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diff --git a/42175-8.txt b/42175-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 4a14611..0000000 --- a/42175-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1512 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano Pueblo, by -J. Walter Fewkes - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano Pueblo - -Author: J. Walter Fewkes - -Release Date: February 23, 2013 [EBook #42175] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS *** - - - - -Produced by Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - - - - THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT - HANO PUEBLO - - BY - J. WALTER FEWKES - - (From the American Anthropologist (N.S.), Vol. 1, April, 1899) - - NEW YORK - G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS - - 1899 - - - - - THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT HANO PUEBLO - - BY J. WALTER FEWKES - - - - - INTRODUCTION - - -The fetishes displayed in their kivas by different phratries during -the Winter Solstice ceremony at the Hopi pueblo of Walpi, in -northeastern Arizona, have been described in a previous article,[1] in -which the altar made in the _Moñkiva_, or "chief" ceremonial chamber, -by the _Patki_ and related people has been given special attention. -The author had hoped in 1898[2] to supplement this description by an -exhaustive study of the Winter Solstice ceremonies of all the families -of the East Mesa, but was prevented from so doing by the breaking out -of an epidemic. This study was begun with fair results, and before -withdrawing from the kivas he was able to make a few observations on -certain altars at Hano which had escaped him in the preceding year. - -Walpi, commonly called by the natives _Hopiki_, "Hopi pueblo," began -its history as a settlement of Snake clans which had united with the -Bear phratry. From time to time this settlement grew in size by the -addition of the _Ala_, _Pakab_, _Patki_, and other phratries of lesser -importance. Among important increments in modern times may be -mentioned several clans of Tanoan ancestry, as the _Asa_, _Honani_, -and the like. These have all been assimilated, having lost their -identity as distinct peoples and become an integral part of the -population of Walpi, or of its colony, Sitcomovi.[3] Among the most -recent arrivals in Tusayan was another group of Tanoan clans which -will be considered in this article. The last mentioned are now -domiciled in a pueblo of their own called Hano; they have not yet, as -the others, lost their language nor been merged into the Hopi people, -but still preserve intact many of their ancient customs. - -The present relations of Hano to Walpi are in some respects not unlike -those which have existed in the past between incoming clans and Walpi -as each new colony entered the Tusayan territory. Thus, after the -_Patki_ people settled at the pueblo called Pakatcomo,[4] within sight -of Old Walpi, they lived there for some time, observing their own -rites and possibly speaking a different language much as the people of -Hano do today. In the course of time, however, the population of the -_Patki_ pueblo was united with the preëpre Walpi families, Pakatcomo -was abandoned, and its speech and ritual merged into those of Walpi. -Could we have studied the _Patki_ people when they lived at their -former homes, Pakatcomo or Homolobi, we would be able to arrive at -more exact ideas of their peculiar rites and altars than is now -possible. Hano has never been absorbed by Walpi as the _Patki_ pueblos -were, and the altars herein described still preserve their true Tanoan -characteristics. These altars are interesting because made in a Tanoan -pueblo by Tewa clans which are intrusive in the Hopi country, and are -especially instructive because it is held by their priests that like -altars are or were made in midwinter rites by their kindred now -dwelling along the Rio Grande in New Mexico. - -The midwinter rite in which the altars are employed is called _Tûñtai_ -by the Tewa, who likewise designate it by the Hopi name _Soyaluña_. -This latter term may be regarded as a general one applied to the -assemblages of different families in all the kivas of the East Mesa at -that time. The name of the Tewa rite is a special one, and possibly -the other families who assemble at this time once had or still retain -their own names for their celebrations. The _Tûñtai_ altars were -brought by the ancestors of the present people of Hano from their old -eastern home, and the rites about them are distinctly Tewan, although -celebrated at the same time as the Winter Solstice ceremonies of the -Hopi families. - - - CLAN COMPOSITION OF HANO - -The pueblo called Hano is one of three villages on the East Mesa of -Tusayan and contained, according to the writer's census of 1893, a -population of 163 persons. It was settled between the years 1700 and -1710 by people from Tcewadi, a pueblo situated near Peña Blanca on the -Rio Grande in New Mexico. Although only six persons of pure Tanoan -ancestry are now living at Hano, the inhabitants still speak the Tewa -dialect and claim as kindred the peoples of San Juan, Santa Clara, San -Ildefonso, Pojoaque, Nambe, and Tesuque.[5] The best traditionists -declare that their ancestors were invited to leave their old home, -Tcewadi, by the Snake chief of Walpi, who was then pueblo chief of -that village. They claim that they made their long journey to give aid -against the Ute Indians who were raiding the Hopi, and that they -responded after four consecutive invitations. The Walpi Snake chief -sent them an embassy bearing prayer-sticks as offerings, and although -they had refused three invitations they accepted the fourth. - -According to traditions the following clans have lived in Hano, but it -is not stated that all went to the East Mesa together from Tcewadi: -_Okuwuñ_, Rain-cloud; _Sa_, Tobacco; _Kolon_, Corn; _Tenyük_, Pine; -_Katcina_, Katcina; _Nañ_, Sand; _Kopeeli_, Pink Shell; _Koyanwi_, -Turquoise; _Kapolo_, Crane; _Tuñ_, Sun; _Ke_, Bear; _Te_, Cottonwood; -_Tayek_ (?); _Pe_, Firewood; and _Tceta_, Bivalve shell. - -The early chiefs whose names have been obtained are Mapibi of the -_Nañ-towa_, Potañ of the _Ke-towa_, and Talekweñ and Kepo of the -_Kolon-towa_. The present village chief is Anote of the _Sa-towa_ or -Tobacco clan.[6] - -Of the original clans which at some time have been with the Hano -people, the following have now become extinct: _Kopeeli_, _Koyanwi_, -_Kapolo_, _Tuñ_, _Tayek_, _Pe_,[7] and _Tceta_. The last member of the -_Tuñ_ or Sun people was old chief Kalacai who died about four years -ago. It is quite probable that several of these extinct clans did not -start from Tcewadi with the others. There were several waves of Tanoan -emigrants from the Rio Grande region which went to Tusayan about the -same time, among which may be mentioned the _Asa_, which took a more -southerly route, via Zuñi. The route of the _Asa_ people will be -considered in another article, and the evidences that some of the -_Asa_ clans joined their kindred on their advent into Tusayan will be -developed later. Probably certain members of the _Katcina_ clan -accompanied the _Asa_ people as far as the Awatobi mesa and then -affiliated with the early Hano clans.