the labrum, in bronze letters, that it -was made under the direction of Gnaeus Melissaeus Aper and Marcus -Staius Rufus, who were duumvirs in 3-4 A.D., at a cost of 5250 -sesterces, not far from $270. This room seems to have received its -final form before the new method of heating the water in the alveus -came into vogue; there is no trace of a bronze heater, such as that -found in connection with the bath basin of the women's caldarium at -the Stabian Baths. The simple decoration is in marked contrast with -the usual ornamentation of the later styles. Above a low marble base -are yellow walls divided by dark red pilasters, shown in Fig. 93. -These support a projecting flat cornice of dark red, whose surface is -richly ornamented with stucco reliefs. The ceiling is moulded in -flutings running up to the crown of the vault; only in the ceiling of -the schola do we find raised figures. - -The rooms of the women's baths are small, their arrangement being -determined in part by the irregular shape of the corner of the -building in which they are placed; but the system of heating is more -complete than in the men's baths, for both the tepidarium (3) and the -caldarium (4) were provided with hollow floors and hot air spaces in -the walls extending to the lunettes and the ceiling. The vaulted -ceilings of both of these rooms, as well as of the apodyterium, are -preserved; but the caldarium has lost its hollow floor and walls, -together with the bath basin, which was placed in a large niche at the -right as one entered; only the base of the labrum remains. The -condition of this room may be due to the earthquake of the year 63, -the necessary repairs not having been made before the eruption. There -was no connection between the women's baths and the court at the rear -(D), which had a separate entrance from the street. At the women's -entrance there was a narrow waiting room for attendants, separated -from the street by a thin wall and protected by a roof. - -The furnace room could be entered at one end from the street. The -three cylindrical tanks for hot, lukewarm, and cold water were -arranged as in the Stabian Baths. Beyond the tanks is a cistern (_g_), -which was supplied in part by rain water from the roof, in part by a -feed pipe connected with the water system of the city. The raised walk -(_h_) on the right side of the furnace room is continued to the small -court (D) in the corner of which is a stairway leading to the flat -roof of the men's caldarium. From this point of vantage, the view over -the landscape and the sea must have been beautiful in antiquity, as it -is to-day. - -A sundial doubtless stood on the larger of the two pillars in the -court (_d_), which is about seventeen feet high and nearly five feet -thick at the base; on the smaller pillar was perhaps a statue or other -ornamental object of the sort frequently seen in wall paintings. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -_THE CENTRAL BATHS_ - - -Seneca in an entertaining letter (Ep. 86) gives an account of a visit -about 60 A.D. to the villa at Liternum in which the Elder Scipio had -lived in the years immediately preceding his death, in 183 B.C. The -philosopher was particularly struck with the bath, the simplicity of -which he contrasts forcibly with the luxurious appointments of his own -time. We cannot follow him through the extended disquisition--he -speaks of various refinements of luxury of which we find no traces at -Pompeii; but he mentions as the most striking difference the lack of -light in the old bath, with its small apertures more like chinks than -windows, while in his day the baths were provided with large windows -protected by glass, and people 'wanted to be parboiled in full -daylight,' besides having the enjoyment meanwhile of a beautiful view. -Some such feeling as this we have in turning from the two older baths -at Pompeii--one of pre-Roman origin, the other dating from the time of -Sulla--to the Central Baths, which were in process of construction at -the time of the eruption, and had been designed in accordance with the -prevailing mode of life. - -This extensive establishment, at the corner of Stabian and Nola -streets, occupied the whole of a block; but a large part of the -frontage on the two streets mentioned was utilized for shops. -Notwithstanding the size of the building, it had only a single series -of apartments, which were laid out on a correspondingly large scale. -It was doubtless built for men, although the use of it at certain -hours by women may possibly have been contemplated, in case the -women's baths at the two other establishments should be overcrowded. - -Entrances from three streets lead to the ample palaestra, from which -the remains of the houses demolished to make room for it had not yet -been entirely removed. On the northeast side is the excavation for a -large swimming tank (_h_), and for a water channel leading to the -closet (_e_). In order to have water at hand for building purposes, -the masons had built a low wall around an old impluvium on the south -side (shown on the plan, Fig. 94) into which a feed pipe ran. For a -short distance on the north side the stylobate had been made ready for -the building of the colonnade; elsewhere only the preliminary work had -been done. The rooms at the southeast corner (_f_, _g_) were no doubt -intended for dressing rooms for the palaestra and the plunge bath. - - [Illustration: Fig. 94.--Plan of the Central Baths. - - _d._ Palaestra. - _h._ Swimming tank. - _i_, _l._ Stores - _p._ Apodyterium. - _q._ Tepidarium. - _r._ Laconicum. - _s._ Caldarium. - _x_, _y._ Furnaces.] - -Two small rooms (_b_, _c_) open upon the north entrance of the -palaestra; one of them, perhaps, was to be a ticket office, for the -adjustment of matters relating to admission, the other a cloak room, -in which the _capsarius_ would guard the valuables of the bathers. - -Two doors admit the visitor from the palaestra to the series of bath -rooms, one of them opening from the north end of the colonnade. The -first room (_i_, _l_) was designed to answer the purpose of a store, -with four booths (_k_, _m_, _n_, _o_) opening into it for the sale of -edibles and bathers' conveniences. - -The apodyterium (_p_), tepidarium (_q_), and caldarium (_s_) had each -three large windows opening on the palaestra; two of those belonging -to the tepidarium are seen in Fig. 95. None of the rooms were -finished, though a hollow floor and hollow walls had been built in the -tepidarium, caldarium, and Laconicum. The bath basins yet lacked their -marble linings, and the two furnaces (at _x_ and _y_) had not been -built. - -Five smaller windows on the southeast side of the caldarium looked out -on a narrow garden, about which the workmen had commenced to build a -wall to cut off the sight of the firemen passing to and fro between -the two furnaces. The caldarium was so placed as to receive the -greatest possible amount of sunlight, particularly in the afternoon -hours, when it would be used; this was in accordance with a -recommendation of Vitruvius, who says that the windows of baths ought, -whenever possible, to face the southwest, otherwise the south. - - [Illustration: Fig. 95.--View of the Central Baths, looking from the - palaestra into the tepidarium.] - -The contrast is indeed marked between the numerous large windows here, -with their attractive outlook, and the small apertures, high in the -walls and ceiling, through which light was admitted in the older -baths. - -In the Central Baths there was no frigidarium; but a large basin for -cold baths, nearly five feet deep, was placed in the dressing room -opposite the windows. Supply pipes were so laid that jets would spring -into the basin from three small niches, one in each wall; the overflow -was conducted by pipes under the floor to a catch basin (_w_), and -thence to the street. - -The tepidarium (_q_)--here, as usual, relatively small--is connected -with the apodyterium by two doors, and similarly with the caldarium. -The latter room has a bath basin at each end, thus affording -accommodations for twenty-six or twenty-eight bathers at once; at the -middle of the southeast side was a smaller basin that took the place -of the labrum. The hot air flues leading from the furnaces under the -bath basins were already built, and above them openings were left for -semi-cylindrical heaters like that in the women's caldarium of the -Stabian Baths. - -The round sweating room, Laconicum, was made more ample by means of -four semicircular niches, and lighted by three small round windows -just above the cornice of the domed ceiling. There was probably -another round opening at the apex, designed for a bronze shutter, -which could be opened or closed from below by means of a chain, so as -to regulate the temperature. Doors led into the Laconicum from both -the tepidarium and the caldarium. - -The oblong court between the bath rooms and the street on the -northeast side was apparently to be laid out as a garden. At the north -end the workmen had begun to build pillars for a short colonnade. A -large square foundation for a sundial stands near the opposite corner. - - - - -CHAPTER XXX - -_THE AMPHITHEATRE_ - - -In the southeast corner of the city, at a distance from the other -excavations, lies the Amphitheatre, the scene of gladiatorial combats. -The Pompeians called it 'the show,' _spectacula_, as in the -inscription, preserved in two copies, that gives us the names of the -builders: _C. Quinctius C. f. Valgus, M. Porcius M. f[ilius] duo -vir[i] quinq[uennales] coloniai honoris caussa spectacula de sua -peq[unia] fac[iunda] coer[arunt] et coloneis locum in perpetuom -deder[unt]_. According to this, the Amphitheatre was built by the same -men, Valgus and Porcius, who are already known to us as the builders -of the Small Theatre (p. 153); and they presented it to the city in -recognition of the honor conferred upon them by their reelection as -duumvirs. The Amphitheatre may thus have been finished half a decade -later than the Theatre, but in any case it belongs to the earliest -years of the Roman colony,--as might be inferred, in default of other -evidence, from the archaic spelling of the inscription, and the -character of the masonry, which is like that of the Small Theatre and -the baths north of the Forum (p. 41). - -The colonists, however, did not receive from Rome their impulse to -erect such a building. The passion for gladiatorial combats was -developed in Campania earlier, and manifested itself more strongly, -than in Latium. Strabo's statement that gladiators were brought -forward at Campanian banquets, in larger or smaller numbers according -to the rank of the guests, has reference to the period before the -Second Punic War; but it was considered a noteworthy event in Rome -when, in 264 B.C., gladiators engaged in combat in the Forum Boarium -in celebration of funeral rites, as also when, on a similar occasion -in 216 B.C., twenty-two pairs fought in the Forum. Buildings were -erected for gladiatorial shows in Campanian towns earlier than at the -Capital. As late as the year 46 B.C. the spectators who witnessed the -games given by Julius Caesar sat on wooden seats supported by -temporary staging; and the first stone amphitheatre in Rome was built -by Statilius Taurus in 29 B.C., almost half a century after the -quinquennial duumvirate of Valgus and Porcius. The Amphitheatre at -Pompeii is the oldest known to us from either literary or monumental -sources. - -In comparison with later and more imposing structures, our -Amphitheatre seems indeed unpretentious. Its exterior elevation is -relatively low (Fig. 96); as our section shows (Fig. 99), the arena -and the lower ranges of seats are in a great hollow excavated for the -purpose below the level of the ground. The dimensions (length 460 -feet, breadth 345) are small when compared with those of the Coliseum -(615 and 510 feet, respectively) or even the amphitheatres at Capua or -Pozzuoli; and the lack of artistic form is noteworthy. - - [Illustration: Fig. 96.--The Amphitheatre, seen from the west side.] - -The exhibitions held here must also have been on a modest scale. There -were no underground chambers, below the arena, with devices by means -of which wild beasts could be lifted up into view and the sand -suddenly covered with new combatants. The limited means of this small -city were not adequate to make provision for the elaborate equipment -and costly decoration found in the amphitheatres of larger towns. - -The arena, a view of which is given in Plate VI, is surrounded by a -wall about 61/2 feet high. This wall was covered with frescoes which, -still fresh at the time of excavation, are now known to us only from -copies in the Naples Museum. They consisted of alternate broad and -narrow panels, the latter containing each a herm between two columns, -while the larger spaces presented alternately a conventional pattern -and a scene connected with the games. One of the scenes gives an -interesting glimpse of the preparations for the combat (Fig. 97). In -the middle we see the overseer marking out with a long staff the ring -within which the combatants must fight. At the right a gladiator -stands, partly armed; two attendants are bringing him a helmet and a -sword. A hornblower, also partly armed, stands at the left; and behind -him two companions, squatting on the ground, make ready his helmet and -shield. At either end of the scene, in the background, is an image of -a Winged Victory with a wreath and palm. - - [Illustration: Fig. 97.--Preparations for the combat. Wall painting, - from the Amphitheatre.] - -The limestone coping of the wall about the arena shows traces of iron -in the joints between the blocks, apparently remains of a grating -designed to protect the spectators from attacks by the infuriated wild -beasts. The traces are not visible all the way around, but this may be -accounted for on the supposition that repairs were in progress at the -time of the eruption. - -Two broad corridors (3, 3A) connect the ends of the arena with the -outside of the building. The one at the north end, toward Vesuvius, -follows a straight line; the other bends sharply to the right in order -to avoid the city wall, which bounds the structure on the south and -east sides. By these corridors the gladiators entered the arena, first -in festal array, passing in stately procession across the sand from -one entrance to the other, then coming forth in pairs as they were -summoned to mortal combat. - - [Illustration: Fig. 98.--Plan of the Amphitheatre at different levels - showing, above, the arrangement of the seats; below, the arrangement - of the vaulted passages under the seats. - - 1. Podium. - 2. Gallery. - 3, 3A. Entrances to arena. - 4, 4. Vaulted corridor. - 5. Passage to death gate. - 6. Ima cavea. - 7. Media cavea. - 8. Summa cavea. - 9. Stairs of balcony. - 10. Terrace. - 11, 11. Outer double stairways to terrace. - 12, 12. Single stairways to terrace. - 13. Tower of city wall. - 14. City wall. - _a._ First praecinctio. - _b._ Second praecinctio. - _c_, _d._ Side entrances. - _e._ Death Gate. - _f_, _f_, _f._ Dens.] - -At the middle of the west side there is a third passage, narrow and -low (_e_); this is the grewsome corridor through which the bodies of -the dead were dragged by means of hooks, its entrance being the Porta -Libitinensis, 'Death Gate.' Near the inner end of each of the three -corridors is a small, dark chamber (_f_) the purpose of which is -unknown. It has been suggested that wild animals may have been -confined here, but larger and more easily accessible rooms would have -been required for this purpose. They may have been storerooms for -appliances of various kinds required for the exhibitions. - -The seats, of which there are thirty-five rows, have the same form as -those in the Small Theatre, and are of the same material, gray tufa. -They are arranged in three divisions,--the lowest, _ima cavea_, having -five rows; the middle division, _media cavea_, twelve; and the -highest, _summa cavea_, eighteen (Figs. 98, 99). In the middle section -of the ima cavea on each side the place of the seats is taken by four -low, broad ledges, set aside for members of the city council, who -could place upon them the seats of honor, _bisellia_, to the use of -which they were entitled. At the middle of the east side the second -ledge is interrupted for a distance of ten feet (the break is shown in -Plate VI), a double width being thus given to the lowest. This place -was designed for seats of special honor, and was, no doubt, reserved -for the official who provided the games, and his associates. On the -same side the ledges are extended into the next section on the south, -the continuity of the seats being interrupted by a low barrier. This -supplementary section was, perhaps, intended for certain freedmen, as -the Augustales (p. 100), who had the right to use bisellia, but who -nevertheless could not become members of the city council, and were -not ranked on a social equality with the occupants of the middle -section. - -The seats of the ima cavea and media cavea were reached through a -vaulted passage (4), which, in accordance with ancient usage, we may -call a crypt. It ran under the first seats of the second range, and -stairs led from it to both divisions. It might be entered either from -the two broad corridors leading to the arena, or directly from the -west side by means of two separate passages (_c_, _d_, on the plan). -It is, however, interrupted at the middle on each side of the -Amphitheatre. On the west side the prolongation of the crypt would -have interfered with the use of the corridor leading to the Death -Gate; but as no such reason existed for blocking the east branch, it -is probable that the designers of the Amphitheatre interrupted both -branches of the crypt in order to force the spectators who had seats -in the lower and middle divisions of the south half of the -structure to enter and leave by the somewhat inconvenient south -entrances, which are situated in an angle of the city wall. Had the -crypt been carried completely around, the crowd would always have -pressed into the building through the north entrances, which opened -toward the city, thus causing confusion, if not danger, on occasions -of special interest. - - [Illustration: PLATE VI.--INTERIOR OF THE AMPHITHEATRE, LOOKING - NORTHWEST] - -In the corridor leading from the north entrance, as may be seen on the -plan, a row of stones with square holes in them were placed in the -pavement near the left wall. In these stakes could be set and -connected by ropes, thus making a narrow passageway along the side. -The purpose of the arrangement is not difficult to understand. Through -the north corridor the gladiators entered and left the building, and -the wild beasts were brought in; so provision had to be made to give -them a passage separate from that used by the spectators. Before the -commencement of an exhibition the whole entrance was accessible to the -populace, which eagerly crowded forward to secure seats in good -season. When they had for the most part found their places, the -barrier was set up, and only a narrow alley was left along the east -wall for belated spectators who wished to pass into the crypt on that -side; the rest of the passage was reserved for the gladiators, and the -spectators whose seats were reached from the opposite branches of the -crypt were obliged to use the side entrance (_c_). - - [Illustration: Fig. 99.--Transverse section of the Amphitheatre.] - -The middle division was separated from the summa cavea (8) by a low -parapet with a narrow passage (_praecinctio_, _b_) on the upper side. -The seats of the summa cavea could be reached in two ways, by passing -through the crypt and up the long flights of stairs that led through -the middle division to the top (best seen in Fig. 99), or by mounting -the stairs on the outside of the building to the terrace (10), which -has the same level as the highest rows of seats; it is also of the -same height as the city wall, with which it is merged on the south and -east sides. The terrace was no doubt the principal means of access; -ample provision was made for the crowd by building two large double -stairways (11), with smaller single flights at the corners where the -terrace joined the city wall (12). - -Between the terrace and the seats of the summa cavea was an elevated -gallery, divided up into small boxes, about four feet square; under -the row of boxes were vaulted vomitoria, making the seats of the summa -cavea accessible from the terrace. A passage ran along the outside of -the boxes, with steps leading from the terrace; only every third box -was connected with this passage, however, the other two of the group -being entered from a narrow ramp along the front (Fig. 100). - - [Illustration: Fig. 100.--Plan of the gallery. - - 1. Steps. - 2. Boxes.] - -The Amphitheatre had a seating capacity of about twenty thousand -persons. We have no information in regard to the distribution of -seats, but it may safely be assumed, from the arrangements known to -have existed elsewhere, that the lowest division was reserved for the -city officials with their friends and other prominent people; that an -admission fee was charged for the seats of the middle division; and -that the seats of the upper division were free. The gallery was -doubtless set aside for women, who were permitted by a regulation -promulgated in the reign of Augustus to have a place only in the upper -portion of the Amphitheatre. - -Besides the inscription giving the names of the builders (p. 212) -there are several others of interest in connection with the building. -Four of them, cut in large letters in the travertine coping of the -wall about the arena, commemorate the construction of seats. One -reads: _L. Saginius II vir i. d. pr[o] lu[dis] lu[minibus] ex -d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] cun[eum]_,--'Lucius Saginius, duumvir with -judiciary authority, in accordance with a resolution of the city -council (constructed) a section of seats in the place of the games and -illumination,' that otherwise he would have been required to provide. -Another of the series is even more abbreviated, but the meaning is -clear: MAG . PAG . AUG . F . S . PRO . LUD . EX . D . D, that is, -_Magistri Pagi Augusti Felicis Suburbani pro ludis ex decurionum -decreto_,--'The officials of the suburb Pagus Augustus Felix by -authority of a resolution of the city council (constructed a section -of seats) in the place of providing games.' - -From an inscription in the Stabian Baths, to which reference has -already been made (p. 195), it is clear that some freedom of choice -was permitted to the city officials regarding the disposition of the -sum which they were required to contribute for public purposes in -recognition of the honor conferred upon them by their election. The -Amphitheatre was not provided with seats at the beginning, and one -wedge-shaped section (_cuneus_) after another was added until the -divisions were complete; meanwhile the spectators made themselves as -comfortable as they could on the sloping ground. As the organization -of the Pagus Augustus Felix did not take place till 7 B.C., the -construction of the seats could not at that time have been completed; -but they were all finished before the overwhelming of the city. - -The north entrance to the arena was adorned with two portrait statues -of Gaius Cuspius Pansa, father and son, placed in niches in the walls -facing each other. The statues have disappeared, but the inscriptions -underneath are still in place. What services the Pansas had rendered -in connection with the Amphitheatre to merit this distinction, we do -not know; but the father, as the inscription indicates, was 'prefect -in accordance with the law of Petronius' (p. 14); that is, he was -appointed by the city council to exercise the functions of the two -duumvirs when no valid election occurred. Bulwer Lytton, by a natural -error, makes Pansa a commissioner to secure the execution of an -altogether different _Lex Petronia_, which forbade the giving of -slaves to wild beasts unless judicial sentence had been previously -passed upon them. - -The attraction of the gladiatorial exhibitions, together with the -ample seating capacity of the building, stimulated attendance from -neighboring cities, and on one occasion unfortunate results followed. -In the year 59 A.D. a Roman senator, Livineius Regulus, who had been -expelled from the Senate, and had apparently taken up his residence -at Pompeii, gave an exhibition that attracted a great concourse. Among -those who came to witness the combats were many inhabitants of -Nuceria. The people of the two towns may not have been on the best of -terms previously; whatever the cause, the Pompeians and Nucerians -commenced with mutual bantering and recriminations, then resorted to -stone-throwing, and finally engaged in a free fight with weapons. - -The Nucerians, as can easily be understood, fared the worse, having -many killed and wounded. They carried the matter to Rome, lodging a -complaint with Nero; the emperor referred the case to the Senate, -which decreed that Regulus and the leaders of the disturbance should -be sent into exile, that the Pompeians should not be permitted to hold -any gladiatorial exhibitions for the space of ten years, and that the -illegal societies at Pompeii--in regard to which, unfortunately, we -have no further information--should be dissolved. From the receipts of -Caecilius Jucundus we learn, further, that the duumvirs of the year 59 -were removed from office, and that with the new duumvirs, elected in -their places, a magistrate with extraordinary powers, _praefectus iuri -dicundo_, was associated--measures that indicate how serious the -disturbance of public order must have been. - -Reminiscences of this bloody fray are found in several inscriptions -scratched on walls; and a lively idea of it is given by a wall -painting found in 1869 in a house near the theatres, now in the Naples -Museum (Fig. 101). The picture is of special interest as throwing -light on the surroundings of the Amphitheatre and some of its -arrangements. The open space with the trees in the foreground, among -which are various booths, remind one of a park; at the right is a -single house. It is clear from the painting that the women's boxes, in -the gallery, were arched in front; and we see how the great awning, -_velum_, was stretched over the south end to protect the audience from -the sun. It was carried by the two towers of the city wall (one of -them is indicated on the plan, 13) and by masts that stood in the -passage behind the women's boxes, where several of the perforated -stones in which they were set may still be seen. - -That the sports of the Amphitheatre had at all times the keenest -interest for the Pompeians is evident, not only from the number of -notices having to do with the games, which we see painted in red on -walls along the streets or on tombs by the roadside, but also from the -countless graffiti in both houses and public places having reference -to combats and favorite gladiators. The limits of space do not permit -us to describe the gladiatorial exhibitions as they took place at -Pompeii and other Roman cities; but the inscriptions bring so near to -us the scenes and excitement of those days that it seems worth while -to quote and interpret a few typical examples. - - [Illustration: Fig. 101.--Conflict between the Pompeians and the - Nucerians. Wall painting.] - -On a tomb near the Nuceria Gate, excavated in 1886, is the following -notice, painted in red letters: _Glad[iatorum] par[ia] XX Q. Monni -Rufi pug[nabunt] Nola K[alendis] Mais, VI. V. Nonas Maias, et venatio -erit_,--'Twenty pairs of gladiators, furnished by Quintus Monnius -Rufus, will fight at Nola May 1, 2, and 3, and there will be a hunt.' -The forms of the letters and the numerous ligatures point to a -comparatively early period, perhaps antedating the reign of Augustus. -The 'hunt,' _venatio_, was an exhibition of wild beasts, which -sometimes were pitted against one another, sometimes fought with men. -Another tomb close by bears a notice of a gladiatorial combat to take -place at Nuceria. - -A still larger number of gladiators is announced in this notice: _Cn. -Allei Nigidi Mai quinq[uennalis] gl[adiatorum] par[ia] XXX et eor[um] -supp[ositicii] pugn[abunt] Pompeis VIII VII VI K[alendas] Dec[embres]. -Ven[atio] erit. Maio quin[quennali] feliciter. Paris va[le]_,--'Thirty -pairs of gladiators furnished by Cn. Alleius Nigidius Maius, -quinquennial duumvir, together with their substitutes, will fight at -Pompeii November 24, 25, 26. There will be a hunt. Hurrah for Maius -the quinquennial! Bravo, Paris!' The substitutes were to take the -place of the killed or wounded, that the sport might not suffer -interruption. Nigidius Maius appears to have been a rich Pompeian of -the time of Claudius. In another painted inscription, he advertises a -considerable property for rent (p. 489). His daughter, as we know from -an inscription belonging to a statue erected in her honor, was a -priestess of Venus and Ceres. Paris was probably a popular gladiator. - -Other officials besides duumvirs provided exhibitions. Thus an aedile: -_A. Suetti Certi aedilis familia gladiatoria pugnab[it] Pompeis -pr[idie] K[alendas] Iunias; venatio et vela erunt_,--'The gladiatorial -troop of the aedile Aulus Suettius Certus will fight at Pompeii May -31; there will be a hunt, and awnings will be provided.' - -The following notice can be dated, approximately: _D. Lucreti Satri -Valentis flaminis Neronis Caesaris Aug[usti] fili perpetui gladiatorum -paria XX, et D. Lucreti Valentis fili glad[iatorum] paria X -pug[nabunt] Pompeis VI V IV III pr[idie] Idus Apr[iles]. Venatio -legitima et vela erunt. Scr[ipsit] Aemilius Celer sing[ulus] ad -luna[m]_,--'Twenty pairs of gladiators furnished by Decimus Lucretius -Satrius Valens, permanent priest of Nero, son of the emperor, and ten -pairs of gladiators furnished by Decimus Lucretius Valens his son, -will fight at Pompeii April 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12. There will be a big -hunt, and awnings. Aemilius Celer wrote this, all alone by the light -of the moon.' The reference to Nero as the son of the emperor, shows -that the inscription was written after he was adopted by Claudius, in -50 A.D., and before Claudius's death, in 54. Celer was an enterprising -painter of notices, whose name appears elsewhere in a similar -connection. - -Besides the general announcement of a gladiatorial exhibition, a -detailed programme, _libellus_, was prepared in advance, of which -copies were sold. No such copy has come down to us, but the character -of the contents of a programme may be inferred from the order of -events which a Pompeian with waste time on his hands scratched on a -wall; the memorandum covers two exhibitions, which came near together -in the early part of May, the result of each combat being carefully -noted. Unfortunately the letters have now become almost illegible; but -we give the superscription and three of the nine pairs of combatants -mentioned in the second programme, which is the better preserved of -the two, adding in a separate column the full forms of the abbreviated -words; the figures indicate the number of combats in which the -different gladiators had taken part:-- - - MUNUS.N ... IV.III Munus N ... IV. III. - PRID.IDUS.IDI[BUS].MAI[S] pridie Idus, Idibus Mais - - T M Threx, Myrmillo - _v._ PUGNAX.NER.III _vicit._ Pugnax, Neronianus, III - _p._ MURRANUS.NER.III _periit._ Murranus, Neronianus, III - - O T Hoplomachus, Threx - _v._ CYCNUS.IUL.VIIII _vicit._ Cycnus, Iulianus, VIIII - _m._ ATTICUS.IUL.XIV _missus est._ Atticus, Iulianus, XIV - - ESS Essedarii - _m._ P.OSTORIUS.LI _missus est._ Publius Ostorius, LI. - _v._ SCYLAX.IUL.XXVI _vicit._ Scylax, Iulianus, XXVI - -The name of the official who gave the exhibition (_munus_) is -obliterated. The contests extended over four days, May 12-15. - -In the first pair of gladiators Pugnax, equipped with Thracian -weapons--a small, round shield and short, curved sword or dagger--was -matched with the Myrmillo Murranus, who bore arms of the Gallic -fashion, with the image of a fish on his helmet. Both were -_Neroniani_; that is, from the training school for gladiators founded -by Nero, apparently at Capua. Pugnax and Murranus had both been -through three contests previously. The name of a gladiator entering a -combat for the first time was not followed by a number, but by the -letter T, standing for _tiro_, 'novice.' At the left we see the record -added to the programme by the writer in order to give the result of -the combat. Pugnax was the victor, Murranus was killed. - -In the second pair Cycnus, in heavy armor, was pitted against Atticus, -who had the Thracian arms. Both were from the training school founded -by Julius Caesar, probably at Capua, and hence are called _Iuliani_. -Cycnus won, but the audience had compassion on Atticus, and his life -was spared. The same term was applied to a defeated gladiator -permitted to leave the arena as to a soldier having an honorable -discharge--_missus_, 'let go.' - -The third pair fought in chariots, being dressed in British costume. -Scylax was from the Julian school. Such establishments let out -gladiators to those who gave exhibitions, and obtained in this way a -considerable income. But Publius Ostorius, as his name implies, was a -freeman; presumably he was a gladiator, who, having served a full -term, had secured his freedom, and was now fighting on his own -account. Though beaten, he was permitted to live, perhaps on account -of his creditable record; he had engaged in fifty-one combats. - -The combatants from the schools of Caesar and Nero were especially -popular, and were generally victorious; but gladiators belonging to -other proprietors are mentioned, as in the inscriptions of a house on -Nola Street, which will be mentioned again presently. Here we find -gladiators who were evidently freemen named with others who were -slaves of different masters. In only one of these inscriptions, -however, do we find the name of an owner that is known to us: -_Essed[arius] Auriolus Sisen[nae]_. The chariot fighter Auriolus -belonged to a Sisenna, seemingly either the Sisenna Statilius Taurus, -who was consul in 16 A.D., or his son of the same name. As we have -seen, it was a Statilius Taurus who built the first permanent -amphitheatre in Rome, in 29 B.C. The control of this building remained -in the hands of the family. In the columbarium in which the ashes of -their slaves and freedmen were placed, we find inscriptions of a -'guard of the amphitheatre,' and of a 'doorkeeper'--_custos de -amphitheatro_, _ostiarius ab amphitheatro_. It is highly probable that -the family--the first in Rome after the imperial house--possessed a -training school, and derived an income from furnishing gladiators to -those who gave exhibitions. - -In view of these facts, we must suppose that the 'troop' (_familia -gladiatoria_) of Suettius Certus, for example, was simply a band of -gladiators brought together for a particular engagement, not a -permanent organization. The giver of an exhibition would make a -contract for the gladiators that he might need. At the close of the -combats the dead would be counted, the surviving freemen paid off and -dismissed, and the surviving slaves returned to their masters, 'the -troop' thus going out of existence. - -Occasionally the individual who provided the combats would erect a -monument to the fallen, by way of perpetuating the memory of his -munificence. A familiar example is the memorial set up by Gaius -Salvius Capito at Venosa, of which the inscription is extant. The -names are given of the gladiators who were killed, together with the -number of their previous combats and victories. They were slaves of -different masters, only one of them, Optatus, being owned by Capito -himself. Optatus was a tiro, who fell thus in his first contest. -Possibly his master had obliged him, on account of some misdemeanor, -to enter the arena with little previous training. - -Besides the classes of inscriptions of which examples have been -presented, all sorts of scratches upon the plastered walls bear -witness to the general enthusiasm for gladiatorial sports. Sometimes -there is simply the name of a gladiator, with his school and the -number of combats, as _Auctus, Iul[ianus], XXXXX_; sometimes we find a -rough outline of a figure with a boastful legend, as _Hermaiscus -invictus hac_, 'Here's the unconquered Hermaiscus.' - -There are also memoranda in regard to particular combats, illustrated -by rude sketches. Thus on a wall in the house of the Centenary we find -a drawing of a gladiator in flight, pursued by another, with the note: -_Officiosus fugit VIII Idus Nov[embres] Druso Caesare M. Iunio Silano -cos._,--'Officiosus fled on November 6, in the year 15 A.D.' A similar -sketch has been found in another house, with these words written -beside the fleeing gladiator, _Q. P[e]tronius O[c]ta[v]us XXXIII, -m[issus]_; beside the pursuer, _Severus lib[ertus], XXXXXV, v[icit]_. -Severus was thus a gladiator who had been a slave, and had gained his -freedom: he had fought fifty-five combats. Petronius Octavus may have -been a freeman, who had fought on his own account from the beginning. -In taverns a painting of a gladiator with an inscription like the -record of a programme was a favorite subject of decoration. - -Athletes in all ages have won the admiration of the gentler sex; and -it would be surprising if among so many gladiatorial graffiti there -were not some containing references to female admirers. In the -peristyle of a house on Nola Street (V. v. 3) the names of about -thirty gladiators are found; the kinds of weapons and the owners are -designated, and the number of previous combats given, as in the -programmes, while records of the results of the combats are entirely -lacking. Terms of endearment are lavished upon two, Celadus, Threx, -and Crescens, net fighter; Celadus is _suspirium puellarum_, 'maidens' -sigh,' and _puellarum decus_, 'glory of girls'; while Crescens is -_puparum dominus_, 'lord o' lassies,' and _puparum medicus_, 'the -darlings' doctor.' - -Another graffito informs us that at one time--before the year 63--a -gladiator lived in this house: _Samus / [^C] / m[urmillo], idem eq[ues], -hic hab[itat]_,--'Samus, who has fought once, and once conquered (_[^C]_ -is for _corona_, 'crown'), Myrmillo, and at the same time fighter on -horseback, lives here.' Other gladiators, no doubt, shared the -dwelling with him; and the amatory graffiti may have been written by -one and another _miles gloriosus_, referring to conquests outside the -arena, or by companions in bitter scorn. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -_STREETS, WATER SYSTEM, AND WAYSIDE SHRINES_ - - - [Illustration: Fig. 102.--View of Abbondanza Street, looking east. - - At the left, fountain of Concordia Augusta, and side entrance of the - Eumachia building. In the pavement, three stepping stones.] - -The streets of Pompeii vary greatly in width. The widest is Mercury -Street, the continuation of which near the Forum has a breadth of -nearly 32 feet. Next come Abbondanza and Nola streets, the greatest -width of which is about 28 feet; the other streets and thoroughfares -vary from 10 to 20 feet. With unimportant exceptions, broad and narrow -streets alike are paved with polygonal blocks of basalt, which in -laying were fitted to one another with great care; on both sides are -raised sidewalks, with basalt or tufa curbing. The sidewalks in some -places are paved with small stones, elsewhere are laid with concrete, -or left with a surface of beaten earth. As there is no uniformity, the -sidewalk varying in front of adjoining houses, it is clear that the -choice of materials was left to individual owners of abutting -property. The limits of ownership are often designated by boundary -stones, laid in the surface of the walk. - -Broad ruts, worn by wheels, are seen in the pavement, shallower in -places where the basalt flags, cut from the lowest stratum of the -stream of lava, are particularly hard; deeper wherever there are -blocks quarried nearer the surface. Only the principal streets were -wide enough to allow wagons to meet and pass; elsewhere drivers must -have waited at a corner for a coming team to go by. It seems likely -that driving on the streets of the city was forbidden, wheeled -vehicles being used only for traffic; people who wished to ride -availed themselves of litters. - -At various places along the thoroughfares, but particularly at the -corners, large oblong stepping stones with rounded corners were set in -the pavement at convenient distances for those wishing to cross, the -surface being on a level with the sidewalk. The number varied -according to the width of the pavement; in the broadest streets as -many as five were used. They were arranged always in such a way as to -leave places for the wagon wheels. It is not difficult to understand -how Pompeian drivers guided their teams past them; draft animals were -attached to the wagon by means of a yoke fastened to the end of the -pole, and, as there were no tugs or whippletrees, they had a greater -freedom of movement than is allowed to modern teams. - -It is not to be supposed that so complete a system of paving existed -from the beginning of the city. Some light is thrown on the period of -its laying by two inscriptions,--one, EX . K . QUI, cut in the edge of -the sidewalk west of Insula IX. iv.; the other, K . Q, in the pavement -between the second and fourth Insulae of Region VII. Both are -evidently dates, and in full would read _ex Kalendis Quinctilibus_, -'from the first day of July,' and _Kalendis Quinctilibus_, 'July 1.' -Apparently they relate to the laying of the pavement; this was in -place, even in the unimportant side street of Region VII, when the -inscriptions were cut, and so must go back to the time before the name -of the month _Quinctilis_ was changed to _Iulius_, our July. Pompeii -was paved, therefore, before 44 B.C. - -The stepping stones were particularly useful when there was a heavy -rain; for the water then flowed in torrents down the streets, as it -does to-day in Catania, where the inhabitants have light bridges which -they throw over the crossings after a storm. There were covered -conduits to carry off the surface drainage of the Forum, one of which -runs under the Strada delle Scuole to the south, the other under the -Via Marina to the west. Elsewhere the water rushed down the streets -till it came near the city walls, where it was collected and carried -off by large storm sewers. These are still in successful operation, as -are also the conduits at the Forum. One is at the west end of the Vico -dei Soprastanti, another at the west end of Nola Street; and a third -leads from Abbondanza Street, where it is crossed by Stabian Street, -toward the south. - -There were other sewers in the city, but they were of small dimensions -and have not been fully investigated. They seem generally to have been -under sidewalks. They were not designed to receive surface water, but -the drainage of houses. They cannot have served this purpose fully, -however, for most of the closets were connected, not with the sewers, -but with cesspools. - -After the lapse of more than eighteen centuries, the visitor at -Pompeii will distinguish at a glance the business streets from those -less frequented. The sides of the former are lined with shops; along -the latter are blank walls, broken only by house doors, with now and -then a small window high above the pavement. The greatest volume of -business was transacted on the two main thoroughfares, Stabian and -Nola streets; next in importance were Abbondanza Street, leading from -the Forum toward the Sarno Gate, and the continuation of Augustales -Street from the north end of the Forum toward the east. First in the -list of quiet thoroughfares is the broad Mercury Street, along which -were many homes of wealth; the north end of it is closed by the city -wall. - -There were many fountains along the streets of Pompeii, most of them -at the corners. They were fed by pipes connecting with the water -system of the city. The construction is simple. A deep basin was made -by placing on their edges four large slabs of basalt, held together at -the corners by iron clamps. Above one of the longer sides, usually -near the middle, is a short, thick standard, of the same stone, -pierced for the lead feed pipe, which threw a jet of water forward -into the basin below; on the opposite side is a depression through -which the superfluous water ran off into the street. Most of these -standards are ornamented with reliefs, roughly carved but -effective,--an eagle with a hare in its beak, a calf's head, a bust of -Mercury, a head of Medusa, a drunken Silenus (Fig. 103), or some other -suitable design, arranged so that the water would spurt from the mouth -of the figure or from an amphora. - -Occasionally we find a fountain of finer material. That of Concordia -Augusta, of limestone, has already been mentioned (p. 117). In the -neighborhood of the Porta Marina there is a fountain of white marble -with a relief showing a cock that has tipped over a jar, from the -mouth of which the water flowed. Both these more costly fountains were -probably the gift of private individuals, one presented to the city by -Eumachia, the other by the owner of the nearest house, at VII. xv. -1-2. All the fountains bear witness to long use by the depressions -worn in the stone by the hands of those leaning forward to drink. - -Water towers stand at the sides of the streets, small pillars of -masonry preserved ordinarily to the height of 20 feet. Usually on one -side there is a deep perpendicular groove (shown in Fig. 103) in which -ran the pipe that carried the water to the top of the tower, where it -was received by a small open reservoir, presumably of metal, and -distributed through numerous small pipes leading to the fountains and -to private houses. The sides of the towers are often covered with -incrustations of lime deposited from the water, in which the -impressions of the lead pipes are still to be seen; in the case of one -tower, at the northeast corner of Insula VI. xiii, a number of the -pipes have been preserved. A reservoir was placed also on the top of -the commemorative arch at the lower end of Mercury Street, on which -stood the bronze statue of Nero or Caligula (p. 48); the traces of the -pipes leading from it are clearly seen on the surface of the arch. -Similar water towers are in use now in Constantinople and Palermo, -having been introduced into the latter city, it would seem, by the -Saracens, who very likely took their water system from that of the -Turkish capital. - - [Illustration: Fig. 103.--Fountain, water tower, and street shrine, - corner of Stabian and Nola streets.] - -In consequence of these arrangements, Pompeii was well supplied with -water. There were flowing jets in all houses except the poorest, and -in some the amount used must have been large. In the house of the -Vettii there were no less than sixteen jets, in the house of the -Silver Wedding, seven; and an equally generous distribution is found -in many other of the more extensive private establishments. Large -quantities of water were used also in the public baths. The water -pipes were made of sheet lead folded together, a transverse section -showing the shape of a pear. They were of all sizes, according to the -pressure; the flow of water was regulated by means of stopcocks, much -like those in use to-day. - -Across the street from the Baths near the Forum, on the west, is a -deep reservoir, of which we give the plan (Fig. 104). It is built -partly below the level of the sidewalk, and measures about 50 feet in -length and 13 in width, being covered by a vault. In the south end is -a window (_c_), reached from one of the stairways; when the reservoir -was filled to the bottom of the window, it contained not far from -ninety-five thousand gallons. There were two outlets. One was at the -level of the floor, closed by means of a bronze slide; the grooves in -which the slide worked are preserved. This must have been used only -when the reservoir was cleaned. The other outlet was placed about -three feet above the floor, so that the water could be drawn off -without disturbing the bottom. On the flat roof were rooms the -arrangement of which cannot be determined. - -Similar reservoirs are found in Constantinople, designed to furnish a -supply of water in case of siege. Such may have been the purpose of -our structure, which seems to have been built in the early years of -the Roman colony. The residents, remembering the hardships of the -siege of Sulla, may have thought it necessary to make provision -against a similar strait in the future. - - [Illustration: Fig. 104.--Plan of reservoir, west of the Baths near - the Forum. - - _a_, _b_, _c_. Windows. - _d_, _e_. Stairs.] - -The source from which the city received its water supply has not been -discovered. Evidently it did not draw upon the sources of the Sarno; -the water channel constructed by Fontana (p. 25) runs through the city -at a height of less than sixty feet above the level of the sea, while -the ancient aqueduct that supplied Pompeii had so great a head that in -the highest parts of the city, more than 130 feet above the sea, it -forced the water to the top of the water towers, at least twenty feet -more. Copious springs can never have existed on the sides of Vesuvius; -water must have been brought to the city from the more distant -mountains bounding the Campanian plain on the east. - -We can hardly believe that the construction of a water channel for so -great a distance lay within the resources of so small a town. We find, -however, the remains of a great aqueduct which, starting near -Avellino, a dozen miles east of Nola, skirted the base of Vesuvius on -the north and extended westward, furnishing water not only to Naples -but also to Puteoli, Baiae, and Misenum. This ancient structure drew -from the same springs, and followed substantially the same route, as -the new aqueduct which since 1885 has been bringing water to Naples. -No inscription in regard to it has been found, and there is no -reference to it in ancient books. The remains--of which the longest -section, known as Ponti Rossi, 'Red Bridges,' may be seen near -Naples--seem to indicate two styles of construction, extensive repairs -having been made after the aqueduct had been partly destroyed; but up -to the present time it has not been possible to determine the period -to which they belong. - -The water system of Pompeii goes back to the time before the founding -of the Roman colony. This is evident, not only from the arrangements -of the older baths, which contemplated a freer use of water than could -well have been provided by cisterns, but also from the existence of -three marble supports for fountain basins, which, as shown by their -style of workmanship, the use of Oscan letters as mason's marks, and -their location in pre-Roman buildings--the temple of Apollo, the Forum -Triangulare, and the house of the Faun--belonged to the earlier -period. If we may ascribe the building of the great aqueduct to the -time of peace and prosperity in Campania between the Second Punic War -and the Social War, and suppose that Pompeii, joining with other towns -in its construction, was supplied by a branch from it, we have a -simple and highly probable solution of the problem. Nothing in the -character of the masonry requires us to assign the aqueduct to a later -date. - - * * * * * - -The shrines along the streets, with few exceptions, were dedicated to -the guardian deities presiding over thoroughfares, particularly the -gods of street crossings, _Lares Compitales_. The worship of these -divinities in Rome was reorganized by Augustus and placed in charge of -the precinct wardens, _vicorum magistri_, who were to see that the -worship of his guardian spirit, Genius, was associated with that of -the Lares at each shrine. The arrangements at the Capital were -naturally followed by the colonies and other cities under Roman rule. - -At Pompeii the shrines of the street gods differ greatly in size and -character. Sometimes there is a small altar against the side of a -building, with two large serpents, personifications of the Genius of -the place, painted on the wall near it; one of the serpents, with a -conspicuous crest, represents a male, the other, a female. - -Frequently the place of the altar is taken by a niche, in which the -passer-by could deposit his offering. In our illustration (Fig. 105) -we see an ancient street altar which was carefully preserved when the -Central Baths were built, a niche being made over it in the new wall. - - [Illustration: Fig. 105.--Ancient altar in new wall, southeast corner - of the Central Baths.] - -Sometimes a large altar is found, and the Lares, with their offerings, -are painted on a wall above it. Such a shrine may be seen at the -northwest corner of Stabian and Nola streets, between the fountain and -the water tower (Fig. 103). Back of the altar is a wall terminating in -a gable (the tiles are modern) on which was a painted altar with four -worshippers clad in togas, and a fluteplayer, the inseparable -accompaniment of a Roman sacrificial scene; at the sides were the two -Lares, represented as youths, in loose tunics confined by a girdle, -holding in one hand, high uplifted, a drinking horn (_rhyton_), from -which a jet of wine flows into a small pail (_situla_) in the other -hand. It is remarkable that we do not find in this or similar -paintings at Pompeii, any figure representing the Genius of the -emperor, while in private houses the Genius of the proprietor often -has a place with the Lares, and sometimes the Genius of the emperor -also; in theory at least, as already remarked (p. 104), the emperor -stood to all men in the relation that the master of a house bore to -the household. - - [Illustration: Fig. 106.--Plan of a chapel of the Lares Compitales.] - -There is also a small chapel for the worship of the street gods on the -west side of Stabian Street, near Abbondanza Street. As may be seen -from the accompanying plan (Fig. 106), at the left as you enter is a -bench of masonry (1), at the rear a long altar (2). In the wall at the -right is a niche for the bronze or terra cotta figures of the Lares -and the Genius, while the surface of the altar is divided into two -parts, for the separate worship of the same divinities. A similar -chapel is situated on the west side of Mercury Street (VI. viii. 14). -Here also we find a bench of masonry, with two niches above it; in the -middle was a block of limestone which may have been used as an altar. -At the rear is a door leading into a small back room. This chapel was -formerly thought to be a barber shop. - -It has been customary to assign to the street gods all of the shrines -at the side of the street. Occasionally, however, other divinities -were thus honored; and the only street altar found with an inscription -is consecrated to a different deity. This altar is near Nola Street, -on the east side of Insula IX. vii. On the wall above two cornucopias -are painted the words _Salutei sacrum_, 'Sacred to Salus'; the goddess -of health was worshipped here. - -Near the upper end of the Forum, on the north side of Insula VII. vii, -is another altar, above which is a stucco relief representing a -sacrifice; at the sides of the relief are pilasters, and over it a -gable, in which an eagle is seen. This indicates that the shrine was -dedicated to Jupiter. - -The largest of the street altars, of tufa, stands free in a vaulted -niche on the north side of Insula VIII. ii, but no traces of painting -are to be seen near it (Fig. 107). - -Various divinities are painted on the outside of houses. The largest -picture of this kind is at the corner of Abbondanza Street, on the -east side of Insula VIII. iii. It contains figures of the twelve gods, -distinguished by their attributes--Vesta, Diana, Apollo, Ceres, -Minerva, Jupiter, Juno, Vulcan, Venus Pompeiana, Mars, Neptune, and -Mercury. Underneath are the two serpents, facing each other, on either -side of a painted altar; near the altar are other figures that cannot -be plainly distinguished, probably of men offering sacrifice. This is -not a shrine--there is no place for the offerings. The owner of the -property (house of the Boar), desired to place his household under the -protection of these gods, perhaps also to preserve the corner from -defilement. We often find roughly sketched figures of single gods, to -the guardian care of whom the master of a house wished to commit his -interests--most frequently Mercury, the patron divinity of traders, -and Bacchus; but also Jupiter, Minerva, and Hercules. - - [Illustration: Fig. 107.--Large street altar.] - -Sometimes merely a pair of serpents are painted on a wall, in order to -give a religious association to the place, as a means of protection. -In one case (east side of Insula VII. xi. 12) an explicit warning was -painted on the plaster beside them: _Otiosis locus hic non est; -discede, morator_,--'No place for loafers here; move along!' - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII - -_THE DEFENCES OF THE CITY_ - - -From the military point of view, Pompeii at the time of the eruption -did not possess a system of defences. For many years previously the -city wall had been kept in repair only as a convenience in matters of -civil administration, and the gates had long since lost all appearance -of preparedness to resist attack. The fortifications are not, however, -without interest. They form a massive and conspicuous portion of the -ruins, and as a survival from an earlier period they have recorded -many evidences of the successive changes through which the city -passed. - -The relation of the wall to the configuration of the height on which -Pompeii stood was pointed out in connection with our general survey of -the city (p. 31). Along the southwest side, at the time of the -eruption, it had almost completely disappeared. Here, where the slope -was steepest and the city best defended by nature, the wall had been -removed, and its place occupied by houses, at a comparatively early -date, probably in the second century B.C.; enough fragments remain, -however, to enable us to determine its location with certainty. -Elsewhere the greater part of the wall is in a fair state of -preservation. The towers did not belong to the original structure, and -one of the gates in its present form is of still more recent origin. - -The construction of the wall will be readily understood with the help -of the accompanying illustrations. - -First, two parallel stone walls were built, about 15 feet apart and 28 -inches thick; both walls were strengthened on the side toward the city -by numerous buttresses, the inner wall being further supported by -massive abutments projecting into the space between (Fig. 108). This -space was filled with earth. - -When the desired height, 26 or 28 feet, was reached, a breastwork of -parapets was constructed on the outer wall; the inner wall was carried -up about 16 feet above the broad passageway on the top (Fig. 110) as a -shield against the weapons of the enemy, preventing the missiles from -going over into the town and causing them to fall where the garrison -could easily pick them up to hurl back again. Rain water falling on -the top flowed toward the outside, and was carried beyond the face of -the masonry by stone waterspouts. - - [Illustration: Fig. 108.--Plan of a section of the city wall. - - A. Inner wall with buttresses and abutments. - B. Outer wall. - C. Filling of earth between the stone walls. - D. Tower. - E. Stairs leading to the top of the wall.] - -For additional strength there was heaped against the inner wall an -embankment of earth, which still remains on the north side, between -the tenth and twelfth towers. At the right of the Herculaneum Gate the -place of the embankment and of the inner wall was taken by a massive -stairway (E in Fig. 108) leading to the top. Originally, the stairs -extended east about 270 feet, but afterwards they were demolished for -the greater part of the distance, and houses were built close to the -wall. There is a smaller stairway of the same kind east of the Stabian -Gate (Fig. 111). - -In the original structure both outer and inner walls were built of -hewn blocks of tufa and limestone; but we find portions of the outer -wall, and all the towers, of lava rubble, the surface of which was -covered with stucco. The towers were already standing, as shown by -inscriptions, at the time of the Social War. We are therefore safe in -believing that in the period of peace following the Second Punic War -the walls were not kept in repair, some parts of the outer wall being -utilized as a quarry for building stone; that with the advent of the -Social War they were hastily repaired on the north, east, and south -sides, and strengthened by towers, but that no attempt was made to -renew the fortifications on the steep southwest side, between the -Herculaneum Gate and the Forum Triangulare, where the line of the old -wall was covered with buildings. - - [Illustration: Fig. 109.--View of the city wall, inside, where the - embankment has been removed. The door in the tower at the left marks - the height of the embankment.] - -When the towers were added--probably not long before 90 B.C.--they -were not distributed evenly along the wall, but were placed where they -seemed to be most needed. The western portion of the ridge between the -Herculaneum and Capua Gates was particularly favorable for the -approach of an enemy; hence three towers were built near together -here, numbered 10, 11, and 12 on Plan I. Another part of the wall -especially exposed was on the southeast side, where the height covered -by the city slopes gradually down to the plain; and we find five -towers within a comparatively short distance, two east of the -Amphitheatre, the other three further south. On the north side, -between the Capua and Sarno gates, the slope is steeper and two towers -were thought to be sufficient. - -That there were once two additional towers, besides the ten that have -been enumerated, is evident from several Oscan inscriptions, painted -in red letters on the street walls of houses. One of them, near the -southwest corner of the house of the Faun, reads thus: 'This way leads -between Towers 10 and 11, where Titus Fisanius is in command.' The -street referred to runs between the tenth and twelfth Insulae of -Region VI, direct to the city wall. Two others refer to a 'Tower 12' -near the Herculaneum Gate, this part of the fortifications being in -charge of Maras Adirius. - -In a fourth inscription we read: 'This way leads between the houses of -Maras Castricius and of Maras Spurnius, where Vibius Seximbrius is in -command.' In 1897, a fifth inscription became visible on the north -side of Insula VIII. v-vi, where it had been concealed by a coat of -plaster: 'This way leads to the city building (and) to Minerva.' The -street referred to is seemingly the blind alley which formerly ran -through the insula (Plan I). If this is correct, the sanctuary of -Minerva is the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare; but the 'city -building' cannot be identified. - -The five inscriptions evidently date from the siege of Sulla; they -were intended for the information of the soldiers, belonging to the -army of the Allies, who were quartered in the city to assist in its -defence. At this time there must have been twelve towers, that near -the Herculaneum Gate being reckoned last in the enumeration, as in -Plan I; but the location of the two that have disappeared has not been -determined. Another suggestive reminder of the same siege is the name -L . SVLA, scratched by a soldier in the stucco on the inside of Tower -10, near a loophole. - -The towers, which measure approximately 31 by 25 feet, were built in -two stories, with strong vaulted ceilings. The floor of the second -story was on a level with the top of the wall, and over this story was -a terrace with battlements, as shown in Fig. 110; the roof seen on the -two towers in Fig. 101 was a later addition, made when the city walls -were no longer needed as a means of defence. Stairways on the inside -gave ready access to the lower part of the towers, which could be -entered from the city by a door (Fig. 109) opening on the embankment. -On the outside were loopholes. Below, at the right, was a sally port, -placed thus in order that the soldiers when rushing forth might -present their shields to the enemy, leaving the right hand free to use -with offensive weapons; when returning to the wall they would, if -possible, cut their way to the sally port in the next tower to the -right, so as to avoid the danger of exposing their right sides to the -enemy. - - [Illustration: Fig. 110.--Tower of the city wall, restored.] - -Four of the gates have been excavated, the Porta Marina and the -Stabian, Nola and Herculaneum gates; two others, the Vesuvius and -Sarno gates, have been partly exposed to view. The remaining two are -still completely covered. All bear evidence of extensive repairs, and -one of them, the Herculaneum Gate, was entirely rebuilt at a -comparatively late period; with this exception, however, they seem to -have assumed their present form in the Tufa Period. Three of them -still retain traces of decoration of the first style on the inner -parts. The different gateways enter the walls at various angles. - -The Stabian Gate may be taken as typical. Entering from the outside, -at A, one came through a vaulted passage, B, about twelve feet wide, -to a broad middle passage, or vantage court, open to the sky, into -which missiles and boiling pitch could be hurled from above upon the -heads of an enemy attempting to force the gates; then followed a -second vaulted passage, a little wider than the other, in which were -hung the heavy double doors, opening outward. The projecting posts of -the doors are preserved, as are also the stones on which they rested -when they were swung back against the wall; the vaulting has been -restored. The gateway was paved throughout, with a raised walk on the -right side. On one side of the inner entrance is a well (_a_), the -Gorgon's head upon the curb reminding one of the protectress of the -gate; on the other, the flight of steps already mentioned (_b_) leads -to the top of the wall. Just beyond the steps are the remains of a -small building, perhaps the lodge of the gate keeper (_c_). - - [Illustration: Fig. 111.--Plan of the Stabian Gate. - - B. Outer passage. - C. Vantage court. - D. Doors. - _a._ Well. - _b._ Steps leading to the top of the wall. - _c._ Gatekeeper's lodge. - _d._ Oscan inscription. - _e._ Latin inscription.] - -The patron divinity of city gates, Minerva, was probably honored with -a small statue in the niche still to be seen in the wall of the -vantage court. Two inscriptions commemorate the making of repairs on -the thoroughfare passing under the gateway. One of them (at _d_) is -the Oscan inscription recording the work of the aediles Sittius and -Pontius, to which reference has already been made (p. 184). The other -(at _e_) is in Latin, and of much later date. It informs us that the -duumvirs L. Avianius Flaccus and Q. Spedius Firmus at their own -expense paved the road 'from the milestone,' which must have been near -the gate, 'to the station of the gig drivers (_cisiarios_), at the -limits of the territory of the Pompeians.' The Roman gigs, _cisia_, -were very light, and adapted for rapid travelling; they were drawn by -horses or mules, and were kept for hire at stations along the -highways. The site of the station between Pompeii and Stabiae is not -known. - -The Nola Gate, and the partially excavated Vesuvius and Sarno gates, -follow the plan just described in all essential particulars. The inner -keystone of the Nola Gate, facing the city, is ornamented with a -helmeted head of Minerva, in high relief, which being of tufa has -suffered from exposure to the weather. There was once an Oscan -inscription near by, which stated that the chief executive officer of -the city, Vibius Popidius, let the contract for building this gate, -and accepted the structure from the contractor. - - [Illustration: Fig. 112.--Plan of the Herculaneum Gate. - - A. Steps leading to the top of the city wall. - B. Room belonging to the house at the left of the Gate.] - -The front of the Porta Marina has the appearance of a tower projecting -from the wall. The gateway consists simply of two vaulted entrances, -of unequal width; one for vehicles, the other, at the left, for -pedestrians. Both were closed by doors. In the niche at the right of -the wider passage the lower part of a terra cotta statue of Minerva -was found. There was no vantage court, no inner passage; but in the -early years of the Roman colony the steep lower end of the Via Marina -for a distance of 70 feet was covered with a vaulted roof, which still -remains. Opening into this corridor on the right is a long narrow -room, which formed a part of the foundations of the court of the -temple of Venus Pompeiana, and is now used as a Museum. - -This gate in its present form could hardly have been intended for -defence; it was adapted rather for administrative purposes, and must -have been built--probably in the place of an earlier structure--in a -period when the possibility of war seemed remote. Such a time, as -previously remarked, was the second century B.C., particularly the -latter half, after the destruction of Carthage. - - [Illustration: Fig. 113.--Herculaneum Gate, looking down the Street of - Tombs. - - The corners of the entrances are opus mixtum, a course of brick-shaped - blocks of stone alternating with three courses of bricks.] - -A still more peaceful aspect is presented by the Herculaneum Gate. The -style of masonry--rubble work with _opus mixtum_ at the -corners--points to the end of the Republic, rather than to the Empire, -as the period of construction. Here we find three vaulted passages, -the middle one for vehicles, those on either side for pedestrians. The -vaulting over the middle part of the gate has disappeared; but -according to appearances a vantage court was left here, in the middle -passage, if not in those at the sides; at the inner end of this court -the gates were placed. The greater part of the structure served no -purpose of utility; it was obviously designed as a monumental entrance -to the city. - - - - -PART II - -THE HOUSES - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII - -_THE POMPEIAN HOUSE_ - - -Our chief sources of information regarding the domestic architecture -of ancient Italy are two,--the treatise of Vitruvius, and the remains -found at Pompeii. The Pompeian houses present many variations from the -plan described by the Roman architect; yet in essential particulars -there is no disagreement, and it is not difficult to form a clear -conception of their arrangements. - -The houses of Greco-Roman antiquity differed from those of modern -times in several respects. They took their light and air from the -inside, the apartments being grouped about a court or about a large -central room which ordinarily had an opening in the ceiling; the -distribution of space being thus made on a different principle, the -large rooms were often larger, the small rooms smaller and more -numerous than in modern dwellings of corresponding size; and in the -better houses the decoration of both walls and floors was more -permanent than is usual in our day. The ancient houses were relatively -low, in most cases, if we except the crowded tenements of imperial -Rome, not exceeding two stories. The windows in the outside walls were -generally few and small, and the external appearance was not unlike -that of Oriental houses of the present time. In the city house the -large front entrance was frequently ornamented with carved posts and -lintel. - -The development of the Italic house can be traced at Pompeii over a -period of almost four hundred years. The earlier form consisted of a -single series of apartments,--a central room, _atrium_, with smaller -rooms opening into it, and a garden at the rear; an example is the -house of the Surgeon (p. 280). A restoration of such a house with its -high atrium, wide front door, and garden is shown in Fig. 114. - - [Illustration: Fig. 114.--Early Pompeian house, restored.] - -Later, under Greek influence, a court with a colonnade and surrounding -rooms was added. This was called _peristylium_, 'peristyle'; it is -simply the more elaborate inner part of the Greek house, _andronitis_, -joined to the dwelling of Italic origin. We find the union of atrium -and peristyle with their respective groups of apartments fully -accomplished in the second century B.C., the Tufa Period; the type of -dwelling thus developed remained in vogue during Roman times and is -often called the Roman house. - -The double origin is clearly indicated by the names of the rooms. -Those of the front part are designated by Latin words,--_atrium_, -_fauces_, _ala_, _tablinum_; but the apartments at the rear bear Greek -names,--_peristylium_, _triclinium_, _oecus_, _exedra_. In large -houses both atrium and peristyle were sometimes duplicated. - -The houses of Pompeii impress the visitor as having been designed -primarily for summer use. The arrangements contemplate the spending of -much time in the open air, and pains was taken to furnish protection -from the heat, not from the cold. The greater part of the area is -taken up by colonnades, gardens, and courts; from this point of view -the atrium may be classed as a court. The living rooms had high -ceilings. In summer they were cool and airy, in winter difficult to -heat; they were dark and close when the door was shut, cold when it -was open. - - [Illustration: Fig. 115.--Plan of a Pompeian house.] - -With a single exception the arrangements for heating so often met with -in the remains of houses discovered in northern countries are found at -Pompeii only in connection with bath-rooms; the cold was ineffectively -combated by means of braziers. We are led to believe that the -Pompeians were extremely sensitive to heat, but endured cold with -great patience. One who makes himself familiar with the arrangements -of Italian houses to-day will receive a similar impression, although -the peculiarity is perhaps less obvious than in the case of the -ancient dwellings. - -In describing the Pompeian houses it is more convenient to designate -the principal rooms by the ancient names. In Fig. 115 we present an -ideal plan; in it the names are given to the parts of the house, the -relative location of which is subject to comparatively little -variation. These parts will first be discussed; then those will be -taken up which present a greater diversity in their arrangements. - - -I. VESTIBULE, FAUCES, AND FRONT DOOR - -The _vestibulum_ was the space between the front door and the street. -The derivation of the word (_ve-_ + the root of _stare_, 'to stand -aside') suggests the purpose; the vestibule was a place where one -could step aside from the bustle and confusion of the street. In many -houses there was no vestibule, the front door opening directly on the -sidewalk; and where vestibules did exist at Pompeii, they were much -more modest than those belonging to the houses of wealthy Romans, to -which reference is so frequently made in classical writers. Roman -vestibules were often supported by columns of costly marbles, and -adorned with statues and other works of art. Only one vestibule at -Pompeii was treated as a portico, that of the house of the Vestals -near the Herculaneum Gate. This was once as wide as the atrium, the -roof being carried by four columns; but before the destruction of the -city two partitions were built parallel with the sides dividing it -into three parts, a narrow vestibule of the ordinary type, with a shop -at the right and at the left. - -The passage inside the front door was called _fauces_, or _prothyron_. -According to Vitruvius the width of it in the case of large atriums -should be half, in smaller atriums two thirds, that of the tablinum; -at Pompeii the width is generally less than half. In the houses of the -Tufa Period the corners of the fauces where it opens into the atrium -were ornamented with pilasters connected at the top by an entablature. - -The vestibule and fauces were ordinarily of the same width, and were -separated by projecting doorposts with a slightly raised threshold -(Fig. 116) and heavy double doors. Sometimes, as in the house of -Epidius Rufus, there was in addition a small door at the side of the -vestibule opening into a narrow passage connecting with the fauces -(Fig. 149). In such cases the folding doors, which on account of their -size and the method of hanging must always have been hard to open, -were generally kept shut. They would be thrown back early in the -morning for the reception of clients, and on special occasions; at -other times the more convenient small door would be used. - -In several instances the volcanic dust so hardened about the lower -part of a front door that it has been possible to make a cast by -pouring soft plaster of Paris into the cavity left by the crumbling -away of the wood; there are several of these casts in the little -Museum at Pompeii. With their help, and with the well preserved stone -thresholds before us, it is possible to picture to ourselves the -appearance of the doorway. - - [Illustration: Fig. 116.--Plan and section of the vestibule, - threshold, and fauces of the house of Pansa.] - -The doorposts were protected by wooden casings, _antepagmenta_, which -were made fast at the bottom by means of holes in the threshold -([alpha], [alpha] in Fig. 116). - -The folding doors swung on pivots, which were fitted into sockets in the -threshold ([beta], [beta]) and in the lintel. The pivots were of wood, -but were provided--at least the lower ones--with a cylindrical cap of -iron or bronze, and the socket had a protective lining of the same -metal. Both caps and sockets, especially those of bronze, are found in -the thresholds in a good state of preservation. It seems strange that -ancient builders did not use smaller pivots of solid metal, on which the -doors would have turned much more easily; but a conservative tradition -in this regard prevailed against innovation. - -The fastenings were elaborate. Near the inner edge of each door was a -vertical bolt, which shot into a hole in the threshold ([gamma], -[gamma]); there was probably a corresponding bolt at the top, as in -the case of large modern doors. Sometimes there was a heavy iron lock, -turned with a key, and also an iron bar which was fastened across the -crack in such a way as to tie the two folds together. In many houses -there are holes in the walls of the fauces, just back of the door, in -which at night a strong wooden bar, _sera_, was placed; hardly less -often we find a hole in the floor a few feet back, in which one end of -a slanting prop was set, the other end being braced against the middle -of the door. These arrangements bring to mind Juvenal's vivid picture -of the disturbances and dangers of the streets of Rome at night. - - -II. THE ATRIUM - -An atrium completely covered by a roof was extremely rare. With few -exceptions, there was a large rectangular opening over the middle, -_compluvium_, toward which the roof sloped from all sides (Figs. 114, -118). In the floor, directly under the compluvium, was a shallow -basin, _impluvium_, into which the rain water fell (_h_ in Fig. 118). -The impluvium had two outlets. One was connected with the cistern; a -round cistern mouth, _puteal_, ornamented with carving, often stood -near the edge of the basin, as in the house of the Tragic Poet (Fig. -153). The other outlet led under the floor to the street in front, -carrying off the overflow when the cistern was full, and also the -water used in cleaning the floor. In the better houses a fountain was -often placed in the middle of the impluvium. - -Vitruvius (VI. iii. 1 _et seq._) mentions five kinds of atriums, the -basis of classification being the construction of the roof--Tuscan, -tetrastyle, Corinthian, displuviate, and tortoise atriums. The first -three are well illustrated at Pompeii. - -The Tuscan atrium, supposed by the Romans to have been derived from -the Etruscans, was apparently the native Italic form. Two heavy -girders were placed across the room, above the ends of the impluvium -(Fig. 117, _b_). On these, two shorter crossbeams were laid (_c_), -over the sides of the impluvium. The corners of the rectangular frame -thus made were connected with the walls at the corners of the atrium -by four strong slanting beams (Figs. 117, 118, _e_). On these and on -the frame were placed the lower ends of the sloping rafters (Fig. 117, -_f_), carrying the tiles, the arrangement of which can be seen in -Figs. 114, 117, and 118. This was the most common arrangement of the -roof at Pompeii. - - [Illustration: Fig. 117.--A Tuscan atrium: plan of the roof. - - _a_, _a._ Side walls. - _b._ One of the two girders supporting the roof. - _c._ Crossbeam, resting on the two girders. - _d._ Short beam of the thickness of _c_. - _e._ Corner beam. - _f._ Rafters, sloping toward the inside. - _g._ Compluvium. - 1. Flat tiles, _tegulae_. - 2. Semicylindrical tiles for covering the joints, _imbrices_. - 3. Gutter tiles.] - -The edge of the compluvium was frequently ornamented with terra cotta -waterspouts, representing the heads of animals. In a house near the -Porta Marina the projecting foreparts of dogs and lions were used in -place of the heads; the remains of a part of the compluvium have been -put together again, and are seen in Fig. 119. The lions were placed -over the larger spouts at the four corners; the under side of the -spouts surmounted by the dogs and lions was ornamented with acanthus -leaves in relief. The same illustration presents an example of the -antefixes sometimes found. - -The tetrastyle atrium differed from the Tuscan in only one respect: -there were four columns supporting the roof, one at each corner of the -impluvium. In most cases these supports, which interfered with the -view of the interior, can hardly have been intended primarily for -ornament; they simplified the construction, making the ceiling and -roof firm without the use of the heavy and expensive girders. - -The Corinthian atrium had a larger compluvium than the other kinds, -the roof being supported by a number of columns. There are three -examples at Pompeii, the houses of Epidius Rufus with sixteen columns -(p. 310), of Castor and Pollux with twelve, and of the Fullonica with -six. - -The roof of the displuviate atrium sloped from the middle toward the -sides, the water being carried off by lead pipes. The aperture for the -admission of light and air was relatively much higher above the floor -than in the kinds previously described. No example of this type has -been found at Pompeii. - - [Illustration: Fig. 118.--A Tuscan atrium: section. - - _b._ Girder. - _e._ Corner rafter. - _h._ Impluvium. - 1. Flat tiles. - 2. Semicylindrical tiles.] - -The tortoise atrium, _atrium testudinatum_, was small and without a -compluvium. The roof had a pyramidal shape. There were possibly a few -examples at Pompeii, as we may infer from the occasional absence of an -impluvium; in the only instance, however, in which it is possible to -determine the form of the roof (V. v. 1-2), this must have been very -different from that referred to by the Roman writer (p. 343). - -Vitruvius says further that the atrium should have an oblong shape, -the width being three fifths or two thirds of the length, or measured -on the side of a square, the hypothenuse of which is taken for the -length. The design was obviously to bring the sides nearer together, -thus lessening the strain on the two girders which in the commonest -form were used to sustain the roof. The height, to the frame of the -compluvium, should be three fourths of the width. - -In the case of the tetrastyle and Corinthian atriums at Pompeii the -height is indicated by that of the columns, but there are rarely -adequate data for determining the height of the others with exactness. -In regard to length and breadth the proportions harmonize fairly well -with those recommended by Vitruvius; but the height, in the cases in -which it can be ascertained, is often greater than that contemplated -by the rules of the architect. - -Looking at the Pompeian atriums in their present condition (Plate VII, -Figs. 121, 153) one might easily receive the impression that they were -primarily courts rather than rooms. In this respect the restorations -of Roman houses in the older books are often at fault, the atrium -being generally represented as too low in comparison with the rooms -around it. - - [Illustration: Fig. 119.