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diff --git a/old/42082-0.txt b/old/42082-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2c5d99e..0000000 --- a/old/42082-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17639 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Ancient Art, by Franz von Reber - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: History of Ancient Art - -Author: Franz von Reber - -Translator: Joseph Thacher Clarke - -Release Date: February 12, 2013 [EBook #42082] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF ANCIENT ART *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images available at The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -HISTORY - -OF - -ANCIENT ART - -BY -DR. FRANZ VON REBER - -DIRECTOR OF THE BAVARIAN ROYAL AND STATE GALLERIES OF PAINTINGS -PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY AND POLYTECHNIC OF MUNICH - -Revised by the Author - -_TRANSLATED AND AUGMENTED_ - -BY - -JOSEPH THACHER CLARKE - -WITH 310 ILLUSTRATIONS AND A GLOSSARY OF TECHNICAL TERMS - -NEW YORK -HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE - -Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1882, by - -HARPER & BROTHERS, - -In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. - -_All rights reserved._ - - -The application of the historic method to the study of the Fine Arts, -begun with imperfect means by Winckelmann one hundred and twenty years -ago, has been productive of the best results in our own days. It has -introduced order into a subject previously confused, disclosing the -natural progress of the arts, and the relations of the arts of the -different races by whom they have been successively practised. It has -also had the more important result of securing to the fine arts their -due place in the history of mankind as the chief record of various -stages of civilization, and as the most trustworthy expression of the -faith, the sentiments, and the emotions of past ages, and often even of -their institutions and modes of life. The recognition of the -significance of the fine arts in these respects is, indeed, as yet but -partial, and the historical study of art does not hold the place in the -scheme of liberal education which it is certain before long to attain. -One reason of this fact lies in the circumstance that few of the general -historical treatises on the fine arts that have been produced during the -last fifty years have been works of sufficient learning or judgment to -give them authority as satisfactory sources of instruction. Errors of -statement and vague speculations have abounded in them. The subject, -moreover, has been confused, especially in Germany, by the intrusion of -metaphysics into its domain, in the guise of a professed but spurious -science of æsthetics. - -Under these conditions, a history of the fine arts that should state -correctly what is known concerning their works, and should treat their -various manifestations with intelligence and in just proportion, would -be of great value to the student. Such, within its limits as a manual -and for the period which it covers, is Dr. Reber’s _History of Ancient -Art_. So far as I am aware, there is no compend of information on the -subject in any language so trustworthy and so judicious as this. It -serves equally well as an introduction to the study and as a treatise to -which the advanced student may refer with advantage to refresh his -knowledge of the outlines of any part of the field. - -The work was originally published in 1871; but so rapid has been the -progress of discovery during the last ten years that, in order to bring -the book up to the requirements of the present time, a thorough revision -of it was needed, together with the addition of much new matter and many -new illustrations. This labor of revision and addition has been jointly -performed by the author and the translator, the latter having had the -advantage of doing the greater part of his work with the immediate -assistance of Dr. Reber himself, and of bringing to it fresh resources -of his own, the result of original study and investigation. The -translator having been absent from the country, engaged in archæological -research, during the printing of the volume, the last revision and the -correction of the text have been in the hands of Professor William R. -Ware, of the School of Mines of Columbia College. - -CHARLES ELIOT NORTON. - -CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, _May_, 1882. - - -In view of the great confusion which results from an irregular -orthography of Greek proper names, a return to the original spelling of -words not fully Anglicized may need an explanation, but no apology: it -is only adopting a system already followed by scholars of the highest -standing. The Romans, until the advent of that second classical revival -in which the present century is still engaged, served as mediums for all -acquaintance with Hellenic civilization. They employed Greek names, with -certain alterations agreeable to the Latin tongue, blunting and -coarsening the delicate sounds of Greek speech, much in the same manner -as they debased the artistic forms of Greek architecture by a mechanical -system of design. The clear ον became _um_, ος was changed to _us_, ει -to _e_ or _i_, etc. This Latinized nomenclature, like the Roman triglyph -and Tuscan capital, was exclusively adopted by the early Renaissance, -until, with the increasing knowledge of Greek lands and works of art, -names were introduced which do not happen to occur in the writings of -Roman authors. These were either changed in accordance with the more or -less variable standard in use during the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries, or were adopted in their Greek form without change, the -latter method being more and more generally employed. This has gradually -led to a partial revision of Greek names and their spelling. Zeus and -Hermes, Artemis and Athene, have resumed, as Greek deities, their -original titles;--Suni_um_ and Ass_us_ have been changed to Sunion and -Assos; while other names have only been reformed in part, as in the case -of the unfortunate Polycleitos, who at times appears as Polycl_e_tos, -and at times as Polycleit_u_s. Confusion and misunderstanding cannot but -result from this unreasonable triple system of Latinized, Anglicized, -and Greek orthography. Peirithoos may be sought in alphabetically -classified works of reference under Per and Pir as well as under Peir. -Πέργαμον, Pergamon, is written Pergamum, Pergamus, and Pergamos, in the -two latter forms being naturally confused with the Cretan Πέργαμος, -Pergamos, which, in its turn, is Latinized to Pergamus. In the present -book the Greek spelling of Greek names has been adopted in all those -cases where the word has not been fully Anglicized; that is to say, -changed in _pronunciation_, when it would sound pedantic to employ its -original form, as, for instance, to speak of the well-known Pæstum and -Lucian as Poseidonia and Loukianos. The English alphabet provides, -however, two letters for the Greek κάππα, and the more -familiar _c_ has been employed, as in Corinth, acropolis, etc., except -in cases where the true sound is not thereby conveyed,--namely, before -_e_, _i_, and _y_,--when the _k_ is substituted. Moreover, the final αι -is transformed to _æ_, according to the universal usage of our tongue. - -JOSEPH THACHER CLARKE. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - -EGYPT. - PAGE - -The Delta. The Oldest Monuments, if -not the most Ancient Civilization of -the World 1, 2 - -Changeless Continuity of Life and -Art 2 - -ARCHITECTURE. - -The Age, Purpose, and Architectural -Significance of the Pyramids 3-5 - -The Pyramids of Gizeh 5-7 - -Variety of Pyramidal Forms 8, 9 - -The Pyramids of Saccara, Meydoun, -Dashour, Abousere, and Illahoun 9-12 - -Table of Dimensions 12 - -The Younger Pyramids of Nubia. Truncated -Pyramids 12 - -Rock-cut Tombs 13 - -Development of Column from Pier 14 - -The Tombs at Beni-hassan 14, 15 - -Development of the Lotos-column 16, 17 - -The Invasion of the Hycsos. Restriction -of the Prismatic Shaft. Extended -Application of the Floral Column -in the New Theban Empire 18, 19 - -The Calyx Capital 20, 21 - -Piers with Figures of Osiris and Typhon. -Entablature 21 - -Cavern Sepulchres 22 - -Temple Plan, Obelisks 23 - -Peristyle Court 25 - -Hypostyle Hall 26, 27 - -The Dwellings of Kings and Priests 28 - -Peripteral Temples 29 - -Rock-cut Temples 30 - -The Monuments at Abou-Simbel 31, 32 - -Palatial and Domestic Architecture 33 - -Interiors 34 - -The Labyrinth 35 - -Unimportant Character of Secular Architecture 36 - -SCULPTURE. - -Fundamental and Changeless Peculiarities 36 - -Conventional Types 37 - -The Formation of the Head 38 - -Head-dresses. Conjunction of Human -Trunks and Animal Heads 39 - -The Body. Lack of Progressiveness -and of History 40 - -Animal Forms 41 - -Materials 42 - -Reliefs 43 - -Coilanaglyphics 44 - -The Variety and Interest of the Subjects -Illustrated 45 - -PAINTING. - -Intimate Relation to Sculpture. Hieroglyphics 46 - -Painting as an Architectural Decoration. -Retrospect 47 - - -CHALDÆA, BABYLONIA, AND ASSYRIA. - -The Traditional Age. The Land and -People 48 - -Building Materials. Clay and Bitumen 49 - -Perishable Character of the Monuments. -Hills of Rubbish Recognized as -Cities 50 - - -ARCHITECTURE. - -_Chaldæa._ - -The Ruins of Mugheir, or Ur 50 - -Warka and Abou-Sharein 51 - -The Principle of the Arch 52 - -Political History 53 - -_Babylon._ - -The Fabulous Account of Herodotos 54 - -The Temple Pyramid at Borsippa 56 - -Palace Structures. The Hanging Gardens -of Semiramis 57 - -Private Dwellings. Works of Engineering 58 - -_Assyria._ - -Nineveh 59 - -The Discoveries of Layard and Botta 60 - -The Hills of Coyundjic and Nebbi-Jonas 61 - -Royal Dwellings 62 - -The Palace at Kisr-Sargon 63-65 - -Terrace Pyramids 66 - -Lighting and Roofing 66, 67 - -The Restriction of Columnar Architecture 68 - -The Forms of Small Columns 69-71 - -Vaulted Construction 71 - -The Pointed Arch 72 - -The General Appearance of the Palaces 73 - -Sacred Architecture 74 - -Terrace Pyramids 75 - -The Cella 76 - -The Dwellings of the Priests 77 - -Altars and Obelisks 78 - -Domestic Architecture 79, 80 - -SCULPTURE. - -Little Represented in Chaldæa 81 - -Babylonian Seals and Gems 82 - -Enamelled Tiles 83 - -Statues 85 - -Conventional Types 85, 86 - -Cherubims 87 - -Mural Reliefs 87-89 - -Variance from Egyptian Sculpture 90 - -Historical Reliefs 91-93 - -Religious Representations 94 - -Formal Landscapes. Bronzes 95, 96 - -PAINTING. - -Upon Tiles and Stucco 96 - -Colors 97 - -The General Appearance of Assyrian -Architecture, as Decorated by Reliefs -and Paintings 98 - - -PERSIA. - -Historical Considerations 99 - -The Artistic Poverty of the Medes. -The Achæmenidæ. Their Chief -Cities 100 - -ARCHITECTURE. - -Persepolis 101, 102 - -The Characteristic Differences of Persian -and Mesopotamian Building 102 - -The Introduction of Columns 103 - -Columnar Forms 103, 104 - -Capitals 105-107 - -The Entablature 108 - -Plan of the Palace of Darius 109-113 - -Its State of Preservation 110 - -Illumination 110, 111 - -Upper Stories 111-113 - -The Palace and Hall of Xerxes 114 - -The Propylæa 115 - -The Harem 116, 117 - -The Disposition of the Terrace 117 - -Fire Altars 118 - -Funeral Monuments 119-121 - -Tomb of Cyrus 119 - -Tombs of the Later Achæmenidæ 120 - -Tombs of Subjects 121 - -Domestic Architecture 121 - -SCULPTURE. - -Its Dependence upon the Art of Assyria 121 - -Egyptian and Hellenic Influences 122 - -Mythological and Ceremonial Representations 123-125 - -The Sculptured Decoration of Palaces -and Terraces 126, 127 - -Rarity of Historical Scenes 128 - -PAINTING. - -Chiefly Ornamental 128 - -General Harmony of the Three Arts 129 - - -PHŒNICIA, PALESTINE, AND ASIA MINOR. - -Extensive Artistic Influence of Mesopotamia -in Point of Distance as well -as of Time 130 - -The Seleucidæ. The Sassanidæ 131, 132 - -_Phœnicia._ - -Explorations in Recent Times 132, 133 - -The Chief Cities 133 - -ARCHITECTURE. - -Ruins at Amrith 134, 135 - -The Monuments known as El-Meghazil 135-137 - -The Grotto Tombs of Central Phœnicia. -Sarcophagi at Jebeil 137, 138 - -Domestic Architecture 138 - -SCULPTURE. - -Work of Driven Metal (Sphyrelaton) 139 - -Bronzes 139, 140 - -Inlaid Work. Ivory Carvings. Glass 140 - -Influence of the Sphyrelaton upon -Sculptural Style 141 - -Stone-cutting 142 - -The Decisive Influence of both Egypt -and Mesopotamia 143 - -_Palestine._ - -The Dependence of the Jews in Artistic -respects upon Egypt 143 - -The Tabernacle 143-147 - -Its Disposition 144, 145 - -Its Columns. The Horns of the Altar. -The Seven-armed Candlestick 145, 146 - -The Holy of Holies. Cherubim 146, 147 - -Solomon’s Temple 147-156 - -Untrustworthiness of Biblical Accounts 147 - -Construction of the Building. Its Site 148 - -The Brazen Laver 149 - -“Jachin and Boaz” 149-151 - -The Tower 151, 152 - -Interior. Upper Story 153, 154 - -Materials 154 - -Decoration. The Molten Sea. The -Mercy-seat and Cherubim 155 - -The Destruction and Rebuilding of this -Temple 156 - -Its Architectural Character 157 - -Rock-cut Tombs 157, 158 - -_Cyprus and Carthage._ - -The Rock-cut Tombs at Paphos 160 - -The Temple of Aphrodite at Golgoi. -Cesnola’s Discoveries 161, 162 - -The Ruins of Carthage 163 - -_Malta, the Balearic Isles, Sardinia_ 163 - -_Asia Minor._ - -An Independent Art Found only in Lycia, -Phrygia, and Lydia 164 - -The Rock-cut Tombs of Lycia. The Timbered -Dwelling Carved in Stone 165, 166 - -The Monument of the Harpies at Xanthos 167 - -Lycian Sarcophagi 168 - -Temple Façades Imitated upon Cliffs 169 - -The Rock-cut Tombs of Phrygia 171, 172 - -The Tumuli of Lydia 173, 174 - - -HELLAS. - -The Ægean Sea the Centre of Greek -Civilization 175 - -The Dorians and the Ionians 176 - -The Development of Poetry Earlier than -that of Art 177 - -ARCHITECTURE. - -The Tholos of Atreus 179-183 - -The Phœnician Character of its Decoration 183 - -The Grave at Menidi 183 - -The Treasure-houses of the Pelopidæ 184 - -Tumuli 185 - -The Common Modes of Burial 186 - -Pyramids 186, 187 - -Primitive Fortifications. Tiryns 187 - -Mykenæ 188 - -Gateways and Portals 189-193 - -The Agora of Mykenæ 192 - -Primitive Temple Cellas without Columns 192, 193 - -The Structure upon Mt. Ocha. Timbered -Roofs and Ceilings. The Origin -of the Doric Entablature 195-197 - -The Decorative Painting of Woodwork 197 - -The Doric Column 197-199 - -Its Egyptian Prototype 198 - -The Development of the Temple-plan 199-202 - -The Temple in Antis 199 - -Prostylos 200 - -Amphiprostylos. Peripteros 201 - -Stone Construction 202 - -The Entasis 203 - -The Capital 204 - -The Inclination of the Columns 205 - -The Details of the Entablature 206-209 - -Polychromy 210 - -Curvatures 211, 212 - -The Pteroma and Ceiling 213 - -Illumination 214 - -Archaic Doric Temples 215 - -The Progress of this Style. Selinous 216 - -Corinth 217 - -Acragas 219 - -Olympia. Ægina 222 - -The Supremacy of Athens 223 - -The Theseion 224 - -The Parthenon 225 - -The Propylæa 226 - -Phigalia 227 - -Eleusis 228 - -The Ionic Style. Its Intimate Relation -to Oriental Architecture 229, 230 - -The Capital 231-233 - -The Entablature 234 - -Its Want of Historical Development 235 - -Phigalia 236 - -The Ionic Monuments of Asia Minor 237-240 - -The Ionic Monuments of Attica 240-245 - -The Temple upon the Ilissos 241 - -The Propylæa 242 - -The Erechtheion 243-245 - -Caryatides 245 - -The Corinthian Capital 246-249 - -The Temple of Olympian Zeus in Athens 249 - -Monumental Tombs 250 - -The Mausoleum of Halicarnassos 251, 252 - -The Monument of the Nereides at Xanthos 252 - -The Choragic Monument of Lysicrates 253 - -The so-called Tower of the Winds at -Athens 253 - -The Stoa 253-255 - -The Palæstra 255 - -The Gymnasion 256 - -The Stadion and Hippodrome 257 - -The Theatre and Odeion 258-260 - -Domestic Architecture. Palaces 260, 261 - -The Boundless Luxury of the Diadochi 261 - -SCULPTURE. - -The Unrivalled Perfection of the Art. -Its Fundamental Deviation from the -Principles of Egyptian Sculpture 264, 265 - -Its Dependence upon Western Asia 266 - -Empaistic Work. Xoana 267 - -Dædalos 268 - -The Homeric Shield of Achilles. Its -Workmanship and Artistic Importance 269-271 - -Pseudo-Hesiodic Shield of Heracles 272 - -The Gate of the Lions at Mykenæ 273, 274 - -Schliemann’s Excavations upon the -Acropolis of Mykenæ 274, 275 - -The Chest of Kypselos. The Throne of -Apollo at Amyclæ 276-278 - -The Introduction of Bronze Casting. -Marble-cutting and Chryselephantine -Work 278-281 - -The Potter Boutades 278 - -Glaucos. Rhoicos and Theodores 279 - -Boupalos and Athenis 280 - -Dipoinos and Skyllis 281, 282 - -The First Metopes at Selinous 283, 284 - -Archaic Statues at Miletos 285 - -Reliefs at Assos. The Apollo of Thera 286 - -The Stele of Aristion 287, 288 - -The Second Metopes at Selinous 290 - -Archaistic Works 291, 292 - -The Gable Sculptures of the Temple of -Ægina 293-296 - -The School of Ægina: Callon and Onatas 296, 297 - -The School of Attica: Hegias, Critios, -and Nesiotes 297 - -Canachos 298 - -Agelades 299 - -Calamis 300 - -Pythagoras 301 - -Myron 302, 303 - -The Progress of Athens after the Persian -Wars 303 - -Pheidias 304-315 - -The Athene Parthenos 310-313 - -The Panathenaic Frieze 313-315 - -The Metopes 316 - -The Scholars of Pheidias. Agoracritos 316, 317 - -The Gable Sculptures of the Temple of -Olympia 317, 318 - -The Victory of Paionios 319 - -The Scholars of Myron 320 - -The Phigalian Frieze 321 - -Callimachos and Demetrios 322 - -Polycleitos 322-326 - -The Third Metopes at Selinous 327, 328 - -The Extent of the School of Attica and -Argos. Kephisodotos 329 - -Scopas 330-333 - -The Niobids 331, 332 - -Praxiteles 333 - -The Scholars of Scopas and Praxiteles. -The Sculptures of the Mausoleum of -Halicarnassos 334 - -The Hermes of Olympia 335, 336 - -The Venus of Melos 338, 339 - -Silanion and Euphranor 340 - -Lysippos 340-344 - -The School of Lysippos 344, 345 - -The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Period 346, 347 - -The Altar at Pergamon 347, 348 - -The so-called Dying Gladiator 348, 349 - -The School of Pergamon 349, 350 - -The School of Rhodes. The Laocoon 351-353 - -The Farnese Bull 353-355 - -The Apollo Belvedere 356-358 - -The Introduction of Greek Sculpture -into Rome 358-360 - -The Borghese Gladiator 361 - -The Belvedere Torso 362 - -The Hellenic Renaissance in Rome 363-366 - -PAINTING. - -Lack of all Remains 366 - -Its Early Development Fictitiously Related -by Pliny. Eumaros. Kimon 367 - -Polygnotos 368, 369 - -The Scenography of Agatharchos. Of -Apollodoros 370 - -Zeuxis 371, 372 - -Parrhasios 373, 374 - -Timanthes 374 - -The School of Sikyon: Eupompos, -Pamphilos 375 - -Melanthios. Pausias 376 - -The School of Thebes and Athens: Nicomachos, -Aristides, Euphranor 377, 378 - -Nikias 378 - -Apelles 379-382 - -Protogenes 383 - -Antiphilos. Ætion. Asclepiodoros. -Theon 384 - -Hellenistic Painting. Timomachos 385 - -Trivial and Obscene Subjects. Mosaic. Sosos 386 - - -ETRURIA. - -Relationship to the Arts of Greece 387 - -ARCHITECTURE. - -The so-called Cyclopean Walls. Arched -Gates 388 - -Vaulted Canals 389 - -Cemeteries. Tumuli. The Tomb of -Porsena 390 - -Imitations of Dwellings upon Tombs 391, 392 - -Grotto Sepulchres 392 - -Imitations of Temple Façades upon -Cliffs 393, 394 - -Norchia 394, 395 - -The Etruscan Temple 396, 397 - -The Dwelling-house 397 - -Its Court 398, 399 - -Lack of Progressive Architectural History 399, 400 - -SCULPTURE. - -Museums. The Oldest or Decorative -Period. Phœnician Importations 400 - -The Influence of Western Asia Superseded -by that of Greece 401, 402 - -The Sarcophagus of Cære 402 - -Realism. Sculpture in Marble 403 - -The Bronze Chariot from Perugia 404 - -The Capitoline Wolf. Engraved Mirrors 405 - -Height of Etruscan Art. Hellenistic Influences 406 - -Sculptured Sarcophagi 406, 407 - -Terra-cottas and Bronzes 408 - -The Similarity of late Etruscan to Roman -Sculpture 408, 409 - -PAINTING. - -Its Development Similar to that of -Sculpture. The Ornamental and Dependent -Period 409 - -Realistic Characteristics 409, 410 - -The Wall-paintings of Cære and Corneto 409, 410 - -The Influence of Greece 411 - -Artistic Manufactures 411, 412 - -Sgraffiti. The Importance of Etruscan -Art 412 - - -ROME. - -The Conditions of Civilization Similar -to those of Etruria 413 - -ARCHITECTURE. - -Primitive Walls 414, 415 - -Gates. Vaulted Canals 416 - -Temples: their Tuscan Character. The -Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus 417 - -Hellenic Influences 418 - -Prostylos and Pseudo-peripteros 419, 420 - -The Tuscan Order 420 - -The Doric Order 420, 421 - -The Ionic Order 421, 422 - -The Corinthian Order 423, 424 - -The Composite Capital 424 - -Constructive Advances. Arching and -Vaulting 425 - -Aqueducts and Sewers 425, 426 - -Baths 426-429 - -The Baths of Agrippa. The Pantheon 427 - -The Baths of Caracalla and of Diocletian 428, 429 - -The Circus, Theatre, and Amphitheatre 430-436 - -The Theatre of Marcellus 433 - -The Flavian Amphitheatre (Colosseum) 436 - -Funeral Monuments 436, 437 - -Commemorative Columns 437 - -Triumphal Arches 438-440 - -Public Buildings. Basilicas 441-443 - -Dwellings 444 - -Private Courts of Justice the Prototypes -of the Christian Basilica 445-447 - -SCULPTURE. - -Lack of Statues during the Earliest -Period. Decorative Work 447, 448 - -The Influence of Etruria 448 - -The Influence of Greece 449 - -Rise of Sculpture after the Samnite -War 449, 450 - -Importations of Statues from Greece 451 - -Coponius 452 - -Portrait Sculpture 453-455 - -Iconic Statues 453 - -The Horses of St. Mark’s 454 - -Shortcomings of Roman Reliefs 456, 457 - -Historical Representations 457-459 - -Trajan’s Column 458 - -The Arch of Titus 459 - -The Monument of Antoninus Pius 460 - -The Degeneration of Sculpture 461 - -Portraiture 461, 462 - -The Arch of Constantine 463 - -PAINTING. - -The Earliest Paintings by Greek Artists. -The Temple of Ceres 464 - -Fabius Pictor 464, 465 - -Pacuvius and Metrodoros 465 - -Battle-scenes 465, 466 - -Panel-painting. Collections 466 - -Wall Decorations after the Alexandrian -Fashion 466-470 - -The Golden House of Nero 467 - -Landscapes. Architectural Ornamentation 468, 469 - -Mosaics 470, 471 - -From Herculaneum and Pompeii 471 - -Conclusion 471, 472 - -The Christian Paintings of the Catacombs 472 - -GLOSSARY 473 - -INDEX 479 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - -EGYPT. - - -FIGURE PAGE - -1. The Pyramids of Gizeh 1 - -2. The Great Pyramid of Gizeh. Section -N. and S., looking West 6 - -3. Section of the Great Pyramid of -Saccara 9 - -4. The Pyramid of Meydoun 10 - -5. Southern Stone Pyramid of Dashour 11 - -6. Section of the Middle Pyramid of -Abousere 13 - -7. Egyptian Wall-painting. Transport -of a Colossus 14 - -8. Section and Plan of the Northernmost -Rock-cut Tomb at Beni-hassan 15 - -9. Second Rock-cut Tomb at Beni-hassan 16 - -10. Pier Decoration from the Tombs of -Sauiet-el-Meytin 17 - -11. Lotos-column of Beni-hassan 18 - -12. Column from Sedinga 19 - -13. Lotos-columns from Thebes 20 - -14. Calyx Capital from Carnac 21 - -15. Capitals from Edfou 22 - -16. Osiris Pier 23 - -17. Royal Grave near Thebes 24 - -18. Southern Temple of Carnac 25 - -19. Temple of Edfou 26 - -20. Great Temple of Carnac 27 - -21. Section of the Hypostyle Hall, -Great Temple of Carnac 28 - -22. Chapel upon the Platform of the -Temple of Dendera 29 - -23. Temple of Philæ 30 - -24. Façade of the Rock-cut Temple of -Abou-Simbel 31 - -25. Hall of the Rock-cut Temple of -Abou-Simbel 32 - -26. Egyptian Wall-painting. Interior -of a House 33 - -27. Labyrinth of the Fayoum 35 - -28. Egyptian Profile. Greek Profile 38 - -29. Husband and Wife. (Munich Glyptothek.) 39 - -30. The Schoolmaster of Boulac 40 - -31. Lion of Reddish Granite. (British -Museum.) 41 - -32. Egyptian Wall-painting. Sculptural -Work 43 - -33. Egyptian Wall-painting. Lance-maker 44 - -34. Egyptian Wall-painting. Prisoners -of Different Nationalities 45 - - -CHALDÆA, BABYLONIA, AND ASSYRIA. - -35. Relief from Corsabad. Assyrian -Shrines 48 - -36. Temple at Mugheir (Ur) 49 - -37. Ruins of Warka 51 - -38. Patterned Wall. Warka 51 - -39. Tomb at Mugheir 52 - -40. Bors-Nimrud. Temple-terrace at -Borsippa 54 - -41. Plan and Elevation of the Temple at -Borsippa 56 - -42. Plan of Babylon 59 - -43. Plan of Nineveh 61 - -44. Plan of the Palace of Kisr-Sargon, -Corsabad 63 - -45. Ornamented Pavement from the -Northern Palace of Coyundjic 64 - -46. Cornice of the Temple Substructure -at Corsabad 66 - -47. Plan of the Northwestern Palace of -Nimrud 67 - -48. Relief from Coyundjic 68 - -49. Plan of the Palace of Esarhaddon -at Nimrud 69 - -50. Various Capitals and Bases, from -Assyrian Reliefs 70 - -51. Table, from an Assyrian Relief 71 - -52. Mouth of a Tunnel under the N. E. -Palace, Nimrud 72 - -53. Tunnel under the S. E. Palace, -Nimrud 72 - -54. View of an Assyrian Palace, Restoration 73 - -55. Terraced Pyramid, from a Relief, -Coyundjic 74 - -56. Plan and Section of the Terraced -Pyramid, Nimrud 75 - -57. Relief from the Northern Palace, -Coyundjic 76 - -58. Entrance to One of the So-called -Temples, Nimrud 77 - -59. Obelisk from Nimrud 78 - -60. Assyrian Dwellings. Relief from -Coyundjic 79 - -61. Tent-like Dwelling. Relief from -Coyundjic 80 - -62. Susa. Relief from Coyundjic 81 - -63. Babylonian Seal, and its Impression 82 - -64. Wall Decoration of Enamelled -Tiles 83 - -65. Statue of a King, from Nimrud 84 - -66. Winged Lion, ” ” 85 - -67. Winged Bull, ” ” 85 - -68. Lion, ” ” 86 - -69. King and Warrior. Relief from -Corsabad 88 - -70. Heads. Reliefs from Nimrud 89 - -71. Temple. Relief from Corsabad 90 - -72. A Besieged City. Relief from -Nimrud 91 - -73. Wounded Lioness. Relief from -Coyundjic 92 - -74. Transportation of Stone. Relief -from Coyundjic 93 - -75. Transport of a Cherubim 94 - -76. Glazed Terra-cotta, from Nimrud 97 - - -PERSIA. - -77. Restoration of the Palace of Darius, -Persepolis 99 - -78. Plan of Persepolis 101 - -79. Fragment of a Base from Pasargadæ 103 - -80. Persian Columns with Bull Capitals 104 - -81. Spiral Ornaments upon Chairs 105 - -82. Columns from the Eastern Portico -of the Hall of Xerxes 106 - -83. Rock-cut Tomb of Darius 107 - -84. Entablature of the Palace of Darius 109 - -85. Plan of the Palace of Darius at -Persepolis 110 - -86. Persian Door-casing 112 - -87. Relief from the Portal of the Hall -of a Hundred Columns 113 - -88. Propylæa of Xerxes at Persepolis 115 - -89. Altar Pedestals at Pasargadæ 118 - -90. The Tomb of Cyrus 119 - -91. Relief from a Portal, Persepolis 124 - -92. Relief from the Stairs of the Palace -of Darius 127 - - -PHŒNICIA, PALESTINE, AND ASIA MINOR. - -93. Rock-cut Tombs at Myra 130 - -94. Temple Cella (El-Maabed) at Amrith 134 - -95. The Monuments El-Meghazil at -Amrith 136 - -96. Façade of a Rock-cut Tomb at Jebeil 138 - -97. From a Relief at Saida 141 - -98. From the monument El-Meghazil -at Amrith 141 - -99. From Rock-cut Relief at Mashnaka 142 - -100. The Mosaic Tabernacle 143 - -101. Relief at Thabarieh 146 - -102. Vase Discovered in Cyprus 150 - -103. Hypothetical Plan and Section of -Solomon’s Temple 151 - -104. Rock-cut Tomb at Siloam 158 - -105. Rock-cut Tomb at Hinnom 158 - -106. Tomb at Paphos in Cyprus 160 - -107. Cyprian Pilaster Capitals 161 - -108. Votive Figure from Cyprus 162 - -109. Cyprian Head 163 - -110. Rock-cut Tomb at Antiphellos 164 - -111. Rock-cut Tomb at Antiphellos 165 - -112. Rock-cut Tomb at Myra 166 - -113. The so-called Monument of the -Harpies at Xanthos 167 - -114. Sarcophagus at Antiphellos 168 - -115. Rock-cut Tomb at Telmissos 169 - -116. Details of Columns from Telmissos, -Myra, and Antiphellos 170 - -117. The so-called Tomb of Midas 171 - -118. Phrygian Rock-cut Tomb near Doganlu 172 - -119. The so-called Grave of Tantalos 174 - - -GREECE. - -120. View of the Athenian Propylæa. -Restoration 175 - -121. Plan and Section of the Tholos of -Atreus 179 - -122. Restoration of the Tholos of -Atreus. Portal 180 - -123. Fragments of an Engaged Column -from the same 181 - -124. The Pyramid of Kencreæ 186 - -125. Plan of the Acropolis of Tiryns 188 - -126. The Gate of the Lions at Mykenæ 189 - -127. The Smaller Gate at Mykenæ 189 - -128. Portal from Samos 190 - -129. Gateway of Phigalia 190 - -130. Portal upon Delos 191 - -131. Gate of Missolonghi 192 - -132. Gate of Messene 192 - -133. Gate of Thoricos 193 - -134. Gate of Ephesos 193 - -135. Interior of a Structure upon Mount -Ocha, Eubœa 194 - -136. Elevation of the Corner of the -Middle Temple, Selinous 203 - -137. Entablature of the Parthenon 206 - -138. Scheme of the Doric Entablature 207 - -139. Plan and Elevation of the so-called -Temple of Theseus 208 - -140. Painting over the Pteroma of the -same 209 - -141. Coffered Pteroma Ceiling, Selinous 211 - -142. Coffered Ceilings from the Parthenon 212 - -143. Plan of the Middle Temple, Selinous 213 - -144. Capital from the Northern Temple, Selinous 216 - -145. Capital from the Middle Temple, -Selinous 216 - -146. Capital from the Temple at Assos 216 - -147. Capital from the Eastern Plateau, -Selinous 217 - -148. Capital from the Temple of Zeus, -Selinous 217 - -149. Capital from the Temple of Heracles, -Acragas 217 - -150. Capital from the Temple of Theseus, -Athens 218 - -151. Capital from the Portico of Philip, -Delos 218 - -152. Capital from the Temple of Demeter, -Pæstum 218 - -153. Plan of the Great Temple at -Pæstum 219 - -154. Plan, Section, and Elevation of the -Temple of Zeus, Acragas 220 - -155. Entablatures of the Older and of -the Present Parthenon 221 - -156. Plan of the Temple of Zeus at -Olympia 222 - -157. Plan of the Parthenon 225 - -158. Plan and View of the Propylæa, -Athens 226 - -159. Plan of the Temple of Apollo, -Bassæ 227 - -160. Plan of the Temenos at Eleusis 228 - -161. Ionic Order of the Mausoleum at -Halicarnassos 232 - -162. Plan of the Normal Ionic Capital 233 - -163. Plan of the Corner Ionic Capital 233 - -164. Ceiling of the Peripteros of the -Mausoleum. Restored 235 - -165. Base and Capital from Bassæ 236 - -166. Base from the Heraion at Samos 237 - -167. Base from the Temple of Apollo -Didymæos, Miletos 237 - -168. Base from the Temple of Athene, -Priene 237 - -169. Base from the Propylæa, Cnidos 237 - -170. ” ” Temple of Wingless -Victory, Athens 237 - -171. Ruins of the Temple at Aphrodisias 239 - -172. The Temple upon the Ilissos 241 - -173. Plan of the Erechtheion 242 - -174. Northwestern View of the Erechtheion 243 - -175. Order of the Eastern Portico of -the Erechtheion 244 - -176. Corinthian Capital from Bassæ 248 - -177. ” ” from the Temple -of Apollo, Miletos 248 - -178. Corinthian Capital from the Tower -of the Winds, Athens 248 - -179. Tomb at Mylassa 251 - -180. The Mausoleum at Halicarnassos. -Restoration 252 - -181. The Monument of the Nereides at -Xanthos 253 - -182. Plan of the Stoa Diple at Thoricos 254 - -183. Plan of the Stadion at Messene 256 - -184. Plan of the Hippodrome at Olympia 257 - -185. Plan of the Greek Theatre, according -to Vitruvius 258 - -186. The Theatre at Segesta. Restored 259 - -187. The Cover of Dodwell’s Vase. -(Munich.) 271 - -188. The Relief over the Gate of the -Lions, Mykenæ 273 - -189. Steles from the Acropolis of Mykenæ 275 - -190. Golden Mask from Mykenæ 276 - -191. Figures from the Vase of Clitias -and Ergotimos 277 - -192. Metope Relief from Selinous 284 - -193. Statues from Miletos 285 - -194. The Apollo of Thera 286 - -195. Archaic Relief from Sparta 287 - -196. The Stele of Aristion 288 - -197. A Stele found at Orchomenos 290 - -198. Head of a Warrior, Selinous 291 - -199. Archaistic Artemis, from Pompeii 292 - -200. Central Figures from the Western -Gable, Ægina 294 - -201. Harmodios and Aristogeiton 297 - -202. Apollo, after Canachos 298 - -203. The Discos-thrower 302 - -204. Statuette of the Athene Parthenos 305 - -205. Fragment Imitated from the Shield -of Athene Parthenos 306 - -206. Coins of Elis 307 - -207. Demeter and Persephone, from the -Parthenon 311 - -208. Aphrodite and Peitho, from the -Parthenon 312 - -209. Fragment from the Frieze of the -Cella of the Parthenon 314 - -210. Figure from the Temple of Zeus, -Olympia 316 - -211. Figure from the Temple of Zeus, -Olympia 317 - -212. Head of Apollo, from the Temple -of Zeus, Olympia 318 - -213. Metope from the Temple of Zeus, -Olympia 319 - -214. The Victory of Paionios, Olympia 320 - -215. From the Frieze of the Temple at -Phigalia 321 - -216. Copy of the Doryphoros, Naples 323 - -217. Amazon, after Polycleitos 325 - -218. Head of Hera, Naples 326 - -219. The Ludovisi Juno, Rome 326 - -220. Metope from the Eastern Plateau, -Selinous 328 - -221. Eirene and Ploutos, after Kephisodotos 329 - -222. The Apollo Kitharoidos 330 - -223. Niobids. (Florence.) 331 - -224. Head of Niobe 332 - -225. Fragment of the Frieze at Halicarnassos 334 - -226. Head of Eros. (Vatican.) 335 - -227. The Hermes of Praxiteles 336 - -228. The Head of the Hermes 337 - -229. The Venus of Melos 338 - -230. Copy of the Apoxyomenos of Lysippos 341 - -231. The Farnese Hercules 343 - -232. The Zeus of Otricoli 344 - -233. Boreas, from the Tower of the -Winds 346 - -234. Notos, from the Tower of the -Winds 346 - -235. Coins of the Diadochi 347 - -236. The Dying Gladiator 348 - -237. The Laocoon 352 - -238. The Farnese Bull 354 - -239. The Wrestlers 356 - -240. The Apollo Belvedere 357 - -241. The Artemis of Versailles 359 - -242. The Borghese Gladiator 361 - -243. The Belvedere Torso 362 - -244. Group from the Villa Ludovisi 364 - -245. The Capitoline Centaur 365 - - -ETRURIA. - -246. The Campana Tomb at Veii 387 - -247. The Gate of Falerii 388 - -248. Canal of the Marta 389 - -249. Restored Plan and Elevation of -the Tomb of Porsena 391 - -250. Ceiling of a Tomb at Cervetri 392 - -251. Plan and Section of a Tomb at -Cervetri 393 - -252. Interior of a Tomb at Cervetri 394 - -253. Temple Tomb at Norchia 395 - -254. Elevation of the Etruscan Temple, -according to Vitruvius 397 - -255. Tomb at Corneto 398 - -256. Etruscan Sarcophagus 399 - -257. Bust from the Grotto dell’ Iside in -Vulci 402 - -258. Sarcophagus of Terra-cotta from -Cære 403 - -259. Etruscan Relief 404 - -260. The Capitoline Wolf 405 - -261. Etruscan Stone Sarcophagus 407 - -262. Painting from Cære 410 - - -ROME. - -263. The Janus Quadrifrons in the -Forum Boarium 413 - -264. Gateway in the Walls of Norba 414 - -265. Remains of the Servian Wall 415 - -266. The Cloaca Maxima 417 - -267. Plan of the Temple of Fortuna -Virilis 419 - -268. Plan of the Temple of Antoninus -and Faustina 419 - -269. Tuscan Column from the Coliseum 420 - -270. The Temple at Cori 421 - -21. View of the Temple of Fortuna -Virilis 422 - -272. Corinthian Capital from the Pantheon 424 - -273. Composite Capital 424 - -274. Section of the Aqua Marcia Tepula -and Julia 426 - -275. Section of the Pantheon, in its -Present Condition 427 - -276. Section of the Pantheon. Restoration -by Adler 428 - -277. Plan of the Baths of Caracalla 429 - -278. Chief Hall of the Baths of Caracalla 430 - -279. Plan of the Circus of Romulus 431 - -280. Scheme of the Roman Theatre, -according to Vitruvius 432 - -281. Theatre of Marcellus, Rome 433 - -282. Plan of the Flavian Amphitheatre 434 - -283. Section of the Auditorium of the -Flavian Amphitheatre 435 - -284. Façade and Section of a Rock-cut -Tomb at Petra 438 - -285. Triumphal Arch of Titus 439 - -286. ” ” Septimius Severus 440 - -287. Section of the Primitive Roman -Basilica 442 - -288. Plan of the Primitive Roman Basilica 442 - -289. Plan of the Basilica of Maxentius 443 - -290. Section of the House of Pansa in -Pompeii 444 - -291. Plan of the House of Pansa in -Pompeii 444 - -292. The Flavian Palace 445 - -293. Court of the Palace of Diocletian -at Spalatro 446 - -294. Fragment of the Cista Prænestina 447 - -295. Janus Bifrons upon an Ancient -Roman Coin 448 - -296. Statue of Isis. (Museum of Naples.) 450 - -297. Relief of Mithras. (In the Louvre.) 451 - -298. Vertumnus (Silvanus). (In Berlin.) 452 - -299. Relief of Bonus Eventus. (British -Museum.) 453 - -300. Statue of Augustus. (In the Vatican.) 454 - -301. Equestrian Statue of Nonius Balbus, -Jun. 455 - -302. Relief from the Arch of Titus in -Rome. 458 - -303. Relief of Trajan, from the Arch of -Constantine in Rome. 450 - -304. Relief upon the Pedestal of the -Column of Antoninus Pius 460 - -305. Victory, from the Arch of Constantine 463 - -306. Wall-painting from the Aurea -Domus of Nero 466 - -307. Ceres. Pompeian Wall-painting 467 - -308. Wall-painting from Herculaneum 468 - -309. Landscape-painting from Pompeii 469 - -310. Wall-painting of Decorative Architecture, -Pompeii 470 - -[Illustration: Fig. I.--The Pyramids of Gizeh.] - - - - -EGYPT. - - -It is a curious chance that the most ancient monuments of human -civilization should stand upon a land which is one of the youngest -geological formations of our earth. The scene of that artistic activity -made known to us by the oldest architectural remains of Africa and of -the world was not Upper Egypt, where steep primeval cliffs narrow the -valley of the Nile, but the alluvion of the river’s delta. It would be -difficult to decide whether the impulse of monumental creativeness were -here first felt, or whether the mere fact of the preservation of these -Egyptian works, secured by the indestructibility of their construction -as well as by the unchangeableness of Egyptian art, be sufficient to -explain this priority to other nations of antiquity--notably to -Mesopotamia. Although no ruins have been found in Chaldæa of earlier -date than the twenty-third century B.C., it is not at all impossible -that remains of greater antiquity may yet come to light in a country -which is by no means thoroughly explored. Nor should we deem the oldest -structures now preserved to be necessarily those first erected. The -perishable materials of the buildings which stood in the plains of the -Euphrates and Tigris, generally sun-dried bricks with asphalt cement, -were not calculated to insure long duration, or to prevent their -overthrow and obliteration by the continual changes in the course of -these rivers, through the silting and swamping of their valleys. Yet, -though tradition would incline us to _assume_ that Chaldæan civilization -and art were the more ancient, the oldest monuments _known_ exist upon -the banks of the Nile. - -The changeless blue of the Egyptian sky, the strictly regular return of -all the natural phenomena connected with the Nile, that wonderful stream -of the land’s life, are entirely in accord with the fixedness of -Egyptian civilization in all its branches. Though the high state of -advance which we first find in Egyptian art, three thousand years before -the Christian era, must necessarily have been preceded by less perfected -degrees, it is wholly impossible to perceive such stages of development -in any of the monuments known. After Egypt had attained a certain height -of civilization, its history, during the thousands of years known to us, -shows none of those phases of advance or decline, of development in -short, to be observed in Europe during every century, if not during -every decade. - -The Egyptian completed buildings and statues begun by his remote -ancestors without the slightest striving for individual peculiarity. He -commenced new works in the same spirit, leaving them for similar -execution by his great-grandchildren. Numberless generations thus -dragged on without bequeathing a trace of any peculiar character and -ability. It is only by the cartouches of the kings in the hieroglyphic -inscriptions that it is possible to separate the dynasties, and to group -into periods of a thousand years or more, works of art which seem from -their style to belong to one and the same age. What gigantic revolutions -have affected the civilization of Europe during the fourteen centuries -elapsed since the overthrow of the Roman Empire, and how slight are the -appreciable changes during the nearly equal number of years of the -ancient dynasties of Memphis--the period of the pyramids, or again of -the Theban kingdom--from the seventeenth dynasty to the rule of the -Ptolemies! - -The true age of the monuments of Lower Egypt has not long been known. -When Napoleon I. fired the spirits of his troops before the Battle of -the Pyramids by the well-known words “Forty centuries look down upon you -from the heights of these pyramids,” he must have been aware that, -according to the conceptions of the archæological science of the time, -he was exaggerating. In fact, however, he was far behind the truth. The -pyramids of Abousere, possibly also those of Dashour, are of the third -dynasty (3338 to 3124 B.C., according to Lepsius), those of Gizeh of the -fourth dynasty of Manetho (3124 to 2840 B.C.). These are structures -which have stood for five thousand years. The pyramids of Cochome, -referred to as the first dynasty of Manetho, are still older, dating -from a time nearly coincident, according to Biblical authority, with the -creation of the world itself (3761 B.C.). - -It is true we are still so far from chronological certainty that dates -often differ astonishingly. Osburn, for instance, places the fourth and -fifth dynasties as late as the period between 2228 and 2108 B.C., and -notably the two kings of the fourth dynasty, Shofo and Nu-Shofo, about -2170 B.C. The first twelve dynasties of Memphis, dated by Lepsius about -3892 to 2167, and by Osburn as late as 1959 B.C., are now known -principally by their monumental tombs. Among these, the sepulchres of -the kings are prominent in like manner as the ruler in an absolute and -theocratic monarchy is elevated above his subjects. - -The enslaved people labored upon the monuments of their masters, often -during the entire lifetime of these latter. It may be seen from -contemporary wall-paintings that the discipline maintained during the -work of construction was not lacking in strictness, but it was certainly -not that excessive oppression generally imagined. A body of over one -hundred thousand workmen sorely oppressed might, even in Egypt, have -been difficult to manage by a hated despot. It was principally during -the annual inundations of the Nile that the kings employed and fed the -poorer classes, at that time, perhaps, unable otherwise to subsist. -During other seasons the rulers could not have taken the tillers of the -soil from fields and flocks without great injury to their own interests. -It is no mark of a selfish despotism, which builds without reference to -the welfare of land and subjects, that the kings removed their enormous -sepulchral piles from the vicinity of their residences--from the -valuable alluvion of the Nile to the barren edge of the desert. They -thus, as Plato recommends, occupied no place with dwellings of the dead -where it would be possible for the living to find nourishment. The -fertile ground of the valley was not encumbered by the colossal -pyramids, which were so numerous in ancient Egypt that Lepsius found the -remains of sixty-seven in the forty-eight kilometers alone between Cairo -and the Fayoum, on the western bank of the river. Supposing only five -score such pyramids, with an average area of one hundred ares each, two -elevenths of that of the great pyramid of Gizeh, to have stood in the -narrow valley of the Nile, what an enormous loss in the grain production -of that most fertile but limited land would so great a reduction of -arable surface have caused during the past five thousand years! - -The fundamental motive of the pyramid is the funeral mound. A small -upheaval above the natural level of the ground results of itself from -the earth displaced by the bulk of the buried body. Our present practice -of interment clearly illustrates this. Increased dimensions elevate the -mound to an independent monument. Many nations, some of a high degree of -civilization, have contented themselves with such imposing hills of -earth over the grave,--tumuli, which, from the manner of their -construction, assumed a conical form. Others placed the mound upon a low -cylinder, thus better marking its distinction from accidental natural -elevations. The Egyptians and the Mesopotamians rejected the cone -entirely, and formed, with plane surfaces upon a square plan, the highly -monumental pyramid. Peculiar to the former people are the inclined sides -which give to the pyramid its absolute geometrical form, as opposed to -the terraced structures of Chaldæa. The sand of the desert ebbed and -flowed fifty centuries ago as constantly as in our time, when the -sphinx, after being uncovered to its base, has been quickly hidden again -to the neck. Rulers, unwilling that their gigantic tombs should be thus -submerged, were obliged to secure to them great height, with inclined -and unbroken sides, upon which the sand could not lodge. - -The typical pyramid of Gizeh, near Cairo--the monument of Cheops -(Shofo, Suphis), the first or second king of the fourth dynasty--rises -above the broad necropolis of Memphis, by far the largest and one of the -most marvellous works of mankind. (_Fig._ 1.) With a ground-line mean of -232.56 m., the great pyramid attained an altitude of 148.21 m., of which -the entire apex is now overthrown, leaving a height of about 138 m.