[8] - - * * * * * - -The census of Hano in December, 1898, was as follows: - - _Clans_ _Males_ _Females_ _Total_ - Okuwuñ 12 8 20 - Sa 8 5 13 - Kolon 11 12 23 - Tenyük 12 16 28 - Ke 5 10 15 - Katcina 8 9 17 - Te 5 4 9 - Nañ 4 7 11 - ---- - Total native to Hano domiciled at home 136 - -The above enumeration of Hano population does not include Walpi and -Sitcomovi men married to Hano women (23), nor Tewa men living in the -neighboring pueblos (15).[9] Adding these, the population is increased -to 174, which may be called the actual enumeration at the close of -1898. Subsequent mortality due to smallpox and whooping-cough will -reduce the number below 160. - -In the following lists there are arranged, under their respective -clans, the names of all the known inhabitants of Hano. There have been -several deaths since the lists were made (December 1, 1898), and -several births which also are not included. It will be noted that the -majority have Tanoan names, but there are several with names of Hopi -origin, for in these latter instances I was unable to obtain any -other.[10] - - - _Census of Hano by Clans_ - -_Okuwuñ-towa_, or Rain-cloud clan.--Men and boys: Kalakwai, Kala, -Tcüa, Wiwela, Kahe, Yane, Solo, Yunci, Pade, Klee, Kochayna, Këe (12). -Women and girls: Sikyumka, Kwentce, Talitsche, Yoyowaiolo, -Pobitcanwû, Yoanuche, Asou, Tawamana (8). Total, 20. - -_Sa-towa_, or Tobacco clan.--Men and boys: Anote, Asena, Tem[)e], -Ipwantiwa, Howila, Nuci, Yauma, Satee (8). Women and girls: Okañ, -Heli, Kotu, Kwañ, Mota (5). Total, 13. - -_Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan.--Men and boys: Polakka, Patuñtupi, -Akoñtcowu, Komaletiwa, Agaiyo, Tcid[)e], Oba, Toto, Peke, Kelo, Tasce -(11). Women and girls: Kotcaka, Talikwia, Nampio, Kweñtcowû, Heele, -Pelé, Kontce, Koompipi, Chaiwû, Kweckatcañwû, Awatcomwû, Antce (12). -Total, 23. - -_Tenyük-towa_, or Pine clan.--Men and boys: Tawa, Nato, Wako, Paoba, -Topi, Yota, Pobinelli, Yeva, Tañe, Lelo, Sennele, Poctce (12). Women -and girls: Toñlo, Hokona, Kode(?), Sakpede, Nebenne, Tabowüqti, -Poh[ve], Saliko, Eye, Porkuñ, Pehta, Hekpobi, Setale, Naici, Katcine, -Tcenlapobi (16). Total, 28. - -_Ke-towa_, or Bear clan.--Men and boys: Mepi, Tae, Tcakwaina, -Poliella, Tegi (5). Women and girls: Kauñ, Kalaie, Pene, Tcetcuñ, -Kala, Katcinmana, Selapi, Tolo, Pokona, Kode (10). Total 15. Tcaper -("Tom Sawyer") may be enrolled in this or the preceding family. He is -a Paiute, without kin in Hano, and was sold when a boy as a slave by -his father. His sisters were sold to the Navaho at the same time. -Tcaper became the property of an Oraibi, later of a Tewa man, now -dead, and so far as can be learned is the only Paiute now living at -Hano. - -_Katcina-towa._--Men and boys: Kwevehoya, Taci, Avaiyo, Poya, Oyi, -Wehe, Sibentima, Tawahonima (8). Women and girls: Okotce, Kwenka, Awe, -Peñaiyo, Peñ, Poñ, Tcao, Poschauwû, Sawiyû (9). Total, 17. - -_Te-towa_, or Cottonwood clan. Men and boys: Sania, Kuyapi, Okuapin, -Ponyin, Pebihoya (5). Women and girls: Yunne, Pobitche, Poitzuñ, -Kalazañ (4). Total, 9. - -_Nañ-towa_, or Sand clan.--Men and boys: Puñsauwi, Pocine, Talumtiwa, -Cia (4). Women and girls: Pocilipobi, Talabensi, Humhebuima, Kae, -Avatca, "Nancy," Simana (7). Total, 11. - -The present families in Hano are so distributed that the oldest part -of the pueblo is situated at the head of the trail east of the -_Moñkiva_. This is still owned and inhabited by the _Sa_, _Kolon_, and -_Ke_ clans, all of which probably came from Tcewadi. The _Katcina_ and -related _Tenyük_, as well as the _Okuwuñ_ and related _Nañ_ clans, are -said, by some traditions, to have joined the Tewa colonists after they -reached the Hopi mesas, and the position of their houses in respect to -the main house-cluster favors that theory. Other traditions say that -the first pueblo chief of the Tewa was chief of the _Nañ-towa_. Too -much faith should not be put in this statement, notwithstanding the -chief of the _Tewakiva_ belongs to the _Nañ-towa_. It seems more -probable that the _Ke_ or Bear clan was the leading one in early -times, and that its chief was also _kimoñwi_ or governor of the first -settlement at the foot of the mesa. - - - TEWA LEGENDS - -According to one authority (Kalakwai) the route of migration of the -Hano clans from their ancient home, Tcewadi, led them first to Jemesi -(Jemez), where they rested a year. From Jemesi they went to Orpinpo or -Pawikpa ("Duck water"). Thence they proceeded to Kepo, or Bear spring, -the present Fort Wingate, and from this place they continued to the -site of Fort Defiance, thence to Wukopakabi or Pueblo Ganado. -Continuing their migration they entered Puñci, or Keam's canyon, and -traversing its entire length, arrived at Isba, or Coyote spring, near -the present trail of the East Mesa, where they built their pueblo. -This settlement (Kohti) was along the foot-hills to the left of the -spring, near a large yellow rock or cliff called Sikyaowatcomo -("Yellow-rock mound"). There they lived for some time, as the debris -and ground-plan of their building attest. Their pueblo was a large -one, and it was conveniently near a spring called Uñba, now filled up, -and Isba, still used by the Hano people. - -Shortly after their arrival Ute warriors made a new foray on the Hopi -pueblos, and swarmed into the valley north of Wala,[11] capturing many -sheep which they drove to the hills north of the mesa.[12] The Tewa -attacked them at that place, and the Ute warriors killed all the sheep -which they had captured, making a protecting rampart of their -carcasses. On this account the place is now called Sikwitukwi ("Meat -pinnacle"). The Tewa killed all but two of their opponents who were -taken captives and sent home with the message that the Bears had come, -and if any of their tribe ever returned as hostiles they would all be -killed. From that time Ute invasions ceased. - -According to another good authority in Tewa lore, the _Asa_ people -left "Kaëkibi," near Abiquiu, in northern New Mexico, about the time -the other Tewa left Tcewadi They traveled together rapidly for some -time, but separated at Laguna, the _Asa_ taking the southern route, -via Zuñi. The Tewa clans arrived first (?) at Tusayan and waited for -the _Asa_ in the sand-hills near Isba. Both groups, according to this -authority, took part in the Ute fight at Sikwitukwi, and when they -returned the village chief of Walpi gave the _Asa_ people for their -habitation that portion of the mesa top northeast of the _Tewakiva_, -while the present site of Hano was assigned to the Tewa clans. During -a famine the _Asa_ moved to Tübka (Canyon Tsegi, or "Chelly"), where -they planted the peach trees that are still to be seen. The ruined -walls east of Hano are a remnant of the pueblo abandoned by them. The -_Asa_ intermarried with the Navaho and lost their language. When they -returned to the East Mesa the Hopi assigned to them for their houses -that part of Walpi at the head of the stairway trail on condition that -they would defend it.