--Corner of a compluvium with waterspouts and - antefixes, reconstructed.] - -The references in the ancient writers uniformly point to this as the -principal room of the house. In the earliest times the hearth stood -here; a hole in the roof served as a chimney. The accumulation of soot -on the ceiling and the walls suggested the characteristic name 'black -room'; for _atrium_ comes from _ater_, 'black.' Here the household -gathered at mealtime; here they worked, or rested from their labors. -In the atrium Lucretia sat with her maids spinning late at night when -her husband entered unexpectedly with his friends. - -Such the atrium remained in farmhouses to the latest times. The name -meanwhile was transferred to the corresponding apartment of elegant -city homes, while in the country it went out of use, being replaced by -_culina_, 'kitchen,' on account of the presence of the hearth. In -such a room in his Sabine villa Horace loved to dine, conversing on -topics grave or gay with his rustic neighbors, and partaking of the -simple fare with relish; while his slaves, freed from the restraints -of city life, were permitted to eat at the same time, sitting at a -separate table. The remains of an atrium of this kind, with its hearth -and niche for the images of the household gods, may be seen in the -villa recently excavated near Boscoreale (p. 361). - -Without doubt some houses of the ancient type might be found in -cities, even in Rome, as late as the end of the Republic. We read of -one in Cicero's time in the atrium of which spinning was done. But at -Pompeii the hearth had been banished from the atrium at a -comparatively early date, in the Tufa Period if not before; and the -room was made uncomfortable to sit in, for a considerable part of the -year, by the broad opening of the compluvium. - -From the architectural point of view, however, the atrium never lost -its significance as the central apartment. In all its dimensions, but -particularly in height, it presents so great a contrast with the rooms -around it as to remind us of the relation of a Roman Catholic church -to the chapels at the sides. The impression of spaciousness was -perhaps deepened when the atrium was provided with a ceiling. Few -traces of such ceilings are found at Pompeii, and in the smaller -houses the inside of the roof seems generally to have been visible. - -The atrium of the Corinthian type most nearly resembled a court, on -account of the size of the opening to the sky and the use of many -columns. A suggestion of the un-Italic character of this type appears -in the name; for one can scarcely suppose that atriums in the strict -sense existed at Corinth. - -Although the Pompeian atriums show no traces of a hearth, there is -possibly a reminiscence of the ancient arrangement in the -_gartibulum_, a table which we frequently find at the rear of the -impluvium. Varro says that since his boyhood these tables, on which -vessels of bronze were placed, had gone out of use; at Pompeii they -remained in fashion much longer. The gartibulum with its bronze vases -may symbolize the ancient hearth with the cooking utensils. Possibly, -however, it represents the kitchen table near the hearth on which the -dishes were washed; that it may have served a similar purpose in later -times is evident from the fact that in front of it a marble pedestal -was often placed for a statuette which threw a jet of water into a -marble basin at the edge of the impluvium. This group of table, -fountain figure, and basin appears in many Pompeian atriums. In Plate -VII we see the gartibulum and the supports of the marble-basin, but -the base of the fountain figure has disappeared. - - [Illustration: Fig. 120.--A Pompeian's strong box, _arca_.] - -The strong box of the master of the house, _arca_, often stood in the -atrium, usually against one of the side walls. It was sometimes -adorned with reliefs, as the one shown in Fig. 120, which is now in -the Naples Museum. It stood on a heavy block of stone, or low -foundation of masonry, to which it was attached by an iron rod passing -down through the bottom. A wealthy Pompeian sometimes had more than -one of these chests. - -In three atriums the herm of the proprietor stands at the rear. One, -with the portrait of Cornelius Rufus, is shown in Fig. 121. - -When there were two atriums in a house, the larger was more -elaborately furnished than the other, and was set aside for the public -or official life of the proprietor; the smaller one was used for -domestic purposes. Typical examples are found in the houses of the -Faun and of the Labyrinth. In the former the principal atrium is of -the Tuscan type, the other tetrastyle; in the latter the large atrium -is tetrastyle, the smaller Tuscan. - - -III. THE TABLINUM - -The tablinum was a large room at the rear of the atrium, opening into -the latter with its whole width; the connection of the two rooms is -clearly shown in Plate VII and Fig. 121. According to Vitruvius, when -the atrium was 30 to 40 feet in width--as in the larger Pompeian -houses--the tablinum should be half as wide; when the atrium was -smaller, the width of the tablinum should be two thirds that of the -atrium, while the height at the entrance should be nine eighths, and -inside four thirds of the width. These proportions will not hold good -for Pompeii, where the tablinum is generally narrower and higher -(Vitr. VI. iv. 5, 6). - - [Illustration: Fig. 121.--Atrium of the house of Cornelius Rufus, - looking through the tablinum and andron into the peristyle. - - In the foreground, the impluvium, with the carved supports of a - marble table; at the left, between the entrances to the andron and - the tablinum, the herm of Rufus.] - -The posts at the entrance were usually treated as pilasters, joined -above by a cornice; architecturally the front of this room formed the -most impressive feature of the atrium. Between the pilasters hung -portieres, which might be drawn back and fastened at the sides. In the -house of the Silver Wedding the fastenings were found in -place,--bronze disks from which a ship's beak projected, attached to -the pilasters. - -In early times the tablinum ordinarily had an opening at the rear -also, but this was not so high as that in front, and could be closed -by broad folding doors. In winter the doors were probably kept shut. -In summer they were left open and the room, cool and airy, served as a -dining room, a use which harmonizes well with a passage of Varro -explaining the derivation of the name. "In the olden time," says this -writer, "people used to take their meals in the winter by the hearth; -in summer they ate out of doors, country folk in the court, city -people in the _tabulinum_, which we understand to have been a summer -house built of boards." The derivation of _tabulinum_, of which -_tablinum_ is a shortened form, from _tabula_, 'a board,' is obvious. - -The period to which Varro refers antedates that of the oldest houses -at Pompeii. The room which we call tablinum was then a deep recess at -the rear of the atrium, open at the front, as now, but enclosed by a -wall at the rear; against this wall was a veranda opening into the -garden, toward which the board roof sloped. People took their meals in -the veranda in summer, and to it the name tablinum was naturally -applied. In the recess at the rear of the atrium, corresponding to the -later tablinum, was the bed of the master of the house, called _lectus -adversus_ because 'facing' one who entered the front door. As late as -the reign of Augustus, long after it became the custom to set aside a -closed apartment for the family room, a reminiscence of the ancient -arrangement still remained in the couch which stood at the rear of the -atrium or in the tablinum, which was called _lectus adversus_, or even -_lectus genialis_. - -The removal of the hearth and the bed from the atrium must have taken -place when the small hole in the roof was replaced by the compluvium. -A broad opening was made in the rear wall, and the place where the bed -had been was turned into a light, airy room; this was now used as a -summer room instead of the veranda, the name of which was in -consequence transferred to it. - -Even in later times, when the houses were extended by the addition, at -the rear, of a peristyle with its group of apartments, the tablinum -may often have been used as a summer dining room; but the tendency now -was to withdraw the family life into the more secluded rooms about -the peristyle. The tablinum, lying between the front and the rear of -the house, was used as a reception room for guests who were not -admitted into the privacy of the home; and here undoubtedly the master -of the house received his clients. - -In the house of the Vettii the tablinum is omitted on account of the -abundance of room; but at the rear of the atrium there are wide -openings into the peristyle (Fig. 158). - - -IV. THE ALAE - -The alae, the 'wings' of the atrium, were two deep recesses in the -sides (Fig. 115). They were ordinarily at the rear, but were sometimes -placed at the middle, as in the house of Epidius Rufus (Fig. 149). -Vitruvius (VI. iv. 4) says that where the atrium is from 30 to 40 feet -long, one third of the length should be taken for the breadth of the -alae; in the case of larger atriums the breadth of these rooms should -be proportionally less, being fixed at one fifth of the length for -atriums from 80 to 100 feet long; the height at the entrance should be -equal to the breadth. - -At Pompeii the alae, as the tablinum, are narrower and higher than -required by these proportions. In the Tufa Period the entrances were -ornamented with pilasters, and treated like the broad entrance of the -tablinum. - -With reference to the purpose and uses of these rooms we have no -information beyond a remark of Vitruvius in regard to placing the -images of ancestors in them. This throws no light upon their origin; -for only a few noble families could have possessed a sufficiently -large number of ancestral busts or masks to make it necessary to -provide a special place for these, while the alae form an essential -and characteristic part of the Pompeian house. Now and then an ala was -used as a dining room; more frequently, perhaps, one was utilized for -a wardrobe, as may be seen from the traces of the woodwork. A careful -study of the remains only deepens the impression that at Pompeii the -alae served no definite purpose, but were a survival from a previous -period, in which they responded to different conditions of life. - -An interesting parallel presents itself in the arrangements of a type -of peasants' house found in Lower Saxony. The main entrance, as in the -early Italic house, leads into a large and high central room; at the -sides of this and of the main entrance are the living rooms and -stalls. At the back the central room is widened by two recesses -corresponding with the alae; the hearth stands against the rear wall. -In the side walls, at the rear of each recess, are a window and a -door. The two windows admit light to the part of the central room -furthest from the entrance; the doors open into the farmyard and the -garden. - -The Italic house in the beginning was not a city residence shut in by -party walls, but the isolated habitation of a countryman. The design -of the alae, as of the recesses in the Low Saxon farmhouse, was to -furnish light to the atrium, which, as we have seen, was completely -covered by a roof, there being only a small hole to let out the smoke. -The large windows in the rear of the alae of the house of Sallust may -be looked upon as a survival; but in city houses generally light could -not be taken in this way from the sides. After the compluvium had come -into general use, a conservative tradition still retained the alae -whenever possible, though they no longer answered their original -purpose. - - -V. THE ROOMS ABOUT THE ATRIUM. THE ANDRON - -In front there were rooms at either side of the entrance, ordinarily -fitted up as shops and opening on the street, but sometimes used as -dining rooms or sleeping rooms, or for other domestic purposes. - -On each side of the atrium were two or three small sleeping rooms; in -narrow houses these, as well as one or both of the alae, were -occasionally omitted. - -At the rear were one or two rooms of the same depth as the tablinum, -used in most cases as dining rooms. They frequently had a single broad -entrance on the side of the peristyle or the garden (Fig. 134, 22), -but were sometimes entered by a door from the atrium or from one of -the alae (Figs. 115, 121). The door on the side of the atrium seems -generally to have been made when the house was built; if the owner -did not wish to use it, it was walled up and treated as a blind door, -an ornament of the atrium. - -The rooms about the atrium in the pre-Roman period were made high, -those in front and at the sides often measuring fifteen feet to the -edge of the ceiling, which had the form of a groined vault. The rear -rooms were still higher, the crown of the vaults being as far above -the floor as the flat ceiling of the tablinum. A corresponding height -was given to the doors; those in the house of the Faun measure nearly -fourteen feet. The upper part of the doorway was doubtless pierced for -the admission of light in the manner indicated by wall paintings, and -shown in our restoration of one side of the atrium in the house of -Sallust (Figs. 261, 262). - -The andron was a passage at the right or the left of the tablinum, -connecting the atrium with the peristyle (Figs. 115, 121). The name -was used originally to designate an apartment in the Greek house, but -was applied by the Romans to a corridor. In modern times the passage -has often been erroneously called fauces. - -The andron is lacking only in small houses, or in those in which a -different connection is made between the front and rear portions by -means of a second atrium, or other rooms. - - -VI. GARDEN, PERISTYLE, AND ROOMS ABOUT THE PERISTYLE - -A few Pompeian houses, like those of the olden time, are without a -peristyle, having a garden at the rear. In such cases there is a -colonnade at the back of the house, facing the garden; this is the -arrangement in the houses of the Surgeon, of Sallust, and of Epidius -Rufus. In the large house of Pansa (Fig. 179), we find both a -peristyle and a garden, the latter being at the rear of the peristyle; -and in many houses a small garden was placed wherever available space -could be found. - -The peristyle is a garden enclosed by a colonnade, or having a -colonnade on two or three sides. When this was higher on the north -side than on the other three, as in the house of the Silver Wedding, -the peristyle was called Rhodian. In the Tufa Period the colonnade -was frequently in two stories, on all four sides or on the front -alone. Fragments of columns belonging to the second story have been -found in many houses, but in only one instance, that of the house of -the Centenary, are they of such a character as to enable us to make an -accurate restoration; here the double series of columns extended only -across the front. - - [Illustration: PLATE VII.--INTERIOR OF A HOUSE, LOOKING FROM THE - MIDDLE OF THE ATRIUM TOWARD THE REAR] - -A separate entrance, _posticum_ (Fig. 115), usually connected the -peristyle with a side street. At the rear there was often a broad, -deep recess, _exedra_, corresponding with the tablinum. The location -of the other rooms in this part of the house is determined by so many -conditions, and manifests so great a diversity that it may be spoken -of more conveniently in connection with their use. - - -VII. SLEEPING ROOMS - -The small, high rooms about the atrium were in the earlier times used -as bedrooms; and such they remained in some houses, as that of the -Faun, down to the destruction of the city. - -The sleeping rooms about the peristyle were much lower, and the front -opened by means of a broad door in its whole, or almost its whole, -width upon the colonnade. These rooms could frequently be entered also -through a small side door from a dining room, or a narrow recess -opening on the peristyle (Fig. 146, _x_). The design of the -arrangement is obvious. In summer the inconvenient large door could be -left open day and night, a curtain being stretched across the space; -in winter it would be opened only for airing and cleaning, the small -door being used at other times. - -The place for the bed was sometimes indicated in the plan of the room. -In a bedroom of the house of the Centaur, of which an end view is -given in Fig. 122, a narrow alcove was made for the bed at the left -side; the floor of the alcove is slightly raised, and the ceiling, as -often, is in the form of a vault, while the ceiling of the room is -higher and only slightly arched. A similar arrangement is found in -several other rooms decorated in the first style. In several houses, -as in the house of Apollo, there is a sleeping room with alcoves for -two beds. - -In bedrooms with a mosaic floor the place for the bed is ordinarily -white, being separated from the rest of the room by a stripe -suggestive of a threshold. A similar division is often indicated in -the wall decoration, particularly that of the second style; the part -designated for the bed is set off by pilasters on the end walls, and -differently treated both in respect to the decorative design and in -the arrangement of colors. - - [Illustration: Fig. 122.--End of a bedroom in the house of the - Centaur, decorated in the first style. At the left, alcove for the - bed; above, two windows.] - - -VIII. DINING ROOMS - -As long as it was customary to sit at meals any fair-sized apartment -could be used as a dining room. When the early Italic house was -extended by the addition of a peristyle, and the Greek custom of -reclining at table was introduced, it became necessary to provide a -special apartment, and the Greek name for such a room with the three -couches, _triclinium_, came into use. For convenience in serving, the -length of a dining room, according to Vitruvius, should be twice the -width. At Pompeii, however, the dimensions are less generous; with an -average width of 12 or 13 feet the length rarely exceeds 20 feet. In -many cases one end of the room opened on the peristyle, but could be -closed by means of broad doors or shutters. - - [Illustration: Fig. 123.--Plan of a dining room with three couches. - - A. Upper couch, _lectus summus_. - B. Middle couch, _lectus medius_. - C. Lower couch, _lectus imus_. - D. Table, _mensa_.] - -The plan of a typical dining room is given in Fig. 123. The couch at -the right of the table was called the upper couch; that at the left, -the lower; and that between, the middle couch. With few exceptions -each couch was made to accommodate three persons; the diner rested on -his left arm on a cushion at the side nearer the table, and stretched -his feet out toward the right. Hence, the first on the upper couch had -what was called 'the highest place.' The one next was said to recline -'below' him, because lying on the side toward which the first person -extended his feet; the man at the outer end of the lower couch was -said to be 'at the foot,' _imus_. When in the Gospel of John we read -of a disciple "lying on Jesus' breast," the meaning is easily -explained by reference to Roman usage; John was reclining in the place -next below the Master. This arrangement makes clear to us the reason -why the couches were so placed that the lower one projected further -beyond the table than the upper one; the feet of those on the lower -couch were extended toward the end furthest from the table. - -To the couches grouped in the manner indicated the same name was -applied as to the dining room, triclinium. Of those in the dining -rooms only scanty remains are found. In summer the Pompeians, as the -Italians of to-day, were fond of dining in the open air. In order to -save the trouble of moving heavy furniture couches of masonry were not -infrequently constructed in the garden, and have been preserved; such -a triclinium is that in the garden of the tannery (p. 398). The -arrangement is in most cases precisely that indicated in Fig. 123, the -outer end of the lower couch projecting beyond the corresponding end -of the upper one. In the middle stands the base of the table, also of -masonry; the top is rarely preserved. Near by is a little altar for -the offerings made in connection with each meal. The appearance of -such a triclinium may be inferred from that of the triclinium funebre -shown in Fig. 245, which has a square table and round altar. - - [Illustration: Fig. 124.--Plan of a dining room with an anteroom - containing an altar for libations. - - A. Room for the table and couches. - B. Anteroom with altar.] - -In many gardens we find about the triclinium the remains of four or -six columns. These supported a frame of timber or lattice-work, upon -which vines were trained, making a shady bower, as in the garden of -the tavern in the first Region, referred to below (p. 404). - -The couches were ordinarily not provided with backs, but the outer -ends of the upper and lower couches sometimes had a frame to hold the -cushions, as indicated in Fig. 123 and shown more clearly in our -restoration, Fig. 188. In the dining rooms small movable altars must -have been used for the offerings, such as those of terra cotta or -bronze not infrequently met with in the course of excavation. A fixed -altar has been found in only one instance, in a small dining room in -the eighth Region (VIII. v-vi. 16). Here, as our plan (Fig. 124) -shows, the front of the apartment is set off as an anteroom, and in -this was placed an altar of tufa. - -In accordance with an ancient custom the children, even those of the -imperial family, sat on low stools at a table of their own on the open -side of the large table. In an open-air triclinium in the ninth Region -(IX. v. 11) the children's seat is preserved, a low bench of masonry -about forty inches long connected with the projecting arm of the lower -couch (Plate VII.). - -The inner part of the dining room, designed for the table and couches, -was often distinguished from the free space in the same way that the -place for the bed was indicated in bedrooms, sometimes by a difference -in the design of the mosaic floor, more frequently by the division of -the wall decoration and the arrangement of the ceiling. In the third -and fourth decorative styles the division is less plainly marked than -in the second; but often the side walls back of the couches and the -inner end of the room have each a single large panel with a small -panel at the right and left, while on each side wall in front are only -two panels, of the same size. - -In one respect the ordinary dining room was far from convenient; those -who had the inner places could not leave the table or return to it in -the course of a meal without disturbing one or more of those reclining -nearer the outside. Large rooms, in which an open space was left -between the couches and the wall, or in which several tables with -their sets of couches could be placed, were unknown in pre-Roman -Pompeii. In the time of the Empire a few of these large dining rooms -were built in older houses. There is one measuring about 25 by 33 feet -in the house of Pansa; another, of which the dimensions are 23 by 30 -feet, in the house of Castor and Pollux; and a third, 36 feet long, in -the house of the Citharist. - -In a number of houses we find a large, fine apartment--designated by -the Greek word _oecus_--which seems often to have been used for a -dining room, especially on notable occasions. A particularly elegant -form was the Corinthian oecus, which had a row of columns about the -sides a short distance from the walls, the room being thus divided -into a main part with a vaulted ceiling and a corridor with a flat -ceiling. The couches would be placed in the main part; the guests -could pass to their places along the corridor, behind the columns. The -remains of such an oecus may be seen in the houses of Meleager and of -the Labyrinth. - -A specially interesting example--unfortunately not yet wholly -excavated--is in the house of the Silver Wedding. In this case only -the inner part, designed for the couches, is set off by columns. We -may assume that there was a vaulted ceiling over the middle, resting -on the entablature of the columns; that the ceiling of the corridor -between the columns and the wall was flat, and of the same height as -the entablature; and that the front part of the room had a flat or -slightly arched ceiling of the same height as the crown of the vault -over the middle. - -In the more pretentious Roman houses there was sometimes a dining room -for each season of the year; when Trimalchio in Petronius's novel -boasts that he has four dining rooms, we are to understand that he had -one each for winter, summer, autumn, and spring. In the case of the -Pompeian houses we are warranted in assuming that dining rooms opening -toward the south were for winter use, those toward the north for use -in summer. Other airy apartments, with a large window in addition to -the wide door, may well have been intended for summer triclinia. -Further than this it is hardly possible to classify Pompeian dining -rooms according to the seasons. - - -IX. THE KITCHEN, THE BATH, AND THE STOREROOMS - -In the Pompeian house the kitchen had no fixed location. It was -generally a small room, and was placed wherever it would least -interfere with the arrangement of the rest of the house. - -The most important part of the kitchen was the hearth. This was built -of masonry, against one of the walls. It was oblong, and the fire was -made on the top. The cooking utensils sometimes rested on rectangular -projections of masonry, as in the kitchen of the house of Pansa, -sometimes on small iron tripods, as in the house of the Vettii (Fig. -125). The hearth of the latter house was found undisturbed, with a -vessel in place ready to be heated. In one house the place of an iron -tripod was taken by three pointed ends of amphorae set upright on the -hearth. Underneath there was often a hollow place, like that shown in -our illustration, in which fuel was kept, as in similar openings under -the hearths of Campanian kitchens to-day. - -Sometimes we find near the hearth a bake oven, not large enough to -have been used for bread, and evidently intended for pastry; bread -must ordinarily have been obtained from the bakers. In one of the -cellars of the house of the Centenary there is a larger oven, which -may have been used to bake coarse bread for the slaves; the heat was -utilized in warming a bath above. - -Over the hearth was a small window to carry off the smoke. As the -kitchen was ordinarily high there may have been a hole in the roof -also, but the upper parts have been destroyed, and their arrangement -cannot be determined. From the small size of the kitchens and of the -hearths in even the largest and finest houses, we may infer that the -luxury of the table prevalent in the Early Empire had made only slight -progress at Pompeii. - -Close by the kitchen, frequently forming a part of it and next to the -hearth, was the closet; a separate closet of good size is found in the -houses of the Faun and of Castor and Pollux. - - [Illustration: Fig. 125.--Hearth of the kitchen in the house of the - Vettii. The arched place underneath is for the storage of fuel.] - -In many large houses there is a bath, generally too small to have been -used by more than one person at a time. These baths ordinarily include -only a tepidarium and a caldarium, but occasionally there is an -apodyterium, less frequently still a small frigidarium; in most cases -a basin in the apodyterium or tepidarium must have been used for the -cold bath. The heating arrangements are similar to those found in the -public baths, and more or less complete according to the period in -which the bath was fitted up, and the taste of the proprietor; a -progressive refinement in the appointments of the private baths can be -traced similar to that which we have already noted in the case of the -Stabian Baths. The close relation generally existing between the -bath-rooms and the kitchen is well illustrated in the houses of the -Faun and of the Silver Wedding. - -In connection with this group of rooms we may mention the storerooms, -which are found in various parts of the houses and may be identified -by the traces of the shelves that were fastened to the walls. - -Comparatively few houses were provided with cellars. In the house of -the Centenary, however, there are two. One, entered from the atrium by -a stairway, extends under the tablinum and the front colonnade of the -peristyle; the other is accessible from a side atrium and is divided -into several rooms, in one of which is the oven mentioned above. The -cellar belonging to the house of Caecilius Jucundus is under the -garden; that of the villa of Diomedes will be described later. - - -X. THE SHRINE OF THE HOUSEHOLD GODS - -In ancient Italy each household worshipped its guardian spirits and -tutelary divinities, which formed a triple group, the Lares, the -Penates, and the Genius. In Pompeii the remains associated with -domestic worship are numerous and important. - -Many Pompeians painted representations of the household gods upon an -inner wall, often upon a wall of the kitchen, near the hearth. There -was usually a painted altar underneath, with a serpent on either side -coming to partake of the offerings. - -In a large number of houses a small niche was made in the wall, in -which were placed little images of the gods, the Lares and the Genius -being also painted on the back of the cavity or on the wall at the -sides or below. Such a niche may be seen in a corner of the kitchen in -the house of Apollo (Fig. 126); the pictures of the gods are almost -obliterated, but that of the serpent--in this case there is but -one--and of the altar can be clearly seen. In front is a small altar -of masonry; the ferns and grasses with which the floor is carpeted -make this kitchen in summer an attractive nook. Sometimes the niches -were ornamented with diminutive half-columns or pilasters at the sides -and a pediment above. - -Frequently a more elaborate shrine was provided, a diminutive temple -raised on a foundation, placed against a wall of the atrium or of the -garden. An example is the one at the rear of the peristyle in the -house of the Tragic Poet (Fig. 153). - -In rare instances a small, separate chapel was devoted to the domestic -worship, as in the house of the Centenary. In a house of the ninth -Region (IX. viii. 7) there is such a chapel in the garden, a niche for -the images being placed in the wall. - - [Illustration: Fig. 126.--Niche for the images of the household gods, - in a corner of the kitchen in the house of Apollo. - - Underneath, a painted serpent represented as about to take offerings - from a round altar. In front is a square altar for the domestic - worship.] - -The Lares are the guardian spirits of the household. Originally but -one was worshipped in each house; they began to be honored in -plurality after the time of Cicero, and at Pompeii we invariably find -them in pairs. They are represented as youths clad in a short tunic -confined by a girdle (Fig. 127), stepping lightly or dancing, with one -hand high uplifted in which a drinking horn, _rhyton_, is seen; from -the end of the horn a jet of wine spurts in a graceful curve, falling -into a small pail, _situla_, or into a libation saucer, _patera_, held -in the other hand. - -Simple offerings were made to these beneficent spirits,--fruits, -sacrificial cakes, garlands, and incense,--and at every meal a portion -was set aside for them in little dishes. When a sacrifice was offered -to the Lares, the victim was a pig. - -With the worship of the Lares was associated that of the Genius, the -tutelary divinity of the master of the house. He is represented as a -standing figure, the face being a portrait of the master. The toga is -drawn over his head, after the manner of one sacrificing; in the left -hand there is usually a cornucopia, sometimes a box of incense, -_acerra_; with the right hand he pours a drink offering from a patera. - -Very rarely we find a representation of the Genius of the mistress of -the house. In one painting she appears with the attributes of Juno; -the Genius of a woman was often called Juno, as in the inscription on -the bust stone of Tyche, the slave of Julia Augusta (p. 418). As a man -might swear in the name of his Genius, so a woman's oath might be 'By -my Juno.' - -The Lares and the Genius are often found together both in the hearth -paintings, and in the groups of little bronze images frequently placed -in the shrines. They are associated also in an inscription on the -shrine in the house of Epidius Rufus: _Genio M[arci] n[ostri] et -Laribus duo Diadumeni liberti_,--'To the Genius of our Marcus and the -Lares; (dedicated by) his two freedmen with the name of Diadumenus.' -Marcus was the first name of the head of the household. - -In a few cases the Genius of the emperor seems to have been revered at -a house shrine. Horace (Od. IV. v. 34) speaks distinctly of the -worship of the tutelary divinity of Augustus in connection with that -of the Lares,--_et Laribus tuum Miscet numen_. On the rear wall of a -little chapel in a garden is a painted altar at the right of which -stands Jupiter, at the left a Genius, each pouring a libation. We can -scarcely believe that the Genius of an ordinary man would thus be -placed as it were on an equality with the ruler of heaven; more likely -the Genius of an emperor is represented, perhaps that of Claudius. The -face is not unlike the face of Claudius, and the painting is on a wall -decorated in the third style (Ins. VII. xi. 4). - -In another house (IX. viii. 13) two Genii are painted, and under one -of them is scratched in large letters _EX SC_, undoubtedly for _ex -senatus consulto_,--'in accordance with a decree of the Senate.' We -are probably safe in assuming that the decree referred to is that of -the reign of Augustus, by which the worship of the Lares was regulated -(Dio Cass. LI. xix. 7); if so, the figure is intended to represent the -Genius of that emperor. - - [Illustration: Fig. 127.--Shrine in the house of Vettii. - - In the middle the Genius, with libation saucer and box of incense; at - the sides, the two Lares, each with a drinking horn and pail; below, a - crested serpent about to partake of the offerings.] - -The face of the Genius in the house of the Vettii (Fig. 127) bears a -decided resemblance to that of Nero. Here the shrine was placed in the -rear wall of the smaller atrium. It consists of a broad, shallow -niche, the front of which is elaborately ornamented to give the -appearance of a little temple, while on the back are painted the -household divinities. The Genius stands with veiled head between the -two Lares, holding in his left hand a box of incense and pouring a -libation with the right. In the original painting the features were -unusually distinct. - -The Penates were the protecting divinities of the provisions or -stores, _penus_, and the storerooms of the house; under this name were -included various gods to whom the master and the household offered -special worship. At Pompeii the Penates, as the Lares and the Genius, -appear in paintings, and are also represented by bronze images placed -in the shrines. In the shrine of the house of Lucretius were -diminutive bronze figures of the Genius and of Jupiter, Hercules, -Fortuna, and another divinity that has not been identified. Statuettes -of Apollo, Aesculapius, Hercules, and Mercury were found, together -with those of the two Lares, in another house; in a third, Fortuna -alone with the Lares. - -Jupiter and Fortuna are frequently met with in shrine paintings, as -well as Venus Pompeiana (Fig. 4), Hercules, Mars, and Vulcan as a -personification of the hearth fire; Vesta, the patron goddess of -bakers, usually appears in the hearth paintings of bake shops. - -Underneath the representations of the Lares and Penates ordinarily are -painted two serpents, one on either side of an altar, which they are -approaching in order to partake of the offerings; these consist of -fruits, in the midst of which an egg or a pine cone can usually be -distinguished. As early as the beginning of the Empire the -significance of the serpent in the Roman worship had ceased to be -clearly understood; Virgil represents Aeneas as in doubt whether the -serpent which came out from the tomb of Anchises was the attendant of -his father or the Genius of the place (Aen. V. 95). - -In the Pompeian paintings, when a pair of serpents occurs, one may -usually be recognized as a male by the prominent crest. They were -undoubtedly looked upon as personifications of the Genii of the master -and mistress of the house. When a single crested serpent appears, as -in the shrine paintings of both the house of the Vettii (Fig. 127) and -the house of Apollo (Fig. 126), we are to understand that the head of -the household was unmarried. - - -XI. SECOND STORY ROOMS - -With few exceptions the houses of pre-Roman Pompeii were built in only -one story; where the peristyle was in two stories, there must have -been rooms opening upon the upper colonnade. In Roman times, as the -population of the city increased and more space was needed, it became -a common practice to make the rooms about the atrium lower and build -chambers over them. A complete second story was rare; small rooms were -added here and there, frequently at different levels and reached by -different stairways. Sometimes the second story on the front side -projected a few feet over the street; an example may be seen in a -house in the seventh Region (casa del Balcone Pensile), the front of -which, with the part projecting over the sidewalk, has been carefully -rebuilt by replacing the charred remains of the ancient beams with new -timbers. - -Houses with three stories were quite exceptional, and the rooms of the -third floor must have been unimportant. Along the steep slope of the -hill, on the west and southwest sides of the city, a number of houses -are found that present the appearance of several stories; they are not -properly classed with those just mentioned, however, for the reason -that the floors are on terraces, the highest at the level of the -street, the others lower down and further back, being adjusted to the -descent of the ground. - -From the time of Plautus, second story rooms were designated as -'dining rooms,' _cenacula_. Varro says that after it became customary -to dine upstairs, all upper rooms were called cenacula. This -explanation is not altogether satisfactory, because other literary -evidence for the prevalence of such a custom is lacking. Perhaps in -early times, when, on account of the introduction of the compluvium -and impluvium, the atrium ceased to be convenient and comfortable for -the serving of meals, a dining room was frequently constructed on an -upper floor, and, being the principal second story apartment, gave its -name to the rest. In some places the ancient custom may still have -lingered in the time of the Early Empire. - - [Illustration: Fig. 128.--Interior of a house with a second story - dining room opening on the atrium, restored.] - -The upper parts of the Pompeian houses in most cases have been -completely destroyed; in a few, however, there are traces of a second -story apartment that was probably used as a dining room. - -One of these houses is in Insula XV of Region VII, near the temple of -Apollo. It is painted in the second style, and dates apparently from -the end of the Republic. At the rear of the atrium are two rooms and a -passageway leading to the back of the house. Over these was a single -large apartment, closed at the sides and rear, but opening on the -atrium in its entire length; along the front, as seen in our -restoration (Fig. 128), ran a balustrade connecting the -pilasters--ornamented with half-columns--which supported the roof. - -In a corner of the atrium at the rear a narrow stairway led to the -second floor. At the right, as our section shows (Fig. 129), was a -narrow gallery resting on brackets, which connected the upper room at -the rear with one in the front of the house. - - [Illustration: Fig. 129.--Longitudinal section of the house with a - second story dining room. - - At the right, vestibule, door, and fauces, with front room - above; then the atrium, with the gallery connecting the front - room with the dining room; lastly, the apartments at the rear - of the house. In this house there was no peristyle.] - -The large upper room was so well fitted for a dining room, especially -in summer, that we can hardly resist the conclusion that it was -designed for this purpose. There is no trace of a kitchen on the -ground floor; and for greater convenience this also was probably -placed in the second story, behind the dining room. - -In the fifth Region there was a small dwelling, which afterwards -became a part of the house of the Silver Wedding; the arrangement of -the two stories at the rear of the atrium was similar to that just -described, except that columns were used in place of the pilasters, -and there was only the one upper room in the back part of the house. -In such cases as this 'dining room' and 'upper story' might easily -have come to be used as synonymous terms. - -Where there was a large upper room at the rear of the atrium, no place -was left for the high tablinum; in a house in the seventh Region (casa -dell' Amore Punito, VII. ii. 23) the cenaculum was in front. On the -front wall of the atrium one may still see part of the carefully hewn -stones on which the columns of the second story rested, and fragments -of these columns were found on the floor below. - - -XII. THE SHOPS - -The outer parts of the houses fronting on the principal thoroughfares -were utilized as shops. On the more retired side streets there were -fewer shops, and we often find a facade of masonry unbroken except for -the front door and an occasional window. - - [Illustration: Fig. 130.--Plan of a Pompeian shop. - - 1. Entrance. - 2. Counter. - 3. Place for a fire. - 4. Stairway to upper floor. - 5, 5. Back rooms.] - -The shop fronts were open to the street. The counter, frequently of -masonry, has in most cases the shape indicated on our plan (Fig. 130, -2), being so arranged that customers could make their purchases, if -they wished, without going inside the shop. Large jars were often set -in it, to serve as receptacles for the wares and edibles exposed for -sale. Sometimes on the end next to the wall there are little steps, on -which, as seen in our restoration (Fig. 131), measuring cups and other -small vessels were placed. At the inner end we see now and then a -depression (3) over which a vessel could be heated, a fire being -kindled underneath as on a hearth. In the wineshops a separate hearth -is sometimes found, and occasionally a leaden vessel for heating -water. - -In the houses of the Tufa Period the shops, as the front doors and the -rooms about the atrium, were relatively high. Those of the house of -Caecilius Jucundus measured nearly 16 feet; those of the house of the -Faun, 19 feet; the appearance of the latter may be suggested by our -restoration (Fig. 139). The height was divided by an upper floor, -_pergula_, 10 or 12 feet above the ground, along the open front of -which was a balustrade; the stairs leading to it were inside the shop. -On such a pergula Apelles, according to Pliny (N. H. xxxv. 84), was -accustomed to display his paintings; and in the Digest reference is -more than once made to cases in which a person passing along the -street was injured by an object falling upon him from the second story -of a shop. 'Shops with their upper floors' are advertised for rent in -one of the painted inscriptions found at Pompeii (p. 489). - - [Illustration: Fig. 131.--A shop for the sale of edibles, restored.] - -In Roman times the shops, as the inner rooms of the house, were built -lower, and over them small closed rooms were made, which were called -by the same name as the open floor, pergula. These rooms were -frequently accessible from the street by a stairway, and in such cases -could be rented separately. In colloquial language, a man whose early -life had been passed amid unfavorable surroundings was said to have -been 'born in a room over a shop,'--_natus in pergula_. - -Shops were entered by means of small doors; the front was closed with -shutters. These consisted of overlapping boards set upright in narrow -grooves at the top and the bottom. A separate set of shutters was -provided for the open pergula. - - -XIII. WALLS, FLOORS, AND WINDOWS - -The walls were covered with a thick layer of plaster and painted; the -preparation of the stucco, the processes employed in painting, and the -styles of decoration are reserved for discussion in a later chapter. - -The floors were frequently made of an inexpensive concrete, consisting -of bits of lava or other stone pounded down into common mortar. A much -better floor was the Signia pavement, _opus Signinum_, so named from a -town in Latium. This was composed of very small fragments of brick or -tile pounded into fine mortar. The surface was carefully finished, and -was sometimes ornamented with geometrical or other patterns traced in -outline by means of small bits of white stone. - -In the Tufa Period a floor was often made by fitting together small -pieces of stone or marble, and bedding them well in mortar. The colors -are white and black,--slate is used in the floor of the atrium in the -house of the Faun; sometimes also violet, yellow, green, and red -appear with white and black. Pavements of square or lozenge-shaped and -triangular pieces of colored marble and slate, like that in the cella -of the temple of Apollo (Fig. 28), are occasionally found in houses. -In the time of the Early Empire floors paved with larger slabs were -not uncommon. - -The mosaics of the Pompeian floors--using the term mosaic in a -restricted sense--may be divided into two classes, coarse and fine. In -the former the cubes, _tesserae_, are on the average a little less -than half an inch square. The patterns are sometimes shown in black on -a white surface, sometimes worked in colors. The finer variety, in -which the pictures appear, is not often extended over a whole room, -but is usually confined to a rectangular section in the middle, coarse -mosaic being used for the rest of the floor. - -The windows at the front of the house, as we have seen, were -ordinarily few and small. From the Tufa Period, however, large windows -were often made in the rooms around the peristyle; in the house of the -Faun they range in width from 10 to 23 feet, and are so low that one -sitting inside could look out through them. Upper rooms, also, were -provided with windows of good size, sometimes measuring 21/2 by 4 feet; -but the remains are scanty. In later times occasionally a lower window -opening on the street was made almost as large, and was protected by -an iron grating. - -Windows were ordinarily closed by means of wooden shutters. Small -panes of glass were found in the openings of the Baths near the Forum; -had the Central Baths been finished, glass would undoubtedly have been -used for the windows of the caldarium. The window of the tepidarium in -the villa of Diomedes was closed by four glass panes set in a wooden -frame (p. 357); in the other houses a narrow pane is occasionally -found, but invariably set in masonry. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIV - -_THE HOUSE OF THE SURGEON_ - - -The house of the Surgeon (casa del Chirurgo) is the oldest of the -Pompeian houses that retained to the last, with but slight -modifications, its original plan and appearance. It lies at the right -of the Strada Consolare (VI. i. 10), about fifty paces inside the -Herculaneum Gate. The name was suggested by the discovery of several -surgical instruments in one of the rooms. - - [Illustration: Fig. 132.--Plan of the house of the Surgeon. - - 1. Fauces. - 5. Atrium. - 7. Tablinum. - 8, 8. Alae. - 9, 10. Dining rooms. - 13. Kitchen, with hearth (_a_). - 14. Posticum. - 16. Colonnade. - 18. Stairway to rooms over the rear of the house. - 19. Room with window opening on the garden. - 20. Garden.] - -This house was undoubtedly built before 200 B.C. The facade (Fig. 10) -and the walls of the atrium are of large hewn blocks of Sarno -limestone; other inner walls are of limestone framework (p. 37). The -plan conforms to the simple Italic type, before the addition of the -peristyle; yet it does not illustrate the oldest form of the native -house, for the tablinum (Fig. 132, 7) has already displaced the recess -for the bed opposite the front door. The measurements of the rooms are -according to the Oscan standard (p. 44), the atrium being about 30 by -35 Oscan feet. - -We pass directly from the street through the fauces (1) into the -Tuscan atrium (5) at the sides of which are sleeping rooms (6) and -the two alae (8). Back of the tablinum is a colonnade (16) opening on -the garden (20), which originally had a greater length; the room at -the right (19) is a later addition, as also the smaller room at the -other end (21). The roof of the colonnade was carried by square -limestone pillars, one of which has been preserved in its original -form. - -The oblong room at the right of the tablinum (10) was once square, as -(9). Both were well adapted for winter dining rooms; in summer, meals -were undoubtedly served in the tablinum. The room at the left of the -entrance (2) was a shop, at least in later times. The corresponding -room on the other side (6') was retained for domestic use. - -The shop at the right (3) and the back room (4), as well as the -kitchen with the adjoining rooms at the rear, used as store closets -and quarters for slaves, were a later addition; 22 is a light court, -to which the rain water was conducted from different parts of the -roof. Over these rooms was a second story reached by stairs leading -from the colonnade (18). It may be that this part of the house took -the place of a garden in which previously there was an outside -kitchen; that the ground belonged to the house from the beginning is -clear from the existence of a door between the rooms 6' and 3, -afterwards walled up, and the appearance of the unbroken party wall on -this side. - -The rooms about the atrium had no upper floor, and were relatively -high; the doors measured nearly twelve feet in height, and the ceiling -of the tablinum was not far from twenty feet above the floor. In -respect to height, this house was not unlike those of the next period. - -In the later years of the city, but before 63, the decoration was -renewed in the fourth style. There are paintings of interest, however, -only in the room at the rear (19), which had a large window opening on -the garden. In one of the panels here we see a man sitting with a -writing tablet in his hand; opposite him are two girls, one sitting, -the other standing; the latter holds a roll of papyrus. This kind of -genre picture is not uncommon; the type is spoken of elsewhere (p. -477). - -In another panel, which was transferred to the Naples Museum, a young -woman is represented as painting a herm of Dionysus (Fig. 133); a -Cupid is holding the unfinished picture while she mixes colors on her -palette. Two other maidens are watching the artist with unfeigned -interest. Upon the pillar behind the herm hangs a small painting; in -the vista another herm is seen, together with a vase standing on a -pillar. - - [Illustration: Fig. 133.--A young woman painting a herm. Wall painting - from the house of the Surgeon.] - -The room contained a third picture which is now almost obliterated. -Perhaps this pleasant apartment was once the boudoir of a favorite -daughter, who busied herself with painting and verse. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXV - -_THE HOUSE OF SALLUST_ - - -The house of Sallust (VI. ii. 4) received its name from an election -notice, painted on the outside, in which Gaius Sallustius was -recommended for a municipal office. It has no peristyle, and its -original plan closely resembled that of the house of the Surgeon. It -was built in the second century B.C.; the architecture is that of the -Tufa Period, and the well preserved decoration of the atrium, -tablinum, alae, and the dining room at the left of the tablinum (Fig. -134, 22) is of the first style. The pilasters at the entrances of the -alae and the tablinum are also unusually well preserved; the house is -among the most important for our knowledge of the period to which it -belongs. - -The rooms on the left side (6-9) were used as a bakery. Those in front -(2-5) were shops; two of them (2, 3), at the time of the destruction -of the city, opened into the fauces (1) and another (5) had two rear -rooms, one of which was entered from a side street. - -The rooms at the right (31-36) were private apartments added later and -connected with the rest of the house only by means of the corridor -(29), which with the cell designed for the porter (30) was made over -from one of the side rooms of the atrium. - -If we leave these groups of rooms out of consideration, it is easy to -see that the Tuscan atrium and the apartments connected with it--the -tablinum (19), the alae (17), and the rooms at the sides--once formed -a symmetrical whole. At the rear was a garden on two sides (24, 24'), -with a colonnade. A broad window in the rear of the left ala opened -into this colonnade (p. 259), a part of which was afterwards enclosed, -making two small rooms (23, 18). At the end of the latter room a -stairway was built leading to chambers; in the beginning the house had -no second floor. - - [Illustration: Fig. 134.--Plan of the house of Sallust. - - 1. Fauces. - 2, 3. Shops opening on the fauces. - 4, 5. Shops. - 6-9. Bakery - (6. Millroom with three mills (_a_), and stairway to upper floor. - 7. Oven. - 8. Kneading room.) - 9. Kitchen. - 10. Tuscan atrium, with impluvium (11). - 12. Anteroom leading to dining room (13). - 17, 17. Alae. - 19. Tablinum. - 20. Andron, with doors at both ends. - 21. Colonnade opening on the garden (24, 24'). - 25. Garden triclinium. - 29-36. Private apartments, added in Roman times to the older dwelling - (31. Colonnade. - 32. Garden. - 33, 34. Sleeping rooms. - 35. Dining room. - 36. Kitchen.)] - -The andron (20), the wardrobe (17') at the side of the right ala, and -the small room back of it (28) were made out of a square room -corresponding in dimensions with that at the other end of the tablinum -(22). The latter was originally entered from the atrium by a door at -_e_, which was closed when the wide door was made at the rear opening -upon the colonnade. At the rear of the tablinum is a broad window. - -In the corner of the garden is an open air triclinium (25), over which -vines could be trained; there was a small altar (_l_) near by. At _n_ -a jet of water spurted from an opening in the wall upon a small -platform of masonry; the water was perhaps conducted into the -rectangular basin (_k_) opposite, the inside of which was painted -blue. Only the edges of this portion of the garden, which is higher -than the floor of the colonnade, were planted; steps led up to it at -_f_ and _g_. A hearth (_p_) was placed in the colonnade at the left, -for the preparation of the viands served in the triclinium. The room -at the other end of the garden (27) was connected with the street at -the rear by a posticum; back of it was an open space (26) with remains -of masonry (_m_), the purpose of which is not clear. - -The large dining room (13) may once have belonged to the bakery; the -anteroom (12) leading to it was made from one of the side rooms of the -atrium. The arrangement recalls that of the dining room of which the -plan is given in Fig. 124. - -The appearance of the atrium in its original form may be suggested by -our restoration (Fig. 135). The proportions are monumental. The -treatment of the entrances to the tablinum and the alae, with -pilasters joined by projecting entablatures, the severe and simple -decoration (illustrated in Fig. 261), and the admission of light -through the compluvium increased the apparent height of the room and -gave it an aspect of dignity and reserve. At the rear we catch -glimpses of the vines and shrubs at the edge of the garden; painted -trees and bushes were also seen upon the garden wall. - -The series of apartments entered through the room at the right of the -atrium (29) present a marked contrast with the rest of the house. They -are low, the eight-sided, dark-red columns of the colonnade (31), with -their white capitals, being less than ten feet high; and the dark -shades of the decoration, which is in the fourth style upon a black -ground, give a gloomy impression to one coming from the atrium with -its masses of brilliant color. - -There was a small fountain in the middle of the little garden (32), -the rear wall of which is covered by a painting representing the fate -of Actaeon, torn to pieces by his own hounds as a penalty for having -seen Diana at the bath. At first the colonnade had a flat roof, with -an open walk above on the three sides; but when the large dining room -(35) was constructed, the flat roof and promenade on this side were -replaced by a sloping roof over the broad entrance to the dining room. -On the outer walls of the two sleeping rooms (33, 34) were two -paintings of similar design, Europa with the bull, Phrixus and Helle -with the ram. The rear inner wall of 34 contained two pairs of lovers, -Paris and Helen in the house of Menelaus, and Ares and Aphrodite. The -room at the corner of the colonnade (36) is the kitchen; the stairway -in it led to the flat roof of the colonnade. - - [Illustration: Fig. 135.--Atrium of the house of Sallust, looking - through the tablinum and colonnade at the rear into the garden, - restored.] - -This portion of the house probably dates from the latter part of the -Republic; it underwent minor changes in the course of the century -during which it was used. Previously there was in all probability a -garden on this side, into which opened a large window in the rear wall -of the right ala, afterwards closed. - -The changes made in the stately house of the pre-Roman time are most -easily explained on the supposition that near the beginning of the -Empire it was turned into a hotel and restaurant. The shop at the left -of the entrance (3) opens upon the atrium as well as on the street; -the principal counter is on the side of the fauces, and near the inner -end is a place for heating a vessel over the fire. Large jars were set -in the counter, and there was a stone table in the middle of the room. -Here edibles and hot drinks were sold to those inside the house as -well as to passers-by. The shop at the right of the entrance was -connected with the fauces, the atrium, and a side room (16). The -number of sleeping rooms had been increased by changes in several of -the earlier apartments, and by the addition of a second floor reached -by the stairway in room 18. The private apartments were for the use of -the proprietor, and were guarded against the intrusion of the guests -of the inn by the porter stationed at the entrance (in 30). - - [Illustration: Fig. 136.--Longitudinal section of the house of - Sallust, restored. - - At the left, the fauces with the counter of the shop; then the north - side of the atrium with the entrance of the left ala, the north side - of the tablinum, with one of the pilasters at the entrance from the - atrium; lastly, the colonnade at the back and the vine-covered - triclinium in the corner of the garden.] - -This explanation is confirmed by the close connection of the bakery -with the house; and the use of the open-air triclinium is entirely -consistent with it (p. 404). The arrangement of the house after it had -become an inn may be seen in our section (Fig. 136). - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI - -_THE HOUSE OF THE FAUN_ - - -The house of the Faun, so named from the statue of a dancing satyr -found in it (Fig. 258), was among the largest and most elegant in -Pompeii. It illustrates for us the type of dwelling that wealthy men -of cultivated tastes living in the third or second century B.C. built -and adorned for themselves. The mosaic pictures found on the floors -(now in the Naples Museum) are the most beautiful that have survived -to modern times. - - [Illustration: Fig. 137.--Plan of the house of the Faun. - - A. Fauces of Tuscan atrium. - B. Tuscan atrium. - C, C'. Alae. - D. Tablinum. - E, F. Dining rooms. - G. First peristyle. - H. Exedra with mosaic of the battle of Alexander. - I, J. Dining rooms. - K. Second peristyle. - L. Large room used a wine-cellar. - M. Kitchen. - N. Bedroom. - _a._ Vestibule. - _b._ Tetrastyle atrium. - _c_, _c'._ Alae of tetrastyle atrium. - _e._ Storeroom. - _f_, _f'._ Sleeping rooms. - _o_, _o'._ Bath. - _q._ Gardener's room. - _r._ Doorkeeper's room. - _v._ Broad niche for three statues. - 1-4. Shops.] - -The wall decoration, which is of the first style, in the more -important rooms was left unaltered to the last, and is well preserved. -This decoration, however, does not date from the building of the -house. In order to protect the painted surfaces against moisture, the -walls in the beginning were carefully covered with sheets of lead -before they were plastered. Later two doorways were walled up, and -the plastering over the apertures, which was applied directly to the -wall surface without the use of lead sheathing, forms with its -decoration an inseparable part of that found on either side. When the -original decoration was replaced by that which we see on the walls -to-day it is impossible to determine, but the change must have been -made before the first century B.C. A few unimportant rooms are painted -in the second and fourth styles. - -An entire block (VI. xii.), measuring approximately 315 by 115 feet, -is given to the house; there are no shops except the four in front -(Fig. 137). The apartments are arranged in four groups: a large Tuscan -atrium, B, with living rooms on three sides; a small tetrastyle -atrium, _b_, with rooms for domestic service around it and extending -on the right side toward the rear of the house; a peristyle, G, the -depth of which equals the width of the large and half that of the -small atrium; and a second peristyle, K, occupying more than a third -of the block. At the rear of the second peristyle is a series of small -rooms (_q-u_) the depth of which varies according to the deviation of -the street at the north end of the insula. - - [Illustration: Fig. 138.--Part of the cornice over the large front - door.] - -In front of the main entrance we read the word HAVE (more commonly -written _ave_), 'Welcome!' spelled in the sidewalk with bits of green, -yellow, red, and white marble. The street door here, quite -exceptionally, was at the outer end of the vestibule. It consisted of -three leaves (seen in Fig. 139) and opened toward the inside, while -the double door between the vestibule and the fauces (A on the plan) -opened toward the outside; the closed vestibule was not unlike those -of many modern houses. Fragments of the lintel over the outer door, -with its projecting dentil cornice, are preserved in one of the shops -(Fig. 138). - -The shops with their upper floors, _pergulae_, were nineteen feet -high. When the shutters were up they presented a monotonous appearance -(Fig. 139), but on sunny days, when the articles offered for sale -were attractively displayed, and buyers and idlers were loitering in -front or leisurely passing from one to the other, shops and street -alike were full of color and animation. - - [Illustration: Fig. 139.--Facade of the house of the Faun, restored. - - At the left, the front of a shop (1 on the plan) with its upper - floor; then the large front door, two shops, the entrance of - the smaller atrium and the fourth shop, which, like the second, - is completely closed by shutters.] - -The floor of the fauces, as of many of the other rooms, is rich in -color. It is made of small triangular pieces of marble and slate--red, -yellow, green, white, and black. At the inner end it was marked off -from the floor of the atrium by a stripe of finely executed mosaic, -suggestive of a threshold (Fig. 140), now in the Naples Museum. Two -tragic masks are realistically outlined, appearing in the midst of -fruits, flowers, and garlands, the details of which are worked out -with much skill. - - [Illustration: Fig. 140.--Border of mosaic with tragic masks, fruits, - flowers, and garlands, at the inner end of the fauces.] - -The walls of the fauces are ornamented in an unusual manner. The -ordinary decoration of the first style is carried to the height of -eight feet. Above this on either side projects a tufa shelf about -sixteen inches wide, on which is placed the facade of a diminutive -temple; that on the left is seen in Fig. 141. The front of the cella, -with closed doors, is presented in relief, but the four columns of the -portico stand free. The shelf is supported underneath by a cornice -which rested originally on stucco brackets in the shape of dogs; the -underside is carved to represent a richly ornamented coffered ceiling. - -The atrium was a room of imposing dimensions. The length is -approximately 53 feet, the breadth 33; the height, as indicated by the -remains of the walls and the pilasters, was certainly not less than 28 -feet. Above was a coffered ceiling. The sombre shade of the floor, -paved with small pieces of dark slate, formed an effective contrast -with the white limestone edge and brilliant inner surface of the -shallow impluvium, covered with pieces of colored marbles similar to -those in the fauces. Still more marked was the contrast in the strong -colors of the walls. Below was a broad surface of black; then a -projecting white dentil cornice, and above this, masses of dark red, -bluish green, and yellow. The decoration, as usual in the first style, -was not carried to the ceiling, but stopped just above the side doors; -the upper part of the wall was left in the white. - -As one stepped across the mosaic border at the end of the fauces, a -beautiful vista opened up before the eyes. From the aperture of the -compluvium a diffused light was spread through the atrium brilliant -with its rich coloring. At the rear the lofty entrance of the tablinum -attracted the visitor by its stately dignity. Now the portieres are -drawn aside, and beyond the large window of the tablinum the columns -of the first peristyle are seen (Fig. 141). The shrubs and flowers of -the garden are bright with sunshine, and fragrant odors are wafted -through the house; in the midst a slender fountain jet rises in the -air and falls with a murmur pleasant to the ear. If the vegetation was -not too luxuriant, one might look into the exedra, on the further side -of the colonnade, and even catch glimpses of the trees and bushes in -the garden of the second peristyle. - -Of the rooms at the side of the atrium, one (_f'_) was apparently the -family sleeping room; places for two beds were set off by slight -elevations in the floor. This room had been carefully redecorated in -the second style; the room opposite, the decoration of which was -inferior to that of the rest, was perhaps used by the porter -(_atriensis_). - -The tablinum (D), like that of the house of Sallust, had a broad -window opening on the colonnade of the peristyle. In the middle of -this room is a rectangular section paved with lozenge-shaped pieces of -black, white, and green stone; the rest of the floor is of white -mosaic. The floor of each ala was ornamented with a mosaic picture. In -that at the left (C) are doves pulling a necklace out of a casket--a -work of slight merit. - - [Illustration: Fig. 141.--Longitudinal section of the house of the - Faun, showing the large atrium, the first peristyle, and a corner - of the second peristyle, restored. - - Vestibule - Door - Fauces - Tuscan atrium with compluvium and impluvium (B) - Ala (C) - Tablinum (D) - First peristyle with colonnade and fountain basin (G) - Exedra (H) - Corner of the second peristyle (K)] - -The mosaic picture found in the right ala is characterized by delicacy -of execution and harmonious coloring. It is divided into two parts; -above is a cat with a partridge; below, ducks, fishes, and shellfish. -A large window in the rear wall of this ala opens into the small -atrium, not for the admission of light, but for ventilation; in summer -there would be a circulation of air between the two atriums. - -Two doors, at the right and the left of the tablinum (seen in Fig. -143), opened into large dining rooms, one (E) nearly square, the other -(F) oblong. Both had large windows on the side of the peristyle, and -the one at the left also a door opening upon the colonnade. The mosaic -pictures in the floors harmonized well with the purpose of the rooms. -In one were fishes of various kinds, and sea monsters; in the other -was the picture--often reproduced--in which the Genius of the autumn -is represented as a vine-crowned boy sitting on a panther and drinking -out of a deep golden bowl. - -The colonnade of the first peristyle was of one story (Fig. 141). The -entablature of the well proportioned Ionic columns presented a mixture -of styles often met with in Pompeii, a Doric frieze with a dentil -cornice. The wall surfaces were divided by pilasters and decorated in -the first style. In the middle of the garden the delicately carved -standard of a marble fountain basin may still be seen. - -The open front of the broad exedra (H) was adorned with two columns, -and at the rear was a window extending almost from side to side, -opening upon the second peristyle. Between the columns of the entrance -were mosaic pictures of the creatures of the Nile,--hippopotamus, -crocodile, ichneumon, and ibis; and in the room, filling almost the -entire floor, was the most famous of ancient mosaic pictures, the -battle between Alexander and Darius. - -This great composition has so often been reproduced that we need not -present it here; as illustrating the style and treatment, however, we -give a small section, in which the face of Alexander appears (Fig. -142). The mosaic is a reproduction of a painting made either in the -lifetime of Alexander, or soon after his death. The battle is perhaps -that of Issus. The left side of the picture is unfortunately only in -part preserved. At the head of the Greek horsemen rides Alexander, -fearless, unhelmeted, leading a charge against the picked guard of -Darius. The long spear of the terrible Macedonian is piercing the side -of a Persian noble, whose horse sinks under him. The driver of -Darius's chariot is putting the lash to the horses, but the fleeing -king turns with an expression of anguish and terror to witness the -death of his courtier, the mounted noblemen about him being -panic-stricken at the resistless onset of the Greeks. The grouping of -the combatants, the characterization of the individual figures, the -skill with which the expressions upon the faces are rendered, and the -delicacy of coloring give this picture a high rank among ancient works -of art. The colors in the mosaic are necessarily more subdued than in -the original painting. - - [Illustration: Fig. 142.--Detail from the mosaic picture representing - a battle between Alexander and Darius. - - Alexander, having thrown aside his helmet, is leading the charge upon - the guard of Darius, who is already in flight.] - -A corridor (_p_), both ends of which could be closed, led from the -first to the second peristyle. The columns here, of the Doric order, -were of brick, with tufa capitals, the shafts being edged, not fluted. -The entablature rested on a line of timbers, as often in the buildings -of the Tufa Period. In our restoration (Fig. 141) an upper colonnade -of the Ionic order is assumed, extending about the four sides. The -restoration is here possibly at fault; the colonnade may have been in -two stories only on the south side, with twice as many columns above -as below. - -On either side of the exedra were two dining rooms (I, J), one open in -its entire breadth upon the second peristyle, the other having a -narrow door with two windows. The fine mosaic picture in I was found -in so damaged a condition that the subject--a lion standing over a -prostrate tiger--could not be made out, until a duplicate was -discovered in 1885. - -In the sleeping room on the other side of the corridor (N), which had -been redecorated in the second style, remains of two beds were found. -The room next to it (L) was the largest in this part of the house; at -the time of the eruption it was without decoration and was used as a -wine cellar. A great number of amphorae were found in it, as also in -both peristyles. - -One of the small rooms at the rear (_q_) was perhaps occupied by the -gardener; the one next to it (_r_) was the doorkeeper's room. At _v_ -is a long, shallow niche, designed for statues. Nearer the corner were -two smaller niches, each of which was ornamented in front with -pilasters and a gable. These were the shrines of the household gods; -in front of them were found two bronze tripods, two bronze lamp -stands, two pairs of iron tongs, a couple of common lamps, and the -remains of a branch of laurel with the bones and eggs of a dove that -had nested in it. A bronze statuette of a Genius was found seemingly -in one of the niches. - -The domestic apartments were entered by a front door between the two -shops at the right (Fig. 139). The vestibule, unlike that of the other -entrance, is open to the street, the fauces being narrower and deeper. -The relation of the tetrastyle to the Tuscan atrium is indicated in -our transverse section (Fig. 143). The alae (_c_, _c'_) are here at -the middle of the sides; the one at the left served as a passageway -between the two atriums. The four tufa Corinthian columns, nearly -twenty feet high, are well preserved, as well as the pilasters at the -entrances of the alae. A tablinum was not needed in this part of the -house, and the space which it might have occupied was given to the -andron (_k_) and a sleeping room opening on the first peristyle (_l_). - -This part of the house was much damaged by the earthquake of 63, and -there are many traces of repairs, particularly in the upper rooms. The -walls were simply painted in the fourth style. Two money chests stood -on large flat stones in the rear corners of this atrium. - - [Illustration: Fig. 143.--Transverse section of the house of the Faun, - showing the two atriums with adjoining rooms. - - Sleeping room (f) - Tuscan atrium (B) with entrance of tablinum (D) - Left ala (c) of tetrastyle atrium - Tetrastyle atrium (b) - Right ala (c')] - -In one of the rooms at the front (_e_) there are traces of shelves; -stairs at one side led to the upper rooms at the left of the atrium, -the shape and size of which are indicated in Fig. 143. On the right, -also, there were small chambers over _g_, _h_, and _h'_, on the same -level as the second floor of the shop in front (4), and accessible -only by means of the stairway in this shop; there were no other stairs -in this corner of the house, and these rooms could not have been -connected with chambers over other parts of the atrium, because there -were no upper rooms over the fauces and the right ala (_c'_). Another -stairway in _d_, partly of wood, led to chambers over _i_, _d'_, _n'_, -_n_, _o_, _o'_, and part of the kitchen, M. - -Bronze vessels and remains of ivory feet belonging to a bedstead were -found in the double room _h_, _h'_; but it is more likely that this -was used as a storeroom for discarded furniture than that members of -the family slept here. - -A long corridor at the end of the first peristyle (_m_) connected the -rooms at the right of the small atrium with the closet (_n_), the bath -(_o_, _o'_), the kitchen (M), and the large bedroom (N) opening on the -second peristyle. The two rooms of the bath, tepidarium and caldarium, -were provided with hollow floors and walls, and were heated from the -kitchen, into which the draft vents (p. 188) opened; in order to make -the smoke less objectionable, the kitchen was built very high, with -several windows. - -The kitchen is of unusual size. A niche for the images of the -household gods was placed in the wall at the left, so high up that it -could only have been reached by means of a ladder. The front is shaped -to resemble the facade of a small temple, and in it is a small altar -of terra cotta for the burning of incense. - -The first room at the right of the corridor (_n'_) was completely -excavated in 1900, and found to be a stall. In it were brought to -light the skeletons of two cows and of four human beings, an adult and -three children. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII - -_A HOUSE NEAR THE PORTA MARINA_ - - -The height of the important rooms can be accurately determined in so -few houses of the Tufa Period, that special importance attaches to a -house on the edge of the city north of the Porta Marina (No. 13), in -which not merely the three-quarter columns at the entrance of the -tablinum, but also the pilasters at the corners of the fauces and alae -and part of the Ionic columns of the peristyle are seen in their full -height. The atrium is the best preserved of any in the large pre-Roman -houses, and the height of the ceiling in several of the adjoining -rooms is clearly indicated. The house lies about seventy paces north -of the Strada della Marina, on the last street leading to the right. -It is without a name and is seldom visited. - - [Illustration: Fig. 144.--Plan of the house near the Porta Marina.] - -Neither the decoration, renewed in the second style and without -paintings, nor the arrangement of the rooms (Fig. 144) requires -extended comment. There are two atriums, the smaller with the domestic -apartments being at the left and entered directly from the street. The -fauces of the other are of unusual width, being about two fifths of -the width of the atrium. The alae are at the middle of the sides, as -in the house of Epidius Rufus and the smaller atrium of the house of -the Faun. At the sides of the tablinum are large windows opening into -two dining rooms, which are entered from the peristyle. - -More than a third of the plot enclosed by the peristyle is taken up by -a deep rectangular basin for fish. At the rear are apparently other -rooms, adjusted to the slope of the ground, which, however, have not -yet been excavated. - -It will, perhaps, be easier to appreciate the stately character of the -pre-Roman atriums if we give a few of the dimensions which were used -in making our restoration (Fig. 145). - - [Illustration: Fig. 145.--Longitudinal section of the house near the - Porta Marina. - - Vestibule - Fauces - Ala - Atrium - Tablinum - Peristyle - Fish pond] - -The atrium is 41 by 29 feet. The tablinum measures 13 feet 9 inches -between the three-quarter columns which stand, in place of the usual -pilasters, at the entrance; it is thus half as wide as the atrium. The -height of the tablinum at the entrance is 18 feet 6 inches; according -to the proportions given by Vitruvius it should be 15 feet 4 inches. - -The alae and fauces also exceed the dimensions presented by the Roman -architect, the former being 12-2/3 feet wide and 16-1/4 feet high, while -the height of the broad fauces, 17-1/2 feet, is only a trifle less than -that of the tablinum. - -The height of the walls of the atrium is easily determined with the -help of the data before us; and the arrangement of the roof over the -fauces, atrium, tablinum, and colonnade of the peristyle must have -been very similar to that shown in our restoration. The entablature -seen over the entrance of the left ala is restored in accordance with -the architectural forms commonly used in the period when the house was -built. - -Both the three-quarter columns and the pilasters present a peculiarity -of construction found also in other houses, but not easy to explain. -The former appear as half-columns on the side of the tablinum, but -present fully three fourths of their breadth on the side of the -atrium. The pilasters at the entrances of the alae and fauces have, on -the inside, a good proportion, the breadth being about one eighth of -the height; but on the outside, toward the atrium, they are much more -slender. - -A well designed scroll pattern appears in the black and white mosaic -floor of the fauces, which, as often in Pompeian houses, slopes gently -toward the street. The floor of the atrium is made of black mosaic -with pieces of colored marble arranged in rows, and white stripes at -the edges. The base of a shrine for the household gods stands against -the right wall. In the first room at the right was an alcove for a bed -opposite the door; the ceiling of the alcove, in the form of a vault, -was lower than that of the rest of the room. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII - -_THE HOUSE OF THE SILVER WEDDING_ - - -Among the more interesting of the large houses excavated in the last -decade is the house of the Silver Wedding, which marks the limit of -excavation in the fifth Region (V. ii. _a_ on Plan VI). The main part -was cleared in 1892 (Fig. 8); and in April, 1893, in connection with -the festivities with which the Silver Wedding of the King and Queen of -Italy was celebrated, a special excavation was made in one of the -rooms, in the presence of their Majesties and of their imperial -guests, the Emperor and Empress of Germany. Portions of the house are -still covered, the facade, the inner end of the oecus, and the greater -part of an extensive garden on the left side. - -Notwithstanding the extent of the house--the greatest length is not -far from 150 feet, the breadth of the excavated portion 130--and the -number of apartments, the plan is simple (Fig. 146). From the fauces -(_a_) we pass into a tetrastyle atrium (_d_), the largest of its kind -yet discovered, with alae on either side and a high tablinum (_o_). -Back of this is a Rhodian peristyle, at the rear of which is an exedra -(_y_) with sleeping rooms at the right and the left (_x_, _z_). -Opening into the rear of the peristyle on one side is the oecus (4), -on the other a long dining room (_w_). - -Another series of apartments lay between the peristyle and the garden at -the right (2), a kitchen (_s_), and a bath (_t-v_). In front of the -garden and extending to the street is a small house ([alpha]-[iota]) -which had been joined to the larger establishment; it was connected with -this by a small door under the stairs in the corner of the atrium -([beta]), which opened into a side room (_e_) of the large atrium. - -The essential parts of the house date from the Tufa Period. -Alterations were made from time to time in the course of the two -centuries during which it was occupied, but they were not so extensive -as to obscure the original plan. The most obvious changes were those -affecting the wall decoration. - - [Illustration: Fig. 146.--Plan of the house of the Silver Wedding. - - _a._ Fauces. - _d._ Tetrastyle atrium. - _n._ Dining room. - _o._ Tablinum. - _p._ Andron. - _r._ Peristyle. - _s._ Kitchen. - _t-v._ Bath. - (_v._ Apodyterium. - _u._ Tepidarium. - _t._ Caldarium.) - _w._ Summer dining room. - _x_, _z_. Sleeping rooms. - _y._ Exedra. - 1. Open-air swimming tank, in a small garden (2). - 3. Corridor leading to another house and to a side street. - 4. Oecus. - 6. Garden, partially excavated. - 7. Open-air triclinium. - [alpha]-[iota]. Fauces, atrium, and other rooms of separate - dwelling connected with the larger house.] - -In the small rooms at the right of the atrium are traces of the -decoration of the first style, which was in vogue when the house was -built. Toward the end of the Republic almost the whole interior was -redecorated in the second style, but without paintings. Brilliant -blocks and panels dating from this renovation may still be seen upon -the upper part of the walls of the atrium and on those of the oecus, -the exedra, the two bedrooms next to the exedra, and the front part of -the long apodyterium. - -Afterwards a few rooms were done over in the third style, of which -scanty remains are found. - -Lastly, after the fourth style had come into vogue, but before 60 -A.D.