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diff --git a/42175-0.txt b/42175-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6d7e6f5 --- /dev/null +++ b/42175-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1117 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 42175 *** + + THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT + HANO PUEBLO + + BY + J. WALTER FEWKES + + (From the American Anthropologist (N.S.), Vol. 1, April, 1899) + + NEW YORK + G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS + + 1899 + + + + + THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT HANO PUEBLO + + BY J. WALTER FEWKES + + + + + INTRODUCTION + + +The fetishes displayed in their kivas by different phratries during +the Winter Solstice ceremony at the Hopi pueblo of Walpi, in +northeastern Arizona, have been described in a previous article,[1] in +which the altar made in the _Moñkiva_, or "chief" ceremonial chamber, +by the _Patki_ and related people has been given special attention. +The author had hoped in 1898[2] to supplement this description by an +exhaustive study of the Winter Solstice ceremonies of all the families +of the East Mesa, but was prevented from so doing by the breaking out +of an epidemic. This study was begun with fair results, and before +withdrawing from the kivas he was able to make a few observations on +certain altars at Hano which had escaped him in the preceding year. + +Walpi, commonly called by the natives _Hopiki_, "Hopi pueblo," began +its history as a settlement of Snake clans which had united with the +Bear phratry. From time to time this settlement grew in size by the +addition of the _Ala_, _Pakab_, _Patki_, and other phratries of lesser +importance. Among important increments in modern times may be +mentioned several clans of Tanoan ancestry, as the _Asa_, _Honani_, +and the like. These have all been assimilated, having lost their +identity as distinct peoples and become an integral part of the +population of Walpi, or of its colony, Sitcomovi.[3] Among the most +recent arrivals in Tusayan was another group of Tanoan clans which +will be considered in this article. The last mentioned are now +domiciled in a pueblo of their own called Hano; they have not yet, as +the others, lost their language nor been merged into the Hopi people, +but still preserve intact many of their ancient customs. + +The present relations of Hano to Walpi are in some respects not unlike +those which have existed in the past between incoming clans and Walpi +as each new colony entered the Tusayan territory. Thus, after the +_Patki_ people settled at the pueblo called Pakatcomo,[4] within sight +of Old Walpi, they lived there for some time, observing their own +rites and possibly speaking a different language much as the people of +Hano do today. In the course of time, however, the population of the +_Patki_ pueblo was united with the preëpre Walpi families, Pakatcomo +was abandoned, and its speech and ritual merged into those of Walpi. +Could we have studied the _Patki_ people when they lived at their +former homes, Pakatcomo or Homolobi, we would be able to arrive at +more exact ideas of their peculiar rites and altars than is now +possible. Hano has never been absorbed by Walpi as the _Patki_ pueblos +were, and the altars herein described still preserve their true Tanoan +characteristics. These altars are interesting because made in a Tanoan +pueblo by Tewa clans which are intrusive in the Hopi country, and are +especially instructive because it is held by their priests that like +altars are or were made in midwinter rites by their kindred now +dwelling along the Rio Grande in New Mexico. + +The midwinter rite in which the altars are employed is called _Tûñtai_ +by the Tewa, who likewise designate it by the Hopi name _Soyaluña_. +This latter term may be regarded as a general one applied to the +assemblages of different families in all the kivas of the East Mesa at +that time. The name of the Tewa rite is a special one, and possibly +the other families who assemble at this time once had or still retain +their own names for their celebrations. The _Tûñtai_ altars were +brought by the ancestors of the present people of Hano from their old +eastern home, and the rites about them are distinctly Tewan, although +celebrated at the same time as the Winter Solstice ceremonies of the +Hopi families. + + + CLAN COMPOSITION OF HANO + +The pueblo called Hano is one of three villages on the East Mesa of +Tusayan and contained, according to the writer's census of 1893, a +population of 163 persons. It was settled between the years 1700 and +1710 by people from Tcewadi, a pueblo situated near Peña Blanca on the +Rio Grande in New Mexico. Although only six persons of pure Tanoan +ancestry are now living at Hano, the inhabitants still speak the Tewa +dialect and claim as kindred the peoples of San Juan, Santa Clara, San +Ildefonso, Pojoaque, Nambe, and Tesuque.[5] The best traditionists +declare that their ancestors were invited to leave their old home, +Tcewadi, by the Snake chief of Walpi, who was then pueblo chief of +that village. They claim that they made their long journey to give aid +against the Ute Indians who were raiding the Hopi, and that they +responded after four consecutive invitations. The Walpi Snake chief +sent them an embassy bearing prayer-sticks as offerings, and although +they had refused three invitations they accepted the fourth. + +According to traditions the following clans have lived in Hano, but it +is not stated that all went to the East Mesa together from Tcewadi: +_Okuwuñ_, Rain-cloud; _Sa_, Tobacco; _Kolon_, Corn; _Tenyük_, Pine; +_Katcina_, Katcina; _Nañ_, Sand; _Kopeeli_, Pink Shell; _Koyanwi_, +Turquoise; _Kapolo_, Crane; _Tuñ_, Sun; _Ke_, Bear; _Te_, Cottonwood; +_Tayek_ (?); _Pe_, Firewood; and _Tceta_, Bivalve shell. + +The early chiefs whose names have been obtained are Mapibi of the +_Nañ-towa_, Potañ of the _Ke-towa_, and Talekweñ and Kepo of the +_Kolon-towa_. The present village chief is Anote of the _Sa-towa_ or +Tobacco clan.[6] + +Of the original clans which at some time have been with the Hano +people, the following have now become extinct: _Kopeeli_, _Koyanwi_, +_Kapolo_, _Tuñ_, _Tayek_, _Pe_,[7] and _Tceta_. The last member of the +_Tuñ_ or Sun people was old chief Kalacai who died about four years +ago. It is quite probable that several of these extinct clans did not +start from Tcewadi with the others. There were several waves of Tanoan +emigrants from the Rio Grande region which went to Tusayan about the +same time, among which may be mentioned the _Asa_, which took a more +southerly route, via Zuñi. The route of the _Asa_ people will be +considered in another article, and the evidences that some of the +_Asa_ clans joined their kindred on their advent into Tusayan will be +developed later. Probably certain members of the _Katcina_ clan +accompanied the _Asa_ people as far as the Awatobi mesa and then +affiliated with the early Hano clans.