[13] - -In view of the tenacity with which the women of Hano have clung to -their language, even when married to Hopi men, it seems strange that -the _Asa_ lost their native dialect during the short time they lived -in Tsegi canyon; but the _Asa_ men may have married Navaho women, and -the Tanoan tongues become lost in that way, the _Asa_ women being in -the minority. There is such uniformity in all the legends that the -_Asa_ were Tanoan people, that we can hardly doubt their truth, -whatever explanation may be given of how the _Asa_ lost their former -idiom. - -In 1782 Morfi described Hano,[14] under the name "Tanos," as a pueblo -of one hundred and ten families, with a central plaza and streets. He -noted the difference of idiom between it and Walpi. If Morfi's census -be correct, the pueblo has diminished in population since his time. -Since 1782 Hano has probably never been deserted, although its -population has several times been considerably reduced by epidemics. - -In return for their aid in driving the Ute warriors from the country, -the Hopi chief gave the Tewa all the land in the two valleys on each -side of the mesa, north and east of a line drawn at right angles to -_Wala_, the Gap. This line of demarcation is recognized by the Tewa, -although some of them claim that the Hopi have land-holdings in their -territory. The line of division is carefully observed in the building -of new houses in the foot-hills, for the Hopi families build west of -the line, the Tewa people east of it. - - - DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL CUSTOMS - -A casual visitor to the East Mesa would not notice any difference -between the people of Hano and those of Walpi, and in fact many Walpi -men have married Tanoan women and live in their village. The -difference of idiom, however, is immediately noticeable, and seems -destined to persist. Almost every inhabitant of Hano speaks Hopi, but -no Hopi speaks or understands Tewa. While there are Tewa men from -Hano in several of the Hopi villages, where they have families, no -Tewa woman lives in Walpi. This is of course due to the fact that the -matriarchal system exists, and that a girl on marrying lives with her -mother or with her clan, while a newly married man goes to the home of -his wife's clan to live. - -There are differences in marriage and mortuary customs, in the way the -women wear their hair,[15] and in other minor matters, but at present -the great difference between the Hopi and the Tewa is in their -religious ceremonials, which, next to language, are the most -persistent features of their tribal life. Hano has a very limited -ritual; it celebrates in August a peculiar rite known as _Sumykoli_, -or the sun prayer-stick making, as well as the _Tûñtai_ midwinter -ceremony, the altars of which are described herein. There are also -many _Katcina_ dances which are not different from those performed at -Walpi. One group of clown priests, called _Paiakyamû_, is -characteristic of Hano. Compared with the elaborate ritual of the Hopi -pueblo, that of Hano is poor; but Tewa men are members of most of the -religious societies of Walpi, and some of the women take part in the -basket dance (_Lalakoñti_) and _Mamzrauti_, in that village. - -The following Tewa names for months are current at Hano: - - January, _Elo-p'o_, "Wooden-cup moon"; refers to the cups, made - of wood, used by the _Tcukuwympkiyas_ in a ceremonial game. - - February, _Káuton-p'o_, "Singing moon." - - March, _Yopobi-p'o_, "Cactus-flower moon." The element - _pobi_[16] which is so often used in proper names among the - Tewa, means flower. - - April, _Púñka-p'o_, "Windbreak moon." - - May, _Señko-p'o_, "To-plant-secretly moon." This refers to the - planting of sweet corn in nooks and crevices, where children - may not see it, for the _Nimán-katcina_. - - June-October, nameless moons, or the same names as the five - winter moons. - - November, _Céñi-p'o_,[17] "Horn moon," possibly referring to - the _Aaltû_ of the New-Fire ceremony. - - December, _Tûñtai-p'o_, "Winter-solstice moon." - - - CONTEMPORARY CEREMONIES - -The Winter Solstice ceremony is celebrated in Walpi, Sitcomovi, and -Hano, by clans, all the men gathering in the kivas of their respective -pueblos. The _Soyaluña_ is thus a synchronous gathering of all the -families who bring their fetishes to the places where they assemble. -The kivas or rooms in which they meet, and the clans which assemble -therein, are as follows: - - - _Walpi_ - -MOÑKIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; _Tabo_, rabbit; _Kükütce_, Lizard; -_Tuwa_, Sand; _Lenya_, Flute; _Piba_, Tobacco; and _Katcina_. - -WIKWALIOBIKIVA: _Asa_. - -NACABKIVA: _Kokop_, Firewood; _Tcüa_, Snake. - -ALKIVA: _Ala_, Horn. - -TCIVATOKIVA: _Pakab_, Reed; _Honau_, Bear. - - - _Sitcomovi_ - -FIRST KIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; Honani, Badger. - -SECOND KIVA: _Asa_. - - - _Hano_ - - MOÑKIVA: _Sa_, Tobacco; _Ke_, Bear; _Kolon_, Corn, etc. - - TEWAKIVA: _Nañ_, Sand; _Okuwuñ_, Rain-cloud, etc. - -The altars or fetishes in the five Walpi kivas are as follows: - -The altar described in a former publication[18] is the most elaborate -of all the Winter Solstice fetishes at Walpi, and belongs to the -_Patki_ and related clans. - -The _Asa_ family in the _Wikwaliobikiva_ had no altar, but the -following fetishes: (1) An ancient mask resembling that of _Natacka_ -and called _tcakwaina_,[19] attached to which is a wooden crook and a -rattle; (2) an ancient bandoleer (_tozriki_); and (3) several stone -images of animals. The shield which the _Asa_ carried before the -_Moñkiva_ altar had a star painted upon it. - -The _Kokop_ and _Tcüa_ families, in the _Nacabkiva_, had no altar, but -on the floor of the kiva there was a stone image which was said to -have come from the ancient pueblo of Sikyatki, a former village of the -_Kokop_ people. - -There was no altar in the _Alkiva_, but the _Ala_ (Horn) clan which -met there had a stone image of Püükoñhoya, and on the shield which -they used in the _Moñkiva_ there was a picture of Alosaka. - -The _Pakab_[20] (Reed or Arrow) people had an altar in the -_Tcivatokiva_ where Pautiwa presided with the _típoni_ or palladium of -that family. - -The writer was unable to examine the fetishes of the _Honani_ and -_Asa_ clans, who met in the two Sitcomovi kivas. It was reported that -they have no altars in the _Soyaluña_, but a study of their fetishes -will shed important light on the nature of the rites introduced into -Tusayan by these clans. Tcoshoniwa is chief in one of these kivas.