[A] -The original intention of the builders was doubtless an absolutely -square plan. The greatest difference in the length of the ground-lines -of the base is 0.45 m. The angle of the upward inclination of the sides -has been found, by measurements at various points, to average 51° 51´ -43´´. The entire pyramid is solidly built of massive blocks, pierced by -a few narrow passages which lead to small chambers. (_Fig._ 2.) Like -most of these monuments, the entrance is situated somewhat above the -ground; it opens to a passage which descends with a gentle inclination. -The shaft is covered with stones leaning against each other, so as to -present the great resistance of a gable to the superimposed mass. In -passing out of the masonry it is continued into the natural rock under -the same angle, 26° 27´. Near the point of separation it meets with -another passage, which ascends with an inclination of 26° 6´ to the -centre of the structure, sending off a nearly horizontal branch at -half-way. All three shafts lead to grave-chambers, the highest being the -most important. As the ascent continues above the horizontal branch, its -importance is emphasized by the passage being increased from 1.2 or 1.5 -m. high to a corridor 8.5 m. in height, roofed by gradually projecting -blocks, and having upon its floor a slide to facilitate the transport of -the sarcophagus. Thereupon follows a horizontal vestibule, closed most -securely by four blocks of granite which fell like portcullises. Only -three of these had been let down; the fourth remained in its original -position, the lower grooves never having been cut to allow its descent. -The upper chamber, of polished granite, but otherwise not ornamented, is -10.48 m. long, 5.24 m. broad, and 5.84 m. high.[B] It is ceiled -horizontally with nine colossal lintels of granite, a detail which -seemed at first surprising, as other voids of far less width were more -firmly covered, either by projecting and gradually approaching stones, -as in the ascending corridor; or with blocks leaned together so as to -form a gable, as in the other passages, and in the middle chamber, -called that of the Queen. Yet it was for the security of this upper -chamber that the greatest care proved to have been taken. The weight of -the half-height of the pyramid remaining above it was by no means -allowed to rest upon its horizontal lintels. There are above them five -low relieving spaces separated by four stone ceilings similar to the -first; mighty blocks are inclined over all these to a gable triangle. In -case of rupture the horizontal beams would of themselves have formed new -triangles and prevented direct downward pressure. Cheops certainly did -not need to fear the ceiling of his chamber falling in upon him. -Ventilation was provided for the room by two narrow air-channels, which, -inclining upwards, took the shortest course to the outside. - -[Illustration: Fig. 2.--The Great Pyramid of Gizeh. Section North and -South, looking West.] - -The perfectly geometrical form of the pyramids of Gizeh has from early -times led to speculations upon their having been erected in conformity -with mathematical or astronomical calculations; and endless attempts -have been made to discover the fixed proportions which they are supposed -to embody, and to determine their symbolical or metrical significance. -Too much is often assumed upon the strength of accidental coincidences, -generally only approximate; but if such proportions indeed existed, -whatever may have been their intention, they are evidently beyond the -true province of art. - -The second great pyramid, built by the successor of Cheops, Chephren -(Sophris), seems not to have been so regular in its interior -arrangement. The third, that of Chephren’s successor, Mykerinos -(Menkera), is of the most beautiful execution. The unevenness of the -ground was so considerable that a substructure of masonry was here -necessary. The entire kernel is of rectangular courses of stone, and, -with the exception of the exterior casing, is built in the form of -steps. This manner of construction was employed in most of the pyramids, -but is here particularly noticeable. The casing of granite, highly -polished, is still partly intact; the joints of its stones are scarcely -perceptible, and are not wider than the thickness of a sheet of paper. - -The mechanical excellence of all these pyramids is indeed wonderful; -they remain as a marvellous proof of the constructive ability of man in -ages far anterior to known periods of the world’s history. Nor are they -mere piles of masonry which could have been erected by an enslaved -people without the guidance of skilled and thoughtful designers. The -arrangement of the passages, of the chambers and their portcullises, of -the quarried stone and polished revetment, was admirably adapted to the -required ends. - -In the third pyramid two corridors have been found, one above the other. -The upper, opening within from the first chamber, at some height above -the floor, does not reach the exterior surface, but ends suddenly -against the unpierced outside casings. This peculiarity is explained by, -and in turn gives weight to, the statement that this pyramid, as -originally built by Mykerinos, was considerably smaller than it is at -present, measuring, according to the end of the unfinished upper -corridor, 54.86 m. on the side of the plan, and 42.20 m. in vertical -height. Nitocris, the last queen of the sixth dynasty, prepared the -pyramid to serve also as her own monument by adding courses of stone -which increased these dimensions to 117.29 and 66.75 m. respectively. -But as the original entrance, by the prolongation of its inclined line -outward, would thereby have opened much too high above the ground, a new -corridor beneath the first was rendered necessary. The second chamber, -which probably once contained the sarcophagus of the queen, was found -entirely plundered. The third and lowest, better protected, had been -opened; but in it there still remained in position a magnificent coffer -of basalt. The exterior of this sarcophagus was sculptured with -lattice-work in imitation of a palace-like structure with portals. -Fragments of the wooden coffin, with carved hieroglyphics, once within -it, and of the mummy itself, were flung about the room. The sarcophagus, -of the greatest value as illustrating the architectural forms of its -time, sank in the Mediterranean with the ship which was carrying it away -to England. The mummy and the lid of the coffin are in the British -Museum. Hieroglyphics upon the latter designate the venerable remains as -those of King Menkera, the same Mykerinos whom Herodotos, following -traditions of the Egyptian priests, mentions as one of the best rulers -of the land. The stone ceiling of the Mykerinos chamber was at first -thought to be vaulted, it having the form of a low pointed arch. This -peculiarity proved, however, to be due to a hollowing-out of the -inclined gable blocks. - -[Illustration: Fig. 3.--Section of the Great Pyramid of Saccara.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 4.--The Pyramid of Meydoun.] - -Princes and princesses of these early dynasties appear to have been -buried in smaller pyramids, like those which stand in groups of three -near the first and third great pyramids of Gizeh. Prominent subjects -were allowed to take a place in the royal necropolis; but their pyramids -were always truncated, in form resembling the Egyptian footstool--the -pyramidal point remained the peculiar privilege of the kings. It appears -to have been customary to commence all these structures with a few large -terraces of masonry, which were not fully developed into the perfectly -pyramidal structure until the last stones, the revetments, were put in -place. These terraces generally had vertical sides. Occasionally this -construction was varied by being formed with sloping sides, which -repeated the obtuse ascending angle of the footstool, so that the -separate steps, elsewhere with a vertical rise, were here somewhat -inclined. It is not certain whether the absolute pyramidal form was -always intended to be carried out upon the completion of these latter -monuments. The examples of the inclined terraces which have been -preserved rather seem to show that various attempts were made to develop -architecturally upon the exterior the peculiarity of its inner -construction. The arrangement and line of the kernel were more or less -strictly adhered to, so that the last course of facing-stones showed the -original angle of the interior masonry. The increasing of the terraces -by successive courses--coats, as it were--seems to have been generally -continued as long as the reign of a Pharaoh would permit. The layers, -when inclined, were most numerous at the foot of the pyramid, decreasing -in number as they ascend, that the mass might not take the proportions -of a tower. This manner of building is displayed by the section of the -first pyramid of Saccara (_Fig._ 3.), which, if the courses had been -continued in equal number, would have reached a height of at least one -hundred and fifty meters, instead of the 57.91 m. effected by its -terrace-like contractions. The pyramid of Meydoun shows that this -contraction did not necessarily take place in regular and equal steps. -(_Fig. 4._) There the layers were added, without decreasing in number, -to a considerable height, when the structure was quickly completed by -broad and low terraces. Similar to this must have been those pyramids -which ended in a platform and served as the mighty pedestals of colossal -figures, described by Herodotos as existing in Lake Moeris. A remarkable -variation from these forms is finally to be noticed in the stone pyramid -of Dashour. (_Fig._ 5.) Rising at first with steep inclination, 54° 14´, -it changes its slant at half-height to reach, with a smaller angle, 42° -59´, a more rapid conclusion. This artistically unfortunate form seems -to have been owing to a change of plan during the execution of the work; -it was doubtless originally designed to have been finished like the -pyramid of Meydoun. It is hardly necessary to seek the origin of the -double angle in the analogous obtuse termination of Egyptian obelisks. -This pyramid of Dashour is further remarkable on account of its -magnificent revetment of polished Mocattam limestone, which is almost -entirely preserved. - -There is as great a difference in the material as in the form of the -pyramids. As early as the third dynasty King Asychis (Asuchra) built a -pyramid of what Herodotos terms Nile mud; that is to say, of sun-dried -bricks. It is not improbable that the great pyramid of Dashour may be -identified with this. Besides this peculiarity of material, it is of -unusual construction, not having been immediately built upon the natural -ground, but standing on a thick layer of sand, which, enclosed by -retaining-walls, forms an excellent foundation. - -[Illustration: Fig. 5.--Southern Stone Pyramid of Dashour.] - -One of the group of pyramids at Abousere is built of rubble-stones, -quarried from the high plateau of the desert itself, and roughly -cemented with Nile mud. The builder of this irregular masonry held it -the more necessary to insure the ceiling of his grave-chamber with the -greatest care, and three gables of stones, 10.90 m. long and 3.66 m. -thick, provide a resistance as sufficient against the imposed mass as -does the sixfold roofing of the King’s Chamber at Gizeh. (_Fig._ 6.) The -exterior layers were carefully constructed of blocks from the quarries -of Tourah. Immense dikes, forerunners of our modern causeways, led from -these quarries to the buildings at Abousere. Although intended only for -the conveyance of materials, they were yet so firmly built that they -exist at the present time. Egyptian wall-paintings show in the clearest -manner the transportation of colossal monolithic statues along these -ways upon sledges, either moved upon rollers or dragged over an oiled -slide, as in _Fig._ 7. The pyramid of Illahoun, like the northern -pyramid of Dashour and others, is built of brick; its masonry was -additionally strengthened by walls of stone, the thickest being upon the -diagonals of the plan. The pyramid of Meydoun is built of alternate -horizontal courses of variously quarried stone. The following are the -most important pyramids still standing, with their dimensions in meters: - - --------------------------------------+----------+---------+ - Name of Pyramid. | Original | Present | - | Height. | Height. | - --------------------------------------+----------+---------+ - 1. Great pyramid of Gizeh | 148.21 | 137.34 | - 2. Second pyramid of Gizeh | 139.39 | 136.37 | - 3. Northern stone pyramid of Dashour | 104.39 | 99.49 | - 4. Southern stone pyramid of Dashour | 103.29 | 97.28 | - 5. Pyramid of Illahoun | ---- | 39.62 | - 6. Pyramid of Meydoun | ---- | 68.40 | - 7. Northern Pyramid of Lisht | ---- | 20.85 | - 8. Pyramid of Hovara | ---- | 32.31 | - 9. Northern pyramid of Lisht | ---- | 27.31 | - 10. Southern brick pyramid of Dashour | 81.46 | 47.55 | - 11. Great pyramid of Abousere | 69.39 | 49.99 | - 12. Third pyramid of Gizeh | 66.83 | 61.87 | - 13. Northern brick pyramid of Dashour | 65.25 | 27.43 | - 14. Great pyramid of Saccara | 61.06 | 57.91 | - 15. Pyramid of Abou-Roash | ---- | ---- | - --------------------------------------+----------+---------+ - - --------------------------------------+----------------+-----------------+ - Name of Pyramid. | Side of Plan. | Angle of Ascent.| - | | | - --------------------------------------+----------------+-----------------+ - 1. Great pyramid of Gizeh | 232.56 | 51° 52´ | - 2. Second pyramid of Gizeh | 215.09 | 52° 21´ | - 3. Northern stone pyramid of Dashour | 219.28 | 43° 36´ | - 4. Southern stone pyramid of Dashour | 187.93 | {above 54° 14´ | - | | {below 42° 59´ | - 5. Pyramid of Illahoun | now, 170.69 | ---- | - 6. Pyramid of Meydoun | now, 161.54 | 74° 10´ | - 7. Northern Pyramid of Lisht | now, 137.16 | ---- | - 8. Pyramid of Hovara | 116.92 | ---- | - 9. Northern pyramid of Lisht | now, 109.73 | ---- | - 10. Southern brick pyramid of Dashour | 104.39 | 57° 20´ | - 11. Great pyramid of Abousere | 109.60 | 51° 42´ | - 12. Third pyramid of Gizeh | 77.04 | 51° 10´ | - 13. Northern brick pyramid of Dashour | 104.34 | 51° 20´ | - 14. Great pyramid of Saccara | E. × W. 120.02 | 73° 30´ | - | N. × S. 107.01 | | - 15. Pyramid of Abou-Roash | 104.39 | ---- | - --------------------------------------+----------------+-----------------+ - -The Nubian pyramids on Mount Barkal and in Meroe, far more numerous than -those of Lower Egypt, have lost much of their interest since -investigations have shown that the civilization of Egypt and the -prototypes of monumental art did not descend from Nubia, as was at first -supposed, but arose in the delta and advanced up the stream. -Inscriptions prove these pyramids to be some three thousand years -younger than those of Memphis, dating them at as recent an epoch as the -beginning of the Christian era. They are generally grouped in an -extended necropolis, and differ from those of the ancient kingdom by a -steeper angle of elevation, by a roundel-moulding upon the angles, and, -above all, by much smaller dimensions. - -Though the truncated pyramidal form, as has been seen in a number of -tombs at Gizeh, was not excluded from the funeral architecture of -Egyptian subjects, it was never general. Rock-cut tombs were much more -customary. The upright cliffs which border the banks of the Nile led -naturally to such a formation, and in their sides are excavated caverns -of very different dimensions, from the prevalent small, square chambers, -with a narrow entrance high above the level of the valley, to the most -extended series of rooms. These tombs were commonly decorated by mural -paintings alone, but occasionally by carved architectural details, which -always represent a wooden sheathing of slats or lattice-work. The larger -chambers, even of the most primitive period, have the roof supported by -square piers. - -[Illustration: Fig. 6.--Section of the Middle Pyramid of Abousere.] - -It is from these piers that the Egyptian columns seem to have -originated, dividing from the outset into two classes and developing in -different directions. - -One class of columns arose from chamfering the corners of the square -pier, this support being thus transformed into an eight-sided, and, when -the proceeding was repeated, to a sixteen-sided, shaft. The first phase -of change, with its octagonal plan, was simple and advantageous--a -predominance of vertical line was secured to the support, as well as -greater room and ease of passage to the chamber. The second, the -sixteen-sided figure, offered but few new advantages; on the contrary, -the play of light and shade between the sixteen sides and angles was -lost in proportion as the edges became more obtuse and less visible. As -the sleek rotundity of an absolutely cylindrical shaft was not -desirable, the blunt angles of the sixteen-sided prism, of rather coarse -stone, were emphasized to avoid the disagreeable uncertainty which is -felt when the plan is undecided between a polygon and a circle. This was -effected by channelling the sides, making the arris more prominent and -giving a more lively variation of vertical light and shade. The pier -thus maintained, in some degree, its prismatic character while -approaching the cylinder, and the channelled column arose. - -[Illustration: Fig. 7.--Transport of a Colossus. Egyptian -Wall-painting.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 8.--Section and Plan of the Northernmost Rock-cut -Tomb at Beni-hassan.] - -Rock-cut tombs of the twelfth dynasty (2380-2167 B.C., according to -Lepsius) situated at Beni-hassan, and part of the necropolis of the -ancient Nus, a city early destroyed, show the polygonal pier in the two -phases of eight and sixteen sided plan. The most northern of these has -the octagonal unchannelled pier in the vestibule, and the sixteen-sided -channelled column within. Only fifteen channels are executed on the -latter, the sixteenth side being left plane for the reception of a -painted row of hieroglyphics. Both exterior and interior shafts have a -base like a large flat millstone, which projects far beyond the lower -diameter of the column, its edge being bevelled inward. A square abacus -plinth is the only medium between shaft and ceiling, the two columns of -the vestibule lacking even this. A full entablature did not exist in the -interior, as a representative of the outer edge of roof and ceiling -there would naturally have been out of place. The northernmost tomb has -no distinct entablature carved upon the exterior; but its neighbor -(_Fig._ 9.) shows, cut from the solid rock, a massive horizontal -epistyle above the columns, and upon this the projecting edge of the -ceiling, which appears to consist of squarely hewn joists. Lattice-work -was found represented upon the stone sarcophagus of Mykerinos. Here the -model of a wooden ceiling is truthfully imitated upon the rock. As, in -the flat coverings of rainless Egypt, roof and ceiling appear one and -the same, this entablature has but two members--epistyle and cornice; -while the frieze, in Greek architecture the representative of a -horizontal ceiling beneath the inclined roof, does not here exist. - -This order of architecture, called, because of the similarity of the -shaft, the Proto-Doric, was predominant in the ancient kingdom. But at -least as early as the twelfth dynasty another class of columns was in -use which had been developed in an entirely different manner. The -Proto-Doric columns originated from the mathematical duplication of the -prismatic sides and angles of the square pier; these second made the -same pier their model, but followed its painted ornament, not its -architectural form. The primitive designer enriched his work with -flowers, striving to preserve the quickly fading natural decoration by -an imperishable imitation. Many of the bands of ornament customary in -antiquity may be considered as rows or wreaths of leaves and flowers, -although often they do not betray their derivation at first sight, -because of the original imperfect representation of nature, the -subsequent strict conventionalization, and final degeneracy into -formalism. - -[Illustration: Fig. 9.--Second Rock-cut Tomb at Beni-hassan.] - -In Egypt, ornamental adaptations of the lotos-flowers of the Nile appear -at first in long, frieze-like rows, the blossoms being bound together by -the stems in much the same arrangement as similar decorations in -Assyria, or the better conventionalized anthemion friezes in Greece. -When this horizontal ornament was transferred to the narrow vertical -sides of a pier, it was necessary to place the flowers closely together, -to lengthen the curled stems and bind them; in short, to form of the -wreaths, which had answered for the narrow band, a bouquet better -corresponding to the tall, upright space to be filled. - -Such a bunch of long-stemmed lotos-buds is shown upon the pillars of the -tombs near Sauiet-el-Meytin (_Fig._ 10.), which, certainly of the -ancient kingdom, were probably of the sixth dynasty. This bouquet may -have been as customary an ornament for the pier as the garlands of -lotos-flowers were for the frieze. - -The history of architectural decoration shows that the stone-cutter’s -chisel everywhere followed in the footsteps of color. The four sides of -the pier bore the same painted flowers; if these were to be sculptured, -nothing could be more natural than to carry them from four-sided relief -into the full round, where they offered the same face to all points of -view, and transformed the painted pier into a column formed like a bunch -of lotos-blossoms. This development must have taken place early in the -ancient kingdom, for we find the floral column in the same tombs of the -twelfth dynasty at Beni-hassan which show the so-called Proto-Doric -shaft in its various phases. Form and color so work together in the -floral column as to leave no doubt of the fundamental idea having been -the bunch of lotos-buds painted upon the sides of the pier. Four stems -of rounded profile are engaged, rising from a flat base similar to that -of the polygonal column. They are tied together under the buds by -fivefold ribbons of different colors. Above these the lotos-flowers -spread from the stems, showing between their green leaves the opening -buds in narrow slits of white. The flowers of the painted bouquet -(_Fig._ 10.) are spread apart; but in the sculptured column they are -necessarily united, forming the capital. Even the little blossoms with -short stems, represented upon the painting of Sauiet-el-Meytin, are not -neglected, although the calyx itself has become much smaller, owing to -technical reasons of the execution. - -[Illustration: Fig. 10.--Pier Decoration from the Tombs of -Sauiet-el-Meytin.] - -Beni-hassan proves that the two orders, the channelled polygonal shaft -and the lotos-column (_Fig._ 11.), had been developed as early as the -twelfth dynasty; but as columnar architecture was not general in the -ancient kingdom, the examples preserved are isolated. The little temple -of that age discovered by Mariette Bey near the great sphinx of Gizeh -shows no trace of columns, their place being supplied by monolithic -piers. The period between the twenty-second and the sixteenth century -B.C., during which the Nile-land was occupied by the nomadic Hycsos, the -shepherd kings, enemies to all civilization, was not favorable to the -further application and development of architectural genius. The columns -do not again appear until the advent of the new Theban kingdom with the -eighteenth dynasty (1591 B.C., according to Lepsius), when they were -extensively employed, especially in temples. It was then that the -typical forms of the orders were determined. The Proto-Doric, the -channelled polygonal column of the tombs at Beni-hassan, fell into -disuse. Its simplicity suited neither the desire for richness of form, -peculiar to the later Egyptians, nor the delight in polychromatic -ornament, which found only one unchannelled strip at its disposal. - -[Illustration: Fig. 11.--Lotos-column of Beni-hassan.] - -The polygonal shaft received, in certain measure, a new lease of life by -the invention of a necessary part, a capital in place of the meagre -abacus plinth which had formerly been the insufficient medium of -transition between the upright support and the horizontal entablature. -The vegetable prototype was deserted, and a female head, or rather a -fourfold mask about a cubical kernel, crowned the shaft, being -surmounted by an ornament somewhat resembling a chapel. The column -thereby became similar to a Hermes, or to a caryatid figure of Janus -Quadrifrons, as it were. (_Fig._ 12.) But the representation of the -deity Athor had only a limited application, and seems to have prevented -the column from being generally employed. - -A far wider field was opened to the floral column, which in its -architectural and ornamental development was removed further and further -from its original model. The changes were brought about in two ways, the -most direct alterations being effected by the sculptor. The four buds -and stems of the lotos-columns of Beni-hassan were increased to eight; -the latter changed their round cylinders to angular prisms, thus giving -up much of the vegetable character. The former straight and stiff shaft, -rising directly from the base, was curved near the bottom by a short -swelling, which suddenly increased the diameter. This entasis was -surrounded by a row of leaves, again characterizing the ascending bundle -as stems. Leaves were also added at the foot of the buds, these being -out of place and impairing the consequential development expressed in -the column of Beni-hassan, though corresponding well enough with the -treatment adopted for the similar enlargement at the foot of the shaft. -The four little flowers, which were tied in by the bands of the -Beni-hassan column, naturally became eight in number with the -duplication of the stems and blossoms. They were before much diminished -in size, but here became an entirely unorganic, rectangular ornament. -The binding ribbons of the neck retained their original variegated -colors; but the painting of the capital itself put aside every likeness -to the natural colors of the flower. (_Fig_. 13 _a_.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 12.--Column from Sedinga.] - -An entirely picturesque transformation also affected the lotos-column, -and led to the second phase of its development. The stone shaft was cut -cylindrically, the memberings being omitted and all reminiscences of -stem and bud being abandoned. The wreaths of leaves remained at the -lower end of the shaft and of the capital, as did also the binding -ribbons with the little flowers, which were still more broadened and -distorted. The rest of the column gave space for painted, or rather -coilanaglyphic, representations of devotional acts, for the cartouches -of the kings and for hieroglyphic inscriptions (_Fig_. 13 _b_.) The -capital, which had before consisted of four and of eight buds, became -consolidated to a single one; the binding ribbon of the neck was -retained without a function. It was the more natural to open the single -bud to the calyx of a flower, a graceful and satisfactory solution of -the problem which retained its sway henceforth in Egypt much as the -Corinthian capital, so nearly related in form to this Egyptian calyx, -predominated over other Roman varieties. The shaft and the ribbons -remained, as in the painted column of the Memnonium. (_Fig._ 13 _b._) So -also did the row of leaves at the base of the capital; the little -flowers were entirely omitted, and the upper part of the calyx was -thickly covered with royal seals painted between upright ornaments, so -small that their line does not affect the composition of the whole. -(_Fig._ 14.) A discord resulted from the retention of the abacus plinth -of the former bud capital in its original proportions, a defect which in -some degree defeated the æsthetic advantages of the boldly projecting -calyx as a medium between the vertical support and the horizontal mass -above it. - -[Illustration: Fig. 13.--Lotos-columns from Thebes. - -_a._ Sculptured Column from the Great Temple at Carnac. - -_b._ Painted Column from the Memnonium of Ramses II.] - -The calyx capital attained no typical and established form in Egyptian -architecture, even as the Corinthian capital received no formal -development in the Hellenic art which originated it. The decoration of -the calyx continued to offer a wide field for the inventive talent of -the Egyptian architect, which was here employed with most fortunate -results. The ruined buildings, especially of later periods, show -hundreds of different capitals, from the simplest upright forms of the -papyrus to elaborately turned and rolled leaves; these floral ornaments -being almost always composed and conventionalized with admirable taste. - -A decided advance was made by separating the upper edge of the calyx, -with notches, into four large petals, although the decoration did not -have sufficient influence to affect the column as a whole. The most -satisfactory among the varieties of the floral column, and that most -thoroughly carried out, was certainly the palm; the capital of which -was characterized as a crown of leaves, and the shaft, by an imitation -of the bark, as a palm-stem. The tall leaves rendered a greater height -of the palm capital necessary; thus increased, it most closely -approached the Corinthian in beauty of outline. The division of the -great calyx into eight lobes was another result of this decoration. As -the palm capital was frequently placed among others, especially by the -Egyptians of later periods, it naturally had the effect upon the -varieties to be brought into harmony with it of lowering the necking of -their shafts in the same measure as had been necessary for itself. -(_Fig._ 15.) - -The slender proportions prevalent during the time of the Ptolemies -caused the abacus plinth upon the calyx to be heightened to a cube, and -even increased to twice the height of the capital itself, in which case -it was ornamented by the heads of Athor and Typhon, or by the entire -dwarfed figure of the latter. In rare cases, piers take the place of -columns in the temple courts, and are masked by statues of Osiris or of -Typhon. (_Fig._ 16.) These figures have of themselves no constructive -function as supports, and are not to be classed with the caryatides and -telamones of Greece. - -[Illustration: Fig. 14.--Calyx Capital from Carnac.] - -The great variety of form in the column and capital is not shared by the -entablature. This consists, as seen at the tombs of Beni-hassan, of two -members. The lower stretches from pier to pier, or from column to -column, as a connecting epistyle. The upper, representing the horizontal -ceiling, reposes thereupon, and is crowned by the universal -cornice-moulding--a boldly projecting Egyptian scotia. Between these two -members there is a continuous roundlet, often characterized, by its -ornament of an encircling ribbon, as a bundle of reeds. The cornice is -sometimes marked by rows of reed-leaves bent forward at the top, the -epistyle covered with hieroglyphics. In later times, the decoration of -the entablature became more florid, repetitions of the uræos serpent -appearing as a cornice ornament. - -The columns of the new kingdom had, meanwhile, been given up in the -rock-cut tombs, where they first occurred. Yet the cavern sepulchres -themselves remained so much in vogue that they even served the kings of -the Theban dynasties in place of pyramids. Their tendency was rather to -burrow deeply into the cliff than to create large sepulchral chambers, -where the support of columns would have been necessary. The principal -intention of the excavators--to make the royal burial-place as -inaccessible as possible--was adverse to any monumental development of -the interior. The decoration was restricted to paintings upon the long -and repeatedly closed corridors, and sufficed only to rank these above -the bare channels of the pyramids. The formation of the earth on the -border of the desert offered no ground for the exterior architectural -treatment of these graves, and a simple portal is generally all that -designates the entrance to the shafts which were the sepulchres of the -Theban dynasties. The plan of that at Biban-el-Moluc is given in _Fig._ -17. - -[Illustration: Fig. 15.--Capitals from Edfou.] - -The temples of the new kingdom with their numerous halls and courts -offered, on the other hand, most ample scope for the application of -columnar architecture. These extended series of strangely enclosed -rooms and courts, though richly decorated with paintings, would have -seemed bare within and without if the column had not entered into their -composition, and if the building had not been expanded and ornamented by -its help. With the floral orders, the temple interior became an -architectural organism truly deserving of study and admiration. - -With exception of that portion of the structure which stood before the -chief portal, and cannot be considered as an integral part of the -building, every Egyptian temple was divided into three principal parts, -contained within an oblong enclosure: namely, the court, the hall of -columns, and the holy of holies--a series of cellas. (_Fig._ 18.) Long -rows of sphinxes generally stand facing the avenue which leads to the -entrance of the temple, and prepare for the sacred silence within. The -doorway is flanked by two enormous towers, so-called pylons, formed like -steep truncated pyramids. The walls of these masses of masonry, -ornamented with coilanaglyphic paintings, show slots upon the front for -the reception of the high flag-poles which are represented upon -contemporary wall-decorations. The towers are crowned with the scotia -cornice, the roundlet of which is continued down the angles. Within they -are pierced by stairways and small chambers, scantily lighted by narrow -slits in the wall. It is probable that the summits of these pylons, -without doubt the highest standpoints in the valley of the Nile, served -as observatories for the Egyptian astronomers and astrologers; a -practical use was thus added to the original purpose of monumental -decorative gate-ways. Two or four colossal sitting figures were -generally placed before the pylons, and sometimes also two obelisks, -bearing the dedicatory inscriptions of the temple. - -[Illustration: Fig. 16.--Osiris Pier.] - -The obelisks are among the most curious and characteristic structures of -Egypt. They are very comparable to the pyramids, and perhaps may even -be regarded as small pyramids placed as an apex upon a tall shaft. Few -deviate from this type; one of the obelisks of Carnac, crowned by a -profile like a pointed arch, and the obelisk of Medinet-el-Fayoum with -rounded end, are exceptions. The obelisks are monolithic. In -consideration of the difficulty of procuring so large a block from the -granite quarries, of transporting its enormous weight and erecting its -tall mass, this peculiarity added greatly to the imposing effect of the -monument. The delight of the later Roman emperors in the possession of -obelisks caused many of these to be transported to Rome, where they -still form prominent ornaments of the city. Most of those remaining in -Egypt lie overthrown, and often deeply buried under the accumulating -earth of centuries. The two before the Temple of Luxor were both erect -until 1831, in which year one of them was removed to the Place de la -Concorde in Paris. The removal during 1877-78 of an obelisk, and its -erection in London, show what difficulties must have attended the -quarrying, carving, transport, and elevation of these gigantic monuments -in primitive times.[C] - -[Illustration: Fig. 17.--Royal Grave near Thebes.] - -The chief portal of the temple, flanked by the two pylons, opens upon -the great peristyle court. The colonnades are upon two or three of its -sides, seldom towards the entrance. In the most elaborate instances, as -the Temple of Luxor, the court is bordered with double rows of -supports--columns alternating with piers--before which stand the -above-mentioned figures of Osiris. Sometimes this peristyle court is -duplicated, as in the great Memnonium of Ramses II. and the temples of -Medinet-Abou and Luxor, the two spaces being separated either by smaller -second pylons (Medinet-Abou), by a simple wall pierced by a gate -(Memnonium), or by a narrow colonnade between them (Luxor). In such -cases the architectural treatment of the courts differs, the second -usually being more richly provided with columns and piers than the -first. Smaller temples are often so built against these courts that they -can be entered only from within them (_Fig._ 20.), while they project, -with the greater part of their plan, beyond the chief enclosure. - -[Illustration: Fig. 18.--Southern Temple of Carnac.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 19.--Temple of Edfou.] - -The second chief division of the building--the hall of columns, the -hypostyle--is entered from the court, either directly or through new -pylons. This space, generally not so deep as the outer peristyle, is -entirely covered, the stone ceiling being upheld by close-standing -columns, the number of which varies greatly according to the dimensions -of the building. In the southern Temple of Carnac, the plan of which -(_Fig._ 18.) may be regarded as typical of the usual Egyptian -arrangement, eight columns are sufficient, while the dimensions of the -hypostyle hall of Medinet-Abou render twenty-four necessary--a number -increased to thirty-two in Luxor, forty-eight in the Memnonium of Ramses -II., and to a maximum of one hundred and thirty-four in the Great Temple -of Carnac. Smaller halls may have received their light through the -portal. The upper half of the intercolumniations of the court colonnades -was also occasionally left open, as shown by _Fig._ 19.; but, with the -enormous dimensions of the hypostyle and the close ranges of shafts so -frequent, a more perfect system of illumination was necessary. The light -of day was procured for the hall by an eminently satisfactory -arrangement, which gives the key to the true manner of lighting any -enclosed space from above--the clerestory--so effectively developed in -later ages. The two rows of columns nearest the longitudinal axis were -made half as high again as their neighbors, thus lifting their -entablature and ceiling well above that of the remaining space. These -two ceilings on different levels were connected by piers placed upon the -next range of shorter columns, which supported the edge of the higher -covering. The light entered between these piers, their openings being -but little impeded by stone tracery. The central aisle was thus -brilliantly lighted, and, under the cloudless sky, rays and reflections -could find their way into the most remote corners of the forest of -columns. As shown by _Fig._ 21., the larger central columns were -distinguished by the broad-spreading calyx capital from the others, -which retained the simpler forms of the folded bud. The effect of such a -hall, especially of the great hypostyle of Carnac, must have been -magnificently rich and imposing. The dimensions of the chief columns -were in this instance gigantic. They were 22.86 m. high. Their calyx -capitals were 6.10 m. in diameter, the epistyle beams 6.70 by 1.83 by -1.22 m. The entire hall was 91.44 m. in length. Walls and columns were -thickly covered with carved and painted decorations, which were kept -well subordinated to the grand forms of the architecture, and were so -blended by the varying light and shade that a rich and sober effect was -produced by the somewhat gaudy colors. - -[Illustration: Fig. 20.--Great Temple of Carnac.] - -One example, the Temple of Soleb, shows this second division of the -building also repeated: that such a duplication was less common than -that of the courts is explained by the far greater requirements of its -construction. The last of the three chief temple divisions was reached -from the hypostyle hall, either by a simple gateway or by a third pylon -portal. The Egyptian priests performed their mystic rites and guarded -the sacred animals in a series of chambers, the innermost of which--the -real temple cella--was exceedingly small in proportion to the entire -building, being sometimes even cut from a single stone. - -As the temple served the priesthood for a dwelling, a cloister-like -arrangement of this third space was necessary. The long-accepted -supposition that even the royal palaces were included in the temple -enclosure has recently been questioned, although the hieratic character -of the monarchy, and the strict religious ritual by which the life of -the king in his function of high-priest was governed, even to the -smallest particulars, would render this of itself not improbable. The -plan of the Great Temple of Carnac shows the dwelling of the priests, -with its halls and smaller rooms, separated by a court from the places -of worship. - -[Illustration: Fig. 21.--Section of the Hypostyle Hall, Great Temple of -Carnac.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 22.