[8] + + * * * * * + +The census of Hano in December, 1898, was as follows: + + _Clans_ _Males_ _Females_ _Total_ + Okuwuñ 12 8 20 + Sa 8 5 13 + Kolon 11 12 23 + Tenyük 12 16 28 + Ke 5 10 15 + Katcina 8 9 17 + Te 5 4 9 + Nañ 4 7 11 + ---- + Total native to Hano domiciled at home 136 + +The above enumeration of Hano population does not include Walpi and +Sitcomovi men married to Hano women (23), nor Tewa men living in the +neighboring pueblos (15).[9] Adding these, the population is increased +to 174, which may be called the actual enumeration at the close of +1898. Subsequent mortality due to smallpox and whooping-cough will +reduce the number below 160. + +In the following lists there are arranged, under their respective +clans, the names of all the known inhabitants of Hano. There have been +several deaths since the lists were made (December 1, 1898), and +several births which also are not included. It will be noted that the +majority have Tanoan names, but there are several with names of Hopi +origin, for in these latter instances I was unable to obtain any +other.[10] + + + _Census of Hano by Clans_ + +_Okuwuñ-towa_, or Rain-cloud clan.--Men and boys: Kalakwai, Kala, +Tcüa, Wiwela, Kahe, Yane, Solo, Yunci, Pade, Klee, Kochayna, Këe (12). +Women and girls: Sikyumka, Kwentce, Talitsche, Yoyowaiolo, +Pobitcanwû, Yoanuche, Asou, Tawamana (8). Total, 20. + +_Sa-towa_, or Tobacco clan.--Men and boys: Anote, Asena, Tem[)e], +Ipwantiwa, Howila, Nuci, Yauma, Satee (8). Women and girls: Okañ, +Heli, Kotu, Kwañ, Mota (5). Total, 13. + +_Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan.--Men and boys: Polakka, Patuñtupi, +Akoñtcowu, Komaletiwa, Agaiyo, Tcid[)e], Oba, Toto, Peke, Kelo, Tasce +(11). Women and girls: Kotcaka, Talikwia, Nampio, Kweñtcowû, Heele, +Pelé, Kontce, Koompipi, Chaiwû, Kweckatcañwû, Awatcomwû, Antce (12). +Total, 23. + +_Tenyük-towa_, or Pine clan.--Men and boys: Tawa, Nato, Wako, Paoba, +Topi, Yota, Pobinelli, Yeva, Tañe, Lelo, Sennele, Poctce (12). Women +and girls: Toñlo, Hokona, Kode(?), Sakpede, Nebenne, Tabowüqti, +Poh[ve], Saliko, Eye, Porkuñ, Pehta, Hekpobi, Setale, Naici, Katcine, +Tcenlapobi (16). Total, 28. + +_Ke-towa_, or Bear clan.--Men and boys: Mepi, Tae, Tcakwaina, +Poliella, Tegi (5). Women and girls: Kauñ, Kalaie, Pene, Tcetcuñ, +Kala, Katcinmana, Selapi, Tolo, Pokona, Kode (10). Total 15. Tcaper +("Tom Sawyer") may be enrolled in this or the preceding family. He is +a Paiute, without kin in Hano, and was sold when a boy as a slave by +his father. His sisters were sold to the Navaho at the same time. +Tcaper became the property of an Oraibi, later of a Tewa man, now +dead, and so far as can be learned is the only Paiute now living at +Hano. + +_Katcina-towa._--Men and boys: Kwevehoya, Taci, Avaiyo, Poya, Oyi, +Wehe, Sibentima, Tawahonima (8). Women and girls: Okotce, Kwenka, Awe, +Peñaiyo, Peñ, Poñ, Tcao, Poschauwû, Sawiyû (9). Total, 17. + +_Te-towa_, or Cottonwood clan. Men and boys: Sania, Kuyapi, Okuapin, +Ponyin, Pebihoya (5). Women and girls: Yunne, Pobitche, Poitzuñ, +Kalazañ (4). Total, 9. + +_Nañ-towa_, or Sand clan.--Men and boys: Puñsauwi, Pocine, Talumtiwa, +Cia (4). Women and girls: Pocilipobi, Talabensi, Humhebuima, Kae, +Avatca, "Nancy," Simana (7). Total, 11. + +The present families in Hano are so distributed that the oldest part +of the pueblo is situated at the head of the trail east of the +_Moñkiva_. This is still owned and inhabited by the _Sa_, _Kolon_, and +_Ke_ clans, all of which probably came from Tcewadi. The _Katcina_ and +related _Tenyük_, as well as the _Okuwuñ_ and related _Nañ_ clans, are +said, by some traditions, to have joined the Tewa colonists after they +reached the Hopi mesas, and the position of their houses in respect to +the main house-cluster favors that theory. Other traditions say that +the first pueblo chief of the Tewa was chief of the _Nañ-towa_. Too +much faith should not be put in this statement, notwithstanding the +chief of the _Tewakiva_ belongs to the _Nañ-towa_. It seems more +probable that the _Ke_ or Bear clan was the leading one in early +times, and that its chief was also _kimoñwi_ or governor of the first +settlement at the foot of the mesa. + + + TEWA LEGENDS + +According to one authority (Kalakwai) the route of migration of the +Hano clans from their ancient home, Tcewadi, led them first to Jemesi +(Jemez), where they rested a year. From Jemesi they went to Orpinpo or +Pawikpa ("Duck water"). Thence they proceeded to Kepo, or Bear spring, +the present Fort Wingate, and from this place they continued to the +site of Fort Defiance, thence to Wukopakabi or Pueblo Ganado. +Continuing their migration they entered Puñci, or Keam's canyon, and +traversing its entire length, arrived at Isba, or Coyote spring, near +the present trail of the East Mesa, where they built their pueblo. +This settlement (Kohti) was along the foot-hills to the left of the +spring, near a large yellow rock or cliff called Sikyaowatcomo +("Yellow-rock mound"). There they lived for some time, as the debris +and ground-plan of their building attest. Their pueblo was a large +one, and it was conveniently near a spring called Uñba, now filled up, +and Isba, still used by the Hano people. + +Shortly after their arrival Ute warriors made a new foray on the Hopi +pueblos, and swarmed into the valley north of Wala,[11] capturing many +sheep which they drove to the hills north of the mesa.[12] The Tewa +attacked them at that place, and the Ute warriors killed all the sheep +which they had captured, making a protecting rampart of their +carcasses. On this account the place is now called Sikwitukwi ("Meat +pinnacle"). The Tewa killed all but two of their opponents who were +taken captives and sent home with the message that the Bears had come, +and if any of their tribe ever returned as hostiles they would all be +killed. From that time Ute invasions ceased. + +According to another good authority in Tewa lore, the _Asa_ people +left "Kaëkibi," near Abiquiu, in northern New Mexico, about the time +the other Tewa left Tcewadi They traveled together rapidly for some +time, but separated at Laguna, the _Asa_ taking the southern route, +via Zuñi. The Tewa clans arrived first (?) at Tusayan and waited for +the _Asa_ in the sand-hills near Isba. Both groups, according to this +authority, took part in the Ute fight at Sikwitukwi, and when they +returned the village chief of Walpi gave the _Asa_ people for their +habitation that portion of the mesa top northeast of the _Tewakiva_, +while the present site of Hano was assigned to the Tewa clans. During +a famine the _Asa_ moved to Tübka (Canyon Tsegi, or "Chelly"), where +they planted the peach trees that are still to be seen. The ruined +walls east of Hano are a remnant of the pueblo abandoned by them. The +_Asa_ intermarried with the Navaho and lost their language. When they +returned to the East Mesa the Hopi assigned to them for their houses +that part of Walpi at the head of the stairway trail on condition that +they would defend it.