--as shown by an inscription on a column of the peristyle--a large -part of the house was redecorated in the fourth style, including the -tablinum, the andron and the room at the right (_q_), the peristyle, -the long dining room (_w_), and the inner portion of the apodyterium. -The lower part of the walls of the atrium were also painted over, but -with designs and coloring that harmonized well with the decoration of -the second style above. In this house the history of Pompeian wall -decoration can be followed from the century after the Second Punic War -to the middle of the first century of our era, from the time of Cato -the Elder to that of Claudius and Nero. There are few paintings, -however, and they are not of special interest. - -In marked contrast with the atriums in the house of the Faun and the -other houses which we have examined, the atrium here had a relatively -large compluvium (Fig. 147); all parts of the room must have been -brilliantly lighted. In summer some kind of protection against the sun -was a necessity. It was probably afforded by hanging curtains between -the columns; on the side of each column, facing the corner of the -atrium, is a bronze ring through which a cord might have been passed -to use in drawing the curtains back and forth. The large compluvium -with its supporting columns suggests the arrangement of the Corinthian -atrium. - -The dimensions of the atrium are monumental. The length is -approximately 54 feet, the breadth 40; and the Corinthian columns of -tufa coated with stucco, are 22-3/4 feet high. - -At the rear of the impluvium is a fluted cistern curb of white marble -(seen in Fig. 8). In the impluvium near the edge is the square -pedestal of a fountain figure, which threw a jet into a round marble -basin in front. - -The doors of the rooms at the sides of the atrium were originally more -than thirteen feet high; those which we now see are comparatively low. -The height was reduced because a second floor was placed in the rooms, -thus making low chambers, which were reached by three stairways, one -(_g_) at the right of the atrium, the other two (_k_ and _m_) on the -opposite side. The upper rooms were lighted by small windows, part of -which opened into the atrium, others upon the garden on the left side -of the house. These changes were completed before the atrium received -its decoration in the second style. There was no second story over the -alae, the tablinum, or the rooms about the peristyle. In the left ala -was once a large window opening on the garden, but it was afterwards -walled up (p. 259). - -The curtain fastenings on the pilasters at the front of the tablinum -have been referred to in another connection (p. 256). The arrangement -of the rooms at the sides is not unlike that in the house of Sallust; -one, _n_, retained its original form; the other was divided up into an -andron (_p_), with a bedroom (_q_) at one side. - -The peristyle is remarkably well preserved. We find not only the -columns in their full height, but also, except on the north side, -large portions of the entablature, with its stucco ornamentation -intact, supported on a line of planks placed upon the columns at the -time of excavation; and the decoration of the walls retains much of -its brilliancy of coloring. - - [Illustration: Fig. 147.--Longitudinal section of the house of the - Silver Wedding. - - Fauces - Tetrastyle atrium - Ala - Tablinum - Rhodian peristyle - Entrance to oecus - Exedra] - -The colonnade of this peristyle has been mentioned elsewhere as -illustrating the Rhodian form (p. 260). The difference in height -between the colonnade in front and on the other three sides was -accentuated in the decoration. On the walls in front are large red -panels separated by architectural designs on a yellow background; the -walls under the lower part of the colonnade were painted with black -panels, the designs of the narrow intermediate sections being on a -white background. The lower third of the columns in front was yellow; -at the sides and rear, dark red, like that on the lower part of the -high columns in the atrium. Thus a pleasing contrast was made between -the portions of the colonnade designed to receive the sunshine, -particularly in winter, and the shadier parts; and the higher front -served as an intermediate member between the lofty atrium with its -stately tablinum and the lower rear division of the house. - -The ornamentation of the architrave retains no trace of the decorative -forms in vogue at the time when it was constructed. The surface, -moulded in stucco, is divided into sections, corresponding with the -capitals and intercolumniations, as in the colonnade of the Stabian -Baths (Fig. 89); in these sections are small figures of birds and -animals and other suitable designs, the effect being heightened by the -use of color. - -That the decoration of the peristyle received its present form before -the earthquake is evident from an inscription scratched upon the -plaster of one of the columns on the north side: - - _Nerone Caesare Augusto - Cosso Lentulo Cossi fil[io] co[n]s[ulibus] - VIII Idus Febr[u]arias - Dies Solis, Luna XIIIIX, nun[dinae] Cumis, V nun. Pompeis_,-- - -'In the consulship of Nero and of Cossus Lentulus the son of Cossus,' -that is 60 A.D. The dates given in the rest of the inscription are -difficult to explain, and the reading of the number after _Luna_ is -uncertain. The memorandum seems to indicate that the eighth day before -the Ides of February in this year was the market day at Cumae, being -Sunday and the sixteenth day after the New Moon; and that the market -day at Pompeii came three days later. The inscription is the earliest -yet found in which a day of the week is named in connection with a -date. - -The garden plot enclosed by the peristyle was watered by means of two -jets at the front corners, fed by pipes under the floor. In the middle -was a slight elevation on which were found two crocodiles, a huge -toad, and a frog of a whitish glazed earthenware, apparently made in -Egypt. The figures are about sixteen inches long. - -Each of the bedrooms at the rear had an alcove for a bed, the ceiling -being vaulted over the alcove, flat between this and the door; a -distinction between the two parts of the room was made also in the -wall decoration and in the floor, of black and white mosaic. The -frescoing on the walls of the sleeping rooms presents a brilliant -variety of colors; the decoration of the exedra is in yellow. One of -the bedrooms has a small side door (p. 261). In the large dining room -at the right (_w_) the place for the table is indicated by an -ornamental design in the mosaic floor; in the oecus (4) the part of -the room designed for the table and couches is distinguished from the -rest by a difference in the decoration both of the floor and of the -wall. - -In the oecus, the excavation was made from which the house received -its name. The peristyle had already been cleared, and the volcanic -debris had been, for the most part, removed from the front part of the -oecus, leaving a layer at the bottom about two feet deep. The King and -Queen of Italy, with the Emperor and Empress of Germany and a small -suite, stationed themselves in the corner of the peristyle opposite -the opening of the oecus; when all was ready a line of workmen -proceeded to draw back the loose fragments of pumice stone, exposing -the floor to view. Here nothing was found except the bronze fastenings -of the large doors; but a more fruitful outcome followed a similar -search in a room of a small house adjoining the oecus on the south, in -which several vessels of bronze were brought to light. - -The bath is unusually complete for a private house, comprising a long, -narrow apodyterium (_v_), an open-air swimming tank in the garden (1), -a tepidarium (_u_), and a caldarium (_t_). Steps led down into the -swimming tank at the corner nearest the door of the apodyterium, and -also on the side furthest from the house; on the same side a jet fell -into it from a marble standard adorned with a lion's head. If we -imagine a thick growth of shrubs and flowers about the tank, we have -the setting which explains the tasteful decoration of the frigidarium -in the Stabian Baths (p. 191) and in the Baths near the Forum. - -The pavement of the apodyterium is especially effective, being -composed of small bits of black, white, dark red, green, and yellow -marble and stone; near the rear wall a place for a couch is left -white. - -The caldarium and the side of the tepidarium next to it were provided -with hollow walls; a hollow floor extended under both rooms. In the -left wall of the tepidarium is the bronze mouth of a water pipe; -perhaps in winter a cold bath was taken here rather than in the -swimming tank. In the caldarium the niche for the labrum remains; the -bath basin probably stood opposite the entrance, where it could be -easily heated from the kitchen. - - [Illustration: Fig. 148.--Transverse section of the house of the - Silver Wedding, as it was before 63. - - Garden with colonnade - Tetrastyle atrium - Small atrium] - -Above the broad hearth of the kitchen (_s_), which stands against the -wall adjoining the garden, are the vestiges of a painting of the two -Lares; near them a serpent is seen coiled around an altar, on which is -a large pine cone. At the end next the caldarium is a depression in -the floor, for convenience in building a fire to heat the bath rooms. -In the corner is a foundation of masonry to support the vessel, of -lead, in which water was kept for the bath. - -The colonnade at the left of the house (6 on the Plan; see Fig. 148), -with its slender eight-sided columns, seems to have been thrown down -by the earthquake of 63, and removed. In the place of four of the -columns an open-air triclinium was made, like that in the house of -Sallust. It is well preserved, and shows an interesting peculiarity of -construction. When the table was not in use, a jet of water would -spring from the foundation of masonry supporting the round top. The -water was conveyed by a lead pipe, and at the rear of the colonnade -one may still see the stopcock by which the flow was regulated. - -The stairway at the left of the small atrium ([beta]) led to rooms over -the front of the house. Over the rooms at the rear, a bedroom ([gamma]), -a central room ([delta]) taking the place of the tablinum, and a -corridor ([epsilon]), was a dining room, the front of which was -supported by columns (p. 275), the stairway being in the corridor; -fragments of the tufa columns are lying on the floor. At the back of the -house was originally only the small sleeping room ([zeta]) with a simple -decoration in the first style, and a colonnade ([eta]) with Doric -columns opening on the garden ([kappa]). Later the colonnade was turned -into an apartment, and two rooms were built at the left, a dining room -([theta]) and a bedroom ([iota]). - -In the front of one of the rooms ([lambda]) is an unusually well -preserved niche for the images of the household gods, ornamented with -stucco reliefs and painted in the last style. On the rear wall stands -Hercules, with the lion's skin hanging from his left arm, his club on -the left shoulder. In his right hand he holds a large bowl above a -round altar; at the left is a hog ready to be offered as a victim. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX - -_THE HOUSE OF EPIDIUS RUFUS_ - - -The house of Epidius Rufus, built, like those previously described, in -the pre-Roman time, presents a pleasing example of a Corinthian -atrium. In one respect it resembles the oldest Pompeian houses, such -as that of the Surgeon; in the place of the peristyle is a garden -extending back from a colonnade at the rear of the tablinum. In a -period when large peristyles were the fashion, a Pompeian of wealth -and taste, whose building lot was ample enough to admit of an -extension of his house toward the rear, contented himself with a -single group of rooms arranged about one central apartment. - -The arrangement of rooms is seen at a glance (Fig. 149). The -vestibule, like that of the principal entrance in the house of the -Faun, had a triple door at the end toward the street (shown in Fig. -150), which was no doubt left open in the daytime. Entering, one would -pass into the fauces ordinarily through the small door at the right -(p. 248), the large double doors between the vestibule and the fauces -only being opened for the reception of clients or on special -occasions. - -The front of each ala (7, 13) is adorned with two Ionic columns. At -the corners of the entrances are pilasters, the Corinthian capitals of -which have a striking ornament, a female head, moulded in stucco, -looking out from the midst of the acanthus leaves. The eyes and hair -are painted, and in one instance the features of a bacchante can be -recognized. - -In the right ala is an elaborate house shrine, built like a temple -with a facade supported by columns, raised on a podium five feet high -(Fig. 151). On the front of the podium is a dedicatory inscription to -the Genius of the master (p. 270). - -The tablinum originally opened on the atrium in its full width, the -entrance being set off by pilasters at the corners. It was then -higher; when the entrance was changed the height was reduced to about -twelve feet. The sixteen Doric columns about the impluvium, well -preserved for the most part, are only a trifle over fourteen feet -high. - - [Illustration: Fig. 149.--Plan of the house of Epidius Rufus. - - 1. Raised sidewalk. - 2. Vestibule, with side door. - 7, 13. Alae: in one (7) a house shrine. - 15. Stairway to rooms over 17, 21. - 17. Sleeping room, with alcove. - 18. Andron. - 19. Tablinum. - 20. Dining room. - 21. Kitchen. - 21 _b_. Hearth. - 22. Colonnade. - 23. Gardener's room. - 24. Vegetable garden. - 25. Flower garden.] - -The contrast between this atrium and the lofty halls of the houses of -Sallust and the Faun was indeed marked. Here the atrium had become -more like a court than a hall; yet the impluvium, paved with tufa, was -retained, and we find the same arrangement for the flow of water as in -many houses with Tuscan and tetrastyle atriums. On the edge of the -impluvium at the rear is the pedestal of a fountain figure which threw -a jet into a basin resting on two rectangular standards; the places of -these, as well as the course of the feed pipe, are indicated on the -plan. Behind the pedestal is a round cistern curb; another jet rose in -the middle of the impluvium. - -The apartment at the right of the tablinum (20) was a dining room. Of -the smaller rooms about the atrium, three (6, 8, and 12) were sleeping -rooms for members of the family; some of the others were so poorly -decorated as to prompt the suggestion that they were intended for -slaves. That next the stairs (14) was a storeroom; the traces of the -shelving are easily distinguished. Under the stairs was a low room -(16), perhaps used for a similar purpose; the small double room (17) -was also low, and used as a sleeping room. - - [Illustration: Fig. 150.--Facade of the house of Epidius Rufus, - restored.] - -The domestic apartments were reached by the andron (18). In the -kitchen (21) is a broad hearth (_b_); a dim light was furnished by -narrow windows. The little room at the entrance of the kitchen (_a_) -was perhaps a storeroom; the closet, as often, was in the corner of -the kitchen. - -At the opposite end of the colonnade is the gardener's room (23). The -main part of the garden (24), as indicated by the arrangement of the -ground, was used for vegetables; the small flower garden at the rear -(25) was on a higher level. - -In the house originally there was no second floor. In the Roman -period, apparently near the end of the Republic, a large upper -room--probably a dining room--was built over the kitchen; and there -may have been one or two small storerooms at the head of the stairway -which was built in one of the side rooms of the atrium. - -Traces of the first and third decorative styles are found in the -atrium; but the most interesting remains are those of the last style. -The alae and several rooms were redecorated shortly before the -destruction of the city. The dining room (20) contains a series of -paintings illustrating the contest between Apollo and Marsyas; they -are skilfully displayed in a light architectural framework on a white -ground. On the wall at the left (at _a_) Apollo is seen with left foot -advanced, striking with his right hand a large cithara which rests -against his left shoulder. Opposite him (at _b_) is Marsyas, playing -the double flute; on the intervening panels (_d_, _e_) are the Muses, -who are acting as judges in the contest of skill. The painting at _c_ -seems to relate to Apollo, but the subject has not been explained. The -choice of subjects such as these may have been influenced by the cult -of the early divinity of the city; but it probably implies a taste for -poetry and music on the part of the proprietor. - - [Illustration: Fig. 151.--Transverse section of the house of Epidius - Rufus, restored. - - Ala - Door of Andron - Front of Tablinum - Door of Dining room - Ala with Shrine] - -There were no shops in the front of this house, but in one respect our -restoration of the facade (Fig. 150) can not be taken as indicating -the appearance of such houses in general. Here the front line was set -back several feet from that of the adjoining houses on either side, -and the space thus gained was given to a terrace or ramp about four -feet high, mounted by steps at either end. The elevation of the front -entrance above the sidewalk and the placing of the approaches at the -ends of the ramp gave the house an appearance of seclusion. - - - - -CHAPTER XL - -_THE HOUSE OF THE TRAGIC POET_ - - -In the "Last Days of Pompeii" the house of the Tragic Poet is -presented to us as the home of Glaucus. Though not large, it was among -the most attractive in the city. It received its present form and -decoration not many years before the eruption, apparently after the -earthquake of 63, and well illustrates the arrangements of the -Pompeian house of the last years. - - [Illustration: Fig. 152.--Plan of the house of the Tragic Poet. - - 1. Fauces. - 2, 2. Shops. - 3. Atrium. - 4, 4. Stairways to upper floor. - 5. Porter's room. - 6, 6. Sleeping rooms. - 6'. Storeroom. - 7. Ala. - 8. Tablinum. - 9. Andron. - 10. Peristyle. - 11. House shrine. - 12, 14. Sleeping rooms. - 13. Kitchen. - 15. Dining room. - 16. Posticum.] - -The house received its name at the time of excavation, in consequence -of a curious misinterpretation of a painting--now in the Naples -Museum--which was found in the tablinum. The subject is the delivery -to Admetus of the oracle which declared that he must die unless some -one should voluntarily meet death in his place. On one side sits -Admetus, with his devoted queen Alcestis; opposite them is the -messenger who is reading the oracle from a roll of papyrus. The -excavators thought that the scene represented a poet reciting his -verses; and since they found, in the floor of the tablinum, a mosaic -picture in which an actor is seen making preparations for the stage, -they concluded that the figure with the papyrus in the wall painting -must be a tragic poet. - - [Illustration: Fig. 153.--View of the house of the Tragic Poet, - looking from the middle of the atrium through the tablinum toward the - shrine at the end of the peristyle. - - At the right, the andron. In the foreground, a cistern curb, at the - rear of the impluvium.] - -The plan (Fig. 152) presents slight irregularities; yet in essential -points the arrangement of rooms does not differ materially from that -which we have found in the houses of the pre-Roman time. As our -section (Fig. 154) shows, all the parts of the house are comparatively -low; the ceiling of the atrium and of the large dining room at the -rear (15) were only a few feet higher than the colonnade of the -peristyle. The entrances of the ala--here there is but one--and of the -tablinum are not adorned with pilasters; plain wooden casings were -used instead. The second story rooms are not an afterthought but a -part of the architect's design; the stairways (4) leading to them are -symmetrically placed at the sides of the atrium. There was no upper -floor, however, over the fauces, the atrium, or the tablinum. To a -modern visitor this dwelling would have seemed more homelike and -comfortable than the monumental houses of the earlier time. - -The large shops (2) are both connected with the house by doors opening -into the fauces (1). They were doubtless the proprietor's place of -business. In one of them gold ornaments were found, but we should -scarcely be warranted in assuming from this fact that the master of -the house was a goldsmith. - -In the floor of the fauces, immediately behind the double front door, -is a dog, attached to a chain, outlined in black and white mosaic, -with the inscription, _cave canem_, 'Beware of the dog!' The picture -was for many years in the Naples Museum. The black and white mosaic is -well preserved in the atrium, the tablinum (Fig. 153), and the dining -room opening on the peristyle, as well as in the fauces. - -The purpose of the various rooms is in most cases easy to determine. -The first at the left of the atrium (5) was the room of the porter, -_atriensis_. The three rooms marked 6 were sleeping rooms, as were -also 12 and 14 opening on the peristyle; 6' was a storeroom, 13 the -kitchen. There was a colonnade on three sides of the peristyle; -against the wall at the rear stands the shrine of the household gods -(seen in Fig. 153) in which was found a marble statuette of a satyr -carrying fruits in the fold of a skin hanging in front of him. - -The decoration of the large dining room (15) is especially effective. -In the front of the room is a broad door opening into the colonnade of -the peristyle; each of the three sides contains three panels, in the -midst of a light but carefully finished architectural framework. In -the central panels are large paintings: at _r_, a young couple looking -at a nest of Cupids; at _q_, Theseus going on board ship, leaving -behind him the beautiful Ariadne; and at _p_ a composition in which -Artemis is the principal figure. In four of the smaller panels are the -Seasons, represented as graceful female figures hovering in the air; -the others present youthful warriors with helmet, shield, sword, and -spear, all well conceived and executed with much delicacy. - -The atrium, unlike most of those at Pompeii, was rich in wall -paintings. Six panels, more than four feet high, presented a series of -scenes from the story of the Trojan war, as told in the "Iliad." These -were united with the decorative framework in such a way as to make a -harmonious and pleasing whole; the main divisions of the right wall of -the atrium, as well as of the fauces and tablinum, are indicated in -Fig. 154. - - [Illustration: Fig. 154.--Longitudinal section of the house of the - Tragic Poet, restored. - - Large dining room - Peristyle - Kitchen - Tablinum - Ala - Atrium - Impluvium - Stairs - Fauces] - -In arranging the pictures, the decorators had little regard for the -order of events. The subjects were the Nuptials of Zeus and Hera (at -_a_ on the plan); the judgment of Paris (_b_)--though this is -doubtful, as the picture is now entirely obliterated; the delivery of -Briseis to the messenger of Agamemnon (_c_); the departure of Chryseis -(_d_), and seemingly Thetis bringing arms across the sea to Achilles -(_f_). Of the painting at _e_ only a fragment remained, too small to -make it possible to recognize the subject. The fragment at _f_, in -which were seen a Triton, two figures riding on a sea horse, and a -Cupid on a dolphin, is now entirely faded. Half of the painting in -which Chryseis appears was already ruined at the time of excavation; -the other half was transferred to the Naples Museum, together with the -paintings that were best preserved, the Nuptials of Zeus and Hera, and -the sending away of Briseis. - -The two pictures last mentioned are among the best known of the -Pompeian paintings, and have often been reproduced. In one (Fig. 273) -we see Zeus sitting at the right, while Hypnos presents to him Hera, -whose left wrist he gently grasps in his right hand as if to draw her -to him. Hera seems half reluctant, and her face, which the artist, in -order to enhance the effect, has directed toward the beholder rather -than toward Zeus, is queenly in its majesty and power. The scene is -located on Mt. Ida. In the background stands a pillar, on which are -three small figures of lions; below at the side are two pipes, -cymbals, and a tambourine, all sacred to the potent divinity of Mt. -Ida, Cybele. Three youths, crowned with garlands, appear in the lower -right hand corner of the picture; they are perhaps the Dactyli, demons -skilled in the working of metals who followed in the train of Cybele. - - [Illustration: Fig. 155.--The sending away of Briseis. Wall painting - from the house of the Tragic Poet.] - -A higher degree of dramatic interest is manifested in the other -painting, which we present in outline (Fig. 155). In the foreground -at the right, Patroclus leads forward the weeping Briseis. In the -middle Achilles, seated, looks toward Patroclus with an expression of -anger, and with an impatient gesture of the right hand directs him to -deliver up the beautiful captive to the messenger of Agamemnon, who -stands at the left waiting to receive her. Behind Achilles is Phoenix, -his faithful companion, who tries to soften his anger with comforting -words. Further back the helmeted heads of warriors are seen, and at -the rear the tent of Achilles. - -The scene is well conceived. Yet in both this picture and the one -previously described, the composition seems to lack depth and -perspective. The artist is remarkably skilful in portraying facial -expression, and foreground details; his limitations are apparent in -the handling of groups. We have the feeling that the first designs -were not made freely with brush or pencil, but that the artist was -here translating into painting designs which he found already worked -out in reliefs. The original paintings, of which these are copies, -very likely go back to the fourth century B.C. - -Another painting worthy of more than passing mention was found on a -wall of the peristyle (at _o_), and removed to the Naples Museum. The -subject is the sacrifice of Iphigenia, who was to be offered up to -Artemis that a favorable departure from Aulis might be granted to the -Greek fleet assembled for the expedition against Troy (Fig. 156). - -At the right stands Calchas, deeply troubled, his sheath in his left -hand, his unsheathed sword in his right, his finger upon his lips. The -hapless maid with arms outstretched in supplication is held by two -men, one of whom is perhaps Ulysses. At the left is Agamemnon, with -face averted and veiled head, overcome with grief. Beside him leans -his sceptre, and on a pillar near by we see an archaic statue of -Artemis with a torch in each hand, a dog on either side. Just as the -girl is to be slain, Artemis appears in the sky at the right, and from -the clouds opposite a nymph emerges bringing a deer, which the goddess -accepts as a substitute. - -In this painting, also, though the style is entirely different from -that of the others, we perceive the limitations of the artist in the -treatment of the background. Nevertheless the boldness of the -conception, and the skill manifested in the handling of several of the -figures, seem to point to an original of more than ordinary merit. - - [Illustration: Fig. 156.--The sacrifice of Iphigenia. Wall painting.] - -Not far from 400 B.C. the sacrifice of Iphigenia was made the subject -of a painting by Timanthes, in which the maiden was represented as -standing beside the altar. We are told that the artist painted Calchas -sorrowful, Ulysses more sorrowful, Ajax lamenting, and Menelaus in -sorrow so deep that deeper sorrow could not be expressed; finding it -impossible to portray the grief of the father, Agamemnon, Timanthes -represented him with veiled head. - -The veiled Agamemnon appears in our painting, and the figure of -Calchas perhaps reflects the conception of Timanthes. For the rest, it -is difficult to establish a relation between the two pictures; even if -we did not know that Iphigenia, in the painting of Timanthes, stood -beside an altar, we could scarcely believe that a great painter would -have represented her thus awkwardly carried. Undoubtedly the Pompeian -painting, or its original, is indebted to the masterpiece of the Greek -artist; but the decorative painter has adapted this to suit his -purpose, omitting the figures, the facial expression of which was most -difficult to reproduce, and at the same time attempting to heighten -the effect by making more prominent the helplessness and terror of the -victim. - - - - -CHAPTER XLI - -_THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII_ - - -The house of the Vettii, excavated in the years 1894-1895, bears the -same relation to the other houses built in the Roman period that the -house of the Faun does to those of the earlier time; it is the most -important representative of its class. It was situated in a quiet part -of the city, and was not conspicuous by reason of its size; its -interest for us lies chiefly in its paintings and in the adornment of -the well preserved peristyle. - - [Illustration: Fig. 157.--Exterior of the house of the Vettii, - restored.] - -The relationship between the two owners, Aulus Vettius Restitutus and -Aulus Vettius Conviva (p. 508) is not known. They were perhaps -freedmen, manumitted by the same master; Conviva, as we learn from a -painted inscription, was a member of the Brotherhood of -Augustus,--_Vetti Conviva, Augustal[is]_. - -The exterior of the house (Fig. 157) was unpretentious. The main -entrance was on the east side, and there was a side door near the -southeast corner; elsewhere the street walls were unbroken except by -small, square windows, part of which were in low second story rooms. - -The vestibule (Fig. 158, _a_), as in the house of Epidius Rufus (p. -248), was connected with the fauces (_b_) by a large double door and -also by a small door at the right. The atrium (_c_) is without a -tablinum; at the rear it opens directly on the peristyle. One of the -alae (_h_) at the time of the eruption was used as a wardrobe. At the -sides of the atrium were two money chests; the one at the right is -seen in Fig. 159. - - [Illustration: Fig. 158.--Plan of the house of the Vettii. - - _a._ Vestibule. - _b._ Fauces. - _c._ Atrium. - _h_, _i_. Alae. - _l._ Colonnade of the peristyle. - _m._ Garden. - _n_, _p_. Dining rooms. - _q._ Room with the Cupids and Psyches. - _s._ Small peristyle. - _t._ Dining room. - _u._ Bedroom. - _v._ Side atrium. - _w._ Kitchen. - _x'._ Cook's room. - _[gamma]._ Corridor leading to side ([beta], [delta]) and - posticum.] - -Opening on the peristyle are three large apartments (_n_, _p_, _q_), -and two smaller rooms (_o_, _r_). A door at the right leads into a -small side peristyle (_s_, shown in Fig. 160), with a quiet dining -room (_t_) and bedroom (_u_). - -The domestic apartments were near the front of the house. At the right -of the principal atrium is a small side atrium (_v_) without a -separate street entrance. Grouped about it were rooms for the slaves -and the kitchen (_w_) with a large hearth (Fig. 125). Beyond the -kitchen is a room for the cook (_x'_). At the rear of the small -atrium is the niche for the household gods (Fig. 127). - -The corridor at the left of the principal atrium ([gamma]) led to an -unimportant room ([beta]) with a door opening on a side street. In this -corridor there was a stairway to the second story, which extended over -this corner of the house (above _e_, _f_, _h_, _n_, _o_, [beta], -[delta]). Along the front also were low chambers, over the fauces and -the small rooms on either side (_d_, _k_), and over the rooms adjoining -the small atrium (_x_, _y_, _z_). - -In the accompanying sections two restorations of the interior are -given. In the first (Fig. 159) we are looking toward the right side of -the atrium and the inner end of the peristyle; the depth of the -peristyle more than equals that of the atrium, together with the -vestibule and fauces. The difference in height between the atrium and -the peristyle, as in the house of the Tragic Poet, is much less than -in the houses built in the pre-Roman period; and the corners of the -alae were protected by simple wooden casings, altogether unlike the -stately pilasters of the olden time. - -The transverse section (Fig. 160) presents the long side of the -peristyle next to the atrium, with the side of the small peristyle at -the north end. The extent of the house is greater measured across the -two peristyles (along the line C-D on the plan) than from front to -rear. Of the three entrances from the atrium into the peristyle, that -in the middle is broader and higher than the other two, which are not -much wider than ordinary doors; the arrangement of the openings is -similar to that in houses having a tablinum open toward the peristyle -with an andron on one side, and on the other a room with a door -corresponding with the door of the andron. - -The columns of the peristyle are well preserved (Fig. 161). They are -white, with ornate capitals moulded in stucco and painted with a -variety of colors. Part of the entablature also remains; the -architrave is ornamented with an acanthus arabesque in white stucco -relief on a yellow background. - -The roof of the greater part of the colonnade has been restored, and -the garden has been planted with shrubs in accordance with the -arrangement indicated by the appearance of the ground at the time of -excavation. Nowhere else in Pompeii will the visitor so easily gain an -impression of the aspect presented by a peristyle in ancient times. -The main part of the house was searched for objects of value after the -eruption, but the garden was left undisturbed, and we see in it to-day -the fountain basins, statuettes, and other sculptures placed there by -the proprietor. - - [Illustration: Fig. 159.--Longitudinal section of the house of the - Vettii, restored. - - Colonnade (_l_) - Large Room (_q_) - Garden with fountains and sculptures (_m_) - Peristyle - Colonnade (_l_) - Ala (_i_) - Impluvium - Atrium - Money chest - Door of side atrium - Fauces (_b_) - Vestibule (_a_)] - - [Illustration: Fig. 160.--Transverse section of the house of the - Vettii, restored, showing the two peristyles. - - Small peristyle (_s_) - End of small dining room - End of dining room (_p_) - Colonnade - Window in right ala (_i_) - Openings into the atrium - Large peristyle - End of dining room (_n_) - Door of room (_o_) - Colonnade] - -In each corner of the colonnade is a round fountain basin (indicated -on the plan), at each side an oblong basin, all of marble. Jets fell -into them from statuettes standing on pedestals beside the columns; -there were two figures for each side basin, one each for those at the -corners. The two statuettes at the inner end of the colonnade (Fig. -162) are of bronze; they represent a boy with a duck, from the bill of -which the water spurted. The rest are of marble, and not of special -interest. Among them are a Bacchus and two satyrs. The water pipes -were so well preserved that it has been found possible to place them -in repair, and they are now ready for use. There were also two -fountains in the garden. - - [Illustration: Fig. 161.--Base, capital, and section of the - entablature from the colonnade of the peristyle.] - -Near the middle of the garden is a round, marble table. Three others -stand under the colonnade, one of which, at the right near the inner -end, is particularly elegant. The three feet are carved to represent -lions' claws; the heads above are well executed, and there are traces -of yellow color on the manes. On two pillars in the garden are double -busts, the subjects of which are taken from the bacchic cycle. One -represents Bacchus and a bacchante (Fig. 257), the other Bacchus and -Ariadne; there are traces of painting on the hair, beard, and eyes. - -The wall paintings of this house are the most remarkable yet -discovered at Pompeii. Although the decoration of which they form a -part is throughout of the fourth style, they fall into two groups, an -earlier and a later, distinguished by differences in composition and -handling that are easily perceived. - - [Illustration: Fig. 162.--Peristyle of the house of the Vettii, - looking south from the colonnade at the north end.] - -The earlier paintings are found in the atrium (_c_), the alae (_h_, -_i_), and the large room at the end of the peristyle (_q_). At the time -when they were painted the left ala (_h_) was connected with the room -behind it (_n_) by a door, and had a large window opening on the -peristyle like that in the other ala (seen in Fig. 160). Afterwards -both window and door were walled up and the ala was turned into a -wardrobe. After this change had been made, as the remains of the -masonry show, the earthquake of 63 threw down a part of the wall -between the ala and the peristyle. The earlier paintings, then, must -have been placed upon the walls before the year 63, in the reign of -Claudius or the earlier part of the reign of Nero. - -The later pictures are on the walls of the fauces (_b_), the large -apartment at the left of the atrium (_e_), the colonnade of the -peristyle (_l_), the two dining rooms opening on the peristyle (_n_, -_p_), and the small peristyle (_s_) with the adjoining rooms (_t_, -_u_); to the same class belongs also the painting of the Genius with -the Lares in the side atrium (_v_), which, aside from this, contains -no pictures. The remaining rooms present nothing of interest. - -The paintings of the first group are characterized by refinement in -the choice of subjects, fertility in the composition, firmness of -touch in the drawing, and exquisite finish in even the smallest -details. The colors used are simple and harmonious, violent contrasts -being avoided. A number of these pictures show the hand of a true -artist, whose work has been found in no other house, and the system of -decoration is the most effective of its kind in Pompeii. - -The decoration of the walls painted after the earthquake is not unlike -that found in other houses upon walls of the fourth style. The designs -are sketchy and without painstaking in the handling of details; the -lines are coarse, the colors sometimes crude. The pictures in the -panels are by different painters, some of whom were not without skill, -yet none far above the average. One of the decorators had a fondness -for representing mythological death scenes, manifesting a taste little -short of barbarous. - -The contrast between the earlier and the later decoration is so marked -that it seems impossible to explain except on the assumption of a -change of owners. We may well believe that about the middle of the -first century this was the home of a family of culture and standing, -who secured for the decoration of it the best artist that could be -obtained, bringing him perhaps from Rome or from a Greek city. But -within a score of years afterwards the house passed into the hands of -the Vettii, freedmen, perhaps, whose taste in matters of art was far -inferior to that of the former occupants, and a number of rooms were -redecorated. - - [Illustration: PLATE VIII.--TWO WALL PAINTINGS IN THE HOUSE OF THE - VETTII - - APOLLO AFTER THE SLAYING OF THE DRAGON - - AGAMEMNON IN THE SHRINE OF ARTEMIS] - -The excellent preservation of a large part of both the earlier and the -later decoration gives the house the appearance of an art gallery. To -describe fully and interpret all the paintings would require a small -volume. The limitations of space make it possible to present here only -the more important; we commence with those in the large room at the -right of the peristyle, which are the most interesting of the entire -series. - -This apartment (_q_) may have been used either as a dining room or as -a sitting room. The scheme of decoration is indicated in Fig. 163, -which presents the division of the end wall; the side walls had five -large panels instead of three. - - [Illustration: Fig. 163.--Scheme of wall division in the large room - opening on the peristyle.] - -The ground of the base is black. The stripe separating the base from -the main part of the wall is red, except the small sections (4, 4), -which have a black ground; the vertical stripes between the panels are -black, and the same color forms the background of the border above. -The ground of the panels is cinnabar red. The painting in the central -panel (1) has not been preserved; in those at the sides (2) are -floating figures. The upper division of the wall (6) is filled with an -architectural framework upon a white background, against which many -figures, skilfully disposed, stand out with unusual distinctness. - -The floating figures in the side panels differ from those found -elsewhere in the choice of subjects. Here instead of satyrs and -bacchantes we find gods and heroes. In one panel is Poseidon with a -female figure, perhaps Amymone; in another, Apollo with Daphne. -Bacchus and Ariadne also appear, and Perseus with Andromeda. - -The figures in the upper part of the wall at the end of the room -belong to the bacchic cycle,--Silenus, satyrs, and bacchantes. Of -those at the sides, one, near the right-hand corner, represents a poet -with a roll of papyrus against his chin, the open manuscript case, -_scrinium_, at his feet; opposite him sits a maiden clothed in white, -drinking in his words. A comic mask on the left wall seems to suggest -a writer of comedy, and the scene reminds one of the letter of Glycera -to Menander, in Alciphron: "What is Athens without Menander, what -Menander without Glycera? Without me, who make ready your masks, who -lay out your costume, and then stand behind the scenes pressing my -finger tips into the palms of my hands till the applause breaks forth. -Then all a-trembling I breathe again, and enfold you, godlike poet, in -my arms." - -The figures in which we are specially interested, however, are not -those in the upper or middle division of the wall, but those in the -black stripes (3), nine and ten inches wide, under the panels, in the -narrow sections (4) and in the corresponding sections of the base. - - [Illustration: Fig. 164.--Psyches gathering flowers. Wall painting - in the house of the Vettii.] - -In each of the sections at the bottom is a standing figure. In those -of the end wall (5) are a satyr and a bacchante; in the two nearest -the middle of each side wall are Amazons, in the rest female figures -with implements of sacrifice. The Amazons, armed with battle-axe and -shield, are full of life; they are distinguished by the colors of -their mantles and their Phrygian caps. - -In the narrow sections on the end walls (4), and all but four of the -others, were Psyches gathering flowers. Only a part of the scenes are -preserved; in each are three figures, grouped with a pleasing variety -and rendered with singular delicacy of touch. In one, the Psyches are -sprightly children (Fig. 164); in another, young girls; and in a third -we see a lady sitting at ease and plucking the flowers close at hand, -while two maids gather the blossoms beyond her reach. - -The two narrow sections nearest the middle panel of each side wall -contained mythological scenes, of which three are preserved. The -subjects are taken from the cycle of myths relating to Apollo and -Artemis. In one of the pictures both the divinities appear. Apollo -has just slain the Python, which lies coiled about the Omphalos, the -sacred symbol of the god as the giver of oracles at Delphi. His bow -and quiver are hanging upon a column in the background, and he moves -forward with vigorous step singing the Paean with an accompaniment -upon the cithara. At the right, Artemis, with a quiver and long -hunting spear, leans upon a pillar looking at her brother. Nearer the -Omphalos are a priest and a female attendant, with a bull intended for -sacrifice; the relation of these to the rest of the scene is not clear -(Plate VIII.). - -The companion picture takes us to a sanctuary dedicated to Artemis. At -the left a gilt bronze image of the goddess, in hunting costume, -stands upon a pillar, to the side of which a bow, quiver, and boar's -head are fastened. On one side of the round altar in the middle is a -white hind, sacred to the goddess; on the other, moving toward it with -a sword in the uplifted right hand, is a kingly figure, the face -turned with a wild and threatening look toward a frightened attendant; -another attendant, back of the hind, seems not yet to have noticed the -sacrilegious intruder. The composition is full of dramatic power; the -subject can be none other than the slaying of the hind of Artemis by -the impious Agamemnon (Plate VIII.). - -The third of these small paintings presents a scene not infrequently -met with on Pompeian walls, Orestes and Pylades at Tauris in the -presence of King Thoas, and of Iphigenia, who is now a priestess of -Artemis. The conception is akin to that of the painting in the house -of the Citharist (Fig. 182), but the picture is partially obliterated. - -The long stripe below the panels is preserved in more than half its -length, on the end wall (3), on that at the right, and on the short -sections of the front wall; there is also a fragment on the left side. -It contains a series of charming pictures representing Cupids and -Psyches. Some of the little creatures are engaged in sports, others -are celebrating a festival, while others still are busying themselves -with the manifold work of everyday life. The execution is less careful -than in the small mythological pictures; yet the figures are so full -of life, their movements are so purposeful, and their bearing so -suggestive that we seem to catch the expression of the tiny faces. -The Cupids and Psyches, whether playing the part of children or of men -and women in elegant attire, whether garland makers or vinedressers or -smiths, are always Cupids and Psyches still; we instinctively -recognize them as such, not by reason of outward attributes so much as -by their bearing. Prosaic daily toil has nowhere been more happily -idealized. - - [Illustration: Fig. 165.--Cupids making and selling oil. Wall painting - in the house of the Vettii.] - -The Cupids at the left of the entrance are playing with a duck. One -holds the duck under his arm ready to let it go; the other stretches -out his hands to catch it as it tries to escape. The group on the -other side are throwing at a wooden mark. One is setting up the -target. Two are making ready to throw, one of them being mounted on -the back of a companion; the successful contestant in such games was -called "the king," the loser, "the ass," because he had to carry the -others upon his back. A fifth stands ruefully beside the target, -awaiting his turn to carry the victor. - -Among the most attractive groups are those of the flower dealers, at -the end of the right wall near the entrance. First we see the gardener -leading to market a goat laden with roses; his little son trudges -along behind the animal, carrying a basket of roses suspended from a -stick on the left shoulder. Next is the dealer, who stands behind a -broad marble table covered with garlands; he is handing two to a youth -who already has several, while a Psyche near by is placing the -garlands in a basket. Beyond these, workmen are making garlands, which -hang in profusion from a wooden frame. At the extreme left is a lady -asking the price. One of the workmen holds up two fingers, signifying -two asses. The price of a wreath is given in a graffito as three asses -(p. 497). - - [Illustration: Fig. 166.--Oil press. From a wall painting found at - Herculaneum.] - -In the following scene Cupids appear as makers and sellers of oil -(Fig. 165). At the right is the oil press. It stands upon a square -stone, the upper surface of which contains a semicircular incision to -catch the oil and carry it to a round vessel standing in front. The -two sides, each with a broad vertical opening, are securely fastened -by a crosspiece at the top. The ends of four horizontal boards are -fitted to the openings, in which they move up and down. The olives are -placed under the lowest board; in the spaces between the others, and -between the upper board and the crosspiece, thick wooden wedges are -driven. As the workmen drive in the wedges with heavy mallets, the -pressure upon the olives is increased, and the oil is forced out. The -arrangement may be more plainly seen in Fig. 166, from a wall painting -at Herculaneum, in which a similar press appears. - -At the left of the press is a large kettle resting on a tripod. The -oil is being stirred as it is heated; a similar kettle appears in the -scene in a shop presented in the other part of the picture. Further on -are two figures beside a deep vessel, but the process represented is -not clear. - - [Illustration: Fig. 167.--Cupids as goldsmiths. Wall painting in the - house of the Vettii.] - -The rest of the picture relates to the selling of oil. In the -background is a cupboard, with a statuette--possibly an Aphrodite--on -the upper shelf. In front is an open chest resting on four legs. Both -the cupboard and the box contain bottles and jars of various shapes -and sizes for holding oil; a Cupid has just taken one up. On the top -of the chest is a roll of papyrus with a pair of scales; oil was sold -by weight. A memorandum on the wall of an adjoining house reads: -_XIII. K. Fe. oli. p. DCCCXXXX_,--'January 20, 840 pounds of oil.' - -The central figure of the group at the left is the lady who has come -to make a purchase. A cushioned seat has been placed for her, with a -footstool; the maid stands motionless behind, a large fan resting on -the right shoulder. The proprietor holds in his right hand a spoon -containing a sample which he has just taken from the jar under his -arm; the lady seems to be testing the quality on the back of her -wrist. The article sold is doubtless the fine perfumed oil, not the -common variety. - -Hardly less animated are the scenes in which Cupids take the place of -goldsmiths (Fig. 167). At the right is the furnace, adorned with the -head of Hephaestus, the patron divinity of workers in metals. In front -is a Cupid with a blowpipe and pincers. Behind it another is working -with a graver's tool upon a large gold vessel. The pose, suggesting at -the same time exertion and perfect steadiness, is rendered with -remarkable skill. - -Next is a figure at a small anvil; then the counter for the sale of -jewellery, which is displayed in three open drawers. Behind the case -containing the drawers a large and a smaller pair of scales are seen. - -The first two figures in the other half of the picture represent a -lady purchaser, seated, and the proprietor, who weighs out an object -with a small pair of scales. The left hands of both point to the -balance; they are deeply interested in the weighing. Lastly, we see -two figures at an anvil. Nothing could be more natural than the pose -of the one at the left, holding the metal upon the anvil for his -companion to strike, yet drawing back as far as possible in order to -avoid the sparks. - -The processes of the fullery also are illustrated,--treading the -clothes in vats, carding, inspection of the cloth to see if the work -is properly done, and folding the finished garments for delivery to -the owners. - -Three of the pictures--two on the end wall and one on the left -side--relate to wine. - -The first is a vintage scene (Fig. 168), of which only a part is -distinct. At the left is a Cupid gathering grapes, from vines trained -to run from tree to tree. The press is worked on a different principle -from the one shown in Fig. 165. Here two Cupids are turning a windlass -by means of long levers. The windlass is connected by a pulley with a -press beam above; as the end of this is gradually lowered, the -pressure upon the grapes underneath is increased. - - [Illustration: Fig. 168.--Vintage scene: Cupids gathering and pressing - grapes. Wall painting in the house of the Vettii.] - -The triumph of Bacchus is presented in another picture, which is -fortunately in a better state of preservation. At the head of the -procession is a bacchante, riding on a panther. Bacchus sits in a -four-wheeled chariot drawn by goats; the coachman is a satyr. Behind -the triumphal car is Pan, dancing and playing the double flute; last -comes a vine-crowned Cupid, dancing, with a large mixing bowl upon his -shoulder. The skill shown in the pose of the dancing figures is -especially noteworthy; they stand lightly erect, seeming not to feel -their weight or the exertion of rapid movement. - -In the last of this series, upon the left wall, Cupids appear as wine -dealers; the part of the picture that has been preserved is shown in -Fig. 169. The rustic bearing of the seller, at the left, is in -pleasing contrast with the free and graceful carriage of the well-bred -buyer, to whom he is handing a sample of the wine in a cup. At the -right two servants are drawing another sample from an amphora; one -tips the amphora so cautiously that the other, who is holding the -bowl, presses the neck gently with his left hand in order to make the -slender stream flow faster. - -Rapidity of movement reaches a climax in the middle picture of the -right wall, which represents the games of the Circus. The scene is -laid in the country; each goal is marked by three trees. Antelopes -take the place of horses, and the groups are conceived with wonderful -realism. The tiny, fluttering garments of the drivers display the -colors of the four parties,--green, red, white, and blue. - - [Illustration: Fig. 169. Cupids as dealers in wine. Wall painting in - the house of the Vettii.] - -Two of the pictures on the end wall are so damaged that it is not easy -to make out the details. One of them, like that just described, -presents a purely Roman subject--the festival of Vesta (Fig. 170). -Cupids and Psyches are reclining at ease about a serving table in the -shape of a deep platter with two handles, on which drinking vessels -are seen; in the background are two asses, sacred to Vesta (p. 98). -Some, at least, of the Cupid pictures could not have been taken from -Greek originals. - -In the atrium also there was a black stripe containing Cupids similar -to those already described, but the figures are not so well preserved. -The most interesting scene represents a sacrifice to Fortuna. Cupids -appear also riding and driving. Some are mounted on goats and engaged -in a contest. One stands on a crab, guiding the ungainly creature with -reins and plying the whip; another is similarly mounted on a lobster. -A few are in chariots, the chariot in one case being drawn by two -dolphins. - -In each division of the wall of the atrium near the bottom is the -half-length figure of a child, painted on a dark red ground. The -children are busied with vessels of all kinds, apparently intended for -sacrifice. The seriousness of their task, the importance which they -attach to their helpfulness, is finely expressed in the faces, which -are individualized in the manner of a true artist. - - [Illustration: Fig. 170.--Cupids celebrating the festival of Vesta. - Wall painting in the house of the Vettii.] - -We may dismiss the later paintings of the house with few words. In the -fauces (_b_) are small monochrome panels containing a pair of deer, a -cock fight, vases, and a wallet with a herald's staff, attributes of -Mercury, who perhaps had a place among the Penates of the house. - -In the room at the left of the atrium (_e_) is a painting of -Cyparissus, the youth beloved of Apollo, with his wounded deer on the -ground near him; in another part of the room is the wrestling match -between Pan and Eros. Among the figures seen in the architectural -framework of the upper division of the wall is Zeus, sitting on his -throne, represented as a youth, unbearded; Leda with the swan also -appears, and Danae holding out her robe to catch the golden rain. - -The direction of the owner's tastes is perhaps indicated by a painting -in the peristyle, at the middle of the wall under the colonnade at the -left. It contains a portrait, probably of an author; near by is a -manuscript case with rolls of papyrus. - - [Illustration: PLATE IX.--A DINING ROOM IN THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII] - -The paintings in the two dining rooms opening on the peristyle, _n_ -and _p_, are in a better state of preservation than those of any other -part of the house. In the first room, _n_, the simple and restful -decoration surrounding the large pictures is in striking contrast with -the pictures themselves, one of which is placed at the middle of each -of the three walls. Here we see the infant Hercules strangling the -serpents, there Pentheus and the Maenads about to tear him in pieces; -the subject of the third painting is the punishment of Dirce, the -treatment being not unlike that of the sculptured Farnese group in the -Naples Museum. - -The decorative effect of the other room, _p_, is more harmonious. The -divisions of the wall space, the relation of the three principal -paintings to the decorative design, and the distribution of ornament -are indicated in our illustration (Plate IX); but no reproduction can -do justice to the richness of the coloring. - -The painting in the middle panel at the right brings before us Bacchus -with his train as they come upon the sleeping Ariadne. On the left -wall opposite is Daedalus, pointing out the wooden cow that he has -made to Pasiphae, who hands to him a golden arm band. The subject of -the third picture is here met with for the first time at Pompeii--the -punishment of Ixion. - -The tragedy of the scene (Fig. 171) is plainly suggested, but not -forced upon the beholder; we see, at the left, only half of the ever -revolving wheel to which the wretched victim is bound. The other -figures are more prominent and, with one exception, convey no -suggestion of pain or sympathy in either pose or expression of face. -Nearest the wheel is Hephaestus, who has just fastened Ixion upon it; -his pincers, hammer, and anvil are lying upon the ground in the -corner. In front of him is Hermes, who, in obedience to the command of -Zeus, brought the offender to the place of punishment. - -A sad-faced female figure with veiled head sits in the foreground--a -personification of the spirit of one who has died, a shade introduced -to indicate that the place of punishment is the Underworld. The left -hand is involuntarily raised with the shock that the thought of the -victim's suffering brings; the face has been thought by some to -resemble that often given to the Madonna. - - [Illustration: Fig. 171.--The punishment of Ixion. Wall painting in - the house of the Vettii.] - -The two figures at the right of the picture are of the upper world, -not directly connected with the main action, yet well conceived and -skilfully introduced. Nearer the foreground Hera sits enthroned, her -sceptre in her left hand; behind her stands Iris, faithful messenger, -who points out to her the well deserved fate of him who dared to offer -an affront to the queen of heaven. - - - - -CHAPTER XLII - -_THREE HOUSES OF UNUSUAL PLAN_ - - -In the houses described in the preceding chapters the distribution of -the rooms is characterized by a certain regularity, which makes it -possible to indicate the arrangements by reference to an ideal or -normal plan. A wide departure, however, is occasionally noted; and by -way of illustration three houses of unusual plan will be briefly -presented here, first a house without an atrium, then one having an -atrium but no compluvium, and, lastly, a large establishment built on -terraces at different levels. - - -I. THE HOUSE OF ACCEPTUS AND EUHODIA - - [Illustration: Fig. 172.--The House of Acceptus and Euhodia. - - _a._ Colonnade. - _b._ Garden. - _c._ Kitchen. - _d._ Bedroom. - _f._ Dining room. - _g._ Garden. - _i._ Bedroom with places for two beds.] - -Sometimes a few rooms of a large house were cut off from the atrium -and used as a separate dwelling; the original plan in such cases is -easily determined. The number of houses built without an atrium in the -beginning is exceedingly small. Among the pleasantest was the modest -dwelling of Acceptus and Euhodia, on the south side of the double -Insula in the eighth Region (VIII. v.-vi. 39); the names are taken -from a couple of election notices painted on the front, in which they -appear together. - -From the street one passed directly under a colonnade (Fig. 172, _a_) -in two stories, facing a small garden (_b_), from which it was -separated by a low wall. At one end of the garden was an open-air -triclinium (_k_), which still remains. The rest of the plot, used as a -flower garden, was profusely ornamented; five heads of herms, a frog -and other objects of marble were found in it, besides a couple of -alabaster basins and five statuettes of Egyptian divinities made of -glazed pottery. In the corner of the colonnade, between the garden and -the entrance, is a small hearth, conveniently placed for serving the -open-air triclinium; in the opposite corner at the left the excavators -found the remains of a cupboard, together with vessels of bronze, -glass, and clay. At the further end of the colonnade one passed into -another small garden (_g_). - - [Illustration: Fig. 173.--Longitudinal section of the house of - Acceptus and Euhodia, restored.] - -A bedroom (_d_) opened on the colonnade near the entrance. A corridor -(_e_) led to the kitchen (_c_) behind it. Beyond the corridor is the -dining room (_f_). Another sleeping room (_i_) with places for two -beds is entered through a kind of anteroom (_h_) at the rear of the -house. - -The rooms of the second story corresponded closely with those -underneath, and were entered from the second story of the colonnade; -the stairs, partly of wood, started in the kitchen. The appearance of -the house as one looked from the garden at the right toward the -colonnade may be inferred from our restoration, which gives a -longitudinal section (Fig. 173); the letters under the section refer -to the rooms as they are indicated in the plan. - -The house was decorated in the fourth style. On the south wall of the -kitchen there is a painting of Fortuna, with the usual attributes, a -cornucopia and a rudder resting on a ball. The Genius and the Lares -nowhere appear, and as a lotus blossom is painted on the forehead of -the goddess, who is thus conceived of as a form of Isis, we may -suppose that Acceptus and his wife were adherents of the Egyptian -cult. Besides the statuettes of Egyptian divinities there was found in -the garden the foot of a marble table with a Greek inscription "of -Serapion," an Egyptian name. Acceptus and Euhodia may have come from -Alexandria and thence have introduced into Pompeii this type of house, -so unlike the native form. The Latin name of Acceptus does not stand -in the way of this explanation, for he was probably a freedman, who in -Egypt may have had a Roman master. - - -II. A HOUSE WITHOUT A COMPLUVIUM - - [Illustration: Fig. 174.--Plan of a house without a compluvium (V. v. - 2). - - _a._ Shop. - _b._ Fauces. - _e._ Atrium. - _f._ Light court. - _k._ Dining room. - 1. Hearth. - 2. Cistern curb.] - -The accompanying plan (Fig. 174) shows the arrangement of a small -house on the north side of Nola Street in the fifth Region (V. v. 2). -The problem of lighting the atrium (_e_), the roof of which sloped -toward the back, was met in a simple way. - -At the rear a light court (_f_) was constructed, which furnished light -and air by means of broad windows, not only to the atrium, but also to -the adjoining room _g_ and indirectly to the dining room _k_, which -had a window opening on _g_. - -This arrangement, however, is in part the result of later changes. -Originally the room marked _g_ belonged to the court, _f_, and the -house consisted of two parts, separated by a narrow area. The kitchen -was then in the low room (_i_) above which was a correspondingly low -chamber, the height of the two rooms being only equal to that of the -dining room (_k_). In later times, however, the hearth was moved to -the corner of the atrium (1), the smoke being let out through a small -window in the wall. A stairway, partly of wood, led to the upper rooms -at the front of the house. Along the street ran a stone bench, -protected by a roof projecting over it. - - [Illustration: Fig. 175.--Transverse section of the house without a - compluvium. - - At the left, light court (_f_), with stairs (_h_) leading to an upper - room over _i_. At the right, room _g_, with the window opening into - the dining room _k_.] - -The water from the roofs fell into the light court _f_, and was -collected in a cistern. We give a transverse section across _f_ and -_g_ (Fig. 175), showing the arrangement of the roofs, doors, and -window at the rear. - -On the wall of _g_ is scratched the inscription, _Fures foras, frugi -intro_,--'Let thieves keep out, let honest folk come in!' - - -III. THE HOUSE OF THE EMPEROR JOSEPH II - -A good example of a house extended over terraces at different levels -may be seen on the edge of the hill west of the Forum Triangulare -(VIII. ii. 39), that of the Emperor Joseph II, casa dell' Imperatore -Giuseppe II. The name was given in commemoration of a visit of this -emperor to Pompeii, in 1769, when a special excavation in his honor -was made in a part of the house. - -The uppermost of the three terraces on which the house is built (Fig. -176, 1) is at the level of the street (Vico della Regina, Plan VI), -the lowest (3) in part occupies the place of the old city wall; the -middle terrace is adjusted to the intervening slope. The arrangement -of the stairways between the terraces and the distribution of the -rooms may be more easily understood from an inspection of the plan in -connection with the key below than from description. - -There was a second story over a part of the rooms on the upper -terrace, as indicated by the stairways at _e_ and _n_ and in the -corner of _u_, but the extent of it is not easy to determine. The -traces of the upper rooms of the middle terrace, however, are clearly -seen, and their arrangement is indicated on the plan (4); the height -of [theta] and [kappa], which were in one story, was equal to that of -the smaller rooms with the chambers above. - - [Illustration: Fig. 176.--Plan of the house of the Emperor Joseph II. - - 1. Upper terrace at the level of the street. - _a._ Fauces. - _b._ Atrium. - _c._ House chapel. - _g_, _h._ Alae, with a wardrobe (_i_) at the rear of _h_. - _u._ Room with two stairways, leading up to second floor and - down to middle terrace. - _w._ Middle room opening on a colonnade (_y_) which faces the - rear of the terrace (_z_). - _x_, _v._ Dining rooms, opening on the colonnade. - - 2. Middle terrace. - [alpha]. Corridor, entered from stairway in _u_ above. - [beta]. Corridor. - [gamma], [delta]. Low vaulted rooms. - [epsilon]. Stairway leading to lower terrace. - [eta]. Middle room. - [theta]. Dining room, with a window opening on the terrace at - the rear. - [kappa]. Small dining room. - [iota], [lambda], [zeta]. Sleeping rooms. - - 3. Lower terrace. - 1. Corridor leading down from the foot of the stairway in - [epsilon]. - 3, 4. Bakery. - 6-8. Bath. (6. Tepidarium. 7. Caldarium. 8. Frigidarium.) - - 4. Upper rooms of the middle terrace. - - I. Excavated room used as a cellar. - II, III. Rooms over [iota], [lambda]. - VI. Room over [zeta], connected with V (over [gamma], [delta]) by a - gallery over the stairway [epsilon], and with [eta] by a ladder - or stairway.] - -The front of the house, the large Tuscan atrium with the adjoining -rooms, dates from the Tufa Period; the atrium was originally one of -the most richly decorated at Pompeii. The rooms back of the atrium -opening toward the rear, and those of the middle and lower terraces, -are a later addition, built after the city wall at this point had -been removed, perhaps not long before the end of the Republic; traces -of the second style of decoration are found in one of the lowest -rooms, the tepidarium of the bath. Remains of the first style are -found in the fauces, but the greater part of the house is decorated in -the last style. - -One of the small rooms (_c_) opening on the atrium, originally a -bedroom, was in later times turned into a house chapel. In the right -wall is a small niche, on the back of which a Genius of the ordinary -type is painted. Near him and also offering a libation is a female -figure with the attributes of Juno, a diadem, and a sceptre. The two -figures represent the Genii of the master and mistress of the house -(p. 270). Under the niche, and at the sides are iron nails, driven -into the plaster to hold wreaths and garlands. - - [Illustration: Fig. 177.--Corner of bake room in the lowest story of - the house of the Emperor Joseph II, at the time of excavation.] - -On either side of the broad middle room (_w_) is a dining room (_v_, -_x_), connected with it by two large windows. All three rooms open -upon the colonnade (_y_), and this again opens out upon a terrace -(_z_). - -The principal room of the middle story (2. [eta], under _z_) takes the -place of an atrium; it is lighted by a door and two windows opening upon -a terrace ([mu]). Connected with it are two dining rooms ([theta], -[kappa]), considerably higher than the other apartments of this story, -and three sleeping rooms ([iota], [lambda], [zeta]). A dark corridor -([beta]) separated these rooms from the solid earth at the rear, and -furnished access, by means of ladders, to two low upper rooms (over -[iota] and [lambda]; see 4. II, III), perhaps used as storerooms. From -[beta] one could also reach, in the same way, an oblong chamber -excavated in the earth (I), designed originally as a cistern, but used -as a cellar at the time of the eruption. Of the remaining upper rooms -one (IV) was built on the solid ground at the side of the stairway -leading from the upper floor ([alpha]); the other two (V, over [gamma], -[delta] and VI, over [zeta]) were connected by a gallery or bridge over -the stairway leading to the lower floor ([epsilon]); this gallery could -be reached also by a ladder or wooden stairway in the large middle room -([eta]). The outermost room (VI) was perhaps a washroom; there is a -rectangular basin in one corner. - -The lower floor was given up to a bath (_frigidarium_, 8; -_tepidarium_, 6; _caldarium_, 7) and to a bakery (3, 4). - -In the vaulted ceiling of the frigidarium (8) and one of the rooms of -the bakery (3) is a round hole for ventilation, opening upon the -terrace above through a kind of chimney. The hollow walls of the -caldarium (7) are carried to the crown of the vault, at the middle of -which is a similar opening for the vent. The places of the three -openings in the floor of the terrace are seen in the plan (2, mu). - -At one end of the larger room of the bakery (3) is the oven; at the -other two rectangular basins of masonry. In the corner near the basins -was found the skeleton of a man who at the time of the eruption had -taken refuge in this room and probably died of hunger. The appearance -of the room at the time of excavation is shown in a sketch published -by Mazois (Fig. 177). - -The door near the corner, seen in the illustration, led outside the -city. The proprietor of the house perhaps had a special permit -enabling him to leave or enter the city at any time without -surveillance; none of the other houses along the edge of the city have -a private entrance of this kind. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIII - -_OTHER NOTEWORTHY HOUSES_ - - -The houses accorded a detailed description in the previous chapters -are few in comparison with the number of those worthy of special -study. He alone who has wandered day after day among the ruins, -returning again and again to explore the parts of the city which are -rarely seen by the hasty visitor, can realize what a wealth of -interesting material lies behind the barren walls lining the streets -on either side. - -The location of the houses mentioned incidentally is given in Plan VI, -at the end of the volume. Such are, the house of Caecilius Jucundus, -on Stabian Street (V. i. 26), the tablinum of which contains one of -the most beautiful specimens of wall decoration yet discovered, in the -third style; the house of Lucretius, on the same street (IX. iii. 5), -with a little garden behind the tablinum adorned with quaint -sculptures; the house of the Hunt on Nola Street (VII. iv. 48), so -named from the large hunting scene on the wall at the rear of the -garden; and further down on Nola Street (IX. vii. 6) the extensive -house with three atriums and a large peristyle, excavated in 1879, -eighteen centuries after the destruction of the city, and hence called -the house of the Centenary, casa del Centenario. - -In the same block with the house of the Hunt, opposite that of the -Faun, is the house of the Sculptured Capitals, casa dei Capitelli -Figurati (VII. iv. 57). It received its name from the figures carved -in the tufa capitals of the pilasters at the entrance, one of which is -shown in Fig. 178; the stucco with which the surface was coated has -now fallen off. Such figures are not infrequently met with in pilaster -capitals of the Tufa Period, the subjects being always taken, as here, -from the bacchic cycle; the satyr at the left is well rendered. The -plan of the house is simple, like that of other houses of moderate -size dating from the pre-Roman time. - -Near the west end of Nola Street is the house of Pansa, which occupies -the whole of the sixth Insula of Region VI. Although of approximately -the same size as the house of the Faun, and built in the same period, -it contained fewer large rooms; its proportions were less impressive, -its finish less elegant. The walls present many evidences of repairs -and alterations, but of the wall decoration nothing remains. - - [Illustration: Fig. 178.--Capital of pilaster at the entrance of the - house of the Sculptured Capitals.] - -The plan (Fig. 179) is of interest on account of its regularity. It -well illustrates the extent to which, at Pompeii, rooms not required -for household purposes were utilized as shops and small separate -dwellings, which were rented to tenants, and doubtless formed an -important source of income. - -The vestibule and fauces have been mentioned previously (p. 249). The -living rooms are grouped about a single atrium (2) and a large -peristyle (9). A colonnade at the rear of the house faces the garden, -which, as indicated by the appearance of the ground at the time of -excavation, was used for vegetables. Opening on the colonnade is the -gardener's room (_a_). - -In the front were shops, one of which (35) was connected with the -house and served as the proprietor's place of business; another (33) -was used as a salesroom for the bakery, which occupied the rooms -numbered 28-34. On the same side of the house were three small -two-story dwellings, one of which (22-23) contained windows opening -into an adjoining room (12) of the house and into the peristyle; it -was doubtless occupied by some one connected with the household. The -dwellings on the other street (A, B, C) were larger. Fiorelli thought -that this Insula belonged to Alleius Nigidius Maius (p. 489); the name -of Pansa was given to it from an election notice painted on the -front. - - [Illustration: Fig. 179.--Plan of the house of Pansa. - - 1. Fauces. - 2. Atrium. - 4, 4. Alae. - 5. Tablinum. - 6. Andron. - 9. Peristyle. - 10. Passage leading to posticum. - 13. Dining room. - 15. Oecus. - 19. Kitchen. - 20. Room for a wagon. - 21. Colonnade opening on the garden. - 22-23. Small dwelling with second story, connected with the house. - 24-25, 26-27. Two small separate dwellings. - 28-34. Bakery. (29. Mill room, 30. Oven.) - 35, 37-40. Shops. - 41. Shop with back rooms. - 42. Room with bake oven. - A, B, C. Separate dwellings.] - -There is a remarkable group of houses near the north end of Mercury -Street. The first in importance is the house of Castor and Pollux (VI. -ix. 6), which is so named from the figures of the Dioscuri, holding -their horses by the bridle, painted on the walls of the principal -fauces. Between the two atriums, one of which is of the Corinthian -type, lies a large peristyle; and behind the Corinthian atrium is a -garden with a colonnade in front. The decoration of the house is -especially effective; that of the larger tablinum was by one of the -best artists who worked at Pompeii. The paintings in the two central -panels of this room are often mentioned; on the right wall, the -recognition of Achilles among the daughters of Lycomedes; on the left, -the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon. The representation of -Venus Pompeiana shown in Fig. 4 is from the peristyle. - -Beyond the house of Castor and Pollux is that of the Centaur (VI. ix. -3), which received its name from a painting in which Hercules, -Deianira, and Nessus appear; the end of a bedroom in this house is -shown in Fig. 122. The rest of the insula belongs to the large house -of Meleager, named from a picture representing Meleager and Atalanta. -The walls contained numerous mythological pictures, part of which were -transferred to the Naples Museum; those left on the walls have -suffered from exposure to the weather. - -The house of Apollo also (VI. vii. 23), on the opposite side of the -street, is noteworthy on account of its decoration, in the last style; -the god appears in a series of paintings. Two houses in the next -insula, on the south, have in their gardens fountain niches veneered -with bright mosaics, the casa della Fontana Grande (VI. viii. 22) and -the casa della Fontana Piccola (VI. viii. 23). - - [Illustration: Fig. 180.--Section showing a part of the peristyle of - the house of the Anchor, restored.] - -At the middle of the tenth Insula, in the same Region, is the house of -the Anchor (VI. x. 7), so called from an anchor outlined in the black -and white mosaic of the fauces. The peristyle here presents an -interesting peculiarity of construction. The level of the street at -the rear of the house was below that of Mercury Street. Instead of -filling up the lot so as to raise the garden to the height of the -front part, the builder constructed a kind of basement under the -colonnade of the peristyle, the floor of which was thus adjusted to -the level of the floors in the front rooms; the garden and the floor -of the basement were on the same level as the street at the rear. The -colonnade was higher on the north than on the other three sides (Fig. -180). The effect of the whole was far from unpleasing. Whether the -projections seen in the niches below, at the level of the garden, are -pedestals or small altars cannot be determined. The niches at the -front end were made larger, and were three in number. In the middle -niche was a diminutive temple; the other two had the form of an apse, -and contained fountain figures. - - [Illustration: Fig. 181.--Plan of the house of the Citharist. - - 6. West atrium with connecting rooms, entered from Stabian Street. - 17, 32. Peristyles belonging with the west atrium. - 40, 41. Bath--tepidarium and caldarium. - 42. Kitchen. - 47. North atrium, entered from the continuation of Abbondanza Street. - 56. Peristyle belonging with the north atrium.] - -Houses were sometimes enlarged at the expense of neighboring -dwellings, which, in some cases, were destroyed to the foundations, in -others remodelled or incorporated with slight change. An example is -the house of the Citharist, which fills the greater part of the fourth -Insula in Region I, on the east side of Stabian Street. A bronze -statue of Apollo playing the cithara, found in the middle peristyle -(Fig. 181, 17), gave its name to the house. It is apparently a -faithful copy of a Greek masterpiece at Sparta, and is now in the -Naples Museum. The house is sometimes referred to as that of Popidius -Secundus. - - [Illustration: Fig. 182.--Orestes and Pylades before King Thoas. - Wall painting from the house of the Citharist.] - -There are two atriums (6, 47) and three peristyles (17, 32, 56). A -large part of the house, the west atrium (6), with the connecting -rooms and the two peristyles, 17 and 32, was built in the Tufa Period, -in the place of several older houses. The rooms east of the two -peristyles, and the north atrium (47) and peristyle (56), with the -adjoining rooms, were added in Roman times, probably near the end of -the Republic; the house was afterwards decorated in the second style. -Remains of the third and fourth styles also are found in some parts of -the house. The better apartments are grouped about the peristyles; the -rooms about the atriums were turned over to the slaves or used for -domestic purposes. - -In the large room (35) opening on the south peristyle were two -paintings of unusual merit, both of which were transferred to the -Naples Museum. The subject of one was the finding of the deserted -Ariadne by Bacchus; in the other Orestes and Pylades appear as -captives before Thoas, the king of Tauris (Fig. 182). - -At the right of the picture sits Thoas, looking at the captives, his -sword lying across his knees, his hands resting upon the end of his -sceptre. Behind him stands a guard with a long spear in the right -hand. Another guard with two spears stands behind Orestes and Pylades, -whose hands are bound. Orestes, upon whose head is a wreath of laurel, -looks downward, an expression of sadness and resignation upon his -finely chiselled features. Pylades is not without anxiety, but is -alert and hopeful. Between the two groups is an altar on which incense -is burning. In the background Iphigenia is seen moving slowly forward; -the head is entirely obliterated. It is unfortunate that the painting -is so badly preserved. The faces of the two youths are individualized -with remarkable skill, and the picture here used as the centre of a -decorative framework of the fourth style is evidently a copy of a -masterpiece. - -On the south side of Abbondanza Street, opposite the Stabian Baths, is -the house of Cornelius Rufus (VIII. iv. 15), a view of the interior of -which has already been given. The name of the proprietor is known from -the dedication on the herm (seen in Fig. 121), _C. Cornelio Rufo_; the -carved table supports behind the impluvium are among the finest yet -discovered. - -In the same block is the house of Marcus Holconius (VIII. iv. 4), a -good example of a house completely restored and decorated after the -earthquake of 63. The right ala was fitted up with shelves, on which -at the time of the eruption were kitchen vessels of bronze, iron, and -terra cotta. The colonnade about the peristyle was in two stories. -From the columns at the front six jets of water, at a height of about -four feet, fell forward into the gutter; and there was an equal number -at the rear. There was also a little fountain in the exedra at the -rear of the peristyle. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIV - -_ROMAN VILLAS.--THE VILLA OF DIOMEDES_ - - -Two classes of villas were distinguished by the Romans,--the country -seat, _villa pseudourbana_, and the farmhouse, _villa rustica_. The -former was a city house, adapted to rural conditions; the arrangements -of the latter were determined by the requirements of farm life. - -The country seats manifested a greater diversity of plan than the city -residences. They were relatively larger, containing spacious -colonnades and gardens; as the proprietor was unrestricted in regard -to space, not being confined to the limits of a lot, fuller -opportunity was afforded for the display of individual taste in the -arrangement of rooms. We can understand from the letters of Pliny the -Younger, describing his two villas at Laurentum and Tifernum Tiberinum -(now Citta di Castello), and from the remains of the villa of Hadrian -at Tivoli, how far individuality might assert itself in the planning -and building of a country home. - -The main entrance of a country seat, according to Vitruvius, should -lead directly to a peristyle; one or more atriums might be placed -further back. The living rooms would be grouped about the central -spaces in the way that would best suit the configuration of the ground -and meet the wishes of the owner. In farmhouses there would naturally -be a court near the entrance; and the hearth, as we have seen, down to -the latest times, was placed in the room that corresponded with the -atrium of the city house. In most parts of Italy a large farmhouse -would contain appliances for making wine and oil. - -The arrangement of the two types of country house in the vicinity of -Pompeii may be briefly illustrated by reference to an example of each, -the villa of Diomedes and the farmhouse recently excavated at -Boscoreale. - - [Illustration: Fig. 183.