[21] - -Pocine, chief of the _Tewakiva_, belongs to the _Nañ-towa_, or Sand -clan, and is the elder son of Pocilipobi. Puñsauwi, his uncle, is -Pocilipobi's brother. As the _kimoñwi_ or village chief of the Tewa -colonists, when they came into Tusayan, belonged to the Sand clan, we -may suppose this altar to be hereditary in this family. - -Anote, the chief of the _Moñkiva_ of Hano, is the oldest man of the -_Sa-towa_ or Tobacco clan. Satele, who assisted him in making the -altar, is a member of the _Ke_ or Bear clan. Patuñtupi, who was -present when the altar was made at Hano, belongs to the _Kolon_ or -Corn clan. - - - THE WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONY - -The _Tûñtai_ or _Soyaluña_ ceremony of the East Mesa in 1898 extended -from December 9th to the 19th inclusive, and the days were designated -as follows: - - 9th, _Tcotcoñyuñya_ (_Tcotcoñya_), Smoke assembly. - - 10th, _Tceele tcalauûh_, Announcement. - - 11th, _Cüs-tala_, First day. - - 12th, _Lüc-tala_, Second day. - - 13th, _Paic-tala_, Third day. - - 14th, _Yuñya_, Assemblage. - - 15th, _Sockahimû_. - - 16th, _Komoktotokya_. - - 17th, _Totokya_, _Totokpee_. - - 18th, _Pegumnove_. - - 19th, _Navotcine_. - -The active secret ceremonies began on the 14th and extended to the -19th. _Yuñya_ was the day on which the Walpi chiefs entered their -kivas, and _Totokya_ that on which the most important secret rites -were performed. - -_Tcotcoñyuñya_, Smoke assembly. The time of the Soyaluña is fixed by -Kwatcakwa, Sun-priest of the _Patki_ clan, who determines the winter -solstice by means of observations of sunset on the horizon, as -elsewhere described. The Smoke assemblage at Walpi occurred after -sunset on December 9th, in the house of Anwuci's wife, adjoining the -_Moñkiva_, and was attended by Supela, Kwatcakwa, Sakwistiwa, Kwaa, -and Anawita, all chiefs belonging to the _Patki_ clan. The Smoke -assemblage at Hano, preliminary to the _Tûñtai_, was also held after -sunset on December 9th, and was attended by the following chiefs: -Anote (Tem[)e]), _Sa-towa_; Satele, _Ke-towa_; Pocine (Koye), -_Nañ-towa_; Patuñtupi, _Kolon-towa_. - -There was no formal notification of _Tûñtai_ from the housetops of -Hano on the following morning, the _Soyaluña_ announcement from Walpi -serving all three pueblos on the East Mesa. - -The formal announcement was made by Kopeli at daybreak of December -10th. Hoñyi, the regular _tcakmoñwi_, or town-crier, was snowbound at -Keam's Canyon, and consequently was unable to perform this function. - -The Smoke assemblage and its formal announcement at daybreak on the -following morning have been observed in the Snake dance, and in the -Flute, New-fire, and _Soyaluña_ ceremonies; it probably occurs also in -the _Lalakoñti_ and _Mamzrauti_. It takes place several days before -the Assembly day, when the chief enters the kiva and sets his _natci_ -or standard on the kiva hatch to announce that he has begun the -ceremonies. - -[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., VOL. 1, PL. XVII -Drawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER - ALTAR IN THE MOÑKIVA AT HANO] - - - KIVAS AT HANO - -There are two kivas in Hano, one of which, called _Tewakiva_, is -situated at the head of the trail to the pueblo. The other, called the -_Moñkiva_, is built in the eastern part of the plaza, and, as its name -implies, is the "chief" Hano kiva. Both these semi-subterranean rooms -are rectangular[22] in shape, and in structural details resemble the -kivas of Walpi. Each has a hatchway entrance in the middle of the -roof, and is entered by means of a ladder which rests on the floor -near a central fireplace. Neither of the Hano kivas has a window, but -each has a raised platform for spectators east of the fireplace.[23] - - - ALTAR IN THE MOÑKIVA AT HANO - -Anote,[24] the chief of the _Moñkiva_, constructed his altar (plate -XVIII) on the day above mentioned as _Paic-tala_. He anticipated the -others in making it, and began operations, about 10 A.M., by carefully -sweeping the floor. His fetishes and other altar paraphernalia were in -a bag on the floor at the western end of his kiva, but there was no -_típoni_, or chieftain's badge, even on the completed altar. - -Shortly after Anote had finished sweeping the floor of the kiva, -Satele entered, followed a few minutes later by Patuñtupi.[25] These -three men, with Kalakwai, who was weaving a blanket, were the only -persons in the kiva while the altar was being made. Immediately after -the other chiefs came in, Anote began the making of prayer-sticks. -Four of these were made, each of characteristic Tewa form. - -Each of these prayer-sticks was double the length of the middle -finger, and was painted black with green pigment at the blunt end. On -one of the two sticks which compose this prayer offering, there was -cut a facet which was painted green with black dots representing eyes -and mouth. The stick without the facet was called the male, and upon -it a ferrule was incised. - -The two sticks were bound together with two cotton strings in two -places, but no packet of prayer-meal was appended as in Hopi -prayer-sticks (_pahos_).[26] A string with a terminal feather was -attached to that which bound the two sticks together. Anote likewise -made many feathered strings called _nakwakwocis_, and Satele fashioned -two prayer-sticks; all of these were laid in a basket-tray on the -floor. - -After these prayer offerings had been completed, Anote placed on the -floor a blanketful of moist clay which he further moistened and -kneaded, fashioning a part of it into a cylinder about a foot and a -half long, and two inches in diameter. This object was made blunt at -one end and pointed at the other. The image represents _Avaiyo_, the -Tewa name of _Palülükoñ_, the Great Serpent. He added to the blunt -end, or head, a small clay horn,[27] and inserted a minute feather in -the tip of the tail. He fashioned into a ball the clay that remained -after making the effigy of the serpent, patting it into a spherical -compact mass about the size of a baseball. This, called the _natci_, -later served as the pedestal to hold two eagle-wing feathers, and was -placed at the kiva hatch each day to inform the uninitiated that -ceremonies were in progress. - -Having finished the effigy of the Great Serpent and formed the clay -cylinder to his liking, Anote made on the western side of the floor of -the kiva a ridge of sand, a few inches high and about two feet long, -parallel with the western wall. While making this ridge he sat between -it and the kiva wall. Having patted this sand ridge to the proper -height, he removed from their wrapping of coarse cloth, four sticks, -each about two feet long. These sticks, dingy with age, were tied in -pairs, and were called _poñya-saka_, "altar ladders." They were -inserted in the ridge in pairs, one on each side, and between them was -placed in the sand a row of eagle feathers. As these were being put in -position by Satele, Anote sang in a low tone, the song continuing as -the other parts of the altar were arranged.