[13] + +In view of the tenacity with which the women of Hano have clung to +their language, even when married to Hopi men, it seems strange that +the _Asa_ lost their native dialect during the short time they lived +in Tsegi canyon; but the _Asa_ men may have married Navaho women, and +the Tanoan tongues become lost in that way, the _Asa_ women being in +the minority. There is such uniformity in all the legends that the +_Asa_ were Tanoan people, that we can hardly doubt their truth, +whatever explanation may be given of how the _Asa_ lost their former +idiom. + +In 1782 Morfi described Hano,[14] under the name "Tanos," as a pueblo +of one hundred and ten families, with a central plaza and streets. He +noted the difference of idiom between it and Walpi. If Morfi's census +be correct, the pueblo has diminished in population since his time. +Since 1782 Hano has probably never been deserted, although its +population has several times been considerably reduced by epidemics. + +In return for their aid in driving the Ute warriors from the country, +the Hopi chief gave the Tewa all the land in the two valleys on each +side of the mesa, north and east of a line drawn at right angles to +_Wala_, the Gap. This line of demarcation is recognized by the Tewa, +although some of them claim that the Hopi have land-holdings in their +territory. The line of division is carefully observed in the building +of new houses in the foot-hills, for the Hopi families build west of +the line, the Tewa people east of it. + + + DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL CUSTOMS + +A casual visitor to the East Mesa would not notice any difference +between the people of Hano and those of Walpi, and in fact many Walpi +men have married Tanoan women and live in their village. The +difference of idiom, however, is immediately noticeable, and seems +destined to persist. Almost every inhabitant of Hano speaks Hopi, but +no Hopi speaks or understands Tewa. While there are Tewa men from +Hano in several of the Hopi villages, where they have families, no +Tewa woman lives in Walpi. This is of course due to the fact that the +matriarchal system exists, and that a girl on marrying lives with her +mother or with her clan, while a newly married man goes to the home of +his wife's clan to live. + +There are differences in marriage and mortuary customs, in the way the +women wear their hair,[15] and in other minor matters, but at present +the great difference between the Hopi and the Tewa is in their +religious ceremonials, which, next to language, are the most +persistent features of their tribal life. Hano has a very limited +ritual; it celebrates in August a peculiar rite known as _Sumykoli_, +or the sun prayer-stick making, as well as the _Tûñtai_ midwinter +ceremony, the altars of which are described herein. There are also +many _Katcina_ dances which are not different from those performed at +Walpi. One group of clown priests, called _Paiakyamû_, is +characteristic of Hano. Compared with the elaborate ritual of the Hopi +pueblo, that of Hano is poor; but Tewa men are members of most of the +religious societies of Walpi, and some of the women take part in the +basket dance (_Lalakoñti_) and _Mamzrauti_, in that village. + +The following Tewa names for months are current at Hano: + + January, _Elo-p'o_, "Wooden-cup moon"; refers to the cups, made + of wood, used by the _Tcukuwympkiyas_ in a ceremonial game. + + February, _Káuton-p'o_, "Singing moon." + + March, _Yopobi-p'o_, "Cactus-flower moon." The element + _pobi_[16] which is so often used in proper names among the + Tewa, means flower. + + April, _Púñka-p'o_, "Windbreak moon." + + May, _Señko-p'o_, "To-plant-secretly moon." This refers to the + planting of sweet corn in nooks and crevices, where children + may not see it, for the _Nimán-katcina_. + + June-October, nameless moons, or the same names as the five + winter moons. + + November, _Céñi-p'o_,[17] "Horn moon," possibly referring to + the _Aaltû_ of the New-Fire ceremony. + + December, _Tûñtai-p'o_, "Winter-solstice moon." + + + CONTEMPORARY CEREMONIES + +The Winter Solstice ceremony is celebrated in Walpi, Sitcomovi, and +Hano, by clans, all the men gathering in the kivas of their respective +pueblos. The _Soyaluña_ is thus a synchronous gathering of all the +families who bring their fetishes to the places where they assemble. +The kivas or rooms in which they meet, and the clans which assemble +therein, are as follows: + + + _Walpi_ + +MOÑKIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; _Tabo_, rabbit; _Kükütce_, Lizard; +_Tuwa_, Sand; _Lenya_, Flute; _Piba_, Tobacco; and _Katcina_. + +WIKWALIOBIKIVA: _Asa_. + +NACABKIVA: _Kokop_, Firewood; _Tcüa_, Snake. + +ALKIVA: _Ala_, Horn. + +TCIVATOKIVA: _Pakab_, Reed; _Honau_, Bear. + + + _Sitcomovi_ + +FIRST KIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; Honani, Badger. + +SECOND KIVA: _Asa_. + + + _Hano_ + + MOÑKIVA: _Sa_, Tobacco; _Ke_, Bear; _Kolon_, Corn, etc. + + TEWAKIVA: _Nañ_, Sand; _Okuwuñ_, Rain-cloud, etc. + +The altars or fetishes in the five Walpi kivas are as follows: + +The altar described in a former publication[18] is the most elaborate +of all the Winter Solstice fetishes at Walpi, and belongs to the +_Patki_ and related clans. + +The _Asa_ family in the _Wikwaliobikiva_ had no altar, but the +following fetishes: (1) An ancient mask resembling that of _Natacka_ +and called _tcakwaina_,[19] attached to which is a wooden crook and a +rattle; (2) an ancient bandoleer (_tozriki_); and (3) several stone +images of animals. The shield which the _Asa_ carried before the +_Moñkiva_ altar had a star painted upon it. + +The _Kokop_ and _Tcüa_ families, in the _Nacabkiva_, had no altar, but +on the floor of the kiva there was a stone image which was said to +have come from the ancient pueblo of Sikyatki, a former village of the +_Kokop_ people. + +There was no altar in the _Alkiva_, but the _Ala_ (Horn) clan which +met there had a stone image of Püükoñhoya, and on the shield which +they used in the _Moñkiva_ there was a picture of Alosaka. + +The _Pakab_[20] (Reed or Arrow) people had an altar in the +_Tcivatokiva_ where Pautiwa presided with the _típoni_ or palladium of +that family. + +The writer was unable to examine the fetishes of the _Honani_ and +_Asa_ clans, who met in the two Sitcomovi kivas. It was reported that +they have no altars in the _Soyaluña_, but a study of their fetishes +will shed important light on the nature of the rites introduced into +Tusayan by these clans. Tcoshoniwa is chief in one of these kivas.