--Plan of the villa of Diomedes. - - 1. Steps. - 3. Peristyle. - 8. Tablinum. - 10. Exedra. - 12. Dining room. - 14. Sleeping room, with anteroom (13). - 15. Passage leading to a garden at the level of the street. - 17. Small court, with hearth ([epsilon]) and swimming tank - ([zeta]). - 18. Storeroom. - 19-21. Bath. - (19. Apodyterium. - 20. Tepidarium. - 21. Caldarium.) - 22. Kitchen. - 26. Colonnade, facing a terrace (28) over the front rooms of - the lower part. - _e_, _f_, _g_, _h_. Colonnade enclosing a large garden. - _i_, _k_, _l_, _m_. Rooms. - _r._ Fish pond. - _s._ Arbor.] - -The location of the villa of Diomedes, beyond the last group of tombs -at the left of the road leading from the Herculaneum Gate, is -indicated in Plan V. An extensive establishment similar in character, -the so-called villa of Cicero, lies nearer the Gate on the same side -of the road; on the right there is a third villa, of which only a -small part has been uncovered. The three seem to have belonged to a -series of country seats situated on the ridge that extends back from -Pompeii in the direction of Vesuvius. The villa of Diomedes, excavated -in 1771-74, received its name from the tomb of Marcus Arrius Diomedes, -facing the entrance, on the opposite side of the Street of Tombs (Plan -V, 42). - -The front of the villa forms a sharp angle with the street. The -orientation of the building was determined by an abrupt descent in the -ground, which runs across the middle and divides it into two parts. -The front part, the rooms of which are numbered on the plan (Fig. -183), is a few feet above the level of the street at the entrance. The -rear portion, as may be seen from our section (Fig. 184), is -considerably lower; on the plan the rooms of this portion are -designated by letters. From traces of the second style of decoration -found in two of the rooms, and from the character of the masonry, we -infer that the villa was built in Roman times, but before the reign of -Augustus. - -In front of the door was a narrow porch (Fig. 184). The door opened -directly into the peristyle (3 on the plan), in the middle of which was -a garden. At the left is a small triangular court (17) containing a -swimming tank ([zeta]) and a hearth ([epsilon]) on which a kettle and -several pots were found; the Romans partook of warm refreshments after a -bath. The wall back of the swimming tank was in part decorated with a -garden scene, not unlike those in the frigidariums of the two older -public baths. Over the tank was a roof supported by two columns, and on -the other two sides of the court there was a low but well proportioned -colonnade. - -The arrangements of the bath were unusually complete, comprising an -apodyterium (19), a tepidarium (20), and a caldarium (21), from which -the tepidarium was warmed by means of an opening in the wall; the -caldarium had a hollow floor and walls, and was heated from the -kitchen (22). In the tepidarium were found four panes of glass about -101/2 inches square, together with the remains of the wooden frame in -which they were set. The caldarium, like those of the public baths, -had a bath basin and a semicircular niche for the labrum. - -A small oven stands on one end of the hearth in the kitchen, and a -stone table is built against the wall on the long side. The room in -the corner (23) was used as a reservoir for water, which was brought -into it by means of a feed pipe and thence distributed through smaller -pipes leading to the bath rooms and other parts of the house. - -At the left of the peristyle is a passage (15) leading to a garden -which has not yet been excavated. The only apartment of special -interest in this portion of the house is the semicircular sleeping -room (14) built out into the garden. It faced the south, and had three -large windows; it was separated from the rest of the house by an -anteroom, _procoeton_ (13), at one end of which is a small division -([beta]) designed for the bed of an attendant. In the semicircular -room are an alcove for a bed ([gamma]) and a stationary wash bowl -of masonry ([delta]). The plan is similar to that of a bedroom in -Pliny's villa at Laurentum. Another sleeping room (9) was provided -with both a large and a small door (p. 261). - - [Illustration: Fig. 184.--Longitudinal section of the villa of - Diomedes, restored. - - Promenade on the roof of the colonnade - Terrace - Colonnade facing the terrace - Right arm of colonnade (_g_, _h_) - Front of colonnade (_d_) - Room under the terrace (_i_) - Tablinum - Peristyle - Entrance] - -The large room (8) at the rear of the peristyle may be loosely called -a tablinum; it could be closed at the rear. Back of the tablinum was -originally a colonnade (26), which was later turned into a corridor, -with rooms at either end; the original form is assumed in our -restoration. Beyond the colonnade was a broad terrace (28) extending -to the edge of the garden. It commanded a magnificent view of Stabiae, -the coast in the direction of Sorrento, and the Bay. Connected with it -was an unroofed promenade over the colonnade (_e_, _f_, _g_, _h_) -surrounding the large garden below. A rectangular room (27, indicated -on the plan but not in the restoration) was afterwards built on the -terrace. - -Members of the family could pass into the lower portion of the villa by -means of a stairway, at _b_; the slaves could use a long corridor (_a_), -which was more directly connected with the domestic apartments. The flat -roof of the quadrangular colonnade (_e_, _f_, _g_, _h_) was carried on -the outside by a wall, on the inside by square pillars (Fig. 184). The -rooms (_i_, _k_) opening into the front of the colonnade were vaulted, -and the decoration, in the last style, is well preserved; the ceiling of -the corner rooms (_l_, _m_) is flat, and the decoration of one of them -(_l_) is noteworthy; green and red stars are painted on a white ground. -In the narrow space between _i_ and _c_ a cistern was built, from which -water could be drawn by means of a faucet in front. - -At the opposite corners of the colonnade were two airy garden rooms -(_n_, _o_). Outside of the left arm (_e_, _f_) was a broad walk (_u_), -at the upper end of which were steps leading to the garden above. - -The garden enclosed by the colonnade was planted with trees, charred -remains of which were found at the time of excavation. In the middle -was a fish pond (_r_), in which was a fountain. Back of it was a -platform, over which vines were trained on a framework supported by -six columns, making a pleasant arbor in which meals were doubtless -often served. - -The door at the rear of the garden led into the fields. Near it were -found the skeletons of two men. One of them had a large key, doubtless -the key of this door; he wore a gold ring on his finger, and was -carrying a considerable sum of money--ten gold and eighty-eight silver -coins. He was probably the master of the house who had started out, -accompanied by a single slave, in order to find means of escape. - -The floor of the three sides of the colonnade was a few feet higher -than that of the front. Underneath was a wine cellar, lighted by small -windows in the wall on the side of the garden; it contained a large -number of amphorae. - -At the time of the eruption many members of the family took refuge in -the cellar. Here were found the skeletons of eighteen adults and two -children: at the time of excavation the impressions of their bodies, -and in some instances traces of the clothing, could be seen in the -hardened ashes. Among the women was one adorned with two necklaces and -two arm bands, besides four gold rings and two of silver. The victims -were suffocated by the damp ashes that drifted in through the small -windows. According to the report of the excavations, fourteen -skeletons of men were found in other parts of the house, together with -the skeletons of a dog and a goat. - - -KEY TO PLAN IV - - A. COURT. - - 1, 5. Cistern curbs. - 2. Wash basin of masonry. - 3. Lead reservoir from which water was conducted to the - reservoir in the kitchen supplying the bath. - 4. Steps leading to the reservoir. - - B. KITCHEN. - - 1. Hearth. - 2. Reservoir containing water for the bath. - 3. Stairway to rooms over the bath. - 4. Entrance to cellar under the inner end of the first wine - press, in which were the fastenings of the standard of - the press beam. - - C-F. BATH. - - C. Furnace room. - D. Apodyterium. - E. Tepidarium. - F. Caldarium. - - H. STABLE. - - J. TOOL ROOM. - - K, L. SLEEPING ROOMS. - - N. DINING ROOM. - - M. ANTEROOM. - - O. BAKERY. - - 1. Mill. - 2. Oven. - - P. ROOM WITH TWO WINE PRESSES. - - 1, 1. Foundations of the presses. - 2, 2, 2. Receptacles for the grape juice, _dolia_. - 3. Cistern for the product of the second pressing, _lacus_. - 4. Holes for the standards of the press beams. - 5, 5. Holes for the posts at the ends of the two windlasses - used in raising and lowering the press beams. - 6. Pit affording access to the framework by which the windlass - posts were tied down. - - Q. CORRIDOR. - - 1. Round vats, _dolia_. - - R. COURT FOR THE FERMENTATION OF WINE. - - 1. Channel for the fresh grape juice coming from P. - 2. Fermentation vats, _dolia_. - 3. Lead kettle over a fireplace. - 4. Cistern curb. - - S. BARN, _nubilarium_ (?). - - T. THRESHING FLOOR, _area_. - - U. OPEN CISTERN FOR THE WATER FALLING ON THE THRESHING FLOOR. - - V-V. SLEEPING ROOMS. - - W. ENTRANCE TO CELLAR UNDER THE INNER END OF THE SECOND - WINE PRESS; see B. 4. - - X. ROOM WITH HAND MILL. - - Y. ROOM WITH OIL PRESS. - - 1. Foundation of the press. - 2. Hole for the standard of the press beam. - 3. Entrance to cellar with appliances for securing the press - beam. - 4. Holes for the windlass posts. - 5. Hole affording access to the fastenings of the windlass - posts. - 6. Receptacle for the oil, _gemellar_. - - Z. ROOM CONTAINING THE OLIVE CRUSHER. - - [Illustration: PLAN IV.--PLAN OF THE VILLA RUSTICA AT BOSCOREALE] - - - - -CHAPTER XLV - -_THE VILLA RUSTICA AT BOSCOREALE_ - - -Less than two miles north of Pompeii, near the village of Boscoreale, -a farmhouse was excavated in 1893-94 on the property of Vincenzo de -Prisco. In the last century similar buildings were brought to light in -the vicinity of Castellammare, but they were covered up again. -Especial importance attaches to this villa rustica, both on account of -the extreme rarity of examples of the type and because of the -character of the remains, which makes it possible to determine the -arrangements with certainty. - -The living rooms, the stable, and the rooms used for the making of -wine and oil were all under one roof. The size of the building is not -so great as might have been assumed from the variety of purposes which -it served; the enclosed area, exclusive of the threshing floor, -measures about 130 by 82 feet. The plan (Plan IV) is regular, the -principal entrance being near the middle of the southwest side. - -The entrance was wide enough for carts and wagons, which were kept in -the court (_A_). Along three sides of the court ran a colonnade, over -which at the front were upper rooms; the roof on the left side and the -rear rested on columns connected by a parapet. Under the colonnade at -the further corner is a cistern curb (1), on one side of which is a -large wash basin of masonry (2); on the other is a pillar supporting a -small reservoir of lead (3). The reservoir, reached by means of steps -(4), was filled from the cistern. - -In a Roman farmhouse the kitchen was the large, central room (p. 253). -Vitruvius recommends that it be placed on the warmest side of the -court; and in our villa rustica it lies at the north corner (_B_) -where, in winter, it would receive the full benefit of the sunshine. -The hearth (1), on which remains of fire were found, stands in the -middle of the room; in the wall at the rear is a niche, ornamented to -resemble the facade of a diminutive temple, in which were placed the -images of the household gods. - -A large door in the right wall of the kitchen opened into the stable -(_H_). Near it was a stairway (3) leading to upper rooms; in the -corner was a pit (4) affording access to a small cellar in which the -standard of the press beam in the adjoining room (_P_, 4) was made -fast. In the opposite corner was a reservoir of lead (2) standing on a -foundation of masonry; it received water from the reservoir in the -court (_A_, 3) and supplied the bath. On the same side of the room is -the entrance to the bath and to the closet (_G_). - - [Illustration: Fig. 185.--Hot water tank and reservoir for supplying - the bath in the villa rustica at Boscoreale.] - -The arrangements of this bath are in a better state of preservation -than those of any other Roman bath yet discovered; the tank and -reservoir with the connecting pipes may now be seen at Pompeii in the -little Museum near the Forum fitted up for the exhibition of the -objects found in this villa. The bath rooms comprised an apodyterium -(_D_), a tepidarium (_E_), and a caldarium (_F_) with a bath basin at -one end and a labrum in a semicircular recess at the other. The bath -was heated from a small furnace room (_C_). Over the hot air flue -leading from the furnace into the hollow space under the floor of the -caldarium was a water heater in the form of a half cylinder similar to -the one found in the Stabian Baths (p. 194). The tepidarium, as well -as the caldarium, had a hollow floor and walls. - -Over the furnace stood a round lead tank, the lower part of which was -encased in masonry; the pipes connecting it with the reservoir in the -corner of the kitchen and with the bath rooms were found in place, -and are shown in Fig. 185. The middle pipe supplied the tank with cold -water; the flow could be regulated by means of a stopcock. The lower -pipe started from the reservoir, but before reaching the tank was -divided, the left arm leading into the tank, the other into the bath -basin. As there were stopcocks in the main pipe and in the arm -entering the tank, by adjusting these the bath basin could be supplied -with either hot or cold water through a single pipe. The upper pipe -was divided in the same way, one arm leading to the labrum. In the -public baths there was a separate tank for lukewarm water; here a -moderate temperature was obtained by mixing hot and cold water. - -At the bottom of the tank (seen at the right) is a short bibcock used -when the water was drawn off. On the side of the reservoir we see the -end of the feed pipe leading from the reservoir in the court; at the -right is a supply pipe which conducted to the stable (_H_) water not -needed for the bath. - -On the same side of the court is a tool room (_J_), in which were -found remains of tools; several sickles were hanging on the walls. -Next are two sleeping rooms (_K_, _L_); a passage between them leads -to the bakery, with a single mill (1) and oven (2). In the corner is a -dining room (_N_) in which the remains of three couches were found; it -was separated from the court by an anteroom (_M_). - -Over the colonnade on the front side of the court was a sleeping room -with a large room adjoining, perhaps the bedroom of the overseer, -_villicus_, which, according to Varro should be near the entrance. - -The oblong room at the northeast side of the court contained -appliances for making wine. At each end was a large press with a -raised floor (_forum_, 1). The presses were operated on the same -principle as that previously described (p. 336, Fig. 168). - -At the rear of each press was a strong standard (_arbor_, 4), to which -the inner end of the press beam (_prelum_) was attached. In front -stood two posts (_stipites_, 5-5), to which were fitted the ends of a -horizontal windlass. By means of a pulley and a rope passed around the -windlass, the outer end of the press beam could be raised or lowered. -When it was lowered in order to increase the pressure on the grapes, -both standard and windlass posts would be pulled out of the ground -unless firmly braced. Under the rear of each press was a small cellar, -in which was placed a framework for holding the standard in place. One -was entered from a pit in the corner of the kitchen (_B_, 4), the -other from a similar depression in a small separate room (_W_); at 6 -was a pit for fastening the windlass posts. - -The grape juice ran into round vats (2, 2) sunk in the ground. In -front of the first press are two, in front of the second only one; a -cistern of which the curb (3) is indicated on the plan, here takes the -place of the other vat. The cistern could be filled also from the -first press by means of a lead pipe under the floor. The round vats -were for the pure juice of the first pressing. Into the other was -conducted the product of the second pressing; the remains of the -grapes, after the juice had ceased to flow, were drenched with water -and again subjected to pressure. - -In Pliny's "Natural History" (XIV. xxi. 136) we read that in Campania -the best wine underwent fermentation in the open air, exposed to sun, -rain, and wind. This villa supplies an interesting confirmation of the -statement; the round fermentation vats fill a large court (_R_), the -walls of which are pierced with openings in order to give readier -access to the wind. Along one side runs a channel of masonry about -three feet above the ground (1), protected by a narrow roof; thence -the grape juice was distributed through lead pipes to the vats. During -the vintage season, the inner end of the channel was connected with -the press room by means of a temporary pipe or channel entering the -wall above the cistern (_P_, 3). - -The surface of this court is higher than that of the rest of the -building; instead of excavating in order to set the large earthen vats -in the ground, the proprietor filled in with earth around them. In one -corner is a lead kettle (3) with a place for building a fire -underneath; perhaps wine was heated in it. The vats in the court seem -not to have been used exclusively for wine. In one were found remains -of wheat, in another of millet. Other vats stood in the passageway on -the side of the court (_Q_, 1). - -Three of the small rooms toward the rear were sleeping rooms (_V-V_). -In another (_X_) was found a hand mill. At the end of the passageway -was a double room containing the appliances for making oil, a press -(in _Y_) and a crusher (in _Z_). The press was like the wine press -described above, only much smaller, with a raised floor (1), a -standard for the press beam (2), a pit for bracing the standard of the -press beam (3), two posts at the ends of the windlass (4, 4), a pit -from which a crosspiece connecting these posts could be reached, and a -vat (6) at one side for receiving the oil. This vat, for some reason -not understood, was divided into two parts by a partition in the -middle. - - [Illustration: Fig. 186.--Olive crusher.] - -The olive crusher, _trapetum_, now in the Museum at Pompeii mentioned -above, is shown in the accompanying illustration (Fig. 186). It was -designed to separate the pulp of the olives from the stones, which -were thought to impair the flavor of the oil. It consists of a deep -circular basin of lava, so hollowed out as to leave in the centre a -strong standard of the stone, _miliarium_. In the top of this standard -was set an iron pin, on which was fitted a revolving wooden crosspiece -(shown in Fig. 186, restored). This carried two wheels of lava, having -the shape of half a lens, which travelled in the basin. The wheels -were carefully balanced so that they would not press against the side -of the basin and crush the stones of the olives. - -In the long room _S_ remains of bean straw and parts of a wagon were -found. South of it is the threshing floor (_T_), the surface of which -is raised above the ground and covered with Signia pavement. The water -that fell upon the threshing floor was conducted to a small open -cistern (_U_). - -For at least a part of the year the proprietor of the villa probably -lived in it. So elaborate a bath would not have been built for the use -of slaves; and in the second story was a modest but comfortable series -of apartments (over _V_, _W_, _X_, and part of _Q_), apparently -designed for the master's use, as was also the dining room (_N_) with -_K_ and _L_. - - [Illustration: Fig. 187.--Silver patera with a representation of the - city of Alexandria in high relief. From the Boscoreale treasure.] - -In a place where such a find would least have been anticipated--the -cistern in the room of the wine presses--was made a remarkable -discovery of treasure. Here a man had taken refuge, and with his -skeleton were found about a thousand gold coins, four gold bracelets, -ear-rings, a gold chain, and the beautiful collection of silver ware -(p. 380) afterwards presented by Baron Rothschild to the Louvre. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVI - -_HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE_ - - -Much less large furniture has been found at Pompeii than is ordinarily -supposed. In not a single sleeping room has a bed been preserved; and -in only one of all the dining rooms have sufficient remains of the -dining couches been found to make it possible to reconstruct them. -Beds, couches, chairs, and tables were ordinarily of wood, which -crumbled away, leaving slight traces. Reference has been made -elsewhere to the marble tables standing in the atrium, and -occasionally in other parts of the house. Tables of bronze are -infrequently met with, while bronze chairs are almost as rare as -bronze couches. - - [Illustration: Fig. 188.--Dining couch with bronze mountings, the - wooden frame being restored.] - -Wood was not a suitable material for many classes of smaller articles, -and these, made of bronze, clay, glass, or stone, are found in great -numbers. Such are the lamps, the bronze lamp stands, the kitchen -utensils, the table furnishings, and the toilet articles of bronze, -ivory, or bone. - - [Illustration: Fig. 189.--Round marble table.] - -The wooden frame and end board of one of the dining couches just -mentioned was completely charred, but the form was clearly indicated, -and the woodwork has been restored (Fig. 188). The couch is now in the -Naples Museum, as are also the other articles of furniture illustrated -in this chapter. - -The half figures on the front of the end board, shown more plainly in -the detail at the left of the illustration, were cast; the rest of the -mounting was _repousse_ work. The bronze on the side toward the table -was inlaid with silver. The end boards were placed at the head of the -upper couch and the foot of the lower one (p. 263); the middle couch -did not have a raised end. The mattress rested on straps stretched -across the frame. The dining room in which the couches were found -adjoins the tablinum of a house in the seventh Region (VII. ii. 18). - - [Illustration: Fig. 190.--Carved table leg, found in the second - peristyle of the house of the Faun.] - -The carved marble supports of a gartibulum are shown in Fig. 121; a -complete table of a plainer type is seen in Plate VII. An example of a -round marble table, found in 1827 in a house near the Forum, is -presented in Fig. 189. The three legs are carved to represent those of -lions, a lion's head being placed at the top of each. A table of -similar design was found in the peristyle of the house of the Vettii, -with traces of yellow color on the manes of the lions (p. 326). - -Among the best examples of ornamental carving is the marble table leg -in the form of a sphinx, found in the second peristyle of the house of -the Faun (Fig. 190). Effective also is the bold carving of the -gartibulum in the north atrium of the house of Siricus (VII. i. 25). - -Small tables or stands of bronze supported by three slender legs were -called tripods. The top was flat, but not infrequently surrounded by a -deep rim, making a convenient receptacle for light objects. The rim of -the example shown in Fig. 191 is ornamented with festoons and -bucrania, while the upper parts of the legs are modelled to represent -winged sphinxes. This stand was not found in the temple of Isis, as is -often stated, but probably in Herculaneum. - - [Illustration: Fig. 191.--Bronze stand with an ornamented rim around - the top.] - -The bisellium, the 'seat of double width,' was a chair of simple -design without a back, used in the Theatre and Amphitheatre by members -of the city council and others upon whom the "honor of the bisellium" -had been conferred. The remains of one with bronze mountings have been -restored. The restoration, however, does not seem to be correct in all -particulars, and instead of presenting it we may refer the reader to -the somewhat conventional bisellium carved on the tomb of Calventius -Quietus (Fig. 242). - - [Illustration: Fig. 192.--Lamps of the simplest form, with one - nozzle.] - -The lamps are found in a great variety of forms. The essential parts -are the body, containing the oil, which was poured in through an -opening in the top, and the nozzle with a hole for the wick (Fig. -192). Hand lamps were usually provided with a handle, hanging lamps -with projections containing holes through which the chains could be -passed. - -The opening for the admission of oil was often closed by an ornamental -cover (Figs. 195, 196). In front of it, near the base of the nozzle, -was frequently a much smaller orifice through which a large needle -could be inserted to pick up the wick when it had burned out and sunk -back into the oil, and air could be admitted when the cover was -closed. - - [Illustration: Fig. 193.--Lamps with two nozzles. At the left, a - hanging lamp; at the right, a hand lamp.] - -The material of the lamps was clay or bronze. The bronze lamps were -more costly and ordinarily more freely ornamented. Those of clay were -left unglazed, or covered with a red glazing like that of the Arretian -ware; lamps with a greenish glaze are occasionally found. - - [Illustration: Fig. 194.--Lamps with more than two nozzles.] - -The light furnished by the wicks was dim and smoky. A more brilliant -light was obtained by increasing the number of nozzles. Lamps with -two nozzles are often found. These were sometimes placed at one end, -the handle being at the other; sometimes in the case of hanging lamps, -at opposite ends, as in the example shown in Fig. 193. - -Lamps with several nozzles are not infrequently met with. The shape is -often circular, as in two of the examples presented in Fig. 194, one -of which had six wicks, the other twelve. Sometimes a more ornamental -form was adopted. Lamps having the shape of a boat are not uncommon; -the one represented in Fig. 194 was provided with nozzles for fourteen -wicks. - - [Illustration: Fig. 195.--Bronze lamps with ornamental covers attached - to a chain.] - -The hanging lamps were sometimes made with a single nozzle, as the -curious one having the shape of a mask shown in Fig. 197, at the left; -sometimes with two nozzles (Fig. 193). Bronze hanging lamps with three -arms, each of which contained a place for a wick, are occasionally -found; an example is given in Fig. 197, at the right. Still more -elaborate are those with a large number of nozzles, as the one -represented in the same illustration, which had nine wicks. - - [Illustration: Fig. 196.--Bronze lamps with covers ornamented with - figures.] - -The name of the maker is often stamped upon the bottom of the lamp, -sometimes in the nominative case, as PULCHER, in the example given in -Fig. 192, more often in the genitive and in an abbreviated form. - -The variety displayed in the ornamentation of lamps was as great as -that manifested in the forms. Ornament was applied to all parts,--the -body, the handle, the cover, and even the nozzle. The covers of the -two bronze lamps shown in Fig. 196 are adorned with figures. On one is -a Cupid struggling with a goose. The chain attached to the right hand -of the figure on the other is fastened to a hooked needle for pulling -out the wick. - - [Illustration: Fig. 197.--Three hanging lamps. The one at the left and - the middle one are presented in two views.] - -The object of which we give a representation in Fig. 198, often -erroneously classed as a lamp, is a nursing bottle, _biberon_. The -material is clay, and the figure of a gladiator is stamped on it, -symbolizing the hope that the infant will develop strength and vigor. -On some bottles of this kind the figure of a thriving child is seen, -on others a mother suckling a child. - - [Illustration: Fig. 198.--A nursing bottle.] - -Three kinds of supports for lamps may be distinguished according to -their size: lamp standards, which stood on the floor and ranged in -height from 21/2 to 5 feet; lamp holders, not far from 20 inches high, -which were placed on tables; and small lamp stands, also used on the -table. The general term _candelabrum_ was originally applied to candle -holders containing several candles (_candelae_). Such candle holders -have been found in Etruscan graves, but the candelabra met with at -Pompeii were all designed to carry lamps. - -The lamp standards, of bronze, are often of graceful proportions and -ornamented in good taste. The feet are modelled to represent the claws -(Fig. 199) or hoofs of animals. The slender shaft rises sometimes -directly from the union of the three legs at the centre, sometimes -from a round, ornamented disk resting on the legs. Above the shaft is -usually an ornamental form, a sphinx, as in our illustration, a head, -or a vase-like capital sustaining the round flat top on which the lamp -rested. Occasionally the shaft is replaced by a conventional plant -form. - -Adjustable standards also occur; the upper part slides up and down in -the hollow shaft of the lower part, so that the height can be changed -at will. - -The bronze lamp holders were sometimes designed to support a single -lamp (Fig. 200). Frequently the main part divides into two branches, -each of which sustains a small round disk for a lamp; often the arms -or branches were designed to carry hanging lamps. The example shown in -Fig. 201 is from the villa of Diomedes. - -In the lamp holders conventional plant forms are more frequently met -with than in the standards. The trunk of a tree with spreading -branches is especially common (Fig. 202). - - [Illustration: Fig. 199.--Lamp standard, of bronze.] - -The lamp stands, which resemble diminutive bronze tables, are found in -a pleasing variety of form and ornament. The top is sometimes a round -disk resting on a single leg supported by three feet; sometimes, as in -the example presented in Fig. 203, the legs are carried to the top, -and the intervening spaces are utilized for ornamentation. The lamp -seen in this illustration is the same as that shown more clearly in -Fig. 196, at the right. - - [Illustration: Fig. 200.--Lamp holder for a hand lamp.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 201.--Lamp holder for hanging lamps.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 202.--Lamp holder in the form of a tree trunk.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 203.--Lamp stand, of bronze.] - -Kitchen utensils of bronze and red earthenware have been found in -great quantity; table furnishings more rarely. A group of typical -examples is presented in Fig. 204. The forms are so similar to those -of the utensils found in modern households that few words of -explanation are needed. - - [Illustration: Fig. 204.--Bronze utensils. - - _a._ Kettle mounted on a tripod ready to be placed on the fire. - _b_, _g_, _h_, _l._ Cooking pots. - _c_, _d._ Pails. - _e._ Ladle. - _f._ Dipper. - _i_, _t._ Baking pans for small cakes. - _k._ Pitcher. - _m._ Kitchen spoon. - _n_, _v._ Table spoons. - _o_, _p._ Frying pans. - _s._ Pastry mould. - _q_, _u._ Wine ladles. - _r._ Two-handled pan.] - -The pastry mould (_s_) is of good size and neatly finished, and must -have left a clear impression. Besides the two types of table spoons -illustrated here (_n_, _v_) a third is represented by examples found at -Pompeii, the _cochlear_, which had a bowl at one end and ran out into -a point at the other. The point was used in picking shellfish out of -their shells, the bowl in eating eggs. - -The two long ladles were used in dipping wine out of the mixing bowl -into the cups. The ancients ordinarily drank their wine mingled with -water; for mixing the liquids they used a large bowl of earthenware or -metal, which was often richly ornamented. The mixing bowl presented in -Fig. 205 was found in a house on Abbondanza Street, near the entrance -of the building of Eumachia. It is in part inlaid with silver, and -nearly twenty-two inches high. - - [Illustration: Fig. 205.--Mixing bowl, of bronze in part inlaid with - silver.] - -Hot water was often preferred for mixing with wine, and small heaters -of ornamental design were sometimes used upon the table. The ancient -name for these utensils is _authepsa_, 'self-cooker'; the -appropriateness of it is apparent from an example found at Pompeii, in -which the coals of fire were entirely concealed from view. - - [Illustration: Fig. 206.--Water heater for the table, view and - section.] - -This heater (Fig. 206) has the form of an urn. In the middle is a -tube, the bottom of which is closed by a diminutive grate; the -arrangement is shown in the section at the right. In this tube the -coals were placed, and when the water in the urn was hot, it could be -drawn off by means of a faucet at the side. Back of the faucet is a -small vertical vent tube. - - [Illustration: Fig. 207.--Water heater in the form of a brazier.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 208.--Water heater in the form of a brazier - representing a diminutive fortress.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 210.--Combs.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 209.--Appliances for the bath.] - -In some cases the appearance of a heater was more suggestive of its -purpose. One (Fig. 207) has the form of an ordinary brazier, the water -being heated in the hollow space about the fire pan. In another -instance (Fig. 208) the brazier is ornamented with towers and -battlements like those of a diminutive fortress; the faucet can be -seen in our illustration, on the left side. - -An interesting group of toilet appliances for the bath was found in -the Baths north of the Forum (Fig. 209). Hanging from a ring were an -unguent flask, four scrapers (_strigiles_), and a shallow saucer with -a handle in which the unguent was poured out when it was to be -applied. One of the scrapers is repeated in a side view at the right, -and both side and front views of the unguent saucer are given. - -Small articles of toilet are discovered in a good state of -preservation. The forms in most cases do not differ greatly from those -to which we are accustomed. - -The fine comb seen in Fig. 210 _a_ is of bone; the two coarse combs -(Fig. 210 _b_ and Fig. 214 _d_) are of bronze. - - [Illustration: Fig. 211.--Hairpins. Underneath, two small ivory toilet - boxes.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 212.--Glass box for cosmetics.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 213.--Hand mirrors.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 214.--Group of toilet articles. - - _a._ Standing mirror. - _b._ Ear cleaner. - _c._ Ivory box for cosmetics. - _d._ Bronze comb.] - -The ends of the hairpins were often ornamented with figures. The -specimens shown in Fig. 211 are of ivory. The designs in which female -figures appear are in keeping with the use, but the ornamentation for -the most part seems excessive. - -The toilet boxes, of glass or ivory, were used for a variety of -purposes. Of those presented in our illustrations, one (Fig. 211, at -the right) probably contained perfumed oil. The round glass box (Fig. -212) was used for cosmetics, as was also the ivory box seen in Fig. -214, the outside of which is carved in low relief. - -The mirrors were of metal, highly polished. The one seen in Fig. 214 -was designed to stand upon a dressing case; the other three (Fig. 213) -are hand mirrors. The frame of the rectangular mirror is modern; -whether or not this had a handle is not clear. - - [Illustration: Fig. 215.--Gold arm band.] - -Jewellery of gold and silver and other small objects wrought in the -precious metals have now and then been found. A characteristic example -of the jewellery is the large gold arm band in the form of a serpent, -with eyes of rubies, found in the house of the Faun (Fig. 215). It -weighs twenty-two ounces; to judge from the size, it must have been -intended for the upper arm. - -Much more important, from the aesthetic point of view, are the cups -and other articles of silver designed for table use. As these do not -differ essentially from objects of the same class found elsewhere, we -should not be warranted in entering upon an extended discussion of -them here; a few examples must suffice. - - [Illustration: Fig. 216.--Silver cups.] - -Of the three cups with _repousse_ reliefs shown in Fig. 216, one -(_a_) has a simple but effective decoration of leaves. Another (_c_) -presents the apotheosis of Homer; the bard is being carried to heaven -by an eagle, while on either side (detail in _b_) sits an allegorical -figure--the Iliad with helmet, shield, and spear, and the Odyssey with -a sailor's cap and a steering paddle. On the third (_d_, detail in -Fig. 216 _e_) we see a male and a female Centaur, with Bacchic -emblems, conversing with Cupids posed gracefully on their backs. This -last is one of a pair found in 1835. - - [Illustration: Fig. 216.--Detail of cup with Centaurs.] - -The Boscoreale treasure contained a hundred and three specimens of -silver ware, undoubtedly the collection of an amateur. - -Of the purely decorative pieces the finest is the shallow bowl -(_phiala_, _patera_) 8-7/8 inches in diameter, with an allegorical -representation of the city of Alexandria, in high relief (Fig. 187). -The city is personified as a female divinity--alert, powerful, -majestic. Upon her head are the spoils of an elephant; the trunk and -tusks project above, while the huge ears, hanging down behind, are -skilfully adjusted to the outline of the goddess's neck. - -In the fold of her chiton, held by the right hand, and in the -cornucopia resting on the left arm, are fruits of Egypt, among which -grapes and pomegranates are easily distinguished. A representation of -Helios appears in low relief upon the upper part of the cornucopia; -below is the eagle, emblem of the Ptolemies. A lion is mounted on the -right shoulder of the goddess; in her right hand she holds an asp, -sacred to Isis, with head uplifted as in the representation described -by Apuleius (Met. XI. 4); facing the asp is a female panther. - -Around the group in low relief are the attributes (not all -distinguishable in our illustration) of various divinities--the bow -and quiver of Artemis, the club of Hercules, the sistrum of Isis, the -forceps of Vulcan, the serpent of Aesculapius entwined around a staff, -the sword of Mars in a scabbard, and the lyre of Apollo. A dolphin in -the midst of waves (under the right hand) symbolizes the maritime -relations of the city. - -The central medallion (_emblema_) was made separately and attached to -the bottom of the patera. Between it and the outer edge of the bowl is -a band of pleasing ornament, composed of sprays of myrtle and laurel. -The surface of the medallion was all gilded except the undraped -portions of the goddess. The ears of the goddess were pierced for -ear-rings, which were not found. The date of the patera can not be -determined; it is perhaps as old as the reign of Augustus. - -Among the cups, sixteen in number, two are especially noteworthy. They -are four inches high, and form a pair; they are ornamented with -skeletons in high relief, so grouped that each cup presents four -scenes satirizing human life and its interpretation in poetry and -philosophy. - -Two scenes from one of the cups are shown in Fig. 217. At the left the -Stoic Zeno appears, standing stiffly with his philosopher's staff in his -left hand, his wallet hanging from his neck; with right hand extended he -points the index finger in indignation and scorn at Epicurus, who, -paying no heed to him, is taking a piece of a huge cake lying on the top -of a small round table. Beside Epicurus an eager pig with snout and left -foreleg uplifted is demanding a share. Over the cake is the inscription: -[Greek: to telos hedone], 'the end of life is pleasure.' The letters of -the inscription, as of the names of the philosophers, are too small to -be shown distinctly in our illustration. - -No names are given with the figures in the other scene; a kind of genre -picture is presented. The skeleton in the middle is placing a wreath of -flowers upon his head. The one at the right holds in one hand a skull -which he examines contemplatively--we are reminded of Hamlet in the -scene with the gravedigger; in the other hand (not seen in the -illustration) is a wreath of flowers. The third of the principal figures -holds in his right hand a bag exceedingly heavy, as indicated by the -adjustment of the bones of the right arm and leg; over the bag is the -word [Greek: phthonoi], 'envyings.' The object in the left hand is so -light that its weight is not felt; it is a butterfly, held by the wings, -and above it is inscribed [Greek: psychion], a diminutive of [Greek: -psyche], 'soul'; we shall later find another instance of the -representation of a disembodied soul as a butterfly (p. 398). It was -perhaps the design of the artist to represent the figure as holding the -bag behind him while presenting the butterfly to the one who is putting -on the wreath. - - [Illustration: Fig. 217.--Silver cup with skeleton groups. - From the Boscoreale treasure.] - -On either side of the middle figure are two others less than half as -large. One, under the butterfly, is playing the lyre; over his head is -the word [Greek: terpsis], 'pleasure.' The second is clapping his hands, -and above him is a Greek inscription which gives the thought of the -whole design: 'So long as you live take your full share' of life, 'for -the morrow is uncertain.' - -Both cups had evidently long been in use; there are still some traces -of gilding, which, however, seems not to have been applied to the -skeletons. While the explanatory inscriptions are in Greek, a Latin -name, Gavia, is inscribed on the under side of the second cup, in the -same kind of letters as the record of weight (p. 508). The Gavii were -a family of some prominence at Pompeii; we are perhaps warranted in -concluding that the cups were made by a Greek for this Pompeian lady, -and that afterward they came into the possession of another lady, -Maxima, who formed the collection. - - - - -PART III - -TRADES AND OCCUPATIONS - - - - -CHAPTER XLVII - -_THE TRADES AT POMPEII.--THE BAKERS_ - - -In antiquity there was no such distinction between trades and -professions as exists to-day. In the Early Empire all activity outside -the field of public service, civil and military, or the management of -estates, was considered beneath the dignity of a Roman; the practice -of law, which had received its impulse largely from the obligation of -patrons to protect their clients, was included among public duties. -The ordinary work of life was left mainly to slaves and freedmen. Not -only the trades, as we understand the term, but architecture and -engineering,--in antiquity two branches of one occupation,--the -practice of medicine, and teaching, were looked upon as menial. A -Roman of literary or practical bent might manifest an interest in such -vocations, but it was considered hardly respectable actively to engage -in them. - -This attitude of mind, especially toward the higher occupations, is -only explicable in the light of the social conditions then existing. -Men who kept slaves of every degree of intelligence and training, and -were at all times accustomed to command, were not disposed to hold -themselves in readiness to do another's bidding, excepting in the -service of the State alone; and work committed to slaves and freedmen -naturally came to be considered unworthy the employment of a -gentleman. The freemen of the same craft were often united in guilds -or corporations, for the administration of certain matters of mutual -interest; but nothing is known in regard to the activities of such -organizations at Pompeii. - -In a city as large as Pompeii, all the occupations corresponding to -the needs of daily life must have been represented. The remains of the -appliances and products of labor are of the most varied character, -sometimes far from satisfactory, raising more difficulties than they -solve; yet often revealing at a glance the ancient methods of work, -and casting light upon the economic background of Greek and Roman -culture. The excavations have brought before us three sources of -information, inscriptions, paintings, and the remains of buildings or -rooms used as workshops. - -The inscriptions refer to more than a score of occupations; from -farming to innkeeping, and from hairdressing to goldworking. Most of -them are election notices, in which the members of a craft unite, or -are exhorted to unite, in recommending a certain candidate for a -municipal office. These are painted in red letters on the walls along -the streets, and are much alike, though some are fuller than others. -The simplest form contains only three words, as _Trebium aed. -tonsores_,--'The barbers recommend Trebius for the office of aedile.' -The more elaborate recommendations may be illustrated by the -following: _Verum aed. o. v. f._ (for _aedilem, oro vos, facite_), -_unguentari, facite, rog[o]_,--'Do make Verus aedile, perfumers, elect -him, I beg of you.' The whole craft of goldsmiths favored the election -of Pansa: _C. Cuspium Pansam aed. aurifices universi rog[ant]_,--'All -the goldsmiths recommend Gaius Cuspius Pansa for the aedileship.' - -The recommendations of the fruit sellers are particularly conspicuous. -On one occasion they joined with a prominent individual in the support -of a ticket: _M. Holconium Priscum II vir. i. d. pomari universi cum -Helvio Vestale rog._,--'All the fruit sellers, together with Helvius -Vestalis, urge the election of M. Holconius Priscus as duumvir with -judiciary authority.' There may have been some special reason why the -fruiterers wished to keep in favor with the city authorities, and so -took an active part in the elections; the dealers in garlic (_aliari_) -also had a candidate. - -Among the representatives of other employments that joined in the -support of candidates were the dyers (_offectores_), cloak-cutters -(_sagarii_), pack-carriers (_saccarii_), mule-drivers (_muliones_), -and fishermen (_piscicapi_). The inscription in which reference is -made to the gig-drivers is mentioned elsewhere (p. 243). - -The paintings in which we see work going on are numerous. By far the -most pleasing are those in which the workmen are Cupids, busying -themselves with the affairs of men. Several pictures of this kind have -already been described (pp. 97, 332-337); but we ought to add to those -mentioned two scenes from Herculaneum, often reproduced, in which -Cupids are represented as carpenters and as shoemakers. - -Among the more important paintings in which the figures of men appear -are those which picture the life of an inn and those that present the -processes of cleaning cloth; both groups are reserved for later -discussion. In a house in the ninth Region (IX. v. 9) a stuccoer is -pictured at work putting the finishing touches on a wall with a -smoothing tool, and in the house of the Surgeon an artist is seen -painting a herm (Fig. 133). - -In only a few instances are the remains of workshops sufficiently -characteristic to indicate their purpose. Among the most impressive, -to the visitor at Pompeii, are the ruins of the bakeries, with their -large millstones (Fig. 218). Equally important, also, are the remains -of the fulleries, and of a large tannery, which, as well as those of -the inns and winerooms, will be discussed in separate chapters. - -A few out of the hundreds of shops opening on the streets contain -remains of the articles exposed for sale. The discovery of charred -nuts, fruits, and loaves of bread in the market stalls north of the -Macellum has already been noted (p. 96). We know the use of other -shops from the remains of paints found in them. The arrangements of -such places of business were discussed in connection with those of the -Pompeian house. - -Several establishments which contain large lead kettles set in -masonry, with a place for a fire underneath, have been identified as -dyehouses. In the case of one on Stabian Street (VII. ii. 11), the -identification seems complete. Nine such kettles stood in the -peristyle, which has a direct connection with the street; in a closet -were numerous bottles, part of which contained coloring materials. -There was formerly a painting on the wall of the entrance, -representing a man carrying on a pole an object which had the -appearance of a garment fresh from the dye. - - [Illustration: Fig. 218.--Ruins of a bakery, with millstones.] - -On the opposite side of the street is the election notice: _Postumium -Proculum aed. offectores rog[ant]_,--'The dyers request the election -of Postumius Proculus as aedile.' The house on which this inscription -is painted (IX. iii. 2) contained three kettles similar to those -already mentioned; the dyers of both establishments may have united in -supporting the candidacy of Proculus. - -A potter's workshop, with two ovens, is located outside the -Herculaneum Gate, where the streets divide opposite the villa of -Diomedes (Plan V, 29-30). The ovens, which are not large, have an -upper division, in which were placed the vessels to be baked, and a -firebox underneath, the floor above being pierced with holes to let -the heat through. The vault of one of the ovens was constructed of -parallel rows of jars fitted into one another. - -There was a shoemaker's shop on the northwest corner of Insula VII. i -opening upon two streets. It is connected with the entrance hall of -the adjoining house (No. 40), and near the middle is a small stone -table. The identification rests upon the discovery here of certain -tools, particularly leather-cutters' knives with a crescent-shaped -blade; there was also an inscription on the wall, making record of -some repairing done 'July 14, with a sharp-cornered knife (_scalpro -angulato_) and an awl.' Apparently the porter of the house -(_ostiarius_) was at the same time a cobbler, as frequently in Italy -to-day. - -On the same wall is another scribbling: _M. Nonius Campanus mil. coh. -VIIII pr. > Caesi_,--'Marcus Nonius Campanus, a soldier of the ninth -praetorian cohort, of the century led by Caesius.' The name of the -centurion, M. Caesius Blandus, is scratched twice on the columns of -the peristyle in the same house. Captain and private may have come -from Rome in the escort of an emperor. Perhaps the centurion was -quartered in this house; the soldier, waiting to have his shoes -mended, scratched his name upon the wall. - -The better houses were so freely adorned with statuettes and other -ornaments of marble that there must have been marble-workers in the -city. The workshop of one was found, in 1798, on Stabian Street, near -the Large Theatre. It contained various pieces of carving, as herms, -table feet, and table tops; there was also an unfinished mortar, -together with a slab of marble partly sawed, the saw being left in the -cut. - -Signs of shops are not often seen in Pompeii, but two or three may be -mentioned. In the wall of a shop-front in the block containing the -Baths north of the Forum, there is a terra cotta plaque with a goat in -relief, to indicate the place of a milk dealer; and not far away we -find a sign of a wineshop, a tufa relief of two men carrying between -them an amphora hung from a pole supported on their shoulders. - -Not all such reliefs, however, are signs of shops. Near the Porta -Marina (at the northwest corner of Insula VII. xv), a tufa block may -be seen near the top of the wall, showing a mason's tools in relief; -above it is the inscription, _Diogenes structor_, 'Diogenes the -mason.' This is not a sign--the inscription can hardly be read from -below; it is, moreover, on the outside of a garden wall, with no -house or shop entrance near it. It is rather a workman's signature; -Diogenes had built the wall, and wished to leave a record of his -skill. - - * * * * * - -In antiquity the miller and the baker were one person. We rarely find -in Pompeii--and then only in private houses--an oven without mills -under the same roof. There were many bakeries in the city. The portion -already excavated contains more than twenty, each of them with three -or four mills; bread was furnished, therefore, by a number of small -bakeries rather than by a few large establishments. - - [Illustration: Fig. 219.--Plan of a bakery. - - 8. Atrium. - 15. Mill room. - 16. Stable. - 17. Oven. - 18. Kneading room. - 19. Storeroom.] - -The appearance of a bakery to-day, with its mills and its large oven, -may be seen in Fig. 218. The arrangements can more easily be -explained, however, from the plan of another establishment, one of the -largest, in the third Insula of Region VI. (Fig. 219). Entering from -the street through the fauces, we find ourselves in an atrium of -simple form (8) with rooms on either side; the tablinum (14) is here -merely an entrance to the mill room (15). In the corner of the atrium -is a stairway leading to a second story, which was particularly needed -here, because the living rooms at the rear were required for the -bakery; the floor of the second story was supported by brick pillars -at the corners of the impluvium, joined by flat arches. - -The four mills (_b_), were turned by animals; the floor around them is -paved with basalt flags like those used for the streets. In the same -room, at _d_, were the remains of a low table; at _c_ there is a -cistern curb, with a large earthen vessel for holding water on either -side, while the wall above was ornamented with a painting representing -Vesta, the patron goddess of bakers, between the two Lares. On one -side of the oven (17) is the kneading room (18), on the other the -storeroom (19). The room at the left (16) is the stall for the donkeys -that turned the mills. - - [Illustration: Fig. 220.--A Pompeian mill, without its framework.] - -The mills of Pompeii, with slight variations, are all of one type; if -there were watermills on the Sarno, no trace of them has been found. -The millstones are of lava (p. 15). The lower stone, _meta_, has the -shape of a cone resting on the end of a cylinder, but the cylindrical -part is in most cases partially concealed by a thick hoop of masonry, -the top of which was formed into a trough to receive the flour, and -was covered with sheet lead (Fig. 220). A square hole, five or six -inches across, was cut in the top of the cone, in which was inserted a -wooden standard; this supported a vertical iron pivot on which the -frame of the upper millstone turned. - - [Illustration: Fig. 221.--Section of a mill, restored.] - -The shape of the upper millstone, _catillus_, may best be seen in Fig. -221. It was like a double funnel, the lower cavity being fitted to the -cone of the lower millstone, while that in the upper part answered the -purpose of a hopper. The two cavities were connected at the centre by -an opening similar to that of an hourglass, which left room for the -standard and allowed the grain to run down slowly, when the _catillus_ -was turned, to be ground between the two stones. The flour ran out at -the base of the cone and fell into the trough, ready to be sifted and -made into bread. - -The upper millstone was nicely balanced over the lower, the surface of -which it touched but lightly; it could not have rested on the under -stone with full weight, for in that case the strength of a draft -animal would not have sufficed to move it. The stones could be set for -finer or coarser grinding by changing the length of the standard. - -The arrangement for turning the mill was simple. In shaping the upper -millstone, strong shoulders were left in the narrowest part (Fig. -220), on opposite sides. In these square sockets were cut, in which -the ends of shafts were inserted and firmly fastened by round bolts -passing through the shoulders (Fig. 221). The shafts were tied to the -ends of the crossbeam above by curved vertical pieces of wood, or by -straps of iron, which were let into grooves in the stone and so made -firm. The crosspiece above, which turned on the pivot in the end of -the standard, was sometimes of iron, sometimes of wood with an iron -socket fitting the pivot. The framework must necessarily have been -exceedingly strong. One of the mills at Pompeii (IX. iii. 10) has -lately been set up with new woodwork, and grinds very well. - - [Illustration: Fig. 222.--A mill in operation. Relief in the Vatican - Museum.] - -The smaller mills were turned by slaves, the larger by draft animals. -Men pushed on the projecting shafts, but animals wore a collar which -was attached by a chain or rope to the end of the crosspiece at the -top. The links of the chain running to the crossbeam are distinctly -shown in a relief in the Vatican Museum (Fig. 222), in which a horse -is represented turning a mill. Blinders are over the eyes of the -horse, which seems also to be checked up in order to prevent eating. A -square hopper rests on the crossbeam, and the miller is bringing a -measure of wheat to pour into it. On a shelf in the corner of the room -is a lamp. - - [Illustration: Fig. 223.--Section of bake oven.] - -The ovens were not unlike those still in use in many parts of Europe. -They were shaped like a low beehive, generally with some kind of a -flue in front to make the fire burn inside while they were being -heated. The oven in the bakery described above, however, has a special -device for saving as much heat as possible (Fig. 223); it is entirely -enclosed in a smoke chamber (_b_), with two openings above (_d_) for -the draft. Fires were kindled in such ovens with wood or charcoal; the -latter was probably used here. When the proper temperature for baking -had been reached, the ashes were raked out (in Fig. 223, _e_ is an -ashpit), the loaves of bread shoved in, and the mouth closed to retain -the heat. A receptacle for water stands in front of our oven (_f_), a -convenience for moistening the surface of the loaves while baking. The -front of the oven (at _c_) was connected with the rooms on either -side, as may be more clearly seen by referring to Fig. 219. In the -kneading room (18), where were found remains of a large table and -shelves, the loaves were made ready, and could be passed through one -opening to the front of the oven; the hot loaves could be conveniently -passed through the other opening into the storeroom (19). - - [Illustration: Fig. 224.--Kneading machine, plan and section.] - -In many establishments a machine was used for kneading; the best -example is in a bakery on the north side of Insula xiv in Region VI. -Such kneading machines are seen also in ancient representations of the -baker's trade, as in the reliefs of the tomb of Eurysaces, near the -Porta Maggiore at Rome. - -The dough was placed in a round pan of lava a foot and a half or two -feet in diameter. In this a vertical shaft revolved, to the lower part -of which two or three wooden arms were attached (three in Fig. 224); -the one at the bottom was strengthened by an iron crosspiece on the -under side, the projecting centre of which turned in a socket below. -The side of the pan was pierced in two or three places for the -insertion of wooden teeth, so placed as not to interfere with the -revolution of the arms. As the shaft was turned, the dough was pushed -forward by the arms and held back by the teeth, being thus thoroughly -kneaded. Modern kneading machines are constructed on the same -principle, but have two sets of teeth on horizontal cylinders -revolving toward each other. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVIII - -_THE FULLERS AND THE TANNERS_ - - -The work of the ancient fuller was twofold, to make ready for use the -cloth fresh from the loom, and to cleanse garments that had been worn. -As the garments used by the Romans were mainly of wool, and needed -skilful manipulation to retain their size and shape, they were -ordinarily sent out of the house to be cleansed; in consequence the -trade of the fuller was relatively important. In the part of Pompeii -thus far excavated we find two large fulleries and one smaller -establishment that can be identified with certainty; and there were -doubtless many laundries, with less ample facilities, the purpose of -which is not clearly indicated by the remains. The following account -of the processes employed relates exclusively to woollen fabrics. - -At the time of the destruction of Pompeii, soap, a Gallic invention, -was only beginning to come into use; the commonest substitute was -fuller's earth, _creta fullonia_, a kind of alkaline marl. For raising -the nap, teasel does not seem to have been used, as with us, but a -species of thorn (_spina fullonia_) the spines of which were mounted -in a carding tool resembling a brush (_aena_); the skin of a hedgehog -also was sometimes utilized for this purpose. - -The fulling of new cloth involved seven or eight distinct -processes,--washing with fuller's earth, or other cleansing agents, to -remove the oily matter; beating and stretching, to make the surface -even; washing and drying a second time, for cleaning and shrinking; -combing with a carding tool to raise the nap, brushing in order to -make it ready for clipping, and shearing to reduce the nap to proper -length; then, particularly in the case of the white woollens so -commonly used, bleaching with sulphur fumes; and finally, smoothing in -a large press. The process of cleaning soiled garments was more -simple. - -A series of paintings in the largest of the fulleries, on the west -side of Mercury Street, picture several of these processes with great -clearness. They were on a large pillar at the front end of the -peristyle, from which they were removed to the Museum at Naples; they -supplement admirably the scenes of the Cupids' fullery in the house of -the Vettii, mentioned in a previous chapter (p. 335). - - [Illustration: Fig. 225.--Scene in a fullery: treading vats.] - -In the first picture (Fig. 225), the clothes are being washed. They -are in four round treading vats, which stand in niches formed by a low -wall. One of the workmen is still treading his allotment, steadying -himself by resting his arms on the walls of the niche at both sides; -the other three have finished treading and are standing on the bottom -of their tubs, rinsing the garments before wringing them out. - - [Illustration: Fig. 226.--Scene in a fullery: inspection of cloth; - carding; bleaching frame.] - -The next scene (Fig. 226) is threefold. In the foreground at the left -sits a richly dressed lady, to whom a girl brings a garment that has -been cleaned; that the woman is not one of those employed in the -fullery is evident from her elaborate headdress, necklace, and -bracelets. In the background a workman dressed in a tunic is carding a -large piece of cloth. Near by another workman carries on his shoulders -a bleaching frame, over which garments were spread to receive the -fumes of the sulphur; he holds in his left hand the pot in which the -brimstone was burned. An owl, symbol of Minerva, who was worshipped by -fullers as their patron divinity, sits upon the frame; and the man -underneath has on his head a wreath of leaves from the olive tree, -which was sacred to the same goddess. - -In the third picture a young man hands a garment to a girl; at the -right a woman is cleaning a carding tool. The fourth (Fig. 227) gives -an excellent representation of a fuller's press, worked by two upright -screws; it is so much like our modern presses as to need no -explanation. The festoons with which it is adorned are of olive -leaves. - - [Illustration: Fig. 227.--A fuller's press.] - -With these pictures before us, it will be easy to understand the plan -of the fullery on the west side of Stabian Street, opposite the house -of Caecilius Jucundus (Fig. 228). It was excavated in 1875. The -building was not originally designed for a fuller's establishment, but -for a private house, and part of the rooms were retained for domestic -use, as the well preserved kitchen (_d_), and some of the other rooms -opening off from the atrium (_b_). The furniture of the atrium--a -table in front of the impluvium, with a pedestal for a fountain -figure, and a marble basin to receive the jet--is like that of the -house the interior of which is shown in Plate VII. - -The fuller's appliances are found in the shop next to the entrance -(21), and in the peristyle (_q_). In the former are the foundations -of three treading vats, and on the opposite side an oblong depression -in which the press was placed. The peristyle contains three large -basins of masonry for soaking and rinsing the clothes. A jet of water -fell into the one next the rear wall (3), from which it ran into the -other two through holes in the sides. Along the wall is a raised walk -(4) on a level with the top of the basins, into which the workmen -descended by means of steps. At the ends of this walk are places for -seven treading vats, five in one group, two in the other. The wall -above is decorated with a long sketchy painting, in which the fullers -are seen engaged in the celebration of a festival,--doubtless the -Quinquatrus, the feast of Minerva; the celebration is followed by a -scene before a magistrate, resulting from a fight engaged in by the -celebrants. A mass of fuller's earth was found in the passage at _m_. - - [Illustration: Fig. 228.--Plan of a fullery.] - -From the receipts found in the house of Caecilius Jucundus, it appears -that this thrifty Pompeian, in the years 56-60 A.D., rented a fullery -belonging to the city. In view of the nearness of this establishment -to his house, it seems likely that he was in charge of the business -here. At the time of the eruption, however, the enterprise was in the -hands of Marcus Vesonius Primus, who lived in the house next door (No. -20), where a portrait herm, dedicated to him by his cashier -(_arcarius_), stands in the atrium; the house is often called the -house of Orpheus, from the large painting on the rear wall of the -garden. - -To judge from the election notices painted on the front of the fullery -and on the houses at either side, Primus must have taken an active -interest in local politics. He was an ardent partisan, as witness this -inscription: _Cn. Helvium aed. d. r. p._ (for _aedilem, dignum re -publica_) _Vesonius Primus rogat_,--'Vesonius Primus urges the -election of Gnaeus Helvius as aedile, a man worthy of public office.' -The endorsement of Gavius Rufus is even stronger: _C. Gavium Rufum II -vir. o. v. f. utilem r. p. (duumvirum, oro vos, facite, utilem rei -publicae) Vesonius Primus rogat_,--'Vesonius Primus requests the -election of Gaius Gavius Rufus as duumvir, a man serviceable to public -interests; do elect him, I beg of you.' - -In one of the shorter recommendations, Primus names his occupation: -_L. Ceium Secundum II v. i. d. Primus fullo ro[gat]_,--'Primus the -fuller asks the election of Lucius Ceius Secundus as duumvir with -judiciary authority.' On one occasion he united with his employees in -favoring a candidate for the aedileship: _Cn. Helvium Sabinum aed. -Primus cum suis fac[it]_,--'Primus and his household are working for -the election of Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as aedile.' - -The fullery on Mercury Street, like that just described, had been made -over from a private house, built in the pre-Roman period. Among other -changes, the columns of the large peristyle were replaced by massive -pillars of masonry supporting a gallery above for the drying of -clothes. At the rear are four square basins, the two larger of which -are more than seven feet across; the water passed from one to the -other as in the basins of Primus's fullery. In the corner near the -last basin are six rectangular niches for treading vats, separated by -a low wall, the purpose of which is clear from Fig. 225. There is a -vaulted room at the right of the peristyle, with a cistern curb, a -large basin of masonry, and a stone table. Here a substance was found -which the excavators supposed to be soap, but which was doubtless -fuller's earth, like that found in the establishment on Stabian -Street. - - * * * * * - -There were naturally fewer tanners than fullers; and so far only one -tannery has been discovered. That is a large establishment, however, -filling almost an entire block near the Stabian Gate (Ins. I. v), -excavated in 1873. Like the two larger fulleries, it occupied a -building designed for a house. The appliances of the craft are found -in only a small part of the structure; they relate to two -processes,--the preparation of the fluids used for tanning, and the -manipulation of the hides. - -The mixture for the tan vats was prepared in a tank under a colonnade -opening on the garden. It could be drawn off through two holes in the -side into a smaller basin below, or conducted by means of a gutter -running along the wall to three large earthen vessels. - - [Illustration: Fig. 229.--Plan of the vat room of the tannery.] - -The vats, fifteen in number, are in a room formerly used as an atrium -(Fig. 229). They are about 5 feet in diameter, and from 4 to about 51/2 -feet deep; they were built of masonry, and plastered; two holes were -made in the side of each to serve as a convenience in climbing in and -out. Between adjacent pairs of pits was an oblong basin about twenty -inches deep, lined with wood. On either side of this was a large -earthen jar, sunk in the earth; a small, round hole between the basin -and each jar seems to mark the place of a pipe tile, connected with -the former at the bottom. The large pits were for ordinary tanning; -the oblong basins were probably used in making fine leather (_aluta_), -a process in which alum was the principal agent, the chemicals being -placed in the jars on either side, and supplied to the basins through -the pipe tiles. - -In the same building four tools were found, similar to those used by -tanners at the present time. One was a knife, of bronze, with a -charred wooden handle on the back of the blade; two were scraping -irons, with a handle on each end; and there was another iron tool with -a crescent-shaped blade. - -The garden on which the colonnade opened contains an open-air -triclinium. The table was ornamented with a mosaic top, now in the -Naples Museum, with a characteristic design (Fig. 230). The principal -motive is a skull; below is a butterfly on the rim of a wheel, symbols -of the fluttering of the disembodied soul and of the flight of time. -On the right and on the left are the spoils that short-lived man -leaves behind him,--here a wanderer's staff, a wallet, and a beggar's -tattered robe; there, a sceptre, with a mantle of royal purple. Over -all is a level, with the plumb line hanging straight, symbolic of -Fate, that sooner or later equalizes the lots of all mankind. The -thought of the tanner, or of the earlier proprietor of the house, is -easy to divine: _Mors aurem vellens, Vivite, ait, venio_, - - 'Death plucks my ear, and says, - "Live!" for I come.' - - [Illustration: Fig. 230.--Mosaic top of the table in the garden of the - tannery.] - - - - -CHAPTER XLIX - -_INNS AND WINESHOPS_ - - -Wineshops, _cauponae_, were numerous in Pompeii, and the remains are -easily identified. Like the Italian _osterie_, they were at the same -time eating houses, but the arrangements for drinking were the more -conspicuous, and give character to the ruins. The Roman inn, -_hospitium_, or simply _caupona_, was a wineshop with accommodations -for the night, provision being also made in most cases for the care of -animals. Keepers of inns, _caupones_, are frequently mentioned in -Pompeian inscriptions, sometimes in election notices, more often in -graffiti. - -Several inns have been identified from signs and from scribblings on -the walls within. At the entrance of one (west side of Ins. IX. vii) -is painted _Hospitium Hygini Firmi_, 'Inn of Hyginius Firmus.' The -front of the 'Elephant Inn' (west side of Ins. VII. i) was ornamented -with the painting of an elephant in the coils of a serpent, defended -by a pygmy. The name of the proprietor is perhaps given at the side: -_Sittius restituit elephantu[m]_, 'Sittius restored the elephant,' -referring no doubt to the repainting of the sign. Evidently the owner, -whether Sittius or some one else, was anxious to rent the premises; -below the elephant is the painted notice: _Hospitium hic -locatur--triclinium cum tribus lectis_,--'Inn to let. Triclinium with -three couches.' The rest of the inscription is illegible. - -The plan of another inn in the same region (west side of VII. xii) -well illustrates the arrangements of these hostelries (Fig. 231). The -main room (_a_), which probably served as a dining room, is entered -directly from the street. At one side is the kitchen (_h_); six -sleeping rooms (_b-g_) open upon the other sides. But the landlord did -not provide merely for the entertainment of guests from out of town; -he endeavored to attract local patronage also, by means of a wineshop -(_n_), which opened upon the street and had a separate dining room -(_o_). A short passage (_i_) led from the main room to the stalls -(_k_), in front of which was a watering trough. The vehicles were -probably crowded into the recess at _m_, or the front of _a_. The two -side rooms (_l_ and _p_) were closets. - - [Illustration: Fig. 231.--Plan of an inn.] - -The walls of several of the rooms contain records of the sojourn of -guests. C. Valerius Venustus, 'a pretorian of the first cohort, -enrolled in the century of Rufus,' scratched his name on the wall of -_c_, to which also an affectionate husband confided his loneliness: -'Here slept Vibius Restitutus all by himself, his heart filled with -longings for his Urbana.' Four players, one of them a Martial, passed -a night together in the same apartment. In the next room (_d_) a -patriotic citizen of Puteoli left a greeting for his native town: -'Well be it ever with Puteoli, colony of Nero, of the Claudian line; -C. Julius Speratus wrote this.' This city, as we learn from Tacitus, -received permission from Nero to call itself Colonia Claudia -Neronensis. Lucifer and Primigenius, two friends, spent a night in -room _f_, Lucceius Albanus of Abellinum (Avellino) in _g_. - -The arrangement of rooms here is so unlike that of an ordinary house -that the building must have been designed at the beginning for a -tavern. Sometimes a dwelling was turned into an inn, as in the case of -the house of Sallust, which, as we have seen, in the last years of the -city must in part at least have been used as a hostelry. - -Inns near the gates had a paved entrance for wagons, interrupting the -sidewalk. A good example is the inn of Hermes, in the first block on -the right as one came into the city by the Stabian Gate (Fig. 232). On -either side of the broad entrance (_a_), are winerooms (_b_, _d_). -Behind the stairway at the right, which leads from the street to the -second story, is a hearth with a water heater. On the wall at the left -was formerly a painting with the two Lares and the Genius offering -sacrifice; below was the figure of a man pouring wine from an amphora -into an earthen hogshead (_dolium_), and beside it was written -_Hermes_, apparently the name of the proprietor. The wagons stood in -the large room at the rear (_f_), with which the narrow stable (_k_) -is connected; in one corner is a watering trough of masonry. On the -ground floor were only three sleeping rooms (_e_, _g_, and _h_), but -there were upper rooms at the rear, reached by a flight of stairs in -_f_; these were probably not connected with the upper rooms of the -front part, which (over _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_, _e_), having a street -entrance, may have been rented separately. - - [Illustration: Fig. 232.--Plan of the inn of Hermes.] - -The Pompeian inns were doubtless fair representatives of their class -in the different Roman cities. Those of Rome must have been numerous, -but are rarely mentioned, and innkeepers are generally referred to in -terms of disrespect. The ordinary charges seem to have been low, and -the accommodations were of a corresponding character. Owing to the -universal custom of furnishing private entertainment to all with whom -there existed any ground of hospitality, places of public -entertainment tended to become the resorts of the vicious. - - [Illustration: Fig. 233.--Plan of a wineshop.] - - * * * * * - -The wineshop of which the plan is here given (Fig. 233) is on the east -side of Mercury Street, at the northwest corner of Ins. VI. x. It was -designed not only for the accommodation of guests who would go inside -to partake of refreshments, but also for the sale of drinks over the -counter to those who might stop a moment in passing. This is evident -from the arrangement of the main room (_a_), which has a long counter -in front, with a series of small marble shelves arranged like stairs -on one end of it, for the display of cups and glasses; on the other is -a place for heating a vessel over a fire. Large jars are set in the -counter, in which liquids and eatables could be kept. In the corner of -the room, at the right as one enters, a hearth is placed. In view of -the provision for heating water, we are safe in calling this a -_thermopolium_, a wineshop which made a specialty of furnishing hot -drinks. The passage at the rear of the hearth (_c_) is connected with -a small room (_d_) and also with the adjoining house, which may have -been the residence of the proprietor, or may have been used for -lodgings. - - [Illustration: Fig. 234.--Scene in a wineshop. Wall painting.] - -The long room with an entrance from the side street (_b_, now walled -up) was intended for the use of those who preferred to eat and drink -at their leisure. The walls are decorated with a series of paintings -presenting realistic scenes from the life of such places. We see the -guests eating, drinking, and playing with dice. Some are standing, -others sitting on stools; it is the kind of public house that Martial -calls a 'stool-ridden cookshop,' in which couches were not provided, -but only seats without backs (Mart. Ep. V. lxx. 3). - -In one of the scenes (Fig. 234) four men are drinking, about a round -table, while a boy waits on them; two of the figures have pointed -hoods like those seen to-day in Sicily and some parts of Italy. -Strings of sausage, hams, and other eatables hang from a pole -suspended under the ceiling. - - [Illustration: Fig. 235.--Delivery of wine. Wall painting.] - -Some of the figures in the pictures are accompanied by inscriptions. -Thus by the side of a guest for whom a waiter is pouring out a glass -of wine is written: _Da fridam pusillum_, 'Add cold water--just a -little.' In a similar connection we read, _Adde calicem Setinum_, -'Another cup of Setian!' The Setian wine came from a town in Latium at -the foot of the hills bordering the Pontine Marshes, now Sezze; we -infer that our wineshop sold not merely the products of neighboring -vineyards, but choice brands from other regions as well. Wines from -the locality were probably brought to town in amphorae; the delivery -of a consignment from a distance is shown in a separate scene (Fig. -235), in which amphorae are being filled from a large skin on a wagon; -the team of mules is meanwhile resting, unharnessed, the yoke hanging -on the end of the pole. - -The pictures present the life of a tavern from the point of view of -the landlord; but occasionally we have a suggestion of the other side, -as in the following couplet, the faulty spelling of which we can -forgive on account of its pithiness: _Talia te fallant utinam -me[n]dacia, copo, Tu ve[n]des acuam et bibes ipse merum_,-- - - 'Landlord, may your lies malign - Bring destruction on your head! - You yourself drink unmixed wine, - Water sell your guests instead.' - -The wineshop in which this graffito is found (I. ii. 24) is larger -than that on Mercury Street, and has several dining rooms. Connected -with it is a garden with a triclinium, once shaded by vines, which -calls to mind the invitation of the barmaid in the Copa:-- - - 'Here a garden you will find, - Cool retreat, with cups and roses, - Lute and pipe, for mirth designed, - Bower that mask of reeds encloses. - - 'Come, weary traveller, lie and rest - 'Neath the shade of vines o'er-spreading. - Wreath of roses freshly pressed - On your head its fragrance shedding.' - -All the pictures found in Pompeian wineshops bear out the inference, -based upon numerous allusions in classical writers, that such places -everywhere were in the main frequented by the lower classes; among the -adjectives applied to taverns by the poets are 'dirty,' 'smoky,' and -'black.' They were haunted by gamblers and criminals, and the life was -notoriously immoral. - - [Illustration: PLAN V.--THE STREET OF TOMBS.] - -KEY TO THE LEFT SIDE - - 24. VILLA OF DIOMEDES. - - 16-23. TOMBS--GROUP III. - - 16. Unfinished tomb. - 17. Tomb of Umbricius Scaurus. - 18. Round tomb. - 19. Sepulchral enclosure. - 20. Tomb of Calventius Quietus. - 21. Sepulchral enclosure of Istacidius Helenus. - 22. Tomb of Naevoleia Tyche. - 23. Triclinium Funebre. - - 5-15. SO-CALLED VILLA OF CICERO. - - 1-4 _a_. TOMBS--GROUP I. - - 1. Sepulchral niche of Cerrinius Restitutus. - 2. Sepulchral bench of A. Veius. - 3. Tomb of M. Porcius. - 4. Sepulchral bench of Mamia. - 4 _a_. Tomb of the Istacidii. - - A. HERCULANEUM GATE. - - C. BAY ROAD. - - -KEY TO THE RIGHT SIDE - - 33-43. TOMBS--GROUP IV. - - 33. Unfinished tomb. - 34. Tomb with the marble door. - 35. Unfinished tomb. - 36. Sepulchral enclosure with small pyramids. - 37. Tomb of Luccius Libella. - 38. Tomb of Ceius Labeo. - 39. Tomb without a name. - 40. Sepulchral niche of Salvius. - 41. Sepulchral niche of Velasius Gratus. - 42. Tomb of M. Arrius Diomedes. - 43. Tomb of Arria. - - 31-32. SAMNITE GRAVES. - - 10-30. VILLA. - - 10, 11, 13, 14. Shops. - 12. Garden belonging to Tombs 8 and 9. - 15. Street entrance of Inn. - 16-28. Rooms belonging to the Inn. - 29-30. Potter's establishment. - - 1-9. TOMBS--GROUP II. - - 1. Tomb without a name. - 2. Sepulchral enclosure of Terentius Felix. - 3, 4. Tombs without names. - 5. Sepulchral enclosure. - 6. Garland tomb. - 7. Sepulchral enclosure. - 8. Tomb of the Blue Glass Vase. - 9. Sepulchral niche. - - A. HERCULANEUM GATE. - - B. CITY WALL. - - D. ROAD ALONG CITY WALL. - - E-E. VESUVIUS ROAD. - - - - -PART IV - -THE TOMBS - - - - -CHAPTER L - -_POMPEIAN BURIAL PLACES.