[28] Anote was frequently -obliged to prompt his associate regarding the proper arrangement of -the objects on the altar. - -Satele next drew a line of prayer-meal before the ridge of sand, and -from it, as a base line, made three deep semicircles representing -rain-clouds. These were drawn as simple, elongated outlines, but -immediately the chief sprinkled meal on the floor over the space -enclosed by them. The curved edges of the three rain-cloud symbols -were then rimmed with black sand or powdered coal. About twenty short, -parallel lines, representing falling rain, were next drawn on the -floor with cornmeal, and alternating with them the same number of -black lines. Satele then placed upon the rain-cloud symbols, skeleton -puma paws, two for each rain-cloud. At the apex of each symbolic cloud -a stone fetish of a bear was deposited, and by the side of each an -arrow-point or other stone object was laid. - -The clay effigy of the Great Snake was next placed back of the -rain-cloud symbols, with the head pointing southward. As this effigy -lay on the floor, Anote made on it, with meal, representations of eyes -and teeth, then drew two lines of meal about the neck for a necklace, -and two other parallel lines about the tail. Black powder was then -evenly sprinkled along the back of the effigy. - -Both Anote and Satele procured a few ears of differently colored corn -and shelled them upon the rain-cloud picture, sprinkling the grains -evenly over the meal design, and adding a few to the back of the Great -Snake. Squash and melon seeds were likewise distributed in the same -way. The vase from which the stone effigies and other images were -taken was then placed near the base of the middle rain-cloud picture, -and a large quartz crystal was added on the left. A conch, which the -author presented to the chief, was placed on the right of this vase. -Anote then swept the floor north of the fireplace, and as he sang in a -low tone Satele drew a straight line of meal from near the right pole -of the ladder across the floor to the middle of the altar. He placed -along this line, at intervals, four feathers, and near where it joined -the altar he stretched a string, with an attached feather, called the -_pütabi_.[29] He then sprinkled a line of pollen along this trail of -meal. - -Anote's medicine-bowl was set just in front of the middle rain-cloud -figure; the clay pedestal with inserted upright feathers stood before -the left, and a basket-tray with prayer-meal before the right -rain-cloud figure. - - - ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO - -The altar (plate XIX) in the _Tewakiva_ was begun about 10 A.M. on the -Assembly day, and was made by Pocine,[30] assisted by his uncle, -Puñsauwi, both members of the _Nañ-towa_, or Sand clan. - -The preparations began with the manufacture of a clay effigy of the -Great Snake similar to but larger than that made by Anote in the -_Moñkiva_. The clay was moistened and kneaded on the floor, and then -rolled into a cylinder about three feet long, blunt at one end and -pointed at the other. - -[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX -Drawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER - ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO] - -Four clay balls were made at the same time. One of these later served -as the base of a standard (_natci_) which was subsequently placed each -morning on the kiva hatch to warn the uninitiated not to enter. The -other three were placed back of the altar and supported the sticks -called the altar-ladders, which will be considered later. - -Pocine outlined with meal on the floor a square figure which he -divided into two rectangular parts by a line parallel with the -northern side. He used meal of two colors--white for one rectangle, -and light brown or pinkish for the other. Having made the outlines of -the rectangle with great care, he carelessly sprinkled the enclosed -spaces with the meal, hardly covering the sand base upon which the -figures were drawn. He then added four triangular figures in meal on -the south or front side of the rectangular symbols. These images -represented rain-clouds, and were alternately white and brown.[31] To -the tips of these triangular rain-cloud figures he appended zigzag -continuations with lozenge-shaped tips representing the lightning of -the four cardinal points. A stone spearpoint or arrowhead was laid on -each lozenge-like tip of the zigzag lightning.[32] - -The two men, Pocine and Puñsauwi, next raised the snake effigy and -bore it to a position back of the rectangular meal figures on the -floor. They deposited it in such a way that its head pointed -southward. Having set the snake effigy in the position which it was to -retain throughout the ceremony, Pocine sprinkled a black powder along -the back of the image, while his uncle inserted several kernels of -corn in the blunt end to represent sent the teeth of an upper jaw. -Two kernels of corn were then stuck into the head to indicate eyes, -and an imitation necklace, also of grains of corn, was made around the -neck of the idol. A double encircling row of corn grains was inserted -in the tail or pointed end of the effigy, and Pocine added a small -feather at the tip. - -After the effigy had been put in position and adorned in the manner -described, both Pocine and his uncle again shelled ears of corn on the -rectangles of meal,[33] to which were added squash, melon, and other -seeds. These were regularly distributed, some being dropped along the -back of the image. - -A row of eagle feathers was now inserted along the back of the effigy, -instead of in a ridge of sand as in the _Moñkiva_ altar. There were -twelve of these feathers, and they were placed at equal intervals from -the neck to the tail of the effigy. Puñsauwi then placed the three -balls of clay, previously mentioned, back of the image, and in each of -these balls he inserted two sticks, called _pahos_, similar to those -used on the altar of the _Moñkiva_. These are ancient objects, being -reputed to have descended from a remote past. One stick in each pair -was called the male, the other the female, as is true of all double -prayer-sticks used by the Hopi Indians. They are called _poñya-saka_, -"altar-ladders," and imitations[34] of them in miniature are made and -placed in shrines on the final day of the ceremony. - -The insertion of the row of eagle-feathers along the back of the clay -effigy of the serpent recalls an instructive reptilian figure on one -of the bowls from Sikyatki.[35] In this ancient pictograph we find a -row of triangles drawn along the medial line from the head to the tail -of a lizard-like figure. The use of the triangle in ancient Pueblo -pictography as a symbol of a wing-feather, has been pointed out in an -article on the feather as a decorative design in ancient Hopi -pottery.[36] The medial line of triangles, representing feathers, on -the Sikyatki food-bowl, is paralleled in the Hano kiva by eagle-wing -feathers inserted along the middle of the image of a snake. - -A small vase was next placed just in advance of the effigy of the -Great Snake, and into this vase Pocine poured water from an -earthenware canteen, making a pass as he did so to the four Pueblo -cardinal points--north, west, south, and east--in sinistral ceremonial -circuit.