--Chapel upon the Platform of the Temple of -Dendera.] - -Magnificently as the temple architecture of the Egyptians had developed -since the eighteenth dynasty, its advance had mainly affected the -interior. The temples of every other people were built with more or less -reference to an imposing exterior effect, but those of Egypt generally -remained the fortress-like enclosures which had become typical in the -earliest ages of the land’s history. The peripteral plan, indeed, occurs -in several small cellas of the ancient kingdom, but it was exceptional, -and did not arrive at any systematic development. It has been seen that -Egyptian architecture, though it chanced upon the channelled shaft of -the Proto-Doric column, was apparently unable to utilize this motive, -the great importance of which was not recognized in the land of the -Nile. The peripteral temple plan is a similar advance, which, not fitted -for the requirements and tendencies of Egyptian architecture, lay -dormant for centuries. The unbroken fortress-like walls of the temple -were not pierced and resolved into the surrounding pteroma until the -sceptre of Egypt had been swayed during three centuries by the -semi-Hellenic Ptolemies. These rulers, warned by the example of -Cambyses, were wise enough not to interfere with their Egyptian subjects -in their most sensitive point of religious conceptions, rendered sacred -by the traditions of thousands of years. But they did not hesitate to -reintroduce into the land the exterior splendor of the peripteral plan, -by that time so fully developed in Greece. The free and cheerful -religious rites of the Greeks, performed before the temple, and not -within it, agreed, as did the natural character of the people, with the -peripteral temple, which was opened outwardly by its pteroma. It was -otherwise with the mysterious and sombre precision of the Egyptian -ritual, which demanded absolute seclusion. Though the peripteral temple -plan was in some measure brought into vogue by the Ptolemies, it was, in -Egypt, deprived of its chief characteristic--the freely opened -intercolumniation. The Romans, in their desire similarly to combine -columnar architecture with entire enclosure, merely decorated exterior -walls with engaged shafts and pilasters, giving up the columns as -supporting members of independent function, and using them only as a -suggestive ornament. This merely decorative treatment, rare in Greece, -was not adopted in Egypt until the latest times. The Egyptian preferred -to place a screen-like wall, half the height of the columns, in each -opening; this hid all the interior from view, even when the building was -of small dimensions, as in _Fig._ 22., and permitted the access of light -and air through the upper half of the intercolumniation. The one used as -an entrance was also closed by a door-frame of greater height than the -side screens. Upon the corners of the peripteral building inclined piers -were often retained, as a reminiscence of the original enclosure wall as -well as for greater constructional security. This is shown by the Temple -of Philæ. (_Fig._ 23.) That the arrangement of outstanding columns did -not entirely supplant the closed surrounding walls is evident from the -same plan, where both methods occur side by side in a group of buildings -of the same date. - -[Illustration: Fig. 23.--Temple of Philæ.] - -There were parts of the narrow valley of the Nile where the cliffs of -the desert so advanced upon the river as to leave absolutely no room for -the erection of temples occupying so much ground. The inhabitants here -had recourse to grotto temples; that is to say, they transferred the -principal rooms of the sanctuary to an excavation in the cliff. When the -space between rock and stream permitted it, the courts and pylons were -built, and only the hypostyle hall and the holy of holies, reduced to -the minimum necessary for the performance of the rites, were cut from -the rock. This is the case in El-Cab, Redesie, Silsilis, and Girsheh. -The last of these, the largest, had a court with Osiris piers upon the -sides and with four columns upon the front, which seems never to have -been flanked by pylons. Its largest excavated space, apparently -corresponding to a second court, is also decorated upon the longer -sides with Osiris piers. Thereupon follows a narrow hall, which but -inadequately represents the hypostyle; and, finally, as the holy of -holies, a small chamber with an altar. - -[Illustration: Fig. 24.--Façade of the Rock-cut Temple of Abou-Simbel.] - -Far more important than these are the grotto temples of Abou-Simbel, in -the vicinity of the second cataract, where the portals are also cut -wholly from the rock. The larger of the two even attempts to approach, -as well as is possible, the enormous pylons of the great Theban temples. -(_Fig._ 24.) To this end the gentle inclination of the cliff was cut -away to the talus angle of the Egyptian walls and pylons, and the -cornice above, of roundlet and scotia, was worked from the rock. Four -such colossal sitting figures, as are often placed before the pylons, -were also cut from the cliff--an effective ornament and an economy of -labor thus being secured. The representation of the portal between two -pylons was given up; the whole front formed one wall in which the -entrance-door was cut without further decoration. The empty space above -the opening was filled by a high-relief, carved within an oblong niche. -(_Fig._ 24.) The entrance, which has now been cleared of the sand, leads -in natural order to a space corresponding to the court of the -free-standing temples; it is somewhat similar to that of Girsheh, which -was also erected by Ramses II., though more imposing and of better -proportions. (_Fig._ 25.) A following room, the ceiling of which is -supported by four piers, suggests the temple hypostyle, here much -dwindled in extent from the difficulty of its excavation as well as from -the general restriction of this space in Nubian monuments compared with -those of Central Egypt. The innermost chambers of the holy of holies are -not only as small as those of the free-standing temples, but are reduced -in number. - -[Illustration: Fig. 25.--Hall of the Rock-cut Temple of Abou-Simbel.] - -The second rock-cut temple of Abou-Simbel, situated near the one -described, is of smaller dimensions. It has upright colossal statues -upon the front, which, instead of being cut in the round, have more the -effect of reliefs from the fact that they stand in niches, a difference -arising from the greater steepness of the cliff at this point. The -treatment appears rational in consideration of the smaller amount of -material thereby removed, though the unmonumental effect of the reliefs, -which lean with the inclination of the wall, is an unfortunate result of -this economy. The first hall, analogous to the temple court, has its -ceiling supported by six piers, which are decorated upon the side -towards the central aisle by Athor masks. Three entrances lead from this -hall into a narrow space, here entirely at variance with the character -of a hypostyle, and through this into the holy of holies. -Notwithstanding the contraction of the two inner departments, the three -principal divisions of the free-standing buildings can be recognized in -all rock-cut temples. - -[Illustration: Fig. 26.--Interior of a House. Egyptian Wall-painting.] - -The existing ruins allow a comparatively clear understanding of the -religious architecture of Egypt, in which class the monumental tombs -must be reckoned as well as the various forms of temples; but we are -left almost entirely uninstructed as to the nature of the private -dwellings. The plan of the cloisters within the great temple of Carnac -(compare _Fig._ 20.) is indeed clear, though, being only a portion of a -larger scheme, it had no individual or exterior expression. The manner -in which these spaces were roofed and lighted is not evident. - -The so-called royal pavilion of Medinet-Abou is a complete puzzle in its -development of plan and assumed connection with other structures; it can -only be held to prove that some private buildings were of several -stories. Other peculiarities here noticeable are windows framed by -lintels and jambs of enormous blocks, and rounded battlements above a -projecting cornice. - -Egyptian sculptures and wall-paintings often represent the interiors of -well-to-do private houses and of palaces; they show the plans of -dwellings and adjoining vegetable-gardens so well that the very products -of the latter can be distinguished; but, though these plans designate -the separate rooms and their entrances, it is still impossible to -comprehend the general arrangement of a normal house, or its exterior -appearance. The views of the interiors, with their slim columns and -narrow entablatures, with a system of perspective which shows things -above one another instead of behind one another, with their evident -misrepresentations and constructive impossibilities, must have stood in -very much the same relation to the Egyptian reality as the fictitious -architecture of the Pompeian wall-decorations does to the buildings of -the Greeks and Romans. The architectural details introduced by the -painter served only as a frame for the figures or for the contents of -the store-rooms which he represented. - -It may be concluded that, when private dwellings were more pretentious -than the single room necessary to provide the most imperative shelter, -columns were not excluded from them; and, from the absence of any -remains of these supports, it is probable they were of wood. The ruins -and rubbish of sun-dried bricks, which compose the overthrown cities -hitherto excavated, show that the great majority of dwellings were no -more than low hovels. - -Even palaces seldom went beyond a series of small chambers, and thus did -not present an important architectural problem. This is illustrated by -the gigantic labyrinth, famed in so many fables of antiquity, and -somewhat known by the excavations of Lepsius in the Fayoum. (_Fig._ 27.) -A great number of small chambers are here grouped in three rectangular -wings around an oblong space, which was probably divided into several -courts. The walls remaining do not show that geometrical regularity of -arrangement described by Herodotos, Strabo, Diodoros, and Pliny, but a -really labyrinthic aggregate of small chambers, the destination of which -is not clear. The pyramid which closes the fourth side of the square is -alone of monumental importance. It seems possible that, instead of one -or more palaces, we have here the remains of some city. It is certainly -wrong to connect the work with the Dodecarchia (twenty-sixth dynasty, -685 to 525 B.C.): the twelve pretenders would hardly have united to -erect a common monument. In the list of Manetho, Amenophis III., the -sixth king of the twelfth dynasty, is mentioned as the founder, a notice -corroborated by inscriptions discovered on the site. - -[Illustration: Fig. 27.--Labyrinth of the Fayoum.] - -That the private buildings were so unimportant in comparison with the -religious architecture of Egypt is explained by the excessive -subjugation of the people to a monastic ritual, and by the favorable -character of the Egyptian climate. It is necessity that prompts -invention, and Egypt, with its ever-cloudless sky and constant -temperature, required no protection against the inclemency of the -weather; the climate did not force man to spend his days within doors, -nor did it destroy the lightest shelter. In the absence of rain, the -most primitive horizontal ceiling was sufficient. According to the -religious conceptions of the Egyptian, it was more important for him to -prepare a permanent house for his death-sleep--he had more at heart the -protection of his corpse than of his living body. Thus thousands of -graves have been preserved, while science cannot find a single dwelling -remaining to betray even the general character of Egyptian domestic -architecture. To these considerations it must be added that the -dwellings stood in the valley of the Nile, and have been subjected to -annual inundations which have formed a considerable alluvial deposit, -while the graves were almost without exception situated upon the -changeless cliffs that border on the desert. - - * * * * * - -The architecture of Egypt was practised in a manner to show almost no -historical development--with the sculpture this is the case in still -greater degree. The most ancient carved remains, which with reasonable -security may be assigned to the fifth dynasty, show the formal system, -retained during the subsequent twenty centuries, as already perfected. -Even at that early date the network of lines, which the Egyptian -sculptors (more as mechanics than as artists) followed down to the time -of the Ptolemies, was already calculated and introduced as a canon. - -Besides figures of the gods, the sculpture of Egypt is rich in the -images of kings, queens, and prominent subjects; and in such portraits -the observation of the living model, of the peculiarities of character -which lead to the differences of exterior appearance, would seem to be a -natural consequence. But as the individual disappeared in the mass of -the Egyptian people, so the appreciation of individuality was almost -wholly lacking in the Egyptian artist. Sculptors and painters worked -without the least desire for pre-eminence in ability and distinction, -without thought of perpetuating their names, and the work they produced -expressed these faults. As Brunn truly remarks, we can look upon whole -rows of Egyptian sculptures without a question ever arising in our minds -as to the authorship of this or that work, without observing that one is -superior to the others, or that any were much above manufactures. The -work became what the artist felt himself personally to be--a mere link -in a monotonous chain. The result of this is that the statues generally -represent an entirely abstract human being--not an absolute ideal, for -that can hardly be said to exist in any art, but a type of the Egyptian -race, well understood and unalterably repeated. As soon as the art had -to a certain degree mastered the normal appearance of the human body, it -contented itself therewith and came to a standstill. The peculiarities -in the living model or in the attributed characters of the deities were -rarely considered by the artist, who only distinguished by attributes -what should be otherwise expressed; he did not attempt to show the -effect of the mind upon the outer being, and thus to give to sculpture -its true importance. - -[Illustration: Egyptian Profile. Fig. 28. Greek Profile.] - -The description of single Egyptian works is consequently almost the same -as the consideration of the entire sculpture and painting of the -land--the more so as the artist not only employed generally one and the -same conventional figure, but in position and movement mainly alternated -between two types. The statues are, with a few exceptions, either -sitting or in an act between standing and stepping, which does not -appear to be an advance, because the feet are too near together; both -soles being flat upon the ground, the centre of gravity falls between -the two legs, almost more upon the one behind than upon the one before. -A figure seems to move only when the body, advanced before the centre of -its two supports, throws the greatest part of its weight upon the -forward leg, and thus relieves the hinder foot, which, with uplifted -heel, touches the ground with the toes, in readiness to be removed. Both -sitting and standing statues have the arms pressed closely to the -body--the former with bent elbows and hands resting flat upon the knees, -the latter with arms hanging straightly and stiffly, the hands holding -the so-called Nile key; or folded upon the breast, the hands grasping -attributes, crook and plough or whip. Individual action is in every case -excluded. If the formation of the body be more closely examined, the -following peculiarities are remarkable: The head, as the comparison of -it with a Greek type at _Fig._ 28. shows, deviates so greatly from the -normal oval that it could almost be drawn within a square, the principal -line of the face being about parallel to the back of the head, as is the -flat outline of the top of the skull to the line from the chin to the -neck. The general directions of the eye, the mouth, and the ear are not -perpendicular to the sides of the parallelogram, inclining too markedly -upward; the comparatively large ear is placed half as high again from -the throat as it should be. These deviations are in some measure -explained by the peculiarities of race characteristic of the Orientals, -and especially of the Egyptians--by the different formation of the skull -and position of the eye. The forehead is almost straight, being on a -line with the upper lip; and, as it recedes from the nose, does not -project at all. It is rendered still more unimportant by the curved -ridge of the brows lacking decision, and the eye itself wanting in -depth. The eye has remained in the rough condition of a primitive -imitation of nature--thick strips surround it in place of lids, and -continue, the upper overlapping the under, beyond its exterior angle -towards the ear. The gently curved, round, broad nose projects but -little over the upper lip, which, instead of preparing the close of the -oval towards the chin, is pushed forward like the lower lip, upward and -outward. The closed, sensually broad lips are sharply outlined. The -corners of the mouth, slightly drawn upward, give, with the similar -inclination of the angles of the eyes, a certain expression of smiling -sarcasm not intended by the designer, and consequently cold and stiff. -The chin is flat and pointed in profile, the line from it to the short -and thin neck almost straight. - -Such is the type that was retained through thousands of years, so -unchangeably that even the sexes are scarcely to be distinguished by the -heads. Male figures often have a kind of chin beard, cut at right -angles, and bound on with ribbons which can sometimes be distinctly -traced. The heads, and through them the whole figures, are characterized -by head-dresses, referable to one fundamental form--the pshent, a high -cap like a tiara; but they have been so modified from their prototype -that the _Description de l’Égypte_, pl. 115, shows thirty distinct -varieties. - -[Illustration: Fig. 29.--Husband and Wife. (Munich Glyptothek.)] - -The deities are frequently recognizable by the heads of animals--of a -lion, ram, cow, ape, jackal, crocodile, hawk, or ibis, as the case may -be. The worship of nature, peculiar to Egypt, found a better expression -in these symbols than in the monotonous representations of man, in -marked contrast to the incorporation of Hellenic myths, where, in the -monstrous conjunction of human and animal forms, the human head was -rarely given up, it being more generally placed upon the body of an -animal. - -The figure, as accepted by the Egyptian designer, was, to the smallest -details, drawn according to a network of lines. Diodorus states it to -have had 21¼ units in height, the unit being probably the length of the -nose. The shoulders are drawn upward, and, like the flat breast, are -broad; the hips, on the contrary, are narrow and weakly modelled: they -are girded with a cloth which appears carefully folded and adjusted, -but, with all its tightness, does not fit the forms of the body. When -upon sitting figures, this cloth often stands out as stiffly and -straightly as if carved of wood, giving no indication of the true nature -of its material. The lean arms are muscular, dry, and hard; the hands -are rendered clumsy by the equally thick and almost equally long -fingers. The legs are not powerful, and rather slim, indicating great -elasticity, and, like all other parts of the body, the ability to endure -great exertion. The knees are sharp and drawn with anatomical -understanding; the feet are narrow and long, as are also the toes, -which, lying in their entire length upon the ground, do not greatly -differ in dimensions and form. In female figures the breasts are fully -developed, the nipples being formed like a rosette; a closely fitting -gown reaches from the broad neck-ornament, common with both sexes, to -the ankles, but, being represented without reference to the material and -without the most necessary folds, appears so elastic that its existence -is only surely to be perceived at the borders. - -[Illustration: Fig. 30.--The Schoolmaster of Boulac.] - -The most ancient sculptures and the later works of Nubia are somewhat -heavy and full, those of the best period (the time of Ramses) more slim -and elastic. After the fifth century B.C. the figures become better -modelled, and a certain influence of Greek sculpture is betrayed. But -the ancient type remained in the chief characteristics unchanged until -the end of the Ptolemaic dynasties, and even to the later ages of the -Roman Empire. Those works of Greek and Roman sculptors, so popular -during the age of Hadrian, which borrowed the costume and position of -Egyptian statues while having nothing else in common with Egyptian art -(such, for instance, as the numerous figures of Antinous to be found in -almost all the larger museums), must not be classed with the truly -national works executed in Egypt and for that country. - -The monotony of Egyptian sculpture was not without some exceptions. Less -pretentious works, where the necessity of canonic idealization seems not -to have been so imperative--as in the well-fed form of the so-called -schoolmaster in the museum of Boulac (_Fig._ 30.), which shows not only -in the head, but in the entire body, an undeniable portrait--make it -questionable whether the conventionalized representations may not be -more owing to the restraint of religious authority and tradition, to the -hieratic laws which exercised so complete a sway over the life of the -country in every respect, than to any absolute incapability of the -Egyptian artist for individual characterization. - -[Illustration: Fig. 31.--Lion of Reddish Granite. (British Museum.)] - -Egyptian sculpture, thus under the ban of religious conservatism, always -dealt more successfully with the forms of animals than with human beings -and deities. In hunting scenes there is wonderful spirit and character -in the drawing of the dogs, and of the animals which they attack. The -artist attained an elastic and life-like force in the representation of -all animal forms, even when these were compelled into monstrous -combinations with human members. The most common of the latter are the -androsphinxes, which differ from the Greek sphinx in being male--having -the head and breast of a man and the body of a crouching lion. At times -the human head is supplanted by that of a ram or hawk. Rams were also -treated as sphinxes, especially before the temples of Ammon and Kneph. -The most important androsphinx is the well-known colossus of Gizeh with -the head of Thothmes IV. The heads of the sphinxes seem usually to have -been portraits of kings. This gigantic guardian of the necropolis of -Memphis, the most enormous monumental figure of the world, with space -between the outstretched front legs for a chapel there built, is now -again buried to the neck by the shifting sand of the pyramid plateau -after having been excavated with great labor. Its face alone is 12.2 m. -long. But it is in cases where the entire lion is represented without -deformation that Egyptian sculpture attains its greatest perfection. -(_Fig._ 31.) - -A great majority of the Egyptian works of sculpture were cut with -marvellous patience in the hardest materials, in variously colored -granite, diorite, syenite, and basalt. Limestone and alabaster were -rarely employed for colossal or life-size statues, but were used more -frequently for works of smaller dimensions; these were also burned in -clay with a surface of blue or green glazing, or were cut in more -valuable stones, such as agate, jasper, carnelian, and lapis-lazuli. -Enamelled clay idols were manufactured in great numbers; modern museums -contain hundreds of these little figures of perfectly similar form. The -so-called scarabæus is also very common--beetle-shaped bodies of clay, -or of the above-named stones--with incised figures or hieroglyphics upon -their lower surface. Such amulets were perforated and worn as beads, and -were placed loosely in the coffins with the mummies. - -The artistic manufacture of colored glass was extensive. Fine metal-work -was less common, although ornaments of enamelled gold, silver, and -copper of high artistic value have occasionally been found. Wood-carving -was practised upon the mummy-coffins. Although the valley of the Nile -did not produce large pieces of a satisfactory material, this lack was -supplied by gluing together layers of palm or sycamore wood, and hiding -the defects of this process by a painted priming of stucco. The coffins -themselves are in so far works of sculpture as they represent upon the -cover the form of the swathed body placed within them, and even show the -face as exposed. - -The sculpture of reliefs was less developed and less correct than of -the round. As the relief was always very low, and could not express the -greater projections, the artist’s desire to represent the human body -clearly and completely led to an unfortunate conflict between the -profile and front view of the figure. While mostly drawn in profile, and -showing particularly the head and legs in side view, which is the more -favorable for representation in low-relief, the shoulders and breast are -developed in the other direction, and are seen as from in front. It is -only in this position that both arms are visible--an important -consideration to the artist, whose object was solely to represent some -action or attributes. It was also felt as a difficulty that in a relief -of the side view the visible shoulder should project farther than any -other part of the body, the breadth of the breast and arms being more -than double that of the head. The primitive designer, to avoid these -objections, resorted to a forced and clumsy torsion of the body, which -may be noticed in the childhood of almost every art--in the Assyrian as -well as in the most ancient Greek. The head, with exception of the eye, -which was represented as in front, was taken in profile; shoulders and -breast from in front, but arms and hands, as well as hips, legs, and -feet, in profile again. The lower the relief, the less could the surface -be modelled, and this led to a sharp demarcation of the outline, which -exaggerated the peculiar leanness of the Egyptian race to a hard -angularity. - -[Illustration: Fig. 32.--Sculptural Work. Egyptian Wall-painting.] - -The relief is a transitional stage between sculpture and painting; it -works upon a more or less flat surface, seeks its chief effect in -outline, and lends itself readily to the heightening of color. The most -common Egyptian relief, which has been termed coilanaglyphic, being -hollowed out, stands even nearer to painting than to sculpture. In real -reliefs the surface is so cut away as to leave the figures embossed; but -here the forms do not rise above the background, and the original plane -remains untouched: the sculptor contented himself with firmly incising -the outlines, and slightly rounding the forms of the body within them. -This incised outline is clearly seen only by sharp side light, but it -has the advantage of protecting the borders of the figures and thus -securing the indestructibility of the representation. In other respects -the coilanaglyphics are nothing else than paintings, the space within -the carved outlines being colored in the same manner as are all Egyptian -wall decorations. The limits of the latter art were thus greatly -extended, for all temples were covered with such colored -coilanaglyphics, while the stuccoed sides of rock-cut tombs and of brick -masonry were richly ornamented by paintings. - -[Illustration: Fig. 33.--Lance-maker. Egyptian Wall-painting.] - -The number of ancient painted decorations which have been preserved is -very great, notwithstanding their age and the perishable nature of all -pigments exposed to air and light. The subjects represented and often -repeated are, for the greater part, religious scenes, which share the -monotony of the strict Egyptian ritual, though often allowing an -interesting insight into the customs of interment, the transport of -mummies by the processional boat, the sacred dances and sacrifices. -Representations of profane scenes are more varied and are exceedingly -interesting; the technicalities of Egyptian art are shown by the cutting -of a monolithic palm-column, the polishing of a granite chapel, the -painting of walls, the writing of hieroglyphics upon tablets and -papyrus, the carving and painting of sphinxes and statues (_Fig._ 32.), -the transport of a colossal figure upon a sledge (_Fig._ 7.), the making -of bricks and walling of brick masonry, the interior of houses (_Fig._ -26.), even the plans of dwellings and gardens. Besides numerous tools -and the products of manufacturing trades, there may be recognized upon -these paintings weavers, rope-makers, the preparers of paper and of -linen cloth, ship-builders, carpenters with hand-saw and auger, and the -cutters of bows and lances (_Fig._ 33.), who employ adzes quite similar -to those still in use. Commerce on land and sea is represented by wares, -unpacked or in bales, by scales, various kinds of wagons and trading -vessels, etc., all shown in the clearest manner possible. Ploughs, -sowing and harvesting, the gathering of figs and grapes, the pressing of -oil and wine, illustrate the condition of agriculture; while the -especial ability of the Egyptians for animal representations is -exercised in the hunting scenes of lions, tigers, buffaloes, jackals, -and gazelles; by the snaring of birds and fishes in nets, as well as by -the admirably characterized figures of apes, porcupines, etc. There are -also historical paintings, great battle scenes, the storming of cities, -and the triumph of the returning victors, who bring with them booty and -prisoners, the nationality of whom is often readily distinguishable by -peculiarities of physiognomy and costume. (_Fig._ 34.) The Egyptian -kings appear of superhuman size, either fighting from splendid -war-chariots, or striding forward to sacrifice their kneeling enemies, a -dozen of whom, seized at once by the hair, are decapitated at a blow. - -[Illustration: Fig. 34.--Prisoners of Different Nationalities. Egyptian -Wall-painting.] - -Extended and varied as these Egyptian representations were, and -instructive as that which through their agency has been preserved now -is, it yet must be confessed that the painting was more a conventional -picture-writing than an art. The seven colors used--red, blue, brown, -yellow, green, black, and white--are, as a rule, applied simply, without -mixture or variation, and without much reference to the appearance of -nature. At least, it is very rarely that any striving after natural -effect is to be noticed; that, for instance, the skin of a negress -appears bluish-gray through a partially transparent white drapery, or -that the typical red-brown complexion of an Egyptian, under similar -conditions, is of a broken yellow. Within the sharply drawn outlines the -colors are flat and without any modification by light and shade, upon -the changing effects of which all pictorial illusion is based. This -illusion is the fundamental principle of painting, the aim of which is -to render the appearance of objects. It being here entirely lacking, we -cannot properly speak of an art of painting in Egypt, or, indeed, in -antiquity at all, before the time of Polygnotos. Egyptian paintings are -entirely of the nature of ornament; the representation of human beings -is conventionalized in the same manner as are floral ornaments,--while -imitated to a certain degree from nature, it is simplified according to -the requirements of decorative laws. The actions shown are all without -truth and life. The beauty of decoration demands a certain harmony in -the choice of colors, which is there unfettered; in Egyptian paintings -this is sought and attained at the cost of truth to nature. It was not -distasteful to the Egyptian to see the same figure repeated a dozen -times in absolute similarity, for an ornament can always bear -repetition. - -To these considerations must be added a marked peculiarity of Egyptian -painting. Although the art had been restricted to the portrayal of -merely exterior actions, even this end could hardly have been attained -without the complement of a written explanation, which was here so -adjoined as to harmonize with the figures in composition and even in -color. This conjunction is far more intimate than is that of picture and -text in an illustrated chronicle: the hieroglyphic writing and the -painting are closely allied in character. It was only a step from the -one to the other, and their limits are sometimes hardly distinguishable, -especially in the stucco paintings of the mummy-coffins and the pen and -brush drawings upon papyrus manuscripts, where the carelessness of the -execution increases the similarity. The hieroglyphic inscriptions might -even be considered as the extreme consequence of the hieratically -conventionalized pictures. - -The painting of Egypt existed unchanged for a period of more than two -thousand years, with a stability unequalled in the other civilizations -of the world. It was perhaps not quite so extensively employed in the -ancient kingdom as in later times: paintings can be dated as far back as -the third dynasty (3338 to 3124 B.C., according to Lepsius), but they -were restricted to interior decoration. The walls of the pyramids were -unadorned by color. After the practice of art had been greatly limited -by the invasion of the Hycsos (from the thirteenth to the seventeenth -dynasty, 2136 to 1591 B.C.), it arose with new vigor at the advent of -the modern kingdom, especially during the eighteenth and nineteenth -dynasties, when the architecture which flourished at Thebes offered a -wide field for painted decorations. From that time the walls lost their -bareness, and richly colored ornaments were employed even upon the -exterior, enlivening the dead and heavy character of Egyptian building -and somewhat supplying the deficiency of its exterior development. - -The art of Egypt attained its greatest elaboration--not, indeed, without -some loss of national character--in the time of Alexander and the -Ptolemies (332 to 30 B.C.), when Hellenic influence broke through the -sombre massiveness of the unmembered walls and applied the brilliant -decoration of colored columns to the exterior. - -But, delightful as the island of Philæ appears because of these changes, -it yet marks the commencing decline of Egyptian art, with the negation -of the serious and mystical peculiarities of the land. The excellence of -Egyptian technical processes could only delay the utter exhaustion and -extinction of their art until the time of the later Roman empire. - -[Illustration: Fig. 35.--Assyrian Shrines. Relief from Corsabad.] - - - - -CHALDÆA, BABYLONIA, AND ASSYRIA. - - -The traditional culture of the land of the Euphrates and Tigris is not -younger than that of the Nile. Though the third dynasty (commencing, -according to Berosos, with the twenty-third century B.C.) is the first -of which we have monumental remains, it cannot be denied that long -before that time an important people had inhabited the country, a nation -very different from the nomadic hordes which then, as to-day, roved -through the neighboring deserts. Several races of antiquity were -conscious that the most primitive people of civilization had lived in -the land of the two streams. The Jews considered that to have been their -original home. The Patriarch Abraham had emigrated from Chaldæan Ur to -Canaan. The Greek legend of Deucalion points to the history of -Mesopotamia in the same manner as does the Jewish myth of the Deluge; -the oldest Greek knowledge of astronomy, astrology, and the calculation -of time seems to have been derived from the same source. The tale of the -division of the nations in Babel, and their spreading over the face of -the earth from that point, is certainly based upon the existence of a -most ancient centre of civilization upon the banks of the Euphrates. - -[Illustration: Fig. 36.--Temple of Mugheir (Ur).] - -The land offered no materials for monuments which, like those of Egypt, -could stand uninjured through thousands of years. The narrow valley of -the Nile is enclosed by the cliffs of the desert border, which seemed -directly to encourage, by the excellence of the building-stone there -procured, the erection of immense and indestructible works. The plain of -Mesopotamia, on the other hand, spread far beyond the courses of the two -streams, losing itself in deserts without any line of eminences as a -demarcation. The remote mountains offered no quarries at all comparable -to those of Egypt. The soil was of good clay for the manufacture of -bricks, but fuel was lacking with which to burn and harden them. The -inhabitants of the land were generally obliged to content themselves -with drying the clay in the sun, making up by the great thickness of the -masonry for the firmness lacking to the material. They further -strengthened the massive walls with a facing, or with buttress-like -piers of burnt brick, or solidified the interior with alternate courses -of this harder substance. The bitumen which still flows at Hit, on the -Euphrates, north of Bagdad at the southern border of the higher alluvial -terrace of Assyria, was an excellent substance for cementing the bricks; -in more important works it was used alternately with lime-mortar: in -common buildings, or in the interior of the thickest walls, clay kneaded -with straw answered the purpose of a cement. - -It is natural that little should now remain of such structures. They -could only survive the thousands of years that have elapsed since their -building, when an immense thickness secured at least the kernel of the -wall, or when the ruins of other buildings early covered and protected -them. The remains of ancient Chaldæa are generally nothing more than -formless heaps of rubbish, many of which have not yet been opened. -Taylor, Loftus, and their predecessors, Ainsworth, Chesney, and Layard, -discovered the ruins of over thirty cities in the lower half of the -Mesopotamian plain. Of these, Mugheir (the ancient Ur), Warka (Erech), -Niffer (Nipur), and Abou-Sharein offered the most important remains of -great age; while the ruins of Sura, Tel Sifr, Calvadha, and Ackercuf are -mainly of the later Chaldæan period. - -[Illustration: Fig. 37.--Ruins of Warka.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 38.--Patterned Wall. Warka.] - -Recognizable among the rubbish-hills of Mugheir are the remains of a -terrace which consisted of two oblong steps, the lowest measuring 60.35 -by 40.54 m. in length and breadth, and about 12 m. in height, standing -upon a platform raised 6 m. above the surrounding country. The greater -part of this is overthrown and buried beneath its own material. The -kernel of the solid structure is of sun-dried bricks; the facing, which -is divided by buttresses, being of burnt brick cemented with bitumen. -The whole is perforated by numerous small air-channels. The second step -is only about half preserved, and that which it must once have supported -has entirely disappeared. A remarkable inscription, repeated upon the -four corners of the upper terrace, explained the purpose of the -structure and the time of its erection. According to Sir H. Rawlinson’s -interpretation of the cuneiform legend, this was dedicated to the deity -Sin (Hurki) as a temple, and was first founded by King Urukh (about 2230 -B.C.). The name of the spot is given as Ur, a city known from Biblical -tradition. The inscriptions were not, however, contemporaneous with the -foundation of the building, for, after giving a long line of kings, they -at last name Nabonetos, the last King of Babylon, as the restorer of the -temple--a fact which is further attested by the bricks themselves, those -of the lower terrace having the name of Urukh, those of the upper of -Nabonetos. The temple remains of Warka and of Abou-Sharein unite with -these ruins of Mugheir to show that the Chaldæan temple consisted of a -simple and massive terrace of few steps, crowned, without doubt, by a -chapel, which must be supposed richly decorated with colors and gold -ornaments from the fragments of agate, alabaster, and fine marbles, of -gold-plating and gilded nails, found in Abou-Sharein, and from the blue -enamelled clay tiles of Mugheir. The sides of the great steps were -either plainly buttressed or treated with projections, as is the case -with the terrace wall of a palace at Warka, shown by _Fig._ 37. There -was here a complicated system of reeded projections and stepped -incisions--cylinders and prisms which cannot be called pilasters, as -they were without capitals, and probably also without base-mouldings. -Another ruin of Warka (_Fig._ 38) has a colored wall-facing, made by -driving conical pegs of terra-cotta about 0.1 m. long into the clay, so -that the red, black, and whitish base surfaces form different patterns. -This ruin is further interesting as giving some insight into the private -architecture of the Chaldæans. Rooms were there found separated from one -another by walls fully as thick as the enclosed spaces themselves were -broad--a clumsy heaviness which shows what massive masonry the poor -crumbling material necessitated. The existing remains suggest so -strongly the arrangement of the later Assyrian palaces that there can be -but little doubt that they, in some degree, served as a model for these -latter; although the palace wall, with its revetment of alabaster, might -be erected with less thickness. No trace of window-like openings can be -observed in the ruins of Warka or in those of Abou-Sharein. - -[Illustration: Fig. 39.--Tomb of Mugheir.] - -The principle of the arch, though not extensively employed, was well -understood and occasionally introduced in Assyria. From a small -grave-chamber discovered at Mugheir, we may conclude that it was not -known in the ancient Chaldæan period. The roofing was then effected by a -gradual projection of the horizontal courses of bricks until the -opposite sides nearly touched each other at the top of the gable thus -formed. (_Fig._ 39.) It may perhaps be assumed that this manner of -covering by the so-called false arch and vault was only employed for -very narrow spaces, while larger rooms were more naturally ceiled by -wooden beams. The ruins of Warka, though they do not give a very clear -understanding of the fortifications of ancient Chaldæa, at least show -that the city walls were not necessarily square, as had been concluded -from the testimony of ancient writers, but, as in this case, followed -the irregular outline of the city. - -The political history of Chaldæa was from the earliest times greatly -disturbed by internal divisions. At first the city Nipur, celebrated for -its worship of Bel, appears to have been the most important place, at -least of Southern Chaldæa. To this followed Ur or Hur, the city -worshipping Hurki or Sin, then Nisin or Carrac, and, finally, Larsa, the -present Senkereh. Upper Chaldæan Babylon, originally Ca-dimirra, does -not seem to have become the only capital until the age of King -Cammurabi, about 1500 B.C. A hundred years later Northern Mesopotamia, -Assyria, began to gain predominance, and in the thirteenth century B.C. -Babylon was conquered (for the first time?) by Tiglathi-Nin, a son of -King Salmaneser of Assyria. Chaldæa soon regained its independence, but -only to fall again into the power of the conqueror Tiglath-Pileser, and -to remain for five centuries subjugated to Nineveh. The attempts to -throw off this yoke of Assyrian authority were in vain; even the -uprising under the bold Merodach-Baladan, 731 B.C., was not of long -duration, and finally led to the depopulation and total destruction of -the prominent Chaldæan cities by Sennacherib. The Assyrian Esar-haddon -rebuilt Babylon; but it did not recover its ancient importance until the -Satrap Nabopolassar revolted from his allegiance, and, with the help of -the Medes, made an end of the kingdom of Nineveh; and until his son -Nebuchadnezzar, after the fall of Jerusalem in 587 B.C., reduced even -distant Egypt to vassalage, thus taking into possession the full -heritage of the Assyrian empire in both south and west. - -[Illustration: Fig. 40.