--THE STREET OF TOMBS_ - - -The tombs of Pompeii, like those of Rome, were placed in close array -along the sides of the roads that led from the city gates. Only a few -have been uncovered; how many still lie concealed under the mantle of -volcanic debris that rests upon the plain, no one has yet ventured to -conjecture. The tombstone of a magistrate of one of the suburbs was -found at Scafati, a mile and a half east of the ancient town; and -others have been brought to light on the east, south, and west sides. -The most interesting and best known tombs are those of the Street of -Tombs, in front of the Herculaneum Gate; but important remains have -been found also near the Stabian and Nocera gates, and burial places -of a humbler sort lie along the city wall near the Nola Gate. - -Most of the tombs thus far excavated belong to the Early Empire, -having been built between the reign of Augustus and 79 A.D. Two or -three date from the end of the Republic; and a small corner of an -Oscan cemetery has been uncovered on the northwest side of the city. -Remains of skeletons were found only in the Oscan graves; the Roman -burial places were all arranged with reference to the practice of -cremation, the ashes being deposited in urns. - -The tombs present so great a variety of form and construction that it -is impossible to classify them in a summary way, or to dismiss them -with the presentation of two or three typical examples. The character -of the monument varied not merely according to the taste and means, -but also according to the point of view or religious feeling of the -builder. Some deemed it more fitting that the ashes of the dead should -be covered over with earth; others preferred to place them in a -conspicuous tomb that would please the eye and impress the imagination -of the beholder. To many the matter of paramount importance seemed to -be the provision for the worship of the dead, the arrangement of the -tomb so that offerings could easily be made to the ashes. Others still -desired to have the sepulchre convenient for the living, who at times -would gather there, and tarry near the resting place of the departed. -And there were not a few who attempted, in the construction of a -monument, to accomplish at the same time several of these ends. The -architectural designs were suggested by the form of an altar, a -temple, a niche, a commemorative arch, or a semicircular bench, -_schola_. - -On account of this diversity of aim and of type, it will be most -convenient to study the tombs in topographical groups, commencing with -those at the northwest corner of the city. - - * * * * * - -The highway that passes under the Herculaneum Gate runs almost -directly west, descending with a gentle grade. Above it on the north -side is the ridge formed by the stream of lava on the end of which the -city lay; here, before the eruption, were sightly villas. Below, to -the south, was the sea, not so far away as now, over the shimmering -surface of which the traveller, as he rode along, could catch charming -glimpses of the heights above Sorrento and of Capri. A short distance -from the gate on the left, a branch road, which for convenience we may -call the Bay Road, led directly to the sea. Another branch, on the -right, followed the direction of the city wall; further from the gate -on the same side, a third, which may be designated as the Vesuvius -Road, ran off from the highway in the direction of the mountain. The -highway itself, so far as excavated, has been named the Street of -Tombs. - -The tombs that have been uncovered here are distributed in four -groups. The first, on the left side, extends from the gate to the Bay -Road; it comprises Nos. 1-4a on Plan V. The second, on the right -(Nos. 1-9), includes the tombs between the gate and the beginning of -the Vesuvius Road. The third group, on the left, lies between the -ruins of the villa to which the name of Cicero has been attached and -the villa of Diomedes; the tombs are numbered on the plan 16-23. The -monuments of the fourth group occupy the tongue of ground at the right -between the highway and the Vesuvius Road (33-43). The outer parts of -the two villas by which the continuity of the series of tombs on both -sides is interrupted, appear to have been used as inns; along the -street in front of each there was a colonnade supported by pillars, -behind which were small rooms opening toward the street. - -At the further end of the villa on the right (10-29) is the potter's -workshop (29-30), mentioned in a previous chapter (p. 386). Beyond -this are the Oscan graves (31-32), several of which have been -explored. In them were found rough stone coffins, made of slabs and -fragments of limestone, containing remains of skeletons together with -small painted vases, of the sort manufactured in Campania in the third -and second centuries B.C. Two coins were found, in separate graves, -with Oscan legends that have not yet been deciphered; apparently they -were from Nola. The burial places lie close together, and evidently -belong to a cemetery for people of humble station; there are no -headstones to mark the graves. This is the only place at Pompeii in -which painted vases have been found. - -A narrow strip of land on each side of the road belonged to the city, -and burial lots therein were granted by the municipal council to -citizens who had rendered public service. Others, however, might -obtain lots by purchase; private ownership may be assumed unless the -gift of the city is indicated in the inscription. The location of -several tombs--1, 3, 4, 6 on the right, 3 on the left--shows that the -direction of the street near the gate was changed after sepulchral -monuments had begun to be erected. - -An interesting inscription referring to the municipal ownership of -land was found at the further corner of the Bay Road: _Ex auctoritate -imp. Caesaris Vespasiani Aug. loca publica a privatis possessa T. -Suedius Clemens tribunus causis cognitis et mensuris factis rei -publicae Pompeianorum restituit_,--'By virtue of authority conferred -upon him by the Emperor Vespasian Caesar Augustus, Titus Suedius -Clemens, tribune, having investigated the facts and taken -measurements, restored to the city of Pompeii plots of ground -belonging to it which were in the possession of private individuals.' - -To judge from the location of the inscription, the land which the -military tribune sent as commissioner by Vespasian gave back to the -city, must have been at the sides of the Bay Road. A marble statue of -a man dressed in a toga and holding a scroll in his hand, was found -near by. It was probably a portrait of Suedius Clemens, and may have -stood in a niche in the villa of Cicero. - -There is an implied reference to the Bay Road also in another -inscription which was found out of its proper place, in the court of -the adjoining inn: THERMAE . M . CRASSI . FRVGI . AQVA . MARINA . -ET . BALN . AQVA . DVLCI . IANVARIVS . L--'Bathing establishment of -Marcus Crassus Frugi. Warm sea baths and freshwater baths. -(Superintendent) the freedman Januarius.' We learn from Pliny the -Elder that M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, who was consul in 64 A.D., and -was afterwards (in 68) put to death by Nero, owned a hot spring which -gushed up out of the sea. This spring, then, was at Pompeii, and was -utilized for baths. The inscription is at the same time an -advertisement and a sign directing people down the Bay Road to the -bath house. - -A general view of the Street of Tombs is given in Plate X. It is taken -from the high ground beyond the fourth group, as one looks toward the -Herculaneum Gate. The rugged mass of Monte Sant' Angelo looms up in -the distance; at the right the trees skirting the edge of the -excavations form an effective background. The beauty of the -surroundings, especially on a summer morning, the associations of the -street, its deserted appearance, and the unbroken, oppressive -stillness give rise to mingled feelings of pleasure and sadness in the -visitor. - -We commence our survey with the first group of tombs at the left as -one passes out from the Herculaneum Gate. Close by the gate is the -tomb of Cerrinius Restitutus (1 on the plan, left side). It is simply -a low vaulted niche, having seats at the sides. Against the rear wall -stood a marble tombstone, with a place for a carved portrait; in front -of it was a small altar under which doubtless was placed the urn -containing the ashes. Both altar and tombstone (now in the Naples -Museum) have the inscription: _M. Cerrinius Restitutus, Augustalis, -loc. d. d. d._ (for _locus datus decurionum decreto_),--'Marcus -Cerrinius Restitutus, member of the brotherhood of Augustus. Place of -burial granted by vote of the city council.' The tomb here was -designed as a structure to which relatives might repair on anniversary -days in order to make offerings to the dead. - - [Illustration: Fig. 236.--Sepulchral benches of Veius and Mamia; tombs - of Porcius and the Istacidii.] - -The remains of the other tombs in the first group are shown in the -accompanying illustration (Fig. 236). We notice first two large -semicircular benches. That at the left (2 on the plan) marks the -resting-place of Veius. It is of tufa, and nearly twenty feet wide at -the front. The ends are modelled to represent winged lion's paws, the -carving of which is full of vigor and may be compared with that of the -lion's paws in the Small Theatre (Fig. 70). The statue that once stood -at the rear, on a high pedestal, has disappeared, but the inscription -remains: _A. Veio M. f. II vir. i. d. iter. quinq. trib. milit. ab -populo ex d. d._,--'To the memory of Aulus Veius, son of Marcus, twice -duumvir with judiciary authority, quinquennial duumvir, military -tribune by the choice of the people. (Erected) by order of the city -council.' The city not only gave a burial place, but built the tomb -as well. The cinerary urn was probably placed in the earth in the -narrow unwalled space behind the bench. - -This monument was intended at the same time to do honor to the dead -and render service to the living. Here, on feast days of the dead, -relatives could gather and partake of a commemorative meal; but at all -times the inviting seat and conspicuous statue served to maintain that -friendly relation with the living, the desire for which so often finds -expression in Roman epitaphs. The portrait and inscription made it -seem as if Veius himself offered a friendly greeting to those that -passed by, and was greeted by them in turn as they looked upon his -face and read his name. - -The other bench (4) was evidently built by the heirs of a priestess, -Mamia, upon a lot given by the city. The inscription appears in large -letters on the back of the seat: _Mamiae P. f. sacerdoti publicae; -locus sepultur[ae] datus decurionum decreto_,--'To the memory of -Mamia, daughter of Publius Mamius, priestess of the city. Place of -burial granted by order of the municipal council.' In this instance, -also, the cinerary urn was probably buried in the earth behind the -bench. A certain delicacy in the modelling of the lion's paws seems to -indicate for this monument a somewhat later date than that of the -monument to Veius,--possibly the end of the reign of Augustus, or the -reign of Tiberius. The date of erection is not given in the case of -any Pompeian tomb. - -Between the two benches we see a lava base and the core of a -superstructure; they belong to the tomb of Marcus Porcius. The name is -known from a boundary inscription which appears on two small blocks of -lava at the corners of the lot in front: _M. Porci M. f. ex dec. -decret. in frontem ped. xxv, in agrum ped. xxv_,--'(Lot) of Marcus -Porcius son of Marcus, granted by order of the city council; -twenty-five feet front, twenty-five feet deep.' - -This Porcius may have been one of the builders of the Small Theatre -and the Amphitheatre, or a son of that Porcius, whose name appears on -the altar of the temple of Apollo. The tomb was in the form of an -altar; the terminal volutes at the top, of travertine, have been -preserved. The sides were of tufa blocks, which may have been carried -off for building purposes after the tomb was damaged by the earthquake -of 63. The interior was made hollow to save expense; there was no -sepulchral chamber, the ashes being placed in the earth under the -monument. This tomb is the oldest of the group. - - [Illustration: Fig. 237.--The tomb of the Istacidii, restored.] - -The conspicuous monument of the (4_a_) stands behind the -tombs of Mamia and Porcius, at the left of the Bay Road. It is raised -upon a narrow terrace, enclosed by a balustrade of masonry, and has -the appearance of a temple, with half-columns at the sides. The -remains of the lower story alone are seen in Fig. 236; above this was -a circular structure formed by columns supporting a roof, under which -were placed statues of members of the family (Fig. 237). The lower -story contains a sepulchral chamber, entered by a door at the rear; in -the middle of the chamber is a massive pillar reaching to the vaulted -ceiling. The decoration of the room is simple, of the third style. On -one side is a large niche, for two urns, those of the head of the -family and his wife; the other three sides contain ten smaller niches. - -The principal inscription of the tomb has not been found, but a number -of names are preserved on the commemorative stones set up in the plot -of ground about it. These stones are of a peculiar type, met with -elsewhere only at Capua and Sorrento; we shall call them bust stones. -The outline resembles that of a human head and neck terminating below -in a pillar, but the front was left smooth, and an inscription was cut -or painted on the bust. Difference of sex was indicated by the -treatment of the hair; an example maybe seen in Fig. 240. The bust -stones of men are generally larger than those of women; those of -children are still smaller, the size perhaps varying with the age. - -The bust stones here may refer to those whose ashes were deposited in -urns in the tomb, or to others whose urns were buried in the plot of -ground in which it stands. From them we learn that the head of the -family was Numerius Istacidius, and that he had a daughter, Istacidia -Rufilla, who was a priestess. Representatives of two other families, -the Melissaei and the Buccii, are named on similar stones found in a -plot connected with that of the Istacidii at the rear. The three -families were perhaps closely connected by intermarriage. The bust -stone of one of the Melissaei, Gnaeus Melissaeus Aper, duumvir in 3-4 -A.D., stood in the same enclosure with those of the Istacidii. - -Only one of the nine tombs in the second group (2) bears a name. In -the case of two (3 and 4) the superstructure has completely -disappeared, leaving only the lava bases in place. Another (5) has not -been excavated; the front of the burial lot has been cleared, but the -monument, lying further back, is still covered. - -The first tomb lies in the angle between the highway and the branch -road along the wall, which was evidently laid out after the monument -was erected. It has the form of an altar, and must have resembled in -appearance the tomb of Porcius on the opposite side of the street. -Here, however, there is a sepulchral chamber in the base, entered by a -low, narrow passage, which was closed until 1887 by a block of stone. -In corners of this chamber two cinerary urns, in lead cases, were -found covered with earth and with the remains of a funeral pyre--bits -of wood and iron nails used in building the pyre, together with pieces -of a richly carved ivory casket and broken perfume vials of terra -cotta. Among the fragments of bone in each urn was a coin of Augustus. -Though the ashes of the dead were here placed in a burial vault, it -was nevertheless considered important to cover them with earth. It was -not thought necessary, however, to leave the vault accessible for the -performance of sacred rites in honor of the dead; the entrance, -securely closed, was only to be unsealed for the admission of new -urns. - -The next tomb (2) is of an entirely different type from any of those -previously described. It is an unroofed enclosure, entered by a door -at one end. As we learn from the inscription, it was built in honor of -Terentius Felix by his widow, the city furnishing the burial lot and a -contribution of two thousand sesterces (about $90) toward the expense: -_T. Terentio T. f. Men. Felici maiori aedil[i]; huic publice locus -datus et [=HS] [M] [M]. Fabia Probi f. Sabina uxor_,--'To the memory of -Titus Terentius Felix the Elder, son of Titus, of the tribe Menenia, -aedile. The place of burial was given by the city, with two thousand -sesterces. His wife, Fabia Sabina, daughter of Fabius Probus (built -this monument).' Pompeians who were Roman citizens were enrolled in -the tribe Menenia. - -The cinerary urn of Felix was of glass. It was protected by a lead -case and placed in an earthen jar, which was buried in the earth under -a small altar or table of masonry against the wall on the left as one -enters. Here also was a tombstone, with the inscription, 'To the elder -Terentius'; he probably left a son with the same name. In the urn, or -near it, were found two coins, one of Augustus, the other of Claudius, -deposited to pay the fare of Charon. The right side of the enclosure -was set off by a low wall; here several urns belonging to other -members of the household were buried. Shells of oysters and other -shellfish were found in the main room, remains of a banquet in honor -of the dead; the libations were poured upon the earth above the urns. -The plan of this tomb closely resembles that of the enclosure in front -of the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare (p. 139). - - [Illustration: Fig. 238.--View of the Street of Tombs. - - At the left, the Bay Road and remains of the so-called villa of - Cicero; at the right, Garland tomb, foundation of the tomb of the Blue - Glass Vase, and semicircular niche.] - -Of the remaining tombs of the second group, two are prominent, and may -readily be distinguished in the accompanying illustration (Fig. 238), -the so-called Garland tomb (6 on the plan), and the roofed -semicircular niche at the end (9). The Garland tomb has the shape of a -temple, with pilasters instead of columns, between which hang festoons -of leaves and flowers. It is solid; the cinerary urn was probably -placed underneath. The form of the second story cannot be determined. -The material is tufa, coated with white stucco, and the monument is -one of the oldest in the series, dating from the end of the Republic. - -Adjoining the Garland tomb is a simple sepulchral enclosure (7) with -an entrance from the street. Between this and the roofed niche we see -in Fig. 238 the limestone base of a tomb, like those seen in Plate X, -at the right; the altar-shaped superstructure has disappeared (8). -This is called the tomb of the Blue Glass Vase. The base contains a -sepulchral chamber, entered by a door at the rear. Here three urns, -two of glass and one of terra cotta, were found, standing in niches. -On the floor were several statuettes, a couple of small figures of -animals, and a mask with a Phrygian cap,--all of terra cotta. - -In beauty of material, harmony of design, and skill of workmanship, -one of the glass urns, which gave the name to the tomb and is now -preserved in the Naples Museum, ranks with the finest examples of its -class in the world. Among specimens of ancient glass it stands second -only to the famous Portland vase in the British Museum, which was -found in a tomb near Rome. The urn has the form of an amphora; the -support seen at the bottom (Fig. 239) is modern. It is decorated with -reliefs cut in a layer of pure white on a background of dark blue. -Near the bottom is a narrow band, showing goats and sheep in pasture. -Resting on this are two bacchic masks, on opposite sides of the vase; -vines laden with clusters rise in graceful arabesques above the masks, -dividing the body of the vase into two fields, which present scenes -from the vintage. - -One of these scenes is reproduced in Fig. 239. The vintage is -interpreted as a festival of Bacchus. Above is a festoon of fruits and -flowers. At the sides are two boys on elevated seats, one playing the -double flute, the other holding a Pan's pipe in his hands, ready to -take his turn; the grapes are gathered and pressed to an accompaniment -of Bacchic airs, the two players following each other with alternate -strains. A third boy, treading the grapes in a round vat, shakes the -thyrsus in honor of the Wine-god, while a companion empties in fresh -bunches. The scene is full of action; no reproduction can do justice -to the delicacy and finish of the original. - - [Illustration: Fig. 239.--Glass vase with vintage scene, found in the - tomb of the Blue Glass Vase.] - -A bench of masonry runs along the inner wall of the semicircular niche -(9), which is covered by a roof in the form of a half dome and opens -upon the street as do the large unroofed monuments of Veius and Mamia. -A blank marble tablet was placed in the gable; the builder of the -monument, who was doubtless living at the time of the eruption, -preferred to leave it to his heirs to add the memorial inscription, -but the disaster interfered with the fulfilment of his wishes. It was -probably intended to bury the cinerary urn either in the floor of the -niche or in the ground at the rear. The effect of the double series of -pilasters at the corners, placed one upon the other without an -intervening entablature, and of the fantastic stucco decoration of the -gable, is not unpleasing, although the designs are far from classical; -the tiles shown in the illustration are modern. The inner wall is -painted in red and black panels; the vaulted ceiling, from which the -stucco has now fallen, was moulded to represent a shell. - -Both the niche and the tomb of the Blue Glass Vase seem to have -belonged to the adjoining villa. The stucco decoration of the villa in -its main features is identical with that of the niche; and the plot of -ground behind the tombs is connected by a gateway with a garden of the -villa (12 on the plan), which was too richly adorned to have been -intended for the use of the occupants of the inn. In the middle of the -garden was a pavilion supported by four mosaic columns (now in the -Naples Museum), similar to that in the garden of the villa of -Diomedes, and to others belonging to city houses. A mosaic fountain -niche was made in the rear wall facing the entrance from the street, -and in two corners were short columns on which were placed small -figures,--on one a boy with a hare, in marble, on the other a frog of -glazed terra cotta. - -Nevertheless, the garden seems to possess a distinctly sepulchral -character. Besides the entrances from the tombs and from the street, -there was a third, which led into a court of the villa, with which the -peristyle and living rooms were connected by a passageway; in the -corner of the court nearest the garden, and facing the entrance from -the street (15), was an elaborate domestic shrine, dedicated, as shown -by the symbolical decoration, to Apollo, Bacchus, Hercules, and -Mercury. The relation of the garden with the living rooms of the villa -was only indirect; and we conclude that it was intended for gatherings -and sacred rites in honor of the dead. Relatives could partake of the -sepulchral banquet under the pavilion. - -The tombs of the third group, as may be seen from Plate X, form a -stately series. The prevailing type is that which was in vogue at the -time of the destruction of the city--a high base, with marble steps at -the top leading up to a massive superstructure in the form of an -altar, faced with marble. The burial plot was enclosed by a low wall. -In the base of the tomb was a sepulchral chamber, entered by a door in -the rear or at one side; it was now the custom for relatives to enter -the burial vault when they wished to pour libations on the ashes. - -The first of the series (16 on the plan, seen in Plate X next to the -cypress) was unfinished at the time of the eruption. Part of the -marble veneering had not yet been added, the walls of the sepulchral -chamber were in the rough, and there were no urns in the five niches -designed for their reception. In the burial plot surrounding the tomb, -however, a marble bust stone was found (Fig. 240) with the -inscription, _Iunoni Tyches Iuliae Augustae Vener[iae]_,--'To the -Genius of Tyche, slave of Julia Augusta,--of the cult of Venus.' - - [Illustration: Fig. 240.--Bust Stone of Tyche, slave of Julia - Augusta.] - -The reference is plainly to a female slave of Livia, the wife of -Augustus; how her ashes came to be deposited here it is not worth -while, in default of information, to conjecture. In sepulchral -inscriptions of women _Iunoni_ sometimes takes the place of _genio_ in -men's epitaphs. Tyche was seemingly a member of a sisterhood for the -worship of Venus, to which, as to the organization of the 'Servants of -Mercury and Maia,' and of the 'Servants of Fortuna Augusta,' slaves -were admitted. - -The tomb of Umbricius Scaurus (17) is conspicuous by reason of its -size and noteworthy on account of its decoration. The inscription on -the front of the altar-shaped superstructure gives interesting details -in regard to the man the memory of whom is here perpetuated: _A. -Umbricio A. f. Men. Scauro, II vir i. d.; huic decuriones locum -monum[ento] et [=HS] [M] [M] in funere et statuam equestr[em in f]oro -ponendam censuerunt. Scaurus pater filio_,--'To the memory of Aulus -Umbricius Scaurus son of Aulus, of the tribe Menenia, duumvir with -judiciary authority. The city council voted the place for a monument -to this man and two thousand sesterces toward the cost of the funeral; -they voted also that an equestrian statue in his honor should be set -up in the Forum. Scaurus the father to the memory of his son.' - -Why these honors were conferred upon Scaurus, who probably became a -duumvir early in life and died soon after his term of office, is not -clear. The upper part of the base of the tomb in front was adorned -with stucco reliefs--now for the most part gone--in which gladiatorial -combats and a venatio were depicted; but a painted inscription along -the edge of one of the scenes indicates that the show thus -commemorated was given by another man, _N. Fistius Ampliatus; Munere -[N. Fis]ti Ampliati die summo_. Perhaps the last two words mean that -'on the last day' the younger Scaurus, a relative or friend of -Ampliatus, shared the cost of the exhibition under some such -arrangement as that between Lucretius Valens and his son (p. 222). If -this be the correct explanation, it is evident that Scaurus could have -given no shows in the Amphitheatre during his duumvirate, else the -father would have taken pains to mention the fact in the inscription. -His term of office may have come after the year 59, when such -exhibitions were prohibited at Pompeii for ten years (p. 220). - -The gladiatorial scenes, if space permitted, would merit a detailed -presentation--they are so full of human interest. Two gladiators are -fighting on horseback, the rest on foot. The vanquished with uplifted -thumbs are mutely begging for mercy. The plea of some of them is heeded -by the populace; in other groups we see the victor preparing to give the -death thrust. Beside each gladiator was painted his name, school, and -number of previous combats, as in a programme; and letters were added to -give the result of this fight. One combatant, who was beaten and yet by -the vote of the audience permitted to live, died on the sand from his -wounds. We see him resting on one knee, faint from loss of blood; the -letter M beside his name, for _missus_, is followed by the death sign -[Theta], the first letter of the Greek word for death, [Greek: THANATOS]. - -The animals shown in the venatio are mainly wild boars and bears, but -we recognize also a lion and a bull. Lions were doubtless much more -rarely seen in such exhibitions at Pompeii than at Rome. - -As more attention came to be given to the outward appearance of tombs, -less was bestowed upon the adornment of the sepulchral chamber. So in -the tomb of Scaurus the burial vault is low, cramped, and with plain -white walls. A massive pillar, as in the tomb of the Istacidii, -supports the vaulted ceiling. It is pierced by two openings, forming -four niches, two on each side. Three of these, when the tomb was -opened, were closed by panes of glass, and there were traces of a -curtain that hung over the one opposite the entrance. There were -fourteen other niches in the walls at the sides. - -No name is associated with the third tomb (18 on the plan) which, as -shown by Plate X, is simply a large cylinder of masonry, the top of -which probably had the shape of a truncated cone; the material is -brick, with a facing of white stucco lined off to give the appearance -of blocks of marble. The base is square; the enclosing wall is adorned -with miniature towers. The structure illustrates in its simplest form -the type of the massive tomb, or mausoleum, found at Rome; we are at -once reminded of the imposing monument of Caecilia Metella on the -Appian Way, and of Hadrian's Mausoleum in the city. - -A blank tablet was placed by the builder on the front of the enclosing -wall to receive an inscription after his death. The heirs, however, -preferred to put the memorial on the tomb itself, where the place of -an inscription is plainly seen, the slab itself having disappeared. -The sepulchral chamber is in the superstructure; it was decorated with -simple designs in the fourth style on a white ground. There were only -three niches, perhaps for father, mother, and child; the urns were let -into the bottoms of the niches, as often in the Roman columbaria. - -One of the miniature towers on the enclosing wall is ornamented with a -relief presenting a singular design; a woman in mourning habit is -laying a fillet on a skeleton reclining on a heap of stones (Fig. -241). The scene may be interpreted as symbolizing the grief of a -mother for a dead son. - - [Illustration: PLATE X.--THE STREET OF TOMBS, LOOKING TOWARD THE - HERCULANEUM GATE] - -There is only a simple bust stone in the burial lot (19) beyond the -round monument. Next comes the beautiful tomb of Calventius Quietus -(20), which may be seen in Plate X, as well as the tomb of Naevoleia -Tyche (22; further to the right). Between these two is a walled -enclosure (21) without a door, in which are three bust stones. The -largest stone bears the name N. Istacidius Helenus; in front of one of -the others a small jar was set to receive offerings for the dead. On -the front of the enclosing wall is a tablet on which the names of N. -Istacidius Januarius and of Mesonia Satulla appear with that of -Helenus; they were all freedmen of the Istacidii (p. 412). - -The monuments of Quietus and of Tyche are the finest examples of the -altar type at Pompeii. Both are ornamented in good taste, but the -carvings of the former are more delicate, while the motives of the -latter are more elaborate. Quietus was a man of some prominence, as we -see from the epitaph: _C. Calventio Quieto Augustali; huic ob -munificent[iam] decurionum decreto et populi conse[n]su bisellii honor -datus est_,--'To the memory of Gaius Calventius Quietus, member of the -Brotherhood of Augustus. On account of his generosity the honor of a -seat of double width was conferred upon him by the vote of the city -council and the approval of the people.' - - [Illustration: Fig. 241.--Relief, symbolic of grief for the dead.] - -At the Theatre and the Amphitheatre, Quietus had the privilege of -sitting on a bisellium, as if he were a member of the city council. -Below the inscription is a representation of the 'seat of double -width,' shown in Fig. 242. The square footstool at the middle implies -that the seat was intended for a single person. The ends of the tomb -were ornamented with finely carved reliefs of the civic crown, which -was made of oak leaves and awarded to those who had saved the life of -a Roman citizen (Fig. 243). As the inscription does not record any -deed of valor, it may be that the crown is used here merely as a -decorative device. - - [Illustration: Fig. 242.--Front of the tomb of Calventius Quietus, - with bisellium.] - -Though the monument of Quietus was built in the last years of the -city, when such structures were generally provided with sepulchral -chambers, it has no burial vault, and the enclosing wall is without a -door. It is perhaps a cenotaph, a monument erected in honor of a man -whose remains were interred elsewhere; it is also possible that -Quietus had no relatives who wished to have an accessible sepulchral -chamber in order to make libations to his ashes, and that for this -reason the monument was made solid, the urn being buried in the earth -underneath. The small turrets on the enclosing wall were adorned with -reliefs; among them Oedipus solving the riddle of the Sphinx, and -Theseus after the slaughter of the Minotaur. The suggestion is -obvious: he who is commemorated here had solved the riddle of -existence, had found an exit from the labyrinth of life. - -Around the front and sides of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche runs a -border of acanthus arabesques, forming panels in which reliefs are -placed. The border in front is interrupted at the middle of the upper -side by the portrait of Tyche; the lower half of the panel is devoted -to a ceremonial scene in which offerings appear to be made to the -dead, while in the upper half, under the portrait, we read the -inscription: _Naevoleia L. lib[erta] Tyche sibi et C. Munatio Fausto -Aug[ustali] et pagano, cui decuriones consensu populi bisellium ob -merita eius decreverunt. Hoc monimentum Naevoleia Tyche libertis suis -libertabusq[ue] et C. Munati Fausti viva fecit_,--'Naevoleia Tyche, -freedwoman of Lucius Naevoleius, for herself and for Gaius Munatius -Faustus, member of the Brotherhood of Augustus and suburban official, -to whom on account of his distinguished services the city council, -with the approval of the people, granted a seat of double width. This -monument Naevoleia Tyche built in her lifetime also for the freedmen -and freedwomen of herself and of Gaius Munatius Faustus,' who was -seemingly her husband. - - [Illustration: Fig. 243.--End of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche, with - relief of a ship entering port; beyond, end of the tomb of Calventius - Quietus, with the civic crown.] - -The bisellium of Faustus is shown in one of the end panels; in the -other we see a ship sailing into port (Fig. 243). The carving of the -relief is bold, though crude; we see the sailors furling the sail, as -the vessel glides into still water. The scene is symbolical of -death,--the entrance of the soul after the storms of life into a haven -of rest. The thought is expressed by Cicero with deep feeling in his -essay on Old Age: 'As for myself, I find the ripening of life truly -agreeable; the nearer I come to the time of death, the more I feel -like one who begins to see land and knows that sometime he will enter -the harbor after the long voyage.' - -The sepulchral chamber of this tomb has a large niche opposite the -entrance; the urn standing in it apparently contained the cinerary -remains of two persons, Tyche and Faustus. Other urns were found in -the smaller niches in the walls and on the bench of masonry along the -sides. Three were of glass, protected by lead cases; one of them is -shown in Fig. 244. They contained ashes and fragments of bone, with -remains of a liquid mixture, which was shown by chemical analysis to -have consisted of water, wine, and oil. Lamps were found on the bench, -one for each urn, and there were others in a corner; they were used on -anniversary days to light the chamber. - - [Illustration: Fig. 244.--Cinerary urn in lead case.] - -The last monument consists of a walled enclosure, with a table and -couches of masonry like those often found in the gardens of private -houses (Fig. 245). In front of the table is a small round altar for -libations. This was a place for banquets in honor of the dead, -_triclinium funebre_; a tomb designed to serve the convenience of the -living, like the niche of Cerrinius Restitutus and the benches of -Veius and Mamia. The walls were painted in the last style. - -Over the entrance in front we read: _Cn. Vibrio Q. f. Fal. Saturnino -Callistus lib._,--'To the memory of Gnaeus Vibrius Saturninus son of -Quintus, of the tribe Falerna; erected by his freedman Callistus.' As -Saturninus did not belong to the tribe Menenia, he was very likely not -a native of Pompeii. His ashes were probably placed in an urn and -buried in the earth between the altar and the entrance. - -There is every reason to suppose that the series of tombs on the south -side of the highway is continued beyond the villa of Diomedes; but it -has not yet been found possible to carry the excavations further in -that direction. - -The tombs of the fourth group present no new types of design or -construction. Several of them are of interest, however, on account of -peculiarities of arrangement. At the time of the eruption two of the -monuments (33, 35) were in process of building; it is impossible to -tell what form they were to have. A third (36) had been commenced on a -large scale, but apparently the money of the heirs gave out, and -little pyramids were set up at the corners of the walled enclosure, -the urns being buried in the earth. - - [Illustration: Fig. 245.--Sepulchral enclosure with triclinium - funebre.] - -Two of the monuments were erected for children (40, 41). They stand -near together on the high ground in the angle formed by the Vesuvius -Road. They are small vaulted niches, ornamented with reliefs in white -stucco, most of which has fallen off. The urn in each was placed in -the earth under the bottom of the niche, with a small pipe tile -leading to the surface, through which libations could be poured down -upon it. A tablet is set in the sustaining wall at the side of the -street below the larger niche (41), with the simple inscription, _N. -Velasio Grato, vix[it] ann. XII_,--'To the memory of Numerius Velasius -Gratus, who lived twelve years.' The inscription belonging to the -other niche was even more simple, giving no first name: _Salvius puer -vixit annis VI_,--'The boy Salvius lived six years.' - -One tomb (34) is noteworthy on account of its door. This has the -appearance of a double door, but it is made of a single slab of -marble, and swings, like an ordinary Roman door, by means of pivots -which are fitted into sockets in the threshold and lintel. It was also -provided with a lock. The exterior of the tomb was unfinished; the -reticulate masonry still lacked its facing of more costly material. -The sepulchral chamber, however, contained several cinerary urns; one -of them, of alabaster, was in a large niche facing the entrance, and a -gold seal ring, with the figure of a deer in an intaglio, was found in -it among the ashes and fragments of bone. There were also several -lamps, a small altar of terra cotta, and a few glass perfume vials. -Two amphorae, of the sort used for wine, stood against the sides of -the chamber; such were sometimes utilized as repositories for ashes. - -One of the volutes of the well preserved limestone tomb of M. Alleius -Luccius Libella (37) is seen in Plate X. The monument has the shape of -an altar, and is apparently solid. It was erected by the widow, Alleia -Decimilla, priestess of Ceres, in memory of her husband, who was -duumvir in 26 A.D., and of a son of the same name, who was a member of -the city council and died in his eighteenth year. The burial plot was -given by the city. As no opening was left in the monument, Decimilla -evidently planned to have her ashes deposited in another tomb, perhaps -that of her father's family. - -The remaining four tombs are of the same type; the idea is that of a -temple, the columnar construction being suggested not by projecting -half-columns, as in the tomb of the Istacidii, but by more or less -prominent pilasters at the corners and on the sides. Two of the tombs -(38 and 39) stand where the tongue of land between the highway and the -Vesuvius Road begins to descend to the level of the pavement. - -The remains of the tomb of Ceius Labeo (38) are shown in Plate X (in -the foreground, at the left). The appearance of this monument was -somewhat like that of the Istacidii; there was a second story, the -roof of which was supported entirely by columns; between these, -statues of members of the family were placed, of both men and women, -some of marble, others of tufa coated with stucco. The base was -ornamented with stucco reliefs, which have almost entirely -disappeared; above, in front, were two portrait medallions. - -The large sepulchral chamber can be seen in the plate. The floor was -more than six feet below the surface of the ground. A vaulted niche in -the rear wall was connected with the outside by means of a small -opening at the top, through which libations could be poured or -offerings dropped upon the urn below. In the vicinity of the monument -was found the inscription: _L. Ceio L. f. Men. Labeoni iter[um] d. v. -i. d. quinq[uennali] Menomachus l[ibertus]_,--'To the memory of Lucius -Ceius Labeo son of Lucius, of the tribe Menenia, twice duumvir with -judiciary authority, also quinquennial duumvir; erected by his -freedman, Menomachus.' - -There were bust stones in the plot belonging to this monument, and -also about the adjoining tomb (39); the names of those whose ashes -were deposited under the stones, in part, at least, seem to have been -painted upon the base of Labeo's tomb, but they were illegible at the -time of excavation. The adjoining tomb (39) is without a name, but was -built after that erected in honor of Labeo. - -The tombs at the end of the fourth group (42, 43) belong to one -household. In the sustaining wall along the highway a sepulchral -tablet of tufa is seen with the inscription: _Arriae M. f. Diomedes -l[ibertus] sibi suis_,--'Diomedes, a freedman, for Arria, daughter of -Marcus Arrius, for himself and for his family.' On the elevation -directly above is his tomb, the end of which is seen in Plate X (in -the foreground). It bears the inscription: _M. Arrius [^C]. l. Diomedes -sibi suis memoriae, magister pag[i] Aug[usti] Felic[is] -suburb[ani]_,--'Marcus Arrius Diomedes, freedman of Arria, magistrate -of the suburb Pagus Augustus Felix, in memory of himself and his -family.' - -The abbreviation [^C]. l. takes the place of _Gaiae libertus_, 'freedman -of Gaia,' the letter C, which stands for Gaius, being reversed; Gaia -is used, as in legal formulas, to show that the person referred to is -a woman. The slave Diomedes, after receiving his freedom, was entitled -to the use of the family name, and was known as Marcus Arrius -Diomedes. His mistress, as Roman ladies generally, was called not by a -first name, but by the feminine form of the family name, Arria, which -was as plainly suggested to a Roman reading the name Arrius followed -by the symbol as if it had been written in full. - -On the front of the tomb we observe in stucco relief two bundles of -rods, _fasces_, with axes, having reference to the official position -of Diomedes as a magistrate of a suburb. The axes are quite out of -place. Suburban officers did not have the 'power of life and death'; -the lictors of such magistrates carried bundles of rods without axes. -The vain display of authority reminds one of the pompous petty -official held up to ridicule by Horace in his Journey to Brundisium; -it suggests also the rods and axes painted on the posts at the -entrance of the dining room of Trimalchio, in Petronius's novel. The -tomb was constructed without a burial vault, but there were two bust -stones near by with names of freedmen of Diomedes. - -The monument to Arria (43) lies further back; it fronts on the -Vesuvius Road. Diomedes found a way to reconcile happily his own love -of display with his duty to his former mistress; he built a larger -monument for her, but chose for his own the more conspicuous position. -The small sepulchral chamber of Arria's tomb contained nothing of -interest and is now walled up. - - - - -CHAPTER LI - -_BURIAL PLACES NEAR THE NOLA, STABIAN, AND NOCERA GATES_ - - -No part of the highway leading from the Nola Gate has yet been -excavated. In the year 1854, however, excavations were made for a -short distance along the city wall near this gate, and thirty-six -cinerary urns were found buried in the earth. In or near them were -perfume vials of terra cotta with a few of glass. Here in the -pomerium, the strip of land along the outside of the walls, which was -left vacant for religious as well as practical reasons, the poor were -permitted to bury the ashes of their dead without cost. In some cases -the place of the urn was indicated by a bust stone; often the spot was -kept in memory merely by cutting upon the outside of the city wall the -name of the person whose ashes rested here. - -There was another cemetery of the poor a short distance southwest of -the Amphitheatre, south of the modern highway. It lay along a road -which branched off from the highway leading to Stabiae and ran east in -the direction of Nocera. Sepulchral remains were found here in -1755-57, and again in 1893-94, when further explorations were made. -They consist of cinerary urns, buried in the earth, with small glass -perfume vials in or near them, and a bust stone to mark the spot. A -few of the stones are of marble and bear a name; the great majority -are roughly carved out of blocks of lava, and if a name was painted on -the front it has disappeared. - -Of special significance, in connection with these burial places, is -the arrangement for making offerings to the dead. In order that -libations might be poured directly upon the cinerary urns, these were -connected with the surface of the ground by means of tubes. In one -instance a lead pipe ran from above into an opening made for it in the -top of the lead case inclosing an urn. More often the connection was -made by means of round tiles; in the case of one urn, three tiles were -joined together, making a tube five feet long. The upper end of the -libation tube did not project from the ground, but was placed just -below the surface and covered with a flat stone; over this was a thin -layer of earth, which the relatives would remove on the feast days of -the dead. Pagan antiquity was never able to dissociate the spirit of -the dead from the place of interment; the worship of ancestors was in -no small degree the product of local associations. - -In the vicinity of these remains is a sepulchral monument of modest -dimensions, which, as we learn from the tablet over the entrance, was -erected by Marcus Petasius Dasius in memory of his two sons, Severus -and Communis, and of a freedwoman named Vitalis. There was no floor in -the burial chamber; the urns were placed in the earth and marked by -bust stones, among which was one set up for Dasius himself, with the -initials M. P. D. - -The Stabian Road has been excavated for but a short distance near the -gate. The only monuments completely cleared are two large, -semicircular benches, like those of Veius and Mamia (p. 409). At the -rear of each is a small sepulchral enclosure in which the urns were -buried. The memorial tablet belonging to the monument nearest the gate -has disappeared, but two boundary stones at the corners of the lot -bear the inscription: _M. Tullio M. f. ex d[ecurionum] -d[ecreto]_,--'To Marcus Tullius son of Marcus, in accordance with a -vote of the city council.' The Tullius named was perhaps the builder -of the temple of Fortuna Augusta (p. 132). - -The inscription of the second bench, like that of Mamia, is cut in -large letters on the back of the seat: _M. Alleio Q. f. Men. Minio, II -v. i. d.; locus sepulturae publice datus ex d. d._,--'To the memory of -Marcus Alleius Minius son of Marcus, of the tribe Menenia, duumvir -with judiciary authority. The place of burial was given in the name of -the city by vote of the municipal council.' - -A third bench, close to the second, lies under a modern house and has -not been uncovered. Further from the gate a rectangular seat, probably -belonging to the same series of monuments, was discovered in 1854, it -was built in memory of a certain Clovatius, duumvir, as shown by a -fragment of an inscription that came to light at the same time. From -still another tomb are reliefs with gladiatorial combats, now in the -Naples Museum. - -With the exception of those near the Herculaneum Gate, the most -important tombs yet discovered at Pompeii are in a group beyond the -Amphitheatre, excavated in 1886-87. They are six in number, and lie -close together on both sides of a road which ran east from the Nocera -Gate, bending slightly to the north (Fig. 246). This road was not in -use in the last years of the city; the stones of the pavement and -sidewalk had been removed. The monuments, however, were large and -stately, erected by people of means, and the ruins are characteristic -and impressive. The tombs were built of common materials, stucco being -used on exposed surfaces instead of marble. The simplicity of -construction, and the shapes of the letters in the election notices -and other inscriptions painted on them, suggest a relatively early -date, which is confirmed by the age of the coins found in the urns; -the monuments belong to the early decades of the Empire. - - [Illustration: Fig. 246.--Plan of the tombs east of the Amphitheatre.] - -The first tomb at the right (No. 1 on the plan) was built in the form -of a commemorative arch, with pilasters at the corners. Above was a -low cylinder surmounted by a truncated cone, on which stood a terminal -member in the shape of a pine cone, found near by. The cinerary urn -was buried in the earth below an opening in the floor of the passage -under the arch (shown in the plan). No name appears in connection with -this monument. - - [Illustration: Fig. 247.--View of two tombs east of the Amphitheatre. - That at the left is No. 3 on the plan; the next is No. 4.] - -Another monument of the arch type, that of Mancius Diogenes, is seen -on the opposite side of the street (5; Fig. 248). The structure is -shallow, the vaulted opening low. On the top of the arch were three -niches, in which stood three travertine statues; two of these, both of -women, have been preserved, and are of indifferent workmanship. A -marble tablet was placed in front, over the vault, with the -inscription, _P. Mancio P. l[iberto] Diogeni ex testamento arbitratu -Manciae P. l[ibertae] Dorinis_,--'To the memory of Publius Mancius -Diogenes, freedman of Publius Mancius; (the monument was erected) in -accordance with the terms of his will, under the direction of Mancia -Doris, freedwoman of Publius Mancius.' - -There is a curious ambiguity in this inscription; we cannot tell -whether Doris, seemingly the wife of Diogenes, was manumitted by the -Publius Mancius who gave him his freedom, or by Diogenes himself after -he had gained his freedom and was entitled to use the name Publius -Mancius. Four bust stones stood in front of the tomb and two at the -rear, arranged as indicated on the plan; those in front are seen in -our illustration. - -The tomb at the left of that just described (4; Fig. 247) is of -interest as showing the result of an attempt to blend the arch type -with that of the temple. A passage roofed with a flat vault runs -through the middle of the first story. The second story had the -appearance of a diminutive temple with four Corinthian columns in -front. The niche representing the cella was of the full width of the -tomb, and occupied two thirds of the depth; the other third was given -to the portico. Four statues of tufa coated with stucco that were -found here probably stood under the portico or in the intercolumniations, -where they would best be seen from below; three were statues of men, -the fourth of a woman. - -The arrangement of the five bust stones in the vaulted passage is -indicated on the plan. The three nearest the street entrance bear the -name of a freedman, _L. Caesius L. l. Logus_,--'Lucius Caesius Logus, -freedman of Lucius Caesius,' and of Titia Vesbina and Titia Optata, -both evidently freedwomen manumitted by a lady named Titia. We are -probably safe in assuming that the two inmost stones, without names, -are those of Caesius and Titia, husband and wife, who gave Logus, -Vesbina, and Optata their freedom, and built the monument. It was not -necessary to place the names of the builders upon the commemorative -stones, because they were doubtless given in the memorial tablet in -front, which has disappeared. Coins of Augustus and Tiberius were -found in the urns. - -One tomb (2) has the form of a niche, resembling those of the two -children near the end of the Street of Tombs (p. 425), but larger and -more costly than they. The corners are embellished with three-quarter -columns, which have Doric flutings and composite capitals. On the -walls at the entrance we see, modelled in stucco, doorposts with -double doors swung back. Two marble bust stones, the places of which -are indicated on the plan, show where the urns of the two most -important members of the family, Apuleius and his wife Veia, were -buried; their names doubtless appeared in an inscription on the front -of the monument. In one of the urns was found a coin of Tiberius of -the year 10 A.D. The other was enclosed in a lead case, and a lead -libation tube was extended from the ashes through both covers to the -surface. - -The names of Apuleius and Veia are obtained from two other bust -stones, in front of the niche. One reads, _Festae Apulei f[iliae] -vix[it] ann[os] XVII_,--'To the memory of Festa, daughter of Apuleius, -who lived seventeen years.' The other has simply _[C]onviva Veiaes vix. -an. XX_,--'Conviva, slave of Veia, lived twenty years.' An as of the -time of the Republic was found in the urn of Conviva; and a square -tile, the upper end of which was closed by a piece of marble, served -as a libation tube for the urn of Festa. - - [Illustration: Fig. 248.--Two other tombs east of the Amphitheatre. - Nos. 5, 6 on the plan.] - -The two remaining tombs are of the temple type, one (3; Fig. 247) -having pilasters at the corners, the other half-columns at the corners -and on the sides (6). The first has a vaulted sepulchral chamber, -entered from the rear. On the inside of the wall next the street are -three low niches, the top of which is nearly on a level with the -sidewalk; each of them contained an urn. Directly over the inner -niches, in the outside of the wall and opening toward the street, are -three other niches, shown in the illustration, in the bottom of which -were libation tubes leading to the urns below. Relatives could thus -pour their offerings of wine or oil upon the urns without entering the -sepulchral chamber. Lava bust stones were placed against the back of -the outer niches. The hair on one of them is treated in a manner to -indicate that a woman is represented. The entrance of the tomb was -closed by a large block of lava. On account of the arrangement for -offering libations from the outside, it was not necessary to make the -burial vault easy of access. - -The entrance to the other tomb (6; Fig. 248) was in front, and closed -by a door of limestone. It led, not to a sepulchral chamber, but to a -stairway by which one ascended to the second story. Here statues were -placed, but the exact form of the upper part cannot be determined. The -finding of five tufa capitals suggests that the second story may have -been a columnar structure, like that of the tomb of the Istacidii; -when the excavations are carried further east enough other fragments -will perhaps be found to make a complete restoration possible. One of -the statues is of a man holding a roll of papyrus in his hand, with a -round manuscript case, _scrinium_, at his feet. - -Among the inscriptions painted on these tombs were two, relating to -gladiatorial combats, which have already been mentioned (p. 221). One -of the election notices, oddly enough, refers to a candidate for an -office in Nuceria: _L. Munatium Caeserninum Nuceriae II vir. quinq. v. -b. o. v. f._ (for _duumvirum quinquennalem, virum bonum, oro vos, -facite_),--'Make Lucius Caeserninus quinquennial duumvir of Nuceria, I -beg of you, he's a good man.' As long as the relations of the -Pompeians and Nucerians were friendly, the highway between the two -towns was doubtless much travelled by the citizens of both places. - -If the visitor pauses to think of the religious feeling which the -ancients manifested generally in relation to their burial places, it -gives somewhat of a shock to see notices even of a semi-public -character painted in bright red letters upon tombs. All such -inscriptions, however, are surpassed in ludicrous incongruity with the -purpose of the monument by the following advertisement regarding a -stray horse: _Equa siquei aberavit cum semuncis honerata a. d. VII -Kal. Septembres_ (corrected into _Decembres_), _convenito Q. Deciu[m] -Q. l. Hilarum ... L. l. ... chionem, citra pontem Sarni fundo -Mamiano_,--'If anybody lost a mare with a small pack-saddle, November -25, let him come and see Quintus Decius Hilarus, freedman of Quintus -Decius, or ... (the name is illegible), freedman of Lucius, on the -estate of the Mamii, this side of the bridge over the Sarno.' The two -freedmen were very likely in partnership, working a farm belonging to -the family, one representative of which we have already met, Mamia the -priestess (p. 410). - -A more serious desecration of burial places, after offerings to the -dead ceased to be made by relatives, or a family became extinct, was -probably not uncommon. Different families had different gods, and -those of one household were quite independent of those of another. -Ordinarily a man had no reason to fear or respect the gods of his -neighbor; notwithstanding the associations of worship connected with -tombs, the general feeling toward them was very different from that -manifested toward temples, where local divinities or the great gods -were worshipped. The most stringent regulations of the emperors could -not prevent the ransacking of the tombs about Rome for objects of -value, and the removal of their materials of construction for building -purposes. The superstructure of two of the monuments near the -Herculaneum Gate had disappeared apparently before the destruction of -the city, and of the tomb of Porcius only the core remained. - - - - -PART V - -POMPEIAN ART - - - - -CHAPTER LII - -_ARCHITECTURE_ - - -In the preceding pages the principal buildings of Pompeii have been -described, and reference has been made to many works of art. We shall -now offer a few observations of a more general nature in regard to the -remains of architecture, sculpture, and painting. - -The different periods in the architectural history of the city have -been defined in a previous chapter. The most significant of these, -from every point of view, is that which we have called the Tufa -Period, which corresponds roughly with the second century B.C. Its -importance is chiefly due to the fact that it records for us a phase -of architectural development, a style, of which only slight traces are -found elsewhere,--in the East. It is the last offshoot of untrammelled -Hellenistic art in the field of construction; the architecture of the -following period was still derived from Hellenistic sources, but was -dominated by Roman conceptions, and received from Rome the impulse -that determined the direction of its development. The remains of the -Tufa Period at Pompeii furnish materials for a missing chapter in the -history of architecture. - -As we have seen, the stone preferred in this period for all purposes -was the gray tufa. Where used for columns, pilasters, and -entablatures, it was covered with stucco; in plain walls it appeared -in its natural color. Unfortunately, the covering of stucco is -preserved in only a few cases; the best example is presented by an -Ionic capital in the first peristyle of the house of the Faun. The -stucco was generally white, but color was sometimes employed, as in -the Corinthian columns and pilasters of the exedra in the same house, -which are painted a deep wine red. - -No other period of Pompeian art shows in an equal degree the impress -of a single characteristic and self-consistent style, alike in public -buildings, temples, and private houses, in the interior decoration as -well as in the treatment of exteriors. The wall decoration of the -first style is simply the adaptation of tufa construction to -decorative use. The motives are identical. The forms are the same, but -these naturally appear in a freer handling upon interior walls, the -effect being heightened by the use or imitation of slabs of marble of -various colors. - -This style throughout gives the impression of roominess and largeness. -It is monumental, especially when viewed in contrast with the later -architecture of Pompeii. No building erected after the city became a -Roman colony can be compared, for ample dimensions and spatial -effects, with the Basilica. In the same class are the temples of -Jupiter and Apollo, with the impressive two-storied colonnades -enclosing the areas on which they stand; the contrast with the later -temples, as those of Fortuna Augusta and Vespasian, is striking. All -the more important houses of this period are monumental in design and -proportions, with imposing entrances, large and lofty atriums, and -high doors opening upon the atrium; the shops in front also were high, -and in two stories. - -In point of detail, the architecture of the Tufa Period reveals less -of strength and symmetry than its stately proportions and modest -material would lead us to expect. The ornamentation is a debased -descendant of the Greek. It is characterized by superficial elegance, -together with an apparent striving after simplicity and an -ill-concealed poverty of form and color. Though the ornamental forms -still manifest fine Greek feeling, they lack delicacy of modelling and -vigor of expression. They are taken from Greek religious architecture, -but all appreciation of the three orders as distinct types, each -suited for a different environment, has disappeared. In consequence, -we often find a mixture of the orders, a blending of Doric, Ionic, and -Corinthian elements; and still more frequently do we meet with a -marked departure from the original proportions. - -Thus in the court of the temple of Apollo and in the first peristyle -of the house of the Faun we see Ionic columns supporting a Doric -entablature; in the house of the Black Wall, Doric columns with an -Ionic entablature. The Doric architrave, contrary to rule, appears -divided into two stripes, not only in the colonnade of the Forum, -where the stripes represent a difference of material, but also in the -house of the Faun, where the architrave is represented as composed of -single blocks reaching from column to column (p. 51). In the Palaestra -(p. 165), and in many private houses, the Doric column was lengthened, -in a way quite out of harmony with the original conception, in order -to make it conform to the prevailing desire for height and slender -proportions. The shaft nowhere appears with the pronounced entasis and -strong diminution characteristic of the type, and the capital has lost -the breadth and graceful outline of the Greek Doric. - - [Illustration: Fig. 249.--Four-faced Ionic capital. Portico of the - Forum Triangulare.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 250.--Capital of pilaster. Casa del duca - d'Aumale.] - -The Ionic columns in the cella of the temple of Jupiter (p. 65) are of -the Greek type, with volutes on two sides; elsewhere we find only the -so-called Roman Ionic, with four volutes, a type that appears in -several well defined and pleasing examples. One of these, a capital -from the portico at the entrance of the Forum Triangulare, is shown in -Fig. 249. The deep incisions of the egg-and-dart pattern, which give -the egg almost the appearance of a little ball, is characteristic; it -is found only at Pompeii, and there not after the Tufa Period. A still -freer handling of the Ionic is seen in the capital of a pilaster in -the casa del duca d'Aumale (Fig. 250). - -The Corinthian capital appears in the usual forms, but the projecting -parts are shallow, on account of the lack of resisting qualities in -the stone. The best examples are the capitals of the columns and -pilasters of the exedra in the house of the Faun. The workmanship here -is fine, the realistic treatment of the acanthus leaves being -especially noteworthy. An interesting series of variations from the -normal type is seen in the capitals of the pilasters at house -entrances; we have already met with a striking example of this series, -ornamented with projecting busts of human figures (Fig. 178). The -design is often so fantastic that the essential character of the -Corinthian capital seems entirely lost sight of. - - [Illustration: Fig. 251.--Altar in the court of the temple of Zeus - Milichius.] - -The entablatures of the temples built in the Tufa Period, as of those -erected in later times, have all perished. The entablatures of the -colonnades, however, are at least in part well preserved in a number -of instances, and are of two types, the Doric, characterized by the -use of triglyphs, and the Ionic, distinguished by the dentils of the -cornice. - -Both types are found also in the wall decoration, the first rarely, -the second very frequently. On the altar of the temple of Zeus -Milichius, which is of tufa coated with stucco, the Doric entablature -appears in association with the characteristic decoration of the first -style, the imitation of large blocks of marble; on the top are -terminal volutes of Ionic origin, as generally upon Roman altars and -altar-shaped tombs (Fig. 251). On walls decorated in the first style, -however, only Ionic entablatures are seen,--sometimes even twice upon -the same wall, as in the example shown in Fig. 122. From this we infer -that in the temple construction of the Tufa Period, the simple and -elegant Ionic entablature was the prevailing type. - -Notwithstanding its free adaption of Greek forms, the Tufa Period -availed itself very sparingly of polychrome decoration for -architectural members. The stucco of the Ionic capital in the house of -the Faun is white; white likewise are most of the capitals of -pilasters found in the houses, and also the numerous Ionic cornices on -the walls. - -There are, nevertheless, scanty traces of the application of color. In -the wall decoration of the house of Sallust we find a Doric frieze -with the metopes painted red. The frieze under the Ionic cornices on -the walls also is usually made prominent with color,--red, yellow, or -blue; and a red frieze is seen in the peristyle of the house of the -Black Wall, above the pilasters of the garden wall. The lower stripe -of the painted architrave in the house of the Faun, already referred -to, is yellow. - -It seems probable that in some cases color was applied to the -projecting figures of the peculiar capitals used in houses; at the -time of excavation, traces of coloring were distinctly seen upon those -belonging to the alae of the house of Epidius Rufus (p. 309). The -exposed capitals at the entrances (Fig. 178), if originally painted, -would naturally have lost all traces of the coloring before the -destruction of the city, unless it were from time to time renewed. -Notwithstanding these exceptions, we must conclude that the stucco -coating upon public buildings and temples was generally white, in the -case of capitals and cornices as well as of the shafts of columns and -outside walls; colors were used to a limited extent, upon friezes and -perhaps other parts of entablatures. - -The architectural remains of the half century immediately succeeding -the Tufa Period, between the founding of the Roman colony at Pompeii -and the establishment of the Empire, present nothing specially -characteristic outside of the peculiarities of construction mentioned -in Chap. 6. - -In the earlier years of the Empire, the Pompeians, as Roman subjects -everywhere, commenced to build temples and colonnades of marble. The -style, which was distinctively Roman, can be studied to better -advantage elsewhere; the remains at Pompeii are relatively -unimportant, and the chief points of interest have been mentioned in -connection with our study of individual buildings. - - [Illustration: Fig. 252.--Capitals of columns, showing variations from - typical forms. - - A. Ornate Doric, from the house of Sallust. - B. Modified Corinthian. - C. Fantastic Corinthian.] - -The stylistic development of Roman architecture in the next -period,--the gradual transition from the simplicity of the Augustan -Age to the more elaborate ornamentation of the Flavian Era,--is marked -by two opposing tendencies, one conservative, holding to the -traditions of marble construction, the other reactionary. The latter -tendency manifests itself so strongly at Pompeii that it merits -special comment. - -First in the East, it appears, men wearied of seeing the ornamental -forms of the Greek religious architecture repeated over and over again -in every kind of building, and attempted to break away from them -entirely. The reaction reached Italy in the earlier years of the -Empire, and began to exert an influence upon ornamental forms, -especially of domestic architecture, at the time when the third style -of wall decoration was coming into vogue. - -At Pompeii, this revolt from tradition affected not only the -ornamentation of private houses, but also that of public buildings, as -the Stabian Baths, and even of temples, as those of Apollo and Isis, -rebuilt after the earthquake of the year 63. Greek forms were -replaced by fantastic designs of every sort, worked in stucco. The -capitals of columns and pilasters retained a semblance of Doric and -Corinthian types, but were adorned with motives from many sources; the -variety of form and treatment can best be appreciated by inspecting -the examples shown in our illustrations (Figs. 242, 253, 254). - - [Illustration: Fig. 253.--Capital of pilaster, modified Corinthian - type.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 254.--Capitals of pilasters, showing free - adaptations of the Corinthian type.] - -The entablatures no longer retained the ancient division of -architrave, frieze, and cornice, but were made to represent a single -broad stripe, sometimes, however, with a projecting cornice; this -stripe was ornamented with stucco reliefs, and was frequently painted -in bright colors. Sometimes the decorative theme is taken from a vine, -as in the entablature of the portico in front of the temple of Isis -(Fig. 80) and that of the peristyle of the house of the Vettii (Fig. -161). In some cases the stripe is divided into vertical sections; the -broad sections correspond with the intercolumniations, the narrow ones -with the spaces above the columns; and the ornamental design is varied -accordingly, as in the palaestra of the Stabian Baths (p. 198), the -court of the temple of Apollo (Fig. 31), and the peristyle of the -house of the Silver Wedding. In many instances the background is -white, frequently part of the details of ornament as well; but colors -were freely used, particularly red, blue, and yellow, in all parts of -the entablature. - -The lower third of the columns also was painted a bright red or -yellow--a treatment that would have been abhorrent to the taste of -the Tufa Period. The desire for variety and brilliancy of color -increased, and was more pronounced in the years immediately preceding -the eruption than at any previous time. - -Consistently with this change in the standard of taste in regard to -details, the Pompeians no longer had pleasure in the ample dimensions -of the olden time. Houses were not now built with high rooms, great -doorways, and lofty columns as in the Tufa Period. The rooms were -smaller and lower, and also, we may add, more homelike. But curiously -enough, the columns were often made thick as well as short, doubtless -in order to afford more space for the display of color on the capitals -and the lower part of the shaft. - -Roman public and religious architecture in most cities still adhered -to the forms of marble construction, a suggestion of which we find in -the white walls of the temple of Isis; but the lower third of the -columns in the colonnade about this temple was painted red, and the -entablature was no doubt ornamented with colored designs, as was that -of the temple of Apollo. The best preserved example of this last phase -of Pompeian architectural ornamentation is in the semicircular vaulted -niche at the right of the Street of Tombs. - -Thus we see accomplished at Pompeii, in less than two centuries, a -complete revolution in matters of taste, so far as relates to -architecture. An entirely new feeling has been developed. The beauty -of contour and of symmetrical proportion found in the Greek -architecture had no charm for the Pompeian of the later time; its -place had been usurped by a different form of beauty, that produced by -the use of a variety of brilliant colors in association with forms -that were intricate, and often grotesque. - - [Illustration: PLATE XI.--ARTEMIS. COPY OF AN ARCHAIC WORK] - - - - -CHAPTER LIII - -_SCULPTURE_ - - -The open squares and public buildings of Pompeii were peopled with -statues. The visitor who walked about the Forum in the years -immediately preceding the eruption, saw on all sides the forms of the -men of past generations who had rendered service to the city, as well -as those of men of his own time. - -Besides the five colossal images of emperors and members of the -imperial families, places were provided in the Forum for between -seventy and eighty life size equestrian statues; and behind each of -these was room for a standing figure. Whether all the places were -occupied cannot now be determined, but from the sepulchral inscription -of Umbricius Scaurus (p. 418) it is clear that as late as the time of -Claudius or Nero, there was yet room for another equestrian figure. -Statues were placed also in the Forum Triangulare and occasionally at -the sides of the streets. - -In the portico of the Macellum were twenty-five statues; the sanctuary -of the City Lares contained eight, while the portico of the Eumachia -building furnished places for twenty-one. But only one of the hundreds -of statues erected in honor of worthy citizens has been preserved, -that of Holconius Rufus, the rebuilder of the Large Theatre; the -figure was dressed in the uniform of a military tribune, and stood on -Abbondanza Street near the Stabian Baths. With this should be classed -the portrait statues in the temple of Fortuna (p. 131), and those of -Octavia (Fig. 38), Marcellus (Fig. 39), and Eumachia. - -The statue of Eumachia is an interesting example of the ordinary -portrait sculpture of the Early Empire (Fig. 255). The pose is by no -means ungraceful, the treatment of the drapery is modest and -effective. The tranquil and thoughtful face is somewhat idealized, -and without offensive emphasis of details. The statue is not a -masterpiece; nevertheless, it gives us a pleasant impression of the -lady whose generosity placed the fullers under obligation, and affords -an insight into the artistic resources of the city. - -A number of portrait statues belonging to sepulchral monuments were -found when the tombs east of the Amphitheatre were excavated (Chap. -51). Most of them are of tufa covered with stucco; the rest are of -fine-grained limestone. From the aesthetic point of view they are -valueless. - - [Illustration: Fig. 255.--Statue of the priestess Eumachia.] - -Sculptured portraits of a different type were set up in private -houses. Relatives, freedmen, and even slaves sometimes placed at the -rear of the atrium, near the entrance of the tablinum, a herm of the -master of the house. At each side of the square pillar supporting the -bust, there was usually an arm-like projection (seen on the herm of -Cornelius Rufus, Fig. 121), on which garlands were hung upon birthdays -and other anniversary occasions. Both the herm of Rufus and that of -Vesonius Primus previously mentioned (p. 396) are of marble; the head -belonging to the herm of Sorex (p. 176) is of bronze. - -The most striking of the portrait herms is that of Lucius Caecilius -Jucundus (Fig. 256), which was set up in duplicate, for the sake of -symmetrical arrangement, in the atrium of his house on Stabian Street. -The pillar is of marble; the dedication reads _Genio L[ucii] nostri -Felix l[ibertus]_,--'Felix, freedman, to the Genius of our Lucius.' - - [Illustration: Fig. 256.--Portrait herm of Caecilius Jucundus.] - -The bust, of bronze, is modelled with realistic vigor. There is no -attempt to soften the prominent and almost repulsive features by -idealization. We see the Pompeian auctioneer just as he was, a shrewd, -alert, energetic man, with somewhat of a taste for art, and more for -the good things of life,--a man who would bear watching in a financial -transaction. - -Houses were adorned also with heads and busts of famous men of the -past,--poets, philosophers, and statesmen. An extensive collection of -historical portraits was discovered at Herculaneum, but Pompeii thus -far has not yielded many examples. In a room in one of the houses was -found a group of three marble heads, about one half life size, -representing Epicurus, Demosthenes, and apparently the Alexandrian -poet Callimachus, whose works were particularly valued in the time of -the Early Empire. The identification of the third head is not certain, -but whether Callimachus or some other poet is intended, the group -reveals the direction of the owner's literary tastes; he was -interested in philosophy, oratory, and poetry. - -Two portrait busts of distinguished men, which evidently belong -together, were found in another house, laid one side. In the Naples -Museum they bore the names of the Younger Brutus and Pompey, but both -identifications are erroneous; the features in neither case agree with -the representations upon coins. The faces, as shown by the physiognomy -and the treatment of the hair, are those of Romans of the end of the -Republic or the beginning of the Empire. Recently a new identification -has been proposed which has much in its favor. It rests chiefly upon -the resemblance of one of the busts to the mosaic portrait of Virgil, -discovered in 1896 at Susa, in Africa. The full, round face of the -other agrees very well with what we know of the appearance of Horace. -It may be that we have here a pair of poets, the two most prominent of -the Augustan Age. - -Frequently the gardens of the peristyles, as those of the houses of -the Vettii and of Lucretius, were profusely adorned with sculptures of -all kinds. We find in them statuettes, herms, small figures of -animals, and diminutive groups. Figures derived from the myths of the -bacchic cycle, Bacchus, Silenus, satyrs, and bacchantes, are -particularly common. The artistic value is slight; among the best -examples is the double bust, with Bacchus on one side and a bacchante -on the other, found in the garden of the house of the Vettii (Fig. -257). - - [Illustration: Fig. 257.--Double bust, Bacchus and bacchante. Garden - of the house of the Vettii.] - -Characteristic among these sculptures are the figures designed for the -adornment of fountains; a number of them are exhibited in the Museum -at Naples. Bacchic figures are met with most frequently. A good -example is the marble Silenus in the garden of the house of -Lucretius; the water spurts from the opening in the wineskin which the -old man carries. The design of the small bronze satyr in the peristyle -of the house of the Centenary is more pleasing; an opening in the -wineskin, held under the left arm, cast a jet against the outstretched -right hand in such a way that the water was thrown back upon the -satyr's body. - -Fountains were adorned also with genre groups and animal forms. We -have already noticed the two bronze groups in the peristyle of the -house of the Vettii, each representing a boy holding a duck, from the -bill of which sprang a jet of water (Fig. 162). The largest collection -of animal forms was about the basin in the middle peristyle of the -house of the Citharist; it comprised two dogs, a boar, a lion, a deer, -and a snake, each throwing a jet into the basin below. The fountain -jets, however, were not in all cases so closely related to the -ornamental pieces. A number of those in the house of the Vettii sprang -from lead pipes near the figures. The familiar bronze statue of the -seated fisherman, in the Naples Museum, belonged to a fountain, in -which the jet was thrown forward, not from the figure, but from the -mouth of a mask projecting from the stump on which the fisherman sits. - -Of the statues of divinities set up for worship in the temples, there -are unfortunately but few remains. The most important fragment is the -head of Jupiter, discussed in a previous chapter (Fig. 22). Three -wretched terra cotta statues of the gods of the Capitol were found, as -we have seen, in the temple of Zeus Milichius; and mention has been -made also of the herms and other specimens of sculpture in the courts -of the temples of Apollo and Isis, and in the palaestra. More numerous -than any other class of sculptures, however, are the small bronze -images of tutelary divinities preserved in the domestic shrines. These -are of interest rather from the light which they shed on the practices -of domestic worship than from their excellence as works of art, and it -seems unnecessary to add anything here to what has already been said -in regard to them in the chapter dealing with the arrangements of the -Pompeian house. But occasionally there were large domestic shrines, in -which statues of merit were placed; among these are two worthy of -mention. - -In the corner of a garden belonging to a house in the first Region (I. -ii. 17) is a shrine faced with white marble, in which was a small -marble statue of Aphrodite, partly supported by a figure commonly -identified as Hope, _Spes_. The carving is in no way remarkable, but -the statue is of interest on account of the well preserved coloring -applied to the eyes, hair, and dress. The group is now in the Naples -Museum. - -A more important example, from the aesthetic point of view, is the -statue of Artemis, of one half life size, shown in Plate XI. It was -found in a house near the Amphitheatre which was excavated in 1760 and -covered up again. It is a careful copy, made in the time of Augustus, -of a Greek masterpiece produced in the period of the Persian Wars. The -original was probably the Artemis Laphria mentioned by Pausanias. This -was a work of Menaechmus and Soedas, two sculptors of Naupactus. -Previous to the battle of Actium it stood in a sanctuary in Calydon, -whence it was removed by Augustus, who presented it to the colony -founded by him at Patras. - -The goddess appears in this statue as a huntress, moving forward with -a firm but light step; the bow in the left hand has disappeared. The -copyist was remarkably successful in impressing upon his work the -gracious and pleasing character of the original; the later archaic -Greek art, in spite of its conventions, is full of human feeling. The -copy preserved also the coloring of the model; but the tinting of the -Roman colorist was probably less delicate than that of the Greek -limner who added the polychrome decoration to the marble original. The -hair was yellow. The pupils of the eyes were brown, the eyelashes and -eyebrows black. The rosettes of the diadem were yellow, and the border -of the outer garment was richly variegated in tints of yellow, rose -color, and white. Traces of rose-colored stripes are visible also -about the openings of the sleeves, on the edge of the mantle at the -neck, and on the border of the chiton. - -Besides the bronze statues of Apollo and Artemis already mentioned -(pp. 88, 352), four others of those found at Pompeii are worthy of -more than passing notice,--the dancing satyr from which the house of -the Faun received its name, the small Silenus used as a standard for -a vase, the so-called Narcissus and the Ephebus found in 1900. - - [Illustration: Fig. 258.--Dancing Faun. Bronze statuette, now in the - Naples Museum.] - -The dancing satyr is shown in Fig. 258. It was found lying on the -floor of the atrium in the house of the Faun, but the pedestal could -not be identified. The figure is instinct with rhythmic motion. Every -muscle of the satyr's sinewy frame is in tension as he moves forward -in the dance, snapping his fingers to keep time; the pose is a marvel -of skill. The unhuman character of the half-brute is indicated by the -horns projecting from the forehead, and the pointed ears. The face, -marked by low cunning, offers no suggestion of lofty thought or moral -sense. We have here the personification of unalloyed physical -enjoyment. The satyr, unvexed by any care or qualm of conscience, is -intoxicated with the joy of free movement, and dances on and on, -unwearied, with perfect ease and grace. - -Muscular tension is skilfully indicated in the Silenus, who stands -holding above his head with his left hand a round frame, in which, as -shown by the fragments, a vase of colored glass was standing at the -time of the eruption. The head, crowned with ivy, leans forward and to -the right, and the right hand is moved away from the body in the -effort to balance the weight supported by the left. The frame is -awkwardly designed to represent a snake. The thick-set figure of -Silenus is about sixteen inches high. This bronze was discovered in -1864, in the house of Popidius Priscus (VII. ii. 20). - - [Illustration: Fig. 259.