[37] A stone arrow-point was then laid on the lozenge-shaped -extremity of each lightning figure. - -Pocine now scraped into the vase some powder from a soft white stone, -saying, as he did so, that the process was called _sowiyauma_, -"rabbits emerge,"[38] and that he wished he had stones of other -colors, corresponding to the cardinal points, for the same purpose. -After this was finished he emptied on the floor, from a cloth bag, a -miscellaneous collection of botryoidal stones (many of which were -waterworn), a few fetishes, and other objects, one of the most -conspicuous among the latter being a large green stone. All were at -first distributed on the meal picture without any special order, but -later were given a definite arrangement. - -Pocine next went up the kiva ladder, and standing on the upper rung in -the sunlight, sought, by means of an angular piece of glass, to -reflect a ray of sunlight on the altar, but more especially into the -vase of medicine. Four turkey-feathers were then inserted at equal -intervals along the base of the serpent effigy, as shown in plate -XIX. - -After the stone objects had been arranged on the meal picture, a line -of meal was drawn along the floor, from the right pole of the ladder -to the altar. This line was drawn with great care, particular pains -being taken to make it as straight as possible. There was no singing -while this occurred, thus differing from the ceremony performed in the -other Hano kiva. Four small feathers were placed at intervals along -the line of meal. These, in sequence, beginning with the one nearest -the ladder, were _sikyatci_, yellow-bird; _kwahu_, eagle or hawk; -_koyoña_, turkey; and _pociwû_. Pocine sprinkled pollen along this -line or meal trail. - -There was then emptied from a canvas bag upon the rectangular meal -figures a heterogeneous collection of objects, among which may be -mentioned a bundle of gaming reeds, the humerus of a turkey, a whistle -made of a turkey bone, and a zigzag wooden framework such as is used -by the Hopi to represent lightning.[39] - -Back of the altar, leaning against the wall of the kiva, was set -upright a wooden slat, notched on both edges and called _tawa-saka_, -"sun-ladder." Miniature imitations (plate XX) of this are made in this -kiva on the last day of the _Tûñtai_ and deposited in a shrine near -Sikyaowatcomo, the site of the early settlement of the Tewa. The -_poñya-saka_ or _tawa-saka_ mentioned has not before been seen in any -Hopi ceremony, and it may be characteristic of Tewa altars. A notched -prayer-stick, called the rain-cloud ladder, is placed in the same -shrine at this time. This is characteristic of the Tewa of Tusayan, -but is not found in the Hopi _pahos_, with which I am familiar.[40] - -[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX -Drawn by J. L. RIDGWAY - MINIATURE IMITATION OF THE TAWA-SAKA OR SUN-LADDER - (About one-half size)] - -The reason these prayer-sticks are termed "ladders" is because they -have the form of an ancient type of ladder made by notching a log of -wood. They are symbols of the ladders by which the Sun is supposed to -emerge from his house at sunrise. In the Hopi and Tewa conception the -Sun is weary as he withdraws to the south in winter and these ladders -are made to aid him in rising, and thus in returning to bless them. -More light will doubtless be shed on the significance of the -sun-ladder prayer-offerings when we know more of the ceremonies about -the _Tûñtai_ altars. - -No _típoni_ or badge of office was placed on this altar on the day it -was made, and my abrupt departure from the East Mesa made it -impossible for me to see the rites which are later performed about it. - -It is evident, from the preceding description, that the priests of -Hano have a knowledge of the Great Serpent cult corresponding to the -worship of Palülükoñ. Among the Hopi the _Patki_ people claim to have -introduced this cult[41] in comparatively recent times. There is a -Tewa clan called _Okuwuñ_ (Cloud) which corresponds, so far as meaning -goes, with the _Patki_ clan of the Hopi. Whether this clan brought -with it a knowledge of the Great Snake is not clear, as traditions are -silent on that point. - -There is a tradition in the _Okuwuñ_ clan that their ancestors, like -those of the _Patki_, came from the south, and that the _Nañ-towa_ -bears a like relationship to the _Okuwuñ_ that the Hopi _Tuwa_ clan -does to the _Patki_.[42] If this tradition is well founded, a -knowledge of the Great Snake fetish of the two Hano kivas may have -been brought by the _Okuwuñ_ and _Nañ-towa_ into Tusayan from the same -place as that of Palülükoñ. - -The Kwakwantu society of the _Patki_ clans among the Hopi are -intimately connected with this Great Plumed or Horned Snake cult. In -some parts of the New-fire ceremony, in which this society takes a -prominent part, each member of the society carries in his hand a small -wooden image of a horned snake. These images are called _moñkohus_, -some of the typical forms of which are figured in an article on the -_Naacnaiya_.[43] The head of the snake and its horn are well -represented in several of these wooden effigies. - - - CONCLUSIONS - -The special interest attached to the Winter Solstice altars at Hano is -in the fact that they are made by Tewa priests whose ancestors came to -Tusayan about the beginning of the eighteenth century. The makers -claim that their forefathers brought a knowledge of them from Tcewadi, -in the upper valley of the Rio Grande in New Mexico, and that their -relatives in the Tewa pueblos in the east still use like altars in -their celebration at the _Tûñtai_. - -Nothing, so far as known, has yet been published on the _Tûñtai_ -altars of the eastern Tanoan people, but ethnographers may yet find in -the kivas of those villages material which will render the above -descriptions of comparative interest. The resemblance of the _Tûñtai_ -altars to that of the _Patki_ and related families in the Walpi -_Moñkiva_ at the Winter Solstice, is a very distant one. Both have -snake effigies, but there is practically little else in common between -them, or with the altar erected at the same time by the _Pakab_ people -in the _Tcivatokiva_. The _Tûñtai_ altars are characteristically -Tewan, and, while homologous with each other, are different from any -yet known from the Hopi pueblos. - -The purport of the _Tûñtai_ rites at Hano seems to be similar to that -of the Hopi _Soyaluña_, namely, to draw back the sun in its southern -declination, and to fertilize the corn and other seeds and increase -all worldly possessions. As at Walpi, strings with attached feathers -are made and given to men and women with wishes that the gods may -bring them blessings. These strings are also attached to beams of -houses, placed in springs of water, tied to the tails of horses, -burros, sheep, dogs, chickens, and indeed every possession which the -Indian has and wishes to increase. The presence of the idol of the -snake means snake worship. - -The survival