--Bors-Nimrud. Temple-terrace of Borsippa.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 41.--Plan and Elevation of the Temple at Borsippa. -(From Oppert’s Measurements.)] - -Though the subjugation of the land by Assyria had not been without -effect upon the civilization of Chaldæa, the general character of -Babylonian art remained much the same through all these political -changes. The last king, Nabonetos, could complete the temple of Ur, -which Urukh had founded seventeen centuries before, as though there had -been no interruption in the work. The terraced ruins show that there was -no great difference in the architectural treatment of ages so removed. -Other city ruins show such an intermixture of ancient Chaldæan and -Babylonian walls that their date can be determined only by inscriptions -or by stamps upon the bricks. The earlier remains are predominant in -Mugheir, Warka, and Abou-Sharein; but the later capital of the country, -Babylon, the city of Nebuchadnezzar, is known almost exclusively by the -imposing structures of the modern kingdom. Greek antiquity, up to the -time of Alexander, was acquainted with this city of wonders only by -fables. Even the explicit description of Herodotos is in great degree -mythical, especially his astonishing account of the city walls: 480 -stadia (96.557 m.) in length, 200 ells (100 m.) high, and 50 ells (25 -m.) broad. The ruins have also proved the account of the famed hundred -gates of the city walls, and the square network of straight streets -which ran from these, to be hyperbolical. Such immense masses of masonry -would, as Layard has maintained, certainly have left heaps of rubbish; -and, in fact, the ruins of a much smaller city enclosure have been -traced. The irregular orientation of the palace plan is also -incompatible with the conception that the city was divided up into -squares with the regularity of a chess-board. The traditional account -that the enormous terraced temple of Bel was built on the borders of the -stream opposite the palace structures is certainly incorrect; for, while -these latter are still represented by extensive brick ruins, there is -not a trace upon the other bank, the supposed site, of massive terraces -which could not possibly have so entirely disappeared. Nor could the -stream have swept away so colossal a building; for a little north of -Hillah, in the immediate vicinity of the spot where Herodotos describes -the temple of Bel, there have been found the remains of a small Mylitta -temple, which would have offered almost no resistance to an inundation. -Yet Herodotos undoubtedly related, besides his fables, much that was -correct about Babylon. His account of the temple of Bel seems only -questionable in so far as the site is concerned; the rest of his -description agrees perfectly with ruins which have been found about -eleven kilometers westward, and are known by the name Bors-Nimrud. -(_Fig._ 40.) The temple thus could not have belonged to the city proper -of Babylon; and inscriptions mention the place as Borsippa, spoken of by -Greek writers as a separate town, which could at best be regarded as a -distant suburb of the extended Babylon. The immense hill of rubbish -standing entirely isolated in the desert has a lower circumference of -685 m. This dimension agrees tolerably well with the six stadia given by -Herodotos as the measure of the first step of the terraced pyramid. The -regularly diminished seven steps, the “towers” of Herodotos, 7.5 m. -high, reaching altogether a total altitude of 75 m., rose from a square -substructure with a side of two stadia (180 m.) and a height of 22.5 m. -The diagonals of these different terraces were not directly above one -another, the steps being 9 m. broad in front and only 3.9 m. broad -behind, while the sides were equal--6.3 m. This peculiarity of the ruin -agrees with the flights of stairs described by Herodotos, which, -notwithstanding the analogy of the palace temple of Kisr-Sargon, may -here naturally be supposed to have been upon the front, where the -terraces were sufficiently broad for this purpose. _Fig._ 41 is an -attempt to restore the chief lines of the structure by means of the -dimensions given by Oppert. Upon the summit of this terraced pyramid -stood the necessarily small temple, which, according to Herodotos, -contained a spacious couch and a golden table, but no statue of the -deity. The sides of the terraces are directed to the cardinal points of -the compass, as was the case also with the ancient Chaldæan temple of -Ur; and, as at Ur, inscribed cylinders were here walled in at the -angles. These relate that Nebuchadnezzar had magnificently completed -the structure--“the temple-pyramid of the seven spheres, the wonder of -Borsippa,” begun by a former king. Rawlinson and Oppert have concluded, -from the remains of glazed bricks of different colors, that each of the -seven terraces was dedicated to one of the seven planets of the -ancients, and was characterized by its color--the upper, gold; the -second, silver; the next, red, blue, yellow, white; and the lowest, -black--according to the hues assigned to the sun, the moon, Mars, -Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn. The lowest terrace has a panelled -architectural treatment similar to that noticed in the ruins at Warka -and the palace temple at Kisr-Sargon. It is probable that these high -terraces in the flat plains of Mesopotamia were elevations which served -the Chaldæan astronomers for their celebrated observatories, as the -pylons of temples upon the banks of the Nile were similarly used by the -Egyptian priests. As Strabo speaks especially of an astronomical school -at Borsippa, there can be little doubt that it was in some way connected -with the terraced pyramid of the seven spheres. - -The ruins of Hillah, Casr, Mudjelibeh, and Jumjuma give even less -information concerning the palace buildings than the hill of Bors-Nimrud -does concerning the form of the Chaldæan temple. These masses of masonry -have for centuries served as quarries, and, as far distant as Bagdad, -bricks, bearing the stamp of Nebuchadnezzar, betray that the material -has been transported from the ruins of Babylon. Though the supply is by -no means exhausted, this excavation has rendered much unrecognizable, -and has so greatly increased the destruction that Layard held it -impossible to discover a clew to the plan of the palace structure in the -confusion of its overthrown and rifled rubbish. Oppert assumes the hill -of Jumjuma, or Amran-ibn-Ali, as it is called from the Mohammedan chapel -now standing upon it, to be the remains of the celebrated Hanging -Gardens known as those of Semiramis, the wonder of the ancient world. -But, plausible as his supposition is, it will hardly be possible to -prove by existing remains the correctness of the description given by -Diodoros of the Hanging Gardens, in itself more probable than the report -followed by Strabo. Diodoros speaks of the Gardens as a terraced -structure, the side of the square plan being about 120 m. in length, -with separate steps which ascended from the land side, while upon the -banks of the river a steep wall formed the back of the highest terrace, -measuring 15 m. vertically, and closing the gardens towards the water. -The steps were constructed by the help of thirteen thick parallel walls, -each being higher than the one next below it. They left between them -twelve narrow corridors, the ceilings of which, like those over Assyrian -canals, were probably vaulted, and were then covered with rushes and -bitumen, burnt brick pavements and lead sheathing, so as to bear the -stairways which connected the different terraces, the reservoirs for -cascades and fountains, and the imposed garden--earth with large trees, -etc. Pumping works in the highest of these covered corridors supplied -the garden with the necessary water from the Euphrates. - -The ruined terraces of Mudjelibeh (Babil), avoided by the Arabs as the -scene of the punishment of the fallen angels, are so completely -overthrown that it is not possible to determine whether the remains are -those of a temple or of a palace. It is probable that they had some -connection with the great pyramidal tomb of Belus, a structure which may -be assumed to have been much like the stepped pyramid of Nimrud to be -described below. The monument of Mudjelibeh was destroyed as early as -the time of Xerxes II. It has since served as a quarry for the -neighboring cities Seleucia and Ctesiphon, and has been demolished to -the lowest terrace. - -The enormous river embankments and dikes which protected Lower -Mesopotamia from flood and drought, though now only to be traced by -inconsiderable remains, are of the greatest importance and interest. The -neglect of these invaluable works, and of the sluices and irrigating -canals in connection with them, has reduced to a deserted and -pestilential swamp that most fertile land known to Herodotos--where once -a harvest of two and three hundredfold was returned to the tiller of the -soil. Though there are vestiges of some ancient bridges in the land, it -is not possible to decide whether the account given by Diodoros of the -great tunnel constructed by Semiramis be true or fabulous. - -There seems to have been no reason for the erection of such tall -edifices in the vastly extended Babylon as the three and four storied -houses described by Herodotos, and no analogy to such a peculiarity -exists in the great modern cities of the Orient. It must be remembered -in this connection that the crumbling bricks to which the Mesopotamians -were restricted would, in such high buildings, have demanded clumsily -massive substructures and lower-story walls. - -Though the ruins of Babylon have only recently been thoroughly examined, -their existence has long been known. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of -Bors-Nimrud as the Biblical Tower of Babel, and this local tradition has -been handed down to the present day. The palace ruins of the great city -have always been readily recognizable, and the one has been called -Babel, the other Casr (palace), from time immemorial. - -[Illustration: Fig. 42.--Plan of Babylon. (According to Rich.)] - -It is otherwise with the second great centre of Mesopotamia--Nineveh, -the famed capital of the kingdom of Assyria, in the upper land of the -great streams. As early as the beginning of this century, Carsten -Niebuhr expressed the conviction that the remains of the overthrown city -were to be sought among the hills of rubbish which lie opposite the -present Mosul, beyond the Tigris; but the energetic Rich, who devoted so -much time and labor to the barren ruins of Babylon, paid no attention to -the site. Nineveh had entirely disappeared, and was only traditionally -known from the Book of Jonah and from the legend of Sardanapalos. It was -during two visits to Mosul, in the years 1840 and 1842, that the eminent -English traveller and statesman Sir A. H. Layard conceived the plan of -undertaking investigations in the vicinity. He expressed his convictions -at the time to the French consul, M. P. E. Botta, and in 1843 that -gentleman commenced the excavation of the hill Coyundjic, which lay next -to Mosul. The natives, becoming aware of the nature of the search, -directed his attention to the hill of Corsabad, situated at a distance -of about twenty-five kilometers from Mosul; the excavations were removed -thither, and carried on with most gratifying results. A few days’ -digging laid bare a number of walls reveted with huge slabs of -alabaster. The wonderful sculptures in relief upon these excited -redoubled activity, and soon entire chambers of the palace structure -were freed from the overthrown rubbish which had covered it for -well-nigh three thousand years. The French government purchased the -entire village of Corsabad: in M. V. Place was provided a worthy -successor to M. Botta. The inscriptions discovered have proved the ruins -to be those of a palace founded by Sargon about 710 B.C. in the city -Kisr-Sargon or Dur-Sargina. - -In the year 1845, Layard obtained, through Sir Stratford Canning, then -ambassador to Turkey, the necessary means for the English government to -take part in the promising undertaking. He at first directed his -attention to Nimrud, a hill of ruins about a day’s journey south of -Mosul, the great size of which promised the existence of important -remains. An immense terrace platform was there found to have supported a -number of palaces, several of which were excavated, the more valuable -sculptures and other objects of interest being transported to the -British Museum. At Nimrud were discovered the most ancient and the most -modern of Assyrian buildings known--namely, the northwestern palace, -temple, and tower built by Assur-nazi-pal shortly after 885 B.C., as -well as the Temple of Assur-ebil-ili, presumably the last Assyrian king, -dating to about 610 B.C. Besides these, there were the southeastern and -central palaces built by Shalmaneser II. after 860, the latter having -been restored by Tiglath-pileser II., from 745 to 727, as Sargon -rebuilt the northwestern palace after 722; and, finally, there was the -southwestern palace of Esar-haddon, from 681 to 668 B.C. The city itself -(Calah) corresponded in grandeur and extent with the palace terrace. It -was founded by Shalmaneser, and long rivalled Nineveh, especially after -its reconstruction by Assur-nazi-pal. - -[Illustration: Fig. 43.--Plan of Nineveh.] - -It is now beyond a doubt that the chief capital of the country is buried -beneath the hills of Coyundjic and Nebbi-Jonas, the latter so called -from a Mohammedan chapel to the prophet Jonah which traditionally marks -the site of Nineveh. Both these mounds of ruins were examined by Layard. -In the southwestern palace of Coyundjic, built by Assur-bani-pal, from -668 to 626 B.C., was discovered the most extensive among these dwellings -of Oriental despots. The most elaborate of Assyrian palaces was the -northern one of this site, built by Assur-bani-pal about 640 B.C., a -monarch who devoted certain chambers of the southwestern palace, -originally erected by his grandfather, to the reception of inscribed -clay tablets--an inexhaustible wealth for the study of Assyrian history, -of which hardly a third part seems to have been recovered intact. In -Nebbi-Jonas were found traces of the palaces of Vulnirari III., from 812 -to 783; of Sennacherib, from 705 to 681; and of Esar-haddon, from 681 to -668 B.C. The line of the city walls, still recognizable among the hills -of rubbish, is shown by the plan at _Fig._ 43. These fortifications -could hardly have enclosed the entire city, and it is probable that only -the inner town, with the palaces and public buildings, was thus -protected, and that the dwelling-houses of the many inhabitants formed -suburbs which extended far around the enclosed centre, gradually losing -themselves in gardens and groves of date-trees, as is the case with -modern capitals of the East. The comparatively small walls of Babylon, -at variance with the report given by Herodotos, lead to the same -conclusion in regard to that city. - -The ruins of Calah-Shergat, situated about 100 kilometers down the -stream from Nineveh, are identified with Assur, the oldest capital of -the land, which maintained its pre-eminence until Nineveh, in the -fourteenth century B.C., became the great centre of power. Reson is -thought to be recognized in the ruins of Selamiyeh, lying between Nimrud -and Nineveh, and Erbil in Arbola. These sites have not been sufficiently -examined to be of direct importance in the history of art. - -[Illustration: Fig. 44.--Palace of Kisr-Sargon, Corsabad.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 45.--Ornamented Pavement from the Northern Palace of -Coyundjic.] - -It is plain from the ruins already mentioned that the dwellings of the -kings took the most prominent place among the creations of Assyrian -architecture. The despotic element had in Mesopotamia the same -superiority as the hierarchy in Egypt: in the former country the palace -was as much in the foreground as was the temple in the latter. In -ancient Chaldæa the two elements, and consequently the two classes of -monuments, were more equally represented. Still, in most points of view, -the relation of Chaldæan and Assyrian architecture is very close, and -the differences arose chiefly from the superior material at the -builders’ disposal in Upper Mesopotamia. The terraces of Assyria, like -those of Chaldæa, were solidly constructed of sun-dried bricks and -stamped earth, but the neighboring mountains provided stone for the -complete revetment of these masses with quarried blocks. Carefully hewn -slabs existed upon the terrace platform of Sargon’s palace, and upon the -substructure of the pyramid of Nimrud, while there was rough Cyclopean -stone-work employed in the construction of the city walls at -Kisr-Sargon. The facing of brightly glazed tiles and stucco-paintings, -universal in Chaldæa, is restricted upon Assyrian masonry of the same -brick materials to the upper part of the wall, the lower half being -sheathed and protected by sculptured slabs of alabaster. The appearance -of the whole gained greatly by this change, the revetment of reliefs in -place of the painted figures giving a more imposing and durable -character to the walls. The palace architecture of Assyria is best -exemplified by the plan of the royal dwelling of Kisr-Sargon (_Fig._ -44), the isolated position and clear disposition of which are adapted to -show the general character of these structures. The platform terrace -consisted of two divisions, the broader (P) being inside the limits of -the city fortifications, while the remainder (T) projected beyond them. -A double flight of steps (A) led to the chief portal (B), ornamented by -gigantic winged human-headed bulls, which here not only stood on the -sides of the passage itself, as at all principal entrances, but -laterally upon the front walls, within and without. These figures are -among the most characteristic creations of Assyrian art; they will be -treated more in detail in the following consideration of the sculpture -of the country. The triple gateway opened into the first and largest -enclosed court (C). Upon the left of this, one narrow passage led to the -chambers of the harem, which were ranged around six smaller courts (D to -H). Upon the right of the first enclosure were the household offices -(J), with eight courts and numerous halls, magazines, kitchens, cellars, -stables, etc. The side opposite the chief entrance was formed by the -private apartments of the monarch (M) and by the great hall of the -palace--a group of chambers not presenting its chief front to the first -court (C), with which it was connected only by subordinate -entrances--but to a second enclosure of almost equal extent (K), which -may be regarded as the chief open space of the royal dwelling. An -inclined ascent (R) led to the right wing of the inner terrace, by which -the king, approaching in a chariot or borne by attendants in a -sedan-chair, could enter his seraglio without passing the first court -(C) or the entrance to the household offices (J). The encroaching line -of the city wall (P) made it impossible for the portal to the second -court (S) to be arranged in the central axis of that enclosure; but -strict symmetry of plan was not adopted even when there were no such -obstacles. The inner apartments of the king were entered by a -magnificent triple gateway (L) from the court of the seraglio; these -were, in certain measure, regularly planned, being so grouped around a -smaller court (M) that oblong halls, as long as this was square, were -upon three of its sides. The hall upon the south opens into a number of -intricate chambers, probably used as baths, sleeping-apartments, and -rooms for the immediate body-guards of the king and for the temporary -families of the harem. Upon the north a wing was added to the building, -projecting almost to the outer border of the terrace, and dividing this -(T) into a northern and a western court. The addition was the most -richly ornamented portion of the entire palace; it was probably here -that the halls of reception were placed. The walls of other parts of the -seraglio were reveted upon their lower part with sculptured slabs of -alabaster; but this treatment was not elsewhere so freely applied, nor -was it as richly decorated as in this northwestern wing. In the first -hall, which is 35 m. long and 10 m. broad, the walls are ornamented with -continuous scenes representing, as in a procession, the homage and -punishment of prisoners-of-war. In other rooms and in smaller courts -these reliefs, divided by a band of cuneiform inscriptions, are of -smaller dimensions and less pretentious execution, though of marked -interest as forming, with their copious inscriptions, chronicles of -historical events. - -The spacious terrace at the west has in its centre an oblong hall (N), -generally supposed to be the temple or chapel of the palace, but which -may with more probability be considered as a hall of state. The scanty -remains of this structure make a sure determination of its purpose -impossible. They consist chiefly of the foundations of solid unburnt -brick masonry, faced with slabs of black basalt. The cornice of this -substructure is of gray limestone, in form much resembling the -characteristic scotia of Egyptian architecture. (_Fig._ 46.) - -A small terraced pyramid (O) at the southwest is a more remarkable -structure. Four of its steps, with their facing of white, black, orange, -and blue enamelled tiles, are still remaining. These lead, from analogy -with the pyramid of Borsippa, to the assumption of three further steps, -tiled with the red, silver, and gold assigned to the remaining planets. -The vertical panelling of the sides is somewhat similar to that of the -remains at Warka; it is not here restricted to the walls of the lower -terrace, like that upon the ruins of Mugheir and Borsippa. The square -platform at the top of the terraces, the side of which could have -measured little more than 10 m., received either an altar or a small -cella, not longer than 6 m. Ascent to the top of the pyramid was -provided by an inclined plane, which wound from step to step in a -rectangular spiral. The destination of the pyramid as the palace chapel -seems reasonably certain, from its similarity to other terraced temples -of Assyria. - -[Illustration: Fig. 46.--Cornice of the Temple Substructure at -Corsabad.] - -The palaces hitherto discovered show the greatest freedom of detailed -arrangement. The variations among the plans may be illustrated by a -comparison of those of the northwestern palace of Nimrud (_Fig._ 47), -the palace of Esarhaddon (_Fig._ 49), and of that of Sennacherib at -Coyundjic. The methods of construction adopted for their erection are -more similar. All have walls built of burnt or unburnt brick and of -stamped clay; those of the larger chambers are reveted in their lower -half with slabs of alabaster or with brightly enamelled tiles, and -ornamented by paintings upon stucco above. All the principal halls are -so narrow in proportion to their length as to resemble corridors--a -peculiarity arising from technical difficulties of ceiling. - -[Illustration: Fig. 47.--Plan of the Northwestern Palace of Nimrud.] - -The manner of lighting and roofing adopted in Assyrian palaces is not -directly evident from the existing remains; none of the walls, the -highest of which reaches 9 m. above the ground, showing traces of any -window-like openings. Some authorities assume that all the light of the -interior was admitted through the doors. That this may, in some -instances, have been barely possible is evident from the plan of -Sargon’s palace at Corsabad (_Fig._ 44), where the principal chambers -were entered directly from the open courts, or, in exceptional -instances, were preceded by narrow ante-rooms which could not greatly -have interfered with the light. But it is plain from the plan of the -northwestern Palace of Nimrud (_Fig._ 47) that twelve chambers in such -unfavorable positions as those shown upon its eastern side could not -have received the slightest light through the two narrow passages -leading from the confined court. It is futile to deny the necessity of -light and air for the dwellings of man; and theories which suppose these -enormous spaces left in darkness, or unventilated and lighted -artificially, are certainly untenable. Other scholars are of the opinion -that light and air were procured through horizontal openings in the -ceiling and roof; but this imperfect and unpractical arrangement is -particularly ill adapted for inhabited rooms, and is rendered extremely -improbable by the fact that upon the pavements there did not exist the -slightest arrangement for leading off the water which must have fallen -upon them had the roof been an inefficient shelter. The floors were -rarely of stone slabs, like the carved fragments shown in _Fig._ 45, and -in other places the sun-dried bricks would have been rapidly reduced to -mud by the furious rain-storms of Mesopotamia. - -[Illustration: Fig. 48.--Relief from Coyundjic.] - -The present condition of the ruins, the walls of which nowhere rise to -the full height of the chambers, does not, however, exclude the -possibility of openings for light having existed just beneath the -ceiling. The form of such orifices cannot surely be determined; high -windows could not have existed, and there must have been low openings in -the top of the wall, separated by piers, between which stood small -columns, as is evident from a relief of Coyundjic, given in _Fig._ 48 to -serve as an argument for this manner of illumination. Light and air -could thus have been freely admitted, without inconvenience to the -dwellers within. The high position of the apertures, immediately under -the somewhat projecting roof, prevented the entrance of rain, and shut -off the interior from the view of those without, just as this same -manner of lighting to-day protects the harems of the East. The small -shafts, which were introduced as supports between these windows, appear -to have been the only representatives of columnar architecture in the -Assyrian palace. If columns had been used, in their customary function, -as upholders of the roof,--as members which bore an important -entablature,--some traces of these would certainly have been preserved; -their material could hardly have been more perishable than the sun-dried -brick of the walls. The entire arrangement of plan shows that their -assistance was not relied upon. The chambers were disproportionately -narrow, plainly to render it possible to cover them without the -introduction of intermediate supports. The beauty and fitness of the -corridor-like spaces were so sacrificed to this narrowness that its -universal appearance can be regarded only as a constructive necessity. -It is well illustrated by the cramped principal hall of the palace of -Esar-haddon at Nimrud (_Fig._ 49), where a greater width than that -permitted by the span of ceiling timbers was only to be obtained by the -erection of a division wall to provide a subsidiary support for the -beams. So helpless a make-shift, destroying the unity and grandeur of -the hall, could have been adopted only in entire ignorance of the -opening and supporting element of the column, apparently never -recognized in Assyria. - -[Illustration: Fig. 49.--Plan of the Palace of Esar-haddon at Nimrud.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 50.--Various Forms of Capitals and Bases, from -Assyrian Reliefs.] - -The form of the small columns, which stood in the openings allowed for -light in the upper walls, can be approximately determined from the -representations upon reliefs. The shafts were cylindrical, and probably -without flutings; they had a roundlet, or at least a projecting fillet, -at either end. The base consisted solely of a high tore, sometimes -notched upon the top, or placed upon the back of a striding lion. -(_Fig._ 50.) The most common form of the capitals was a peculiar -conjunction of two spiral scrolls, similar to a doubled Ionic capital, -with an echinos-like roundlet beneath and a stepped abacus above. It is -hardly to be doubted that this was the prototype of the Ionic capital, -although it cannot be determined from the reliefs whether a lateral roll -corresponded to the volute of the front, or whether the helix was -repeated upon all four sides, as is the case with the capitals of -Persian columns. The small scale of the representations upon reliefs, -and their careless execution, do not permit a sure understanding of any -part of the capitals. A table (_Fig._ 51) upon a relief of Coyundjic -better determines the form of the volutes; it has distinct spirals in -place of the rosettes, wrongly shown by Layard’s drawing.[D] There is -reason to suppose that the double helix was not the primitive and normal -form of the Assyrian capital, but was rather an abbreviation of the -leaved calyx so frequently met with in Phœnicia, Palestine, and -Cyprus, and that the rolled ends of the leaves, shown by two of the -examples in _Fig._ 50, originally suggested the volutes of the capital -and the various spiral forms occurring upon carved Assyrian furniture, -as in _Fig._ 81. The question will be considered more at length in the -section upon Syrian architecture. - -The columns of Assyria were employed only in this subordinate position, -and the dimensions and shape of larger enclosed spaces were dependent -upon the limited span of the wooden ceiling beams. Assyrian palaces -were, in these respects, unable to fulfil the demands of a monumental -architecture. It can only be surmised how roof and ceiling were -constructed in detail. The beams were naturally so placed as to require -the least possible length to span the clear width; the sinking in the -middle, to which the elastic trunks of palm-trees so much inclined, and -the accumulation of water in the hollow thereby formed, were thus -avoided as well as might be. The constructive details of the -roof-platform are not surely known; it is probable that a layer of clay -and earth was placed upon the beams, being rolled down compactly after -every rain. The exterior representation of roof and ceiling, the wall -entablature, may have consisted of a painted wooden sheathing, bearing -ornaments of the character displayed by the pavement. (_Fig._ 45.) It -was divided, like the Egyptian entablature, into two parts; in neither -case was there a marked distinction between roof and ceiling. The -imitations of building-fronts upon reliefs make it probable that stepped -battlements rose above the main cornice. - -[Illustration: Fig. 51.--Table upon an Assyrian Relief.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 52.--Mouth of a Channel under the Northwestern -Palace, Nimrud.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 53.--Channel under the Southeastern Palace, Nimrud.] - -The fundamental principles of vaulted construction, as of columnar -architecture, were known in Assyria, but neither the column nor the arch -was worthily recognized and developed into an important feature capable -of exercising an influence upon the extent or form of the enclosed -spaces. The palace terraces were pierced by narrow vaulted channels, -still to be traced among the ruins. This was the case with the most -ancient structure of Assyria, the northwestern palace of Nimrud. (_Fig._ -52.) Though it cannot be proved that the Assyrians were the original -inventors of the arch of wedge-shaped stones, there are certainly no -earlier instances of this manner of building known than those of that -country. Round arch barrel-vaults were not exclusively used for such -channels; an ogive appears upon the same terrace of Nimrud, in the -somewhat later southeastern palace. (_Fig._ 53.) Though the key-stone of -the latter is undeveloped, the vault is yet built upon the principle of -the Gothic pointed arch. It is not impossible that this form may have -descended in uninterrupted tradition from Mesopotamia to the Arabs, -being brought by them to Europe, where, effecting a change in the round -Romanesque arch, it exercised a decisive influence in the development of -mediæval manners of building. The bricks of these vaulted Assyrian -channels are carefully moulded to the more or less marked wedge-form -determined by the size of the arch--a greater refinement than is -practised by modern masons, who use only rectangular bricks, effecting -the curve by the wedge-shape of the mortar-joint. Yet, perfected as -vaulted construction appears in these channels, its application seems to -have been almost restricted to them; Assyrian builders hesitated to -apply vaulted ceilings to spaces of much greater span than gates and -window apertures. Reliefs show arched portals alternating with -horizontally covered openings; and in the fortification walls of -Kisr-Sargon, the city adjoining the palace-ruins of Corsabad, traces of -a barrel-vaulted entrance have been discovered where the arch, of 4.5 m. -clear, rested upon the backs of the winged monsters referred to as the -guardians of all important gateways. A vaulted corridor, considerably -less in span, will be noticed at the temple pyramid of Nimrud. Among the -numerous palace chambers remaining, only a few narrow cells show traces -of vaults; the opinion of some recent investigators, that the customary -horizontal ceilings of smaller rooms were surmounted by cupolas of -beaten earth, does not appear plausible. - -[Illustration: Fig. 54.--Restoration of an Assyrian Palace.] - -From the chief points gained by this consideration, it is evident that -the restoration given in _Fig._ 54, a variation of the reconstruction by -Layard and Fergusson, cannot greatly misrepresent the once existing -structures. The Assyrian palace was, upon the whole, a more satisfactory -building than the Egyptian temple. The outlines and masses of its -composition were grand; it was richly ornamented, perhaps even -overladen, with sculptured and colored decoration. The massive and -unpierced walls of the lower half bore a kind of open loggia, consisting -of light columns between powerful piers which were fully capable of -upholding the ceiling. The entire edifice being elevated upon a terrace, -upper stories were not necessary to secure an imposing height. The -existence of one lower story alone is indicated by the ruins; no large -staircases, or other means of ascent to an upper floor, were provided. -The apparent duplication of the stories of houses upon reliefs is owing -to a fault of perspective common to the primitive representations of all -nations: things are shown as above and upon, instead of behind and -beyond, one another. The ground-chambers, of which sixty-eight have been -counted in the Palace of Sennacherib at Coyundjic, and over two hundred -in the Palace of Sargon, were surely ample in number and extent. - -[Illustration: Fig. 55.--Terraced Pyramid. Relief from Coyundjic.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 56.--Plan and Section of the Terraced Pyramid of -Nimrud. 1. Vaulted Corridor. 2. Modern Shafts. 3. Revetment Wall of Cut -Stone. 5. Solid Brick Masonry. 6. Great Palace Terrace. 7. Temple.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 57.--Relief from the Northern Palace of Coyundjic.] - -Though the royal dwellings of Assyria chiefly attract attention in -considering the architecture of the country, there are also many remains -of sacred buildings in the lands of the Upper Tigris. But we are -acquainted only with those places of worship which stood in immediate -connection with the palaces, no traces of edifices for general and -popular worship having been discovered up to the present time. Even were -we without knowledge of the ruins, it would be natural to suppose the -temples of Assyria similar to those of Mesopotamia; that is to say, -pyramidal terraces, with high lower stories. (Compare _Fig._ 41.) A -relief from Coyundjic, the upper portion of which is unfortunately -destroyed, confirms this view, showing a terraced structure of three or -four steps situated upon a natural elevation. The lower terrace is -decorated, like Chaldæan works of the kind, with pilasters in -low-relief; before it are pylon towers. (_Fig._ 55.) This specifically -Mesopotamian type is to be recognized in the most prominent ruins of -Assyrian sacred architecture--namely, in the terraced pyramid which -occupied one corner of the great palace platform of Nimrud. It is also -to be observed in the more fragmentary remains at Kileh-Shergat, which -time has buried beneath shapeless hills of rubbish, without entirely -obliterating the original disposition. The ruins at this site have not -been thoroughly investigated; those at Nimrud showed the lower part of -the pyramid at least to have been solidly built of bricks, reveted with -a wall of quarried stones. (_Fig._ 56.) In the height of the main palace -terrace was a shaft, the purpose of which is uncertain, as it was -without entrance, and empty; it is interesting in architectural -respects from the admirably executed barrel-vault of brick masonry which -formed its ceiling. The ruin, for the greater part destroyed, offered -beyond this corridor but few peculiarities. The stone revetment has been -almost entirely carried away, and every trace of the temple cella which -must have surmounted these terraces, as it did those of Chaldæa, has -disappeared. The better-preserved but much smaller terraced temple of -the palace at Kisr-Sargon has already been mentioned. Two interesting -reliefs show the general form of such cellas, though in these instances -the structures represented are not raised upon artificial elevations. -(_Figs._ 35 and 57.) They are small temples in antis, rectangular -buildings, three sides of which are formed by walls; while, in the open -fourth, two columns support the entablature and roof. In one case the -ends of the walls upon each side of the columns are undecorated; in the -other the pilasters, though without a base, are crowned with a member -similar to the capitals of the columns. The simple entablature projects -in an oblique line; it is terminated by stepped battlements, in which -the Mesopotamian type of the terraced pyramid is repeated in outline and -adopted as a merely decorative detail. Such temple cellas were erected -not alone upon extensive terraces, but in the plain; perhaps, also, like -the similar structures of Phœnicia, in the midst of sacred lakes. The -reliefs given in the cuts show the chapels to have stood at the foot of -natural elevations, as well as upon them. Another form of sanctuary, -with gabled roof and lanceolate acroteria, is represented upon a relief -of Corsabad. (_Fig._ 71.) The building remotely resembles a Hellenic -peripteros. Its constructive peculiarities cannot well be understood -from the relief, as these considerations were probably not clear to the -sculptor himself. It is possible that the architectural form was one -foreign to the country,--perhaps the imitation of a temple in Southern -Asia Minor. Another variety of these palace chapels appears upon the -terrace of Nimrud, the forms there differing but slightly from those of -the dwelling-chambers; the sacred cellas are distinguished only by the -exclusively mythological character of the reliefs, and by the altars and -offerings placed at the entrance. (_Fig._ 58.) It is possible, however, -that these spaces were used as the dwellings of priests rather than as -sanctuaries, especially as the two examples known are situated near the -base of the great temple of Nimrud, being in this respect admirably -adapted to the uses of the sacerdotal officers in the royal household. - -[Illustration: Fig. 58.--Entrance to one of the so-called Temples, -Nimrud.] - -The forms of Assyrian altars are illustrated by reliefs. (_Figs._ 35 -and 57.) The rectangular shaft, at times furrowed, rests upon a plinth, -and bears a projecting slab, bordered by stepped battlements. A tripod -was found before the entrance to the so-called Temple of Nimrud (_Fig._ -58); and upon reliefs are represented fire-altars, upholding by a single -support a basin for burnt sacrifices. These altars and the bronze tables -for offerings were not treated as architectural details, but more -resembled the chairs and thrones variously represented upon reliefs. - -[Illustration: Fig. 59.--Obelisk from Nimrud.] - -The Assyrian obelisks were of greater importance; though they cannot be -compared to the gigantic wonders of Egyptian mechanical skill, they yet -represent the typical forms of Assyrian art as characteristically as do -the Egyptian shafts the architecture of that land. A small specimen -carved in black basalt, 2.1 m. high and 0.6 m. broad at base, was -discovered in Nimrud and has been transported to the British Museum. -(_Fig._ 59.) The gently diminished pier is crowned with a terraced -pyramid, thus giving the principal monumental form of Mesopotamia, on a -small scale, as distinctly as the termination of Egyptian obelisks does -the more strictly geometrical pyramid of the Nile land. The steps and -part of the shaft are carved with cuneiform inscriptions, and with -reliefs which represent an act of homage--the presentation to the king -of various gifts, animals, etc. - -[Illustration: Fig. 60.--Assyrian Dwellings. Relief from Coyundjic.] - -Rich as are the results of scientific investigations in regard to the -palaces of Assyria, they are deficient in everything concerning the -cities, which could have been but mean and insignificant in comparison -with the royal dwellings. Only scanty traces of the fortification walls -around Coyundjic, Corsabad, and Nimrud have been preserved. From reliefs -these appear to have been provided with projecting galleries for -defence, with square or circular loop-holes, and with battlements of -rectangular or oblique outline. As before mentioned, there have been -preserved at Kisr-Sargon (Corsabad) the remains of a round-arched city -gate, flanked with winged lions. (A skilful restoration of this is given -by Viollet-le-Duc in his _Entretiens_.) The small hills of rubbish -within the city did not tempt the closer investigation of excavators, -who found such inexhaustible rewards for their labors at the palace -terraces. Private dwellings, which were not, like the chambers of the -kings, constructed with hewn and sculptured stones as a revetment of the -weak masonry of unburnt bricks, are now in so complete a state of -destruction that an understanding of their original form is hardly -possible. The known reliefs are not adequate to convey satisfactory -information in regard to them. Among the clearest of these is a relief -of Coyundjic (_Fig._ 60), which shows buildings with hemispherical and -oval cupolas, much like those still customary in some parts of Syria. -The openings for light and air are distinctly indicated in the summit of -the vaults. On the other hand, dwellings like that shown in _Fig._ 61, -which often occur in great numbers within the enclosure of fortification -walls, are of most perplexing construction, unless assumed to be tents. -Some interior views indicate this character, and the surrounding walls -might accordingly be considered the fortifications of an encampment. The -plan-like illustrations of walled towns, where the houses are repeated -in conventionalized forms, give no definite information concerning the -peculiarities of Assyrian domestic architecture. (_Fig._ 62.) They -remind us rather of the topographical usage prevalent during the -seventeenth and eighteenth centuries of our era, when, in similar -manner, approximate representations of houses and cottages were -typically employed to designate a village, a town, or a city, upon maps -from which no conception of the nature of the structures could be -obtained. But it may be concluded from these views that a majority of -the dwellings consisted of a higher and a lower division, each being -provided with an independent platform. - -[Illustration: Fig. 61.