--Listening Dionysus, wrongly identified as - Narcissus. Bronze statuette in the Naples Museum.] - -The third of the bronzes mentioned is also a statuette, about two feet -high (Fig. 259). It was found in 1863 in a house of the seventh Region -(VII. xii. 21). The figure is that of a youth of remarkable beauty. -The face wears an expression of childlike innocence and pleasure. The -head leans forward in the attitude of listening; the index finger of -the right hand is extended, and the graceful pose is that of one who -catches the almost inaudible sound of a distant voice. - -The name Narcissus, given to the figure by Fiorelli immediately upon -its discovery, is surely wrong; that unhappy youth did not reciprocate -the love of the nymph Echo, and could not have been imagined with so -cheerful a face. The figure has also been called Pan, from a myth in -which Pan and Echo appear together; but the characteristic attributes -are lacking, and the rough god of the shepherds would not have been -represented in so lithe and graceful a form. - -This beautiful youth, with an ivy crown upon his head and elaborate -coverings for the feet, and with the skin of a doe hanging over his -shoulder, is none other than Dionysus himself. The mirthful god of the -vine is not playing with his panther--the base is too small to have -been designed for two figures, and the attitude of listening is not -consistent with this interpretation. The youthful divinity has fixed -his attention upon some distant sound,--the cries of the bacchantes -upon some mountain height, or the laughter of naiads in a shady glen. - -Of unusual interest is the bronze statue of an ephebus, discovered in -November, 1900, outside the city on the north side, about a hundred -paces from the Vesuvius Gate; it was laid away in an upper room of a -house presenting nothing else worthy of note. It is apparently a Greek -original, and is of three-quarters life size (Fig. 260). - -The statue represents a youth about fourteen years of age, of slender -but well-developed form, and finely chiselled features. Advancing with -firm but graceful step, he rests the right foot, and is bringing the -left foot forward. In his right hand, extended, he carried some -object--a branch, it may be, or a crown, which was to be laid upon an -altar; the eye naturally follows the movement of the hand. - -Especially effective is the rhythmic movement of the body. The right -thigh, sustained by the resting foot, is carried slightly forward; the -chest on the left side swings back, while in consequence of the -extension of the right hand the shoulders remain horizontal. -Notwithstanding the felicity of the pose, it must be confessed that -the modelling as a whole is somewhat lacking in vigor, the treatment -of details being superficial. - - [Illustration: Fig. 260.--Bronze youth. Naples Museum.] - -In Greece, before it was carried off to Italy, the figure may have -been set up as a votive offering in some sanctuary, or have stood in a -gymnasium. From indications on the under side of the feet it is clear -that the statue, after the manner in vogue in Greece, was mounted on a -stone pedestal, being joined to the pedestal with melted lead; the -round bronze base found with it is of Italian origin. Probably when it -was being transported from Greece the eyes, of marble, became loose in -their sockets and fell down into the hollow interior of the statue; -they were replaced by glass eyes. The breaking of the right arm, which -was severed when found, made possible the recovery of the original -eyes, which have now again been set in place. - -Insensible to the charm of the figure when seen as the sculptor -designed it, the Pompeian owner, deciding to turn it to practical use, -converted it into a lampholder. In the right hand was placed a short -bar of bronze, to either end of which was fastened a small ornament -with a projecting arm, for a hanging lamp; the whole statue was then -coated with silver. However barbarous the taste that prompted the -transformation, the decorative effect of the silvered statue with its -lighted lamps must have been far from unpleasant. - -Regarding the place of the statue in relation to the development of -Greek sculpture, it is yet too early to speak. - -Had the ruins of Pompeii not been systematically searched, after the -disaster, for works of art and other objects of value, they would have -yielded a far richer store of sculptures. But while the specimens -recovered add little to our knowledge of types, they give a new -insight into the application of the sculptor's art in antiquity to the -beautifying of the surroundings of everyday life. - - - - -CHAPTER LIV - -_PAINTING.--WALL DECORATION_ - - -The inner walls of houses and public buildings at Pompeii were -plastered, and usually decorated with colors; only storerooms, -kitchens, and apartments designed for the use of slaves were left in -the white. Outer walls were as a rule plastered, except when built of -hewn stone, a kind of construction not employed after the Tufa Period. -Stucco was occasionally used on facades of ashlar work where special -ornamentation seemed to be needed, as at the entrance of the house of -the Faun; and in later times, now and then, a front with reticulate or -brick facing was left unplastered. Previous to the time of Augustus -the stucco coating of outer walls ordinarily remained uncolored. -Afterwards color was employed, but only to a limited extent, as in the -addition of a dark base to a wall the rest of which remained white. - -The painting upon Pompeian walls, as shown by the painstaking -investigations of Otto Donner, was fresco, that is, executed in water -colors upon the moist stucco of a freshly plastered surface. The -method of preparing the wall was less elaborate than that recommended -by Vitruvius, who advises the use of seven coats of plaster, first a -rough coat, then three of sand mortar and three of stucco made with -powdered marble, each coat being finer than the one preceding. In the -better rooms, however, we find upon the walls at least one, often -several, layers of sand mortar, and one or more coats of marble -stucco; the entire thickness of the plastering varies from two to -three inches. In unfinished or neglected rooms walls are sometimes -found with a single coat of sand mortar. Occasionally powdered brick -was used in the stucco as a substitute for marble dust. - -Plastering so thick as that ordinarily used must have remained moist -for a considerable length of time, much longer than the plastering of -our day; yet it could not have retained its moisture long enough to -complete the painting of an entire wall as one piece. Walls which are -elaborately decorated sometimes show traces of a seam, where a moist -section was laid on next to one that had already become partially dry. -When the decorative design included pictures, usually the divisions -and borders and other decorative elements were finished rapidly while -the surface was moist; then a square or round hole was cut where a -picture was to be inserted, and filled with fresh stucco, on which the -picture was painted. In this way a carefully executed painting could -be set in a wall already dry. - -In the last years of the city pictures were sometimes painted on the -dry surface of a wall that had previously received its decorative -framework; some of the figures seen in the middle of the large panels -furnish examples of this method of work. A size of some kind must have -been used in such cases, but chemical analysis thus far has failed to -determine its nature. The distemper painting was much less durable -than the fresco, the colors of which became fixed with the hardening -of the wall. - -Sometimes, as in the house of Lucretius, the place of paintings upon -stucco was taken by paintings upon wood, the wooden panels being let -into the wall. As these panels were thin and lacked durability, we may -perhaps believe that the paintings which they contained were of -inferior quality. - -The artistic value of Pompeian painting varies from the routine work -of indifferent decorators to pictures of genuine merit, such as those -found in the house of the Tragic Poet, the house of the Vettii, and -the house of Castor and Pollux. Viewed as a whole, the wall decoration -has a peculiar interest for us; it not only richly illustrates the -application of painting by the ancients to decorative uses, but also -affords a striking example of the evolution of decorative designs from -simple architectural motives to intricate patterns, in which the -scheme of coloring is hardly less complicated than that of the -ornamental forms. - - * * * * * - -The four styles of wall decoration were briefly characterized in the -Introduction, in connection with our survey of the periods of -construction. It now remains to illustrate these by typical examples -and to trace their inner connection. We are here concerned only with -the decorative designs, or ornamental framework of the walls; the -paintings, which formed the centre of interest in the later styles, -are reserved for consideration in a separate chapter. - -The development of ancient wall decoration came comparatively late, -after the art of painting, in the hands of the Greek masters, had -reached and passed its climax. Yet we know almost nothing in regard to -the earlier stages. Apparently the system which we find at Pompeii -originated in the period following the death of Alexander the Great, -and received its impulse of development from the contact of Greece -with the Orient. But whatever the origin, from the time to which the -earliest specimens at Pompeii belong--the second century B.C.--to the -destruction of the city, we can trace an uninterrupted development, -which, nevertheless, comes to an end in the latter part of the first -century A.D. - -The decline is characterized by increasing poverty of design, with -feeble imitation of past styles. Just as it is setting in, however, -extant examples become rare. Some specimens of the wall decoration of -later times, as of the period of the Antonines and the reign of -Septimius Severus, are preserved, but they are isolated and not -sufficient in number to enable us to follow the stages of the decline. -Thus it happens that the only period in the history of ancient wall -decoration in regard to which we have the materials for a full and -satisfactory study, is the period exemplified in the remains at -Pompeii, the chronological sequence of which extends over two -centuries. - -The oldest houses, those belonging to the Period of the Limestone -Atriums (p. 39), have preserved no traces of wall decoration beyond -the limited application of white stucco. - -The remains of the decoration of the Tufa Period are fairly abundant, -and are well preserved on account of the excellent quality of the -stucco to which the colors were applied. They belong to the first or -Incrustation Style. A good example has already been given, the end -wall of a bedroom in the house of the Centaur (Fig. 122); we present -here, for more detailed examination, the left wall of the atrium in -the house of Sallust (Fig. 261). - -Notwithstanding the lack of color in our illustration, the divisions -of the wall are plainly seen--a dado, painted yellow; a relatively low -middle division, the upper edge of which is set off by a projecting -cornice; and an upper part reaching from the first cornice, which -appears in three sections on account of the doors, to the second. The -surface of the main part of the wall is moulded in stucco to represent -slabs or blocks with bevelled edges, which are painted in imitation of -different kinds of marble. Above the high double doors opening into -rooms connected with the atrium, frames of lattice-work for the -admission of air and light have been assumed in our restoration. - -The dado in the Incrustation Style is generally treated as a separate -member; in rare instances the imitation of marble blocks is extended -to the floor. It has a smooth surface and is painted a bright color, -usually yellow; there is no suggestion of the practice of later times, -which gave a darker color to the base than to the rest of the wall. -This independent handling is undoubtedly to be explained as a survival -from a previous decorative system, in which the lower part of the -wall, as at Tiryns, was protected by a baseboard; the conventional -yellow color with which it is painted, as in the case of the lower -stripe of the Doric architrave in the house of the Faun (p. 51), is a -reminiscence of the use of wood. The upper edge of the dado was -ordinarily distinguished by a smooth, narrow projecting band or -fillet. - -The blocks moulded in slight relief upon the main part of the wall are -of different sizes. In our illustration we see first a series of three -large slabs, which are painted black. Above these are three narrow -blocks of magenta. The rest present a considerable variety of size and -color, until we reach those just under the cornice, which again are -all of the same shade, magenta. - -The cornice in this style is always of the Ionic type, with dentils. -In many cases, as that of the bedroom in the house of the Centaur, it -serves as an upper border for the decoration, the wall above being -unpainted. Sometimes, however, the imitation of marble is carried -above the cornice, the wall surface being divided to represent -smoothly joined blocks without bevelled edges, or painted in plain -masses of color separated by a narrow white stripe, as in the atrium -of the house of Sallust. Above these brilliant panels we see in Fig. -261 a second cornice of simple design; the wall between this cornice -and the ceiling was left without decoration. - - [Illustration: Fig. 261.--Wall decoration in the atrium of the house - of Sallust. First or Incrustation Style.] - -This system made no provision for paintings; their place was taken in -the general scheme of decoration by elaborate mosaic pictures upon the -floor. The taste of the age evidently preferred representations in -mosaic; otherwise the painting of pictures upon the walls, which was -brought to so high a degree of perfection by Polygnotus and his -contemporaries, would not have been abandoned. - -The Incrustation Style, as exemplified at Pompeii, is in a secondary -stage; it must have been worked out originally in genuine materials, -at a time when walls were actually veneered, to a certain height, with -slabs of various kinds of marble, cut and arranged to represent ashlar -work; above the cornice marking the upper edge of the veneering, the -surface was left in the white. The use of different varieties of -marble points to an active commercial intercourse between the -countries about the Mediterranean Sea, such as first became possible -after the conquests of Alexander. So characteristic a style, requiring -the use of costly materials, could only have been developed in an -important centre of wealth and culture. - - [Illustration: Fig. 262.--Distribution of colors in the section of - wall represented in Fig. 261.] - -In view of all the circumstances, we are probably safe in concluding -that the Incrustation Style originated in Alexandria, in the third -century B.C. From Alexandria it spread to other cities of the East and -West, stucco being used in imitation of marble, where marble could not -be procured; scanty remains similar to those at Pompeii, and of -approximately the same period--the second century B.C.--have been -found at Pergamon, on the island of Delos, and lately in Priene. This -style represents for us the wall decoration of the Hellenistic age. It -is characterized by the same poverty of form and obvious striving -after simplicity which we have noticed in the architecture of the Tufa -Period. The projecting cornice above the body of the wall is always of -the same type; yet the second century B.C. enjoyed a rich heritage of -architectural forms, and lack of variety in this and other details of -ornamentation was due, not to dearth of materials, but to the -prevailing taste. - -The earliest known example of the decoration of the second or -Architectural Style, is on the walls of the Small Theatre, which was -built soon after 80 B.C. The style remained in vogue till the middle -of the reign of Augustus; it may be loosely characterized as the wall -decoration of the first century B.C. It shows an interesting -development from simpler to richer and more complex forms. The more -elaborate and finished designs are not so well exemplified at Pompeii -as in Rome, where two beautiful series have been found, both dating -from the earlier part of the reign of Augustus. One series is in the -so-called house of Livia or Germanicus on the Palatine. The other was -found in a house on the right bank of the Tiber, excavated in 1878; -the paintings were removed to the new Museo delle Terme. The specimen -shown in Plate XII, however, is from a Pompeian wall; the room in -which it was found opens off from the peristyle of a house in the -fifth Region (V. i. 18). - -The oldest walls of the second style closely resemble those of the -first, with this characteristic difference: the imitation of marble -veneering is no longer produced with the aid of relief; color alone is -employed, upon a plane surface, as in the cella of the temple of -Jupiter (Fig. 20). The earlier division of the wall into three parts -is retained, but the painted cornice, no longer restricted to the -dentil type, appears in a variety of forms. The base also is treated -with greater freedom. Frequently it is painted in strong projection, -as if the rest of the wall above it were further from the eye, while -upon the shelf thus formed are painted columns reaching to the ceiling -and seemingly in front of the main part of the wall; such columns and -pillars, with Corinthian capitals, are seen in Plate XII, at the right -and the left. - - [Illustration: PLATE XII.--SPECIMEN OF WALL DECORATION. SECOND OR - ARCHITECTURAL STYLE.] - -Thus the designs of this style at first comprised only simple -elements, a wall made up of painted blocks or panels with a dado -painted in projection supporting columns that seemed to carry an -architrave on which the ceiling rested; there is an excellent example -in the house of the Labyrinth, on the walls of a room at the rear of -the garden. But the designs gradually became more complex, partly -through the differentiation of the simple elements, partly through the -introduction of new motives, until a complete architectural system -was developed. This system differs from that of the fourth style, -which is also architectural, in that it adheres in the main to actual -or possible structural forms, while those of the fourth style are -fantastic in their proportions and arrangement. - -In this process of development two clearly defined tendencies become -manifest, one affecting the treatment of the upper division of the -wall, the other the elaboration of a characteristic motive which now -first appears, a framework for the principal painting; for -architectural designs are well adapted for the display of pictures, -and wall paintings now begin to have a prominent place in Pompeian -decoration. - -The upper division tends more and more to be represented as an open -space, behind the plane of projection in which the main part appears. -Thus in Plate XII we see on either side a silver vase with fruits and -vine leaves, standing on the cornice of the main wall, in the open. -Often the upper space is painted blue, as if one caught a glimpse of -the sky above the wall; sometimes the outline of a wall further beyond -is seen, or columns in the rear connected with those in front by a -decorative framework; and not infrequently small architectural -designs, in perspective, rest upon the cornice where the vases are -shown in our plate. But in all the designs of this style, complex as -well as simple, the threefold division of the wall carried over from -the first style is retained; very often the distinction between the -base, main wall, and upper portion is emphasized by painting them so -that they seem to be in three planes of projection. - -The ornamental framework for the painting, consistently with the -architectural character of the decoration as a whole, is generally -conceived as a pavilion projecting from the wall; so in Plate XII, -where we see two columns sustaining a roof, upon the front of which -winged figures stand, each with a hand extended upward to the -entablature of the large pillars at the sides. The design of the -pavilion is suggested by that of a shrine, such a shrine as the one in -the apse of the sanctuary of the City Lares (Fig. 41). - -This conception is here borne out by the subject of the painting, -which represents a statue of Dionysus resting, ivy-crowned, with a -thyrsus in his left hand; the right hand is thrown gracefully over the -head, and at the feet of the god the lifelike figure of a panther is -seen. The round high pedestal supporting the group is in the open, and -the background affords a charming vista among the trees. - -This framing of the principal painting led further to the division of -the body of the wall vertically into three sections, a broad central -section, included within the outline of the pavilion, and two panels, -one at each side. The arrangement is well illustrated in our plate, -the side panels of which are adorned with painted statues of -tastefully draped figures, one of them holding a lyre. The later -styles of decoration retained this symmetrical division of the wall -space, which made prominent the picture of greatest interest without -detracting from the finish of the decorative setting; but in the -fourth style it is often obscured by the intricacy of the designs. - -The third style came into vogue during the reign of Augustus, and was -prevalent until about 50 A.D.; we shall call it the Ornate Style, from -its free use of ornament. It was developed out of the second style in -the same way that the second style was developed out of the first; but -the transition was not accomplished at Pompeii, which, like the -provincial cities of our day, received its fashions from the great -centres. - -The characteristics of the Ornate Style, as regards both the main -design and the ornamentation, may easily be perceived from the example -presented in Fig. 263, especially if this is viewed in contrast with -the specimen of the preceding style shown in Plate XII. The -architectural design has now lost all semblance of real construction. -Columns, entablatures, and other members are treated conventionally, -as subordinate parts of a decorative scheme; they are, with few -exceptions, reduced to narrow bands or stripes of color dividing the -surface of the wall. The elaborate border of the central painting -suggests a pavilion, yet the projecting base, which in the second -style gave this design its significance, is lacking. Hardly less -noteworthy is the treatment of the upper portion of the wall. Fanciful -architectural forms and various ornaments stand out against a white -background, suggestive of the open sky; yet in our example, as often -in this style, there is no organic connection between the decoration -of the main part of the wall and that of the ceiling. - -Every part of the framework of the third style is profusely -ornamented. The ornamental system is seen to have a certain affinity -with that of Egypt, and Egyptian figures occasionally appear; whence -we infer that it was developed in Alexandria. Early in the reign of -Augustus, in consequence of the relations with Egypt following the -battle of Actium, a new impulse may well have been given to the -introduction into Italy of Alexandrian art. - -The specimen of the third style shown in Fig. 263 is from the -beautiful decoration of the house of Spurius Mesor, portions of which -are well preserved. The base of our specimen consists of two parts, a -lower border and a broad stripe of black divided into sections of -different shapes and sizes by lines of light color. In the small -sections ornaments are seen painted in delicate shades, two of them -being faces. - -The large painting presents a mythological scene, but the subject is -not clear. The priestess seems to be performing a ceremony of -expiation in order to free from the taint of some crime the young man -who, with a wreath on his head and a sword, pointed downward, in his -right hand, bends over the hind just slain as a sacrifice. The colors -are subdued and effective; the painting from the technical point of -view is among the best found at Pompeii. - -Around the painting are narrow black stripes separated by white lines; -in the broader stripe underneath, between the columns, are two light -blue birds upon a dull red ground. The small squares in the flat -cornice above are of many colors, shades of green, pink, and brown -predominating. The broad panels on either side of the painting are of -the color often called Pompeian red; they have an ornamented border, -and a small winged figure in the centre. The stripe below these shows -vases and other ornaments on an orange-yellow ground; that above, -interrupted by the cornice over the painting, is black, with various -ornaments, as baskets of fruit, sistrums, and geese, painted in -neutral colors. Among the ornaments of the upper part of the wall, -festoons of leaves, vines, vases, parrots, and griffins can be -distinguished, painted in light shades of brown, blue, green, and -yellow. - - [Illustration: Fig. 263.--Specimen of wall decoration. Third or Ornate - Style. From the house of Spurius Mesor.] - -The effect of the Ornate Style, with its symmetrical forms and variety -of detail, is pleasing; but the free use of neutral tones gives the -walls a somewhat cold and formal appearance when we bring into -contrast the warm coloring of the next period. - -The fourth or Intricate Style first appears about the middle of the -first century A.D. It started, as did the third, with the symmetrical -division of the wall developed in the second style; it differs from -the third in that it always retained a sense of architectural form. -The columns are often fluted, as in a specimen in the Naples Museum -(Fig. 264). The entablatures and coffered ceilings, light and airy as -they often seem, have nevertheless a suggestion of reality; we know -that architectural forms are presented, and not mere stripes of color. -Yet the difference between the fourth and the second style is no less -apparent. In the latter the architectural designs are not inconsistent -with real construction; in the former the imagination of the designer -had free scope, producing patterns so fantastic and intricate that the -fundamental idea at the basis of the wall divisions seems entirely -lost sight of at times. - -The preference for architectural forms was carried so far that between -the large panels of black, red, or yellow, vertical sections of wall -were left which were filled with airy structures on a white -background; the parts represented as nearest the beholder were painted -yellow, those further back were adorned with all the colors of the -rainbow, thus forming a kind of color perspective (Fig. 265). The -designs of the main part were extended into the upper division, and -frequently the whole wall appears as an intricate scaffolding, -partially concealed by the large panels; these sometimes have the -appearance of tapestries hanging suspended from the scaffolding, and -are so treated, as in the case of the curtains shown in Plate XIII. -The fundamental conception of the decorative system is lost when the -background of the upper part and of the airy scaffoldings is no longer -left white, but painted the same color as the rest of the wall, so -that the effect of distance and perspective is obscured. Occasionally, -also, the architectural framework of the upper portion of the wall has -no connection with that of the main part. - -The ornaments of the fourth style were taken largely from the domain -of plastic art. Groups of statuary as well as single figures appear -either upon projecting portions of the architectural framework, as in -Fig. 264, or in the background. They are frequently painted yellow, -suggesting the gilding applied to ancient statues, particularly those -of bronze, and present a striking contrast to the masses of strong -color in the large panels and the brilliant shades of the -architectural designs. They are in harmony with the taste of the -period, which, as we have seen, manifested a fondness for -ornamentation in stucco relief, the effect of which was heightened by -the free use of color. - - [Illustration: Fig. 264.--Specimen of wall decoration. Fourth style.] - -The large panels contained paintings of various sizes, sometimes -copies of masterpieces, more often a simple floating figure or a -Cupid; groups are also found, as Cupid and Pysche, or a satyr with a -bacchante. The appearance of a picture worked in tapestry is given by -a border just inside the framework of the panel, as often in the -decoration of the fourth style. - -The fourth style cannot have been derived from the third. It is -organically related with the second, out of which it was developed by -laying stress on precisely that element, the architectural, the -suppression of which gave rise to the third style of decoration. The -most reasonable explanation of the relations of the four styles, -briefly stated, is this:-- - -The Incrustation Style, a direct offshoot of Hellenistic art, was -prevalent in eastern cities, where it was naturally followed by the -Architectural Style; this may have been developed at one centre or, in -different phases, at different centres contemporaneously. - - [Illustration: Fig. 265.--Specimen of wall decoration. Fourth style. - - In the middle panel, mythological scene in which Hercules is the - principal figure; in each of the panels, a satyr and a bacchante.] - -At some prominent centre, probably Alexandria, the Architectural Style -passed over into the Ornate Style, which was introduced into Italy in -the reign of Augustus and remained in vogue till the middle of the -first century A.D. - -Meanwhile, at some other centre of culture, possibly Antioch, the -Architectural Style, by an equally natural course of development, had -passed over into the Intricate Style, which was first brought to -Pompeii about 50 A.D. and remained in fashion till the destruction of -the city. - -The earthquake of the year 63 threw down some buildings and made -necessary the thorough-going repair of many others. Between that year -and 79, more walls were freshly decorated, probably, than in any -previous period of equal length in the history of the city. For this -reason, examples of decoration in the Intricate Style are much more -numerous than might have been expected from the length of time that it -was in vogue; they give the prevailing cast to the remains of painting -in the ruins, and this style is ordinarily thought of when Pompeian -wall decoration is referred to. The complex designs and brilliant -colors form a decorative scheme which is often most effective, -although the system of the third style reveals a finer and more -correct taste. - -If no remains of the two earlier styles had survived to modern times, -the antecedents and relations of the other two could not possibly be -understood. But with the first two in mind, we are able to see clearly -how the most complex forms of the later decoration may be reduced, in -last analysis, to simple elements. Even in the example of the -Intricate Style given in Plate XIII, we find a suggestion of the -threefold division of the wall into base, main part, and upper part, -which was so prominent in the Incrustation Style; and also an -elaborate structural form at the middle of the wall recalling the -pavilion framework of the second style, with a symmetrical arrangement -of the architectural designs on either side, suggesting the panels at -the sides of the principal painting. - -The slabs of colored marble in the Incrustation Style are represented -by panels for pictures or ornamental forms of all shapes and sizes; -and the architectural designs, so simple at the beginning, have by -almost imperceptible changes and additions become decorative patterns -so varied and intricate that taken by themselves they give no hint of -their origin. - - [Illustration: PLATE XIII.--SPECIMEN OF WALL DECORATION. FOURTH OR - INTRICATE STYLE] - - - - -CHAPTER LV - -_THE PAINTINGS_ - - -The hanging of pictures upon the walls seems not to have been in vogue -at Pompeii during the period to which the remains belong. The system -of decoration left no room for framed paintings, and no traces of any -such have been discovered. The paintings which have been preserved at -Pompeii, not merely the small groups and single figures introduced to -enliven the design, but the large compositions as well, all formed a -part of the wall decoration. - -The number is relatively large. In the catalogue by Helbig, published -in 1868, there are nearly two thousand entries, including a few -paintings from Herculaneum and other Campanian sites. The supplement -compiled by Sogliano in 1879 records more than eight hundred pictures -brought to light in the preceding decade. We are probably safe in -estimating the whole number of Pompeian paintings still in existence, -or known from description, as about thirty-five hundred. - -In all this wealth of examples, however, it is not possible to find -any evidence of a progressive development either in composition or in -technique. There are indeed slight differences, mainly in regard to -technical handling and color scheme, which distinguish the paintings -found in the decoration of the third style from those of the other two -styles in which paintings appear; but, on the other hand, the -distinction between those of the second and those of the fourth style -is much less marked. - -The period from 80 B.C. to 79 A.D. was as little creative in the field -of painting as in that of sculpture. No new types appear, no -improvements are worked out; the painter, as the sculptor, was an -eclectic, who drew upon the creations of the past as suited his fancy, -and contented himself with copying or imitating. In the adaptation of -paintings to decorative use the artist reproduced either entire -compositions or single motives which seemed to answer his purpose. The -general preference was for paintings of the Hellenistic age, after the -death of Alexander; yet examples of earlier styles are occasionally -found, as the Sacrifice of Iphigenia (Fig. 156) and the dramatic scene -in which Orestes and Pylades appear before King Thoas (Fig. 182). - -New discoveries and the progress of research will sometime, perhaps, -make it possible to present a general survey of the Pompeian paintings -from the historical and critical point of view. No such comprehensive -treatment is yet possible, however, and we must content ourselves with -offering a few observations in regard to the distribution of the -paintings among the different decorative styles and the classes of -subjects represented. - -The Incrustation Style, as previously remarked, left no place for -paintings upon the walls. Nevertheless, in isolated cases, we find a -simple pictorial representation upon the surface of one of the blocks -painted in imitation of marble, as if the veins of the stone had run -into a shape suggestive of an object, as a vase or a bird; in one -instance, curiously enough, a wrestling match is outlined, between -Hercules and Antaeus. In the Tufa Period the desire for paintings was -satisfied by the mosaic pictures upon the floor. - -The earlier walls of the second style in this respect resemble those -of the first; the examples in the house of the Labyrinth have no -paintings. The later walls, however, are rich in pictures, but those -of Pompeii are not so abundantly adorned as those in Rome (p. 462). -The elaborate painting shown in the pavilion frame in Plate XII is -exceptional among the Pompeian remains of this style. - -The great majority of the paintings are found upon walls of the third -and fourth styles. On the older walls of the third style, as we have -seen, the principal painting appears in a frame, the design of which -is taken from that of the conventional pavilion of the second style. -In later examples the close relation between the picture and the frame -is no longer maintained; the frame simply encloses a large panel of -uniform color, in the middle of which a relatively small picture is -seen. This arrangement was carried over into the fourth style, but the -conception of a pavilion frame is entirely lost sight of; the painting -is in the middle of a large panel of brilliant color, around which the -architectural framework is extended. A Pompeian room well decorated in -either of the later styles contained four of these prominent -paintings, in case there was no door at the middle of one of the -sides; if a door interfered, there were only three. - -Paintings were also placed in the divisions of the wall at the right -and the left of the central panel. In Plate XII we noticed a single -figure on either side of the pavilion, but such additions are rare in -the second style. In the third style the side panels are uniformly -adorned with paintings. In Fig. 263 the small figure in the middle of -the panel at the left is a Cupid; frequently a flying swan is seen, or -a landscape lightly sketched in monochrome on the ground of the panel. -Sometimes the painting is set off by a separate frame; if this is -round, a bust is usually represented. Groups of two figures were -preferred for the side panels of the fourth style, the favorite -subject being a satyr and a bacchante, as in Fig. 265; these sometimes -appear as busts, but are more often represented as floating figures. - -Characteristic of the fourth style, in respect to the distribution of -paintings, is the use of single figures and simple compositions to add -life to the fantastic architectural designs in the upper part of the -wall and in the divisions between the large panels. Here we may see -satyrs and bacchantes, young girls and solemn-visaged men with -implements of sacrifice; the figures appear in great variety of type -and subject. Sometimes groups are broken up, and the elements of a -mythological scene, as that of Admetus and Alcestis, are distributed -as single figures in the architectural framework. - -At the time of the eruption the fondness for pictorial representations -was increasing, and they were being introduced into every part of the -decoration, including the frieze of the main part of the wall, the use -of which in this way commenced in the time of the third style (Fig. -263), and the stripe below, between the main part of the wall and the -base (Fig. 265); how elaborate this intermediate decoration might -become we have already seen in the case of the house of the Vettii. - -Frequently in the fourth style the lower part of the architectural -framework separating two large panels appears to be closed, as in -Plate XIII, by a narrow panel, above which a painting is seen. The -pictures found in these places often represent still life. Seafights -are also a favorite subject; such may be seen in the temple of Isis, -the Macellum, and one of the rooms in the house of the Vettii. -Generally on the walls of the fourth style, wherever there is -available space, we find small pictures in great variety, the most -common being landscapes, simply painted, with the use of few colors. - -It is by no means easy to make a satisfactory classification of -Pompeian paintings according to subject. Nevertheless, with a few -exceptions, they may be roughly grouped in four general classes, -mythological paintings, genre paintings, landscapes, and still life. -Most of the large and important pictures belong to the first class. -The mythological paintings will therefore be discussed at somewhat -greater length; the other three classes will require only a brief -characterization. - - [Illustration: Fig. 266.--A fruit piece, Xenion.] - -The still-life paintings represent all kinds of meat, fish, fowl, and -fruits. According to Vitruvius, this kind of picture was called -Xenion. The reason given for the name recalls a curious custom of -ancient Greece. When a guest, _xenos_, was received into a Greek home, -says this writer, he was invited to sit at the table for one day. -After that provisions were furnished to him uncooked, and he prepared -his own meals. A portion of unprepared victuals thus came to be called -_xenion_, 'the stranger's portion,' and the name was afterwards -transferred to pictures in which such provisions appear. A fruit -piece, now in the Naples Museum, is shown in Fig. 266. - -Landscapes are numerous and of all sizes. Occasionally a garden wall -of the fourth style is covered with a single large painting, in which -villas, gardens, roads, and harbors are realistically presented. Such -pictures are of Italian origin; the name of the artist who first -painted them is probably Sextus Tadius, but the reading of the passage -in which the name occurs (Plin. N. H. XXXV. x. 116) is uncertain. - -Common to the third and fourth styles are garden scenes, in which, -behind a light barrier, the plants of a garden appear, with birds, -statues, and fountains. The finest extant example is in the villa of -Livia, at Prima Porta, near Rome. - - [Illustration: Fig. 267.--A landscape painting.] - -Large landscapes sometimes have a place in the principal panels of the -walls. These are all of Hellenistic origin, and are found almost -without exception in the decoration of the third style. They generally -represent a quiet nook of woodland, with high cliffs; in the -foreground is a shrine--perhaps more than one--with figures of men -sacrificing or coming to offer worship. - -The great majority of the landscapes, however, are introduced into -various parts of the decoration outside of the large panels, and are -quite small. In them we see little shrines or villas by the seaside; a -river with a bridge on which a traveller appears crossing the stream; -or buildings on an island or peninsula in the edge of a body of water, -as in Fig. 267. Often they are simply light sketches; now and then -one of these small landscapes is painted in a peculiar tint, as if the -scene were represented by moonlight. - - [Illustration: Fig. 268.--Group of women, one of whom is sounding two - stringed instruments.] - -The genre paintings are of special importance on account of the light -they shed on the life and customs of the ancients. A number have -already been described or illustrated in the chapter on the house of -the Vettii, and in the part devoted to the trades and occupations. To -these we should add the picture of an artist in the house of the -Surgeon (Fig. 128), and the scenes from the life of the Forum (Figs. -16, 17). - -Here belong also the groups in which figures are seen with a roll of -papyrus or a writing tablet, suggestive of literary pursuits, and -figures with musical instruments. A group of musicians is shown in -Fig. 268, in which are four women, one of whom is tuning a couple of -stringed instruments to sound in unison. - -In the same class are included two small painted busts not -infrequently met with, that of a girl with a writing tablet in her -left hand holding the end of a stylus against her lips, as if -pondering what to write, and that of a young man with one end of a -roll of papyrus, in which he has been reading, under his chin. A -Pompeian baker, Publius Paquius Proculus, brought these two ideal -busts into one painting, substituting for the faces of the youth and -maiden those of himself and his wife (Fig. 269). The portraits are -realistic, but the faces are not unattractive; that of Proculus seems -more kindly and ingenuous than the face of Caecilius Jucundus (Fig. -256). - - [Illustration: Fig. 269.--Paquius Proculus and his wife.] - -Two ideal painted busts have recently been found, each of a youth with -a roll of papyrus. Their chief interest lies in the fact that each -roll is provided with a narrow tag or label, of the sort that the -Romans called _index_, on which the names _Plato_ and _Homerus_ can be -plainly read. The two types of face well correspond with the trend of -taste suggested by the titles: the delicate features and upturned gaze -of the one indicate a poetic temperament; the other has a high -forehead and an air of meditation, appropriate for a student of -philosophy. - -The mythological paintings rarely present rapid movement. To the few -exceptions belong the two familiar pictures placed opposite each other -in the tablinum of the house of Castor and Pollux, Achilles among the -daughters of Lycomedes on the island of Scyros, and the quarrel -between Achilles and Agamemnon. Only part of the latter painting is -preserved, but both are strong compositions, and are repeated on other -walls. - -Scenes of combat, the interest of which lies in the display of -physical force, are still more infrequently met with, and seem out of -harmony with the prevailing taste. Two pictures from Herculaneum -represent Hercules putting forth his strength; in one he is struggling -with the Nemean lion, in the other carrying the Erymanthian boar. The -few paintings of this kind at Pompeii are badly preserved. In two of -them Meleager appears, engaged in combat with the boar; in another we -see Achilles before the walls of Troy with drawn sword in one hand, -with the other grasping by the hair Troilus, an effeminate Trojan -youth, attired in Oriental fashion, who mounted on his horse is vainly -trying to escape; a fourth represents a combat between a heavy-armed -warrior and an Amazon. But such paintings are the more conspicuous by -reason of their rarity, and those that have thus far been discovered -are all found upon walls of the third style. - -A much larger number of mythological compositions represent a moment -of dramatic interest, the artist relying for his effect upon the -bearing and facial expression of the persons appearing in the scene. -The interest is purely psychological, and several of the pictures that -have been preserved give us an exceedingly favorable idea of the -ability of ancient painters to express emotion, especially when we -remember that these paintings are merely decorative copies of -masterpieces the originals of which in most cases had probably never -been seen by the workmen who painted the copies on the walls. - -Among the more familiar examples is the face of Orestes in the -painting found in the house of the Citharist (Fig. 182), and that of -Io, watched by Argus, in the Macellum. Emotion is expressed with even -greater skill in the face of Io in a painting of the temple of Isis. -The goddess welcomes the wanderer to Egypt after her long season of -suffering; the traces of the suffering are clearly seen, yet are -illumined by the ineffable and serene joy of final deliverance. - -One of the most beautiful specimens of ancient painting is a fragment, -badly preserved, in the tablinum of the house of Caecilius Jucundus. -The composition probably represented Priam turning back toward Troy -with the body of Hector, which he had just ransomed. In the fragment, -shown in Fig. 270, we see the aged Hecuba, together with a daughter or -maidservant, looking with unutterable anguish from an upper window -down upon the scene. The gray-haired queen, whose features still -retain much of their youthful beauty, gazes upon the dust-stained body -of her son with grief too deep for tears. - - [Illustration: Fig. 270.--Hecuba with a younger companion looking from - an upper window as Priam brings back the body of Hector.] - -In the majority of paintings the subjects of which are taken from -myths the characters are represented either in a relation of rest, not -suggestive of intense emotion, or in a lasting situation of dramatic -interest, which is devoid of momentary excitement and does not suggest -the display of evanescent feeling. The situation is sometimes -cheerful, sometimes calculated to arouse sympathy; if the characters -were not mythological, the scenes might pass for those of everyday -life. Thus we see Narcissus looking at the reflection of his face in -a clear spring in the forest; Polyphemus, on the seashore, receiving -from the hands of a Cupid a letter sent by Galatea; and Apollo playing -on the lyre for Admetus, while the herd grazes around him. - -To the same series of cheerful or idyllic pictures belong the Selene -hovering over the sleeping Endymion; Paris and Oenone on Mt. Ida, -Paris cutting the name of his sweetheart in the bark of a tree; and -Perseus with Andromeda looking at the reflection of the head of Medusa -in a pool. With these we may class also the representations of Bacchus -as he moves along with his rollicking band and suddenly comes upon the -sleeping Ariadne; and Hercules with Omphale, sometimes sitting in -woman's attire beside her and spinning, sometimes staggering in his -cups or lying drunk upon the ground while she stands or sits near him. - -Examples of a pathetic situation are equally abundant. We find -Aphrodite caring for the wounded Adonis, and Cyparissus grieving over -the dead stag. The pathos of the scene, however, is not always so -obviously suggested. The familiar painting of Europa represents the -maiden playfully sitting upon the bull, which one of her girlish -companions is caressing. The situation, from one point of view, is -idyllic, yet it brings to mind the unhappy fate of the girl, borne far -away from home over the sea to a distant land, and the effect is -heightened by giving her a wonderfully beautiful form. - -Not infrequently a similar result is produced by placing figures of -incongruous type in sharp contrast; so in the oft-repeated composition -in which the beautiful Thetis in elegant attire sits in the workshop -of Hephaestus, looking at the shield which the rough and grimy smith -is finishing for Achilles. In another composition Pasiphae is seen in -the shop of Daedalus, who points out the wooden cow; and a similar -idea of contrast must have been present in the mind of the artist who -painted Danae after she had been cast ashore in a chest on the island -of Seriphus, sitting on the beach with little Perseus in her lap, -while two fishermen standing near make inquiry concerning her strange -fate. - -The symmetrical arrangement of the paintings in a Pompeian room can -hardly have failed to influence the choice of compositions for the -principal panels, especially in cases in which mythological scenes -were to be represented. Sometimes, though not so frequently as might -have been expected, pictures were grouped according to subject. We -have already noticed the relation of two paintings, in the house of -Castor and Pollux, in which Achilles is the principal figure. The -first of these, Achilles among the daughters of Lycomedes, is found in -a room of another house in a group of three; one of the companion -pieces represents Thetis in the smithy of Hephaestus looking at the -weapons which are being made for Achilles, while in the other she is -seen riding over the sea on a Triton, bringing them to her son. There -is another group of three pictures related by subject in a room in the -house of the Vettii; they belong to the Theban cycle, and represent -the infant Hercules strangling the serpents, the death of Pentheus, -and the binding of Dirce. - -Similarity of scene and of treatment influenced the selection of -paintings for a room much more often than unity of subject. A good -illustration is the pair of pictures several times found together, one -of which represents Polyphemus on the beach receiving from a Cupid a -letter written by Galatea; in the other Aphrodite is seen on the -seashore fishing, with Cupids all about her. The suggestion of Love is -common to both paintings, but the juxtaposition of the two as -counterparts is due to the similarity of scene. Opposite the picture -of Europa referred to above, is a Pan playing on his pipe, with nymphs -around him; the two pictures, which appear in a room of the third -style, from the decorative point of view form an effective pair. - -A sleeping room of the same style--though in respect to grouping no -difference between the styles is apparent--offers an interesting -example of a double group. The four principal paintings form two -pairs. In one pair we see, on one side, Hercules in the garden of the -Hesperides approaching an altar around which three maidens are -standing; on the other, a shrine of Artemis in a forest with three -worshippers drawing near, one of whom brings a garland. The two -pictures harmonize in the character of the scenery and in the -arrangement of the figures. - -The effectiveness of the other pair as a decorative counterpart can be -seen in our illustrations; the subject of one of the paintings is the -fate of the pipes which Athena cast aside (Fig. 271), and of the other -the fall of Icarus (Fig. 272). - -In the first of the two pictures we have one of the few extant -examples of a kind of painting associated with the name of -Philostratus, in which different scenes representing the successive -stages of an action are united in one composition. - -In the foreground at the left sits Athena, with her shield on the -ground beside her, playing the double pipe; a nymph in front rising -from the surface of a stream holds up a mirror in which the goddess -may see her face reflected as she plays. - -The next two scenes lie just across the brook. At the foot of the -cliff sits the divinity of the country, Phrygia, in which the story of -Marsyas is localized. Above, at the left, we see the satyr with a -shepherd's crook in his left hand blowing a Pan's pipe; he has not yet -espied the pipes thrown away by Athena. - - [Illustration: Fig. 271.--Athena's pipes and the fate of Marsyas.] - -At the right he appears again, near the tree, having found the pipes -discarded by the goddess and picked them up. Lastly, in the middle of -the background, we see him playing the pipes in the presence of the -Muses, who are serving as judges in the contest of skill between the -satyr and Apollo. - -The final scene with the flaying of Marsyas, which was sometimes -represented in sculpture, and appears also in several Pompeian -paintings, is here omitted. - -The inner connection of the other picture is not so clear. It is -perhaps a confused form of a composition in which Icarus, lying on the -ground after his fall, was the central figure; the local divinities -and natives of the region were looking upon the body of the hapless -youth with pity; while Daedalus, hovering in the air above, was trying -to find the spot where he had fallen. - -Our artist, however, thinking to heighten the effect, represented -Icarus as plunging headlong through the air, with the result shown in -the illustration; neither Daedalus nor the figures in the foreground -seem yet to have become aware of the catastrophe. - - [Illustration: Fig. 272.--The fall of Icarus.] - -We can in no way more appropriately bring to a close our brief survey -of the Pompeian paintings than by presenting a reproduction of the -scene in which Zeus and Hera appear on Mt. Ida (Fig. 273). This -painting has been sufficiently discussed in another connection (pp. -316-317); though preserved in a damaged condition, it clearly -represents an original of no slight merit. - - [Illustration: Fig. 273.--Zeus and Hera on Mt. Ida. Wall painting from - the house of the Tragic Poet.] - - - - -PART VI - -THE INSCRIPTIONS OF POMPEII - - - - -CHAPTER LVI - -_IMPORTANCE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.--MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTIONS AND PUBLIC -NOTICES_ - - -The inscriptions discovered at Pompeii number more than six thousand. -They cover a wide field, ranging from commemorative tablets put up at -public expense to the scribblings of idlers upon the plastered walls. -It would be an exaggeration to say that they contribute to our -knowledge of antiquity much that is new; their value lies rather in -the insight which they give into the life of the city and its people. - -In one respect the evidence derived from inscriptions, though often of -the most fragmentary character, is especially satisfactory. We feel -that we are handling original documents, without the intervention of -that succession of copyists which stands between the author of a Greek -or Roman masterpiece and the modern reader. The shapes of the letters -and the spelling are just as they were left by the stonecutter or the -scribbler; the various handwritings can still be as plainly -distinguished on the charred tablets of Caecilius Jucundus as though -the signatures were witnessed only yesterday. Through the inscriptions -we are brought into contact with the personality of the Pompeians as -in no other way. - -The inscriptions may be classified either according to the subject -matter or according to the form in which they appear, whether cut in -stone, or painted, or scratched upon a smooth surface with a stylus. -No detailed classification need be given here; it will be sufficient -for our purposes to discuss the main divisions briefly under four -heads,--monumental inscriptions and public notices, graffiti, and -inscriptions relating to business affairs. - - * * * * * - -Monumental inscriptions include those which are cut in hard material -and are intended to be read by all who see them. They are found at -Pompeii chiefly in or upon public buildings, on pedestals of statues -and on sepulchral monuments. They are characterized by extreme -brevity. A few are in the Oscan language, the rest are in Latin. The -more important examples have been presented in the preceding pages in -connection with the monuments to which they belong. A list of them is -given in the Index under "Inscriptions." - -The public notices are painted upon the walls along the sides of the -streets, ordinarily in a bright red color; a few are in black. The -most important are the election notices, in which a candidate is -recommended for a public office. These are about sixteen hundred in -number, and the names of more than a hundred different candidates -appear in them. - -The election notices fall into two classes, distinguished both by the -style of writing and by the manner of expression,--earlier, from the -time of the Republic, and later, belonging to the Imperial period. The -shapes of the letters in those of the former class are irregular, and -bear the mark of an unpractised hand. The later notices, on the -contrary, have a more finished appearance; they are executed in a kind -of calligraphic style that suggests the employment of skilled clerks -who made the painting of electoral recommendations a part of their -business. We have already met with the name of one painter of notices -who signed his work, Aemilius Celer (p. 223). His house has been -discovered, near the northeast corner of the ninth Region; it was -identified by means of an inscription painted on the outside: -_Aemilius Celer hic habitat_,--'Aemilius Celer lives here.' - -The language of the earlier recommendations is of the simplest. We -find the name of the candidate with no suggestion of praise excepting -occasionally the letters _v. b._, for _virum bonum_, 'good man.' The -name of the office is given in an abbreviated form, but that of the -person who makes the recommendation nowhere appears. In one example -the elements of the common formula _o. v. f._, for _oro vos, facite_, -are given almost in full: _M. Marium aed. faci., oro vos_,--'Make -Marcus Marius aedile, I beg of you.' The following notice appears on -Stabian Street in letters nearly 8 inches high: P . FVR . II . V . \B -. O . \F, that is _Publium Furium duumvirum, virum bonum, oro vos, -facite_,--'Make Publius Furius duumvir, I beg of you; he's a good -man.' - -Some of the later election notices are almost equally brief, -presenting merely the name of the candidate, the office for which he -is recommended, and the formula _o. v. f._, as in this instance: -_Herennium Celsum aed[ilem] o. v. f._,--'Make Herennius Celsus aedile, -I beg of you.' Occasionally even the formula is omitted, and we have -simply the name of the candidate and of the office, both invariably in -the accusative case, as _Casellium aed._, which appears in several -places, and _M. Holconium Priscum II. vir. i. d._ - -More frequently the recommendation includes a reference to the good -qualities of the candidate. Sometimes he is simply styled 'a good -man,' as in the earlier notices; but the most common formula in this -connection is _d. r. p._, for _dignum re publica_, 'worthy of public -office.' In some instances the characterization is more definite. More -than one candidate is affirmed to be 'an upright young man' (_iuvenem -probum_), or 'a youth of singular modesty' (_verecundissimum -iuvenem_). In regard to one aspirant for office we are informed that -'he will be the watch-dog of the treasury'--_hic aerarium -conservabit_. - -The names of those who make the recommendations often appear in the -later notices. Now and then individuals assume the responsibility, as -Vesonius Primus (p. 396), and Acceptus and Euhodia (p. 341), who were -undoubtedly owners of the property on which the notices appear. Thus -the candidate's neighbors are sometimes represented as favoring his -election, as in the case of Claudius Verus: _Ti. Claudium Verum II. -vir. vicini rogant_,--'His neighbors request the election of Tiberius -Claudius Verus as duumvir.' Electoral recommendations are painted on -all sides of the house of Verus--the extensive establishment in the -ninth Region known as the house of the Centenary. - -The class of election notices in which we find the members of a craft -united in the support of a candidate has been sufficiently illustrated -in another connection (p. 384). To these we may add a recommendation -found on a wall facing the temple of Isis: _Cn. Helvium Sabinum aed. -Isiaci universi rog[ant]_,--'The worshippers of Isis, as a body, -request the election of Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as aedile.' A suburb -also might have a candidate, as in the following instance: _M. Epidium -Sabinum aed. Campanienses rog._,--'The inhabitants of the Pagus -Campanus ask for the election of Marcus Epidius Sabinus as aedile.' - -Sometimes all those who are engaged in an occupation are urged to -support a candidate. 'Innkeepers, make Sallustius Capito aedile,' we -read in one notice. In others, various classes of citizens having a -common bond, as the ballplayers, and the dealers in perfumes, are -exhorted to work for the election of a candidate presumably favorable -to their interests. In one instance there is a direct appeal to an -individual, involving a pledge of future support: _Sabinum aed[ilem], -Procule, fac, et ille te faciet_,--'Proculus, make Sabinus aedile, and -he will do as much for you.' - -In view of the deep interest in the municipal elections, revealed by -these notices, it is not surprising to find that the support of a -candidate by a man of unusual prominence was extensively advertised. -In three different parts of the city the attention of voters was -directed to the fact that Suedius Clemens, the commissioner sent by -Vespasian to decide the ownership of certain plots of ground (p. 407), -favored the election of Epidius Sabinus as duumvir. One of the notices -reads: _M. Epidium Sabinum II. vir. iur. dic. o. v. f., dignum -iuvenem, Suedius Clemens sanctissimus iudex facit vicinis -rogantibus_,--'At the request of the neighbors, Suedius Clemens, most -upright judge, is working for the election of Marcus Epidius Sabinus, -a worthy young man, as duumvir with judiciary authority. He begs of -you to elect this candidate.' - -So public a method of pressing a candidacy put a formidable weapon -into the hands of the candidate's enemies, and the form of a -recommendation was sometimes used against an office seeker with -telling effect. _Vatiam aed. furunculi rog._,--'The sneak thieves -request the election of Vatia as aedile,' we find conspicuously -painted on a wall on Augustales Street. According to other notices -near by, 'The whole company of late drinkers' (_seribibi universi_) -and 'all the people who are asleep' (_dormientes universi_) favored -the candidacy of the same unhappy Vatia. The last notice which we -shall present in this connection may have been painted on the order of -the girl who appears in it: _Claudium II. vir. animula facit_,--'His -little sweetheart is working for the election of Claudius as duumvir.' -The reference is probably to the Tiberius Claudius Verus mentioned -above. - -The other kinds of public notices are represented by relatively few -examples. Of special interest are the announcements of gladiatorial -combats, which were discussed in a previous chapter (p. 221). Next in -importance are perhaps the advertisements of buildings to rent. One of -these, relating to the Elephant Inn, has already been mentioned (p. -400). We present here two others, which have to do with large -properties. The first, which has now disappeared, was painted on a -wall in the sixth Region, at the south end of the third Insula. It -reads as follows:-- - - INSULA ARRIANA - POLLIANA CN. ALLEI NIGIDI MAI - LOCANTUR EX K[alendis] IULIS PRIMIS TABERNAE - CUM PERGULIS SUIS ET CENACULA - EQUESTRIA ET DOMUS. CONDUCTOR - CONVENITO PRIMUM, CN. ALLEI - NIGIDI MAI SER[vum]. - -'To rent, from the first day of next July, shops with the floors over -them, fine upper chambers, and a house, in the Arrius Pollio block -owned by Gnaeus Alleius Nigidius Maius. Prospective lessees may apply -to Primus, slave of Gnaeus Alleius Nigidius Maius.' - -The word _equestria_, translated 'fine,' is used colloquially with -_cenacula_, in the sense 'fit for a knight.' The Insula named after -Arrius Pollio was thought by Fiorelli to be the so-called house of -Pansa, across the street from the block on which the advertisement was -found. The identification may be correct, but a notice painted in so -prominent a place might refer to a block in any part of the city. - -The following inscription was found in the last century near the -Amphitheatre, on a wall of the extensive establishment named from it -the villa of Julia Felix:-- - - IN PRAEDIS IULIAE SP. F. FELICIS - LOCANTUR - BALNEUM VENERIUM ET NONGENTUM, TABERNAE, PERGULAE, - CENACULA EX IDIBUS AUG. PRIMIS IN IDUS AUG. SEXTAS, ANNOS - CONTINUOS QUINQUE - S. Q. D. L. E. N. C. - -'To let, for the space of five years, from the thirteenth day of next -August to the thirteenth day of the sixth August thereafter, the Venus -bath, fitted up for the best people, shops, rooms over shops, and -second story apartments in the property owned by Julia Felix, daughter -of Spurius.' - -The bath may have received its name from Venus Pompeiana. The word -_nongentum_ is difficult to understand. The interpretation given is -based upon a passage of Pliny the Elder, from which we understand that -in colloquial language the knights were known as 'the nine hundred.' A -bath 'of the nine hundred' would then be one designed to attract the -patronage of the best people. The seven letters at the end of the -inscription have not yet been satisfactorily explained. - -Advertisements of articles lost or found are also met with. A notice -in regard to a stray horse, painted on one of the tombs east of the -Amphitheatre, is given on p. 436. On the east side of Insula VIII. -v.-vi. we read:-- - - VRNA AENIA PEREIT . DE . TABERNA - SEIQVIS . RETTVLERIT DABVNTVR - HS LXV . SEI . FVREM - DABIT . VND ... - -'A copper pot has been taken from this shop. Whoever brings it back -will receive 65 sesterces. If any one shall hand over the thief' ... -(the rest of the inscription is illegible). - - - - -CHAPTER LVII - -_THE GRAFFITI_ - - -The graffiti form the largest division of the Pompeian inscriptions, -comprising about three thousand examples, or one half of the entire -number; the name is Italian, being derived from a verb meaning 'to -scratch.' Writing upon walls was a prevalent habit in antiquity, as -shown by the remains of graffiti at Rome and other places besides -Pompeii, a habit which may be accounted for in part by the use of the -sharp-pointed stylus with wax tablets; the temptation to use such an -instrument upon the polished stucco was much greater than in the case -of pens and lead pencils upon the less carefully finished wall -surfaces of our time. Pillars or sections of wall are covered with -scratches of all kinds,--names, catchwords of favorite lines from the -poets, amatory couplets, and rough sketches, such as a ship, or the -profile of a face. The skit, occasionally found on walls to-day, - - 'Fools' names, like their faces, - Are always seen in public places,' - -has its counterpart in the couplet preserved as a graffito both at -Pompeii and at Rome: _Admiror, paries, te non cecidisse ruinis, Qui -tot scriptorum taedia sustineas_,-- - - 'Truly 'tis wonderful, Wall, that you have not fallen in ruins, - Forced without murmur to bear the taint of so many hands.' - -Of a similar vein is a Greek line scratched upon a wall on the -Palatine hill in Rome: 'Many persons have here written many things; I -alone refrained from writing.' - -Taken as a whole, the graffiti are less fertile for our knowledge of -Pompeian life than might have been expected. The people with whom we -should most eagerly desire to come into direct contact, the cultivated -men and women of the ancient city, were not accustomed to scratch -their names upon stucco or to confide their reflections and -experiences to the surface of a wall. Some of the graffiti, to judge -from the height at which we find them above the floor, were -undoubtedly made by the hands of boys and girls; for the rest, we may -assume that the writers were as little representative of the best -elements of society as are the tourists who scratch or carve their -names upon ancient monuments to-day. Nevertheless, we gain from these -scribblings a lively idea of individual tastes, passions, and -experiences. - -A few graffiti have reference to events, as the siege of Sulla, in 89 -B.C. (p. 240). The most interesting historical examples are those -which relate to the conflict between the Pompeians and the Nucerians, -in the year 59 A.D. (p. 220). An ardent Pompeian wrote: _Nucerinis -infelicia_,--'Down with the Nucerians!' From a scribbling by a -partisan of the other side it appears that the inhabitants of Puteoli -sympathized with the Nucerians, while those of Pithecusae--the island -of Ischia--favored the Pompeians: _Puteolanis feliciter, omnibus -Nucherinis felicia, et uncu[m] Pompeianis [et] Pitecusanis_,--'Hurrah -for the Puteolaneans, good luck to all Nucerians; a hook for the -Pompeians and Pithecusans.' The hook referred to in this connection -was that used by executioners and the attendants of the Amphitheatre -in dragging off the dead. Another Pompeian wrote: _Campani, victoria -una cum Nucerinis peristis_,--'Campanians, you were conquered by the -same victory with the Nucerians.' The Campani were not the inhabitants -of Campania, but of the suburb called Pagus Campanus. - -Two inscriptions, attesting the presence of members of the Praetorian -Guard in Pompeii, have been previously mentioned (pp. 387, 401). Another -praetorian left his name in a house of the eighth Region (VIII. iii. -21): _Sex. Decimius Rufus milis coh[ortis] V pr[aetorianae] [^C] -Martialis_,--'Sextus Decimius Rufus, a soldier of the fifth praetorian -cohort, of the century led by Martialis.' To the same division of the -army probably belonged a centurion of the first rank, Q. Spurennius -Priscus, whose name was found in a house of the first Region (I. iii. -3). The first, fifth, and ninth praetorian cohorts, mentioned in the -graffiti, may have come to Pompeii with different emperors, or on -different occasions with the same emperor; it is unlikely that the three -were united to form a single escort. - -Graffiti are sometimes useful for the identification of buildings; so -in the case of the Basilica and of several inns. The dated examples -throw some light on the age of the stucco on which they are found. -They are for the most part late, and afford little help in determining -the time of commencement of the various decorative styles; but in -several cases they indicate a later limit clearly. In this way we -learn that the decoration of the Basilica, in the first style, was -finished before October 3, 78 B.C.--how long before we cannot tell; -and that in 37 B.C. the plastering of the Small Theatre was already on -the walls, decorated in the second style. The gladiatorial graffito in -the house of the Centenary (p. 226) proves that the decoration of the -room in which it is found--a late example of the second style--was -finished before November, A.D. 15. A dated inscription of the reign of -Nero is given in the chapter on the house of the Silver Wedding (p. -305). - -Several hundred graffiti present merely the name of the scribbler, -sometimes with the addition _hic fuit_,--'was here,' or simply _hic_; -as, _Paris hic fuit_, _Sabinus hic_. - -A large number contain a greeting, perhaps in some cases intended for -the eye of the person mentioned, as _Aemilius Fortunato fratri -salutem_,--'Aemilius greets his brother Fortunatus.' In this as in -other examples it is interesting to note that one brother is -designated by the gens name, the other by the cognomen. Sometimes the -greeting is the reverse of cordial, as in this instance: _Samius -Cornelio, suspendere_,--'Samius to Cornelius: go hang yourself.' -Hardly less naive is the message to a friend who has died: _Pyrrhus -Chio conlegae sal[utem]: moleste fero, quod audivi te mortuom; -itaq[ue] vale_,--'Pyrrhus to his chum Chius: I'm sorry to hear that -you are dead; and so, Good-by.' - -The most prominent theme of the graffiti is love, which is constantly -reappearing, in prose scribblings and in snatches of verse. The verse -form is usually the elegiac distich. Some of the lines are taken from -the poets; others were made up for the occasion, and not a few verses -were finished in prose, as if the would-be versifier found original -composition more difficult than he had anticipated. - -Several distichs extol the power of love, as the following, which, -taken from some unknown poet, is found in several places: _Quisquis -amat, valeat, pereat qui nescit amare; Bis tanto pereat quisquis amare -vetat_:-- - - 'Good health be with you, lovers all; - Who knows not how to love, be cursed; - But oh may double ruin fall - On him who sets out love to worst!' - -A similar thought finds expression in a single line, perhaps also a -quotation: _Nemo est bellus nisi qui amavit mulierem_,--'He who has -never been in love can be no gentleman.' - -Not all the Pompeians, however, viewed the matter so seriously. To the -first line of the couplet just quoted a scribbler of a cynical turn in -one instance joined a parody, to the effect that those who are in love -may well avoid the use of hot baths, on the principle that 'the burnt -child dreads the fire,'--_Nam nemo flammas ustus amare potest._ - -The uselessness of interference with the course of love is also made -prominent. In this distich, apparently from some poet, the scribbler -seems to have made a slight change to meet a specific case, -substituting _obiurgat_ for _custodit_ or some similar word: _Alliget -hic auras, si quis obiurgat amantes, Et vetat assiduas currere fontis -aquas_,-- - - 'Whoever has a mind - To hinder lovers' way, - Let him go zephyrs bind - Or running waters stay.' - -Ancient lovers nevertheless had their fears, and the following -couplet, which is no doubt borrowed from a poet, appears also, in a -slightly different form, on a wall in Rome: _Si quis forte meam cupiet -violare puellam, Illum in desertis montibus urat Amor_,-- - - 'If any man shall seek - My girl from me to turn, - On far-off mountains bleak - May Love the scoundrel burn.' - -Of extant elegiac poets Ovid, Propertius, and Tibullus are quoted or -paraphrased. Among the quotations is the familiar couplet of -Propertius: _Nunc est ira recens, nunc est discedere tempus; Si dolor -afuerit, crede, redibit amor_,-- - - 'Now is it time to depart, - Now anger freshly burns; - When one ceases to feel the smart, - Believe me, love returns.' - -If it was written by a lover after a quarrel, reconciliation was not -far off. Another discouraged suitor perhaps consoled himself by -writing on the wall of the Basilica this distich from Ovid's "Art of -Love," the form of which differs slightly from that given in the -manuscripts: _Quid pote tam durum saxso aut quid mollius unda? Dura -tamen molli saxsa cavantur aqua_,-- - - 'What is so hard as rock, or what can be softer than water? - Hard rocks nevertheless by water are worn away.' - -Amatory inscriptions often have the form of a message or greeting to a -loved one, as in this example: _Victoria, vale, et ubique es, suaviter -sternutes_,--'Health to you, Victoria, and wherever you are may you -sneeze sweetly,' that is, may good luck follow you. Often the greeting -is more ardent, as that to Cestilia: _Cestilia, regina Pompeianorum, -anima dulcis, vale_,--'Cestilia, queen of the Pompeians, sweet soul, -greeting to you.' - -Sometimes the lover avoided writing the lady's name: _Pupa quae bella -es, tibi me misit qui tuus est; vale_,--'Maiden who are so beautiful, -he who is yours sent me to you; good-by.' Now and then we find an -inscription of this class that leaves an unfavorable impression. The -following is repeated several times on the outside of a house in the -first Region: _Serenae sodales sal[utem]_,--'Greeting to Serena, from -her companions!' - -Spurned lovers also confided their woes to graffiti, sometimes adding -an appeal to the obdurate one, as in this wretched couplet, which can -scarcely have been taken from a poet; the play upon words in the last -clause was apparently intentional: _Si quid amor valeat nostei, sei te -hominem scis, Commiseresce mihi, da veniam ut veniam_,-- - - 'If you a man would be,-- - If you know what love can do,-- - Have pity, and suffer me - With welcome to come to you.' - -It was probably a lover in straits who scratched on the wall a line of -the Aeneid (IX. 404) as a prayer to Venus: _Tu, dea, tu praesens -nostro succurre labori_,-- - - 'Thou, goddess, with thy present help - Our sore distress relieve.' - -Another unsuccessful suitor found the lines of a single poet -inadequate to express his feelings, and joined together a couplet from -Ovid (Am. I. viii. 77-78) and one from Propertius (IV. v. 47-48) in -order to voice his complaint against a miserly mistress who barred her -door upon all except wealthy lovers. But the climax is reached in four -lines of irregular verse in which the rejected lover proposes to vent -his anger on the goddess of love herself: 'All lovers, come! I purpose -to break the ribs of Venus and to smash the small of her back with -clubs; if she can bore a hole in my tender breast, why can I not break -her head with a cudgel?' From the psychological point of view the -complete identification of the goddess with a statue representing her -is noteworthy. - -Occasionally a pair of lovers left on a wall a record of a meeting; -thus, _Romula hic cum Staphylo moratur_,--'Romula tarried here with -Staphylus.' Staphylus, however, was apparently a flirt; in the house -of Caecilius Jucundus a similar meeting with another maiden is -recorded on a column of the peristyle: _Staphilus hic cum Quieta_. But -Staphylus does not seem to have gained the confidence of the fair sex -to the extent that another Pompeian gallant did, of whom we find it -written: _Restitutus multas decepit saepe puellas_,--'Restitutus has -many times deceived many girls.' - -The names of husband and wife are sometimes joined together, as in a -room of a house in the ninth Region: _L. Clodius Varus, Pelagia -coniunx_; there is a similar example in a house ruined by the -earthquake of the year 63, _[Ba]lbus et Fortunata, duo coiuges_. - -We find a pleasing instance of marital affection in a graffito in -which a lonely wife sends a greeting to an absent husband and other -relatives: _Hirtia Psacas C. Hostilio Conopi coniugi suo manuductori -et clementi monitori et Diodot[a]e sorori et Fortunato fratri et -Celeri suis salutem semper ubique plurimam, et Primigeniae suae -salutem_,--'Hirtia Psacas at all times and in all places sends -heartiest greeting to Gaius Hostilius Conops, her husband and guide -and gentle adviser, and to her sister Diodota, her brother Fortunatus -and her Celer; and she sends a greeting to her Primigenia, too.' The -names of both husband and wife are Greek, _psacas_ signifying -'dewdrop,' and _conops_ 'gnat.' - -Many happenings are chronicled on the walls; and there are memoranda -of every description. The programmes of gladiatorial combats have -already been mentioned (p. 223). One man records the result of a trip -to Nuceria, where he won at the gaming table--without cheating, he -takes pains to add--a sum amounting to $130: _Vici Nuceriae in alia_ -(for _alea_) [*] _DCCCLVS, fide bona_,--'At Nuceria, I won 855.5 -denarii by gaming, fair play.' - -Another Pompeian counted the steps as he walked up and down the -colonnade at the side of his garden (in the house VII. ii. 41) for -exercise; he recorded 640 paces for ten turns back and forth. - -In the peristyle of a house in the first Region the advent of young -pigs, or of puppies, is noted: _XV K[alendas] Nov[embres] Puteolana -peperit mascl[os] III, femel[as] II_,--'On October 17 Puteolana had a -litter consisting of 3 males and 2 females.' - -The inscriptions relating to business transactions are reserved for -another chapter. We may notice here, however, that memoranda of -accounts were sometimes scratched on walls, usually containing only -the figures indicating measure or price, as in the shops on the south -side of the Macellum. The following is from a bakery in the first -Region (I. iii. 27): _Oleum, l[ibra], a[ssibus] IV; palea a. V; faenum -a. XVI; diaria a. V; furfure a. VI; viria I a. III; oleum a. -VI_,--'Oil, a pound, 4 asses; straw, 5 asses; hay, 16 asses; a day's -wages, 5 asses; bran, 6 asses; one wreath for the neck, 3 asses; oil, -6 asses.' The value of the as varied; in the Early Empire it was -nearly equivalent to 11/2 pence, or 3 cents. - -Children scratched upon walls the alphabet that they were learning. -The frequent quotations from Virgil, generally incomplete, are -likewise an echo of lessons at school, where this author was carefully -studied; we find very often the beginnings of lines at the opening of -a book, as _Arma virumque cano_, or _Conticuere omnes_. The first word -of the poem of Lucretius, _Aeneadum_, also occurs several times. - -Occasionally gnomic quotations are found, in most cases, perhaps, from -writers of comedy. Among them is the well-known maxim, _Minimum malum -fit contemnendo maxumum_,--'The smallest evil, if neglected, will -reach the greatest proportions.' A proverb more concrete in its form -of statement is the following: _Moram si quaeres, sparge milium et -collige_,--'If you want to waste your time, scatter millet and pick it -up again.' - - - - -CHAPTER LVIII - -_INSCRIPTIONS RELATING TO BUSINESS AFFAIRS_ - - -The most important inscriptions relating to business transactions are -the receipts, discovered in 1875, which formed a part of the private -accounts of L. Caecilius Jucundus (p. 447). They were written on wax -tablets, which were carefully packed in a wooden box. The box, which -was in the second story of the house, crumbled to pieces when the -volcanic dust about it was removed; but many of the tablets, 154 in -number, still retained their shape and were taken to the Naples -Museum. The wood of the tablets had turned to charcoal, but the -writing has been for the most part deciphered. One receipt dates from -15 A.D., another from the year 27; the rest belong to the decade -immediately preceding the earthquake, 52-62 A.D. The documents are of -the greatest interest as casting light on the business methods of -antiquity. - -Most of the tablets are triptychs. The three leaves were tied at the -back so as to open like the leaves of a book, making six pages (Fig. -274). The average height is about 5 inches, the width varies from 2 to -4 inches. Pages 1 and 6 served as covers, being left smooth and -without writing. Pages 2, 3, and 5 were hollowed out, leaving a -polished surface with a raised rim around it. On this surface a thin -layer of wax was spread, in which the letters were made with a stylus; -the writing could be easily read because the wood, which was of a -light color, showed through wherever a scratch was made in the wax -coating. - -Two pages facing each other, 2 and 3, were devoted to the receipt. -Page 4, as shown in Fig. 275, was not hollowed out but was divided -into two parts by a broad, flat groove running across the middle. When -the document was ready to be sealed, the first two leaves were brought -together and tied by a thread which passed around the middle, the -ends meeting in the groove on page 4. In this groove at convenient -distances melted wax was then dropped, on which the witnesses, -ordinarily seven in number, impressed their seals. The names of the -witnesses were written with pen and ink in a line with the seals, -parallel with the sides of the page, sometimes at the right, as in -Fig. 275, sometimes divided, the first name and the gens name being at -the left of the seal, the cognomen at the right. - - [Illustration: Fig. 274.