of the Tanoan _Tûñtai_ altars at Hano is typical of the -way in which the Tusayan ritual has grown to its present complicated -form. They are instances of an intrusive element which has not yet -been amalgamated, as the knowledge of them is still limited to -unassimilated people and clans. - -Similar conditions have existed from time to time during the history -of the Hopi, when new clans were added to those already existing. For -many years incoming clans maintained a strict taboo, and each family -held the secrets of its own religion; but as time went on and -assimilation resulted by intermarriage, the religious society arose, -composed of men and women of different clans. The family to which a -majority of the membership belonged continued to hold the chieftaincy, -and owned the altar and its paraphernalia, cherishing the legends of -the society. But when men of other clans were admitted to membership, -a mutual reaction of one society on another naturally resulted. This -tended to modifications which have obscured the original character of -distinctive family worship. - -The problem of the Hopi ritual, by which is meant the sum of all great -ceremonies in the Hopi calendar, deals largely with a composite -system. It implies, as elsewhere pointed out, an investigation of the -characteristic religious observances of several large families which -formerly lived apart in different pueblos. It necessitates a -knowledge of the social composition of Walpi and of the history of the -different phratries which make up the population of the village. - -There is a corollary to the above conclusions. No pueblo in the -southwest, outside of Tusayan, has the same ceremonial calendar as -Walpi, because the population of none is made up of the same clans -united in the same relative proportions. Hence the old remark that -what is true of one pueblo is true of all, does not apply to their -ritual. Some ceremonies at Jemez, Acoma, Sia, and Zuñi, for instance, -are like some ceremonies at Walpi; but the old ceremonial calendar in -any one of these pueblos was different from that of the other, because -the component families were not the same. In the same way the -ceremonies at Hano and Walpi have certain things in common, due no -doubt to the assimilation in the latter of certain Tanoan clans, but -their calendars are very different. The _Tûñtai_ at Hano differs more -widely from the Winter Solstice ceremony at Walpi, a gunshot away, -than the Walpi observance differs from that at Oraibi, twenty miles -distant. So we might also predict that if we knew the character of -Winter Solstice altars in the Rio Grande Tewa villages, they would be -found to resemble those of Hano more closely than the altars of Hano -resemble those of Walpi. - - - The Knickerbocker Press, New York - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_ (_American -Anthropologist_, vol. XI). - -[2] These studies were made under the auspices of the Bureau of -American Ethnology. - -[3] Most of the people of Sitcomovi are of the _Asa_ and _Honani_ -clans, of Tanoan ancestry, but they long ago lost the Tewa language -and their Tanoan identity. - -[4] The site of this last settlement of the _Patki_ people, before -they joined those of Walpi, is in the plain about four miles south of -the East Mesa. The ruins of the pueblo are still visible, and the -foundation walls can readily be traced. - -[5] The Hano names of these pueblos are--San Juan, ----; Santa Clara, -_Kap'a_; San Ildefonso, _Pocuñwe_; Pojoaque, _P'okwode_; Nambe, -_Nûme_; Tesuque, _Tetsogi_. They also claim Taos (_Tawile_) and -Picuris (_Ohke_), but say that another speech is mixed with theirs in -these pueblos. - -[6] The Tewa of Hano call the Hopi _Koso_, and the Hopi speak of the -Hano people as the _Towa_ or the _Hanum-nyûmû_. The word "Moki," so -constantly used by white people to designate the Hopi, is never -applied by the Hopi to themselves, and they strongly object to it. The -dead are said to be _moki_, which enters into the formation of verbs, -as _tconmoki_, to starve; _tcinmoki_, to be very lonesome, etc. The -name _Hano_ or _Hanoki_ is, I believe, simply a combination of the -words _Hano_ and _ki_, "eastern pueblo." The element _hano_ appears -also in the designation for American, _Pahano_, "eastern water"; -_pahanoki_, "American house." Both the Asa and the Tewa peoples are -called _Hanum_ clans. - -[7] Remains of old reservoirs, elaborately walled, from which water -was drawn by means of a gourd tied to a long pole, are still pointed -out near Tukinovi and are said to have belonged to the _Pe-towa_. Old -Tcasra claims that they were in use in his mother's grandmother's -time. - -[8] The troubles following the great rebellion of 1680 drove many Tewa -from the Rio Grande valley to Tusayan. - -[9] It is impossible to make this enumeration accurate, hence these -numbers must be regarded as approximations. - -[10] It is not unusual to find several names applied to the same -person. Thus, Hani, the chief of the _Piba_ clans at Walpi, is called -Lesma in the Snake kiva. The Walpi call the author Nakwipi, but the -Flute chief at Cipaulovi insists that his name is Yoyowaiamû, which -appellation was given when the author was inducted into the Flute -rites at that pueblo in 1891. - -[11] The gap in the East Mesa just at the head of the trail before one -enters Hano. The pueblo of Walpi derived its name from this gap. - -[12] Their nomadic enemies raided so near the pueblo of the East Mesa -that the priests were unable to visit their shrines without danger. -The idol of _Talatumsi_, used in the New-fire ceremony, was removed -from its shrine north of Wala on that account. - -[13] Later, as the outcome of a petty quarrel near the middle of the -eighteenth century, the _Asa_ women moved to Sitcomovi which they -founded. At present there is only one woman of this clan in Walpi, and -no women of the _Honani_, both of which clans are strong in Sitcomovi. - -[14] Ten Broeck in 1852 seems to have been the first writer to adopt -the true name, Hano, of the Tewa pueblo on the East Mesa. - -[15] One of the differences in custom between Hopi and Tewa women is -the method of making their coiffures. Unmarried girls of Walpi and -Hano dress their hair in the same manner, with whorls above the ears. -Married women have different ways of wearing their hair in the two -pueblos. During the wedding ceremonies at Hano the mother of the -bride, in the presence of guests, combs her daughter's hair, or that -part of it on the front of the scalp, over the face, so that it hangs -down like a veil. She ties the hair on the back of the head in two -coils, one of which hangs on either side, but the hair before the face -she cuts on a level with the chin, beginning at the top of the ears. -The hair which remains is too short to be done up in coils, and is -simply brushed to one side or the other. Among Hopi married women all -the hair is included in the two coils, and the "bang" is absent. - -[16] The names of many Tewa women end in _pobi_, corresponding with -the