--Tent-like Dwelling. Relief from Coyundjic.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 62.--Susa. Assyrian Relief from Coyundjic.] - -The character of Egyptian architecture was essentially influenced by the -rich colored ornamentation which covered and enlivened so much of the -wall-surface with the coilanaglyphic paintings peculiar to that country. -Upon the palace buildings of Mesopotamia painting and sculpture were -something more than mere decorative adjuncts to the architectural -construction. They may even be said to have predominated. The brick -walls of Nineveh, instead of bearing ornamental slabs, were themselves -upheld by the richly sculptured revetment. The works of the sculptor and -the painter take a more important place in the history of Assyrian art -than do those of the architect. This, however, was not the case in the -earliest ages of the Chaldæan empire, for monuments like the Temple of -the Moon at Ur (Mugheir), and like the remains at Warka, appear to have -been almost destitute of carved, if not of painted, ornamentation. The -simple treatment of wall-surfaces with glazed and colored tiles, even -when laid in the variegated patterns of the Chaldæan buildings, can -hardly be spoken of as painting; and in that country no surely attested -remains of sculpture have been discovered. Nor could the carving of -stone flourish in the later Babylonian period. The remoteness from -mountains and quarries of the great cities, and especially of the -capital itself, which stood in the midst of an extended alluvion, was -too great to allow stone material to be readily procured even for the -revetment of walls. Only one fragment of a larger relief was found by -Layard among the ruins of Babylon,[E] and this was so entirely similar -to the Assyrian sculptures that it would, without further question, have -been regarded as the work of Nineveh had not the Babylonian character of -the cuneiform inscriptions indicated its origin. A colossal statue of -black basalt, representing a lion standing upon a human being, a work -known to travellers for over a century, still lies in position, half -buried in the earth; it might convey an adequate idea of the sculpture -of Babylon were it not so weathered and imperfect as not to be -considered worth removal. The most numerous examples of the -stone-carving of Southern Mesopotamia--that is to say, of Babylonia--are -given by the cylindrical seals of syenite, basalt, agate, carnelian, -etc. These stones generally measure about 0.03 m. in length and 0.01 m. -in diameter; they are perforated in the line of their axis, to allow of -their being strung upon a cord or fixed upon a metal wire, by which, if -held as a handle, the seal could be rolled over some soft substance, -such as wax, thus leaving the impression of the figures engraved upon -it. (_Fig_. 63.) The great variance between the style of these cylinders -and that of Mesopotamian reliefs is mainly due to the totally different -technical peculiarities of intaglio and relief-cutting. The seals of -Babylonia and Assyria are usually so much alike that they are to be -distinguished only by the character of the cuneiform inscriptions, or, -in some instances, by the mythological subjects represented. The origin -of many of the carved cylinders which lack such indications cannot be -determined, the place of their discovery being of slight importance in -the case of objects so easily transportable. Numbers of these seals -exist in all large European museums, being picked up by the inhabitants -of Hillah after torrents of rain have furrowed the earth in which they -lie concealed. - -[Illustration: Fig. 63.--Babylonian Seal in the British Museum, and its -Impression.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 64.--Wall Decoration of Enamelled Tiles.] - -The Babylonians made up for this national lack of monumental works of -sculpture, due, as has been seen, to the difficulty of obtaining -suitable material, by the development of another branch of decorative -art. Favored by the clayey earth of the Chaldæan alluvion, they did not -content themselves with the manufacture of admirable bricks, or with -exact and durable masonry of this material, but developed a glazed -decoration of their outer surfaces. The walls of chambers seem generally -to have been prepared with a coating of plaster and then painted. -Naturally, no traces of this process exist, but passages in the books -of the Biblical prophets indicate it to have been customary. Exterior -walls, which, on account of climatic influences, could not thus be -treated, were ornamented with enamelled and variously colored tiles. -Upon the steps of temple terraces this was effected by glazing the outer -sides of all the bricks with a single color, but for palace walls entire -compositions were so formed that each separate tile was drawn and -colored in reference to the entire representation. (_Fig._ 64.) Remains -show the glazing to have been quite thick; the colors, chiefly bright -blue, red, dark yellow, white, and black, have been perfectly preserved. -A French traveller of the last century relates that a chamber with walls -of colored tiles, representing, among other objects, the sun, moon, and -a cow, was unearthed from the hill of Mudjelibeh, one of the mounds of -ruins formed by the overthrow of the Babylonian palaces. An account -given by Diodoros, who describes a great hunting scene upon the -innermost city wall, shows how extended this enamel painting must have -been. Among many figures the queen, Semiramis, took a prominent part in -the action, throwing a spear at a panther from her position on -horseback, while the lance of the king transfixed a lion. The general -character of the composition can be understood from the analogy of -similar scenes represented upon reliefs from Nineveh. - -[Illustration: Fig. 65.--Statue of a King, from Nimrud. (British -Museum.)] - -The palace decorations naturally developed in an entirely different -manner in Northern Mesopotamia--Assyria. The spurs of neighboring -mountains advanced from all sides close upon Nineveh, and good -building-stones, notably the most beautiful alabaster, are found in the -plain, under the shallow strata of alluvial earth. The flat colored -decoration of the walls with glazed bricks was superseded by a carved -revetment of lavish richness, which so generally covered the lower half -of larger palace chambers with reliefs that an almost inexhaustible -material is presented for elucidation of the style by the fragments -discovered during the short period of twenty years. - -[Illustration: Fig. 66.--Winged Lion from Nimrud. (British Museum.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 67.--Winged Bull from Nimrud. (British Museum.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 68.--Lion from Nimrud. (British Museum.)] - -Sculpture so concentrated itself upon this decorative field of revetment -reliefs that it appears rarely to have ventured the execution of -independent works. Statues in the full round are extremely rare, and the -few known are nearly as similar to each other as are those of Egypt. The -best-preserved figure was found in the so-called temple at the foot of -the terraced pyramid of Nimrud, and has been carried to the British -Museum. (_Fig._ 65.) It is about 1 m. in height, hewn from a hard -limestone, and represents a king in the garb of a priest. The round head -is covered with long thick hair, which, falling somewhat over the -forehead, is not parted, but divided into wavy horizontal rows; it ends -upon the shoulders in a straight section of closely and regularly -arranged spiral curls. The imposing beard is still more -conventionalized; beginning in thick curls, it is arranged in alternate -courses of rope-like twists and rows of small coils. The ends of the -mustache curl into marked spirals. The large eyes, of rather oblique -position, are situated too low, and are consequently without expression. -Their strap-like lids do not sufficiently protrude, while the thick -eyebrows, excessively curved upward and meeting above the bridge of the -nose, so interfere with the natural form of the forehead as to give to -the face a gloomy and almost bestial expression. The curved Semitic nose -is broad and fleshy, as are all the features, which, though not -appearing puffy, have a decided tendency to fatness. The well-formed ear -is placed lower than is that of Egyptian statues, and is ornamented with -large rings. The thick and short neck disappears behind under the full -locks of hair; the round shoulders make the back appear broader than the -breast, but are more correctly modelled than those of Egyptian figures. -The long priestly garment, thickly fringed, covers one of the fleshy -arms up to the wrist, and falls without folds or indication of the lower -body beneath it, being girded around the stout waist by a twisted sash; -it leaves only the toes visible. The right hand holds an instrument -formed like an augur’s crook, probably of some sacred significance; the -left grasps the sceptre. Arms and hands have broad muscles, blunt, -rounded outlines, and the short and thick proportions peculiar to the -entire body. With the exception of the face, the sculptor made few -absolute misrepresentations of nature, though evidently more skilled in -relief-carving, and paying but little attention to the side view. An -inscription upon the breast designates the statue as that of King -Ashurakbal, the builder of the northwestern palace and of the so-called -temple of Nimrud, “the conqueror of the upper valley of the Tigris to -Lebanon and the great sea, who brought under his power all the lands, -from the rising to the setting of the sun.” - -[Illustration: Fig. 69.--Relief from Corsabad. (Louvre.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 70.--Fragments of Reliefs from Nimrud. (British -Museum.)] - -The monsters mentioned above form a peculiar transitional step between -the full round and relief sculpture. (_Figs._ 66 and 67.) Winged bulls, -or, more rarely, lions, with human heads and animal ears, flanked the -larger portals as sacred guardians of the entrance. On the sides of the -passage they were executed in relief up to the heads, which were worked -almost entirely free, and project, with the royal or divine tiara, from -the main block. In the front view, the breast and fore legs, as well as -the head, appear in the round. This combination of round and relief -carving resulted in two abnormities. In the first place, the animals -have five legs, as the side was allowed four, while the front, besides -the support which it had in common with the side, demanded another, that -it might not appear one-legged. Further, the monsters seem, in the -relief, to be striding and advancing, but in the front view to be firmly -standing. These cherubims--for thus the commentators of the Bible call -such “forms having a human head, the body of a lion or bull, and the -wings of an eagle”--are among the most characteristic works of -Mesopotamian sculpture. They were imposing symbols of guardian deities; -the hair of the head and beard curled tightly, as did that of breast, -abdomen, and the end of the tail; the feathers of the powerful wings -were almost straight, the legs hard and muscular, the expression of the -face severe and majestic. Lions of normal formation, exceptionally -occurring in the place of these cherubims, show so masterly an -understanding of nature and such wise conventionalization that, with the -sphinx-like lions of Egypt (compare _Fig._ 31), they rank among the most -successful representations of animals in any period of sculpture. -Prominent among the subjects shown by the reliefs, serving the purposes -of mural decoration, is the so-called tree of life, a symbol not -adequately explained, a plant form woven in ribbons and anthemions to an -ornamental play of lines, before which stand sacrificing figures or -winged genii with eagle-heads, holding in the one hand a basket, in the -other a species of pine-cone, or in the one a lotos-flower or a scourge, -and in the other a gazelle or a small lion. Upon this follow the long -processions advancing in homage before the king, which so fittingly -covered the walls of the courts. The monarch stands to receive his -vizier, who is followed by several warriors. (_Fig._ 69.) Behind stand -eunuchs--one holding a sun-shade, another a fan for flies, a third a -handkerchief, a fourth drinking-vessels, a fifth jugs with bottoms -formed like the jaws of a lion (used to dip out wine from the large -cooling-vessels), a sixth a wine-skin; the two following have a large -platter with food and the stand belonging thereto; another comes with -two models of cities, perhaps to be explained as dishes; then two with a -throne, the next with a table, those following with a bench; others, -again, with a magnificent chariot, the tongue of which is carved as a -horse’s head and the cross-pieces as the heads of gazelles, while the -rich back of the seat is supported by human figures; two helmeted -warriors follow this, with a less elaborate war-chariot, and others lead -four horses to the scene. A similar representation shows subjects -bringing gifts to the king. Some lead horses; numbers of others present -flowers and fruits, among which apples, pomegranates, grapes, -pineapples, figs, etc., may be distinguished; those following offer -cakes, locusts strung upon sticks, hares, birds, and the like. The -figures upon these ceremonial reliefs, generally over life-size, are -carefully executed to the smallest detail. Little can be said concerning -their peculiarities of feature beyond that stated above, in the -consideration of the statue of King Ashurakbal. In opposition to the -wiry toughness of the Egyptian type, the voluptuous and vigorous fulness -of the Assyrian appears distinctly in the full cheeks, the thick eyelids -and brows, the widely opened eyes with curved and projecting balls, the -energetic aquiline nose, the pouting lips, and the imposing growth of -hair and beard, so neglected in Egyptian sculptures. Eunuchs are -characterized by a lack of beard; the usual fulness degenerates into -mere obesity in all the features, but especially in the heavy and -hanging under-jaw, and the weak, fleshy arms, the only parts of the body -not hidden by the garments. The fragments illustrated by _Fig._ 70, when -compared with Egyptian heads from reliefs (_Fig._ 28), will convey an -idea of the entire difference of race and artistic style in the lands of -the Tigris and of the Nile. - -[Illustration: Fig. 71.--Temple. Relief from Corsabad.] - -In the works of Assyria, as in those of Egypt, the breast is usually -presented in front view, for the reasons already set forth, but the -attempt to show this part of the body in true profile is more common in -the former country; an instance may be observed in the vizier of _Fig._ -69. The wrists, like the arms, are muscular and stout; the hands broad, -coarse, and awkwardly stiff. Bracelets, closing firmly by means of a -spiral spring, are placed upon the wrists and above the elbows. The -magnificence of these and similar ornaments, which have frequently been -copied by modern jewellers, and also the dignity of the swords and other -accoutrements, strictly depend upon the rank of the wearer, being graded -from the king and vizier to the warrior and eunuch. The most customary -garment in time of peace reached from the neck to the ankles, and was -often edged with a fringe of tassels and a double or fourfold border of -pearls. The underdress is smooth and white, that of the king alone being -richly patterned. The overgarment seems to have consisted almost wholly -of fringes, leaving the right arm free. The royal mantle was also in -this respect an exception, having two sleeves and covering the -shoulders, besides being ornamented with rosettes or embroidered with -mythological representations. The feet in Assyrian reliefs are long and -powerful, more supple and true to nature than the hands, though the -toes lie too closely upon the ground. The monarch and his escort have -rings upon the great toe of each foot; they wear a kind of sandal which -covers only the heel, in wise recognition of the fact that a complete -sole disturbs in some measure the natural elastic action of the ball of -the foot and the toes. When the underdress is short, as is the case in -hunting and warlike costumes, the leg below the knee is correctly but -rather stiffly modelled; the muscles protrude like hard bands, without -giving to the limb the vigorous force peculiar to Egyptian works. Yet -the whole composition, as well as every detail of Assyrian sculpture, -displays more direct study of nature than was to be found in Egypt, -where the figures were created upon an abstract model,--a canon founded -more upon convention than upon observation of life. Instead of remaining -behind reality, as did the Egyptian, the Assyrian sculptor went beyond -natural truth, exaggerating and coarsening. There the figures were -without flesh and blood, ghost-like, as if their slim trunks and -extremities were not fitted for earthly nourishment; here the material -existence was expressed in the most positive manner. A voluptuous -fulness was chosen as a type of the luxurious and contemplative -Mesopotamian, in the same way as the elastic leanness of the Egyptian -figure characterized the sinewy Fellah, emaciated from scanty -nourishment and fatiguing exertion in his dry climate. - -[Illustration: Fig. 72.--Relief from Nimrud.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 73.--Wounded Lioness, from Coyundjic.] - -More than three quarters of the historical reliefs are warlike scenes, -mostly on a small scale, with figures less than half a meter high. -Cities are surrounded, set on fire, and plundered; when the fortress is -situated upon a height, the besiegers build ramparts of fascines, and, -sheltered by these, attack the walls with battering-rams similar to -those used by the Romans. The defenders attempt to burn these offensive -machines with torches and to cripple them with chains, the latter being -warded off from below with hooks and poles. It is also shown how warfare -was carried on in the open field, upon wooded mountains, in swamps, and -on the marshy banks of rivers, with the aid of lances, slings, and bows. -The archers are sometimes protected by a kind of chain mail. It is -represented with great clearness and fulness how the defeated enemies -seek to save themselves by flight to a swamp, how friends and foes swim -rivers supported upon inflated skins, while the king is transported in -his chariot upon a ferry-boat. Some battle-fields are covered with the -slain, whose severed heads are piled up to form a trophy of victory -truly Oriental. At times the male prisoners of war are shown suffering -death by torture; they are stripped to the skin and beaten with clubs, -or are impaled and flayed alive in great numbers. The tongues and ears -of others are cut off; while prisoners of higher rank are dragged by -rings through the under-lip before the victorious king, who languidly -deigns to blind them with a lance. At the same time, the monarch -receives homage from kneeling subjects; players of stringed instruments -celebrate his victory, while eunuchs record the amount of booty brought -before him. The spoil is shown with great circumstantiality; female -captives, holding children by the hand and infants at the breast, -advance on foot or are borne upon carts, and all manner of utensils and -provisions are carried upon beasts of burden and drays. The captured -herds--beeves, sheep, and camels--are given with wonderful truth to -nature; like the animal types occurring in the act of homage upon the -obelisk of Nimrud already mentioned, they are of masterly -characterization--the peculiarities of the lion, antelope, buffalo, -rhinoceros, elephant, and ape being carefully observed and admirably -rendered. The same understanding of animal forms is shown in the -often-repeated hunting scenes: the conception of the wounded beasts is -truly wonderful. (_Fig._ 73.) Besides the capture of gigantic lions and -buffaloes, the snaring of small game, hares and birds, is shown. Even -the various species of fish can be distinguished in the reliefs, which -show net and rod fishing. - -[Illustration: Fig. 74.--Transport of Stone. Relief from Coyundjic.] - -Many industrial occupations are also represented. Trees are felled, the -trunks of which are floated upon the river as rafts, or are dragged -behind boats, for the building of a royal palace; terraced mounds are -heaped up by enslaved laborers with baskets of earth. Larger masses of -building-stone, and the cherubims already described, are brought down -stream from the quarries by means of rafts, the buoyancy of which is -increased by inflated skins bound beneath them. (_Fig._ 74.) The statues -are carried to the terrace platforms by inclined planes, up which they -are drawn by hosts of workmen, who pull upon the cordage attached to the -sledge, which slides over rollers, and are driven forward by blows from -the over-seers. (_Fig._ 75.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 75.--Transport of a Cherubim.] - -Religious representations are much rarer than in theocratic Egypt. The -kings of despotic Mesopotamia arrogated to themselves the supremacy -allowed in Egypt to the gods, who in the latter country had been placed -by the priests in relation with every human action, and whose ceremonial -scenes were so predominant. The typical winged figure described above -occurs continually in small reliefs, and even in diminutive ornaments. -In rare instances a griffin or a kind of Pegasos is employed in its -place upon purely decorative works. The sacred symbol of the tree of -life, or that of the great god Ashur--the winged and encircled figure -already mentioned--is worshipped by standing or kneeling human beings -and by inferior deities. Processions are represented bearing images upon -thrones, and the sacrifice of lambs is shown, the animals being -slaughtered and burned piecemeal. These purely ceremonial reliefs differ -fundamentally from the historical scenes. In the former the figures are -over life-size; they are carved with great attention to detail, and are -never grouped, but placed at regular distances: in the latter the human -beings do not receive the attention devoted to the inanimate objects -occurring in the pictured story, and especially to the indications of -its locality. The fortifications of besieged towns are mapped out with -scrupulous exactness, and are easily understood when it is borne in mind -that the effect of distance, from the lack of perspective in this -primitive art, is expressed by piling things _upon_ one another which -were in reality _behind_ one another. Buildings are shown by reliefs -like those given in _Figs._ 35 and 57, with a more or less successful -attempt to clearly illustrate constructive details. - -The landscape is conventionalized in a peculiar manner. Fields of grain -upon regularly rolling hills are designated by wavy lines; the trees are -usually suggestive of the carved toys accompanying the well-known Noah’s -ark of our children--this impression being heightened by the trunks -radially diverging from the hill, that they may be the more closely -grouped together. The childlike art of the Assyrians here expressed a -common error of childhood--that more trees can grow upon the increased -surface of a hill than upon a plain with an area equal to the base of -the hill-cone. At times, when necessary for the characterization of a -locality, palms, grape-vines, figs, and other plants are indicated by a -detailed imitation of leaves and fruit. Lakes, rivers (_Fig._ 74), and -swamps are carefully drawn in wavy parallel lines with spirally -conventionalized ripples; they are bordered with reeds and sedges, and -inhabited by aquatic animals easily recognized by the naturalist. The -events are represented in a simple and straightforward manner; -unimportant figures are diminutive and less carefully carved, while the -chief actors in a scene not only tower above their fellow-beings, but -even above trees and fortifications. As the only intention of the artist -was to represent a locality and an occurrence, he did not hesitate to -give a city such proportions that the defenders upon its battlements -could never have passed through its gates, and, standing upon the -ground, would have overtopped the towers. - -These conventionalized types do not appear in the bronzes, sheathings of -thin wood-work, bowls, and other vessels, or in the rarer remains of -ivory carvings. A number of objects of this kind, discovered during the -excavations of Nineveh, are deposited in the British Museum. The better -preserved and more easily recognizable among the ivory carvings are of -Egyptian style, and even in some instances represent Egyptian religious -ceremonies. This is also, in a measure, the case with the bronzes, -which are composed of ten parts of copper and one of tin; though a -majority of these show thicker and heavier forms, especially in the -animals, and strikingly remind one of similar utensils discovered in -Phœnicia and Cyprus. These articles must be considered either to have -been directly imported, or so slavishly copied from foreign originals -that they are at present not surely distinguishable. There can be little -doubt that the native place of the bronze vessels was Phœnicia, and -not Egypt. The former country, as proved by the repeated allusions of -Homer and other early authors, was famed in the pre-historic ages of -Greece for the manufacture of metal utensils, and especially for an -extended employment of the bronze supplied by the copper-mines of Cyprus -and the tin trade with England. When considered in connection with the -well-known extent of Phœnician commerce, this derivation of the metal -remains found at Nineveh is rendered more than probable. - -[Illustration: Fig. 76.--Glazed Terra-cotta, from Nimrud. - -Red. Brown. Green. Black.] - -The few and unimportant vestiges of Assyrian painting add little -material to the history of art. It has already been mentioned that the -palace walls were covered with a colored facing, shown by fragments -found among the ruins to have been of painted stucco and glazed tiles. -It consisted of bands of ornament, rows of rosettes and anthemions, -woven strap-work, conventionalized mythical animals, and other forms -arranged in set regularity. This treatment was adopted especially for -the exterior and for the courts, where imposing ceremonial reliefs with -colossal figures covered the lower surface of the wall. Animals the size -of life are given in yellow upon a blue ground, such mosaic mural -decorations being formed of tiles drawn and colored with reference to -their ultimate position. (_Fig._ 64.) There are also paintings -corresponding to the reliefs of alabaster common upon the lower half of -important walls. With figures somewhat over 0.2 m. high, they represent -scenes which appear to have stood in some relation to the carved -ornaments of interior chambers. The most important of the fragments -preserved shows a king, who, returning from battle or the hunt, is about -to place to his lips a bowl handed him by a servant. (_Fig._ 76.) The -bow which he holds in his left hand rests upon the earth; a sword hangs -by his side. A eunuch with bow, quiver, and sword, and a warrior in -short dress, with lance and pointed helmet, follow him. The garments are -outlined by a broad band of yellow color, somewhat similar in effect to -the heavy leading of mediæval stained glass-work, which increases the -impression of flat stiffness peculiar to the Assyrian costumes of baggy -cloth without folds. The head, arms, and legs are drawn in simple lines. -A dark-yellow border separates the green dress from the red background, -and the brownish color of the exposed flesh. White is intermingled with -yellow in the rosettes, fringes, swords, etc.; the hair, beard, sandals, -and the pupils of the eyes are black. Other fragments illustrated by -Layard have a green background, yellow flesh, blue garments, horses, -fishes, etc., all drawn with a heavy white, or, in rare instances, -brown, outline. It would be difficult to determine whether these -pigments have preserved their original color, and whether, indeed, some -tints are not entirely lost. Chemical analysis has demonstrated that -several metallic preparations were known to the Assyrians. The yellow is -that preparation of antimony and lead which, under the name of Naples -yellow, has been supposed a modern invention; the blue is a combination -of copper and lead, also praised as a device of recent date in its -application as a flux for glazing. The white is an enamel of oxidized -tin, commonly held to have been first employed by the Arabs of Northern -Africa in the eighth or ninth Christian century; the red is a suboxide -of copper. - -In regard to the style of these paintings, little can be added to that -already stated in the consideration of Assyrian sculpture. The figures -are somewhat more slender, and seem at times to betray a slight Egyptian -influence. As in that country, the tones of color within the firm -outlines are without modulation, differing only in the hues of the -substances they represent. The composition is, perhaps, more -picturesque, the figures frequently covering each other with varied -position and action. The carved slabs which served as a revetment of the -lower wall-surfaces were brought into harmony with the paintings above -them by the addition of color to the reliefs. The hair, beard, and the -pupils of the eyes were black; some parts of the dress, as the ribbons -of the tiara, the sandals, etc., red. There is no doubt that other -tints, not now recognizable, were added to the sculptures; but it must -not be held that this painting was so brilliant and decided as some -restorations represent. If the uniform effect of a completely painted -wall-surface had been desired, the carving would largely have been given -up. The best ornamental treatment of the architecturally bare surface -was given by the marked division of its height. If the light openings of -columns and pilasters, just under the ceiling, be assumed to have -existed above the high and unpierced wall, as a distinct horizontal -member crowning the enclosing mass, we can but admire this combination, -in the Assyrian palace, of superposed courses of sculptured, painted, -and architectural works. - -[Illustration: Fig. 77.--Restoration of the Palace of Darius, -Persepolis.] - - - - -PERSIA. - - -The fall of Nineveh, instead of being despicable--according to the -common legend--from the weakness of Sardanapalus, the last Assyrian -king, deserves rather, from the heroic ruin of the monarch with his -city, to be compared to the fall of Carthage or of Jerusalem. It removed -for some time the centre of Western Asiatic power farther to the east, -beyond the Mesopotamian streams: first to mountainous Media, whose -inhabitants, through want of culture, were better fitted to destroy than -to build, and who, therefore, play almost no part in the history of art. -As the short reign of Median greatness passed away, political power -tended to the southeast, to Persia, which raised its world-renowned -kingdom upon the ruins of the Median, and stretched the boundaries of -the new empire far beyond any former compass of Western Asiatic -sovereignty. Cyrus, the first historical monarch of Persia, not only -conquered all resistance, notably that of Nebuchadnezzar and his -Babylonian dominion, and of the Lydian king Crœsus (by no means -remarkable solely on account of his great riches), but carried his -victorious arms even to the Ægean Sea; so that Asia, in so far as it was -known to Europe, was synonymous with Persia. Cambyses, successor to -Cyrus, crushed the oldest power of the world, that of the Pharaohs; and -the third Persian king crossed the Bosporos, that he might embody in the -colossal Persian empire the eastern lands of Europe and the borders of -the Pontos. Persia, by the personal greatness of some of its rulers, by -the healthy force of its original inhabitants, as well as by marked -good-fortune, thus attained a position in the history of the world -hitherto equalled by no other country; and it was by no means wanting in -a corresponding monumental expression of this advance. - -The chief cities of the land--Susa, Pasargadæ, and Persepolis, for which -latter, a name known through Greek historians, we might substitute New -Metropolis of the Persians--strove, at least in their royal palaces, to -surpass the cities of the Assyrians and Babylonians. Diodoros speaks of -Persepolis as “the world-renowned royal fortress,” imposing even to the -Greeks. The thousands of years that have passed have yet left remains -sufficient for an ideal reconstruction of the whole, and a conception of -the artistic ability of the Persians may there be obtained. This is less -the case with Susa, more destroyed, and in no wise thoroughly examined. -Its site, known by the name Shush, which still clings to the ruins, is -revered by Mohammedan pilgrims as that of the tomb of Daniel, in like -manner as the location of Nineveh found traditional confirmation among -them in the Mohammedan chapel of Jonas. The remains of Pasargadæ, near -Murgab, are somewhat better preserved than are those of Susa. Beside its -palace terraces, among its other tombs, altars, etc., there rises, -nearly intact, one of the most wonderful monuments of the world--the -tomb of the great Cyrus. Most important, however, and worthy of chief -consideration, is New Pasargadæ, or Persepolis, where the massive palace -ruins near Istakr, known under the name of Chehil-Minar (forty columns) -or Takt-i-Jemshid (throne of Jemshid), have for centuries been the -wonder of travellers. - -[Illustration: Fig. 78.--Plan of Persepolis. - -_A._ Grand Stairway. _B._ Propylæa of Xerxes. _C._ Cisterns. _D_, _E_, -_F_, _G_. Great Hall of Xerxes. _H._ Portal between the Palaces and -Harem. _K._ Palace of Darius. _L_, _M_, _N_. Palace of Xerxes. _O._ -Unrecognized Ruins. _P._ Harem. _Q._ Portal to the Court of the Harem.] - -The Persians, of later development than the Mesopotamians, naturally -based their art upon the older culture of the people conquered by them. -The palaces were similarly placed upon extensive terraces, which, like -those in Nimrud, seem to have been afterwards enlarged to make room for -several royal dwellings. The palace terrace of Persepolis (_Fig._ 78) -is, as an exception, not isolated, but so placed as to employ a rocky -plateau, which, levelled partly by excavation, partly by filling, -acquired architectural character by the vertical revetment of its -borders: it abutted with one of its oblong sides upon a cliff, this -forming a background of richly carved tomb-façades. The casing of the -platform beneath the Palace of Kisr-Sargon (Corsabad) consisted of a -masonry formed of quite regularly hewn stones. At Persepolis, on the -other hand, is employed, in a similar position, a kind of Cyclopean -masonry with predominant horizontal lines--a proof that this wall does -not necessarily indicate a greater age than does a facing of hewn stone. - -In spite of the close relationship of the architecture of Persia to that -of Assyria, the ruins still show in many points such a fundamental -difference that Mr. Fergusson’s nearly absolute identification of the -art of the two nations cannot be accepted, and a higher grade of -independent position, at least in architecture, must be granted to the -Persians. The Assyrian ruins showed walls and no columns; in Persia, on -the contrary, we find columns and no walls. In view of this, it is a -daring hypothesis to assume that chance has preserved here only the one, -there only the other, constructional member--that the Persian ruins -exhibit the skeleton, as it were, the Assyrian the flesh, of one and the -same architectural body, the totality of which is only to be understood -and explained by the mutual complement, the combination of the two. For -such is Mr. Fergusson’s view. The inadmissibility of transferring -Persian columns to Assyrian palaces has already been made evident. - -The peculiar formation of plan recognized in the ruins of Nineveh, the -narrow and corridor-like chambers, required no interior supports. The -clumsy disproportion of the long and cramped Assyrian rooms seems rather -to have been decided by the lack of such constructive assistance; with -it, on the other hand, the Persian palace was enabled to develop freely. -The subordinate shafts in the windows of the palaces at Nineveh did not -partake of the true nature of a column, they did not serve to enlarge an -enclosed space, but were merely decorative substitutes for the piers -which elsewhere separated the openings. It is not possible to transfer -the characteristic Persian details either to these or to the columns in -antis of the Assyrian temple cellas. The sculptured reliefs mentioned -above, from which alone the columns of Assyria are known, present an -entirely different class of forms. The Persians recognized the full -importance of columnar construction in opening and enlarging enclosed -spaces as no other nation has done except the Egyptians. It is in this -that the artistic advance of the former beyond their Chaldæan and -Babylonian predecessors consists. - -[Illustration: Fig. 79.--Fragment of a Base from Pasargadæ.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 80.--Persian Columns with Bull Capitals.] - -The columns of Persia were developed with a characteristic -conventionalization which, though not entirely without foreign -precedents, was upon the whole original, and, at least in the more -simple varieties, decidedly artistic; the capital was peculiarly adapted -to its functions. But one small fragment has been found of the ancient -remains of Pasargadæ, dating, according to inscriptions, to the epoch of -Cyrus. It is a base, and is fortunately characteristic and interesting. -(_Fig._ 79.) The tore is similar, upon the one hand, to the -plinth-mouldings of Assyrian columns; upon the other, in its detail, to -the more recent creation of the Ionic column, which was not without -connection with the art of Mesopotamia. The ornamentation consists of -shallow horizontal channellings, with sharp arrises like those of the -so-called Proto-Doric shafts of Egypt, and is closely allied to the -bases of the most ancient examples of the Ionic style. The terrace of -Persepolis, with its monuments, built during or after the time of -Darius, displays these bases only in the palaces built by that king. The -tore there occurring was placed upon two square plinths. The later -monuments of Persepolis, which, for the greater part, were built by -Xerxes, show the base to have kept pace with the further advance of the -shaft, and to have consisted of multiplied and embellished members. The -square plinth is supplanted by a beautifully curved calyx, turned -downward and ornamented by two rows of leaves--the upper rounded and -heart-shaped, the lower lanceolate. To this is sometimes added a wreath -of anthemions, which appears to have been taken from Syrian or -Phœnician models. The projecting moulding of these more elaborate -examples is diminished in size, and has lost the horizontal grooves. -The shaft, with thirty-six shallow channels, separated by sharp arrises -like those of the primitive base, rises upon the combined tore and -plinth to a height of nine times its lower diameter. It is not -inconsiderably diminished. The junction between shaft and base is -effected, as in the Ionic style, by a gentle curve, ornamented by a -small roundlet. The capital shows, instead of the floral form usual in -other countries, an animal combination, which, from the analogy of -certain gold coins of Western Asia, appears to have been a widely known -symbol. It consists of two bull’s heads and shoulders, grown together -back to back, with the front legs bent under them in a recumbent -position. The head is drawn upward, the elegantly curved neck being -ornamented by a rich chaplet. Upon the common back of the two animals -lies the chief transverse beam of the ceiling. A description of the -peculiar style of carving will be given in the section upon Persian -sculpture. It may only be here premised that the general treatment of -the animals is quite similar to that noticed in Assyria. The capital is -particularly well adapted to receive and support two ceiling timbers -crossing above it at right angles; the lower of these shows its section -upon the front of the building, and rests upon the back of the bulls; -while the epistyle beam upon it, which joins the columns and is seen in -its whole length upon the front, is supported by the heads and by the -main timber between them. This method of laying the ceiling beams was -the reverse of that followed by the architects of other nations. The -timbers of the ceiling, which run at right angles, are usually placed -upon, and not beneath, the connecting epistyle. - -[Illustration: Fig. 81.--Spiral Ornaments upon Chairs. - -_a._ From an Assyrian Relief. _b._ From the Vicinity of Miletos. _c._ -From Xanthos. _d, e, f._ From Paintings upon Greek Vases.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 82.--Columns from the Eastern Portico of the Hall of -Xerxes.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 83.