--Tablet with three leaves, opened so as to - show the receipt and part of the memorandum on page 5, restored.] - -This arrangement made it impossible to consult the receipt without -cutting the thread or disturbing the seals of the witnesses. To meet -the difficulty a memorandum, which was practically a duplicate -receipt, was placed on page 5; this could be read at any time. - -The difference in form between the receipt, on pages 2 and 3, and the -memorandum will be plain from the examples. The receipt, with few -exceptions, is simply a record of an oral acknowledgment in the -presence of witnesses that a sum of money was received, _accepti -latio_. In nearly all the tablets this acknowledgment and the names of -the witnesses, on page 4, are in the same handwriting, which must have -been either that of Jucundus himself or of his secretary. It did not -matter who wrote the receipt; in case of a dispute the seals of the -witnesses would alone be sufficient to prove its genuineness. The -memorandum, however, was ordinarily in a different hand, either that -of the person who gave the receipt, or of some one authorized to write -for him. As it was not under the seals of witnesses, the handwriting -might become a matter of importance if any question should arise in -regard to the document. - - [Illustration: Fig. 275.--Tablet, restored, with the two leaves - containing the receipt tied and sealed, and with the signatures of the - witnesses at the right of the seals.] - -The entire tablet, with its receipt, memorandum, and names and seals -of witnesses was called _perscriptio_, 'entry of account.' This word -appears ordinarily on the edge of the tablet, with the name of the -person who gave the receipt in the genitive case. - -Nearly all the tablets record transactions connected with auction -sales, the person whose effects were thus disposed of giving Jucundus -a receipt in full for the proceeds of the sale less a commission, -_mercede minus_. A few contain receipts for rent which Jucundus paid -for the use of property belonging to the city--a fullery (p. 394), the -rent of which altogether amounted to 1652 sesterces, about $75; a -pasture, for the use of which he paid 2675 sesterces, about $130; and -a piece of arable land, _fundus_, on which he paid 6000 sesterces, -about $300, in rents. - -We present an example of both classes of receipts. The first, which we -may call Tablet A, was given by a lady, Umbricia Januaria, for the -proceeds of an auction sale; it is dated December 12, A.D. 56. The -other, Tablet B, is the receipt for the rent of public pasture land -and belongs to the year 59 A.D. - - -TABLET A - -TITLE - -_Perscriptio Umbriciae Januariae_, 'Entry of account of Umbricia -Januaria.' - -RECEIPT. Pages 2 and 3 - -_HS n. CC|[^C][^C] [M] XXXVIIII, quae pecunia in stipulatum L. Caecili -Iucundi venit ob auctionem Umbriciae Ianuariae mercede minus persoluta -habere se dixit Umbricia Ianuaria ab L. Caecilio Iucundo._ - -_Act[um] Pompeis pr[idie] id[us] Dec[embres] L. Duvio, P. Clodio cos._ - -'Umbricia Januaria declared that she had received from L. Caecilius -Jucundus 11,039 sesterces, which sum came into the hands of L. -Caecilius Jucundus by agreement as the proceeds of an auction sale for -Umbricia Januaria, the commission due him having been deducted. - -'Done at Pompeii on the twelfth day of December, in the consulship of -Lucius Duvius and Publius Clodius.' - -NAMES OF THE WITNESSES. Page 4 - -The seals of the witnesses, nine in number, appear in the groove at -the middle of the page. The names are in the genitive case, as if -dependent on _sigillum_, 'seal.' - - _Q. Appulei Severi._ - _M. Lucreti Leri._ - _Ti. Iuli Abascanti._ - _M. Iuli Crescentis._ - _M. Terenti Primi._ - _M. Epidi Hymenaei._ - _Q. Grani Lesbi._ - _T. Vesoni Le...._ - _D. Volci Thalli._ - -'Seal of Quintus Appuleius Severus, Marcus Lucretius Lerus, Tiberius -Julius Abascantus, M. Julius Crescens, M. Terentius Primus, M. Epidius -Hymenaeus, Q. Granius Lesbus, Titus Vesonius Le..., D. Volcius -Thallus.' - - -MEMORANDUM. Page 5 - -_L. Duvio Avito, P. Clodio Thrasea cos., pr. id. Decembr. D. Volcius -Thallus scripsi rogatu Umbriciae Ianuariae eam accepisse ab L. -Caecilio Iucundo HS n. [=XI] xxxix ex auctione eius mercede minus ex -interrogatione facta tabellarum [signatarum]. Act. Pompeis._ - -'On December 12, in the consulship of Lucius Duvius Avitus and Publius -Clodius Thrasea, I, Decimus Volcius Thallus, having examined the -tablets put under seal, at the request of Umbricia Januaria declared -in writing that she had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 11,039 -sesterces as the proceeds of an auction sale after deducting his -commission. Done at Pompeii.' - -Tablet A gives the ordinary form of the receipt and the memorandum. -There are occasional variations. A few tablets have only two leaves -and four pages. In such cases, the leaves are tied and sealed in the -same way as the first two of the triptych, but only half of the fourth -page is left for the signatures of the witnesses; the memorandum is -written on the other half with pen and ink, and so appears on the -outside of the tablet. - -In two of the older tablets, dated 27 and 54 A.D., the memorandum, as -the receipt, is a record of an oral acknowledgment; it may be that -this was the proper legal form in use to the end of the reign of -Claudius. In a few of the later examples, as Tablet B, the receipt as -well as the memorandum has the form of a voucher in the handwriting of -the person who receives the money, or his agent. - - -TABLET B - -RECEIPT. Pages 2 and 3 - -_L. Veranio Hupsaeo, L. Albucio Iusto duumviris iure dic[undo] XIIII -K[alendas] Iulias Privatus coloniae Pompeian[orum] ser[vus] scripsi me -accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo sestertios mille sescentos -septuaginta quinque nummos, et accepi ante hanc diem, quae dies fuit -VIII idus Iunias, sester[tios] mille nummos, ob vectigal publicum -pasqua_ [for _pasquorum_]. - -_Act[um] Pom[peis] Cn. Fonteio C. Vipstano cos._ - -'On June 18, in the duumvirate of L. Veranius Hypsaeus and L. Albucius -Justus, I, Privatus, slave of the colony of Pompeii, declared in -writing that I had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 1675 sesterces, -and previous to this day, on June 6, I received 1000 sesterces, as -rent for the public pasture. - -'Done at Pompeii in the consulship of Gnaeus Fonteius and Gaius -Vipstanus.' - -NAMES OF THE WITNESSES. Page 4 - -In the groove in the middle of the page are four seals. As the receipt -was given for the city, the witnesses were the two duumvirs and the -slave Privatus, who received the money. The name of Privatus appears -twice with seal, under that of each duumvir. In antiquity -municipalities, as well as individuals, owned slaves. - - _L. Verani Hypsaei_ - - _Privati, c. c. V. C. ser._ (for _colonorum coloniae Veneriae - Corneliae servi_) - - _L. Albuci Iusti_ - - _Privati, c. c. V. C. se._ - - _Chirographum Privati c. c. V. C. ser._ - -'Seal of Lucius Veranius Hypsaeus; Privatus, slave of the citizens of -the colony of Pompeii; L. Albucius Iustus; Privatus, slave of the -citizens of the colony of Pompeii. - -'Autograph of Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of -Pompeii.' - -MEMORANDUM. Page 5 - -_L. Veranio Hupsaeo L. Albucio Iusto d[uumviris] i[ure] d[icundo] XIV -K. Iul. Privatus c. c. V. C. ser. scripsi me accepisse ab L. Caecilio -Iucundo HS [M] DCLXXV et accepi ante hanc diem VIII idus Iunias HS [M] -nummos ob vectigal publicum pasquorum._ - -_Act. Pom. C. Fonteio C. Vips. cos._ - -The language of the memorandum is so nearly identical with that of the -receipt that it is unnecessary to add a translation. - - * * * * * - -A considerable number of the amphorae found at Pompeii bear -inscriptions, generally written with a pen in black ink, but sometimes -painted with a brush in red or white. Most of them contained wine. The -percentage of Greek inscriptions is large, an evidence of the strength -of the Greek population in the region about the city. - -The wine underwent fermentation in large round vats of baked clay, -_dolia_, which stood in the wine cellar of the villa, _cella vinaria_, -or in a court (p. 364); from these the amphorae were filled. The vats -containing the common wines were ordinarily emptied before the next -vintage, when they were needed for the new wine, but the better sorts -were allowed to remain in the dolia for a longer time. The wine of one -Pompeian amphora was left in the vat till after the harvest of the -second year: _C. Pomponio C. Anicio cos., ex fund[o] Badiano, -diff[usum] id. Aug., bimum_,--'Consulship of Gaius Pomponius and Gaius -Anicius. From the Badian estate. Poured (into amphorae) August 13. Two -years old.' In what year Pomponius and Anicius were consuls we do not -know. - -The earliest amphora of which the date is certain was filled in 25 -A.D.: _[Cosso Len]tulo M. Asinio cos. fund._ The place from which it -came, however, is not so easily determined, since _fund._ may refer to -the town of Fundi, or stand for _fundus_, 'estate,' the name that -followed having been obliterated. The names of two such estates were -lately recovered from amphorae in the house of the Vettii, _fundus -Satrianus_ and _fundus Asinianus_. - -In addition to the product of Italian vineyards the Pompeians used -also imported wines from the coast of Asia Minor and the islands near -by. One dealer, M. Fabius Euporus, kept wine from Cnidus, _Cnidium_. -Wine from the island of Cos is frequently mentioned, as in this -inscription: _Coum vet[us] P. Appulei Bassi_,--'Old Coan of Publius -Appuleius Bassus.' - -Different kinds of wine were sometimes designated by characteristic -names. A certain Greek, M. Pomponius Teupon, produced a brand which he -called 'Frenzy Wine' ([Greek: Lyttios]), as if so strong that it would -make the drinker frantic. Another Greek, Timarchus, named one of his -wines 'White Drink,' [Greek: Leukounarion]. - -An amphora in the house of the Vettii was labelled _Gustaticium_, -'Breakfast Drink'; it no doubt contained _mulsum_, a kind of mead made -by mixing honey with wine, which the ancients drank with the first -meal of the day. The word _mulsum_ occurs on another amphora -discovered previously. - -Fruits and other edibles of all kinds were kept in amphorae. On one -was written: _Oliva alba dulce_ (for _olivae albae dulces_) _P. C. -E._,--'White sweet olives of P. C. E.'; the name cannot be determined -from the initials. On other amphorae the words for bean meal -(_lomentum_), honey, and lentils appear, the last being designated by -the Greek word. - -A large number of small jars contained the fish sauces,--_garum_, -_liquamen_, and _muria_,--of which the ancients were so fond; -reference has already been made to Umbricius Scaurus (p. 15), who -seems to have had several establishments for the making of the sauces, -conducted by slaves, freedmen, and perhaps by members of his family. - -The best quality of _garum_, which was probably a thick preparation, a -kind of fish jelly, was designated by the letters _g. f._, for -_garum--flos_, 'garum blossom,' as in the following inscription: -_g[arum]--f[los] scombr[i] Scauri ab Eutyche Scauri_,--'Scaurus's -tunny jelly, blossom brand, put up by Eutyches, slave of Scaurus.' We -frequently find _liquamen optimum_, 'best liquamen.' - -The _muria_ was apparently a fish pickle, certain parts of the fish, -or certain varieties, being preserved in brine. According to Pliny the -Elder some fish sauces were prepared in a special way, to be used by -the Jews on fast days; two of these, as already noted, appear in the -inscriptions upon Pompeian jars, _garum castum_ and _muria casta_ (p. -18). - -In these inscriptions upon jars of various sizes the name of the -proprietor is sometimes given, in the genitive case, as _M. Caesi -Celeris_,--'Of M. Caesius Celer.' The name of the man to whom the -consignment is made is put in the dative, as _Albucio Celso_. - -The name of the consignor sometimes follows that of the consignee, as -_liquamen optimum A. Virnio Modesto ab Agathopode_,--'Best liquamen, -for Aulus Virnius Modestus, from Agathopus.' - -An inscription similar to that just mentioned, on an amphora found in -the house of Caecilius Jucundus, illustrates the extent to which -family pride might assert itself in the naming of children: _Caecilio -Iucundo ab Sexsto Metello_,--'To Caecilius Jucundus from Sextus -Metellus.' The sender and the recipient were both sons of Lucius -Caecilius Jucundus. According to common usage, one of the sons would -have received the name Lucius Caecilius Jucundus, after the father; -while the other would have been called Lucius Caecilius, with a -cognomen derived perhaps from the name of the mother. But the -prosperous Pompeian wished to suggest a relationship with the -distinguished family of the Caecilii Metelli, so he named one son -Sextus Caecilius Jucundus Metellus, and the other Quintus Caecilius -Jucundus, the name Quintus being common in the family of the Caecilii -Metelli. The names of the two sons are found together in an election -notice: _Q. S. Caecili Iucundi_,--'Quintus and Sextus Caecilius -Jucundus.' - -Besides the names of the makers, inscriptions relating to weight and -ownership are found on the cups and other objects of the Boscoreale -treasure. Thus on the under side of the Alexandria patera (Fig. 187, and -p. 380) we find the following record, the letters of which are outlined -with points: _Phi[ala] et emb[lema] p[endentia] p[ondo libras] II, -uncias X, scrupula VI. Phi[ala] p[endens] p[ondo libras] II, uncias II, -semunciam; emb[lema] p[endens] p[ondo] uncias VII, semunciam_, 'The bowl -and the relief medallion' together 'weigh 2 pounds, 10 ounces, and 6 -scruples. The bowl weighs 2 pounds, 21/2 ounces; the relief medallion -weighs 71/2 ounces.' In giving the items separately no account was taken -of the scruples. Reckoning the Roman pound as 327.453 grammes, the -weight of the patera with its relief was 934.608 grammes, or 2.504 Troy -pounds. This differs from the present weight by less than a gramme. - -Occasionally a name in the genitive case is found with the record of -weight, written with the same kind of letters; in such cases it is -probably safe to assume that the name is that of the original owner. -On the under side of one of the pair of cups ornamented with skeletons -(Fig. 217) is the inscription: GAVIAE P.II.S[E]IIII; a later hand, -writing with a fine point, added VAS II in the space after GAVIAE, as -if to supply an obvious omission, so that the inscription in full -would read, _Gaviae. Vas[a] II [pendentia] p[ondo libras] II, uncias -VIII, [scrupula] IV_, 'The property of Gavia. The two cups weigh 2 -pounds, 8 ounces, and 4 scruples' (2.351 Troy pounds). - -In some instances the name of a later owner has been scratched on the -surface with a pointed tool. The name of a woman, Maxima, written in -full or in abbreviation, appears on forty-five of the pieces in the -Louvre. We may safely accept the conclusion of De Villefosse, that she -is probably the one who made the collection, obtaining her specimens -from different sources, and that to her the Boscoreale treasure -belonged at the time of the eruption. - -Besides the seals which were used in signing documents the Romans had -stamps, _signacula_, which they impressed upon various articles as a -means of identification or as an advertisement. Impressions of such -stamps are found upon bricks and other objects of clay, and in one or -two instances upon loaves of bread. Several charred loaves in the -Naples Museum have the stamp: _[C]eleris Q. Grani Veri ser._,--'(Made -by) Celer, slave of Quintus Granius Verus.' - -The names upon stamps appear regularly in the genitive case, as _N. -Popidi Prisci_, spelled backward on the stamp, so that the letters -appear in the right order in the impression. Since the time of -Fiorelli many houses have been named from the stamps found in them; in -the house of the Vettii, for example, two stamps were found with the -names of Aulus Vettius Restitutus and Aulus Vettius Conviva. - - - - -CONCLUSION - - - - -CHAPTER LIX - -_SIGNIFICANCE OF THE POMPEIAN CULTURE_ - - -The ideals of a nation--the true index of its culture--find expression -alike in its laws, its literature, its art, and the environment of -daily life. They are a common heritage, which one generation passes on -to another with its own increment of change, and their influence -extends as far as that of the people whose spirit is manifested in -them. Thus it happens that the conditions of culture found in a single -city, unless that city, as Athens, had an independent development as a -state, are not isolated but are determined in the main by general -movements and tendencies, and are reproduced, with local differences, -in all places having the same racial and political connections. The -local element was more pronounced and more characteristic in ancient -than in modern cities; yet, unless the surroundings were exceptionably -favorable, we should not be warranted in expecting to find in a small -city an isolated development of special significance in art or taste. -Pompeii forms no exception to the rule. - -The situation of Pompeii was unfavorable to the growth of an -indigenous culture. Founded by Samnites, a primitive folk, it lay in -the overlapping edges of two great zones of influence, Greek and -Roman. It was a small town, which never rose to the dignity even of a -provincial capital. It was a seaport, which through marine traffic -kept in touch with other cities, especially those of the East, from -which fashions of art, religion, and life travelled easily westward. -The political institutions of the Pompeians were at first those which -they shared in common with the Samnite and Oscan cities of the -mountains and the Campanian plain, later those imposed upon them by -the forceful and levelling administration of Rome. The literature -which they read, as we learn from quotations scratched upon the walls, -consisted of the Greek and Roman writers of their own or previous -periods; not a single line of an Oscan drama or poem has been found. -Their art was a reproduction of designs and masterpieces produced -elsewhere,--at first under Hellenistic, later under Roman -influence,--on a scale commensurate with the limited resources of the -place. Finally the countless appliances of everyday life, from the -fixed furniture of the atrium to articles of toilet, were not rare and -costly objects such as were seen in the wealthy homes of Rome or -Alexandria, but those of the commoner sort everywhere in use. Any one -of fifty cities might have been overwhelmed in the place of Pompeii, -and the results, so far as our knowledge of the ancient culture in its -larger aspects is concerned, would not have been essentially -different. - -The representative rather than exceptional character of the remains at -Pompeii makes them either of less or of greater value, according as we -look at them from different points of view. If we are seeking for the -most perfect examples of ancient art, for masterpieces of the famous -artists, we do not find them. Many of the Pompeian paintings appeal to -modern taste; yet it would be as unfair to judge of the merits of -ancient painting from the specimens which are worked into the -decorative designs of Pompeian walls as it would be to base an -estimate of the value of modern art upon chromos and wall papers. For -the noblest creations of ancient art in any field we must look not to -provincial towns, but to the great centres of population and of -political administration, where genius found encouragement, -inspiration, and adequate means. No large city, fortunately for its -inhabitants, was visited by such a disaster as that which befell the -Campanian town; and the wealth of artistic types at Pompeii bears -witness to the universality of art in the Greco-Roman world. - -Since these remains are so broadly typical, they are invaluable for -the interpretation of the civilization of which they formed a part. -They shed light on countless passages of Greek and Roman writers. -Literature, however, ordinarily records only that which is exceptional -or striking, while here we find the surroundings of life as a whole, -the humblest details being presented to the eye. - -Pompeii, as no other source outside the pages of classical authors, -helps us to understand the ancient man. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX[4] - - -CHAPTER I. THE SITUATION OF POMPEII - -_Physical geography of Campania, Vesuvius_: NISSEN, Italische -Landeskunde, vol. I (Berlin, 1883), pp. 263-272; PHILLIPS, Vesuvius -(Oxford, 1869); G. VOM RATH, Der Vesuv (Berlin, 1873); PALMIERI, Il -Vesuvio e la sua storia (Milan, 1880); JUDD, Volcanoes (International -Scientific Series, New York, 1831); LOBLEY, Mount Vesuvius--A -Descriptive, Historical, and Geological Account of the Volcano and its -Surroundings (London, 1889); RUGGIERO, Della eruzione del Vesuvio -nell' anno LXXIX, in the commemorative volume published under the -title Pompei e la regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX -(Naples, 1879), pp. 15-32. - -_Pompeii as a seaport_ [p. 3]: Strab. Geog. V. IV. 8 (p. 247). - -_The seacoast and the Sarno in antiquity_ [p. 4]: RUGGIERO, op. cit., -pp. 5-14; MAU, Dell' antico lido del mare, Bull. dell' Inst., 1880, pp. -89-92; F. VON DUHN, Der Hafen von Pompei, Rhein. Mus., vol. 36 (1881), -pp. 127-130, 632-634; MAU, Der Hafen von Pompeji, Rhein. Mus., vol. 36. -pp. 326-328, and vol. 37 (1882), pp. 319-320. - - -CHAPTER II. POMPEII BEFORE THE ERUPTION - -_The founding of Pompeii_ [p. 8]: the question of the origin of the -city is closely connected with that of the system of streets, for -which see references to Chap. V, p. 517. - -_Origin of the name_ [p. 8]: cf. F. VON DUHN, Verhandlung der 34ten -Philologen-Versammlung (1880), p. 154; for pompe = quinque, cf. BUCK, -Der Vocalismus der Oskischen Sprache (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 118-119. The -derivation of Pompeii from [Greek: pompe] ([Greek: pempein]) is assumed -by NISSEN, Pompejanische Studien (Leipzig, 1877), p. 580; cf. also -SOGLIANO, Rendiconto della Accademia di Archeologia, Nuova Serie, -Naples, vol. 15 (1901), p. 115. - -_The expedition of P. Cornelius_ [p. 9]: Liv. IX. XXXVIII. 2-3. - -_The siege of Sulla_ [p. 10]: Appian. Bel. Civ., I. V. 39, VI. 50; -Oros. V. XVIII. 22; Vell. Pater. II. XVI. 2. - -_The Pompeians and P. Sulla_ [p. 10]: Cic. Pro P. Sulla, XXI. - -_Excavations near the Sarno canal_ [p. 10]: Not. d. scavi, 1880, pp. -494-498; 1881, pp. 25-29, 64-66. For other evidence relating to the -suburbs, see NISSEN, Pompejanische Studien, p. 379; MAU, Roem. Mitth., -vol. 4 (1889), pp. 299-300, 344. - -_Inscriptions_ [p. 11]--_referring to the Salinenses_: C. I. L. IV. -1611; Not. d. scavi, 1884, p. 51. _Referring to the Campanienses_: C. -I. L. IV. 470, 480, 1216, 1293 [quoted p. 492], 2353 [p. 219]. - -_Venus Pompeiana_ [p. 12]: Museo Borb., vol. 8, pl. 34; HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde der vom Vesuv verschuetteten Staedte Campaniens (Leipzig, -1868), no. 295; WISSOWA, De Veneris simulacris Romanis (Breslau, -1882), pp. 15-21; cf. also ROSSBACH, Vier Pompejanischen Wandbilder, -Jahrb. des Inst. vol. 8 (1893), pp. 57-59 (no. 4). - -_Name of the Roman colony_ [p. 12]: known from inscriptions, as that -of Holconius Rufus and Egnatius Postumus [p. 85], and the tablets of -Caecilius Jucundus, as 3340, CXLIII. in C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 1; with -the latter we may compare the abbreviation after the name of Privatus -[p. 504]. - -_Civic administration_ [p. 12]: MARQUARDT, Roemische Staatsverwaltung, -vol. 1 (Edit. 2, Leipzig, 1881), pp. 132-215: C. I. L. X. pp. 90-93, -IV. pp. 249-255; WILLEMS, Les elections municipales a Pompei (Paris, -1886), and review of this book by MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), pp. -298-302. - -_Duumvirates of Caligula_ [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 901, 902, 904. - -_Lex Petronia_ [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 858 [cf. p. 219]; MARQUARDT, op. -cit. vol. 1, p. 170. - -_Inscriptions referring to priests_ [p. 14]: augurs, C. I. L. X. 806, -820, 822; pontifices, C. I. L. X. 788, 789, 791, 851, 859; of Mars, C. -I. L. IV. 879; of Ceres, C. I. L. X. 812, 1036, 1074; of Ceres and -Venus, Not. d. scavi, 1890, p. 91, and Ephem. Epigr. VIII. p. 86; -divinity not mentioned, C. I. L. X. 810-813, 816, 950, 998-999; of -Augustus, C. I. L. X. 798, 830, 837-840, 943-948, IV. 1180 (?); of -Julia Augusta, C. I. L. X. 961 (?); of Fortuna Augusta, C. I. L. X. -824-828; of Mercury and Maia, C. I. L. X. 884-923; of Nero, C. I. L. -IV. 1185 [quoted on p. 222]. - -_Officials of the Pagus Augustus Felix_ [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 814, 853, -924, 944, 1027, 1028, 1030, 1042, 1055, 1074; Roem. Mitth., vol. 4 -(1889), p. 344. - -_Pompeian wine_ [p. 14]: Plin. N. H. XIV. II. 35, III. 38, VI. 70; -Columella, De re rust. III. II. 27. For the forms of the amphorae, see -the plate at the end of C. I. L. IV. following the map; for the -inscriptions, C. I. L. IV. pp. 171-188 and Suppl. 2. - -_Pompeian cabbage and onions_ [p. 15]: Plin. N. H. XIX. VIII. 140; -Columella, De re rust. X. 135, XII. X. 1. - -_Volcanic products_ [p. 15]: pumice stone, Vitr. II. VI. 2; oil mills, -Cato, De agri cultura, XXII. 3, 4, CXXXV. 2. - -_Cicero's Pompeianum_ [p. 16]: Cic. Acad. pr. II. III. 9, XXV. 80; ad -Att. I. XX. 1, V. II. 1, X. XV. 1, XVI. 4, XIII. VIII; ad Fam. VII. -III. 1, IV, XII. XX; ad Quint. fr. II. XIV. 1; Plut. Cic. VIII. See -also SCHMIDT, Cicero's Villen--Das Pompeianum, Neue Jahrbuecher fuer das -Klassische Altertum, vol. 3 (1899), pp. 489-497, and the review by -MAU, Roem. Mitth. vol. 15 (1900), pp. 129-130. - -_Death of Claudius's Drusus at Pompeii_ [p. 16]: Suet. Div. Claud. -XXVII. - -_Inscriptions_ [p. 16]: C. I. L. X. 874, 875; for the Greek -inscriptions discovered at Pompeii, cf. C. I. L. IV, Index, p. 264; -KAIBEL, Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, pp. 188-189; -DILTHEY, Dipinti Pompeiani accompagnati d' epigrammi greci, Ann. dell' -Inst. vol. 48 (1876), pp. 294-314. - -_Population of Pompeii_ [p. 16]: FIORELLI, Gli Scavi di Pompei dal -1861 al 1872, App. 3, pp. 12-14; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 374-379. - -_Evidence regarding the existence of a Jewish colony at Pompeii_ [pp. -17-18]--_inscriptions cited_: C. I. L. IV, 1507, 2569, 2609, 2611, IV. -Suppl. 4976, 5244. _Painting with the judgment of Solomon_: LUMBROSO, -Sul dipinto pompeiano in cui si e ravvisato il giudizio di Salomone, -Memorie della Acc. dei Lincei, Serie 3, vol. II (1883), pp. 303-305; -SAMTER, Archaeologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahr. des Inst., vol. -13 (1898), pp. 49-50. _Supposed Christian inscription and the -literature relating to it_: DE ROSSI, Una memoria dei Cristiani in -Pompei, Bulletino di Archeologia Cristiana, vol. 2 (1864), pp. 69-72, -and Dei Giudei Libertini e dei Cristiani in Pompei, ibid. pp. 92-93; -C. I. L. IV. 679, and Suppl. p. 461. - - -CHAPTER III. THE DESTRUCTION OF POMPEII - -The particulars of the eruption are treated at length in the works on -Vesuvius cited in the note to Chap. I. - -_Vesuvius before the eruption_ [p. 19]: Strabo, V. VIII. (p. 247); -Diod. Sic. IV. XXI. 5; Vitr. II. VI. 2, 3; Mart. Epigr. IV. XLIV; -PALMIERI, Del Vesuvio dei tempi di Spartaco e di Strabone e del -precipuo cangiamento avvenuto nell' anno 79 dell' era volgare, Pompei -e la regione sotterrate dal Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX, pp. 91-94; see -also LOBLEY, Mount Vesuvius, pp. 95-98 and pl. 8. _Representation of -Vesuvius in a Pompeian wall painting_ (discovered in 1879): Not. d. -scavi, 1879, p. 285; reproduction, Not. d. scavi, 1880, pl. VII., with -a geological analysis by Palmieri, pp. 233-234; reproduced also by DE -MARCHI, Il culto privato di Roma antica, vol. 1 (Milan, 1896), pl. 5 -(p. 100). - -_The earthquake of 63 A.D._ [p. 19]: Tac. Ann. XV. XXII (erroneously -assigned to 62); Sen. N. Q. VI. I. 1-15, XXVI. 5, XXVII. 1; cf. also -the dedicatory inscription of the temple of Isis [p. 170]. - -_Date of the eruption_ [p. 19]: MAU, Del mese e del giorno dell' -eruzione, Bull. dell' Inst. 1880, pp. 92-96; Not. d. scavi, 1889, pp. -407-410; Roem. Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 282-283. - -_Ancient sources of our knowledge of the eruption_ [pp. 19-20]: Plin. -Ep. VI. XVI, XX; Dio Cass. LXVI. XXI-XXIII; incidental references, M. -Aurel. Anton. IV. XLVIII; Euseb. Chron. ad an. Abr. 2095; Plut. De -sera numinis vindicta, XXII. p. 566 E, De Pythiae oraculis, IX. p. 398 -E; Tertullian, Apologet. XL, De pallio, II. - -_Covering of Herculaneum_ [p. 21]; RUGGIERO, Della eruzione del -Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX (see note to Chap. I.), pp. 21-22. - -_Excavations at Stabiae_ [p. 21]: see note to Chap. IV. - -_Commission sent by Titus_ [p. 23]: Suet. Div. Tit. 8. - - -CHAPTER IV. THE UNEARTHING - -_Excavations at Pompeii_: FIORELLI, Pompeianarum antiquitatum historia -(3 vols., Naples, 1860-1864); FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 -al 1872 (Naples, 1873); C. I. L. X. pp. 93-94. _Periodical reports of -the excavations_: Bullettino Archeologico Napolitano pubblicato da -AVELLINO (vols. 1-6, Naples, 1842-1848). Bullettino Archeologico -Napolitano, Nuova Serie, edited by GARRUCCI and MINERVINI (vols. 1-8, -Naples, 1853-1863); Bullettino Archeologico Italiano, edited by -MINERVINI (1861-1862); Giornale degli scavi di Pompei pubblicato da -GIUSEPPE FIORELLI (Naples, 1861-1865, incomplete); Giornale degli -scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, pubblicata dagli alunni della Scuola -archeologica (vols. 1-4, Naples, 1868-1879); since 1876, in the -Notizie degli scavi di antichita. The reports on the excavations by -Professor Mau were published in the Bullettino dell' Instituto from -1873 to 1885; since 1885 they have appeared in the Roemische -Mittheilungen. - -_Excavations at Herculaneum_: RUGGIERO, Storia degli scavi di Ercolano -(Naples, 1885). - -_Excavations at Stabiae_: RUGGIERO, Degli scavi di Stabia dal MDCCXLIX -al MDCCLXXXII (Naples, 1881). - -_Inscriptions discovered by Fontana_ [p. 25]: C. I. L. X. 928, 952. - -_Time required to complete the excavations_ [p. 29]: FIORELLI, Gli -scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. p. 10. - - -CHAPTER V. A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW - -_The system of streets_ [p. 32]: NISSEN, Das Templum (Berlin, 1869), -pp. 63-81; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 572-593; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di -Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. pp. 10-12; VON BEZOLD, Osservazioni -sulla limitazione di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst. 1880, pp. 151-159; MAU, -Osservazioni sulla rete stradale di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst. 1881, -pp. 108-112. - -_The regions and insulae_ [p. 34]: FIORELLI, Sulle regioni Pompeiane e -della loro antica distribuzione (Naples, 1858); FIORELLI, Descrizione -di Pompei (Naples, 1875), pp. 24-25; for the names given to houses, -FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. pp. 18-20. -_Meaning of the word =Insula=_: RICHTER, Insula, Hermes, vol. 20 (1885), -pp. 91-100. - - -CHAPTER VI. MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION, ARCHITECTURAL PERIODS - -_Materials, construction, periods, systems of measurement_: NISSEN, -Pomp. Studien, pp. 1-97; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al -1872, pp. 78-86; RUGGIERO, Delia eruzione del Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX -(see note to Chap. I), pp. 5-8; MAU, Pompejanische Beitraege (Berlin, -1879), pp. 1-41, and Roem. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), pp. 294-298. - -_Mason's marks_: C. I. L. IV. pp. 166-167; RICHTER, Ueber antike -Steinmetz-zeichen (Berlin, 1883), pp. 13-22, summarized by MAU, Roem. -Mitth., vol. 4 (1899), pp. 292-294; MAU, Segni di scarpellino di -Pompei, Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 47-51. MARRIOTT, Facts about -Pompeii (London, 1895), pp. 62-85, reviewed by Mau, Roem. Mitth., vol. -10 (1895), pp. 222-224. A complete collection of mason's marks will -appear in C. I. L. IV. suppl. 2. - - -CHAPTER VII. THE FORUM - -_Excavation_ (1813-1818), _plan, remains_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., -vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 135-212, vol. 3, pp. 1-17; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. -2, 2 vols., London, 1832), vol. 1, pp. 27-38; MAZOIS, Les ruines de -Pompei (four parts, cited as vols.; vols. 1 and 2, 1824; vols. 3 and -4, continued by GAU, 1828-1829; Paris), vol. 3, pp. 28-36, plates -13bis, 14; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 313-319, 344-374. - -_Inscriptions relating to the Forum or found in it_: C. I. L. X. -787-794, IV. pp. 4, 41, 125-127; inscription of A. Clodius Flaccus [p. -57], X. 1074. - -_Statues of the Forum_ [pp. 46-48]: MAU, Die Statuen des Forums von -Pompeji, Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 150-156. - -_History of the colonnade_ [p. 50]: MAU, Il portico del Foro di -Pompei, Roem. Mitth., vol. 6 (1891), pp. 168-176. - -_Paintings illustrating the life of the Forum_ [p. 55]: Le pitture -antiche di Ercolano e contorni (5 vols., Naples, 1757-1779), pp. 213, -221, 227; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1489-1500; particularly JAHN, -Ueber Darstellungen des Handwerks und Handelsverkehrs auf antiken -Wandgemaelden, Abhandlungen der saechsischen Gesellschaft der -Wissenschaften, philologisch.-hist. Classe, vol. 5 (1870), pp. 263-318 -and pl. 1-3; reproduced also by BAUMEISTER, Denkmaeler des klassischen -Altertums (3 vols., Munich, 1884-1888), vol. III. Fig. 1653; -SCHREIBER, Atlas of Classical Antiquities (trans. by Anderson; London, -1895), pl. 87, 88, 89. - -_Shape of a typical forum contrasted with that of the agora_ [p. 57]: -Vitr. V. I. 1-3. - -_Admission fee_, [p. 57]: FRIEDLAENDER in MARQUARDT, Roem. -Staatsverwaltung (Edit. 2), vol. 3, pp. 492-493. - -_Slaves not permitted to witness the games_ [p. 58]: Cic. De harus. -resp. XII. 26. - - -CHAPTER VIII. THE BUILDINGS AROUND THE FORUM--THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER - -_Of the Capitolium in Roman colonies generally_: KUHFELDT, De -capitoliis imperii Romani (Berlin, 1882); CASTAN, Les capitaux -provinciaux du monde romain (Besancon, 1886); DE ROSSI and GATTI, I -campidogli nelle colonie e nelle altre citta del mondo romano, Bull. -com., vol. 15 (1887), pp. 66-68; WISSOWA, Capitolium (2), -Pauly-Wissowa Real-Encyclopaedie, vol. 3, pp. 1538-1540. - -_The temple of Jupiter_ (excavated in 1816-1818, 1820): FIORELLI, -Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 185-200, vol. 2, pp. 16-17, vol. -3, p. 13; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 3, pp. 48-50, pl. 30-36; -NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 320-327; MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 200-209; -WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstoerung (Leipzig, 1897), pp. 61-78. - -_Variation of the plan from the Etruscan, union of Greek and -Etruscan elements_ [p. 63]: cf. Vitr. IV. VII. 1, VIII. 5. - -_Relief in the house of Caecilius Jucundus_ [p. 64]: MAU, Roem. Mitth., -vol. 15 (1900), pp. 115-116. - -_Decoration of the cella_ [p. 65]: MAU, Geschichte der decorativen -Wandmalerei in Pompeji (Berlin, 1882), pp. 61-62, 248. - -_Inscriptions found in the cella_ [p. 66]: C. I. L. X. 796-797. - -_The Capitolium and the temple of Zeus Milichius_ [p. 66]: MAU, Roem. -Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 141-149. - -_Temples of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva in Etruscan and Roman cities_ -[p. 66]: Serv. Com. in Verg. ad Aen. I. 422; Vitr. I. VII. 1. - -_Capitals of the Ionic columns of the cella, and of the Corinthian -columns of the portico_ [pp. 63-67]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, -vol. 3, pl. 35. The shape of the acanthus leaves is not that -characteristic of the pre-Roman period. It is therefore most probable -that the temple was built, or at any rate was completed, in the early -years of the colony. - -_The vaults in the podium_ [p. 67]: Not. d. scavi, 1900, pp. 341-344. - - -CHAPTER IX. THE BASILICA - -_Excavation_ (1813-1816): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 2, -p. 86, pt. 3, pp. 111-179 passim; vol. 2, p. 13. - -_Inscriptions_: C. I. L. X. 805-807, IV. pp. 113-125. - -_Decoration_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 11-17. - -_Reconstruction_: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 14-46, vol. 6 -(1891), pp. 67-71, vol. 8 (1893), pp. 166-171; cf. also WOLTERS, Das -Chalcidicum der Pompejanischen Basilica, Roem. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), -pp. 47-60. Equal height of main room and corridor was first assumed by -MAZOIS (Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 3, pls. 17, 18), afterward by MAU -(Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 156-199). A clerestory was added by CANINA -(Architettura Antica, vol. 3, pl. 93), and by LANGE (Haus und Halle, -Leipzig, 1885, pp. 351-372). SCHOENE (NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. -198-201) assumes an equal height for the large columns and the -half-columns, with a gallery above the corridor. - -_The Basilica Porcia_ [p. 70]: HUELSEN, Roem. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), -pp. 84, 91. _Other references on the Roman basilicas_: HUELSEN, -Nomenclator topographicus (KIEPERT and HUELSEN, Formae urbis Romae -antiquae, Berlin, 1896), pp. 13-14. - -_The Basilica at Fano_ [p. 71]: Vitr. V. I. 6-10; PRESTEL, Des M. -Vitruvius Pollio, Basilica zu Fanum Fortunae (Strassburg, 1900). -_Reconstruction_: VIOLLET-LE-DUC, Entretiens sur l'architecture (2 -vols. Paris, 1863, 1872), vol. 1, pp. 150-157, and Atlas, pl. 8-10; -translation of vol. 1 by VAN BRUNT (under the title Discourses on -Architecture, Boston, 1873), pp. 144-149 and pls. 8-10. - -_Literature relating to the origin of the Christian basilica_: DEHIO -and VON BEZOLD, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes, vol. 1 -(Stuttgart, 1892), pp. 62-63, and LOWRIE, Monuments of the Early -Church (New York, 1901), pp. 420-421; cf. also HOLTZINGER, Die -altchristliche und byzantinische Baukunst (Stuttgart, 1899; in Durm's -Handbuch der Architektur), pp. 19-25; KRAUS, Realencyclopaedie der -christl. Alterthuemer (2 vols., Freiburg, 1882-1886), vol. I. under -=Basilica=; LANGE, Haus und Halle (Leipzig, 1885), pp. 270-326; F. -WITTING, Die Anfaenge christlicher Architektur (Strassburg, 1902). - - -CHAPTER X. THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO - -_Excavation_ (1817-1818), _remains, restoration_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 191, 203-210, vol. 2, pp. 9, 69, vol. 3, pp. -9-16; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. 3, by GELL and GANDY, London, 1852), pl. -53-54; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 4, pls. 16-23; NISSEN, -Pomp. Studien, pp. 213-232; MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 93-116; -OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji (Pompeji in seinen Gebaeuden, Alterthuemern und -Kunstwerken dargestellt von JOHANNES OVERBECK; vierte im Vereine mit -AUGUST MAU durchgearbeitete und vermehrte Auflage, Leipzig, 1884), pp. -96-104 and 636-637 (Anm. 41-45); IVANOFF, Architektonische Studien, -Heft 2 (Berlin, 1895), pl. 1-3; WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstoerung, -pp. 35-52. - -_Inscriptions relating to the temple_--_Oscan_ [p. 80]: MAU, Bull. -dell' Inst, 1882, pp. 189-190, 203, 205-207; BUECHELER, Rhein. Mus., -vol. 37 (1882), p. 643; ZVETAIEFF, Inscriptiones Italiae inferioris -dialecticae (Moscow, 1886), p. 55 (no. 156 _a_); VON PLANTA, Grammatik -der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte (2 vols.; Strassburg, 1892, 1897), -vol. 2, p. 500; CONWAY, Italic Dialects (2 vols., London, 1897), vol. -1. p. 65. _Latin_ [pp. 85-86]: C. I. L. X. 787, 800-804. - -_Paintings_ [pp. 84, 87]: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 266, 395, 1306, -1324, 1325, 1544, and Nachtraege, pp. 461-462. - -_Statues found in the court_ [p. 87]--_Venus_: Museo Borb., vol. 14, -pl. 23. _Artemis and Apollo_: Museo Borb., vol. 8, pl. 59, 60. _Herm -in the Naples Museum formerly thought to be Maia_: PATRONI, La pretesa -Maia, erma del Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Roem. Mitth., vol. 15 (1900), -pp. 131-132. - -_The cult of Mercury and Maia_ [p. 89]: cf. SAMTER, Altare di Mercurio -e Maia, Roem. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), pp. 222-225. - -_Augustus as Mercury_ [p. 90]: KIESSLING, Zu Hor. Od. I. 2, in -Philologische Untersuchungen (herausgegeben von A. KIESSLING und U. -VON WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF, Berlin), Heft 2 (1881), p. 92. -_Inscriptions referring to the cult of Mercury and Maia, afterward of -Augustus, at Pompeii_: C. I. L. X. pp. 109-113. _Dendereh inscription_ -(found with a wall painting showing the portrait of an emperor): -DUEMICHEN, Baugeschichte des Denderah Tempels (Berlin, 1877), p. 16 -and pl. 9; KRALL, Wiener Studien, vol. 5 (1883), p. 315, note. - - -CHAPTER XI. THE BUILDINGS AT THE NORTHWEST CORNER OF THE FORUM--THE -TABLE OF STANDARD MEASURES - -_The table of standard measures_ [p. 92]: MANCINI, La mensa ponderaria -di Pompei esistente nel Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Giornale degli -scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, vol. 2 (1871), pp. 144-161; NISSEN, -Pomp. Studien, pp. 71-74; CONWAY, The Italic Dialects, vol. 1, pp. -67-68, vol. 2, pp. 521-523; ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum, -pl. 13; C. I. L. X. 793. - -_Measurements of the cavities by_ MR. BIDDER: The Academy, April 15, -1895, p. 319. - -_Other tables of standard measures_ [p. 93]: at Minturnae, C. I. L. X. -6017; at Tivoli, Not. d. scavi, 1883, pp. 85-86, 172, and LANCIANI, -Pagan and Christian Rome (Boston, 1892), pp. 40-41; at Selinus, Not. d -Scavi. 1884, p. 321; BREGENZ, Mitth. der Oesterr. Centralcommission, -Neue Folge, vol. 8, p. 99; in Greek lands, TARBELL, A "Mensa -Ponderaria" from Assos; American Journal of Archaeology, vol. 7 (1891), -pp. 440-443, and n. 1 (the Assos table is now in the Boston Museum of -Fine Arts); BACON, Investigations at Assos, Pt. 1 (1902), pp. 71, 73. - - -CHAPTER XII. THE MACELLUM - -_Excavation_ (in 1821-1822), _identification, reconstruction_: -FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 38-56, vol. 3, pp. 31-32; -GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 46-68; MAZOIS, Les ruines -de Pompei, vol. 3, pp. 59-67, pl. 42-46; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. -275-286; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 120-128; Not. d. scavi, 1898, pp. -333-339. - -_Other macella_ [p. 94] _in Rome_: HUELSEN, Nomenclator top. (see note -to Chap. IX), p. 44. _At Puteoli_: GERVASIO, Sopra alcune iscrizioni -riguardanti il Macello nell' antica Pozzuoli (Naples, 1852); published -also in Memorie della regale Accademia ercolanese di archeologia, vol. -6 (1853), pp. 265-283. - -_The tholus_ [p. 94]: Varro, apud Non., p. 448. The coin of Nero -referred to is described by ECKHEL, Doctrina numorum veterum (Edit. 2, -8 vols., Vienna, 1792-1828), vol. 6, p. 273, and figured by COHEN, -Description historique des monnaies frappees sous l'empire romain, -vol. 1 (Edit. 2, Paris, 1880), p. 288; and DONALDSON, Architectura -Numismatica, no. LXXII. - -_Paintings in the Macellum at Pompeii_ [pp. 96-98]: HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, see Topogr. Index, p. 476, under Pantheon. - -_Cupids as bakers and as makers of wreaths_ [p. 98]: Museo Borb., vol. -4, pl. 47, and vol. 6, pl. 51; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei (text by -BARRE; 8 vols., Paris, 1840), vol. 2, pl. 83, 84; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, -nos. 777, 800; JAHN, Abhandlungen der Koenigl. saechsichen Gesellschaft -der Wissenschaften, philolog-hist. Classe, vol. 5 (1870), pp. 315-318 -and pl. 6. - -_Statues found in the imperial chapel_ [p. 98]: MAU, Statua di -Marcello nipote di Augusto, Atti della reale Accademia di Napoli, vol. -15 (1891), pp. 133-151; HELBIG, Osservazioni sopra i ritratti di -Fulvia e di Ottavia, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 1 (1890), pp. 573-590. Both -these articles are summarized by MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 6 (1891), p. -268, and vol. 7 (1892), pp. 169-171. The statues were published with -the names of Livia and Drusus, son of Tiberius, in the Museo Borb., -vol. 3, pl. 37, 38; the right hand of Octavia is restored. - -_Destruction wrought by the earthquake of 63_ [p. 101]: this matter -will be discussed in an early number of the Roemische Mittheilungen. - - -CHAPTER XIII. THE SANCTUARY OF THE CITY LARES - -_Excavation_ (1817), _remains_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, -pt. 3, p. 196; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 3, pp. 50-51, pl. -37; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 303-306. - -_Identification and restoration_: MAU, Der Staedtische Larentempel in -Pompeji, Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 285-301. - - -CHAPTER XIV. THE TEMPLE OF VESPASIAN - -_Excavation_ (in 1817), _remains, identification, restoration_: -FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, p. 198; MAZOIS, Les ruines -de Pompei, vol. 4, pp. 33-36, pl. 12-15; GARRUCCI, L'Augusteum, la -curia degli Augustales, il Chalcidicum, l'aedes Fortunae Augustae, -Bullettino archeologico Napolitano, Nuova Serie, vol. 2 (1854), pp. -4-6, published also in his Questioni Pompeiane (Naples, 1853), pp. -74-79; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 270-275; MAU, Osservazioni sul -creduto tempio del Genio di Augusto in Pompei, Atti della reale -Accademia di Napoli, vol. 16 (1894), pp. 181-188; WEICHARDT, Pompeji -vor der Zerstoerung, pp. 95-101. For the restoration given in Fig. 46, -see MAU, Der Tempel des Vespasian in Pompeii, Roem. Mitth., vol. 15 -(1900), pp. 133-138. - - -CHAPTER XV. THE BUILDING OF EUMACHIA - -_Excavation_ (1814-1818): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, -pp. 154-158, 195, 198, 210-213, vol. 2, pp. 7-19, vol. 3, pp. 6, 13, -16, 23. - -_Remains, identification, restoration_: BECHI, Del calcidico e della -cripta di Eumachia scavati nel Foro di Pompeji l'anno 1820 (Naples, -1820); GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 13-26; MAZOIS, Les -ruines di Pompei, vol. 3, pp. 42-47, pl. 22-27; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, -pp. 287-303. For the restorations given in the text, see MAU, -Osservazioni sull' edifizio di Eumachia in Pompei, Roem. Mitth., vol. 7 -(1892), pp. 113-143. - -_Inscriptions_ [pp. 111, 112]: C. I. L. X. 808-815. - -_Decoration_ [p. 111]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 3, pp. -45-46, pl. 26, 27; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 334-335, -410, and pl. 10; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, no. 1094 _c_. - - -CHAPTER XVI. THE COMITIUM - -_Remains, identification_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 3, pp. -58-59; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 185-193; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. -136-138. - - -CHAPTER XVII. THE MUNICIPAL BUILDINGS - -_Excavation_ (1814), _remains, identification_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 154-159, vol. 2, p. 160; MAZOIS, Les ruines -de Pompei, vol. 3, p. 52, pl. 38; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 306-311; -OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 139-142. - - -CHAPTER XVIII. THE TEMPLE OF VENUS POMPEIANA - -_Excavation, remains, identification_: Not. d. scavi, 1899, pp. 17-23, -1900, pp. 27-30. In these reports the temple is assigned to the -worship of Augustus, the history of the building also being -misunderstood. For a justification of the interpretation of the -remains given in the text, see MAU, Der Tempel der Venus Pompeiana. -Roem. Mitth., vol. 15 (1900), pp. 270-308 and pl. 7-8. - - -CHAPTER XIX. THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNA AUGUSTA - -_Excavation_ (1823-1824): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. -84-85, 91, 95-98. - -_Remains, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 4, pp. -45-48, pl. 24-26; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 69-82; -NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 178-184; MAU, Der Tempel der Fortuna -Augusta in Pompeji, Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 269-284; -WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstoerung, pp. 85-93. - -_Inscriptions_ [pp. 130, 132]: C. I. L. X. 820-828. - - -CHAPTER XX. THE FORUM TRIANGULARE AND THE GREEK TEMPLE - -_Excavation of the Forum and the temple_ (1767-1797): FIORELLI, Pomp. -ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 211, 276, 285, 286, 297, 307, 308, pt. -2, pp. 63-65. - -_Remains of the temple, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, -vol. 3, pp. 17-22, pl. 8-10. Especially attractive are the sketches -and restorations given by WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstoerung, pp. -17-33, pl. 1, 2 (reproduced in our pl. 3), and 3. The best description -of the remains of the temple is given by KOLDEWEY and PUCHSTEIN, Die -griechischen Tempel in Unteritalien und Sicilien (Berlin, 1899), pp. -45-49 and pl. 5; their conclusions are criticised by MAU, Roem. Mitth., -vol. 15 (1900), pp. 126-128. See also VON DUHN and JACOBI, Der -griechische Tempel in Pompeji (Heidelberg, 1890); SOGLIANO, Il tempio -nel Foro triangolare di Pompei, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 1 (1890), pp. -189-200; both these contributions are reviewed by MAU, Roem. Mitth., -vol. 6 (1891), pp. 258-267. - -_The colonnade contained ninety-five Doric columns_ [p. 135]: there -were in addition two half-columns at the south end; Plan III in this -respect is inexact. The number of columns is often given as one -hundred. - -_Inscriptions of the sundial and the pedestal_ [p. 136]: C. I. L. X. -831, 832. - -_Number of columns in the temple front uneven_ [p. 137]: the steps are -too broad for one intercolumniation, and must have been designed for -two, as indicated in Fig. 62. - -_Human bones found in the enclosure_ [p. 139]: ROMANELLI, Viaggio a -Pompei (1811), p. 104 (Edit. 2, 1817, p. 182), "Vi furono trovati -molti avanzi di cadaveri sepolti." Excavations made here at the -suggestion of Professor Mau brought to light few traces of bones. - -_Oscan inscription_ [p. 139]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum -(Leipzig, 1868), no. 69 and pl. 13; VON PLANTA, Grammatik der -Oskisch-Umbrischen Inschriften, vol. 2, p. 501; CONWAY, Italic -Dialects, vol. 1, p. 63. - -_Oscan inscription_ [p. 140]: see references below, pp. 530-531. - - -CHAPTER XXI. THE LARGE THEATRE - -_Excavation of the two theatres and the court behind the Large -Theatre_ (July, 1764, to March, 1765; and December, 1791, to -February, 1796): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. -158-165, pt. 2, pp. 46-63. For the Small Theatre, see also vol. 1, pt. -2, pp. 69, 75. - -_Paintings at Pompeii relating to the stage_: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, -nos. 1464-1476; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, nos. 740-752; -MAASS, Affreschi scenici di Pompeii, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 53 (1881), -pp. 109-159, and Mon. dell' Inst., vol. 11, pl. 30-32. - -_Remains of the Large Theatre_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 4, -pp. 55-70, pl. 27-34; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 352-357; -NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 232-253; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. -153-176. - -_The tribunals_ [p. 145]: it is evident from the language of Suetonius -(Div. Aug. 44, solis virginibus Vestalibus locum in theatro separatim -et contra praetoris tribunal dedit) that opposite the place set aside -for the praetor, which was called tribunal, there was another likewise -reserved. In our theatre the two platforms mentioned correspond -exactly with this arrangement, and there is no other part of the -structure to which the word _tribunalia_, in the inscription of the -Holconii (p. 148), could properly be applied. We are safe therefore in -calling the platforms tribunals. - -_Wall painting, showing theatre police seated in niches in front of -the stage_ [p. 146]: found in the casa della fontana grande; described -by HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, no. 1468; figured in Museo Borb., vol. 4, pl. -18, and in WIESELER, Theatergebaeude und Denkmaeler des Buehnenwesens bei -den Griechen und Roemern (Goettingen, 1851), pl. 11, 2. A similar figure -sitting in a shallow niche has been found on a wall in the eighth -region (VIII. II. 23); see Roem. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), p. 202, no. 12. -On the need of police to keep order in Roman theatres, see the -references given by MARQUARDT, Roem. Staatsverwaltung, vol. 3 (Edit. -2), pp. 541-542; but cf. KOeRTING, Geschichte des griechischen und -roemischen Theaters (Paderborn, 1897), p. 367. - -_Place of stage machinery_ [p. 147]: Pollux, Onomast. IV. 128. - -_Inscriptions relating to Actius Anicetus_ [p. 148]: inscription found -at Puteoli, C. I. L. X. 1946; graffiti, C. I. L. IV. 2155, and Index, -p. 233, under =Actius= and =Anicetus=; C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 5395. - -_Assemblies in the theatre_ [p. 148]: at Tarentum (282 B.C.), App. De -rebus Samnit. VII. II; Dio Cass. Frag. XXIX. 5; at Pergamus, Plut. -Sulla, 11. Cf. Muller, Buehnenalterthuemer, pp. 73-75. - -_Inscriptions found in the theatre_ [pp. 148-150]: monumental, C. I. -L. X. 833-843; painted inscriptions and graffiti, C. I. L. IV. pp. 63, -153-157. - -_The stage and the orchestra in the Greek and the Roman theatre_ [p. -150]: Vitr. V. VI-VIII. - -_The problem of the stage in the Greek theatre_ [p. 151]: DOERPFELD -and REISCH, Das griechische Theater, Beitraege zur Geschichte des -Dionysos-Theaters in Athen und anderer griechischer Theater (Athens -and Leipzig, 1896), particularly pp. 341-365; DOERPFELD, Das -griechische Theater Vitruvs, Athen. Mitth., vol. 22 (1897), pp. -439-462; vol. 23 (1898), pp. 326-356. A convenient summary of -Doerpfeld's conclusions and of the literature of the subject to 1898 -is given by FRAZER, Pausanias's Description of Greece, vol. 3, pp. -254-255, and vol. 5, pp. 582-584. - -_The stage of the Large Theatre at Pompeii_ [p. 152]: PUCHSTEIN and -KOLDEWEY, Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1896, pp. 477-478; -Archaeologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrb. des Inst., 1896, pp. 30, -40; PUCHSTEIN, Die griechische Buehne (Berlin, 1901), pp. 75-77. - - -CHAPTER XXII. THE SMALL THEATRE - -_Excavation, remains_: see references to Chap. XXI. - -_Decoration_ (second style): MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. -248-249. - -_Inscriptions_: C. I. L. X. 844, 845. _Theft of the bronze letters of -the inscription of Oculatius Verus_ [p. 156]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 231, 277; ZANGEMEISTER, Sopra l' iscrizione -del teatro piccolo di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst., 1866, pp. 30-31. - -_Gaius Quinctius Valgus_ [p. 153]: Cic. De lege agraria, III; C. I. L. -IX. 1140, X. 5282 (cf. BUECHELER, Carmina Latina epigraphica, vol. 1, -Leipzig, 1895, no. 12); DESSAU, C. Quinctius Valgus, Der Erbauer des -Amphitheaters zu Pompeii, Hermes, vol. 18 (1883), pp. 620-622. - -_The narrow doors at the rear of the stage designed to give access to -the tribunalia_ [p. 156]: KELSEY, The Stage Entrances of the Small -Theatre at Pompeii, American Journal of Archaeology, series 2, vol. 4 -(1900), p. 150, also vol. 6 (1902). - - -CHAPTER XXIII. THE THEATRE COLONNADE - -_Excavation_ (October 25, 1766, to April 7, 1769, and December 10, -1791, to February 20, 1794): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. -1, pp. 195-228, pt. 2, pp. 46-48, 51, 52, 54, 151-153, pt. 3, p. 273. - -_Remains, identification, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, -vol. 3, pp. 12-15, pl. 2-6; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), p. 184; -GARRUCCI, Il Ludus Gladiatorius, ovvero Convitti dei Gladiatori, in -his Questioni Pompeiane (Naples, 1853), pp. 1-8; NISSEN, Pomp. -Studien, pp. 253-262. The suggestion has lately been made that the -colonnade may have been designed as the Gymnasium of pre-Roman Pompeii -(PETERSEN, Ueber die sogen. Gladiatorenkaserne in Pompeji, Roem. -Mitth., vol. 14 (1899), pp. 103-104). - -_Graffiti_: C. I. L. IV. pp. 157-159. - -_Exhibitions of gladiators_ [p. 161]: C. I. L. X. 1074, and references -to Chap. XXX. - -_Paintings_ [pp. 161-162]: HELBIG, Wandegemaelde, nos. 322, 1512. - - -CHAPTER XXIV. THE PALAESTRA - -_Excavation_ (April 13 to August 31, 1797): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 66-68. - -_Remains, identification_: MAZOIS, vol. 3, pp. 25-26, pl. 11, 12; -NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 158-170; MAU, Der Fundort des Neapler -Doryphoros, Strena Helbigiana (Leipzig, 1900), pp. 184-187. - -_Measurements, showing conformity to the Oscan standard_ [p. 165]: -MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 21-23. - -_Oscan inscription_ [p. 165]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum -Oscarum, no. 63, pl. 11; VON PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen -Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 499; CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, no. 42. - -_Doryphorus_ [p. 166]: reproduction on a larger scale, BRUNN and -BRUCKMANN, Denkmaeler griechischer und roemischer Sculptur, no. 273. - - -CHAPTER XXV. THE TEMPLE OF ISIS - -_The worship of Isis outside of Egypt_: LAFAYE, Histoire du culte des -divinites d'Alexandrie, Serapis, Isis, Harpocrate et Anubis, hors de -l'Egypte, depuis les origines jusqu'a la naissance de l'ecole -neo-Platonicienne (Paris, 1883); for the literature relating to the -worship of Isis in Italy, see ROSCHER, Ausfuehrliches Lexikon der -griechischen und roemischen Mythologie, vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 398-412. - -_Excavation of the temple_ (December 22, 1764, to September 27, 1766): -FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 164-194. - -_Inscriptions relating to the temple_: PIRANESI (see below), pl. -70-72; C. I. L. X. 846-851. _Inscription found at Puteoli_ [p. 169]: -C. I. L. I. 577, X. 1781; WIEGAND, Die puteolanische Bauinschrift -sachlich erlaeutert, Jahrbuecher fuer classische Philologie, -Supplementband 20 (1894), pp. 659-778. An interesting graffito -relating to the worship of Isis was found in the house of the Silver -Wedding in 1892; see Roem. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), p. 57, no. 7 (cf. -also DE ROSSI, Roma sotterranea, vol. 2, pp. 14-15). - -_Remains, restoration_: SOGLIANO, Aedis Isidis Pompeiana, not yet -published [see Preface, p. vi.]; PIRANESI, Antiquites de Pompei -(designs made about 1788), vol. 2 (= vol. 26 of Opera, in 27 vols.), -pl. 59-72; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 4, p. 24, pl. 7-11; -NICCOLINI, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei (Naples, 1854-1895), vol. -1, pt. 3, end (12 pl.); NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 170-175, 346-349; -MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, p. 23; WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstoerung, pp. -103-113. - -_Statues_--_Bacchus_ [p. 170]: Museo Borb., vol. 9, pl. 11: ROUX, -Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 6, pl. 21. _Isis_ [p. 176]: Museo Borb., -vol. 14, pl. 35. _Herm of Sorex_ [p. 176], PIRANESI, Antiquites de -Pompei, vol. 2. pl. 72. _The statue of Venus has disappeared_: -OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, note 208, p. 649. - -_Paintings_ [pp. 172 _et seq._]: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1-6, 135, -138, 391 _b_, 962, 1013, 1096-99, 1103, 1271, 1292, 1571, 1576-1577. -_Paintings from Herculaneum_ [p. 178]: ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, -vol. 2, pl. 68, 69; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1111, 1112. - -_A left hand carried in procession in honor of Isis_ [p. 173]: Apul. -Metam. XI. X. - -_Service described by Apuleius_ [p. 176]: Metam. XI. XX. While the -people were praying the priest made a circuit of the altars, which -were evidently, as at Pompeii, distributed about the temple in the -court. - -_Perseus rescuing Andromeda_ [p. 179]: that the male figure is -intended to represent Perseus and not Hermes is certain from the -description of the figure when first excavated--"alla cinta tiene una -testa alata" (FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 171). All -trace of the Medusa head has now disappeared. - -_Initiation into the mysteries of Isis_ [p. 182]: Apul. Metam. XI. -XXI, XXIII. - - -CHAPTER XXVI. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS MILICHIUS - -_Excavation_ (September 27 to October 18, 1766; March 15-22 and June -14, 1798): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 194-195, pt. -2, pp. 70-71. - -_Remains, identification, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, -vol. 4, p. 22, pl. 4-6; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 175-177, 535-536; -MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 13-15, 227-232; MAU, Geschichte der dec. -Wandmalerei, pp. 60-61; MAU, Das Capitolium und der Tempel des Zeus -Meilichios in Pompeji, Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 141-149. An -impossible restoration is given by WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der -Zerstoerung, pp. 116-123. - -_Two statues and a bust of terra cotta_ [p. 184]: VON ROHDEN, Die -Terracotten von Pompeji (Stuttgart, 1880), pp. 42-43, pl. 29. - -_Oscan inscription_ [p. 184]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum -Oscarum, no. 62, pl. 10; VON PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen -Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 499; CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, pp. 58-59; -NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 531-536. - - -CHAPTER XXVII. THE STABIAN BATHS - -_Roman baths in general_: MARQUARDT, Privatleben der Roemer, Edit. 2, -pt. 1, pp. 269-297; MAU, article Baeder in the Pauly-Wissowa -Realencyclopaedie, vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 2743-2758; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, -pp. 152-155. - -_Baths in Pompeii_--_in the second Insula of Region VIII_: MAU, Roem. -Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 194-205, vol. 5 (1890), pp. 130-141, vol. -10 (1895), pp. 218-219. _In the so-called villa of Julia Felix_: -CHAMBALU, Die wiederverschuettete Besitzung der Julia Felix beim -Amphitheater in Pompeji, Festschrift zur 43ten Versammlung -deutscher Philologen und Schulmaenner dargeboten von den hoeheren -Lehranstalten Koelns (Cologne, 1895), and the review of this pamphlet -by MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 225-227. For the baths of M. -Crassus Frugi, see above, p. 408; for the baths in private houses at -Pompeii, MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 149-151, and above, pp. 267, 306-307 -(both in the house of the Silver Wedding), 346, 357, 362-363. - -_Excavation of the Stabian Baths_ (1854-1857; the official reports are -meagre): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 589-658; cf. also -MINERVINI, Notizie de' piu recenti scavi di Pompei, Bull. Archeologico -Napolitano, Nuova Serie, vols. 2-6 (1853-1858). - -_Remains_: MICHAELIS, Die neuen Baeder in Pompeji, Archaeologische -Zeitung, vol. 17 (1859), pp. 17-32, 37-46; FINATI, Relazione degli -scavi di Pompei, Museo Borb., vol. 16 (15 pp. text and pl. A-B); -NICCOLINI, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1, pt. 3 (12 pp., 8 -pls.); NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 140-158; MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. -117-151; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 215-233; MAU, Geschichte der dec. -Wandmalerei, p. 60. - -_Paintings_: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 30 (p. 11), 44, 416, 432, 1016, -1057, 1260 _b_, 1545; see below, pl. XIII. - -_Origin of the balneae pensiles_ [p. 187]: Valer. Max. IX. I. 1; Plin. -N. H. IX. LIV. 168. - -_The anteroom of the men's baths_ [p. 190]: in the front part of this -was once a shallow basin, undoubtedly for preliminary cleaning before -one entered the frigidarium; cf. p. 197. - -_Bath basin in the men's tepidarium_ [p. 192]: cf. KUSZINSKY, Aquincum -(Budapest, 1889), p. 62. - -_The poet declaiming in the bath_ [p. 192]: Petr. Sat. XCI.; Hor. Sat. -I. IV. 74-76; and cf. Mayor's note to Juvenal I., 17 and III., 9. - -_Pulvinus_ [p. 193], _testudo alvei_ [p. 194]: Vitr. V. X. _Testudo -alvei_: MAU, Fulcra lectorum--testudines alveorum, Nachrichten von der -Koenigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Goettingen, 1896, pp. 76-82; -VON DUHN and JACOBI, Der griechische Tempel in Pompeji, pp. 33-35 and -pl. 9. - -_Inscriptions_--_Vulius and Aninius_ [p. 195]: C. I. L. X. 829. -_Vaccula_ [p. 197]: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 1, no. 3340, VI. _Atinius_ [p. -200]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum, no. 66, pl. 13; VON -PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 500; -CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, p. 61. - -_Destrictarium_ [p. 195]: all the rooms at the left of the palaestra -are of later date than the inscription; the present destrictarium -probably takes the place of an earlier one. - -_Improvement of the arrangements for heating_ [p. 196]: the hollow -walls of the caldarium are made with hollow tiles, while in the -tepidarium tegulae mammatae are used; for a fuller discussion of the -successive changes, see MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 131-141. - -_The brazier of Vaccula_ [p. 197]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, -pp. 649-650. - -_Hermes in the gymnasium at Phigalia_ [p. 200]: Paus. VIII. XXXIX. 4 -(6); cf. also IV. XXXII. 1. - - -CHAPTER XXVIII. THE BATHS NEAR THE FORUM - -_Excavation_ [1824-1825]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 106, -107-116, 118, 121-125, 128, vol. 3, p. 15. - -_Remains_: BECHI, Terme Pompeiane, Museo Borb., vol. 2, pl. 49-52 -(text, 31 pp.); BRULLOFF, Thermes di Pompei (Paris, 1829), 10 large -pls.; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 83-141, vol. 2, pp. -80-94; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 3, pp. 67-77, pl. 47-50; -ZAHN, Neuentdeckte Wandgemaelde in Pompeji (Stuttgart, 1828), pl. 2-5; -ZAHN, Die schoensten Ornamente und merkwuerdigsten Gemaelde aus Pompeji, -Herkulanum und Stabiae, nebst einigen Grundrissen und Ansichten (3 -parts, here cited as volumes, 302 pls. in 30 Heften, Berlin, -1827-1859), vol. 1, pl. 10, 46, 76, 94; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. -128-135; MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 218-227. - -_Inscriptions of the builders_ [p. 203], _of Vaccula_ [p. 205], _of -Aper and Rufus_ [p. 206]: C. I. L. X. 817-819. - - -CHAPTER XXIX. THE CENTRAL BATHS - -_Excavation_ (1876-1878), _remains_: MAU, Bull. dell' Inst., 1877, pp. -214-223, 1878, pp. 251-254. _Laconicum_: MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. -144-145. - - -CHAPTER XXX. THE AMPHITHEATRE - -_Of amphitheatres in general, and gladiatorial sports_: FRIEDLAENDER, -Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der Zeit von August bis -zum Ausgang der Antonine, Edit. 6 (3 parts, here cited as volumes, -Leipzig, 1888-1890), vol. 2, pp. 358-435, Edit. 7, vol. 2, pp. 45-66; -briefer statement by FRIEDLAENDER in Marquardt's Staatsverwaltung, -Edit. 2, vol. 3, pp. 554-565; MEIER, De gladiatura Romana quaestiones -selectae (Bonn, 1881). - -_Gladiatorial combats in Campania and in Rome_ [pp. 212-213]: Strabo, -V. IV. 12 (p. 250, C); Valer. Max. II. IV. 7; Liv. Epit. XVI. and -XXIII. XXX. 15. For the games following Caesar's triumph, see Suet. -Div. Iul., XXXIX. App. Bel. Civ. II. XV. 102 and Dio. Cas. XLIII. 22. - -_Excavation of the Amphitheatre_ (1748, 1813-1816): FIORELLI, Pomp. -ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 5-6, pt. 3, pp. 114 et seq., 185, 189. - -_Remains_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 4, pp. 77-86, pl. 43-47; -FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 69-74; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. -97-127. - -_Paintings_ [pp. 213, 214], HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1514, 1515, -1519; cf. also nos. 1512-1513, 1516-1518, and SOGLIANO, Le pitture -murali Campane, nos. 665-668. - -_Inscriptions relating to the building, or found on it_ [pp. 212, 218, -219]: C. I. L. X. 852-859; painted inscriptions and graffiti, C. I. L. -IV. pp. 7, 64-66, 159. - -_Inscriptions relating to the games_ [pp. 221 et -seq.]--_announcements_: C. I. L. IV. 1177-1204, Suppl. 3881-3884. -_Programme_ [p. 223]: C. I. L. IV. 2508. _Custos, ostiarius ab -amphitheatro_ [p. 225]: C. I. L. VI. 6226, 6228. _Inscription of -Salvius Capito_ [p. 225]: C. I. L. IX. 465, 466 (cf. also C. I. L. X. -4920). _Names of gladiators, with their records_ [pp. 225-226]: C. I. -L. IV., see Index, under gladiatores, p. 255. _Graffiti in the house -on Nola Street_ [p. 226]: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 4277-4393; and Roem. -Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 25-39, 64-65, vol. 7 (1892), p. 23. - -_Combat between the Pompeians and the Nucerians_ [pp. 220, 221]: Tac. -Ann. XIV. XVII. _Painting_ (Fig. 101; found Ins. I. III. 23), DE -PETRA, L' Anfiteatro pompeiano rappresentato in un antico dipinto, -giornale degli scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, vol. 1 (1869), pp. -185-187, pl. 8; MATZ, Bull. dell' Inst., 1869, pp. 240-241; SOGLIANO, -Le pitture murali Campane, no. 604. _Inscriptions_ [see p. 492]: C. I. -L. IV. 1293 (with caricature, figured Museo Borb., vol. 6, pl. C), -1329, 2183. - - -CHAPTER XXXI. STREETS, WATER SYSTEM, AND WAYSIDE SHRINES - -_The streets_ [pp. 227-229]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. I, pp. -25-26, pl. 2, 3, 14, 15, 35, 37, vol. 2, pp. 35-39, pl. 2-8; NISSEN, -Pomp. Studien, pp. 516-572. _Inscriptions on the pavement_ [p. 228], -C. I. L. X. 870, 871. - -_The water system_ [pp. 230-233]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. -3, p. 27, pl. 13; MURANO, Pompei--donde venivano le acque potabili ai -castelli acquarii (Naples, 1894); review of Murano's treatise by MAU, -Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 216-218. _Age of the aqueduct -supplying Pompeii_: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895) pp. 49-51. -_Recent investigation of the system of sewers_: Not. d. scavi, 1900, -pp. 587-599. _Water towers of Constantinople_ [p. 232]: VON HAMMER, -Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs (10 vols., Pest, 1827-1835), vol. 7, -pp. 422, 598-599; cf. also PARDOE, Beauties of the Bosphorus (London, -1839), pp. 24-25. - -_Wayside shrines_ [pp. 233-236]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 2, -pl. 6; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), pp. 97-98; OVERBECK-MAU, -Pompeji, pp. 242-244. _Paintings of divinities on the outside of houses_ -[p. 236]: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 7-28; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali -Campane, nos. 1-4; serpents, HELBIG, nos. 29, 30; SOGLIANO, nos. 5-8. -_Painting of the twelve gods_; GERHARD, Intorno la pittura Pompeiana -rappresentante i dodici dei, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 22 (1850), pp. -206-214. _Inscription_ [p. 236]: C. I. L. IV. 813; cf. Pers. Sat. I. 113. - - -CHAPTER XXXII. THE DEFENCES OF THE CITY - -_Excavation of walls, gates, towers_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. -1, pt. 1, pp. 154, 234-236, pt. 3, pp. 64-69, 76, 84-88, 96-97, -111-124, 131, 143-151, 160, 168-170, vol. 2, pp. 1, 501-506, 530, -593-597. - -_Remains_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 1, pp. 33-37, 52-53, pl. -10-13, 35-37; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), pp. 87-96, 98; NISSEN, -Pomp. Studien, pp. 457-516; MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, pp. 211-215, 235-252; -MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 57-59. - -_Oscan inscriptions_ [p. 240]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum -Oscarum, nos. 80-83, pl. 14 (nos. 7, 8), pl. 15, pl. 16 (no. 4); VON -PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 503; -CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, pp. 69-71; DEGERING, Ueber die -militaerischen Wegweiser in Pompeji, Roem. Mitth., vol. 13 (1898), pp. -124-146; MAU, Die Oskischen Wegweiserinschriften in Pompeji, Roem. -Mitth., vol. 14 (1899), pp. 105-113. - -_The Stabian Gate_ [p. 242]: MINERVINI, Strada e porta Stabiana, Bull. -Arch. Napolitano, Nuova Serie, vol. 1 (1853), pp. 186-187 and pl. 8, -fig. 10; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. 78-79, -pl. 14, fig. 2. - -_Minerva as patron divinity of city gates_ [p. 242]: that is, -according to Greek usage, an indication of the strength of Greek -influence at Pompeii. Among the Romans the divinity of city gates was -Juno. Cf. Serv. Com. in Verg. ad Aen. II, 610. - -_Inscription of Flaccus and Firmus_ [p. 242]: C. I. L. X. 1064. - - -CHAPTER XXXIII. THE POMPEIAN HOUSE - -_Of the Pompeian and the Roman house_: MAZOIS, Essai sur les -habitations des anciens romains, in Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 2, pp. -3-34 (3 pls.); MAZOIS, Le palais de Scaurus (Paris, 1819; Edit. 3, -revised by Varcollier, 1861); GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), pp. -99-141; ZUMPT, Ueber die bauliche Einrichtung des roemischen Wohnhauses -(Berlin, 1844; Edit. 2, 1852); NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 593-668; -VIOLLET-LE-DUC, Histoire de l'habitation humaine (Paris, 1875), and -English translation under the title, The Habitations of Man in all -Ages (Boston, 1876), Chap. 18; LANGE, Haus und Halle, Studien zur -Geschichte des antiken Wohnhauses und der Basilica (Leipzig, 1885), -especially pp. 50-59, 244-269; GUHL and KONER, Das Leben der Griechen -und Roemer (Edit. 6, Berlin, 1893), pp. 558-580, and English -translation from the third German edition, Life of the Greeks and -Romans (London, 1877), Secs. 75, 76; MARQUARDT, Das Privatleben der Roemer -(Edit. 2, Leipzig, 1886), pp. 213-250; MIDDLETON, article =Domus= in -Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, vol. 1 (Edit. 3, -London, 1890), particularly pp. 684-687; MONCEAUX, =Domus= in Daremberg -and Saglio's Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines, vol. 2, -pt. 1, especially pp. 349-362. For remains of houses and villas in -Britain, cf., e.g., WRIGHT, The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon (Edit. -4, London, 1885), passim; SCARTH, Roman Britain (London, 1883), Chap. -18; and the special articles in Archaeologia (London, 1770 +). - -_Inscriptions in Pompeian houses, including those in mosaic floors_: -C. I. L. X. 860-869, 872-875, 877-882. - -_Fauces_, or _prothyron_ [p. 248]: Vitr. VI. IV. 6; GREENOUGH, The -Fauces of the Roman House, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, -vol. 1 (1890), pp. 1-12. - -_Stone thresholds_ [p. 249]: IVANOFF, Varie specie di soglie in Pompei -ed indagine sul vero sito della fauce, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 31 -(1859), pp. 82-108, pl. D-F; and Mon. dell' Inst., vol. 6, pl. 28. - -_Dangers of the streets of Rome at night_ [p. 250]: Juv. Sat. III. -305-308. - -_Kinds of atriums_ [p. 250], _dimensions_ [p. 252]: Vitr. VI. III., -IV. - -_Waterspouts of the compluvium_ [p. 251]: VON ROHDEN, Die Terracotten -von Pompeji, pl. 1-9. - -_Gartibulum_ [p. 254]: Var. de Ling. Lat. V. 125; NISSEN, Pomp. -Studien, p. 641. - -_Tablinum_ [pp. 255-258]: Vitr. VI. IV (III), 5-6; Var. ap. Non. p. -83; _Nissen_, Pomp. Studien, pp. 643-644. - -_Alae_ [p. 258]: Vitr. VI. IV (III), 4, 6. - -_Peristyle_ [p. 260]: Vitr. VI. IV (III), 7; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, -pp. 645-668; BIE, Zur Geschichte des Hausperistyls, Jahrb. des. Inst., -vol. 6 (1891), pp. 1-9. - -_Triclinium_ [p. 262]: Vitr. VI. V. I. _Trimalchio's dining rooms_ -(_cenationes_): Petr. Sat. LXXVII. - -_Lares, Genius, and Penates in house paintings_ [p. 268]: HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, nos. 31-95; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, nos. -9-46, 63-71. _Serpents_: ibid., nos. 47-62; see also DE MARCHI, Il -culto privato di Roma antica, vol. 1 (Milan, 1896), pp. 27-144; -JORDAN, De Larum imaginibus atque cultu, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 34 -(1862), pp. 300-339; REIFFERSCHEID, De larum picturis Pompeianis, Ann. -dell' Inst., vol. 35 (1863), pp. 121-134; JORDAN, De Genii et Eponae -picturis Pompeianis nuper detectis, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 44 (1872), -pp. 19-47, and pl. B, C; WISSOWA, Die Ueberlieferung ueber die -roemischen Penaten, Hermes, vol. 22 (1887), pp. 29-57. - -_Genius of a woman as Juno_ [p. 270]: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 2 (1887), -p. 114. _Jupiter and Venus_: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, no. 67. _Two genii_ -(Ins. IX. viii. 13): MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 244-245. - -_Shop fronts_ [p. 276]: cf. MIDDLETON, Remains of Ancient Rome (2 -vols., London, 1892), vol. 1, pp. 192-194. - -_Pergula_ [p. 277]: MAU, Sul significato della parola pergula nell' -architettura antica, Roem. Mitth., vol. 2 (1887), pp. 214-220. _Natus -in pergula_: Petr. Sat. LXXIV. - - -CHAPTER XXXIV. THE HOUSE OF THE SURGEON - -_Excavation_ (1770): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. -245-246, 248, 253 et seq. (p. 254, discovery of the instruments from -which the house takes its name). - -_Plan, construction, restoration_: PIRANESI, Antiquites de Pompei, -vol. 1, pl. 14-21; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 2, p. 51, and -pl. 13 (plan); FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. 79, -83; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 402-412; MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, 37-41, -49-51 (proof that the measurements of the house conform to the Oscan -standard); OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 279-281; GREENOUGH, Harvard -Studies in Classical Philology, vol. 1 (1890), pp. 10-11 (plan showing -conformity of the chief measurements to the proportions recommended by -Vitruvius). - -_Mural paintings_: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1427 _b_, 1443, 1459, and -pp. CVIII-CIX with note 4 on p. CXXV; cf. also MAU, Geschichte der -dec. Wandmalerei, p. 66. For the woman painting, see JAHN, -Abhandlungen der Koenigl. saechsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, -philologisch-hist. Classe, vol. 5, pp. 298-305, and pl. 5. - - -CHAPTER XXXV. THE HOUSE OF SALLUST - -_Excavation_ (1806-1809): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 2, -pp. - -_Plan, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, vol. 2, pp. 75-79, -pl. 35-39; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 652-654; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, -pp. 300-307. - -_Decoration_: above, pp. 459-460; MAU, Geschichte der dec. -Wandmalerei, pp. 17-33, 112-114, 416-417, pl. 2; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, -nos. 51, 124, 249 _b_, 319, 373, 429, 465, 493, 746, 751, 900, 1055, -1255, 1311 (cf. Topogr. Index, p. 467). In the Naples Museum are good -copies of the paintings that are in the garden and near the open-air -triclinium. - - -CHAPTER XXXVI. THE HOUSE OF THE FAUN - -_Excavation_ (1830-1832): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. -240-255, vol. 3, pp. 113-118; Not. d. scavi, 1900, p. 31. - -_Plan, construction_: FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 152-159; -NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 655-658; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. -346-353. - -_Wall decoration_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 33-57, -110-111, 122-123, 140, 162, 263-264, pl. 2; NICCOLINI, Le case ed i -monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1. - -_Mosaics_: Museo Borb., vol. 7, pl. 62, vol. 8, pl. 36-45, vol. 9, pl. -55, vol. 14, pl. 14; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 5, 6th series, -pl. 20-29, 32; SCHREIBER, Atlas of Classical Antiquities (Eng. trans., -London, 1895), pl. 63 (fish mosaic, with identification of species in -the accompanying text); MARX, Il cosidetto Akratos nella casa del -Fauno, Roem. Mitth., vol. 7 (1892), pp. 26-31. - - -CHAPTER XXXVII. A HOUSE NEAR THE PORTA MARINA - -_Decoration_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 96, 281. - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII. THE HOUSE OF THE SILVER WEDDING - -_Excavation_ (1892-1893), _plan, decoration_: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 8 -(1893), pp. 14-61; cf. also Not. d. scavi, 1892. - -_Dated inscription_ [p. 305]: C. I. L. I. (Edit. 2), p. 342; cf. also -Roem. Mitth., vol. 8, pp. 30-31. - - -CHAPTER XXXIX. THE HOUSE OF EPIDIUS RUFUS - -_Excavation_ (1866), _plan_: FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al -1872, pp. 62-63; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 297-300. - -_Decoration, paintings_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. -98-100; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 59 _b_, 231, 863 _b_, 870 _b_, 874 -_b_, 885 _b_, 892 _b_, 967 _b_. - - -CHAPTER XL. THE HOUSE OF THE TRAGIC POET - -_Excavation_ (1824-1825), _plan, decoration_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 2, pp. 116-135; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, -pp. 142-178; NICCOLINI, le case ed i monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1; -OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 285-289. - -_Paintings_: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, see p. LXXXVI. and Topogr. Index -under =Casa del poeta=, p. 471; also HELBIG, Le nozze di Giove e di -Giunone, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 36 (1864), pp. 270-282. - -_The Iphigenia of Timanthes_ [p. 319]; Cic. Orator, XXII. 74; Plin. N. -H. XXXV. X. 73; Quint. Inst. orat. II. XIII. 12, 13; Valer. Max. VIII. -XI. ext. 6, with the comment of LESSING in the Laokoon, chap. 2, and -the references given by BLUeMNER, Lessing's Laokoon (Berlin, 1876), pp. -36-37; cf. also BAUMEISTER, Denkmaeler des klassischen Altertums (3 -vols., Munich, 1884-1888), vol. 1, pp. 754-757, and JEX-BLAKE and -SELLERS, The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of Art (London, -1896), pp. 116-117, note 2. - - -CHAPTER XLI. THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII - -_Excavation_ (1894-1895), _plan, restoration, decoration, paintings_: -MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 3-97; SOGLIANO, Mon. dei Lincei, -vol. 8 (1898), pp. 233-416; HERRLICH, Archaeologischer Anzeiger, 1896, -pp. 206-207; MAU, Amoren als Oelfabrikanten, Roem. Mitth., vol. 15 -(1900), pp. 138-141; MAU, Amoren als Goldschmiede, Roem, Mitth., vol. -16 (1901), pp. 109-116. - - -CHAPTER XLII. THREE HOUSES OF UNUSUAL PLAN - -_House of Acceptus and Euhodia_ (excavated in 1882) [p. 341]: MAU, -Bull. dell' Inst. 1884, pp. 126-132. - -_House without a compluvium_ (excavated between 1890 and 1895) [p. -343]: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 148-155. _Fures foras, -frugi intro_ [p. 346]: paraphrase of the saying, Petr. Sat. LII., -_aquam foras, vinum intro_. - -_House of the Emperor Joseph II._ (excavated in 1767-1769, filled up, -and again excavated in 1885-1886) [p. 344]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 208-211, 227-234; MAZOIS, Les ruines de -Pompei, vol. 2, pp. 73-74, pl. 32-34; MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 2 (1887), -pp. 110-138. - - -CHAPTER XLIII. OTHER NOTEWORTHY HOUSES - -_House of Caecilius Jucundus_ (excavated in 1875): MAU, Bull, dell' -Inst., 1876, pp. 149-151, 160-168, 223-234; MAU, Geschichte der dec. -Wandmalerei, pp. 65, 414-415, 446, 450, pl. 13, 14, 18; SOGLIANO, Le -pitture murali Campane, nos. 133, 138, 158, 176, 192, 207, 214, 233, -236, 251, 291, 413, 448, 449, 477, 514, 531, 561, 579, 582, 583, 589, -594, 607, 640, 651, 659, 669, 670, 674, 675, 676, 677, 693, 700, 708, -809, 815, 816. - -_House of Lucretius_ (excavated in 1847): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., -vol. 2, pp. 453, 459-473; MINERVINI, in NICCOLINI, Le case ed i -monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1; Museo Borb., vol. 14, pl. A, B; -OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 314-320; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, see Topogr. -Index, p. 482. - -_House of the Hunt_ (excavated in 1834): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., -vol. 3, pp. 286-288; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 277-279; HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, see Topogr. Index, p. 473, under =Casa della caccia -antica=; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, p. 454. - -_House of the Centenary_ (excavated in 1879-1880): MAU, Bull, dell' -Inst., 1881, pp. 113-128, 169-175, 221-238; 1882, pp. 23-32, 47-53, -87-91, 104-116, 137-148; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 353-359; MAU, -Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 287, 314, 321, 368, 382-385, -443-444, 449, 452, 455; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, nos. 530, -585, 596, 628. - -_House of the Sculptured Capitals_ (excavated in 1831-1833): AVELLINO, -Descrizione di una casa pompeiana con capitelli figurati all' -ingresso, dissotterrata negli anni 1831, 1832 e 1833 (Naples, 1837), -also in Mem. dell' Acc. Ercolanese, vol. 6 (1837); NICCOLINI, le case -ed i monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. -225-227; MARQUARDT, Roem. Privatleben (Edit. 2), pp. 224 ff.; MAU, -Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 94, 374-379, 388, 430-431; -HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, see Topogr. Index, p. 473. - -_House of Pansa_ (excavated in 1813-1827): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., -vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 116-161, vol. 2, pp. 195-197; MAZOIS, Les ruines de -Pompei, vol. 2, p. 82, pl. 42-45; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. -102-106; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 325-329; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, -pp. 658-659; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 72-73; HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, nos. 53, 115, 1014. - -_House of Castor and Pollux_ (also known as house of the Dioscuri, and -casa del Questore; excavated in 1828-1829): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 2, pp. 205-221; NICCOLINI, op. cit., vol. 1; OVERBECK-MAU, -Pompeji, pp. 334-342; Museo Borb., vol. 5 (see Relazione degli scavi -di Pompei, at the end of the vol.; 26 pp. text, with plan; cf. also -pl. 32, 33); MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 258, 372-373, -402, 420-421, 446, 455; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, pp. LXXXV-LXXXVI and -Topogr. Index, p. 469. - -_House of the Centaur_ (excavated in 1828-1829): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 2, pp. 217-224; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 330-334; MAU, -Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 75-78; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, see -Topogr. Index, p. 469, under =Casa del Centauro=. For the large mosaic -found in this house, known under the title "Force conquered by Love," -see Museo Borb., vol. 7, pl. 61; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 5, -series 6, pl. 30. - -_House of Meleager_ (excavated in 1829-1830): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 2, pp. 224-240; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 307-314; -NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 426-427; MAU, Geschichte der dec. -Wandmalerei, pp. 74, 373-374, 446, 453; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, pp. -LXXXVII-LXXXVIII and Topogr. Index, p. 468. - -_House of Apollo_ (excavated in 1829-1830): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 2, pp. 235-236; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 427-428; MAU, -Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, p. 454; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, see -Topogr. Index p. 467. - -_Houses with mosaic fountains_ (excavated in 1826-1827): FIORELLI, -Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 174-202; Descrizione di Pompei, pp. -125-126; NICCOLINI, op. cit., vol. 1; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, p. LXXXVIII -and Topogr. Index, p. 470, X. - -_House of the Anchor_ (excavated in 1830): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., -vol. 2, pp. 237-239; Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 142-143; MAU, -Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 79-80, 258-259, 302, 396-397, -399, 422; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 174, 334, 495, 564, 1220. - -_House of the Citharist_ (excavation begun in 1853, completed in -1868): FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. 