[21] + +Pocine, chief of the _Tewakiva_, belongs to the _Nañ-towa_, or Sand +clan, and is the elder son of Pocilipobi. Puñsauwi, his uncle, is +Pocilipobi's brother. As the _kimoñwi_ or village chief of the Tewa +colonists, when they came into Tusayan, belonged to the Sand clan, we +may suppose this altar to be hereditary in this family. + +Anote, the chief of the _Moñkiva_ of Hano, is the oldest man of the +_Sa-towa_ or Tobacco clan. Satele, who assisted him in making the +altar, is a member of the _Ke_ or Bear clan. Patuñtupi, who was +present when the altar was made at Hano, belongs to the _Kolon_ or +Corn clan. + + + THE WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONY + +The _Tûñtai_ or _Soyaluña_ ceremony of the East Mesa in 1898 extended +from December 9th to the 19th inclusive, and the days were designated +as follows: + + 9th, _Tcotcoñyuñya_ (_Tcotcoñya_), Smoke assembly. + + 10th, _Tceele tcalauûh_, Announcement. + + 11th, _Cüs-tala_, First day. + + 12th, _Lüc-tala_, Second day. + + 13th, _Paic-tala_, Third day. + + 14th, _Yuñya_, Assemblage. + + 15th, _Sockahimû_. + + 16th, _Komoktotokya_. + + 17th, _Totokya_, _Totokpee_. + + 18th, _Pegumnove_. + + 19th, _Navotcine_. + +The active secret ceremonies began on the 14th and extended to the +19th. _Yuñya_ was the day on which the Walpi chiefs entered their +kivas, and _Totokya_ that on which the most important secret rites +were performed. + +_Tcotcoñyuñya_, Smoke assembly. The time of the Soyaluña is fixed by +Kwatcakwa, Sun-priest of the _Patki_ clan, who determines the winter +solstice by means of observations of sunset on the horizon, as +elsewhere described. The Smoke assemblage at Walpi occurred after +sunset on December 9th, in the house of Anwuci's wife, adjoining the +_Moñkiva_, and was attended by Supela, Kwatcakwa, Sakwistiwa, Kwaa, +and Anawita, all chiefs belonging to the _Patki_ clan. The Smoke +assemblage at Hano, preliminary to the _Tûñtai_, was also held after +sunset on December 9th, and was attended by the following chiefs: +Anote (Tem[)e]), _Sa-towa_; Satele, _Ke-towa_; Pocine (Koye), +_Nañ-towa_; Patuñtupi, _Kolon-towa_. + +There was no formal notification of _Tûñtai_ from the housetops of +Hano on the following morning, the _Soyaluña_ announcement from Walpi +serving all three pueblos on the East Mesa. + +The formal announcement was made by Kopeli at daybreak of December +10th. Hoñyi, the regular _tcakmoñwi_, or town-crier, was snowbound at +Keam's Canyon, and consequently was unable to perform this function. + +The Smoke assemblage and its formal announcement at daybreak on the +following morning have been observed in the Snake dance, and in the +Flute, New-fire, and _Soyaluña_ ceremonies; it probably occurs also in +the _Lalakoñti_ and _Mamzrauti_. It takes place several days before +the Assembly day, when the chief enters the kiva and sets his _natci_ +or standard on the kiva hatch to announce that he has begun the +ceremonies. + +[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., VOL. 1, PL. XVII +Drawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER + ALTAR IN THE MOÑKIVA AT HANO] + + + KIVAS AT HANO + +There are two kivas in Hano, one of which, called _Tewakiva_, is +situated at the head of the trail to the pueblo. The other, called the +_Moñkiva_, is built in the eastern part of the plaza, and, as its name +implies, is the "chief" Hano kiva. Both these semi-subterranean rooms +are rectangular[22] in shape, and in structural details resemble the +kivas of Walpi. Each has a hatchway entrance in the middle of the +roof, and is entered by means of a ladder which rests on the floor +near a central fireplace. Neither of the Hano kivas has a window, but +each has a raised platform for spectators east of the fireplace.[23] + + + ALTAR IN THE MOÑKIVA AT HANO + +Anote,[24] the chief of the _Moñkiva_, constructed his altar (plate +XVIII) on the day above mentioned as _Paic-tala_. He anticipated the +others in making it, and began operations, about 10 A.M., by carefully +sweeping the floor. His fetishes and other altar paraphernalia were in +a bag on the floor at the western end of his kiva, but there was no +_típoni_, or chieftain's badge, even on the completed altar. + +Shortly after Anote had finished sweeping the floor of the kiva, +Satele entered, followed a few minutes later by Patuñtupi.[25] These +three men, with Kalakwai, who was weaving a blanket, were the only +persons in the kiva while the altar was being made. Immediately after +the other chiefs came in, Anote began the making of prayer-sticks. +Four of these were made, each of characteristic Tewa form. + +Each of these prayer-sticks was double the length of the middle +finger, and was painted black with green pigment at the blunt end. On +one of the two sticks which compose this prayer offering, there was +cut a facet which was painted green with black dots representing eyes +and mouth. The stick without the facet was called the male, and upon +it a ferrule was incised. + +The two sticks were bound together with two cotton strings in two +places, but no packet of prayer-meal was appended as in Hopi +prayer-sticks (_pahos_).[26] A string with a terminal feather was +attached to that which bound the two sticks together. Anote likewise +made many feathered strings called _nakwakwocis_, and Satele fashioned +two prayer-sticks; all of these were laid in a basket-tray on the +floor. + +After these prayer offerings had been completed, Anote placed on the +floor a blanketful of moist clay which he further moistened and +kneaded, fashioning a part of it into a cylinder about a foot and a +half long, and two inches in diameter. This object was made blunt at +one end and pointed at the other. The image represents _Avaiyo_, the +Tewa name of _Palülükoñ_, the Great Serpent. He added to the blunt +end, or head, a small clay horn,[27] and inserted a minute feather in +the tip of the tail. He fashioned into a ball the clay that remained +after making the effigy of the serpent, patting it into a spherical +compact mass about the size of a baseball. This, called the _natci_, +later served as the pedestal to hold two eagle-wing feathers, and was +placed at the kiva hatch each day to inform the uninitiated that +ceremonies were in progress. + +Having finished the effigy of the Great Serpent and formed the clay +cylinder to his liking, Anote made on the western side of the floor of +the kiva a ridge of sand, a few inches high and about two feet long, +parallel with the western wall. While making this ridge he sat between +it and the kiva wall. Having patted this sand ridge to the proper +height, he removed from their wrapping of coarse cloth, four sticks, +each about two feet long. These sticks, dingy with age, were tied in +pairs, and were called _poñya-saka_, "altar ladders." They were +inserted in the ridge in pairs, one on each side, and between them was +placed in the sand a row of eagle feathers. As these were being put in +position by Satele, Anote sang in a low tone, the song continuing as +the other parts of the altar were arranged.