--Rock-cut Tomb of Darius.] - -In the time of Xerxes, these simple bull capitals appear not to have -satisfied the increasing demands of luxurious elegance. Three new -members were therefore placed below them, and the entire capital became -almost as high as the remainder of the shaft, which was naturally much -curtailed by this innovation. (_Fig._ 80.) The two lower of these new -members may perhaps be counted as one--the wreath of falling leaves -being regarded as part of the calyx above it. These leaves are very -simply treated; they do not curve, and are terminated by a semicircle: -between them and the calyx there is a small egg-and-dart moulding; that -is to say, a wreath of small leaves entirely bent over. As the -derivation of this characteristic member cannot be traced to Syria, the -supposition is natural that it was derived from the Hellenic -architecture of Asia Minor, which had been fully developed in its -principal aspects since the time of Darius. The general form, as well as -the detailed decoration of the upright calyx by narrow bundles of -lotos-flowers, points so distinctly to an Egyptian model that it must, -without further question, be ascribed to the influence of that land, -which had been subjugated by the Persian Cambyses. After a repetition of -the egg-and-dart moulding, there follows above the calyx a remarkable -member of sixteen spiral rolls, as similar to the forms of Assyrian as -to those of Ionic capitals. The spirals are so placed around the oblong -kernel of the shaft that two touch upon each of its angles--thus -standing vertically, and not horizontally. The derivation of the form -appears to be owing more to Assyrian-Mesopotamian reminiscences than to -any influence of the Greek Ionic style. The remarkable vertical position -of the volutes is better explained by subordinate ornaments of the -former than by architectural members of the latter land. The decorations -upon the legs of thrones and other parts of furniture, shown by reliefs, -prove the helix to have been more frequently used by the Assyrians as -the vertical ornament of a shaft than as a horizontal coronation--a -capital. (_Fig._ 81.) That the former usage was extensive is shown by -the similar occurrence of the form upon Greek examples from Asia Minor. -The spiral, with concave or convex fluting, with ribbed and channelled -rolls, was originally double; in Persia it was transferred to a -four-sided shaft, to serve, not as a coronation, but as a vertical -ornament, as one of the three or four distinct members of the -complicated capital. The double-headed animals were placed upon it as -the termination of the column. In the mythological sculptures of -Mesopotamian lands, lions and bulls shared equally the honors of -frequent representation; and upon the capitals of Persepolis a horned -and double-headed lion was substituted for the double-headed bull. This, -however, was not in an important position, and the change is known by -only a single example--the eastern portico of the Great Hall of Xerxes. -(_Fig._ 82.) The isolated attempt was the more successful because no -other animal forms had been so well conceived and characterized by the -Orientals as the lion; that king of beasts, with open mouth and powerful -paws, was the favorite subject for decorative treatment down to the -latest times of Hellenic art. As the comparatively short fore legs of -the lion could not be bent underneath the body, but were necessarily -extended from the shoulder, the general outline of the capital was -impaired by a long and straight horizontal line just at its junction -with the shaft; and on this account the lions, notwithstanding their -more majestic heads, could not displace the traditional bulls. - -As the entablature was in all probability entirely constructed of wood, -and has disappeared without a trace, the restoration of this part of the -building is difficult. But the normal forms may yet be determined with -greater correctness than is presented in Coste’s restoration (_Fig._ -82), which is a tasteful combination of the scotia and roundlet cornice -common to both Egyptian and Assyrian architecture, with dentils and the -leaved ornaments found above all the doors and windows of Persian -remains, and with the decorations upon the borders of staircase -buttresses. A number of rock-cut tombs appertaining to the early Persian -kings, the Achemenidæ, and dating from the time of Darius, represent the -façades of royal palaces, and give important information concerning the -exterior appearance of such structures. The oldest and best-preserved of -these is designated by cuneiform inscriptions as the tomb of Darius. -(_Fig._ 83.) It is especially interesting as illustrating the formation -of the entablature. An epistyle, triply stepped, like that of the Ionic -style, so that each face slightly projects beyond the one beneath it, is -placed above the transverse beam, which lies upon the backs of the -double-headed animals forming the capitals of the columns. The -multiplication of the faces of the epistyle is explained by the weakness -of the timber produced by Mesopotamia and Persia, which, in opposition -to the single and massive Doric lintel-block, required the employment of -several beams to obtain the desired capability of support. Upon it -followed the ornaments known as dentils, representatives of the small -and closely lying joists of the horizontal, slightly projecting roof. -They are quite similar to the dentils upon the tombs of Beni-hassan, and -to those of the still more naïve imitations of wooden houses found in -Lycia, which will be considered in the following section. - -In Persia, the proportions of the dentils and of the distances between -them are still characteristic of the original timbered construction--a -truthfulness of imitation which was lost as early as the development of -the Ionic style. The nature of the band following above is not clear; it -might be natural to suppose in it a representative of such a hollow -cornice with leaves as Coste has introduced upon his entablature, were -it not that a frieze-relief with ornamental lions is visible upon this -member in another tomb, and that a remarkable block of the Palace of -Darius at Persepolis bears further testimony against it. One of the -corner piers of the front portico of that building has been preserved to -such a height that the side bearing of the lintel can be observed. This -renders the projection and outline of the entablature certain. It was -six times stepped, and may best be reconstructed, as in _Fig._ 84, by a -series of narrow bands, which represent in some measure the layers of -the horizontal ceiling and roof. From a comparison with the rock-cut -tomb, it is plain that a further cornice, like that over the door and -window-frames, was here not possible. If a parapet had been desired for -the accessible platform of the roof, it must have taken the form of a -light balustrade, not that of a heavy scotia cornice. - -[Illustration: Fig. 84.--Entablature of the Palace of Darius. -Reconstructed from the Bearing.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 85.--Plan of the Palace of Darius at Persepolis.] - -The oldest and, because best-preserved, the most intelligible of the -royal dwellings upon the terrace of Persepolis is that shown by -inscriptions to have been built by Darius. (_Fig._ 85; and K upon the -topographical plan of Persepolis, _Fig._ 78.) It exhibits a regular and -well-considered plan, the oblong form and general disposition of which -are somewhat similar to the simpler Greek houses. A flight of steps led -from each side to the narrow southeastern front--a double tetrastyle -loggia. This was flanked by two moderately large rooms, which, as they -could be entered only from the portico and had no connection with the -interior, were probably intended for guards or servants. A door, between -four windows, opened into the square hall, the ceiling of which was -supported by sixteen columns, standing in line with those of the loggia. -This space corresponded to the atrium of Greek and Roman houses. Three -of its sides, that of the front being excepted, had access to inner -rooms--those upon the right and left being small, while, opposite the -entrance, they were more spacious, and separated from the hall by a -corridor. The walls were enriched by niches as well as by door and -window openings. Through one of the chambers upon the left was a -lateral entrance, reached by a double flight of steps upon the -southwest. Notwithstanding the preservation of the special foundation -terrace, of the steps, of the door, window, and niche frames, as well as -of some corner piers, the ruin did not at first glance make evident the -disposition here described. All the columns of the palace have -disappeared. It is uncertain whether this is because the supports of the -less pretentious structure were of wood, or whether stone shafts, of the -moderate dimensions which must be assigned to them, were carried away -during the two thousand years in which the ruins of the palace terrace -have served as a quarry for neighboring towns. The square plinths upon -which the columns stood have, however, remained in their original -position, so that the number and site of the supports may be easily and -surely determined. The greater portion of the walls has also -disappeared. Some corner piers and the marble frames of doors, windows, -and niches, cut from immense monolithic blocks, alone stand erect; but -their perfect state of preservation and well-marked position permit the -nature of the wall between them to be determined without difficulty. It -seems that this was of small quarried stones, or even of brick, thus -being easily removed, or, in the latter case, reduced to dust by -atmospheric influences; while the massive door and window casings were -secure from removal by man and from the injuries of time. Their stepped -jambs are decorated upon the inner side with reliefs; the heavy lintels -have a scotia cornice, carved with a triple row of leaves and bordered -below by an astragal. Of the openings for providing light to the great -hall no traces remain. If, as is usually supposed, the windows now -recognizable were all that ever existed, the chambers of the palace -would have been most gloomy, with the exception of the hall of columns, -which had four openings upon the loggia, besides the door. The light of -the hall itself must have been dim, for it could not enter directly, the -windows and doors being beneath the shade of the deep portico, with its -double range of columns; and when still more impeded by the -close-standing shafts of the hypostyle, it would have been wholly -insufficient for the chambers. It is further to be remarked that several -of the inner rooms have no direct communication with the hall, while if -they had depended on it for light they would certainly have been -provided with window-openings in place of the blind niches. It is -evident from the existence of a second story, presently to be discussed, -that horizontal apertures in the roof and ceiling could not have -existed; this would be even more inadmissible here than in the palace -buildings of Nineveh. It is necessary, however, to assume other openings -for illumination and ventilation than those now to be observed in the -ruins, and windows were most probably arranged in the manner in which -the Orientals still secure their dwellings from the view of the outer -world while admitting light and air--the manner customary with the -Assyrians, as well as with the more ancient Greeks. The apertures were -probably upon the exterior walls, just under the ceiling, high above the -ground. All traces of architectural members in such a position must -necessarily have disappeared when the mass of masonry which supported -them was overthrown. It is possible that their form was entirely plain, -like that given in the restoration of the Palace of Darius at the head -of this section (_Fig._ 77), and offered no carved details to aid in -their recognition. - -[Illustration: Fig. 86.--Persian Door-casing.] - -A comparison of the rock-cut façade upon the tomb of Darius with the -palace of that king will aid in the consideration of the upper story. As -the tomb represents the palace with but slight variations, even agreeing -tolerably well with its proportions, it may be supposed that the monarch -copied his dwelling upon the front of his grave, that he might, as it -were, inhabit it even after his death. This is not an isolated instance -of such a proceeding in the history of architecture. The second story, -distinctly recognizable upon the tomb, cannot be regarded as an -insignificant decoration, especially as the Palace of Darius at -Persepolis seems, from its plan, to have been thus arranged. The -limited area covered, exceeded by many a modern private house, renders -an enlargement by a second story natural; and this is also made probable -by the hypostyle, which occupies a place where an open court, with full -upper light, would otherwise have been more suitable. Space for the -staircases was provided by the two narrow corridors next the rear -chambers. The second story was not, however, extended over the entire -ground-plan, but seems to have left the flat roof of the side chambers -as an elevated veranda, perhaps sheltered from the sun by canopies, as -the _talar_, a similar though smaller upper structure, stands as a -pavilion upon the modern houses of Persia. The walls of the second story -could scarcely have been placed elsewhere than upon the otherwise -unreasonably thick partition-enclosure of the hypostyle hall. They could -not have stood over an intercolumniation, as upon the façade of the -rock-cut tomb--for this would have been difficult, if not impossible of -construction--but in other respects the upper part of the palace may -have been like that representation. Its corner supports, which are a -strange combination of scotias and roundlets, ending below in lion’s -paws and above in a one-sided lion capital, have, at least, every -appearance of being copied from an architectural model, and are similar -in their lower half to the legs of the throne given in _Fig._ 87. The -standing figures, which, in double row, support the ceiling, may have -been carved in relief or simply painted. That this was a common ornament -is evident from its repetition upon the reliefs of gateways, where such -typical figures are admirably characterized as representatives of the -various nations subjugated by the Persian power, they literally -supporting the throne. The entrance and the second-story windows may be -supposed to have been upon the side opposite the front, where the -veranda was broadest and the staircases led from the lower floor, as -otherwise the imitation of the façade upon the rock-cut tomb would have -shown windows and doors as well as a staircase, which probably led in -double flight to the uppermost roof. That this house-top was flat and -accessible is evident from the reliefs considered in this connection -(_Figs._ 83 and 87), one of which represents the royal throne shaded by -a canopy, the other one of those fire-altars which, according to Persian -custom, was placed upon the highest level of the house. This altar upon -the summit of a royal palace is mentioned in the Bible, when Hezekiah, -overthrowing the Sabæan worship of the sun, destroyed “the altar which -is upon the top of the upper rooms of Ahaz.” In the restoration of the -Palace of Darius (_Fig._ 77), the introduction of the altar with the -royal canopy may be considered as more than a mere decoration of the -design. This simplest and best-preserved ruin upon the terrace of -Persepolis permits a comparatively trustworthy understanding of the -elements of Persian palace architecture. - -[Illustration: Fig. 87.--Relief from the Portal of the Hall of Hundred -Columns.] - -The ruin O of the topographical plan (_Fig._ 78) shows the remains of a -similar structure of about the same dimensions, later, and therefore of -less interest, than the Palace of Darius. The Palace of Xerxes (L, M, N) -was nearly double this size, being provided with a spacious terrace -before its gates, and with a colonnade upon one side, the nature of -which cannot readily be explained. On the other hand, it had no large -chambers behind the hypostyle, as the rooms upon the right and left -seem, by their more spacious proportions, to have rendered these -unnecessary. The portico was hexastyle, and the square hall behind it -consequently provided with thirty-six columns. Two of the side chambers -were so large that their ceilings required the support of four columns. - -Of still greater dimensions, more than eight times the area of the -Palace of Darius, was the Palace Hall of Xerxes (D, E, F, G) which was -preceded by a magnificent double flight of steps. The ceiling of the -imposing hypostyle was upheld by thirty-six columns of gigantic size. -There are no traces of chambers having been connected with it; three of -its sides were provided with hexastyle porticos, which masked and -artistically enlivened the dead enclosing-walls. The masonry has -disappeared, with the exception of unimportant remains of the portal -(G), which Coste has restored as the foundations of pedestals. Although -a similar ruin at Susa, examined by Loftus, was also without walls, it -is impossible to agree with Coste that these were originally altogether -lacking, and that the columns of the central space were unenclosed--that -the three portals, provided with separate roofs, were grouped around -this without any connection. While we agree with Fergusson in as far as -regards the completion of the wall line and the unity of the whole under -a common roof, we must yet discredit his further assumption that this -building was provided, like the Palace of Darius, with an upper story; -all the requisite conditions for this were lacking. The ruin is -remarkable from the remains of the colossal columns being in the -comparatively best state of preservation. They represent the three -orders described above: those of the western portico having the -double-headed bull; those of the eastern the double-headed lion, and the -others the form of shaft coronation combined of three or four members. -The destination of this building was not that of a dwelling, but, -without doubt, that of a festive hall for the audiences and ceremonies -of the vainest and most magnificent of despotic monarchs. To this end it -was fittingly placed next to the entrance-gate of the palace terrace. It -is one of the most enormous buildings of the world; the area covered by -its plan, about 10,500 sq. m., nearly equals that of the Cathedral of -Milan, and surpasses that of the Cologne cathedral by about 2350 sq. m. - -[Illustration: Fig. 88.--Propylæa of Xerxes at Persepolis.] - -The imposing portal next to it, B, proved by inscriptions to have also -been erected by Xerxes, remains upright in the grand masses shown by -_Fig._ 88. An adequate explanation of its nature is not possible. It is -only clear that its principal disposition, like that of the similar -portal, H, of the terrace, was determined by the intersection of -passages, the crossing being marked by four columns, while the parallel -walls were of sculptured marble blocks. In a former work upon the -history of ancient architecture,[F] the author has expressed the -supposition that side walls were built in the directions marked by -dotted lines upon the topographical plan (_Fig._ 78), connecting the -portal with the ascending staircase. The gate would thus receive the -character of a fortification, a termination of the palace terrace, -instead of being the useless structure, easily to be circumvented, which -it is commonly considered. It is probable that these side walls existed -also at the chief portals of the Assyrian palaces, as otherwise the -entrances, especially that of the harem, would have been too much -exposed. These masses of masonry have disappeared from the ruins of -Nineveh, because of the crumbling of the terrace borders, and in -Persepolis, where all walls have been overthrown and carried away, their -extent is not marked by the more durable door and window frames, which -alone remain of the palace enclosures. - -The assumption of similar communicating walls in connection with the -other portal structures of the palace terrace (H and Q) not only renders -to these their full importance, but throws light upon a building of -enormous extent (C), the destination of which has hitherto been -problematical. This edifice has been called, in lack of a better name, -the Hall of a Hundred Columns. It is an extended enclosure of square -plan, within which stood columns, traceable by the remains of six of -their number. Upon the front was a portico, not decastyle, like the -interior, but octastyle; two bases remaining _in situ_ determine its -arrangement and dimensions. The columns may be calculated, from their -lower diameter, to have been about 7 m. high. The enclosure of the hall, -determined in extent by the remains of all the portals and niches, -measured 68 m. upon each side. According to general acceptance, the -building was restricted to the area now covered by its ruins, and served -as a second great hall for ceremonies. Fergusson terms it a coronation -hall. But, apart from the fact that the Hall of Xerxes must have been -far better fitted by its imposing proportions for such a purpose than -this low and broad space, where the forest of columns would have impeded -the view, it is hardly possible that two such extensive buildings would -have been provided upon the terrace for the same use. But some adequate -space is yet to be assigned to that important necessity of Oriental -custom, the harem, which tradition particularly asserts to have existed -among the Persian palaces. If the ruin is examined in its relation to -the other palace structures of Persepolis, it becomes plain that it can -be nothing else than the central hall of a similar, but more extended, -series of chambers, of which, as is also the case with the ruined -remains at O, hypostyle and portico have alone been preserved, while the -walls of all the outer rooms have disappeared. Only the doors and -windows of any wall upon the terrace now exist; and as the entrances -were naturally small and the openings for light high above the ground, -in the enclosure of the harem, it is not surprising that this masonry -has disappeared in almost its entire extent. Two principal portals, -perhaps the only ones of the outermost walls, have been preserved, -however, and mark the outline of the building. These are the gateways H -and Q of the topographical plan: the first of these even shows some -trace of the enclosing wall; it is the entrance from the palaces K, L, -M, N, and O; the second probably led to an open court, to which access -must have been allowed the fair prisoners. The space between the -hypostyle and the exterior wall, indicated upon the plan by dotted -lines, must have been occupied by the numerous small rooms which -provided dwellings for the three hundred girls of the harem. The low and -broad central hall served as a place of assemblage; the great number of -its columns and the excessive lowness of the ceiling exclude the idea of -its having been used for public ceremonies, but render it particularly -fitted for this purpose, the many shafts separating the groups of -intimate conversers. The dim twilight of the room was, at these evening -assemblies, enlivened by the many-colored lamps of the East. The harem -upon the terrace thus received a development analogous to that of the -royal dwellings, and its necessarily great extent was provided for in a -becoming place. By the assumption that the remains at P are those of the -harem, an integral part of the Oriental palace is recognized, and a -large tract of the terrace area is occupied, the use of which could not -otherwise be designated upon the topographical plan. - -The disposition of the terrace under Darius appears to have differed -considerably from that under his successors. It is not known whether its -extent has since been increased; to establish this point, extensive -excavations would be required. It is probable that the northwestern side -of the plateau has been built out by adding earth to the natural rock; -the buildings upon the southern half appear the more primitive: it is -certain, however, that the position of the ascent was changed during the -great reconstruction completed by Xerxes, and possibly commenced during -the latter part of the reign of Darius. The orientation of the Palace of -Darius, which, of all the buildings at Persepolis, alone faces the -south, shows the great staircase to have been originally upon the -southern end of the terrace. Enormous dowelled blocks of stone assured -the stability and preservation of the newer parts of the substructure. -The broad and gently rising flights of steps remain in so good a -condition that it is even to-day possible to ascend them upon horseback. - -[Illustration: Fig. 89.--Altar Pedestals at Pasargadæ.] - -Among the remaining monuments of Persian architecture there are no -temples; it would be vain to seek such structures; the worship of the -land did not demand closed rooms, requiring only sacrifice and prayer -upon the summits of mountains or artificial elevations. Herodotos -relates that the Persians not only scorned temples, but did not erect -images of their deities, nor even altars. This last point is certainly -incorrect; the worship of fire particularly called for altars, and these -are represented upon the ornamented façades of the rock-cut tombs. -(_Fig._ 83.) It is probable that two pedestals, standing near each other -upon the palace terrace of Pasargadæ, are ancient Persian. They are -cubes, each about 3 m. high; one is terminated by steps, and has upon -one side a straight line of ascending stairs; the platform at the summit -was sufficiently large to receive an altar, or may perhaps itself have -been used as a receptacle for fire and sacrifices. They are similar to -the altar upon the upper story of the Palace of Darius, used for -religious devotion. The supposition may be ventured that these two -altars, in such vicinity, point to the dualism of the Persian worship of -Ormuzd and Ahriman. - -Other large monuments of the land may have had something to do with -religious observances; but as they lack any characteristic form, this -cannot be proved. Such is the case with the cone of Darabgerd, known as -Kella Darab, apparently an imitation of a natural mound. It is -surrounded by a circular wall, perforated in eight equidistant places, -and rises, in two rings of masonry, to a height of 48 m. A similar -structure is the massive tower of Firuz-Abad, a rectangular obelisk 27 -m. high, measuring 8.5 m. upon each side of its base. Near it is an -enormous platform, with broad buttresses upon the four sides, which are -directed to the cardinal points of the compass; the foundation of the -mass measures 61 by 78 m. The masonry is of carefully hewn stone, of a -workmanship not found in the country after the advent of the Christian -era; the swallow-tail dowelling of the blocks is similar to that upon -the pavement of the terrace at Persepolis. - -[Illustration: Fig. 90.--Tomb of Cyrus.] - -To the consideration of these structures must be added that of the -semi-sacred tombs. Though few other monuments can be traced back to the -age of the founder of the Persian sovereignty, the heroic Cyrus, fortune -appears to have preserved his tomb almost entirely intact in -architectural respects. The description of it by Arrian is not precise, -but his account may still be identified with an interesting and -evidently ancient Persian monument, now known as Medshed -Mader-i-Suleiman, the tomb of the mother of Solomon. Its situation is in -Murgab, not distant from the ruins of Pasargadæ, which contain -inscriptions with the name of Cyrus, and reliefs commemorating his -exploits. The monument consists of a terrace seven times stepped, -covering a ground surface of 12.5 by 13.5 m.; it is built of enormous -blocks carefully joined, and bears a cella with gabled roof. The simple -and gently curved mouldings of the cornice and base of the cella do not -betray Greek influence, but it is possible that the form of the roof, -rare in the Orient, may be attributed to reminiscences of Hellenic -construction observed during the campaigns of Cyrus in Asia Minor. The -entrance, described by Arrian as very small, is 0.9 m. broad and 1.2 m. -high; the exterior of the cella is 5.2 m. broad and 6.3 m. long; the -chamber itself only 3 m. long and 2.1 m. broad and high. There is -naturally no longer any trace of the objects once within the -interior--the table, coffin, and bier of solid gold; the garments of -royal purple. The inscriptions have, unfortunately, also disappeared. -The blocks of the chamber floor are swallow-tailed into each other with -great exactness; to which circumstance, and to the exact jointing of all -the massive masonry, this exceptionally fine state of the building’s -preservation is to be ascribed. The whole structure gives the impression -of a terraced Chaldæan temple. It is not improbable that the Tomb of -Cyrus received this sacred form because the character of a hero of -Western Asia was attributed to the king soon after his death. A -colonnade appears to have enclosed the sombre pile; several drums of its -columns still project above the ground. The accounts of Greek authors -refer to buildings erected for the priests to whose care the monument -was intrusted; these are believed to have been recognized in the remains -of a neighboring caravansary. - -The tombs of later Persian kings, which, during the entire dynasty of -the Achæmenidæ, were almost alike, are of a totally different nature -from that of Cyrus, being cut in and upon the face of the rock. Upon the -steep cliff of Naksh-i-Rustam and Persepolis there are seven of these -facades, which form an imposing feature of the landscape, whether viewed -in the vicinity or from afar. All follow the type of the Tomb of Darius -described above, giving a representation of the royal dwelling upon the -wall before the grave-chamber. (_Fig._ 83.) Only the lower half of the -door is used as an entrance, the upper part being closed by an imitation -of slat-work. It leads to a corridor running parallel to the face of -the cliff; in the Tomb of Darius this extends to the left, beyond the -breadth of the façade, to three chambers, each of which is arranged for -three coffins. All these graves had been plundered when investigated by -Coste and Flandin. A rock-cut tomb at Serpul-Zohab is of still simpler -disposition; originally it had two columns upon the front, but was not -further decorated; the interior consisted of a small chamber, providing -only sufficient space for two sarcophagi. It is not certain whether -other monuments in the vicinity of Naksh-i-Rustam and of Pasargadæ -should be regarded as tombs. They resemble towers; their corners are -strengthened by pilasters, and they have oblong niches upon each side, -the frames of which are triply stepped. Of the tombs of Persian subjects -nothing whatever is known; it may be possible that the people of that -nation were accustomed formerly, as at present, to carry down their dead -from the highlands to the Necropolis of Chaldæa, where millions of -graves still await scientific investigation. - -As little is known of Persian domestic architecture. No vestiges of -private houses have been found which belong to an historical period -earlier than that of the Roman emperors. The habitations of subjects -were not to be compared with the magnificent palaces of their despotic -rulers, and must have been built of the most destructible materials. We -may imagine the Persian house somewhat to have resembled, in disposition -of plan, the royal dwellings, though of course greatly simplified by the -substitution of an open court for the hypostyle hall, by the omission of -terraces, columns, and carvings, and by the reduction of all spaces and -dimensions to a minimum. - -The Persians developed far less independence in sculpture than in -architecture. They showed themselves, in their carvings, to be but -meanly endowed scholars of the Assyrians, and gained little by -subjecting themselves to the influence of other nations, the spirit of -which they did not comprehend or employ towards any possible improvement -of Assyrian traditions. The Mesopotamians were, in their artistic -development, thrown upon their own resources; they therefore looked -earnestly to the fountain-head of nature as the model of their -sculptured work; but the Persians, in the wider extent of their -kingdom, instead of profiting by the study of nature, so requisite to -true progress, depended upon forms and methods inherited from the -Assyrians, upon which they engrafted certain peculiarities borrowed from -the Egyptians, and also, in still greater measure, from the higher art -practised among the Greeks of Asia Minor in the time of Darius and -Xerxes. In this adoption of foreign properties, in this mingling of -Mesopotamian, Egyptian, and Hellenic manners of expression, they utterly -sacrificed originality and simplicity of style, and made of their -sculpture a repulsive hybrid of inharmonious elements. It may well be -conceived that with this lifeless imitation the creative impulse -languished, and art became more and more limited, until it shrank at -last into mere ornamental handiwork. The Persians could the more easily -forego the revetment of their walls with carved slabs, after the -Assyrian fashion, as their architecture itself, far more than that of -Mesopotamia, fulfilled its own aim,--accomplished with its own means -what was elsewhere effected by sculpture and painting. - -With Persian statues in the full round we have no acquaintance. Several -examples remain of colossal monsters in the half round, like those met -with in Assyrian sculpture. In conception and in detail, in proportion -and in situation, they scarcely differ from those of Assyria: they are -only somewhat stiffer; their strap-like sinews and veins, their muscles -and hair, are conventionalized almost to pure ornament; they have -entirely lost the life-like natural truth of the works of Nineveh. The -tendency towards decoration is well expressed in the wings of these -monsters. The rectilinear feathers of the models upon the Tigris were in -Persia transformed into the graceful but unnatural curves seen also in -the griffins of Greek architecture. This Colossus is found in the best -state of preservation at the Propylæa of Xerxes near the ascent of the -terrace of Persepolis. On the front are perfect bulls, with -proportionately small heads; on the back are the cherubim already -mentioned, with long-bearded, tiara-crowned human heads. These purely -Assyrian monsters of the gateway may perhaps be regarded as trophies -from Mesopotamia, which, in the course of time, had become naturalized -into the Persian practice of palace architecture. - -[Illustration: Fig. 91.--Relief for a Portal of Persepolis. (See Fig. -86.)] - -If the masonry, probably of brick, had received a richly sculptured -stone revetment, like that which covered the Assyrian walls, some -remains of this would certainly have been found. It seems, however, that -the wall surfaces were ornamented only with paintings. In proportion as -carved decoration was diminished, the architectural treatment of the -enclosing masses was increased, by doors, windows, and niches, and by -the repeatedly stepped epistyle beams and its crowning scotia, richly -ornamented with leaves over the lintels. Only the inner surfaces of the -door-jambs were used for representations in relief, the subjects being -partly mythological, partly ceremonial. The ruins of Pasargadæ show such -a mythological figure, in long, close-lying garments without folds, -according to the Assyrian tradition, though of somewhat lighter -proportion. It has a less pronounced Semitic profile, Egyptianized by -long twisted ram’s horns upon the head, and with the irrelevant -ornaments of the Nile situla, disks, and uræos-serpents; the greater -part of it is so destroyed that only the outline is recognizable. Upon -the terrace of Persepolis there is repeated a kingly or divine being -lifting a lion into the air while strangling it, such as appears in more -vigorous design upon the reliefs of Nineveh; or this figure pierces with -a short sword a bull, lion, or griffin standing upright upon its hinder -legs. One of these peculiar mythological representations is given in -_Fig._ 91. The head of the male figure, ornamented with a diadem, is -distinguished from the Assyrian type only by a longer and less -protruding nose, and by some diminution of the luxuriant hair and beard. -The exposed limbs, the arms and legs, have more slender proportions; -with a softer and somewhat Hellenized swing of the outlines, there is -less modelling than was found upon the Tigris. The expression of great -muscular power, of striking and healthy energy of action, peculiar to -the Assyrians, is lost in Persia. The garments are not sack-like and -close-fitting; with the richly patterned treatment of surfaces, there is -an attempt, not altogether fortunate, to indicate the folds of drapery -and the free flow of cloth. It is possible to recognize in this respect -the influence of Asiatic Hellas, falling, indeed, upon rather sterile -ground, and received with little understanding. The strapped shoes take -from the cramped foot its true form, being curved in the sole even more -than is the case with the naked instep. The power, long since acquired -by the Greeks, of so raising the hinder foot of a moving figure that -only the toes touch the ground, was as far from being possessed by the -Persians as was the power of causing the whole body to take part in an -action--carrying forward the momentary position. The human being is -apparently able neither to turn the animal away from himself, nor, by -additional exertion, to give the death-blow. The opposing griffin is -similarly petrified; it here appears with eagle’s head and feathered -tail, occurring in other representations with lion’s head and scorpion’s -tail. Both paws of the fore feet, and one of the eagle’s claws of the -hind feet, are in the position of attack; one paw grasps the right arm, -as it reaches towards the head of the monster; the other is laid upon -the left, which pierces its body with a broad and pointed dagger. At the -same time, one of the bird-like hinder legs touches the front knee of -the human figure. But nowhere is there the energetic movement of -seizing or pressure found upon Assyrian sculptures; there is a posture, -but no action; and thus the lion-eagle monster has no frightful -power--only something hatefully comical in figure and bearing. Nor has -the bull or lion, which occasionally takes the place of the griffin, -anything of the Assyrian force; the scene might be considered as a -harmless play of the man with the animal, were it not for the sword half -buried in the body. - -The most accessible subjects for such an art were naturally mere -ceremonial representations, where the action, reduced to a minimum, was -naturally neither momentary nor energetic. There are the promenades of -the king, with staff and lotos-flower in his hands, followed by eunuchs, -one third of his size, who carry his handkerchief and sunshade, and cool -him with a fan of peacock’s feathers. It is worthy of curious notice -that, upon a door at the back of the palace, the sunshade is omitted -from the relief, as being of use only in going out. A casual observation -of Persian sculpture may be deceptive, and we may seem to recognize -quiet dignity in what is mere want of all expression. It is thus with -the frequently repeated ceremonial scenes, the architectural employment -of which has been mentioned above. (_Fig._ 87.) The canopied throne -appears raised upon an elevation; the king sits with his feet resting -upon a footstool, his retinue before him with censers. Three superposed -rows of men stand as supporters of the throne, with outstretched arms -bearing the platform. The figures are placed in such regular position -that the effect is purely ornamental; but are individually interesting, -in so far as they are intended to represent, in feature and costume, the -different nationalities of the Persian empire. Notwithstanding the -celebrated description of the review of the Persian army upon the banks -of the Hellespont given by Herodotos, it would be hopeless to attempt to -recognize among the figures the types of known tribes. Of a similar kind -are the upper parts of the rock-cut reliefs upon the tombs of the -Achæmenidæ, the architectural peculiarities of which have already been -mentioned. Because of the sacred character of these graves, the kings -are not represented enthroned, but standing upon a stepped platform -before an altar, over which floats the winged and encircled deity, near -the disk of the sun or moon. A consideration of the exterior treatment -of the upper story of the palaces would here be in place if it could be -shown that the ornamentation was indeed carved. - -Persian sculpture received its most extensive application upon the -buttresses of the steps placed before every palace. Here are found the -ceremonial scenes of the Assyrian courts in a feeble rendering, far -removed from the sharp and careful cutting of the details, and the -naturalistic modelling of the bodies, peculiar to the works of -Mesopotamia. Long processions of men represent different nationalities, -characterized by their costumes and by the treatment of hair and beard; -by their various feather-caps, hoods, capuchins, pointed hats; short -skirts, with wide pantaloons; long garments, with great fulness at the -bottom, and sleeves falling in multiplied folds; by the skins of animals -worn as mantles; by girdles, sword-belts and swords, bows and quivers; -by peculiar sandals, shoes, boots, and the like. These subjects bring to -the monarch most manifold gifts--horses, dromedaries, musk-oxen, rams, -goats, a wagon, elephants’ tusks, stuffs, garments (among which various -kinds of stockings are even distinguishable), swords, double-headed -hammers, bracelets for the arms; censers, with vessels for incense; -salve, in little bowls, borne upon trays which hang like scales; -wine-skins, goblets, globular and flat cake-like loaves of food, carried -in the palm of the hand; carved cups and saucers; little bags, etc. -Others bear only lotos-flowers and pomegranates. They are slim, -narrow-chested figures; the short upper body is given in profile, -without anatomical truth in general form or detail; not only without -motion, but apparently incapable of it. At times the position of the -arms shows, not, indeed, a gesture, but some attempt of varied position; -the hands lie upon one another, or touch the mouth, the end of the -beard, the hilt of the sword hanging at the side, or the quiver, or are -extended so as to rest upon the shoulders of the preceding figure in the -procession. - -[Illustration: Fig. 92.