65-69; -FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 61-65; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. -359-366; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 64, 251-252, 315, -316, 318, 326, 335-336, 343, 367, 389, 397, 411-413, 446. _Paintings_: -HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, see Topogr. Index, pp. 482-483; Orestes and -Pylades, HELBIG, Oreste e Pilade in Tauride su dipinto Pompeiano, Ann. -dell' Inst., vol. 37 (1865), pp. 330-346, and Mon. dell' Inst., vol. -8, pl. 22. _Statue of Apollo_ [p. 352]: often reproduced, as by -OVERBECK, Atlas der griechischen Kunstmythologie, pl. 20, no. 26; Mon. -dell' Inst., vol. 8, pl. 13; REINACH, Repertoire de la statuaire -grecque et romaine, vol. 2 (Paris, 1897), p. 97, no. 8; BRUNN and -BRUCKMANN, Denkmaeler griechischer und roemischer Sculptur, no. 302. See -KEKULE, Statua Pompeiana di Apolline, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 37 -(1865), pp. 55-71; WOLTERS, Eine Spartanische Apollostatue, Jahrb. des -Inst., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 1-10; FURTWAENGLER, Meisterwerke der -griechischen Plastik (Leipzig, 1893), pp. 79, 80, and English -translation by Eugenie Sellers, Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture -(London, 1895), p. 52; COLLIGNON, Histoire de la sculpture grecque, -vol. 2 (Paris, 1897), pp. 665-666. - -_House of Cornelius Rufus_ (excavated in 1861): FIORELLI, Giornale -degli scavi, vol. 1 (1861); FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. -340-342; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, p. 97; OVERBECK-MAU, -Pompeji, pp. 537-538. - -_House of Marcus Holconius_ (excavated in 1861): Bull. Arch. Italiano, -vol. 1 (1861-1862), pp. 18-143; FIORELLI, Giornale degli scavi, vol. 1 -(1861), pp. 13 _et seq._; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. -332-337; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 290-297. - - -CHAPTER XLIV. ROMAN VILLAS. THE VILLA OF DIOMEDES - -_Of Roman villas in general_: CASTELL, The Villas of the Ancients -Illustrated (London, 1728); FRIEDLAENDER, Sittengeschichte Roms, Edit. -5, vol. 2, pp. 85-93, 170-193, vol. 3, pp. 89-100, Edit. 7, pp. -201-210; SCHMIDT, Cicero's Villen. Neue Jahrbuecher fuer das klas. -Altertum, vol. 3 (1899). pp. 328-355, 466-497, particularly pp. -328-333; WINNEFELD, Tusci und Laurentum des juengeren Plinius, Jahrb. -des Inst., vol. 6 (1892), pp. 201-217; WINNEFELD, Die Villa des -Hadrian bei Tivoli (Jahrb. des Inst., Ergaenzungsheft III, Berlin, -1895); WINNEFELD, Roemische Villen der Kaiserzeit, Preussische -Jahrbuecher, vol. 57 (1898), pp. 457 _et seq._ - -_Villas in the region about Baiae_: BELOCH, Campanien (Edit. 2, -Berlin, 1883), pp. 201-202, 269-274. - -_Villas about Rome_: NIBBY, Dintorni di Roma (Edit. 2, 3 vols., Rome, -1848-1849), vol. 3, pp. 31-41, 203, 647-737; DE ROSSI, Il Tuscolo, le -ville Tusculane e le loro antiche memorie cristiane, Bull. di -Archeologia cristiana, 1872, especially pp. 87-121; LANCIANI, Le ville -Tusculane (with map, tav. 20-21), Bull. com., 1884, pp. 172-217; -LANCIANI, La villa Castrimeniese di Q. Voconio Pollione, ibid., pp. -141-171; GROSSI-GONDI, Di una villa dei Quintilii nel Tusculano, Bull. -com., 1898, pp. 313-338; LANCIANI, The Destruction of Ancient Rome -(New York, 1899), pp. 101-105; GROSSI-GONDI, La villa dei Quintilii e -la villa di Mondragone (Rome, 1901). - -_Villa of the Laberii at Uthina_ (south of Tunis): GAUCKLER, Le -domaine des Laberii a Uthina, Monuments et Memoires publiees par -l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, vol. 3 (Fondation Piot, -Paris, 1897), pp. 177-229; SCHULTEN, review of Gauckler's monograph, -Goettingsche gelehrte Anzeigen, 1898, pp. 475-481, and briefer report -(with plan) in Archaeologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrb. des -Inst., 1898, pp. 113-115. - -_Villas in Britain_: References to Chap. XXXIII, and MORGAN, Roman -British Mosaic Pavements (London, 1886). - -_The Villa of Diomedes_ (excavated in 1771-1774): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 249-278; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, p. -89, pl. 47-53; IVANOFF, Architektonische Studien, Heft. 2 (mit -Elaeuterungen von August Mau, Berlin, 1895), pl. 4-6; OVERBECK-MAU, -Pompeji, pp. 369-376; MAU, Pomp. Beitraege, p. 151; HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, see Topogr. Index, p. 483. - -_Bedroom in Pliny's villa_ [p. 358]: Plin. Ep. II. XVII. 23. - - -CHAPTER XLV. THE VILLA RUSTICA AT BOSCOREALE - -_Excavation, plan, remains_: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 9 (1894), pp. -349-358, vol. 11 (1896), pp. 131-140; PASQUI, La villa pompeiana della -Pisanella presso Boscoreale, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 7 (1897), pp. -397-554. For the collection of silverware, see references on p. 538. -Part of the objects of bronze found in the villa are in Berlin; see -PERNICE, Bronzen aus Boscoreale, Archaeologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt -zum Jahrb. des Inst., vol. 15 (1900), pp. 177-181. Others are in the -Field Columbian Museum, Chicago; see TARBELL, American Journal of -Archaeology, vol. 3 (1899), Second Series, p. 584. - -_Sleeping room of the overseer near the entrance_ [p. 363]: Varro, -R.R. I, xiii, 2. - -_Small open cistern_ [p. 366]: As the establishment was not connected -with an aqueduct, rain water was carefully saved. - -_The villa as a country residence_ [p. 366]: In the farmhouses about -Rome and Naples to-day rooms over the quarters of the tenant are -reserved for the use of the owner. - - -CHAPTER XLVI. HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE - -Nearly all the articles of furniture and of the toilet referred to in -this chapter are figured and described, with many others, in the Real -Museo Borbonico. For detailed reference, see the Index, near the end -of vol. 16 (pp. 96-97, Ori; pp. 97-98, Argenti; pp. 99-112, -Suppellettile), and our List of Illustrations, pp. xxi-xxiii. Most of -them are reproduced by ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 7; a number -are figured by PIRANESI in the volume, Oggetti di uso civile, militare -e religioso, trovati a Pompeia e ad Ercolano (= vol. 27 of his Opera). -See also the references on the Pompeian and the Roman house [pp. -531-532], and BECKER, Gallus (eighth English edition, London, 1886), -pp. 285-301; GUHL and KONER, Life of the Greeks and Romans, Secs. 86-93, -97; FRIEDLAENDER, Sittengeschichte Roms, Edit. 5, vol. 3, pp. 100-112, -Edit. 7, vol. 2, pp. 210-220; MARQUARDT, Roem. Privatleben (Edit. 2), -pp. 607-768. Cf. MAU, Fornelli antichi, Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1898), -pp. 38-46. - -_Silver cups found in the Casa dell' Argenteria_ [p. 379]: FIORELLI, -Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, p. 305. - -_The treasure of Boscoreale_ [p. 380]: HERON DE VILLEFOSSE, Le tresor -de Boscoreale, Monuments et Memoires publies par l'Academie des -Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, vol. 5 (Fondation Piot, Paris, 1899), -fasc. 1 and 2; also MICHAELIS, Der Silberschatz von Boscoreale, -Preussische Jahrbuecher, vol. 85 (1896), pp. 19-56; WINTER, Der -Silberschatz von Boscoreale, Archaeologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum -Jahrb. des Inst., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 74-87; cf. also COLLIGNON, -Histoire de la sculpture grecque, vol. 2, pp. 681-682. - -_Shallow bowl with a representation of Alexandria_ [p. 380]: Two -similar bowls were ornamented with realistic portrait heads of a man -and a woman, which, to judge from the manner of dressing the hair, -probably date from the reign of Claudius or Nero. The bowl containing -the portrait of the woman had been lost, and the detached head is now -in the British Museum. The other, with the rest of the collection (102 -pieces) is in the Louvre. - -_Beside Epicurus an eager pig_ [p. 381]: cf. Hor. Ep. I. iv. 16, -_Epicuri de grege porcus_. - -_Greek inscription_ [p. 382]: HERON DE VILLEFOSSE, op. cit., p. 59. - - ZON META zon meta- - LABETOGAR labe, to gar - AURIONADE aurion ade - LONESTI lon esti - - -CHAPTER XLVII. THE TRADES AT POMPEII. THE BAKERS - -_Of the trades in general_: BLUeMNER, Technologie und Terminologie der -Gewerbe und Kuenste bei Griechen und Roemern (4 vols.; Leipzig, -1875-1887); MARQUARDT, Roem. Privatleben, pt. 2 (Edit. 2; Leipzig, -1886). - -_Inscriptions relating to the trades at Pompeii_: C. I. L. IV., see -Index, p. 256, under =artes et officia privata=. - -_Signs of shops_ [p. 387]: JORDAN, Ueber roemische Ausbaeugeschilder, -Archaeologische Zeitung, vol. 4 (1871), pp. 75 _et seq._ _Inscription -of Diogenes_: C. I. L. X. 868; see the article, Aushaengeschilder, by -MAU, in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie, vol. 2. pp. 2558-2559. - -_Cupids as carpenters and shoemakers_ [p. 385]: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, -nos. 804, 805; the two paintings are often reproduced, as by -SCHREIBER, Atlas of Classical Antiquities, English translation by -Anderson (London, 1895), pl. 72, 1, and 73, 12. _Stuccoer_ (tector): -Bull, dell' Inst., 1879, p. 134; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, -no. 655; BLUeMNER, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 53 (1881), pp. 107-108, pl. -H. - -_Bakers and bakeshops_ [p. 388]: BLUeMNER, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 1-88; -MARQUARDT, op. cit., pp. 414-424; FULVIO, Delle fornaci e dei forni -pompeiani, Pompei e la regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio nell' anno -LXXIX. pp. 273-291; DE ROSSI, Antichi mulini in Roma e nel Lazio, Ann. -dell' Inst., vol. 29 (1857), pp. 274-281; MAU, Su certi apparecchi nei -pistrini di Pompei, Roem. Mitth., vol. 1 (1886), pp. 45-48, and pl. 3. -_Processes of bread-making_: best illustrated in the reliefs of the -monument of Eurysaces, Rome, shown in Mon. dell' Inst., vol. 2, pl. -58; cf. C. I. L. I. 1013-1015; JAHN, Sepolcro di Eurisace, Ann. dell' -Inst., vol. 10 (1838), particularly pp. 231-248. _Loaves of bread -represented in paintings_: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1501, 1661 ff.; -see, e.g., Museo Borb., vol. 6, pl. 38, vol. 8, pl. 57. _Remains of -loaves found at Pompeii_: FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al -1872, p. 172. - - -CHAPTER XLVIII. THE FULLERS AND THE TANNERS - -_Appliances and processes_: BLUeMNER, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 155-178, -257-287. A fuller description of the tannery, with illustrations -showing the implements discovered, is given by MAU, Bull. dell' Inst., -1874, pp. 271-275, 1875, pp. 18-25. - -_No soap in Pompeii_ [p. 393]: HOFMANN, Ueber vermeintliche antike -Seife, Wiener Studien, vol. 4 (1882), pp. 263-270. - -_Pictures illustrating the fullery_ [pp. 394-395]: Museo Borb., vol. 4, -pl. 49, 50; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, no. 1502; JAHN, Abhandlungen der koenigl. -saechsischen Gesellschaft des Wissenschaften, philologisch-hist. -Classe, vol. 5 (1870), pp. 305-311, and pl. 4. - - -CHAPTER XLIX. INNS AND WINESHOPS - -_Roman inns_: FRIEDLAENDER, Sittengeschichte Roms, Edit. 5, vol. 2, -pp. 33-39, Edit. 7, vol. 1, pp. 311-325. - -_Inscriptions_: caupones, copones, C. I. L. IV., see Index, p. 256; of -Sittius, C. I. L. IV. 806, 807 (for the picture, see HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, no. 1601); of the inn, Ins. VII, XII, C. I. L. IV. -2144-2164. - -_Pictures illustrating the life of the wineshop_ [p. 403]: FIORELLI, -Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, p. 204; Museo Borb., vol. 4, pl. A, vol. 5, -pl. 48; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1487, 1504. - -_Selling of wine mixed with water_ [p. 404]: a stock charge against -ancient innkeepers; Trimalchio (Petr. Sat. XXXIX) makes out that these -were born under the sign Aquarius, 'the waterer.' For the wineshop in -which the graffito was found, see MAU, Bull. dell' Inst., 1874, pp. -252-256. - - -CHAPTER L. THE STREET OF TOMBS - -_Of Roman tombs and rites of burial_: MARQUARDT, Roem. Privatleben -(Edit. 2), pp. 340-385; FRIEDLAENDER, Sittengeschichte Roms, Edit. 5, -vol. 3, pp. 112-123, Edit. 7, vol. 2, pp. 220-228; GUHL and KONER, -Life of the Greeks and Romans, Secs. 77, 78, 110; LANCIANI, Pagan and -Christian Rome (1892), pp. 168-208, 253-305; VOLLMER, De funere -publico Romanorum, Jahrbuecher fuer classische Philologie, -Supplementband 19 (1893), pp. 319-364; see the article Bestattung, by -MAU, in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie, vol. 3, pp. 346-359. - -_Of the street of tombs as a whole_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompei, -vol. 1; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 401-419; NISSEN, Pomp. -Studien, pp. 381-397; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 398-422. - -_Tombs near the Herculaneum gate, not including the Garland tomb_ -(excavated 1763-1764, 1769-1770): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, -pt. 1, pp. 150-155, 234-241, pt. 2, pp. 110-118 (journal of Francesco -la Vega); PIRANESI, Antiquites de Pompei, vols. 1, 2, pl. 2-5, 34-44. -_Sepulchral enclosure of Terentius Felix_ (excavation finished -December 15, 1828): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, p. 217; -BONUCCI, Pompei decrite (seconde traduction de la 3e edition -italienne, Naples, 1830), p. 73. _The tomb nearest the gate on the -right_: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 140-142. - -_Tombs farther from the gate, to the limit of excavation_ (excavated -1806-1813): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 87, -176-177, (Garland tomb), pt. 3, pp. 74-120, 223-225, 249; MILLIN, -Description des tombeaux qui ont ete decouverts a Pompei dans l'annee -1812 (Naples, 1813); CLARAC, Fouille faite a Pompei en presence de S. -M. la Reine des Deux Siciles le 18 Mars, 1813 (Naples, 1813). _Tomb of -the blue glass vase_ (1837): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 3, p. -132; SCHULZ, in his Scavi di Pompei, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 10 (1838), -pp. 194-195. _Tomb of Diomedes_ (excavated in 1775): FIORELLI, Pomp. -ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 279-280. _Tomb of Istacidius Helenus_ -(1775, 1828): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist, vol. 1, pt. 1. pp. 279-280, -vol. 2, p. 217. _The pre-Roman graves_ [p. 407]: MAU and VON DUHN, -Bull. dell' Inst., 1874, pp. 156-167; earlier finds of painted vases, -BONUCCI, Pompei (1830), p. 65; and DE IORIO, Plan de Pompei et -remarques sur ses edifices (Naples, 1828), p. 33. - -_T. Suedius Clemens_ [pp. 407-408; cf. also p. 488]: Clemens was now -evidently a supporter of Vespasian; previously he had been in the -service of Otho (Tac. Hist. I. LXXXVII, II. XII). - -_Blue glass vase_ [p. 415]: SCHULTZ, Anforina di vetro con -bassirilievi rinvenuta in Pompei, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 11 (1839), -pp. 84-100. - -_Gladiatorial scenes on the tomb of Scaurus_ [p. 419]: admirably -engraved by MAZOIS (op. cit., pl. 30, 31, 32), and frequently -reproduced, as by SCHREIBER, Atlas of Classical Antiquities (Eng. -trans., 1895), pl. 30, 2-9, text, with citation of literature, p. 59; -NICCOLINI, le case ed i monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1. _Inscriptions -accompanying the figures_: C. I. L. IV. 1182; the inscription of the -tomb itself is given, C. I. L. X. 1024. In his interpretation of the -reliefs Mazois incorrectly assumed (op. cit., pp. 47-48) that on -account of the baiting of a bear by one of the figures with a cloth -the tomb could not have been built before the time of Claudius. The -passage cited by him (Plin. N. H. VIII. XVI. 54) has no bearing on the -date; but the tomb of Scaurus, which belongs neither to the oldest nor -to the most recent, may well have been built in the time of Claudius -or of Nero. - -_Ship on the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche_ [p. 423]: JORDAN, Ann. dell' -Inst., vol. 44 (1872), pp. 20-26; VISCONTI, Fronte di Sarcofago con -Tritoni e navi, Bull. Com., vol. 1 (1872-1873), pp. 255-269; cf. Cic. -De Sen. XIX. 71. Petronius (Sat. LXXI.) humorously represents -Trimalchio as ordering 'ships under full sail' among the carvings of -his tomb. - -_Inscription of Salvius_ [p. 426]: found, according to C. I. L. X. -1032, beside the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche; but we have the testimony of -BONUCCI (Pompei, 1830, p. 37) to the effect that it was found in the -niche where it now is, where it exactly fits the cavity. The mistake -in the Corpus may have arisen from a misunderstanding of the report of -the excavation, which is now unfortunately lost. - -_M. Alleius Luccius Libella_ [p. 426]: the name was originally Luccius -Libella, with what praenomen is not clear; but Luccius Libella married -the daughter of M. Alleius (M. Alleius Nigidius Maius?) and was -adopted by him, assuming his praenomen and nomen, so that the full -name took the form given in the inscription. The son dropped the -original nomen Luccius, and was called simply M. Alleius Libella. In -like manner the name of the son of D. Lucretius Satrius Valens became -D. Lucretius Valens [p. 222]. - - -CHAPTER LI. BURIAL PLACES NEAR THE NOLA, STABIAN, AND NOCERA GATES - -_Burial places near the Nola Gate_ [p. 429]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. -hist., vol. 2, pp. 594-597; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 480-483. - -_Graves east of the Stabian Road_ [p. 429]--_earlier finds_: FIORELLI, -Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1. pt. 1, pp. 11-12, 14, 42, 46-48, 50, 51-52; -C. I. L. X. 1047-1062; Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), p. 226, 7. _Later -finds_: Not. d. scavi, 1893, pp. 333-335, 1894, pp. 15-16, 382-385, -1897, pp. 275-276; MAU, Scavi fuori porta Stabiana, Roem. Mitth., vol. -9 (1894). pp. 62-65. vol. 10 (1895), pp. 156-159. - -_Tombs near the Stabian Gate_ [p. 430]: Not. d. scavi. 1889, pp. -280-281, 368-369, 406-410, 1890, pp. 44-45, 165; MAU, Scavi fuori -porta Stabiana, Roem. Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 277-284. The -inscriptions are given also in Ephem. Epigr., vol. 8, pp. 87-88 (nos. -318, 325, 327, 330). - -_Tombs near the Amphitheatre_ [p. 431]: Not. d. scavi, 1886, pp. -334-337, 1887, pp. 33-40, 452-458; MAU, Sepolcri della via Nucerina, -Roem. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 120-149. For the inscriptions, see -also Ephem. Epigr., vol. 8, pp. 88-90 (320, 321, 324, 326, 328, 329, -332); advertisement of the stray horse, Roem. Mitth., vol. 3, p. 145. - -_Desecration of tombs near Rome_ [p. 436]: LANCIANI, The Destruction -of Ancient Rome, pp. 89-98. - - -CHAPTER LII. ARCHITECTURE - -_Doric frieze with red metopes_ [p. 441]: there is a similar frieze in -the house VII. III. 31; see MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, p. -97. - - -CHAPTER LIII. SCULPTURE - -_Of the sculptures found at Pompeii_: Very few of the sculptures -unearthed at Pompeii are treated or reproduced in the comprehensive -works on ancient sculpture. The more important statues and reliefs -found prior to 1865, as well as those discovered in Herculaneum, are -published in the Real Museo Borbonico, with descriptive text; see the -Index at the end of vol. 16, pp. 8-34. They are reproduced also by -ROUX, with descriptive text by Barre, Herculanum et Pompei, vols. 6 -and 7 (first part). These engravings, while in many cases faulty, are -often serviceable to students at a distance in the identification of -photographs, which are easily obtained through the Naples dealers. The -better terra-cottas are published by VON ROHDEN, Die Terracotten von -Pompeji (Stuttgart, 1880). A somewhat fuller treatment of Pompeian -sculpture is given in OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 532-563. - -_Heads of Epicurus, Demosthenes, and Callimachus_ [p. 447]: MAU, Bull. -dell' Inst., 1876, pp. 242-243; BRIZIO, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 45 -(1873), pp. 98-106; MOMMSEN and ROBERT, Archaeologische Zeitung, 1880, -pp. 32-36; Comparetti, La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni (Torino, 1883), -pp. 33-53, pl. III, nos. 4, 7, 8; MAU, Bull. dell' Inst., 1883, pp. -89-96; for other references, see HELBIG, Fuehrer durch die oeffentlichen -Sammlungen klassischer Altertuemer in Rom (Edit. 2, 2 vols., Leipzig, -1899), vol. 1, p. 319, no. 476. - -_Busts of Virgil and Horace_ [p. 448] (found in October, 1868): -Giornale degli scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, vol. 1 (1868), p. 133 and -pl. 1; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, p. 164; -BERNOULLI, Roemische Ikonographie, vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 127, -192; HELBIG, Fuehrer durch die oeffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer -Altertuemer in Rom (Edit. 2), vol. 1, pp. 355-356. A further reason why -Brutus cannot be represented in the Naples bust is that the similar -bust in the Capitoline Museum in Rome (HELBIG, op. cit., no. 536) -shows a person well on in years, while the prominence of Brutus lasted -only for a brief period, and it is not likely that there should be -preserved to us portraits representing him at periods so entirely -different. _Susa mosaic_: Comptes rendus de l'Academie des -Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, serie 4, vol. 24 (Paris, 1896), pp. -578-581 and pl. after p. 580; GAUCKLER, Les Mosaiques virgiliennes de -Sousse, Monuments et Memoires publiees par l'Academie des Inscriptions -et Belles-lettres, vol. 4 (Fondation Piot, 1897), pp. 233-234; FOWLER, -Portraits of Virgil, School Review, vol. 6 (1898), pp. 598-605; -Archaeologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrb. des Inst., vol. 13 -(1898), p. 114. - -_Aphrodite and Spes_ [p. 450]: MAU, Bull, dell' Inst., 1873, pp. -233-235. - -_Artemis_ [p. 450]: often reproduced, as Museo Borb., vol. 2, pl. 8; -ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 6, pl. 76, 77; BRUNN and BRUCKMANN, -Denkmaeler griechischer und roemischer Sculptur, no. 356. -_Identification with Artemis Laphria_ (Paus. VII. XVIII. 9): -STUDNICZKA, Die archaische Artemis-statuette aus Pompeii, Roem. Mitth., -vol. 3 (1888), pp. 277-302, and pl. 10; COLLIGNON, Histoire de la -sculpture grecque, vol. 2 (Paris, 1897), pp. 656-657. - -_Dancing satyr_ [p. 450]: Museo Borb., vol. 9, pl. 42; ROUX, -Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 6, pl. 59; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. -549-551. - -_Silenus carrying frame with glass vase_ [p. 451]: Museo Borb., vol. -16, pl. 29; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, p. 159; -OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, p. 552. - -_Listening Dionysus_ [p. 452]: Giornale degli scavi di Pompei, 1862, -p. 60 and pl. 14; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. -158-159; BENNDORF, Sulla statua Pompeiana creduta di Narcisso, Ann. -dell' Inst., vol. 38 (1866), pp. 107-113; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. -552-555; HAUSER, Narcisso, Jahrb. des Inst., vol. 4 (1889), pp. -113-118; COLLIGNON, Histoire de la sculpture grecque, vol. 2, pp. -451-453; Museo Borb., vol. 16, pl. 28; BRUNN and BRUCKMANN, Denkmaeler, -no. 384. Hauser in the article cited makes it appear probable that the -figure had originally a somewhat different pose; the right foot rested -flat upon the base, the left only on the heel, so that the body, -instead of leaning forward, was slightly bent back. The present pose, -however, was given to the figure in antiquity; according to G. -Patroni, the wedge of lead under the right foot was in its present -place when the statuette was discovered. - -_Ephebus of 1900_ [p. 453]: Not. d. scavi, 1900, pp. 584-587 (7 -illustrations); SOGLIANO, L'efebo in bronzo rinvenuto in Pompei, Mon. -dei Lincei, vol. 10 (1901), pp. 641-654, pl. 16-26. This statue is -assigned to the Roman period by WALDSTEIN, The Monthly Review, 1901, -pp. 125-126, and PETERSEN, Roem. Mitth., vol. 16 (1901), p. 96. - - -CHAPTER LIV. PAINTING. WALL DECORATION - -_Technique of Pompeian painting_: DONNER, Die erhaltenen antiken -Wandmalereien in technischer Beziehung, printed as an introduction to -Helbig's Wandgemaelde (see Chap. LV.), pp. I--CXXVII; MAU, Geschichte -der decorativen Wandmalerei in Pompeji (Berlin, 1882; with atlas of 20 -plates). - -_Specimen illustrations_: Many entire walls as well as single -paintings are reproduced in color in the extensive works by ZAHN, Die -schoensten Ornamente und merkwuerdigsten Gemaelde aus Pompeji, Herkulanum -und Stabiae, nebst einigen Grundrissen und Ansichten (Mit deutschem -und franzoesischem Text. Drei Abtheilungen in 30 Heften, 302 Tafeln. -Berlin, 1827-1859); and NICCOLINI, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei -designati e descritti (Naples, 1854-1901). Both works are rarely found -complete, and the plates of the second in particular leave much to be -desired in respect to drawing as well as coloring; it has therefore -been thought best not to encumber these notes with detailed references -to them. A number of walls are shown also by ROUX, Herculanum et -Pompei (8 vols., Paris, 1840), vol. 1 (108 plates), and by D'AMELIO, -Dipinti Murali di Pompei, Naples, 1888. Professor Mau has in -preparation a new work on wall decoration which will be illustrated by -colored plates similar to those in the atlas to his Wandmalerei. The -sources of the illustrations in this and the following chapter are -given in our List of Illustrations, p. xxv. - -_Preparation of the wall_ [p. 456]: Vitr. VII. III; cf. also -MIDDLETON, The Remains of Ancient Rome (2 vols. London, 1892), vol. 1, -pp. 91-103. - -_Decoration of the house of Lucretius_ [p. 457]: see references on p. -528. - -_The four styles of decoration_ [p. 457]: suggestive critical comments -by WICKHOFF, Roman Art (English trans. by Mrs. S. Arthur Strong, -London, 1900), pp. 117 ff.; but see the review of the German original -by Mau, Roem. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 227-235. - -_Decoration of the second style in Rome_ [p. 462]--_house of -Germanicus on the Palatine_: MAU, Due pareti d'una stanza sul -Palatino, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 52 (1880), pp. 136-149, and Mon. -dell' Inst., vol. 11, pl. 22-23; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, -pp. 196-205 and pl. 9. _House in the Farnesina garden_: Not. d. Scavi, -1879, pp. 15, 40, 68, 114, 141, 179-180, 267, 314, 333, 1880, pp. 32, -127-128, 138-140, and pl. 4 (plan); MAU, Parete dipinta della casa -antica scoperta nel giardino della Farnesina, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. -54 (1882), pp. 301-308; HUeLSEN, Fregio dipinta nella casa antica -scoperta nel giardino della Farnesina, ibid., pp. 309-314; MAU, -Pitture della casa antica scoperta nella villa Farnesina, Ann. dell' -Inst., vol. 56 (1884), pp. 307-322, vol. 57 (1885), pp. 302-318; Mon. -dell' Inst., vol. 11, pl. 44-48, vol. 12, pl. 5, 5 _a_, 7, 7 _a_, 8, -17-34; Supplemento (1891), pl. 32-36; especially LESSING and MAU, -Wand- und Deckenschmuck eines roemischen Hauses aus der Zeit des -Augustus (Berlin, 1891; with 16 plates from the same blocks as those -in the Mon. dell' Inst.); HELBIG, Fuehrer durch die Sammlungen -klassischer Altertuemer in Rom, vol. 2, pp. 226-223, nos. 1107-1108, -1119-1122, 1124, 1129-1136, 1141-1144, 1146-1148, 1151. - - -CHAPTER LV. THE PAINTINGS - -_Of the paintings in general_: the paintings discovered prior to 1868 -are described, with references to the literature, by W. HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde der vom Vesuv verschuetteten Staedte Campaniens (Nebst -einer Abhandlung ueber die antiken Wandmalereien in Technischer -Beziehung, von Otto Donner, Leipzig, 1868); those discovered after the -publication of Helbig's work and before 1880, by A. SOGLIANO, Le -pitture murali Campane scoverte negli anni 1867-1879 (supplemento all' -opera dell' Helbig, Naples, 1879. Published also in the volume, Pompei -e la regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio, for which see p. 513); those that -have come to light since 1879 are described by MAU in his reports (see -note to Chap. IV) and in the Notizie degli scavi; cf. also HELBIG, -Untersuchungen ueber die campanische Wandmalerei (Leipzig, 1873). -Besides the reproductions of paintings by ZAHN and NICCOLINI mentioned -above (p. 544), the more important examples are published in the Real -Museo Borbonico (see Index at the end of vol. 16, pp. 37-58); ROUX, -Herculanum et Pompei, vols. 1-5 (Paris, 1840); ROCHETTE, Choix de -peintures de Pompei, la plupart de sujet historique (lithographiees en -couleur par M. Roux, et publiees ... par M. Raoul-Rochette; 7 -livraisons in fol., Paris, 1844-1853, incomplete); PRESUHN, Pompeji, -Die neuesten Ausgrabungen von 1874 bis 1881 (Edit. 2, Leipzig, 1882; -80 chromolithograph plates); and in other works the titles of which -are easily accessible in Furchheim's Bibliografia. The colored plates -presented by A. NICCOLINI, Arte Pompeiana Monumenti scelti (a -selection of 55 plates from the larger work, Naples, 1888), give a -false idea of the paintings reproduced. - -_No evidence of development in composition or technique_ [p. 471]: cf. -WICKHOFF, Roman Art, pp. 139 ff. - -_Hercules and Antaeus_ [p. 472]: Bull. dell' Inst., 1876, p. 101; -SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, no. 495. - -_Mosaic pictures on the floor_ [p. 472]: as in the house of the Faun; -see references on p. 533. For the Pompeian mosaics in general, see Gli -ornati delle pareti ed i pavimenti delle stanze dell' antica Pompei, 3 -vols. Naples, 1796-1808, vols. 1 and 2; Museo Borb., Index at the end -of vol. 16, pp. 35-37; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 5 (latter -part, 32 plates). - -_Group of Admetus and Alcestis in architectural framework_ [p. 473]: -SOGLIANO, op. cit., no. 506. - -_Seafights_ [p. 474]: HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1576-1580 (those of -the Macellum are shown in a colored plate by MAZOIS, Les ruines de -Pompei, vol. 3, pl. 46); Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), p. 56, nos. -113-116, and SOGLIANO, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 8 (1898), p. 310, fig. -33; cf. also SOGLIANO op. cit., nos. 669-670. - -_Xenia_ [p. 474]: Vitr. VI. VII (X) 4; HELBIG, Wandegemaelde, nos. -1661-1718. For fig. 266 cf. Museo Borb., vol. 6, pl. 38; HELBIG, no. -1690. - -_Landscapes_ [p. 475]: ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 3 (end; 30 -plates); HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, pp. 385-394; SOGLIANO, op. cit., pp. -141-144. - -_Tadius, Ludius_ [p. 475]: Plin. N. H. XXXV. X. 116. In Mayhoff's text -(vol. 5, 1897) the name is given as Studius. Cf. HELBIG, Beitraege zur -Erklaerung der campanischen Wandbilder. Rhein. Mus., vol. 25 (1870), -pp. 393-407. _Decoration of the villa at Prima Porta_: BRUNN, Scavi di -Prima Porta, Bull. dell' Inst., 1863, pp. 81-86; Antike Denkmaeler des -Kaiserlich deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts, vol. 1 (1890), pl. 11, -24. - -_Group of musicians_ [p. 476]: Museo Borb., vol. 1, pl. 30; HELBIG, -Wandegemaelde, no. 1442. - -_Paquius Proculus and his wife_ [p. 477]: Bull. dell' Inst., 1868, p. -204; SOGLIANO, op. cit., no. 673. - -_Busts of youths with the names of Homer and Plato_ [pp. 477-478]: -found in 1892 in the tablinum of the small house joined to the house -of the Silver Wedding [fig. 146, [delta]]; reproduced, with fuller -description, Roem. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), pp. 19-23. - -_Paintings of Achilles in the house of Castor and Pollux_ [p. 478]: -HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1297, 1307. - -_Scenes of combat_ [p. 478]--_Hercules, from Herculaneum_: Pitture di -Ercolano, vol. 3, pl. 47, p. 247; ibid., vol. 4, pl. 5, p. 27; and -Museo Borb., vol. 11, pl. 9; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, nos. 1124, 1125. -_Meleager and the boar_: FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 40, 382; -SOGLIANO, op. cit., nos. 508, 509. _Achilles and the fleeing Troilus_: -Bull. dell' Inst., 1868, p. 37; HELBIG, Wandgemaelde, pp. 460-461; cf. -also SOGLIANO, op. cit., no. 548. _Combat between warrior and Amazon_: -Bull. dell' Inst., 1871, p. 204; SOGLIANO, op. cit., no. 547, cf. also -no. 548. - -_Io and Argus, Io in Egypt_ [p. 479]: Museo Borb., vol. 2, pl. 12, -vol. 10, pl. 2; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompei, vol. 2, pl. 59; HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, nos. 131, 138. Cf. BRAUN, Elenco dei monumenti -rappresentanti il mito di Io, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 10 (1838), pp. -328-330, and Mon. dell' Inst., vol. 2, pl. 59. - -_Hecuba_ [p. 479]: Bull. dell' Inst., 1877, p. 13; MAU, Ettore -riportato a Troia, pittura paretaria di Pompei, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. -49 (1877), pp. 268-279, and pl. O, P (colored, at the end of the -volume); SOGLIANO, op. cit., no. 579. - -_Narcissus, Polyphemus, Apollo, and Admetus_ [pp. 479-480]: HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, nos. 1338-1367, SOGLIANO, op. cit., nos. 586-592; HELBIG, -nos. 220-222, 1048. - -_Idyllic pictures_ [p. 480]--_Selene and Endymion_: HELBIG, -Wandgemaelde, nos. 950-962; SOGLIANO, op. cit., nos. 456-457. _Paris -and Oenone_: HELBIG, no. 1280. _Perseus and Andromeda_: HELBIG, nos. -1192-1198. _Bacchus and Ariadne_: HELBIG, nos. 1235-1240; SOGLIANO, -no. 538; Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 52-53 (no. 98, house of the -Vettii). _Hercules and Omphale_: HELBIG, nos. 1136-1140; cf. SOGLIANO, -nos. 496, 497. - -_Examples of a pathetic situation_ [p. 480]--_Aphrodite and the -wounded Adonis_: HELBIG, nos. 335-340; SOGLIANO, no. 142. -_Cyparissus_: SOGLIANO, nos. 109, 110; Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), p. -19 (no. 36, with illustration, house of the Vettii). _Europa and the -bull_: SOGLIANO, no. 79; cf. HELBIG, nos. 123-130. - -_Groups with figures in contrast_ [p. 480]--_Hephaestus and Thetis_: -HELBIG, nos. 1316-1318 _c_. _Daedalus and Pasiphae_: HELBIG, nos. -1205-1208; Roem. Mitth., vol. 11, pp. 49-51 (with illustration, house -of the Vettii). _Danae cast away_: HELBIG, nos. 119-121; SOGLIANO, -nos. 76-78. - -_Paintings in groups_ [p. 481]: TRENDELENBURG, Gegenstuecke in der -Wandmalerei, Archaeologische Zeitung, vol. 9 (1876), pp. 1-8, 79-93. -_Group of three paintings, Achilles_: Bull. dell' Inst., 1879, pp. -51-54 (Ins. IX. V. 2); SOGLIANO, nos. 572, 576, 577. _Group of two, -Polyphemus, Aphrodite fishing_: Bull. dell' Inst., 1876, pp. 49-50; -SOGLIANO, nos. 146, 472 (Ins. VI. XIV. 28); HELBIG, nos. 354, 1049 -(house of Lucretius). _Group of two, Europa and Pan_: SOGLIANO, nos. -79, 196 (Ins. IX. V. 18). _Double group, Hercules and Artemis, Athena -and Marsyas_: Roem. Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 263-269 (with -illustrations), vol. 6 (1891), pp. 71-72 (Ins. V. II. 10). - - -CHAPTER LVI. MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTIONS AND PUBLIC NOTICES - -_Publication_: in the notes to the preceding chapters references have -been given to the place of publication of nearly all the monumental -inscriptions, both Latin and Oscan; the Latin inscriptions on stone -are classified C. I. L. X. 787-1079, with a supplementary collection, -Ephem. Epigr., vol. 8, pp. 86-90 (nos. 311-332); cf. also Not. d. -scavi, 1898, pp. 422-423. The Oscan inscriptions of all classes are -published by ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge Inscriptionum Oscarum (with 19 plates -of facsimiles; St. Petersburg and Leipzig, 1878); Inscriptiones -Italiae inferioris mediae (with 11 plates; Moscow and Leipzig, 1886); -VON PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte (2 vols., -Strassburg, 1892, 1897), vol. 2, pp. 499-510 (nos. 28-116); CONWAY, -The Italic Dialects (2 vols., London, 1897), vol. 2, pp. 54-81 (nos. -39-86). The public notices are collected in C. I. L. IV. pp. 1-75 -(nos. 1-1204), pp. XVI-XVII (nos. 3256-3296), and the Supplement, pt. -2, which is in press, pp. 467-499 (nos. 3341-3884). - -_House of Aemilius Celer_ [p. 486]: MAU, Roem. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), -pp. 118-119. - -_Election notices_ [p. 487]--_M. Marius_: C. I. L. IV. 3. _Publius -Furius_: ibid., 67. _Herennius Celsus_: ibid., 299. _Casellius_: -ibid., 223 et al., and Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), p. 96. _Holconius -Priscus_: C. I. L. IV. 157. _hic aerarium conservabit_: C. I. L. IV. -Suppl. 3702. _Claudius Verus_: C. I. L. IV. 367, Suppl. 5229, and -often between nos. 3707 and 3828. - -_Election notices_ [pp. 488-489]--_Helvius Sabinus_: C. I. L. IV. 787. -_M. Epidius Sabinus_: ibid., 470. _Sabinus_: ibid., 635. _Epidius -Sabinus_: ibid., 787. _Vatia_: ibid., 575, 576, 581. CLAUDIUS: ibid., -425. - -_Notices to rent_--_insula of Nigidius Maius_ [p. 489]: C. I. L. IV. -138. _Property of Julia Felix_ [p. 490]: ibid., 1136. - -_Offer of reward_ [p. 490]: C. I. L. IV. 64. - - -CHAPTER LVII. THE GRAFFITI - -_Publication_: the graffiti are collected, C. I. L. IV. pp. 76-166 -(nos. 1205-2549 _c_), pp. XVII-XVIII (nos. 3297-3339), and Suppl., pt. -2, pp. 499-599 (nos. 3885 _et seq._). Cf. CORRERA, Graffiti di Roma, -Bull. com., 1893, pp. 245-260, 1894, pp. 89-100, and pls. II-VI, 1895, -pp. 193-216. - -_Admiror, paries_ [p. 491]: found in the Large Theatre, the -Amphitheatre, and the Basilica; C. I. L. IV. 1904, 2461, 2487; Bull. -dell' Inst., 1867, pp. 50-53; Bull. com., 1894, p. 99; BUECHELER, -Carmina Latina epigraphica, no. 957 (vol. 1, Leipzig, 1895), p. 440. -_References to writing on walls in ancient authors_: Plin. Epist. -VIII. VIII. 7; Mart. Ep. XII. LXI. 7-10; Cic. In Verr. III. XXXIII. -77. _Metrical graffiti_: BUECHELER, Die metrischen Wandinschriften, -Rhein. Mus., vol. 12 (1857), pp. 250-260. - -_Graffiti relating to the conflict in the Amphitheatre_ [p. 492]: see -references on pp. 529-530. - -_Praetorian guard_ [p. 492]: C. I. L. IV. 1994. - -_Names and greetings_ [p. 493]--_Paris, Sabinus_: C. I. L. IV. 1245, -1305. _Aemilius_: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 5350. _Samius, Pyrrhus_: C. I. -L. IV. 1864, 1852. - -_Love_ [p. 494]--_Quisquis amat_: Bull. dell' Inst., 1876, p. 233; C. -I. L. IV. Suppl. 4091; cf. C. I. L. IV. 1173, 3199: BUECHELER, Carm. -Lat. epigr., nos. 945, 946. _Nemo est bellus_: C. I. L. IV. 1883; -BUECHELER, 233; Roem. Mitth., vol. 13 (1898), p. 45. _Nam nemo -flammas_: C. I. L. IV. 1898; BUECHELER, 948. _Alliget hic auras_: C. -I. L. IV. 1649; BUECHELER, 944. _Si quis forte meam_: C. I. L. IV. -1645; BUECHELER, 953, 954. - -_Quotations and paraphrases_ [p. 495]: Propert. II. V. 9; C. I. L. IV. -Suppl. 4491; Bull. dell' Inst., 1875, p. 191: Ovid, Ars Am. I. -475-476, and C. I. L. IV. 1895. - -_Lovers' messages_ [p. 495]--_Victoria_: C. I. L. IV. 1477. -_Cestilia_: ibid., 2413 _h_. _Pupa_: ibid., 1234; BUECHELER, no. 232. -_Serena_: Bull. dell' Inst., 1874, p. 269; C. I. L. IV. Suppl. -3928-3930. _Si quid amor_: Not. d. scavi, 1883, p. 53; BUECHELER, no. -935. - -_Lovers' complaints_ [p. 496]: _Tu, dea_: C. I. L. IV. 2310 _k_. -_Quoted couplets joined_: ibid., 1893, 1894. _Threat against Venus_: -ibid., 1824; Roem. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), p. 59 (no. 29); BUECHELER, -no. 947. - -_Records of tarrying_ [p. 496]--_Romula_: C. I. L. IV. 2060. -_Staphilus_: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 4087. _Restitutus_: Roem. Mitth., vol. -7 (1892), p. 25; BUECHELER, 355. _Varus and Pelagia_: C. I. L. IV. -2321. _Balbus and Fortunata_: Bull. dell' Inst., 1883, p. 195; C. I. -L. IV. Suppl. 4933. - -_Greeting of Hirtia Psacas_ [p. 497]. Bull. dell' Inst., 1894, p. 201; -C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 3905. - -_Memoranda_ [p. 497]--_gambling_: C. I. L. IV. 2119. _Paces_: ibid., -1714. _Advent of young_: Bull. dell' Inst., 1874, p. 202; C. I. L. IV. -Suppl. 3890. _Figures_: C. I. L. IV. 1996, 2008, 2011, 2020, etc. -_Oleum l. a._: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 4000; FIORELLI, Descrizione di -Pompei, p. 59. - -_Catchwords, quotations, proverbs_ [p. 498]: _Verg. Aen. I. 1_: C. I. -L. IV. 1282, 2361, 3198. _Aen. II. 1_: ibid., 2213, and often; Roem. -Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), p. 57.[5] _Lucr. I. 1_: C. I. L. IV. 3072. -_Minimum malum_: ibid., 1811, 1870. _Moram si quaeres_: ibid., 2069. - - -CHAPTER LVIII. INSCRIPTIONS RELATING TO BUSINESS AFFAIRS - -_Tablets of Caecilius Jucundus_ [p. 499 _et seq._]: edited by -ZANGEMEISTER, C. I. L. IV. Suppl. fasc. 1 (1898); first published by -DE PETRA, Le tavolette cerate di Pompei rinvenute a' 3 e 5 Luglio, -1875 (Rome, 1876), also in Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei, ser. 2, -vol. 3, pp. 3, 150-230; cf. MOMMSEN, Die Pompeianischen -Quittungstafeln des L. Caecilius Iucundus, Hermes, vol. 12 (1879), pp. -88-141; MOMMSEN, Pompeianische Geschaeftsurkunden, Hermes, vol. 23 -(1888), pp. 157-159; BRUNS, Fontes iuris Romani antiqui (Edit. 6, -1893), pp. 291-293, 314-320. - -Of interest in this connection are the remains of wax tablets found in -the gold mines near Verespatak (ancient Alburnus Maior) in -Transylvania (C. I. L. III. pp. 921-960), and the records of -transactions found on papyri of the Roman period in Egypt (cf., e.g., -SCHULTEN, Ein roemischer Kaufvertrag auf Papyrus aus dem Jahre 166 n. -Chr., Hermes, vol. 32, 1897, pp. 273-289). - -_Tablet A_ [p. 502]: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 3340, XXV; DE PETRA, no. 15. - -_Tablet B_ [p. 504]: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 3340, CXLVII; DE PETRA, no. -124. - -_Inscriptions on amphorae_ [p. 505]--_ex fundo Badiano_: C. I. L. IV. -2551. _Estate uncertain_: C. I. L. IV. 2552 (names of the consuls -incorrectly given). _fundus Satrianus, fundus Asinianus_: MAU, Roem. -Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), p. 96; Not. d. scavi, 1895, p. 33. - -_Brands of wine_ [pp. 505-506]--_Cnidium_: Roem. Mitth., vol. 13 (1898), -p. 40. _Coum_: C. I. L. IV. 2565. [Greek: Lyttios]: Roem. Mitth., vol. 8 -(1893), p. 60. [Greek: Leukounarion]: Bull. dell' Inst., 1874, p. 264. - -_Gustaticium_ [p. 506]: Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), p. 96. - -_Edibles_ [p. 506]--_Oliva alba dulce_: C. I. L. IV. 2610. _Lomentum_: -ibid., 2597. _g. f._: ibid., 2576. _Liquamen_: ibid., see Index, p. -243; Roem. Mitth., vol. 13 (1898), p. 30. - -_Names of proprietor, consignor, consignee_ [p. 507]--_M. Caesius -Celer_: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. _Virnius Modestus_: Not. d. Scavi, 1881, -p. 195. _Caecilius Jucundus_: Bull. dell' Inst., 1876, p. 24. _Caecili -Iucundi_: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 3433. - -_Inscriptions of the Boscoreale treasure_ [p. 507]: published in -facsimile by HERON DE VILLEFOSSE, Le tresor de Boscoreale; see pp. 42 -_et seq._ - -_Inscription of the Alexandria patera_ [p. 507]: - - [Illustration] - -_Stamps_ [p. 508]: for the stamped and other permanent inscriptions on -tiles, lamps, amphorae, and different kinds of terra-cotta vessels -found at Pompeii, as well as the stamps and seals, see the second part -of C. I. L. X., under =Instrumentum Domesticum=. - -_Examples of stamps_ [p. 508]--_bread_: C. I. L. X. 8058, 18. -_Popidius Priscus_: ibid., 8058, 70. _Vettii_: Roem. Mitth., vol. 11 -(1896), p. 3. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[4] An extensive collection of titles relating to Pompeii and Vesuvius -is given by F. FURCHHEIM, Bibliografia di Pompei, Erculano e Stabia -(Edit. 2, Naples, 1891) and Bibliografia del Vesuvio (Naples, 1897). - -In the Bibliographical Appendix figures in brackets refer to the pages -of this book. The following abbreviations are employed:-- - - Ann. dell' Inst. = Annali dell' Instituto di corrispondenza - archeologica (57 vols., Rome, 1829-1885). - - Bull. com. = Bullettino della commissione archeologica - communale di Roma (vols. 1-19, Rome, 1872-1901). - - Bull, dell' Inst. = Bullettino dell' Instituto di - corrispondenza archeologica (Rome, 1829-1885). - - C. I. L. = Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1863 ff.). - - Ephem. Epigr. = Ephemeris Epigraphica, corporis inscriptionum - Latinarum supplementum (vols. 1-8, Berlin, 1872-1899). - - Jahrb. des Inst. = Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich deutschen - archaeologischen Instituts (vols. 1-16, Berlin, 1885-1901). - - Mon. dei Lincei = Monumenti Antichi pubblicati per cura della - Reale Accademia dei Lincei (Milano, vols. 1-10, 1892-1901). - - Mon. dell' Inst. = Monumenti inediti pubblicati dall' Instituto - di corrispondenza archeologica (12 vols. and Supplements, Rome - and Berlin, 1829-1891). - - Museo Borb. = Real Museo Borbonico (16 vols., Naples, - 1824-1857). - - Not. d. scavi = Notizie degli scavi di antichita (Rome and - Milan, 1876-1901). - - Pomp. ant. hist. = Pompeianarum antiquitatum historia quam ... - collegit ... Ios. Fiorelli (3 vols., Naples, 1860, 1862, 1864). - - Rhein. Mus. = Rheinisches Museum fuer Philologie (vols. 1-56, - Frankfurt, 1842-1901). - - Roem. Mitth. = Mittheilungen des Kaiserlich deutschen - archaeologischen Instituts, Roemische Abtheilung (vols. 1-16, - Rome, 1886-1901). - - -[5] "Virgil's words, 'Then were all silent,' look strangely in a -half-finished scrawl from a wall of Pompeii's hushed and solitary -homes."--MYERS, _Essays Classical_ (London, 1897), p. 149. - - - - -INDEX - - - Abinnerich, 18. - - Acceptus and Euhodia, house of, 341-343. - - accounts, memoranda of, on walls, 334, 495; - of Caecilius Jucundus, 496. - - Acerrae, Pompeii seaport of, 3. - - Achilles, in paintings: among the daughters of Lycomedes, 350, - 478, 481; - delivering up of Briseis, 317; - quarrel with Agamemnon, 84, 350, 478; - Thetis bringing arms to, see Thetis; - Troilus seized by, 478. - - Actius Anicetus, actor, 148. - - Admetus and Alcestis, painting, 313. - - aediles, office of, 121, 123; - title of, 12, 13. - - Aemilius Celer, writer of notices, 223, 486. - - Aeneas, statue of, 115. - - Aesculapius, worshipped at domestic shrine, 272. - - Agamemnon, in the sanctuary of Artemis, painting, 331; - quarrel with Achilles, painting, 84, 350, 478. - - Agrippina, mother of Nero, statues of, 47, 99. - - alae, sanctuary of the City Lares, 102; - of Pompeian house, 258-259. - - Alexander and Darius, battle of, mosaic, 293-294. - - Alexandria, influence of, in the development of decorative styles, - 458, 465. - - Alleia Decimilla, priestess of Ceres, 426. - - M. Alleius Luccius Libella, tomb of, 426. - - M. Alleius Minius, tomb of, 430. - - Cn. Alleius Nigidius Maius, 222, 349, 489. - - altar in dining room, 264. - - altars, in the courts of temples: of Apollo, 86; - of Isis, 174; - of Doric temple, 139; - temple of Vespasian, 107; - temple of Zeus Milichius, 183, 440; - on the sides of the streets, 233-236. - - Amphitheatre, 26, 212-226. - - amphorae, use of, 14; - in the house of the Faun, 295; - in the villa of Diomedes, 360; - inscriptions upon, 505-506. - - Anchor, peristyle of the house of the, 351. - - andron in Pompeian houses, 260. - - P. Aninius, 195. - - antefixes about compluvium, 251. - - Antioch, 469. - - Apelles, 277. - - Aphrodite, statue of, 450. - - Apollo, house of, 262, 268, 273, 351; - represented in stucco relief and in paintings, 205, 312, 329, - 331, 480; - statues of, 88, 140, 272, 352; - temple of, 49, 80, 90. - - Apuleius and Veia, tomb of, 434. - - Apuleius on the worship of Isis, 169, 173, 174, 176, 181, 182. - - architectural periods at Pompeii, 39-44. - - architecture, Pompeian, 437-444. - - architraves of timber and stone, 51. - - Ares and Aphrodite, painting, 286. - - Ariadne, in paintings. See Bacchus, Theseus. - - arm band, 379. - - Arria, tomb of, 428. - - M. Arrius Diomedes, tomb of, 356, 427. - - Artemis, in paintings, 315; - Agamemnon in sanctuary of, 331; - shrine of, 481; - statues of, 88, 450. - - artist at work, painting, 282. - - M. Artorius Primus, architect of the Large Theatre, 150. - - Atella, Atellan farces, 142. - - Athena and Marsyas, painting, 482. - - M. Atinius, 200. - - atrium of Pompeian houses, 250-255; - atrium without a compluvium, 343-344. - - Atticus, gladiator, 223-224. - - Auctus, gladiator, 225. - - Augustales, 100, 216, 409, 421, 423. - - Augustus Caesar, Brotherhood of. See Augustales; - regulation of standard measures, 93; - statues of, 47, 115; - worship of, 14, 89-90, 104. - - Auriolus, gladiator, 224. - - autumn, Genius of, mosaic, 293. - - L. Avianius Flaccus, 243. - - - bacchantes, 326, 336, 448, 468, 473. - - bacchic figures in capitals of columns, 309, 349; - in paintings, 329. - - Bacchus, reliefs of Blue Glass Vase, 415; - triumph of, 336; - in paintings, 88, 354; - as tutelary divinity, 236, 417; - finds Ariadne, 339, 354, 480; - in sculptures, 175, 325, 448. - - bakery, arrangements of, 386-392. - - Basilica, 52, 70-79. - - bath, toilet appliances of, 377. - - Baths, _public_, 186-189; - Stabian, 189-201; - Baths near the Forum, 202-207; - Central Baths, 208-211; - - Baths, _private_, of M. Crassus Frugi, 408; - in houses, 267, 297, 306-307, 346, 357, 362-363. - - Bay of Naples, 2, 6, 358. - - bisellium, 369, 370, 421, 423. - - block. See Insula. - - Boccharis, myth of, 17. - - Bonaparte, Joseph, excavations under, 27. - - Boscoreale, villa rustica at, 14, 361-366; - treasure of, 366, 380-382, 507-508. - - bricks, Pompeian, 36. - - Briseis, delivered to the messenger of Agamemnon, - painting, 316-318. - - building materials, 35-36. - - bust stones, 412, 418, 421, 428, 432 _et seq._ - - - L. Caecilius Jucundus, herm of, 447, 477; - house of, height of shops, 276; - cellar of, 268; - decoration of tablinum, 348, 479; - meeting in house of, 496; - names of sons of, 507; - receipts of, 499-505; - relief in the house of, 64. - - L. Caecilius Phoebus, 176. - - Julius Caesar, place for statue of, 115. - - P. Caesetius Postumus, 90. - - L. Caesius, 203. - - M. Caesius Celer, 507. - - L. Caesius Logus, 433. - - Caligula, elected duumvir of Pompeii, 14; - statue of (?), 48. - - Callimachus, marble head, 447. - - Callistus, 424. - - C. Calventius Quietus, tomb of, 421. - - Campani, Campanienses, suburb of Pompeii, 11, 492. - - Campania, events in the history of, 8-10. - - Campanian plain, 1, 2. - - candelabra, 372-375. - - capitals of columns, 437, 440-441. - - Capri, 6, 406. - - casa dell' Amore Punito, 275. - - casa del Balcone Pensile, 273. - - casa della Fontana Grande, 351. - - casa della Fontana Piccola, 351. - - Casellius, 487. - - Cassius Longinus, 141. - - Castellammare. See Stabiae. - - Castor and Pollux, house of, 350; - Corinthian atrium, 252; - paintings, 476, 481. - - casts made at Pompeii, human beings, 22; - doors, 249. - - Cato the elder, reference to millstones, 15. - - Ceius Labeo, tomb of, 426. - - L. Ceius Secundus, 397. - - Celadus, gladiator, 226. - - Celer, 486. - - Centaur, house of, 350; - bedroom in house of, 261. - - Centenary, house of, 261, 268, 348, 487. - - Ceres, priestesses of, 14, 426. - - M. Cerrinius Restitutus, tomb of, 409. - - Cestilia, 495. - - chairs, 367, 369. - - chalcidicum, 111. - - Championnet, excavations of, 27. - - Chius, 493. - - choinix, Greek measure, 93. - - Christians at Pompeii, 18. - - Chryseis, departure of, painting, 316. - - Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 16, 58, 423. - - Citharist, house of, 352-354; - fountain figures in the house of, 449. - - city council, constitution of, 12; - hall of, 121, 122. - - City Lares, sanctuary of the, 102-105. - - city wall, construction of, 237-241; - course of, 31. - - Claudius, statues of, 47, 99. - - Ti. Claudius Verus, 487, 489. - - Clitumnus, 2. - - A. Clodius Flaccus, 57, 90, 161. - - L. Clodius Varus, 496. - - Cnidian wine, sold at Pompeii, 505. - - Coan wine, sold at Pompeii, 505. - - Coliseum, dimensions of, 213; - masts for awnings of, 144. - - combs, 377-378. - - Comitium, 119-120. - - compluvium of the Pompeian house, 250. - - Concordia Augusta, fountain of, 117; - statue of, 116. - - Constantinople, water system, 231, 232. - - construction, Pompeian, 36-39. - - Conviva, slave of Veia, 434. - - Corinthian atrium, 252, 309, 350. - - Cornelius, 493. - - A. Cornelius, 86. - - Cn. Cornelius, 86. - - P. Cornelius, 9. - - Cornelius Rufus, herm of, 255, 446; - house of, 354. - - couches, 257, 263, 367, 368. - - country seats near Pompeii, 16. See villa. - - M. Crassus Frugi, baths of, 408. - - Crescens, fuller, 11; - gladiator, 226. - - crypta, 111, 148. - - Cumae, 305. - - Cupids, in paintings and stucco reliefs, 97, 205, 315, 331-338. - - Cycnus, gladiator, 223-224. - - Cyparissus, paintings, 338, 480. - - - Daedalus, and Icarus, paintings, 200, 483; - and Pasiphae, paintings, 339, 480. - - Danae, painting, 338. - - Sex. Decimius Rufus, 492. - - Q. Decius Hilarus, 436. - - decoration, styles of, 41 _et seq._, 456 _et seq._ - - decurions, 12. - - Delos, remains of Incrustation Style on island of, 461. - - Demosthenes, marble head, 447. - - dining room in Pompeian houses, 262-266, 273-276. - - Diodota, 497. - - Diogenes, mason, 387. - - Diomedes, tomb of, 427; - villa of, 23, 356-360. - - Dion Cassius, 20, 196. - - Dionysus, in painting, 282, 463; - statuette of, 452. - - Dirce, punishment of, painting, 339. - - Doerpfeld's theory of the stage of the Greek theatre, 151-152. - - dolia, use of, 505; - in the villa at Boscoreale, key to Plan IV, 364; - in a painting, 403. - - doors, of houses, 249-250; - of the temple of Jupiter, 64. - - Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare, 137-140. - - duumvirs, office of, 121-123; - title of, 12. - - - earthquake of 63 A.D., 19. - - C. Egnatius Postumus, 85. - - Egyptian motives in wall decoration, 465. - - Elbeuf, Count, excavations of, at Herculaneum, 26. - - election notices, 384, 396, 397, 486-489. - - Epicurus, marble head, 447. - - Epidius Rufus, house of, 248, 252, 258, 260, 309-312; - inscription upon shrine in the house of, 270. - - M. Epidius Sabinus, 488. - - Eumachia, building of, 110-118; - statue of, 112, 445, 446. - - Europa, painting, 286, 480. - - Eurysaces, kneading machine in reliefs of tomb of, 392. - - Eutyches, slave of Umbricius Scaurus, 506. - - excavations, at Pompeii, 25-30; - in honor of the King and Queen of Italy and the Emperor and - Empress of Germany, 301, 306; - in honor of the Emperor Joseph II., 344. - - - fasces, on the tomb of Diomedes, 428. - - fauces of Pompeian house, 248. - - Faun, house of the, 27, 51, 261, 276, 288-297. - - festivals, religious, 57, 98, 337, 396. - - Fiorelli, 28-29, 34, 349. - - fisheries, products of, 15, 506. - - N. Fistius Ampliatus, 419. - - floors of Pompeian houses, 278. - - Fontana, Domenico, tunnel of, under Pompeii, 25. - - Fortuna, worshipped at domestic shrines, 104; - identified with Isis, 342. - - Fortuna Augusta, temple of, 124-126. - - Fortunatus, 497. - - Forum, 45-60. - - Forum Triangulare, 134-137. - - fountain of Concordia Augusta, wrongly called of Abundantia, 117. - - fountains, public, 230-233; - veneered with mosaic, 351. - - fullers erect a statue to Eumachia, 112. - See Crescens, Vesonius Primus. - - fullery, plan of, 396-397; - processes of, 335, 393-395. - - fundus Asinianus, fundus Satrianus, 505. - - P. Furius, 487. - - furniture of Pompeian houses, 367-379. - - - Ganymede, stucco relief, 205. - - garden of Pompeian houses, 259. - - Garland tomb, 414. - - gartibulum, 254, 368. - - gates of Pompeii, 31, 241 _et seq._ - - C. Gavius Rufus, 397. - - Genii, in the shrine of the house of Joseph II, 346. - - Genius, worship of the, 269-273; - of a woman, 346; - of the autumn, mosaic, 293. - - genre paintings, 476-478. - - Germanicus, 48, 99. - - gladiators, barracks of, 160-164; - combats of, in the Forum, 57; - stucco reliefs on the tomb of Umbricius Scaurus, 419, 420; - graffiti relating to, 223-226; - notices of exhibitions of, 221-223. - - Glaucus, house of, 313. - - Glycera, letter to Menander, 329. - - gods, the twelve, painting, 236; - statues of, at Pompeii, 449; - worshipped at domestic shrines, 268-273. See temples. - - graffiti, 491-498. - - Greeks at Pompeii, 16-17, 505. - - gustaticium, 506. - - - Hadrian, villa at Tivoli, 355. - - Hannibal, 9. - - Harpocrates, worship of, 168 _et seq._ - - hearth, in Pompeian kitchen, 266-267; - for open-air triclinia, 285, 342. - - Hecuba, painting, 479. - - helmet found in gladiators' barracks, 163. - - Cn. Helvius, 396. - - Cn. Helvius Sabinus, 397, 488. - - Helvius Vestalis, 384. - - Hephaestus, in a painting, 339. - - Herculaneum, burial of, 21; - excavations at, 26. - - Herculaneum Gate, 31, 244. - - Hercules, in paintings, 339, 478, 480, 481; - worshipped at domestic shrines, 104, 272, 308, 417. - - Herennius Celsus, 487. - - M. Herennius Epidianus, 86, 136. - - herms. See Caecilius Jucundus, Cornelius Rufus, Sorex, Vesonius - Primus. - - Hermaiscus, gladiator, 225. - - hermaphrodite, statue of, 87. - - Hermes, inn of, 401, 402. - - Hirtia Psacas, 497. - - Holconii, rebuilders of the Large Theatre, 148. - - M. Holconius, house of, 354. - - M. Holconius Celer, 148-149. - - M. Holconius Priscus, 384, 487. - - M. Holconius Rufus, 85, 90, 148-149, 445. - - Homer, 478. - - Horace, 90, 270, 428. - - C. Hostilius Conops, 497. - - household gods, worship of, 104, 268-273, 297, 308, 315, 323, 342, - 346, 362. - - house, Pompeian, 245-279. - See Acceptus and Euhodia, Anchor, Apollo, Castor and Pollux, - Centaur, Centenary, Citharist, Epidius Rufus, Faun, Hunt, - Joseph II, Pansa, Porta Marina, Sallust, Silver Wedding, - Surgeon, Tragic Poet, Vettii, Villa. - See also casa. - - Hyginius Firmus, inn of, 400. - - - impluvium of Pompeian house, 250. - - inns, 400-402. - - inscriptions, graffiti, 11, 70, 148, 223-226, 270, 305, 385, 401, - 404, 491-498; - monumental inscriptions, defined, 486; - examples, 50, 81, 85, 86, 89, 111, 112, 130, 148, 149, 150, 153, - 170, 195, 203, 212, 218, 228, 407, 409, 410, 418, 419, 421, - 422, 425, 426, 427, 430, 432, 434; - public notices, 221-223, 382, 386, 396-397, 400, 435-436, - 486, 489; - relating to business affairs, 499-508. - - Insula, defined, 33-34. - - Io and Argus, painting, 96, 479. - - Iphigenia, sacrifice of, painting, 318-320, 472. - - Isis, temple and worship of, 168-184. - - Istacidia Rufilla, priestess, 412. - - Istacidii, tomb of, 411. - - Italic foot, 44. - - Ixion, punishment of, painting, 339-340. - - - jewellery, 379. - - Jews at Pompeii, 17-18. - - Joseph II, house of, 344-347. - - Julia Felix, villa of, 26, 490. - - C. Julius Speratus, 401. - - Juno, Genius of a woman, 270, 418. - - Jupiter, head, 67-69; - temple of, 61-67; - worshipped at domestic shrines, 272; - at street shrine, 235. - - - kitchen in Pompeian houses, 266-268. - - kitchen utensils, 375. - - kneading machine, 391-392. - - - Labyrinth, oecus in the house of the, 265. - - lamps, 370-372. - - lamp standards, 372 _et seq._ - - landscape paintings, 473. - - Lares, City, 102-105; - Compitales, 233-235; - domestic, 269. - See household gods. - - lava, kinds of, 36; - used for millstones, 15. - - Leda, painting, 338. - - limestone, kinds used at Pompeii, 35, 36. - - limestone atriums, period of, 39. - - limestone framework, 37. - - Livius Andronicus, 141. - - Livineius Regulus, 219. - - loss of life at time of eruption, 23. - - Lucretius, house of, 348, 449, 457. - - D. Lucretius Satrius Valens, 222. - - Lytton, Bulwer, 219. - - - Macellum, 94-101. - - Magister, of the Pagus Augustus Felix, 14. - - Maia, herm of, 88, 89. - - Mamia, tomb of, 410. - - P. Mancius Diogenes, tomb of, 432. - - Manetho, 168. - - Marcellus, statues of, 98, 136. - - M. Marcellus, 9. - - M. Marius, 487. - - market buildings, 62, 91-93. - - Mars, worshipped at domestic shrines, 272. - - Mars and Venus, stucco reliefs, 179. - - Marsyas, in paintings, 312, 482. - - masonry, styles of, 36-39. - - maxims in graffiti, 498. - - Medea, painting, 96. - - Medusa, relief on fountain standard, 230. - - Meleager, house of, 265, 351; - in paintings, 478. - - Cn. Melissaeus Aper, 412. - - Mercury, as tutelary divinity, 236, 408; - herm of, 88; - relief of, 230. - - mills, 388-390. - - millstones, 15, 387-390. - - Minerva, 140, 236, 240, 243, 395. - - ministri Augusti, 89. - - ministri Fortunae Augustae, 132. - - ministri of the Pagus Augustus Felix, 14. - - mirrors, 378. - - Misenum, 7, 19, 20, 21. - - mixing bowl, 376. - - Q. Monnius Rufus, 221. - - mosaic pictures, 278, 288, 290, 292-295, 398-399. - - Mummius, 141. - - L. Munatius Caeserninus, 435. - - C. Munatius Faustus, 422. - - musicians, painting, 476, 477. - - - Naevoleia, Tyche, tomb of, 422-423. - - Narcissus, statue wrongly identified as, 453. - - Nero, 48, 94, 99, 111, 220, 223. - - Nigidius Vaccula, 197, 198. - - Nile, creatures of the, mosaic, 293; - worship of water of, 178, 179. - - Niraemius, 203. - - Nocera. See Nuceria. - - Nola, Pompeii seaport of, 3. - - M. Nonius Campanus, 387. - - C. Norbanus Sorex, 176. - - Nuceria, Pompeii seaport of, 3. - - Nucerians, conflict with Pompeians, 220, 221, 492. - - nuptials of Zeus and Hera, painting, 316-317, 483-484. - - nursing bottle, 372. - - - C. Occius, 203. - - Octavia, statue of, 98. - - M. Oculatius Verus, 156. - - Odeum of Herodes Atticus, 155. - - oecus in Pompeian houses, 265. - - Oenone in paintings, 480. - - Officiosus, gladiator, 226. - - olive, culture of, about Pompeii, 14; - crusher, 365; - presses for making oil, 333, 365. - - Omphalos, 81, 331. - - Oppius Campanius, 80. - - opus compositum, opus incertum, opus mixtum, 37-38; - opus reticulatum, 38, 43; - opus Signinum, 74, 278, 366. - - Orange, masts of theatre at, 144. - - Orestes and Pylades before Thoas, painting, 353-356, 472, 479. - - Orientals at Pompeii, 17. - - Oscan foot, 44. - - Oscan graves, 405, 407. - - Oscan inscriptions, 80, 139, 140, 165, 184, 240, 242, 243. - - Oscans, founders of Pompeii, 8; - conquered by the Samnites, 9. - - Osiris, worship of, 168 _et seq._ - - oven, of bakery, 391. - - Ovid, quoted in graffiti, 495, 496. - - - Paganus, 14, 422. - - Pagus Augustus Felix, 14, 218, 427. - - paintings, number of, 471; - relation to decorative styles, 472-474; - classes of, 475-484. - - Palaestra, 165-167. - - Pansa, house of, 27, 249, 260, 266, 349-350. - - Pansas, father and son, statues of, 219. - - P. Paquius Proculus, 477. - - Paris, 493. - - Paris in paintings, 286, 480. - - Pausanius, 200. - - Penates, worship of, 104, 272. - - Pentheus and Maenads, painting, 339, 481. - - peristyle of the Pompeian house, 260. - - Perseus with Andromeda, represented in stucco relief and paintings, - 179, 180, 329, 480. - - St. Peter, bronze statue of, in Rome, 118. - - Q. Petronius Octavus, gladiator, 226. - - Phrixus and Helle, painting, 286. - - Pietas Augusta, 111. - - Pithecusans, 492. - - Plato, 478. - - Pliny the Elder, death of, 19-20. - - Pliny the Younger, account of the eruption in 79, 19-22; - villa of, 355. - - poet, reciting, 329. - - polychrome decoration, 441. - - Polyclitus, doryphorus of, 167. - - Polyphemus receiving a letter from Galatea, painting, 480, 481. - - Pompeii, before 79, 8 _et seq._; - burial of, 19-23; - excavation of, 25-30; - government, 11-14; - resources, 14-16; - population, 16-18; - value of remains, 509-511. - - N. Pontius, 184, 242. - - N. Popidius Ampliatus, 170. - - N. Popidius Celsinus, 170. - - V. Popidius, 50. - - M. Porcius, 86. - - M. Porcius, 153, 212. - - M. Porcius, tomb of, 410. - - portieres at entrance of tablinum, 256. - - Poseidon and Amymone, painting, 329. - - Postumius Proculus, 386. - - potter's workshop, 386. - - praefects at Pompeii, 13, 14. - - Praetorian Guard, 492. - - Priene, remains of Incrustation Style at, 461. - - priests, 14, 33. - - priestesses, 14, 33, 410, 412. - - Privatus, slave, 504. - - procession to the theatres, 159. - - Proculus, 488. - - Propertius, quoted in graffito, 495, 496. - - Psyches gathering flowers, painting, 330. - - public buildings, location of, 33, 61, 133. - - public notices. See inscriptions. - - Pugnax, gladiator, 223-224. - - pumice stone, 15, 20. - - Puteolana, 497. - - Puteoli, 169, 401, 492. - - Pyrrhus, 493. - - - Quasi-reticulate facing, 38, 42. - - C. Quinctius Valgus, 153, 212. - - - Regions of Pompeii, 34. - - rent, notices of property for, 489, 490. - - Restitutus, 496. - - reticulate facing, 38, 43. - - Rhodian peristyle, 260, 304. - - Rocca Monfina, 1, 15. - - Roman foot, 44. - - Romula, 496. - - Romulus, statue of, 115. - - rostra, 48. - - Rothschild, Baron, gift of Boscoreale treasure to the Louvre, 366. - - rubble work, 37. - - Rullus, 153. - - - Sabinus, 488. - - Salinenses, 11. - - Sallust, house of, 260, 283-287, 459-460. - - Q. Sallustius, statue of, 47. - - Salus, worshipped at street shrine, 235. - - Salvius, tomb of, 426. - - Samius, 493. - - Samnite wars, 9. - - Samus, gladiator, 226. - - Sarno, river, 2-4, 98. - - Sarno limestone, 35, 39, 280. - - Saturn, treasure in temple of, at Rome, 67. - - satyr, ornament of capital, 348; - fountain figure, 449; - bronze statue, 451; - marble statuette, 315; - in wall decoration, 469, 473. - - Scipio Africanus, bath in villa of, 208. - - sculpture, 445-453. - - Sculptured Capitals, house of, 348. - - seals of witnesses, 500-501. - - Seasons, paintings, 315. - - second story rooms in Pompeian house, 273-276. - - Seneca, quoted, 194, 208. - - sepulchral monument in front of Doric temple, 139. - See tombs. - - L. Sepunius Sandilianus, 86, 136. - - Serapis, temple of, at Puteoli, 169. - - Serena, 495. - - P. Servilius Rullus, 153. - - Setian wine, 403. - - Seviri Augustales, 100. - - sewers, 229. - - L. Sextilius, 86. - - shops, appearance of, 289; - relation to house, 276-278, 349; - signs, 387. - - shrines, at the sides of the streets, 233-236; - domestic, 268-273, 297, 308, 309, 315, 323, 342, 346, 362, 417, - 449 _et seq._ - - Signia pavement, 74, 278, 366. - - Silenus, bronze statuette, 451-452; - fountain figure, 448. - - Silver Wedding, house of, 265, 301-308. - - M. Sittius, 184, 242. - - sleeping rooms in Pompeian house, 261-262. - - Solomon, Judgment of, painting, 17. - - Sorex, herm of, 176, 446. - - Sorrento, 6, 358, 406. - - Q. Spedius Firmus, 243. - - spoons, 375. - - Q. Spurennius Priscus, 492. - - Stabiae, 3, 4, 21, 26, 358. - - stamps, 508. - - standard measures, table of, 92-93. - - Staphylus, 496. - - statues in public places, 46, 115, 447; - represented in wall decoration, 468. - - stepping stones, 229. - - stocks in the gladiators' barracks, 163. - - streets of Pompeii, 32-33, 227-229; - street shrines, 233-236. - - strigiles, 188, 377. - - suburbs of Pompeii, 10-11, 14. - - T. Suedius Clemens, 27, 407, 488. - - A. Suettius Certus, 222. - - Sulla, Dictator, 10, 240. - - P. Sulla, nephew of the Dictator, 10. - - sundials, 87, 136, 200, 207, 211. - - Surgeon, house of, 39, 260, 280-282. - - - table of standard measures, 92-93. - - tables, 254, 263-264, 326, 368-369. - - tablinum in Pompeian house, 255-258. - - Tadius [Ludius], 475. - - tannery, 395-397. - - temples, 33; - of Apollo, 80-90; - Doric, 137-140; - of Fortuna Augusta, 130-132; - of Isis, 168-182; - of Jupiter, 61-69; - of Venus Pompeiana, 124-129; - of Vespasian, 106-109; - of Zeus Milichius, 183-185. - - T. Terentius Felix, tomb of, 413. - - tetrastyle atrium, 251-252. - - Theatre Colonnade, 157-164. - - Theatre, Large, 141-152; - Small, 153-156. - - Theseus and Ariadne, painting, 315. - - Thetis bringing arms to Achilles, 316, 481; - in the smithy of Hephaestus, 480, 481. - - Tiberius, 48, 111. - - tiles, 36, 251. - - Timanthes, 319, 320. - - Timotheus, 168. - - N. Tintirius Rufus, 90. - - Titia, 433. - - Titus, 23. - - toilet articles, 377-379. - - tombs, 405-406; - along Street of Tombs, 406-428; - near the Nola, Stabian, and Nocera gates, 429-436. - - towers of the city wall, 238-241. - - trades, ancient view of, 383. - See bakery, fullers, tannery. - - Tragic Poet, house of, 250, 268, 313-320. - - Travertine, so-called, 35. - - treasury of the city, 91. - - Trebius, 384. - - triclinium funebre, 424. - - triclinium in garden, house of Acceptus and Euhodia, 342; - inn, 404; - house of Sallust, 285; - tannery, 398-399. - See dining room. - - Trojan War, groups of paintings, 84, 316. - - tufa, kinds of, 35. - - Tufa Period, 40 _et seq._, 437 _et seq._ - - M. Tullius, builder of the temple of Fortuna Augusta, 130, 132. - - M. Tullius, tomb of, 430. - - Tuscan atrium, 251. - - Tyche, slave of Julia Augusta, 270, 418. - - - C. Ulius, 195, 202. - - Ulysses and Penelope, painting, 96. - - Umbricia Januaria, receipt of, 502. - - Umbricius Scaurus, fish sauces of, 15, 506. - - A. Umbricius Scaurus, tomb of, 418-419. - - - C. Valerius Venustus, 401. - - Valgus and Porcius, builders of Small Theatre and Amphitheatre, - 153, 212. - - Varro, 94, 257, 363. - - Vatia, 488-489. - - Veia, 433. - - A. Veius, tomb of, 409. - - N. Velasius Gratus, 425. - - Venus, statue of, 87; - threatened by irate lover, 496. - - Venus Pompeiana, 12, 272, 350, 490. - - Verus, 384. - - M. Vesonius Primus, 396-397, 446. - - Vespasian, 408; - temple of, 106-109. - - Vesta, festival of, 98, 337; - in hearth paintings, 272. - - Vestal virgins, place at the theatre, 145. - - Vestals, house of the, vestibule, 248. - - vestibule of Pompeian houses, 248. - - Vesuvius, 2, 6, 19 _et seq._ - - Vettii, house of the, 321-340; - garden sculptures, 449; - hearth, 266; - shrine, 272. - - A. Vettius Conviva, A. Vettius Restitutus, stamps of, 508. - - Vibius Adiranus, 165. - - Vibius Popidius, 243. - - Vibius Popidius, quaestor, 50. - - Vibius Restitutus, 401. - - Cn. Vibius Saturninus, 424. - - Vibius Vinicius, 165. - - Victoria, 495. - - villas, Roman, 355; - of Diomedes, 356-362; - villa rustica at Boscoreale, 361-366. - - Virgil, 272, 448, 496, 498. - - A. Virnius Modestus, 507. - - Vitruvius, 57, 63, 137, 151, 152, 158, 193, 210, 248, 250, 256, - 263, 299, 355, 361. - - D. Volcius Thallus, 503. - - - walls of the city, construction of, 237-239; - course of, 31. - - walls of houses, plastering and decoration, 456 _et seq._ - See masonry. - - ward. See Regions. - - water heater, for baths, 194. - - water system of Pompeii, 230-233. - - Weichardt, restoration of Forum Triangulare, 137. - - well near Doric temple, 139. - - windows, in houses, 279; - of Central Baths, 208, 210. - - wine, fermentation of, 364, 505; - kinds of, 506; - produced about Pompeii, 14; - presses, 336, 363-364. - - wineshops, 402-404. - - - Xenion, 474. - - - yoke, 228, 404. - - - Zeus, of Otricoli, 67-69; - in paintings, 316, 338. - - - - - [Illustration: PLAN VI.--THE EXCAVATED PORTION OF POMPEII.] - - -KEY TO PLAN VI - -The names of only the more important streets are given on Plan VI. -Among the names omitted are those of the continuations of Nola Street, -which it is more convenient to regard as a single thoroughfare -extending without change of name across the city. - -The more important buildings of each Region are given in the order of -the Insulae. - - -REGION I - -INSULA - - i. 5. Inn. - 8. Inn of Hermes. - ii. 24. Wineshop. - 28. House with a grating over the impluvium. - iv. 5. House of the Citharist--casa del Citarista. - v. 2. Tannery. - - -REGION V - -INSULA - - i. 7. Casa del Torello di Bronzo. - 18. Casa degli Epigrammi. - 26. House of L. Caecilius Jucundus. - 28. House of M. Tofelanus Valens. - ii. 1. Casa della Regina Margherita. - 4. Casa del Triclinio. - a. House of the Silver Wedding--casa delle Nozze - d' Argento. - v. 2. House with a covered atrium. - - -REGION VI - -INSULA - - Ins. Occidentalis, 1. Inn. - i. 7. House of the Vestals--casa delle Vestali. - 10. House of the Surgeon--casa del Chirurgo. - 13. So-called custom-house. - ii. 4. House of Sallust--casa di Sallustio. - 6. Bakery. - 14. House of the Amazons--casa delle Amazoni. - iii. 3. Bakery. - 7. So-called Academy of Music--Accademia di Musica. - 20. Wineshop. - v. 3. House of Neptune--casa di Nettuno. - vi. 1. House of Pansa--casa di Pansa. - vii. 18. House of Adonis--casa di Adone. - 20. Casa dell' Argenteria. - 22. Inn. - 23. House of Apollo. - 25. Casa del Duca d'Aumale. - viii. 5. House of the Tragic Poet--casa del Poeta Tragico. - 20. Fullery. - 22. Casa della Fontana Grande. - 23. Casa della Fontana Piccola. - ix. 2. House of Meleager--casa di Meleagro. - 3. House of the Centaur--casa del Centauro. - 6. House of Castor and Pollux--casa di Castore e Polluce. - x. 1. Wineshop. - 7. House of the Anchor--casa dell' Ancora. - 11. Casa del Naviglio. - xi. 10. House of the Labyrinth--casa del Laberinto. - xii. House of the Faun--casa del Fauno. - xiii. 6. House of M. Terentius Eudoxus. - xiv. 20. House of M. Vesonius Primus, often called the house of - Orpheus--casa di Orfeo. - 22. Fullery. - 30. House of Laocoon--casa di Laocoonte. - 35. Bakery with kneading machine. - 43. Casa degli Scienziati. - xv. 1. House of the Vettii. - 9. House with atrium in two stories. - - -REGION VII - -INSULA - - i. 8. Stabian Baths. - 25. House of Siricus. - 40. House of Caesius Blandus. - 45. Elephant Inn. - ii. 11. Dyehouse. - 16. House of M. Gavius Rufus. - 18. House of C. Vibius. - 20. House of Popidius Priscus. - 22. Bakery. - 45. House of the Bear--casa dell' Orso. - iii. 29. House of M. Spurius Mesor. - iv. 1. Temple of Fortuna Augusta. - 48. House of the Hunt--casa della Caccia. - 51. House of the Colored Capitals--casa dei Capitelli - Colorati, also called the house of Ariadna--casa - d' Arianna. - 56. Casa del Granduca di Toscana. - 57. House of the Sculptured Capitals--casa dei Capitelli - Figurati. - 59. House of the Black Wall--casa della Parete Nera. - v. 2. Baths. - vi. 17. Water reservoir. - vii. 5. House of Cissonius. - 27. City treasury. - 28. Public closet. - 29-30. Market buildings. - 31. Table of standard measures. - 32. Temple of Apollo. - viii. Forum. - a. Capitolium. - ix. 1. Building of Eumachia. - 2. Temple of Vespasian. - 3. Sanctuary of the City Lares. - 8. Macellum. - xii. 28. House with projecting upper story--casa del Balcone - Pensile. - 35. Inn. - xiv. 9. House with skeleton. - xv. 8. House with second story dining room. - Ins. Occidentalis. - 13. House near the Porta Marina. - - -REGION VIII - -INSULA - - i. Basilica. - ii. 1, 3. Casa di Championnet. - 6. Office of the aediles. - 8. Hall of the city council. - 10. Office of the duumvirs. - 17-21. Terrace house, with bath. - 23. Bath. - 39. House of the Emperor Joseph II--casa dell' Imperatore - Giuseppe II. - iii. 1. Comitium. - 4. House of the Wild Boar--casa di Cinghiale. - iv. 4. House of Marcus Holconius. - 15. House of Cornelius Rufus. - v-vi. 39. House of Acceptus and Euhodia. - viii. The theatres and other public buildings. - - -REGION IX - -INSULA - - i. 20. House of Epidius Rufus. - 22. House of Epidius Sabinus. - ii. 16. House of Balbus. - iii. 2. Dyehouse. - 5. House of M. Lucretius. - 10. Bakery. - 25. House of L. Clodius Varus. - iv. Central Baths. - v. 11. House with triclinium of masonry and seat for the children. - vii. 6. House of the Centenary--casa del Centenario; also known as - the house of Tiberius Claudius Verus. - a. Inn of Hyginius Firmus. - - - - -Handbooks of Archaeology and Antiquities - - -The Destruction of Ancient Rome - -_A Sketch of the History of the Monuments_ - -By =RODOLFO LANCIANI=, D.C.L., Oxford, LL.D., Professor of Ancient -Topography in the University of Rome, Cloth, 12mo, $1.50 net - - -A Handbook of Greek Sculpture - -By =ERNEST ARTHUR GARDNER=, formerly Director of the British School of -Archaeology at Athens, Cloth, 12mo, $2.50 net - - -The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic - -_An Introduction to the Study of the Religion of the Romans_ - -By =W. WARDE FOWLER=, M.A., Fellow and Sub-Rector of Lincoln College, -Oxford, Cloth, 12mo, $1.25 net - - -A Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins - -By =G. F. HILL=, M.A., of the Department of Coins and Medals in the -British Museum. With Fifteen Colortype Plates, Cloth, 12mo, $2.25 net - - -A Handbook of Greek Constitutional History - -By =A. H. J. GREENIDGE=, M.A., Lecturer and late Fellow at Hertford -College, and Lecturer in Ancient History at Brasenose College, Oxford, -Cloth, 12mo, $1.25 net - - -Roman Public Life - -By =A. H. J. GREENIDGE=, M.A., Lecturer and late Fellow at Hertford -College, and Lecturer in Ancient History at Brasenose College, Oxford, - Cloth, 12mo, $2.50 net - - -Monuments of the Early Church - -By =WALTER LOWRIE=, M.A., late Fellow of the American School of -Classical Studies at Rome, Cloth, 12mo, $1.75 net - - - THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - 66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK - - - - -_A NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION_ - -AVE ROMA IMMORTALIS - -STUDIES FROM THE CHRONICLES OF ROME - - By =F. MARION CRAWFORD=, Author of "Rulers of the South," etc., - etc. Fully illustrated. Cloth, Crown 8vo, $3.00 _net_. - -DR. S. WEIR MITCHELL writes: "I have not for a long while read a book -which pleased me more than Mr. Crawford's 'Roma.' It is cast in a form -so original and so available that it must surely take the place of all -other books about Rome which are needed to help one to understand its -story and its archaeology.... The book has for me a rare interest." - - -_A NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION_ - -POMPEII - -ITS LIFE AND ART - - By =AUGUST MAU=, German Archaeological Institute in Rome. - Translated into English by FRANCIS W. KELSEY, University of - Michigan. Profusely illustrated from photographs, etc. Cloth, - Gilt Top, Crown 8vo, $2.50 _net_. - -F. MARION CRAWFORD says of this work: "Professor Mau has succeeded -beyond all those who have preceded him on the same ground. He -reconstructs the ruins so that one believes in them, and sees that -they must have been as he describes them, and the excellent drawings -of these reconstructions stimulate the reader's belief. He restores -the decorations next, and furnishes the vacant dwellings in a way that -seems natural, and even comfortable; and, lastly, he populates the -city he has so skilfully rebuilt, not with the dull lay figures in -togas or tunics so dear to scientific history, but with human beings, -alive and moving." - - -_IN PREPARATION FOR EARLY ISSUE_ - -ANCIENT ATHENS - - By =ERNEST ARTHUR GARDNER=, Yates Professor of Archaeology in - University College, London. Formerly Director of the British - School at Athens. Author of "A Handbook of Greek Sculpture," - etc., etc. Cloth, 8vo. Profusely illustrated. - -This handsomely illustrated book is a companion volume in its make-up -to Mau's "Pompeii." Its object is to give an adequate and at the same -time popular account of Ancient Athens, from the earliest times down -to the official introduction of Christianity. The book deals mainly -with the topography of the city and Acropolis, the extant remains of -ancient buildings, and the sculpture that decorated them. It includes -the results of recent excavation and research; but controversial -matters have, as far as possible, been relegated to notes and -appendices. A full description is given of the Parthenon, the -Erechtheum, Theatre, and other buildings, and such questions as the -water supply, the walls of town and harbours, the position of the -Agora, and the route Pausanias, are duly considered. The general aim -of the author is to stimulate and assist the historical imagination by -bringing Ancient Athens, in various periods of its growth, vividly -before the eyes of the ordinary well-informed reader, and to provide -both those who have visited Greece and those who have not with views -and plans and illustrations to enable them to realize the present -appearance of the town and its monuments. For this purpose the book is -very fully illustrated, as far as possible, by means of photography. -Above all, the author has avoided, as far as possible, compilation or -quotation from various writers, and has endeavored to give a direct -record of the impressions derived from a familiarity with the sites -and buildings described. - - - THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - 66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Pompeii, Its Life and Art, by August Mau - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POMPEII, ITS LIFE AND ART *** - -***** This file should be named 42715.txt or 42715.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/7/1/42715/ - -Produced by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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