Hopi _si_, a contracted form of _sihû_, in women's names, as -Hoñsi, Nasiumsi, etc. - -[17] Among the Hopi the moon (Tewa _p'o_) is called _müiyaûh_; new -moon, _müiyakatci_; first quarter, _müiyachaunacapti_; full moon, -_müiyanacapti_. An eclipse of the moon is spoken of as _müiyaûh moki_, -"dead moon." There was a total eclipse of the moon visible at Walpi -near the end of December, 1898, when the full moon arose partially -obscured. This, said Sikyatala, was bad for the Americans who dwell in -the far east, but not for the Hopi. A "dead moon," when in the -meridian of the Hopi pueblos, is considered _kalolamai_, "bad." - -[18] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_, op. cit. - -[19] The _Asa_ people are also called the _Tcakwaina_ clans. The ruins -of their old village, near the western point of Awatobi mesa, are -called Tcakwaina-ki. Its walls do not appear above the surface. - -[20] The particular ceremony of the _Pakab_ peoples is the _Momtcita_, -a single day's rite which occurs just after the _Soyaluña_, under -direction of Pautiwa. Connected with this ceremony are the -performances of the "stick swallowers" or _Nocoto_ priests who were -thought to be extinct at Walpi, but Eewa is chief of the _Nocotana_ -priests, and the society includes Wikyatiwa, Talahoya, Sikyaventima, -and others. They still practice stick-swallowing. Pautiwa is chief of -the _Kalektaka_, a warrior priesthood. He belongs to the Eagle clan of -the _Pakab_ phratry, which may be related to the _Awata_ or Bow clan -of the former pueblo of Awatobi. - -[21] Tcoshoniwa is generally called by a nickname, Tcino, "Bald-head," -or "Curly-hair," a sobriquet to which he strongly objects. He is one -of the oldest men of Sitcomovi, belongs to the _Patki_ clan, and was -formerly the _kimoñwi_ or governor of Sitcomovi. Hani, of the _Piba_ -(Tobacco) clan, is political chief of Walpi; and Anote, also of the -_Piba_ clan, is chief of Hano. All the pueblos have _kimoñwis_ or -governors, and the office dates from early times; but these pueblo -chiefs have no authority over pueblos other than their own. - -[22] The orientation of the Hano kivas is not far from that of the -other East Mesa kivas, or about north 44º west. - -[23] The chief kiva had a small stove, an innovation which was greatly -appreciated by the writer. - -[24] So named by the Hopi; the Tewa call him Tem[)e], At Hano almost -everyone has a Hopi and a Tewa name. - -[25] Son of Kutcve and Kotcampa of the _Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan; -commonly called "Esquash" by Americans. - -[26] The corn-husk packet of meal seems to be wanting in Zuñian, -Keresan, and Tanoan prayer-sticks, but it is almost universally -present in those of the Hopi. The Tanoan prayer-stick is called -_o'dope_. - -[27] A cephalic horn is an essential organ of the Great Snake, and is -always represented in pictography and on graven or other images of -this being. Note the similarity of his Tewa name to the Spanish word -_abajo_, "below." - -[28] This is the first time songs have been noted while an altar was -being put in place. - -[29] This was a four-stranded string of cotton, as long as the -outstretched arm, measured from over the heart to the tip of the -longest finger. It is supposed to be a roadway of blessings, and the -trail of meal is the pathway along which, in their belief, the benign -influences of the altar pass from it to the kiva entrance and to the -pueblo. - -[30] Pocine is a youth not far from seventeen years of age. His -marriage ceremony was studied by the writer a week before the -_Tûñtai_. - -[31] The triangle among the Hopi is almost as common a symbol of the -rain-cloud as the semicircle. It is a very old symbol, and is -frequently found with the same meaning in cliff-houses and in ancient -pictography. - -[32] It was found in studying the four lightning symbols on this Tewa -altar that sex is associated with cardinal points as in the Walpi -Antelope altar. The lightning of the north is male, that of the west -female, the south male, and the east female. The same holds with many -objects in Hopi altars; thus the stone objects, _tcamahia_, of the -Antelope altar follow this rule. In the same way plants and herbs have -sex (not in the Linnean meaning), and are likewise associated with the -cardinal points. - -[33] This sprinkling of corn seeds upon the meal picture of a Hopi -altar is mentioned in an account of the Oraibi Flute ceremony. The -evident purpose of this act is to vitalize the seeds by the -accompanying rites about the altar. - -[34] Called _omowûh-saka_, "rain-cloud ladders." - -[35] _Smithsonian Report_, 1895, pl. lvii. - -[36] _The American Anthropologist_, vol. XI, page 1. - -[37] The Tewa, like the Hopi, recognize six ceremonial -directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. The sinistral -circuit is one in which the center is on the left hand, while the -dextral circuit has its center to the right. The older term, -"sunwise," for the latter circuit, etymologically means one ceremonial -circuit in the northern hemisphere and an opposite in the southern. On -this and other accounts the author has ceased to use it in designating -circuits. - -[38] For the increase of rabbits. - -[39] This zigzag framework had appended to one end a carved imitation -of a snake's head, and as it represents the lightning this association -was not incongruous. Similar frameworks are carried in the dance by a -man impersonating Püükoñ, the War god, and at certain other times when -lightning is symbolized. - -[40] In asking why albino Hopi are found at the Middle Mesa and not on -the East Mesa, it was unexpectedly learned that in some ceremonies a -white prayer-stick is made at the former mesa, and that albinism was -due to want of care by the father in making these offerings while his -wife was pregnant. The author has never seen the white _paho_ of the -Middle Mesa, and does not know when it is made nor its shape and use. - -[41] All Hopi priests are very solicitous that sketches of the _Patki_ -altar in the _Soyaluña_ should not be shown to Tewa men or women, and -the Tewa men begged me to keep silent regarding their altars while -conversing with the Walpi chiefs. There is a very strict taboo between -the two peoples at the time of the Winter Solstice ceremony, which is -more rigid than at other times. - -[42] The _Tuwa_ (Sand) or _Kükütce_ (Lizard) clan lived at Pakatcomo -with the _Patki_ people, according to their legends. - -[43] _Journal of American Folk-lore_, 1892, pl. II, figs. 1-4. These -_moñkohus_ of the Kwakwantu society, representing horned snakes, -should not be confounded with those carried by other societies, -typical forms of which are shown in figures 5-8. In the article quoted -it was not stated that the effigies with heads represent _Palülükoñs_. -The effigy on the massive club borne by the chief of the Kwakwantu -also represents the Great Snake. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano -Pueblo, by J. 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