--Relief from the Stairs of the Palace of -Darius.] - -Lifeless as these appear, they are still superior to the guards, armed -with a lance, who march towards each other from opposite sides, in long -processions. (_Fig._ 92.) The heads differ from the Assyrian type only -in the pointed chin-beard; the bodies alternate between uniforms of two -fixed patterns. One of these is without a shield, in a closely fitting -leathern garment, with awkward pantaloons bound at the ankles, and a -globular cap of surpassing clumsiness. The other, distinguished by -shield and plumes, with a long robe drawn up at the hips, and with wide -sleeves hanging in folds, is more tolerable. The elliptical shields, -like those of Bœotia, have a round cut upon both sides, in which the -lance was probably placed; they are strengthened by a circular plate -riveted to the centre. Upon the terrace stairs, in the triangles formed -by the ascending steps, are groups of animals--lions seizing bulls from -behind. Though the forms are rendered with but little understanding of -detail, the entire composition is well fitted to the triangular space -allowed it, and thus has a certain decorative and architectural value. -The parapet of the staircase terrace is decorated with rows of highly -conventionalized lotos-flowers upon leafy stems; in its centre is the -winged divinity of the disk between crouching lions. These carvings upon -the staircase buttress, though monotonous, were still so rich that they -gave to this member much the same distinction as that of the gable in -Greek architecture, to which it is somewhat similar in outline, the -ascent from each side forming a triangle. The representations upon it -are, in their subjects, suited to the palace fronts, where guards were -in place, as well as gift-bearing deputies from tributary nations. -Though the division of the surface into several horizontal stripes by -rows of figures, one over another, is not artistically beautiful, it -still has the advantage that the standard of proportion is not infringed -upon, as is so often the case when colossal statues are placed before -buildings; the disadvantage may perhaps be less when life-sized figures, -like these, are dwarfed by being brought into comparison with enormous -edifices. - -Only one important historical scene is known--the rock-cut relief of -Bi-Sueton. A king, followed by guardsmen, sets his foot and bow upon a -victim lying backwards on the ground, who stretches up his hands in a -beseeching manner, while a procession of nine prisoners approaches, -their hands tied behind them, and bound one to the other. Above is the -winged deity. The proud bearing of the king, and the stooping of the -helpless enemies, show a slightly superior artistic ability. Though -Persian sculpture was successful in some rare instances, the conviction -must still remain that, in comparison with the art of Assyria, it was -not only a dependent imitation, but failed to attain any of the -superiorities of its model. That which was borrowed from other lands -than Mesopotamia was superficially carried into execution in unimportant -details. Strictly speaking, we can hardly acknowledge the existence of -the art of sculpture in Persia, as it was without either independent -foundation or any progress of its own. - -Of Persian painting there are no remains or information. The walls were -without doubt plastered and colored. If there had been a revetment of -glazed tiles, according to the Mesopotamian practice, some fragments of -this almost indestructible material would surely have been found. From -analogy of the carvings, it is probable that paintings upon the walls -were chiefly ornamental and of subordinate importance. Upon the -principal front of the buildings there remained but little space where -painted decorations could be employed; the façade of the Tomb of Darius -was largely covered with inscriptions. On the other hand, the -restoration of the Palace of Darius, at the head of this chapter (_Fig._ -77), shows that the aid of color was particularly needed upon the other -sides, which would have been bare and monotonous without painted -ornaments. We may suppose that the Persians felt this need, and that -decorative painting was extensively employed; they were led to it by -familiarity with the methods of Assyrian art, and with the colored mural -decorations universal in Egypt, both which lands they considered their -tributary provinces. Though we cannot speak of monumental independence -in Persian sculpture and painting--of which, indeed, no ancient -Orientals had any conception--the art of the land had at least the -superiority that its three branches, in their application, stood in true -relations to each other, inasmuch as architecture employed and brought -forward the sister arts as secondary, decorative aid; painting and -sculpture did not predominate in the excessive degree characteristic of -the older nations of the East. The Egyptians, whose architecture, -otherwise so richly developed, was chiefly restricted to the interior, -made excessive use of painting and coilanaglyphics to enliven the dead -masses of exterior walls. The Assyrians needed sculptured revetment and -painted stucco to support and hide the weakness of their masonry, and -its incapacity for architectural treatment, within and without. Merely -decorative art thus gained an undue supremacy in both countries. Among -the Persians, on the other hand, architecture attained its full rights -by important and harmonious advances, while decorative sculpture and -painting withdrew to their proper subordinate positions. - -[Illustration: Fig. 93.--Rock-cut Tombs of Myra.] - - - - -PHŒNICIA, PALESTINE, AND ASIA MINOR. - - -The primitive tradition which makes the valley of the Euphrates and -Tigris the centre of the most advanced culture of the earth is -illustrated by the extraordinary expanse of Mesopotamian influence in -both time and space. Extending eastwards even to the Ganges, in a -westerly direction passing beyond the Adriatic, bounded on the north -only by inhospitable Scythia (Siberia), and on the south by the Indian -Ocean, its roots, long after the advent of the Christian era, sent forth -fresh shoots into Western Asia, recognizable in the monuments of the -Sassanidæ and in the works of the world-conquering Arabians. The spring -of native civilization was not entirely exhausted, although, after the -fall of the Persian empire and the foundation of a Greek Asiatic -monarchy by Alexander the Great, Hellenism had expanded itself over -Western Asia for five centuries,--first among the luxurious Seleucidæ, -who had attached to themselves the Asiatic half of the Macedonian -empire, and in later times under the strict military power of the -imperial Roman period. Nor could the barbarism of the Parthians wholly -obliterate from the land the reminiscences of ancient Persian and -Mesopotamian culture. These influences appear again when the Persian -Ardshir--boasting a direct descent from the Achæmenidæ, and therefore -called Artaxerxes by the Byzantine Greeks--shook off the yoke of the -barbaric Parthians in the year 226 after Christ, as his forefather -Cyrus, eight centuries previously, had founded his empire upon that of -the Medes. Ardshir was the first ruler of a new national Persian -dynasty, named after his father, Sassan,--a race under whose sway the -land east of the Tigris was raised to a glory and importance which made -itself felt even in distant and powerful Rome. One Roman emperor, the -unhappy Valerian, was even forced to languish during the last ten years -of his life in a Persian prison, the Romans not venturing to free him -from the despicable slavery of the Sassanian Shahpur I., who meanwhile -took care to hand down to posterity that world-renowned result of -Persian bravery and cunning by numerous monuments and rock-carved -reliefs, which testify, as a leaf of authentic history, to an event so -humiliating to Rome. - -The Palace of Ctesiphon,--the Sassanian representative of the Hellenic -Seleucia upon the Tigris, a city of the Diadochi which had itself taken -the place of the Chaldæan Babylon on the Euphrates,--the dwellings of -Sarbistan and Firuz-Abad, with many other buildings and monuments -sculptured upon the face of cliffs, give evidence of the artistic -ability of the new Persian kingdom, which continued to flourish until -the foundation of the Mohammedan power in Mesopotamia, 641 A.D. Much was -certainly lost, and the artistic ornamentation of architecture, as -illustrated by the columns and pilasters of Sarbistan, which are without -capital or base, sank again to the rudeness of the ancient monuments of -Chaldæa; but, on the other hand, the constructive gain was not -inconsiderable, notably in the greater development of gateways, windows, -and niches, as well as in the appearance of immense arches, cylindrical -vaults, and cupolas, which received peculiar forms of parabolic lines, -though not excluding the round arch. The later Persians had marked -influence upon the conquering Arabs, who, with few native traditions, -were readily receptive: this is illustrated by the horse-shoe arch, so -characteristic of Moorish architecture, which may be traced in the works -of the Sassanidæ from the Palace of Ctesiphon to the Monument of -Tak-i-Gero. Chronological considerations and the increasing influence of -Greek and Roman elements seem, however, to forbid the treatment of -Sassanian architecture in this sequence. Indian art is omitted chiefly -upon the ground that the best work of the Farther East does not -appertain to a history of antiquity at all; the remains antedating the -Christian era, such as the columns of Asoka, are too undeveloped and -wanting in independence to deserve separate consideration. This would be -even less the place for a review of Sassanian sculpture, because in -this, in spite of the recurrence of ancient Mesopotamian figures and -details, and notwithstanding the national peculiarities observable in -the modelling of muscles and draperies, the Hellenic and Roman -influences are too great to allow of a proper treatment of the subject -apart from the artistic development of Greece and Italy. Sassanian and -Indian art, though standing in a certain relation to the civilization of -antiquity, may receive a more just historical treatment if considered -immediately before the advent of Mohammedan methods of building,--upon -the threshold of the Middle Ages. - -The chief currents of culture and intellectual development have ever -flowed steadily towards the West: such was the course of the -wide-spreading artistic influence of Mesopotamia. The valley of the -Euphrates and Tigris is divided from the shores of the Mediterranean by -desert tracts which did not allow Assyrian traditions, though directed -and furthered by the important trade-roads, to take immediate and -undisputed possession of the strip of Phœnician coast. Egypt lay too -near for this; its influence could not remain unfelt by the seafaring -inhabitants of the Syrian lands. Indefinite theories have been prevalent -for some time concerning the meeting and blending of the peculiar -civilizations of the lands of the Nile and the Tigris, but until -recently Phœnicia was the least-known country of the ancient world. -The Syrian expedition of the French under the auspices of Napoleon -III., like the Egyptian under Napoleon I., presented the possibility of -a thorough and systematic exploration of Phœnician remains. The -difficulties of prosecuting the investigations were not less than they -had been in Chaldæa. “The land,” says Renan, who was commissioned to -conduct the explorations, “is now completely deserted. The destruction -of the forests has everywhere done its evil work; the soil, year after -year carried off by the inhabitants of the villages or washed away by -the torrents of winter rain, has disappeared from the native rock; the -flow of water from the springs, more and more exhausted, has become too -weak to find its way to the sea against the many hinderances; hemmed in -by dunes and alluvial formations, it fills the plain with the poisonous -exhalations of swamps, so that the once blooming and populous land has -become a pestilent desert, where for miles there is scarcely a hut to be -seen.” - -The remaining monuments are chiefly grouped around the five principal -trading towns of the coast,--Ruad (Aradus), Amrith (Marathus), Jebeil -(Byblus), Saida (Sidon), and Sur (Tyre),--which follow one another from -north to south in the given succession. Still farther to the south are -isolated ruins near Gabr-Hiram and Um-el-Auamid. Beyrout, now the most -important city of all the original Phœnician territory, has the -fewest remains of antiquity; the greater number are at the totally -deserted site of Marathus, where the neighboring brook, Nahr-el-Amrith, -alone retains a trace of the city’s anciently celebrated name. The city -Aradus, frequently mentioned in the Mosaic Scriptures, founded Marathus, -its most important colony, as well as Paltus, Balaneia, Carnek, and -Enhydra. Of Aradus itself little exists beyond a few enormous blocks of -hewn stone; the fanaticism of the present inhabitants of Ruad prevented -an adequate examination of the site. All these cities lost their -importance in the Roman period, with the ascendency of Antaradus, the -mediæval Tortosa. - -[Illustration: Fig. 94.--Temple Cella (El-Maabed) of Amrith.] - -The remains at Amrith are barely sufficient to give a conception of the -temple buildings and monumental tombs of the Phœnicians. One fane, in -an exceptionally good state of preservation, is still called by the -inhabitants El-Maabed (the temple). It consists of a rectangular area, -the temenos, 48 m. broad and 55 m. long, sunk into the native rock, so -that three of its sides are formed by the perpendicular cut, and reach -the height of 5 m. Upon the north, the entrance, the enclosure was -completed by a wall, which was also continued around the other three -sides, and there heightened the boundary. Two piers, in the southeastern -and southwestern corners, standing 3.5 m. from the edge of the rock, and -numerous sockets for the ends of the beams, plainly visible in the -walls, lead to the supposition that a gallery was carried partially or -entirely around the space. The whole sunken area formed the court of a -temple, perhaps a sacred lake, as many traces of paved springs in the -interior seem to indicate. The small cella, which rises exactly in the -centre of the quadrangle, thus became an unapproachable sanctuary. -(_Fig._ 94.) It is formed of only five stones. The socle is hewn from -the solid rock, 3 m. high and 5.5 m. square, with traces of a stairway -upon the right side. The three-walled cella, open to the north, is 5 m. -high; its ceiling is monolithic, while the walls consist of three -superposed blocks cut to the plan of the chamber. The roof, chiselled -within to the form of a flat-arched vault, juts forward over the -opening; its projection may have been supported by light columns of -metal, the probable form of which will be considered in connection with -the rock-cut reliefs of Mashnaka. Upon the side-walls, which stand 2.34 -m. apart, there are two low benches, leaving a ground-space of only 0.8 -m. between them. The architectural decoration of this shrine is limited -to a cornice of scotia and roundlet; though this appears also in Assyria -and Persia, it still gives an Egyptian character to the cella exterior, -which in plan and general disposition is very similar to the -Mesopotamian chapels represented upon Assyrian reliefs (_Figs._ 35 and -57), and to such structures as appear to have existed upon the terraced -pyramids of Chaldæa. In this cella we possess the oldest and the only -Semitic temple known, still in admirable preservation, although the -downfall of the crumbling mass is predicted by the authorities who -accompanied the Phœnician expedition. Of two similar structures, -which stood near the city of Marathus, Renan could discover only -overthrown blocks buried in the swamp of Ain-el-Hayat (fountain of the -serpents) and hidden by oleander-bushes. They stood at a distance of 10 -m., their open sides turned towards each other. The remains of the -better-preserved cella show it to have been entirely monolithic. It -stood upon a double substructure, of which, strange to say, the lower -part is considerably smaller than the upper. It betrays still closer -relationship with Egyptian works of the kind by rows of uræos-serpents -over the cornice scotia and the winged disk upon the inner ceiling. From -their plan, they appear to have had no columnar supports, and resemble, -in the careful restoration made by Mr. Thobois, the monolithic cellas of -Philæ preserved in Leyden and in the Louvre. Traces of three other -sanctuaries, or at least of their temenos enclosure, which is partly cut -in the rock and partly built, exist in the vicinity of the Stadion of -Amrith, now known as El-Meklaa (the quarry), and designated by Renan, -upon insufficient grounds, as itself ancient Phœnician. - -[Illustration: Fig. 95.--The Monuments El-Meghazil of Amrith.] - -The monumental tombs of Amrith are not less important than these places -of worship; the ruins known under the name El-Auamid-el-Meghazil (the -spindle-columns) are truly majestic. (_Fig._ 95.) The first rises in -three cylindrical steps upon a square platform little elevated above the -ground. The lower part, 2.5 m. in height and 5.15 m. in diameter, built -of two stones, is ornamented over the corners of the platform with -engaged lions, which are among the most prominent works of Phœnician -sculpture known, and will be considered at greater length below. Upon -this first cylindrical step rests a block 7 m. high, ornamented at the -base with delicately curved moulding, and at the summit with dentils and -battlements. These latter are found also upon fragments from Jebeil in -conjunction with squares and rosettes and a particularly characteristic -frieze of straight-lined laurel branches; they show great similarity to -Mesopotamian remains. In the circular plan of the structure there is no -reminiscence of Egyptian methods of art; an hemispherical termination -lends to the whole so marked an individuality that, although its form -seems not to have been universal, or even the most common, upon the -Syrian coasts, there yet may be recognized in this monument a truly -original Phœnician type. In the development of memorial stones a -cultured people generally expresses its fundamental artistic -conceptions, as is the case with the pyramidal termination of Egyptian -obelisks, and with the Assyrian piers terminated by a stepped terrace, -in both of which are embodied the lines predominant in the architecture -of those nations. A stairway hewn in the rock leads to the subterranean -burial chambers; its entrance is at some little distance from the -monument, as shown in the section _Fig._ 95. Only 6 m. removed from this -rises a second pile, which, from a certain parallelism of position, -seems to belong with it. It is simpler than the first, consisting of a -cube measuring 3 m. upon the side, so roughly hewn that it appears a -block taken just as it was quarried; upon it is a monolithic cylinder 4 -m. high and 3.7 m. in diameter, terminated by a five-sided pyramid of -steep inclination. Somewhat removed from these are two similar -monuments, of which the better preserved stands upon steps and rises in -two cubes, separated by a cornice of wavy outline, the upper block -terminating in a four-sided pyramid, now almost entirely overthrown. It -is remarkable for the monolithic horizontal covering of the entrance to -the grave chambers, which is again a little distant from the base. Of -the pyramidal termination of its neighbor, only traces remain. All these -monuments were in part cut from the native rock and in part composed of -enormous monoliths; a fifth, of considerably greater dimensions, was -built of quarried stones. Of this latter, the commanding mausoleum known -under the name of Burdj-el-Bezzak (Tower of the Snails), little remains -beyond the platform, which measures 11 m. in height and 9 m. in the -square plan. The four-sided pyramid, of obtuse inclination, placed upon -this elevation, is now entirely overthrown. The blocks, 5 m. long, are -hewn only upon the joints, and left with a rough face. A cornice of -curved profile ran around the platform; within it are two chambers, each -lighted by a small window, the existence of which rendered the otherwise -customary grotto beneath the pile superfluous. - -Grotto tombs, with a decorated entrance cut upon the rock wall, seem to -have been most generally employed in Central Phœnicia. They are -exemplified by the numerous remains of this kind at Saida (Sidon) and -Jebeil (Byblus). A tomb at the latter place shows a simple but -interesting façade; its ornamentation, by the heavy gable and -ring-formed acroterium, is strikingly similar to forms occurring in -Central Asia Minor (Phrygia). (_Fig._ 96.) Its flat border and plain -five-leaved rosette in the tympanon triangle give no evidence of -Hellenic influence. The interior of these tombs is generally a large -room, with curved ceiling and niches upon three of its sides, sunk into -the rock, one above another, like those of the Catacombs, to hold the -rows of coffins. The finest of the sarcophagi of Jebeil is decorated -with festoons, wreaths, single leaves and branches, in a naïve style of -ornament betraying no knowledge of Greek sculpture. In Southern -Phœnicia a monumental development of the sarcophagus seems to have -been chiefly favored. The tomb known as that of Hiram (Gabr-hiram), -south of Sur (Tyre), is an immense coffer, 3 m. high, with a heavy -arched cover, raised upon a plinth built of hewn blocks 4.24 m. long, -2.64 m. broad, and 3 m. high, the upper part of which is formed by a -monolithic slab almost one meter in thickness. Not far from this site, -at Um-el-Auamid, is a large sarcophagus, 2.40 m. long and 1.24 m. broad, -with a gable-shaped lid decorated by clumsy corner acroterias. Against -one of its sides stands a small altar, remarkable for the corners of its -battlemented termination, which must be similar to the horns of the -altar which stood in the tabernacle of Solomon’s Temple. - -[Illustration: Fig. 96.--Façade of a Rock-cut Tomb at Jebeil.] - -Of the domestic architecture of Phœnicia can be mentioned only an -entirely unornamented house, hewn from the rock, in Amrith, and a portal -at Um-el-Auamid, where the middle block of the triple lintel is -decorated with the Egyptian disk and uræos-serpents upon either side. -The materials employed by the Phœnician architects seem generally to -have been the cedars of Lebanon and the various metals of transmarine -commerce; it is on this account that the preserved monuments are so few, -and their remains so bare of carved decoration. - -This explains also the lack of examples illustrating the sculpture and -extended industrial art of the country. The Homeric epics constantly -point to the Syrian coast as the home of all contemporary skill in -metal-work, pottery, and weaving. Stone statues were rare; metal was the -favorite material of Phœnician sculpture, although it was but seldom, -as in the columns before the Temple of Jerusalem, employed for casting. -The usual proceeding of the artificer was to make a core of wood for the -work, whether this were to be in relief or in the full round; upon it -sheets of metal were secured, and these finally beaten with the hammer -to the modelling of the carved wood beneath, thus forming a so-called -sphyrelaton. The sculptures of Solomon’s Temple illustrate this process, -and, according to the Biblical account, may unhesitatingly be ascribed -to Phœnician artists. In some instances the beaten metal was gold, -this being the case with the Temple of Jerusalem and with a small temple -at Carthage, which contained an image similarly overlaid. Silver was -more rarely thus employed, though it is known that from the earliest -times the Spanish silver-mines were worked by the Phœnicians. The -metal was perhaps more frequently devoted to utensils like the twelve -silver vessels discovered upon Cyprus, of which those now in the Louvre -show a workmanship nearly akin to that of the before-mentioned Assyrian -bronzes. It has been remarked in the section upon Assyria that this -style was neither purely Mesopotamian nor Egyptian, but rather a mixture -of both, the latter predominating. This points to the Phœnician -origin of such works, and these silver vessels of Cyprus lend a striking -confirmation to the supposition. The beaten metal was usually a bronze, -the copper in its composition being derived from the Phœnician island -Cyprus, the tin an article of commerce brought from England. It is -natural that the Phœnicians, to whom alone these metals were -accessible, should be regarded as the inventors of that amalgamation of -ten parts of copper with one of tin known as bronze, of so great -importance in casting. Homer’s mention of vessels and utensils from -Sidon, and the discovery of Phœnician bronzes in the ruins of -Nineveh, prove a most ancient and extended trade in objects formed of -that metal. - -The carved wooden form covered with sheets of metal, the sphyrelaton, is -a peculiarly Phœnician product. Such beaten reliefs were generally of -copper, pure, or with a small percentage of tin; gold, silver, and even -tin were, however, similarly employed, in conjunction with mosaics of -precious stones, ivory, and notably with amber, a substance greatly -prized in early antiquity, and brought by the enterprising Phœnicians -from the coasts of the North Sea. A certain effect of color was thus -obtained. In the decoration of weapons, a ground of metal served instead -of the wood as a foundation. This inlaid work was known to the Greeks of -the Homeric age. It stood in the same relation to primitive monumental -painting as the mosaic of the Byzantines did to the decline of the art, -its greatest height of development being reached by the so-called -chryselephantine sculpture, where a combination of carving and inlaying -was effected with gold and ivory upon a wooden kernel. The throne of -Solomon was an example of this, the lions carved upon its arms rendering -it the work rather of a sculptor than of an artisan. Carvings entirely -of ivory are mentioned by Hezekiah as frequently existing in the -sanctuaries of Tyre, and in Nineveh there have been found many -fragments, apparently Egyptian, which may, without doubt, be attributed -to the Phœnicians. The Biblical prophets speak of great works in Tyre -composed of precious stones, and Theophrastos mentions an entire obelisk -of emerald as existing in the Temple of Melkarth of that city, which is -explained to have been of a colored glass (_plasma di smeraldo_). Glass -itself, assumed to have been invented by the Phœnicians, but common -in Egypt before the fifteenth century B.C., appears to have been made -only in colored, and generally opaque, masses. The most ancient piece of -white transparent glass known is described by Layard as a cup whereupon -is cut the name of King Sargon in cuneiform characters--consequently an -Assyrian work from the end of the seventh century B.C. - -[Illustration: Fig. 97.--From a Relief of Saida.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 98.--From the Monument El-Meghazil of Amrith.] - -Phœnician sculpture is almost exclusively represented by metal-work, -and, as this was mostly beaten, it is natural that it should assume -that peculiar style of conventionalization which, even in works of -stone, reminds us of empaistic prototypes,--that is to say, of the -characteristic forms and modes of conception originally decided by the -properties of beaten metal. This style is shown by the Phœnician -leaved ornaments upon architectural details, and is especially striking -in the representations of animal forms. Upon a frieze at Saida (_Fig._ -97), for example, is a remarkable illustration of the Phœnician -sphyrelaton, which enables us to understand the form of the bulls upon -the brazen laver in the Temple of Jerusalem. The half-lions upon the -monument of Amrith, also, although carelessly carved and much weathered, -are still more interesting in this regard. (_Figs._ 95 and 98.) Besides -their peculiarities as imitations of empaistic work, especially -recognizable in the primitive legs, they show some reminiscences of -Egyptian granite forms and of a Mesopotamian conception of animal -nature, marked also upon the bull’s-head by the strap-like formation of -the sinews. Less direct insight can be gained from other Phœnician -sculptures because of their more advanced state of destruction. The -rock-cut reliefs of Gineh and of Mashnaka, however, well deserve to be -mentioned. The first shows upon one side an animal, apparently a bear, -leaping upon a man, while at the right, in a sunken rectangular frame, -is an enthroned figure, and in another a man in front view, with two -dogs, which are scarcely recognizable. Enough is still preserved to show -that the work is not of Egyptian origin, but may more justly be compared -to Assyrian sculptures, though without the stiff character of courtly -ceremonial peculiar to the works of Nineveh. The two rock-cut reliefs of -a mountain-pass near Mashnaka (_Fig._ 99) are more important to the -history of the architecture than to that of the sculpture of Western -Asia, because of the remarkable forms of the capitals represented upon -them; they will be considered in connection with Solomon’s Temple. The -smaller, movable sculptures found in Phœnicia, which were possibly -not the work of the country, are of less interest; they usually exhibit -decided Egyptian influence. Numerous marble sarcophagi found in Saida -are characterized by the confusion of style peculiar to Phœnicia. The -covers are imitated from the swathed human forms represented upon the -lids of Egyptian mummy-coffins; the heads betray in some measure the -influence of Greece, and render it probable that they were executed in -the time of the Seleucidæ. - -[Illustration: Fig. 99.--Rock-cut Relief of Mashnaka.] - -As might be expected from the position of the country, lying between -Egypt and Chaldæa, and from the national commerce and manufactures, -which attracted the products of both countries, the artistic style of -Phœnicia was a mixture of Egyptian and Mesopotamian elements. This -was, of course, also the case with that of the Jews, who, in their -architecture and sculpture, were as dependent upon the Phœnicians as -were the primitive Romans upon the Etruscans. The influence of Egypt was -felt in Palestine in a greater degree than in Phœnicia, because the -Israelites had grown to a people upon the banks of the Nile, and without -doubt transplanted many artistic conceptions, as well as methods and -details, to the Promised Land. This is noticeable in the tabernacle and -in the temple, the latter, as is well known, receiving its general -disposition from its relation to that former encampment. The tabernacle -(_Fig._ 100) is in fundamental character a repetition in movable tents -of the triple Egyptian temple system of court, hall, and cella. At the -time of the emigration of the Jews from their long sojourn in Goshen, -they could have been familiar only with Egyptian forms; we cannot -mistake if we suppose them, before their intercourse with the -Phœnicians, to have supplied all their artistic needs from Egyptian -precedents. - -[Illustration: Fig. 100.--The Mosaic Tabernacle.] - -The simple enclosure of the tabernacle formed a court, with a front of -fifty cubits, and twice as long as it was broad. There were twenty-one -columns, like tent-poles, upon the sides, and eleven upon the front; -those of the corners being counted twice. These supports were five -cubits high, ornamented with silver capitals, and standing in sockets of -bronze; they must have been entirely similar to the shafts represented -upon Egyptian wall-paintings. They appear not to have been joined by -cross-bars. White immovable hangings were fastened between them, beneath -their capitals, with the exception of the four central -intercolumniations of the eastern front, where hung movable curtains of -blue, purple, and scarlet linen. The tabernacle itself, _b_, did not -stand in the centre of this enclosure, but nearer the western end, -probably so that a square of fifty cubits was left before its entrance, -in which space there stood the altar, _c_, of earth and wooden sheathing -for burnt-offerings, five cubits square and three cubits high, and the -laver of brass, _d_. There thus remained upon the three other sides a -space of twenty cubits between the tabernacle and the enclosure. This -disposition is not expressly affirmed, but may naturally be assumed from -the indications presented by the dimensions of the tabernacle, which was -thirty cubits long and ten broad. Except in the front, _e_, where were -five columns, it was formed of forty-eight boards overlaid with -sheet-gold. These boards, like the poles of the enclosure, were not -rammed into the earth, but stood upon double sockets of silver; they -were fastened together by tenons and by bars, which were pushed through -projecting golden rings. The arrangement of the five columns of the -front, also overlaid with gold, is not certain. It is hardly possible -that they were placed in antis; for, although the shafts were but thin -poles, the six intercolumniations thus formed would have had a width of -only one and a half cubits each--too narrow for passage. The two -outermost columns may, from this consideration, be assumed to have stood -before the ends of the boarded wall, in prostyle arrangement, or close -upon this, as indicated in the plan at _e_; a method of avoiding the -narrowing of the space by the two exterior intercolumniations which was -adopted in much later times upon the so-called tombs of Absalom and -Zachariah, to be considered below, where the forms may have been in some -measure decided by reminiscences of these primitive constructions. If -the ten cubits of the tabernacle front were divided into four parts -instead of six, passage would have been easy. - -There is no information concerning the appearance of these shafts. Their -sockets of bronze may have been similar to the high bases of Moorish -columns, and to those which support the canopy-poles of our churches. If -the shafts were neither connected by cross-braces nor rammed into the -earth, they must have been provided with a footing even broader than -that of either of the instances mentioned, and have resembled the -wide-spreading plinths of Egyptian lotos columns. That the columns were -disproportionately slim is evident from the consideration that five -shafts of normal Egyptian, or Greek Doric, proportions, ten cubits high, -would have entirely occupied the narrow front of the tabernacle, and -have left no space for the intercolumniations. Mere tent-poles would -have been sufficient, as the building was provided with no fixed roof, -but was covered, like the tents of Bedouins, with colored linen, cloths -of goat-hair, and the skins of rams and seals. As this covering received -its chief support from the side walls, a light epistyle of wood was -sufficient to unite the summits of the front columns. It cannot be said -that there was any entablature, in the proper sense of the word. - -The proportions of the tabernacle, three times as long as it was broad, -were like those of the Egyptian temple. It was divided into two unequal -compartments, the front, _f_, being twice the depth of the innermost -holy of holies, _g_. The altar for incense, _h_, one cubit square in -plan and two cubits high, probably stood in the centre of the first -space; it was of acacia-wood, covered with beaten gold. Like the altar -for burnt-sacrifices, its corners were ornamented with “horns,” the -nature of which has been variously explained, but which could have been -nothing else than corner acroteria, like those upon the monuments, -sarcophagi, etc., of Asia Minor, and those of the small altar found at -Um-el-Auamid, in Phœnicia. Such acroteria--which do, indeed, somewhat -resemble upright horns--were not merely for ornament, but served to hold -the golden lattice-work (_zer_) surrounding the top of the altar, to -prevent the scattering of coals. Next to the northern side-wall stood -the table for shew-bread, _i_; in the southwestern corner of the space -the seven-armed candlestick, _k_, was so obliquely placed that, to a -person entering, its flames were in a line. The form of the candlestick -is known from the representation upon the Arch of Titus, which, though -possibly not copied from the original--as Josephus relates that only an -imitation was paraded during the triumph of Titus--yet agrees with the -main points of the Biblical description. The seven arms consisted of -three concentrical semicircles and a vertical staff, all of which ended -at the same height. The base was polygonal, and ornamented with -sculptures, the support decorated with leaves, the arms represented -branches with buds and blossoms, ending in the open calyxes of the -flowers which bore the lamps. Its importance, as was the case with all -the appurtenances of Jewish worship, was considerably greater in -material than in artistic respects; the candlestick was without doubt -solid, and was made of a talent of gold--worth more than four hundred -pounds sterling. A relief of Thabarieh, probably older than the -Christian era, shows its general form; it is given in _Fig._ 101 as -further illustrative of the peculiar metallic style of the -Phœnician-Israelitic art of stone-cutting. - -[Illustration: Fig. 101.--Relief of Thabarieh.] - -The holy of holies, a cubical space of ten cubits on the side, was -separated from the larger antechamber by four columns, _l_, which were -also covered with gold, and stood upon silver sockets; they bore a -second curtain of four colors. This cella contained the palladium of the -people, the ark of the covenant, _m_, a coffer of acacia-wood, two -cubits and a half long and a cubit and a half high, borne upon poles -fixed in golden rings. Upon the lid, the so-called mercy-seat, were the -figures of two cherubim, monstrous combinations of bulls, lions, eagles, -and human bodies; or, at least, of three of these--the body of either -the lion or the bull being adopted. Though De Saulcy and Layard do not -doubt that these cherubim were perfectly similar to the symbolical -monsters before the portals of the palaces of Nineveh, it must not be -forgotten that the Jews were, at this period of their wanderings, so -completely influenced by Egyptian conceptions of art that peculiarly -Assyrian forms could not have existed in the tabernacle. The cherubim -must rather have been Egyptian--entirely similar to the sphinxes, which, -as has been seen, frequently presented this same combination of human -head and breast, with the body of a lion. Neumann considers the cherubim -to resemble the animals upon an Assyrian ornament, with sunken head and -bent fore-legs; but it is more probable that they were crouched like a -sphinx, or were, perhaps, sitting upon their hinder quarters, like the -figures of a Phœnician throne of rather later period published by -Renan. They were carved in wood and overlaid with thin sheets of gold, -as was also the golden calf with which the Israelites in the desert -sought to imitate the Egyptian idolatry of animals. This is all that can -be said of the Jewish sculpture of the period; the Second Commandment -entirely prevented any independent development of art. - -The form and arrangement of the tabernacle are in the main clear. This -is not the case with the monumental temple which Solomon, according to -the plan of his great predecessor, erected to take its place, after King -David had recovered, and brought to the plateau of Moriah (at present -known as Haram-el-Sherif) the ark of the covenant, which had for some -time been held as booty in the hands of enemies. The Biblical accounts -enlarge, after the well-known manner of the Jews, principally upon the -great cost of the materials, and are thus rather archæological notices -than artistic descriptions. As might be expected from writers ignorant -of art, the statements are, for the greater part, vague and confused. -The conditions of Jewish architecture and sculpture appear radically -changed since the time of Moses. Immediately after the exodus, Egyptian -conceptions and manners of work were dominant; but, as time advanced -without further direct communication between the two countries, these -became more and more outgrown, and at last completely changed to a -dependency upon the civilization and art of Phœnicia. The Egyptian -element, however, by no means disappears, for, as has been seen, it -existed in Phœnicia itself, as might be expected from its -geographical position between Mesopotamia and Egypt: The Jews were not -so far developed from a nomadic people as to be able themselves to -create imposing architectural works. These call for centuries of -practice in the art of building. The construction of their temple was -given over to their northern neighbors, the more readily as Solomon was -in friendly alliance with Hiram, King of Tyre. The Tyrian architect -Hiram was sent with a great number of assistants to Jerusalem. -Stone-cutters of Byblos worked, with the aid of Jews, in the quarries of -Jerusalem; the necessary timber was hewn in the Phœnician forests of -Lebanon; and upon the Jordan, in the vicinity of Scythopolis, a -metal-foundry for the temple ornaments was built under Phœnician -direction. An understanding of the activity among these artisans during -the time of building may be obtained from a consideration of the number -of workmen employed: eighty thousand stone-cutters were assisted by -seventy thousand bearers of burdens. This multitude of laborers would -not have needed one year to complete the temple, far less the seven -years actually employed (1014 to 1007 B.C.), had it not been for the -imposing substructure of the rocky plateau,--a mass of masonry which may -almost be compared to the Egyptian pyramids; surpassing the remains at -Ruad, if not in the colossal size of the blocks, at least in the -exactitude of their workmanship. From the numbers said to have labored -in Jerusalem at one time, it appears probable that by far the greater -part of the immense foundations was built under Solomon, though the -supporting vaults of the southeastern corner are known to date from the -time of Herod, if not even later. The erection of enormous terraced -foundations plays a prominent, and at times even the most important, -part in the architecture of all the people of Western Asia. - -The temple itself occupied but a very small part of the oblong area, -more than 1500 m. in circumference, which was gained by this artificial -extension of the rocky plateau. This space was provided with gates upon -all four sides, to some of which access was had by arched bridges; it -was surrounded by thick walls and double ranges of columns, asserted by -Josephus to have been monolithic. This outer court, accessible to all, -contained a smaller interior enclosure formed by other colonnades, and -probably also by several large halls; four gateways with gilded bronze -doors led to the interior, to which every worthy Jew had access. -Infidels were debarred from farther advance by a grating almost 1.5 m. -high, which enclosed the space corresponding to the outer court of the -Mosaic tabernacle. The altar for burnt-offerings had been increased in -plan to a square of twenty cubits, and to a height of ten cubits; an -inclined ascent of considerable size was necessary to reach the summit. -It is believed that the kernel of this altar is the holy rock in the -present Mosque of Omar. - -The brazen laver (the _kijor_) had developed into the so-called molten -sea,--a basin of ten cubits in diameter, cast in bronze, and supported -at a height of five cubits upon the backs of twelve bronze oxen. It may -be conceived as very similar to the fountain of the Court of the Lions -in the Alhambra. The oxen were so divided in groups of three that they -faced the cardinal points of the compass, “and all their hinder parts -were inward.” These figures, so purely Phœnician, must have been far -more similar to the productions of Assyria than could have been the case -with the Mosaic cherubim. Their heads probably resembled that shown -above (_Fig._ 97) upon the relief of Saida, their legs those of the -primitive animals upon the monument of Amrith (_Fig._ 98), or of the -lions in the court of the Alhambra. The altar and the molten sea were -situated before the front of the temple, the axis of which was turned -east and west, at right angles to the general direction of the outer -court, which ran north and south. - -[Illustration: Fig. 102.