[28] Anote was frequently +obliged to prompt his associate regarding the proper arrangement of +the objects on the altar. + +Satele next drew a line of prayer-meal before the ridge of sand, and +from it, as a base line, made three deep semicircles representing +rain-clouds. These were drawn as simple, elongated outlines, but +immediately the chief sprinkled meal on the floor over the space +enclosed by them. The curved edges of the three rain-cloud symbols +were then rimmed with black sand or powdered coal. About twenty short, +parallel lines, representing falling rain, were next drawn on the +floor with cornmeal, and alternating with them the same number of +black lines. Satele then placed upon the rain-cloud symbols, skeleton +puma paws, two for each rain-cloud. At the apex of each symbolic cloud +a stone fetish of a bear was deposited, and by the side of each an +arrow-point or other stone object was laid. + +The clay effigy of the Great Snake was next placed back of the +rain-cloud symbols, with the head pointing southward. As this effigy +lay on the floor, Anote made on it, with meal, representations of eyes +and teeth, then drew two lines of meal about the neck for a necklace, +and two other parallel lines about the tail. Black powder was then +evenly sprinkled along the back of the effigy. + +Both Anote and Satele procured a few ears of differently colored corn +and shelled them upon the rain-cloud picture, sprinkling the grains +evenly over the meal design, and adding a few to the back of the Great +Snake. Squash and melon seeds were likewise distributed in the same +way. The vase from which the stone effigies and other images were +taken was then placed near the base of the middle rain-cloud picture, +and a large quartz crystal was added on the left. A conch, which the +author presented to the chief, was placed on the right of this vase. +Anote then swept the floor north of the fireplace, and as he sang in a +low tone Satele drew a straight line of meal from near the right pole +of the ladder across the floor to the middle of the altar. He placed +along this line, at intervals, four feathers, and near where it joined +the altar he stretched a string, with an attached feather, called the +_pütabi_.[29] He then sprinkled a line of pollen along this trail of +meal. + +Anote's medicine-bowl was set just in front of the middle rain-cloud +figure; the clay pedestal with inserted upright feathers stood before +the left, and a basket-tray with prayer-meal before the right +rain-cloud figure. + + + ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO + +The altar (plate XIX) in the _Tewakiva_ was begun about 10 A.M. on the +Assembly day, and was made by Pocine,[30] assisted by his uncle, +Puñsauwi, both members of the _Nañ-towa_, or Sand clan. + +The preparations began with the manufacture of a clay effigy of the +Great Snake similar to but larger than that made by Anote in the +_Moñkiva_. The clay was moistened and kneaded on the floor, and then +rolled into a cylinder about three feet long, blunt at one end and +pointed at the other. + +[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX +Drawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER + ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO] + +Four clay balls were made at the same time. One of these later served +as the base of a standard (_natci_) which was subsequently placed each +morning on the kiva hatch to warn the uninitiated not to enter. The +other three were placed back of the altar and supported the sticks +called the altar-ladders, which will be considered later. + +Pocine outlined with meal on the floor a square figure which he +divided into two rectangular parts by a line parallel with the +northern side. He used meal of two colors--white for one rectangle, +and light brown or pinkish for the other. Having made the outlines of +the rectangle with great care, he carelessly sprinkled the enclosed +spaces with the meal, hardly covering the sand base upon which the +figures were drawn. He then added four triangular figures in meal on +the south or front side of the rectangular symbols. These images +represented rain-clouds, and were alternately white and brown.[31] To +the tips of these triangular rain-cloud figures he appended zigzag +continuations with lozenge-shaped tips representing the lightning of +the four cardinal points. A stone spearpoint or arrowhead was laid on +each lozenge-like tip of the zigzag lightning.[32] + +The two men, Pocine and Puñsauwi, next raised the snake effigy and +bore it to a position back of the rectangular meal figures on the +floor. They deposited it in such a way that its head pointed +southward. Having set the snake effigy in the position which it was to +retain throughout the ceremony, Pocine sprinkled a black powder along +the back of the image, while his uncle inserted several kernels of +corn in the blunt end to represent sent the teeth of an upper jaw. +Two kernels of corn were then stuck into the head to indicate eyes, +and an imitation necklace, also of grains of corn, was made around the +neck of the idol. A double encircling row of corn grains was inserted +in the tail or pointed end of the effigy, and Pocine added a small +feather at the tip. + +After the effigy had been put in position and adorned in the manner +described, both Pocine and his uncle again shelled ears of corn on the +rectangles of meal,[33] to which were added squash, melon, and other +seeds. These were regularly distributed, some being dropped along the +back of the image. + +A row of eagle feathers was now inserted along the back of the effigy, +instead of in a ridge of sand as in the _Moñkiva_ altar. There were +twelve of these feathers, and they were placed at equal intervals from +the neck to the tail of the effigy. Puñsauwi then placed the three +balls of clay, previously mentioned, back of the image, and in each of +these balls he inserted two sticks, called _pahos_, similar to those +used on the altar of the _Moñkiva_. These are ancient objects, being +reputed to have descended from a remote past. One stick in each pair +was called the male, the other the female, as is true of all double +prayer-sticks used by the Hopi Indians. They are called _poñya-saka_, +"altar-ladders," and imitations[34] of them in miniature are made and +placed in shrines on the final day of the ceremony. + +The insertion of the row of eagle-feathers along the back of the clay +effigy of the serpent recalls an instructive reptilian figure on one +of the bowls from Sikyatki.[35] In this ancient pictograph we find a +row of triangles drawn along the medial line from the head to the tail +of a lizard-like figure. The use of the triangle in ancient Pueblo +pictography as a symbol of a wing-feather, has been pointed out in an +article on the feather as a decorative design in ancient Hopi +pottery.[36] The medial line of triangles, representing feathers, on +the Sikyatki food-bowl, is paralleled in the Hano kiva by eagle-wing +feathers inserted along the middle of the image of a snake. + +A small vase was next placed just in advance of the effigy of the +Great Snake, and into this vase Pocine poured water from an +earthenware canteen, making a pass as he did so to the four Pueblo +cardinal points--north, west, south, and east--in sinistral ceremonial +circuit.[37] A stone arrow-point was then laid on the lozenge-shaped +extremity of each lightning figure. + +Pocine now scraped into the vase some powder from a soft white stone, +saying, as he did so, that the process was called _sowiyauma_, +"rabbits emerge,"[38] and that he wished he had stones of other +colors, corresponding to the cardinal points, for the same purpose. +After this was finished he emptied on the floor, from a cloth bag, a +miscellaneous collection of botryoidal stones (many of which were +waterworn), a few fetishes, and other objects, one of the most +conspicuous among the latter being a large green stone. All were at +first distributed on the meal picture without any special order, but +later were given a definite arrangement. + +Pocine next went up the kiva ladder, and standing on the upper rung in +the sunlight, sought, by means of an angular piece of glass, to +reflect a ray of sunlight on the altar, but more especially into the +vase of medicine. Four turkey-feathers were then inserted at equal +intervals along the base of the serpent effigy, as shown in plate +XIX. + +After the stone objects had been arranged on the meal picture, a line +of meal was drawn along the floor, from the right pole of the ladder +to the altar. This line was drawn with great care, particular pains +being taken to make it as straight as possible. There was no singing +while this occurred, thus differing from the ceremony performed in the +other Hano kiva. Four small feathers were placed at intervals along +the line of meal. These, in sequence, beginning with the one nearest +the ladder, were _sikyatci_, yellow-bird; _kwahu_, eagle or hawk; +_koyoña_, turkey; and _pociwû_. Pocine sprinkled pollen along this +line or meal trail. + +There was then emptied from a canvas bag upon the rectangular meal +figures a heterogeneous collection of objects, among which may be +mentioned a bundle of gaming reeds, the humerus of a turkey, a whistle +made of a turkey bone, and a zigzag wooden framework such as is used +by the Hopi to represent lightning.[39] + +Back of the altar, leaning against the wall of the kiva, was set +upright a wooden slat, notched on both edges and called _tawa-saka_, +"sun-ladder." Miniature imitations (plate XX) of this are made in this +kiva on the last day of the _Tûñtai_ and deposited in a shrine near +Sikyaowatcomo, the site of the early settlement of the Tewa. The +_poñya-saka_ or _tawa-saka_ mentioned has not before been seen in any +Hopi ceremony, and it may be characteristic of Tewa altars. A notched +prayer-stick, called the rain-cloud ladder, is placed in the same +shrine at this time. This is characteristic of the Tewa of Tusayan, +but is not found in the Hopi _pahos_, with which I am familiar.[40] + +[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX +Drawn by J. L. RIDGWAY + MINIATURE IMITATION OF THE TAWA-SAKA OR SUN-LADDER + (About one-half size)] + +The reason these prayer-sticks are termed "ladders" is because they +have the form of an ancient type of ladder made by notching a log of +wood. They are symbols of the ladders by which the Sun is supposed to +emerge from his house at sunrise. In the Hopi and Tewa conception the +Sun is weary as he withdraws to the south in winter and these ladders +are made to aid him in rising, and thus in returning to bless them. +More light will doubtless be shed on the significance of the +sun-ladder prayer-offerings when we know more of the ceremonies about +the _Tûñtai_ altars. + +No _típoni_ or badge of office was placed on this altar on the day it +was made, and my abrupt departure from the East Mesa made it +impossible for me to see the rites which are later performed about it. + +It is evident, from the preceding description, that the priests of +Hano have a knowledge of the Great Serpent cult corresponding to the +worship of Palülükoñ. Among the Hopi the _Patki_ people claim to have +introduced this cult[41] in comparatively recent times. There is a +Tewa clan called _Okuwuñ_ (Cloud) which corresponds, so far as meaning +goes, with the _Patki_ clan of the Hopi. Whether this clan brought +with it a knowledge of the Great Snake is not clear, as traditions are +silent on that point. + +There is a tradition in the _Okuwuñ_ clan that their ancestors, like +those of the _Patki_, came from the south, and that the _Nañ-towa_ +bears a like relationship to the _Okuwuñ_ that the Hopi _Tuwa_ clan +does to the _Patki_.[42] If this tradition is well founded, a +knowledge of the Great Snake fetish of the two Hano kivas may have +been brought by the _Okuwuñ_ and _Nañ-towa_ into Tusayan from the same +place as that of Palülükoñ. + +The Kwakwantu society of the _Patki_ clans among the Hopi are +intimately connected with this Great Plumed or Horned Snake cult. In +some parts of the New-fire ceremony, in which this society takes a +prominent part, each member of the society carries in his hand a small +wooden image of a horned snake. These images are called _moñkohus_, +some of the typical forms of which are figured in an article on the +_Naacnaiya_.[43] The head of the snake and its horn are well +represented in several of these wooden effigies. + + + CONCLUSIONS + +The special interest attached to the Winter Solstice altars at Hano is +in the fact that they are made by Tewa priests whose ancestors came to +Tusayan about the beginning of the eighteenth century. The makers +claim that their forefathers brought a knowledge of them from Tcewadi, +in the upper valley of the Rio Grande in New Mexico, and that their +relatives in the Tewa pueblos in the east still use like altars in +their celebration at the _Tûñtai_. + +Nothing, so far as known, has yet been published on the _Tûñtai_ +altars of the eastern Tanoan people, but ethnographers may yet find in +the kivas of those villages material which will render the above +descriptions of comparative interest. The resemblance of the _Tûñtai_ +altars to that of the _Patki_ and related families in the Walpi +_Moñkiva_ at the Winter Solstice, is a very distant one. Both have +snake effigies, but there is practically little else in common between +them, or with the altar erected at the same time by the _Pakab_ people +in the _Tcivatokiva_. The _Tûñtai_ altars are characteristically +Tewan, and, while homologous with each other, are different from any +yet known from the Hopi pueblos. + +The purport of the _Tûñtai_ rites at Hano seems to be similar to that +of the Hopi _Soyaluña_, namely, to draw back the sun in its southern +declination, and to fertilize the corn and other seeds and increase +all worldly possessions. As at Walpi, strings with attached feathers +are made and given to men and women with wishes that the gods may +bring them blessings. These strings are also attached to beams of +houses, placed in springs of water, tied to the tails of horses, +burros, sheep, dogs, chickens, and indeed every possession which the +Indian has and wishes to increase. The presence of the idol of the +snake means snake worship. + +The survival of the Tanoan _Tûñtai_ altars at Hano is typical of the +way in which the Tusayan ritual has grown to its present complicated +form. They are instances of an intrusive element which has not yet +been amalgamated, as the knowledge of them is still limited to +unassimilated people and clans. + +Similar conditions have existed from time to time during the history +of the Hopi, when new clans were added to those already existing. For +many years incoming clans maintained a strict taboo, and each family +held the secrets of its own religion; but as time went on and +assimilation resulted by intermarriage, the religious society arose, +composed of men and women of different clans. The family to which a +majority of the membership belonged continued to hold the chieftaincy, +and owned the altar and its paraphernalia, cherishing the legends of +the society. But when men of other clans were admitted to membership, +a mutual reaction of one society on another naturally resulted. This +tended to modifications which have obscured the original character of +distinctive family worship. + +The problem of the Hopi ritual, by which is meant the sum of all great +ceremonies in the Hopi calendar, deals largely with a composite +system. It implies, as elsewhere pointed out, an investigation of the +characteristic religious observances of several large families which +formerly lived apart in different pueblos. It necessitates a +knowledge of the social composition of Walpi and of the history of the +different phratries which make up the population of the village. + +There is a corollary to the above conclusions. No pueblo in the +southwest, outside of Tusayan, has the same ceremonial calendar as +Walpi, because the population of none is made up of the same clans +united in the same relative proportions. Hence the old remark that +what is true of one pueblo is true of all, does not apply to their +ritual. Some ceremonies at Jemez, Acoma, Sia, and Zuñi, for instance, +are like some ceremonies at Walpi; but the old ceremonial calendar in +any one of these pueblos was different from that of the other, because +the component families were not the same. In the same way the +ceremonies at Hano and Walpi have certain things in common, due no +doubt to the assimilation in the latter of certain Tanoan clans, but +their calendars are very different. The _Tûñtai_ at Hano differs more +widely from the Winter Solstice ceremony at Walpi, a gunshot away, +than the Walpi observance differs from that at Oraibi, twenty miles +distant. So we might also predict that if we knew the character of +Winter Solstice altars in the Rio Grande Tewa villages, they would be +found to resemble those of Hano more closely than the altars of Hano +resemble those of Walpi. + + + The Knickerbocker Press, New York + + + + + FOOTNOTES: + + +[1] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_ (_American +Anthropologist_, vol. XI). + +[2] These studies were made under the auspices of the Bureau of +American Ethnology. + +[3] Most of the people of Sitcomovi are of the _Asa_ and _Honani_ +clans, of Tanoan ancestry, but they long ago lost the Tewa language +and their Tanoan identity. + +[4] The site of this last settlement of the _Patki_ people, before +they joined those of Walpi, is in the plain about four miles south of +the East Mesa. The ruins of the pueblo are still visible, and the +foundation walls can readily be traced. + +[5] The Hano names of these pueblos are--San Juan, ----; Santa Clara, +_Kap'a_; San Ildefonso, _Pocuñwe_; Pojoaque, _P'okwode_; Nambe, +_Nûme_; Tesuque, _Tetsogi_. They also claim Taos (_Tawile_) and +Picuris (_Ohke_), but say that another speech is mixed with theirs in +these pueblos. + +[6] The Tewa of Hano call the Hopi _Koso_, and the Hopi speak of the +Hano people as the _Towa_ or the _Hanum-nyûmû_. The word "Moki," so +constantly used by white people to designate the Hopi, is never +applied by the Hopi to themselves, and they strongly object to it. The +dead are said to be _moki_, which enters into the formation of verbs, +as _tconmoki_, to starve; _tcinmoki_, to be very lonesome, etc. The +name _Hano_ or _Hanoki_ is, I believe, simply a combination of the +words _Hano_ and _ki_, "eastern pueblo." The element _hano_ appears +also in the designation for American, _Pahano_, "eastern water"; +_pahanoki_, "American house." Both the Asa and the Tewa peoples are +called _Hanum_ clans. + +[7] Remains of old reservoirs, elaborately walled, from which water +was drawn by means of a gourd tied to a long pole, are still pointed +out near Tukinovi and are said to have belonged to the _Pe-towa_. Old +Tcasra claims that they were in use in his mother's grandmother's +time. + +[8] The troubles following the great rebellion of 1680 drove many Tewa +from the Rio Grande valley to Tusayan. + +[9] It is impossible to make this enumeration accurate, hence these +numbers must be regarded as approximations. + +[10] It is not unusual to find several names applied to the same +person. Thus, Hani, the chief of the _Piba_ clans at Walpi, is called +Lesma in the Snake kiva. The Walpi call the author Nakwipi, but the +Flute chief at Cipaulovi insists that his name is Yoyowaiamû, which +appellation was given when the author was inducted into the Flute +rites at that pueblo in 1891. + +[11] The gap in the East Mesa just at the head of the trail before one +enters Hano. The pueblo of Walpi derived its name from this gap. + +[12] Their nomadic enemies raided so near the pueblo of the East Mesa +that the priests were unable to visit their shrines without danger. +The idol of _Talatumsi_, used in the New-fire ceremony, was removed +from its shrine north of Wala on that account. + +[13] Later, as the outcome of a petty quarrel near the middle of the +eighteenth century, the _Asa_ women moved to Sitcomovi which they +founded. At present there is only one woman of this clan in Walpi, and +no women of the _Honani_, both of which clans are strong in Sitcomovi. + +[14] Ten Broeck in 1852 seems to have been the first writer to adopt +the true name, Hano, of the Tewa pueblo on the East Mesa. + +[15] One of the differences in custom between Hopi and Tewa women is +the method of making their coiffures. Unmarried girls of Walpi and +Hano dress their hair in the same manner, with whorls above the ears. +Married women have different ways of wearing their hair in the two +pueblos. During the wedding ceremonies at Hano the mother of the +bride, in the presence of guests, combs her daughter's hair, or that +part of it on the front of the scalp, over the face, so that it hangs +down like a veil. She ties the hair on the back of the head in two +coils, one of which hangs on either side, but the hair before the face +she cuts on a level with the chin, beginning at the top of the ears. +The hair which remains is too short to be done up in coils, and is +simply brushed to one side or the other. Among Hopi married women all +the hair is included in the two coils, and the "bang" is absent. + +[16] The names of many Tewa women end in _pobi_, corresponding with +the Hopi _si_, a contracted form of _sihû_, in women's names, as +Hoñsi, Nasiumsi, etc. + +[17] Among the Hopi the moon (Tewa _p'o_) is called _müiyaûh_; new +moon, _müiyakatci_; first quarter, _müiyachaunacapti_; full moon, +_müiyanacapti_. An eclipse of the moon is spoken of as _müiyaûh moki_, +"dead moon." There was a total eclipse of the moon visible at Walpi +near the end of December, 1898, when the full moon arose partially +obscured. This, said Sikyatala, was bad for the Americans who dwell in +the far east, but not for the Hopi. A "dead moon," when in the +meridian of the Hopi pueblos, is considered _kalolamai_, "bad." + +[18] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_, op. cit. + +[19] The _Asa_ people are also called the _Tcakwaina_ clans. The ruins +of their old village, near the western point of Awatobi mesa, are +called Tcakwaina-ki. Its walls do not appear above the surface. + +[20] The particular ceremony of the _Pakab_ peoples is the _Momtcita_, +a single day's rite which occurs just after the _Soyaluña_, under +direction of Pautiwa. Connected with this ceremony are the +performances of the "stick swallowers" or _Nocoto_ priests who were +thought to be extinct at Walpi, but Eewa is chief of the _Nocotana_ +priests, and the society includes Wikyatiwa, Talahoya, Sikyaventima, +and others. They still practice stick-swallowing. Pautiwa is chief of +the _Kalektaka_, a warrior priesthood. He belongs to the Eagle clan of +the _Pakab_ phratry, which may be related to the _Awata_ or Bow clan +of the former pueblo of Awatobi. + +[21] Tcoshoniwa is generally called by a nickname, Tcino, "Bald-head," +or "Curly-hair," a sobriquet to which he strongly objects. He is one +of the oldest men of Sitcomovi, belongs to the _Patki_ clan, and was +formerly the _kimoñwi_ or governor of Sitcomovi. Hani, of the _Piba_ +(Tobacco) clan, is political chief of Walpi; and Anote, also of the +_Piba_ clan, is chief of Hano. All the pueblos have _kimoñwis_ or +governors, and the office dates from early times; but these pueblo +chiefs have no authority over pueblos other than their own. + +[22] The orientation of the Hano kivas is not far from that of the +other East Mesa kivas, or about north 44º west. + +[23] The chief kiva had a small stove, an innovation which was greatly +appreciated by the writer. + +[24] So named by the Hopi; the Tewa call him Tem[)e], At Hano almost +everyone has a Hopi and a Tewa name. + +[25] Son of Kutcve and Kotcampa of the _Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan; +commonly called "Esquash" by Americans. + +[26] The corn-husk packet of meal seems to be wanting in Zuñian, +Keresan, and Tanoan prayer-sticks, but it is almost universally +present in those of the Hopi. The Tanoan prayer-stick is called +_o'dope_. + +[27] A cephalic horn is an essential organ of the Great Snake, and is +always represented in pictography and on graven or other images of +this being. Note the similarity of his Tewa name to the Spanish word +_abajo_, "below." + +[28] This is the first time songs have been noted while an altar was +being put in place. + +[29] This was a four-stranded string of cotton, as long as the +outstretched arm, measured from over the heart to the tip of the +longest finger. It is supposed to be a roadway of blessings, and the +trail of meal is the pathway along which, in their belief, the benign +influences of the altar pass from it to the kiva entrance and to the +pueblo. + +[30] Pocine is a youth not far from seventeen years of age. His +marriage ceremony was studied by the writer a week before the +_Tûñtai_. + +[31] The triangle among the Hopi is almost as common a symbol of the +rain-cloud as the semicircle. It is a very old symbol, and is +frequently found with the same meaning in cliff-houses and in ancient +pictography. + +[32] It was found in studying the four lightning symbols on this Tewa +altar that sex is associated with cardinal points as in the Walpi +Antelope altar. The lightning of the north is male, that of the west +female, the south male, and the east female. The same holds with many +objects in Hopi altars; thus the stone objects, _tcamahia_, of the +Antelope altar follow this rule. In the same way plants and herbs have +sex (not in the Linnean meaning), and are likewise associated with the +cardinal points. + +[33] This sprinkling of corn seeds upon the meal picture of a Hopi +altar is mentioned in an account of the Oraibi Flute ceremony. The +evident purpose of this act is to vitalize the seeds by the +accompanying rites about the altar. + +[34] Called _omowûh-saka_, "rain-cloud ladders." + +[35] _Smithsonian Report_, 1895, pl. lvii. + +[36] _The American Anthropologist_, vol. XI, page 1. + +[37] The Tewa, like the Hopi, recognize six ceremonial +directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. The sinistral +circuit is one in which the center is on the left hand, while the +dextral circuit has its center to the right. The older term, +"sunwise," for the latter circuit, etymologically means one ceremonial +circuit in the northern hemisphere and an opposite in the southern. On +this and other accounts the author has ceased to use it in designating +circuits. + +[38] For the increase of rabbits. + +[39] This zigzag framework had appended to one end a carved imitation +of a snake's head, and as it represents the lightning this association +was not incongruous. Similar frameworks are carried in the dance by a +man impersonating Püükoñ, the War god, and at certain other times when +lightning is symbolized. + +[40] In asking why albino Hopi are found at the Middle Mesa and not on +the East Mesa, it was unexpectedly learned that in some ceremonies a +white prayer-stick is made at the former mesa, and that albinism was +due to want of care by the father in making these offerings while his +wife was pregnant. The author has never seen the white _paho_ of the +Middle Mesa, and does not know when it is made nor its shape and use. + +[41] All Hopi priests are very solicitous that sketches of the _Patki_ +altar in the _Soyaluña_ should not be shown to Tewa men or women, and +the Tewa men begged me to keep silent regarding their altars while +conversing with the Walpi chiefs. There is a very strict taboo between +the two peoples at the time of the Winter Solstice ceremony, which is +more rigid than at other times. + +[42] The _Tuwa_ (Sand) or _Kükütce_ (Lizard) clan lived at Pakatcomo +with the _Patki_ people, according to their legends. + +[43] _Journal of American Folk-lore_, 1892, pl. II, figs. 1-4. These +_moñkohus_ of the Kwakwantu society, representing horned snakes, +should not be confounded with those carried by other societies, +typical forms of which are shown in figures 5-8. In the article quoted +it was not stated that the effigies with heads represent _Palülükoñs_. +The effigy on the massive club borne by the chief of the Kwakwantu +also represents the Great Snake. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano +Pueblo, by J. Walter Fewkes + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 42175 *** |