--Vase Discovered in Cyprus.] - -The entrance to the temple was ornamented by two bronze columns, known -as Jachin and Boaz; their height is given in different passages as 18 -and 35 cubits, and here begins the confusion caused by the Biblical -contradictions which make it so difficult to obtain a reliable -understanding of the nature of Solomon’s building. It cannot even be -decided whether these columns were in the entrance, as architectural -supports, or stood before the gates, without a function,--they being -spoken of as _in_, _upon_, and _before_ the portico. If they stood in -the entrance itself, as supports of its lintel (as assumed by Baehr), it -is probable that they did not divide its width into three equal -intercolumniations. The diameter of the shafts was four cubits, and such -an arrangement would so have occupied the total opening of the portal, -only fourteen cubits, that but two cubits would have remained for each -of the three passages. It is more probable that they were placed next -to the jambs in the manner assumed for the front of the tabernacle. If -the columns be supposed to have stood before the portico, without any -function of support, like obelisks, all difficulty is avoided. In either -case it would be important, for an understanding of the style of -Solomon’s Temple and of Phœnician workmanship, to comprehend the long -description given of their capitals. It is only clear that these were -four or five cubits high, and had the general form of lilies, probably -that of a calyx, as if derived from the floral capitals of Egypt. A -column discovered in the foundation vaults of the temple exhibits a -peculiarly heavy capital of this kind, which is, however, though -evidently of primitive outline and proportions, characterized by the -acanthus-like carving as a work influenced by the later art of Greece. -It is to be observed that the normal Egyptian-bell calyx, without -additions, could not be spoken of as having the form of a lily, by which -name the curled ends of leaves were usually designated in the Orient. -The volutes thus especially referred to must have been similar to those -upon the Assyrian capital, and notably to those of the rock-cut relief -in the Pass of Mashnaka (_Fig._ 99), which, situated upon Phœnician -territory, offer the most striking analogy. An illustration of the -extensive ornamental employment of the helix termination is offered by -the decoration of a vase recently discovered in Cyprus (_Fig._ 102), and -by pilaster capitals in the Cesnola collection. (_Fig._ 107.) It is an -anachronism to bring the columns, because of their channelled shafts and -some minor peculiarities, into connection with the forms of Persian -architecture, which could not have been developed so long before the -time of Cyrus. The additions--wreaths of chains, nets of checker-work, -hanging pomegranates, etc.--of which the Scriptures render a chaotic -account, cannot, in detail, be understood or explained. If the shafts -are supposed to have been united by a lattice-work of metal, it is more -natural to seek a parallel in the free-standing columns of an Assyrian -relief than in the canopies of Persian thrones suggested by Julius -Braun. That the chains, net-work, and the pomegranates did not hang upon -the capitals themselves has been argued by Vogué, from the analogy of an -ancient capital of the Mosque of Haram, and is made evident by Braun’s -question, how, indeed, it would be possible to count two hundred -pomegranates strung around a capital at such a height above the ground. - -[Illustration: Fig. 103.--Hypothetical Plan and Section of Solomon’s -Temple.] - -An important portal stood before the halls of the temple. With a plan of -10 cubits deep and 20 cubits broad, the astonishing height of 120 cubits -is attributed to this tower, a number appearing in the Chronicles, and -repeated in the Septuagint and by Josephus, so that it cannot be -regarded as the mistake of a transcriber. But even if the first measures -are arbitrarily assumed to refer only to a small interior space enclosed -by walls of enormous thickness, the constructive impracticability of -erecting a tower of such height is evident; it appears impossible that -the temple could have been preceded by a pile twice as high as the -principal building was long, and six times as high as this was broad! We -would not venture to present a restoration with such proportions, and -must agree with Hirt, Streber, De Saulcy, De Vogué, and others, that the -account is a Scriptural exaggeration, passed on from hand to hand. It is -hardly to be explained by the suggestions of De Saulcy and Streber. The -first of these authorities wishes to reduce the elevation by the -supposition that one half of the entire height existed under the earth -as a foundation, so that only 60 cubits remained visible above. This is -ludicrous; the solid rock beneath the temple rendered such remarkable -foundations useless and impossible to execute. Streber, also seeking to -uphold the Biblical authority, would have it that the 120 cubits was -obtained by adding together the heights of two pylons. But this is no -less inadmissible, apart from the extreme improbability of heights -having been given in so unwonted a manner; the portal appears, from its -narrow width, to have been a single tower, and not divided, like those -of Egypt, into two separate pylons. It is at least probable, however, -that the structure rose above the main building; like the pylons of -Egypt, it must have had a marked talus, and without doubt a cornice of -scotia and roundlet, as these forms appear upon the monumental tombs of -Siloam (_Fig._ 104)--the oldest of Palestine--and as this cornice was -common in Phœnicia, and appears also in Assyria, upon the temple -terrace of Kisr Sargon, and in Persia, over door and window openings. -The entrance, 14 cubits broad, was probably diminished as its walls -ascended, sloping like the outer angle of the elevation, so that the -construction of the lintel presents little difficulty, especially when -we consider the enormous stones employed in the restoration of the -building by Herod, some of which Josephus relates to have been 5 and 6 -cubits broad and thick, and 45 (!) cubits long. Above the lintel the -same principle of a relieving triangle seems to have been practised, as -may be observed in various parts of Egypt and in Mykenæ: the blocks -over the door did not lie directly upon the lintel, but gradually -approached from both sides above the jambs, leaving between them a -gable-shaped opening, which was closed, in order to spare the beam -beneath, by only a slab of marble, as at Mykenæ, or by light, thin -masonry. This method of construction is indicated by the mention that a -golden candlestick, dedicated by Queen Helena, was so placed over the -temple entrance as to be shone upon by the sun; and especially by the -reference to a triangle existing over the door which opened into the -holy of holies. The first gate had jambs of olive-wood and movable doors -of cypress, both overlaid with gold. It led to the larger hall, 20 -cubits broad, 40 cubits long, and 30 cubits high; to which adjoined the -holy of holies, a cubical space of 20 cubits side. The access to this, -permitted in rare instances, was through a richly carved door, overlaid -with gold and draped with a magnificent curtain. The separating wall was -of gilded cedar. These two halls were surrounded upon all sides, with -the exception of the front, by a large number of small chambers, in -three stories, lighted from without by three rows of windows. These -secondary sacristies were each 5 cubits in height within, and, with -their ceilings, must have attained an altitude of 20 cubits. The holy of -holies was consequently entirely surrounded, and must have been without -windows, and dark. The larger space still rose 10 cubits above this side -structure, and in this clerestory its windows, which are especially -mentioned, must have found place. The flat roof, or, rather, the -terraces upon different heights of which it was composed, mounted from -the holy of holies to the portal tower in steps somewhat more than 20, -30, and perhaps 60 cubits high. According to Eupolemo (Eusebius), the -covering was of copper sheathing. - -The temple bore an upper story, explicitly described by Josephus, as it -appeared after Herod’s reconstruction of the building, but which is only -once mentioned before his time, with the remark that these upper -chambers were overlaid with gold (2 Chron. iii. 9). The height of this -second story is evident from Josephus, who gives 60 cubits as the total -elevation of the building, while the space beneath it had but 30 cubits -in this dimension. In regard to the extent of its plan, it must be -assumed that it was not built above the lateral chambers or the holy of -holies, as the height of the principal hall was far greater than that of -the chambers; this would have made the upper story on entirely different -levels, and have required staircases large enough to occupy the whole of -the space above the 20 square cubits of the holy of holies; and the -height of this chamber would, upon the exterior, have become thrice that -of its length and breadth--namely, 60 cubits. Such deformities, -impracticable of execution, without purpose, and offending all sense of -fitness and beauty, may be rejected when the authorities for them are -indefinite and contradictory, or, as is the case with Maimonides (1190 -A.D.), are assuredly unauthentic. It is probable that the upper story -was built only upon the ceiling of the larger hall; and that it was not -formed of the massive materials employed for the walls of the lower -temple, but, as is indicated by the statement that these upper chambers -were overlaid with gold, was built lightly of wood. Such a manner of -construction would have permitted a passage to be left around it in the -width of the hall ceiling, thus uniting the suitability and the æsthetic -advantages of a terraced form, and agreeing with Mesopotamian and -Persian analogies. The suggestion may even be ventured that it was by a -misunderstanding connected with these upper chambers that the fabulous -height of 120 cubits was originally assigned to the portal tower, which, -perhaps, was regarded as twice the height of the principal hall; if the -elevation of the lower hall and the upper-story had been taken together, -if 60 cubits had been doubled in the place of 30, this would account for -the 120 cubits taking the place of the more probable 60. - -The lower walls of the temple were built of hewn blocks of white marble. -The remarkable statement that a layer of cypress or cedar beams always -followed upon one of stone cannot be explained otherwise than as a -reference to the interior revetment of the masonry with wood. The wall -of the court, where the beams are said to have followed three courses of -stone, must be considered as of triple thickness, its quarried blocks -being hidden by a sheathing, like that of the temple. The statement that -the ceiling joists of the smaller surrounding chambers were not sunk -into the stone wall itself, but were borne upon the beams, now becomes -intelligible; they rested upon the studding of the wooden revetment. The -entire interior of the temple, exclusive of the passage through the -portico, is particularly asserted to have been provided with this -sheathing. The partition between the holy of holies and the principal -hall was probably altogether of wood, as here only the two revetments -were visible. Upon these walls were sculptured ornaments overlaid with -beaten gold. This wood-carving, with its surface of sheet-metal, here -took the place of the sculptured and painted decoration upon the walls -of Nineveh; it is in this point that the chief difference between the -mural treatment of Upper Mesopotamia and Phœnicia appears to have -consisted. Quarries of alabaster were common in Assyria; Mount Lebanon, -on the other hand, provided the most beautiful wood for carving, and -Phœnician commerce procured the metals for the characteristic beaten -work--the sphyrelaton. - -The few notices preserved concerning the decorations of Solomon’s Temple -prove them to have been similar, in both subject and design, to those of -Nineveh; they represented cherubim, palms (the so-called tree of life), -and floral wreaths. It was only in the cherubim and in the oxen bearing -the molten sea that the exercise of sculpture in the full round was at -all permitted, and these subjects did not greatly encourage the artistic -study of nature. The cherubim stood in the holy of holies as guardians -of the ark of the covenant. They were independent colossal figures, -carved of olive-wood and overlaid with beaten gold. They were no longer, -as in the Mosaic tabernacle, upon the lid of the ark--the mercy-seat--in -a recumbent or sitting position, but stood at either side of the holy -coffer, and were without doubt greatly different in style from their -predecessors. In the consideration of the cherubim of the tabernacle, -the similarity of these works to Assyrian parallels was denied, for the -Israelites, immediately after the exodus, were naturally acquainted -alone with the artistic traditions of Egypt; but this was by no means -the case in the time of Solomon, when we have to deal with Phœnician -styles,--that is to say, with a combination of various manners of -artistic conception and expression. The cherubim of Solomon may fairly -be assumed to have in the main resembled the monstrous guardians of -Assyrian palaces; the chief deviation from the cherubim of Nineveh was -that their wings were not folded closely, but were outstretched as if -for flight, so that the tips of their feathers touched together over the -ark of the sanctuary, and extended to the side walls of the holy of -holies, measuring ten cubits in entire span. The ark of the covenant -itself and the other vessels of the temple were either overlaid with -gold or were of the solid metal. The altar of incense, the shew-bread -table, and the seven-armed candlestick remained as they had been in the -tabernacle; to them were added, besides many less important utensils, -ten further lamp-holders of gold. As the beaten metal not only extended -over all the carved walls of wooden sheathing, but even covered the -horizontal ceiling, the eye saw nothing but gold--a decoration which the -many-flamed candlesticks must have rendered particularly brilliant, but -which was eminently barbaric, as the metal was probably not enlivened by -colored enamels. It is in questionable taste, even in the most prominent -members of an architectural composition, to outbid the artistic -expression of a work by employing for it a material of too striking -intrinsic value; but it is wholly condemnable to paralyze the -concentrating effect, which is always attained by the moderate use of a -very bright and valuable material, by its universal employment, and thus -to lose the precious character of the centre through the attempted -magnificence of the whole. - -As is well known, Solomon’s Temple was destroyed at the command of the -Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar, in 587 B.C. The attempt to rebuild it -was not entirely successful until Cyrus ended the Babylonian exile, and -not only permitted the building to proceed, but even returned the sacred -utensils, which had been carried off as booty, and kept in the Temple of -Bel. This reconstruction, named, after the ruler, Zerubbabel, was not -completed until after forty-six years, when, under Darius, all the -difficulties in the way of its prosecution were overcome. There is -reason for supposing that the influence of Persia made itself felt upon -the style of the new work, but nothing of importance to the history of -art is directly known concerning it. The magnificent restoration of -Herod, commenced in 16 or 15 B.C., was executed in ten years, to be -destroyed within a century by Titus, so that, literally, not one stone -remained upon the other. The remodelled temple is not important to the -history of Phœnician-Israelitic art; though the original plan and -arrangement were in the main preserved, its style became a debasement of -the Greek and Roman orders. The gigantic platform, the site of the -building with which so many remarkable events are connected, will always -continue to be of peculiar interest in the history of the world’s -development. - -The description of Solomon’s palace given by the Scriptures is too vague -to convey any adequate conception of it. It was a building extended by -columns and provided with an upper story: the shafts were of cedar-wood; -their form is not mentioned. The walls were of stone, hewn -rectangularly, as might be expected from the similar masonry of the -temple. The cedar beams of the ceiling must be supposed, agreeably to -Solomon’s preference for costly materials, to have been overlaid with -gold. There is nothing in these descriptions to suggest Persian -arrangement or details, which did not develop from Assyrian methods of -building until four centuries later. As the Phœnician architecture of -this epoch can be compared to that of no younger land than Mesopotamia, -and as the plans of the known Assyrian palaces are provided with no -halls of columns, it is natural to seek for the origin of the hypostyle -disposition in Egyptian elements, which, in other respects, take so -important a place in the development of Israelitic art. Buildings of -wood overlaid with metal are, on the other hand, peculiarly -characteristic of the Syrian coast. - -All this magnificence has totally disappeared, and it would be natural -to expect that, as in other parts of Western Asia, the rock-cut tombs in -the vicinity of Jerusalem, preserved by their indestructibility, would -give the most direct and trustworthy information concerning the -Phœnician-Israelitic style. But the more ancient of these -monuments--those erected before the time of the Seleucidæ--are of such -extreme simplicity that, from lack of detail, they convey no -understanding of Phœnician columns and entablatures, nor, indeed, of -any characteristic architectural forms. A simple stairway leads to the -smaller grotto graves, which, excavated in the cliff, were once closed -by slabs of stones. Their plan is generally square, the ceiling cut to -the form of a flat barrel-vault. In the larger family sepulchres the -burial-chambers are grouped around an antechamber, the bodies in them -being placed upon stone benches or pushed into coffin-like niches. When -the entrance is at all architecturally characterized upon the exterior, -which is of comparatively rare occurrence, it displays the heavy -Egyptian scotia and roundlet (_Fig._ 104), or a simple framing with a -gable and a ridge acroterium of double volutes, like the rock-cut tombs -of Phrygia. (_Fig._ 105.) Where there is carved foliage in the gables -and friezes, as upon the so-called tombs of the judges and kings, these -are the conventional traces of a later period, though these ornaments -frequently retain in design and execution the peculiar dry angularity -characteristic of the imitation of beaten metal which is so universal in -Phœnicia. - -[Illustration: Fig. 104.--Rock-cut Tomb of Siloam.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 105.--Rock-cut Tomb of Hinnom.] - -The influence of Greece and Rome is distinctly betrayed in the so-called -Tomb of Jacob, the pretended sepulchres of the kings, and the tombs -attributed, without reason, to Absalom and Zachariah. These monuments, -some of which have been cut entirely from the native rock, are -ornamented by Doric friezes with Roman disks in the metopes, and by -Doric and Ionic columns and engaged shafts, which reproduced the debased -forms which characterize the treatment of Greek architecture under the -Romans. Yet in all this there are still traces of national -peculiarities. At times vegetable ornaments, grapes and grape-leaves, -pomegranates, ivy, laurel, and acorns fill the tympanon and the frieze, -interrupted by the triglyphs. The general form of the two last-named -tombs is peculiar. That of Zachariah is a cube of a little over 5 m. on -the side; that of Absalom of almost 7 m. They are ornamented by -pilasters and debased Ionic engaged shafts, and have heavy cornices of -the Egyptian roundlet and scotia, to which is added, upon the Tomb of -Absalom, a late Doric frieze. The former is concluded by a pyramid, 3.6 -m. high, cut also from the native rock, a termination which gives to the -general form a certain similarity to the Tomb of Amrith known as the -Snail-tower. The latter supports upon the cube a smaller and much lower -mass of masonry, built of quarried stones, and bearing upon a doubly -stepped cylindrical base a cone of concave outline, which terminates, at -a height of 13.5 m. above the ground, in a clumsy, tulip-like flower. -The entrance to the burial-chamber cut in the rock substructure of -Absalom’s tomb has been broken in above the scotia cornice; the traces -of nails upon the walls of the small space point to the customary -sheathing of metal. Notwithstanding such isolated reminiscences of -indigenous--that is to say, Phœnician--manners of building, it is -impossible to agree with several noted authorities in recognizing, in -the Doric and Ionic details which appear combined with them, -predecessors and models of the Hellenic development of these styles. -Such prototypes should least be sought among a people who, possessing no -art of their own, did but borrow from their neighbors. And, moreover, -these forms appear by no means to be primitive attempts, but clearly -exhibit the lifelessness and debasement of the latest period of Greek -architectural history. These monuments may safely be ascribed to the -last two centuries B.C. Although the Corinthian order almost entirely -superseded the older styles in Italy during the time of the Cæsars, -these provincial Doric and Ionic forms may still be assumed to date -rather from the later than from the earlier half of this period. - -[Illustration: Fig. 106.--Tomb at Paphos in Cyprus.] - -Palestine, in the history of art, may be regarded as a domain of -Phœnicia, and the same thing may be said of Cyprus and of Carthage. -All the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, lying as it did between the -great powers of civilization in the valley of the Nile and the plain of -the Euphrates and Tigris, seemed destined by nature, as we have seen, to -combine the artistic peculiarities of Egypt and Assyria. Cyprus, in a -somewhat similar position, shared the Phœnician civilization and was -also exposed to the influence of the Greeks, especially to that of the -Dorians, who had founded colonies upon the southern islands of the -Ægean, and who early possessed a stronghold in Crete. It is therefore -not surprising that upon the rock-cut tombs of Cyprus the Doric style of -architecture was not restricted to the late and debased forms found upon -the tombs near Jerusalem, but may occasionally be met with in a very -primitive state of development. An instance of this is offered by a tomb -near Paphos. (_Fig._ 106.) In general, the position of the island -exposed it more to the influence of Egypt than of Mesopotamia; it is not -evident in how marked a degree this was felt. Of the chief Phœnician -sanctuary upon Cyprus--the Temple of Astarte at Paphos--there exist only -insufficient representations upon coins and upon an engraved gem of the -Museo Pio-Clementino. These prove no more than that, within a circular -enclosure of lattice-work, there stood a tall structure towering above -low side-buildings, which were supported, like porticos, upon columns. -Two Egyptian shafts appear to have been placed before the entrance, -without function as supports, and, like Jachin and Boaz, without -strictly architectural purpose. Still less is known of the temples of -Amathus and Golgoi. It is hardly probable that the remains of a building -discovered by General Cesnola in the village of Atienu, near the present -port of Larnaka (the Biblical Chitim and Greek Kition) are those of the -world-famed Temple of Aphrodite at Golgoi. The structure seems rather to -have been a treasure-house, in some way connected with the great temple, -which once contained, with the votive statues there discovered, other -objects belonging to the temenos. The oblong plan with irregular -entrances, the bareness of its walls, and especially the carelessly -arranged pedestals which filled the space within, seem to point to its -original destination as that of a magazine. The only objects of -architectural interest discovered in these remains are the columns which -flank the doors, in a position corresponding to that of the columns of -the Mosaic tabernacle. The bases, found in position, are channelled like -those of Persia. The shafts and capitals are not preserved. The form of -the latter may perhaps be surmised from a comparison of fragments in the -Cesnola collection (_Fig._ 107), analogous to the capitals of Mashnaka, -to the double spirals of Assyrian architecture, and to the descriptions -given of the lily-capitals of Solomon’s Temple. - -[Illustration: Fig. 107.--Cyprian Pilaster Capitals.] - -Cesnola’s discoveries upon Cyprus are more important in sculptural than -in architectural respects, and are worthy to rank with those of Botta, -Layard, and Schliemann. The chief works are limestone statues of various -sizes. To these are added, from the investigations of other ruins, -doubtless of tombs, a great number of minor articles: terra-cotta -figures, vases and lamps, and various objects of glass, metal, etc. -These works are easily divided into two great groups, each of peculiar -style, with which the inscriptions that have been discovered agree in -general character and in relative number. Among the eighty-five -inscriptions found up to 1870, thirty-three are Greek, twenty -Phœnician, and thirty-two Cyprian. The styles of Phœnician and -Cyprian sculpture resemble each other far more closely than did the -languages of those countries, so that in the comparative rarity of -examples it is difficult to distinguish the origin of these works. They -show a kind of compromise between Egyptian, Syrian (Assyrian), and early -Greek methods--a combination agreeing with the geographical position of -the island, and with the descent and history of its inhabitants. All -Cyprian sculpture shows, in so far as it is not influenced by a -reflection of the later Greek and Roman forms, the Phœnician style -which has been described as developed from beaten metal-work; this is -evident even in the stone carvings. (_Figs._ 108 and 109.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 108.--Votive Figure from Cyprus] - -The destruction of Carthage is as famous for its completeness as that of -Jerusalem, which, indeed, it resembled in other respects, and it is -natural that but few traces of this magnificent Queen of the Sea should -have been preserved. Recent French and English investigations under -Bente and Davis describe the considerable remains of the fortification -walls of the Byrsa, built of colossal blocks of tufa. Their great -thickness, 10 m., permitted the formation of semicircular chambers in -three superposed stories, which, being accessible from within, served as -casemates and magazines. The numerous rock-cut tombs are, as in -Phœnicia, provided with steps from above, and form an oblong crypt, -about which the deep niches for the reception of bodies are grouped. - -The remains of barbaric temples upon Malta and the neighboring islands -are of subordinate importance, if indeed they are to be mentioned at -all, in the consideration of Phœnician art. The double temple upon -Gozo is the most important of them. It consists of two adjoining spaces, -each concluded by a semicircular apse, having upon both sides similar -niches, so that the entire enclosure appears as a combination of apses -around an oblong. The pavement is partly of rectangular blocks, so -stepped as to show an interior division; but the Cyclopean masonry of -the walls is so rough that, in its entire lack of ornamental treatment, -the structure has but little interest for the history of art, and -permits no conclusions concerning Phœnician architecture, which -elsewhere produced such incomparable masonry of hewn stones. - -[Illustration: Fig. 109.--Cyprian Head.] - -The funeral monuments of the remaining Punic lands, of the Balearic -Isles, and notably of Sardinia, though of greater artistic value, are -fully as uncertain in their origin. Their form is at times like that of -the monuments of Amrith; yet they may very possibly be of Etruscan -derivation, for, apart from their resemblance to the tombs of Etruria, -they are almost exclusively upon the eastern coast of Sardinia, the side -turned towards Italy, while the Phœnicians would more naturally have -come in contact with the western part of the island. - -[Illustration: Fig. 110.--Rock-cut Tomb at Antiphellos.] - -The most advanced outpost of the extended civilization of Phœnicia -was Asia Minor. Under the dominion of the Seleucidæ and of the Romans, -the influence of Greek art was so felt upon the Syrian coast, and even -as far as the banks of the Tigris, that purely national works of -architecture and sculpture are comparatively rare. But this influence -was doubly great in the land of which, from the earliest times, the -Ionians had possessed the seaboard, and where they had founded a number -of flourishing cities which had attained to a degree of prosperity and -culture not less than that of their relatives upon the peninsula of the -Peloponnesos. Yet, although Ionian art bore some of its finest fruit -upon Asiatic soil, and from roots which may partly be traced back to -Mesopotamia, this can be historically treated only in connection with -the civilization of Greece and its common origin and development. -Hellenic Asia Minor and the countries under its influence--that is to -say, the coasts and islands of the Ægean, Propontis and Pontus--cannot -be separately considered. All the sculpture of these regions must -therefore be reserved for a later page; but there are a few -architectural monuments of the southern coast and of the interior which -require our present attention as being peculiarly national. Yet even in -these territories, divided according to their ancient population into -Lycia, Phrygia, and Lydia, all the monumental architecture was greatly -affected by the long Asiatic sway of the Diadochi, and by the military -power of Rome. The temples and public edifices gave up their national -peculiarities for manners of building characteristic of Greece and Rome. -It was only in the tombs that original conceptions retained a stubborn -hold. These, when cut in the rock, became imitations of the dwellings of -the country. Types of house construction were represented which had been -determined by the climatic necessities and by different building -materials of each province. By their massive simplicity and by the -popular consideration that a changeless dwelling best suited the quiet -repose of the dead, the rock-cut tombs retained their primitive -peculiarities without sensible alteration, being exposed only to -unimportant modifications. Little reference was made in them to the -advance of artistic or constructional methods from age to age. Though we -have to deal exclusively with the tombs of the country, they allow us -to draw conclusions concerning the appearance of other buildings, -whether temples or dwellings, which they had taken as their models. - -[Illustration: Fig. 111.--Rock-cut Tomb at Antiphellos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 112.--Rock-cut Tomb at Myra.] - -Next to the Phœnician coast, and opposite Phœnician Cyprus, lies -Lycia, embracing the greater part of the southern sea-line of Asia -Minor. It calls for chief consideration because of its almost numberless -tombs, some of which are admirably preserved, and because of their -instructive variety. Entire cliffs, like the Necropolis of Myra, shown -in _Fig._ 93 at the head of this section, are literally covered with -such monumental façades, picturesquely grouped according to the natural -configuration of the rock. The greater number are excavated grottoes, -the fronts of which are careful imitations of timbered houses. They -might be called log-house tombs if other than the roof beams were of -unsquared trunks. The interstices between the framing, when not -remaining open as an entrance, are closed by panels. The individuality -of these monuments is as marked as could have been possible among the -dwellings of Lycian mountaineers, whose wealth was not great, and whose -architectural demands did not much vary. An exact imitation of the -ingenious carpentry is cut in the rock down to the smallest detail: the -stiles of the panelling, the round unhewn timbers of the roof, the -clamping and dovetailing of the beams, and the primitive tree-nails with -which these are secured are shown with the greatest distinctness. The -appearance of the whole, when intact, must have resembled a petrified -village. These groups of tombs are among the most curious and striking -remains of antiquity. The attempt was made by several races of early -civilization to prepare a funeral-chamber which should resemble as -closely as possible the dwellings inhabited during life; but this -intention was not elsewhere so thoroughly carried out, and never -resulted in so piquant a contradiction to the material in which it was -executed. The native rock was made completely to deny its nature, and to -present the image of a distinctively wooden construction. Upon abrupt -cliffs this was usually restricted to a façade, which at times was very -simple, but quite characteristic, as in a tomb at Antiphellos (_Fig._ -110), where the wooden framing underneath the flat projecting roof forms -two windows, left open as entrances to the cavern. A somewhat more -complicated example is shown by another tomb of this site (_Fig._ 111), -which is especially remarkable on account of the carefully imitated -coping of the cross-beams. In this case only one of the door and window -panels is open, and a gabled roof appears, which seems to have been -customary in Asia Minor, and to some degree in Phœnicia. The framing -of an interior or of side walls is also shown by the stone imitation, as -in the case of a fine example at Myra (_Fig._ 112), which seems to -illustrate the utmost limit of the style. But here the contradiction -between the form and the material is so glaring that the curious -elegance of the result does not redeem it. The repeating of wooden -constructions in stone without any modification--which is at first -sight, and in less extent, pleasing and piquant--has here become -disagreeably obtrusive. This is still more striking upon the rarer -monumental sarcophagi at Phellos and Myra, where the block-house is -carved in the full round from the native rock. These works represent the -wooden model upon all four sides, so completely and conscientiously that -it would be possible, by their aid, to reconstruct the dwelling-house of -a Lycian mountaineer in wood--to repeat from such a petrified copy the -original, though its frail materials perished more than twenty centuries -ago. It is curious how greatly the present huts of the country resemble -their antique predecessors. - -[Illustration: Fig. 113.--So-called Monument of the Harpies at Xanthos.] - -Near these tombs, in some instances even connected with them, though -usually independent, stand upright monuments of the nature of obelisks, -but with an upper member characteristic of Lycia. In place of the -pyramidal point of Egypt, or of the hemispherical or stepped termination -of Phœnicia and Assyria, there is here a cornice of projecting slabs, -upon which rests a small but comparatively high block. The most -important example is that known as the Monument of the Harpies (_Fig._ -113), now in considerable part transported to the Lycian Hall of the -British Museum. It consisted of a gigantic monolith bearing a small -burial-chamber, the enclosing slabs of which were ornamented by the -famous reliefs, so important in the history of Greek sculpture. - -The third group of Lycian sepulchral monuments, the smaller sarcophagi, -is the most numerous, forming at times an extended necropolis. Though -the majority are not free from Hellenic influences, they yet generally -maintain the peculiar national characteristics, being imitations of -wooden constructions somewhat similar to the rock-cut tombs. The lid in -some instances appears to be of slat-work, and, instead of the -semicircular gable common in Phœnicia, presents a pointed arch. The -cornice dentils distinctly betray their derivation from the projecting -ceiling beams, which, upon the block-house tombs, had still preserved -the round form of unhewn timbers. A tomb at Antiphellos (_Fig._ 114) has -a channel cut upon the summit of the lid, probably to serve as a socket -for the ridge-crestings. The heads of lions and other projecting -ornaments upon the sides enrich the architectural treatment. The -monument cannot be spoken of as a sarcophagus, in the true sense of the -word, for its lid was not movable, the body being introduced from the -front, where window-like openings were provided for the purpose. - -[Illustration: Fig. 114.--Sarcophagus at Antiphellos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 115.--Rock-cut Tomb at Telmissos.] - -A fourth class of Lycian rock-cut tombs, those with a façade resembling -a small temple-front, is of particular interest to the history of -architecture. Many among these display the influence of a late Hellenic -period, yet some preserve such primitive forms as to make it certain -that Lycia took a prominent part in the development of the Ionic -style--that the southern coast of Asia Minor was an important station, -marking the advance of artistic culture from Mesopotamia to the Ægean -Sea. These tombs generally represent the front of a temple in -antis--that is to say, of a portico with two columns between the -advanced side walls. The predominant Ionic forms are singularly -primitive in the capital and entablature, the greater number of the -examples showing no trace of the decline of the style, or of the Roman -type, so easily recognizable by the formal character of the details. -These differ greatly, and seem to show the experiments of an early -period of development, which may still have been contemporaneous with a -far higher advance of the style upon the more northern coasts of the -Ægean Sea and Sporades, being influenced in a different degree by the -same Western Asiatic motives. The important combination which -characterizes the perfection of Ionic architecture--the conjunction of -the volute with the Doric echinos beneath it--does not appear upon these -capitals; the spiral has not a graceful curve, and the contraction of -the side rolls of the volute is lacking; the abacus is badly profiled, -and the shafts are often joined without a curve to the clumsy bases. -(Compare _Fig._ 116.) As was always the case among the Orientals, who -knew of no independent gable and roof formation above the ceiling, the -entablature consisted of only two members,--the epistyle, uniting the -columns, and the terminating cornice. The triple division of the -entablature, of so marked importance in the perfected style, was not -known; even the two members here occurring were not sharply defined, and -the dentils of the cornice were fully developed at a time when their -original constructive significance had not yet been forgotten in their -decorative application. The gable acroteria are clumsy knops, similar to -the circular ridge ornaments and the horn-like corner pieces of -Phœnician monuments. In short, we may trace in the rock-cut tombs of -Lycia, if not a Proto-Ionic style, yet a distinct parallel development -of the most primitive Ionic forms. These did not exclude the influence -of Greece, after the full perfection of the style had been attained, but -rather prepared its way. An example of such later semi-Hellenic work may -be observed in the magnificent monument of Xanthos, built in the middle -of the fourth century B.C. as a trophy after the capture of Telmissos by -the Xanthians. This also has been in part transported to the British -Museum. This structure was not cut from the solid rock, but was built of -quarried stones. It shows the full development of Ionic forms. Upon a -comparatively high substructure there stood a cella surrounded by -columns--of a peripteral arrangement rare in Lycia, where all the tombs -which represent temples seem to show that the national places of -worship, like those of Assyria and Phœnicia, were restricted to a -portico in antis, the evolution of the peripteros being an improvement -of the Greeks. The naïve originality observable in the Ionic does not -exist in the more isolated Doric forms, although a few very archaic -monuments of the latter style are known. Their existence is explained by -the vicinity of Crete, that southern outpost of early Doric culture, as -well as by the neighboring Doric colonies which flourished upon the -southwestern extremity of Asia Minor. - -[Illustration: Fig. 116.--Details of Columns from Telmissos, Myra, and -Antiphellos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 117.--So-called Tomb of Midas.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 118.--Phrygian Rock-cut Tomb near Doganlu.] - -Lycia appears to have had but little influence upon the other countries -of the seaboard, which were almost entirely Hellenized; nor did its -influence penetrate as far into the interior country as Phrygia, where -the civilization of the Greeks was introduced only by way of the Ægean -and Pontic coasts. There were neither frequented ports nor navigable -streams to open the way. The tracklessness of wooded mountains -restricted the commercial and intellectual horizon of the Phrygians, -who, as a nomadic people, were contented with the slightest artistic -exertion. In the same way as the Lycian carved his wooden hut upon the -face of the cliff, that he might retain after his death the beloved -dwelling of his life, the Phrygian ornamented the front of his grotto -graves by a representation of his movable house, the nomadic tent. Only -the cloth of the tent, with its woven pattern, was shown; its -constructive ribs, not visible upon the exterior of the original, were -omitted from the imitation. The most important of these tomb -frontispieces, between Kiutahija and Sivrihissar upon the Saquaria, -which are attributed to Phrygian kings, is called by the Turks -Yasili-Kaia (the inscribed stone). (_Fig._ 117.) It is known as the Tomb -of Midas from the one legible word, Midai, occurring in an -unintelligible inscription. Upon the face of the cliff there is cut a -square surface, 11 m. broad and about 9 m. high, terminated above by a -low gable, which, with the acroterium, adds 3 m. to the height of the -whole. The triangle is framed by a light lattice-work in low relief, and -crowned with two volutes, similar to the circular ridge decorations of -Phœnician tombs. The tympanon is not carved, but probably, with the -entire front, was painted. The extensive rectangular surface beneath is -covered with a complicated meander ornament in relief--a play of lines -evidently taken from a woven pattern and resembling the decorations of -Moorish walls, where the fundamental motive was also the tent-cloth. The -border of this surface represents, without conventionalization, an -edging set with precious stones, such as may have been customary upon -costly Syrian stuffs. The small interior chamber was only large enough -for the reception of a sarcophagus. The entrance to it was not marked by -any architectural features--even as the tent itself was not provided -with a door--but the passage was originally closed by a slab, upon the -face of which the woven pattern was without doubt continued. A second -tomb of the vicinity, also marked by an undecipherable inscription, is -of similar character. (_Fig._ 118.) The gable represents a wooden -construction, somewhat like the framing of Lycian sarcophagi; its double -acroterium is decorated with three rosettes. The principal surface, the -square below, is without carving, and had probably a painted pattern. A -third frontispiece of this type shows a floral frieze of alternate -palmettoes and buds, resembling an Assyrian motive, but inverted, -perhaps because its direct model was the border of a carpet. It recalls -the hanging rows of pomegranates upon the columns Jachin and Boaz of -Solomon’s Temple. The cliffs of Phrygia are honey-combed by such -rock-cut tombs. Especially in the district north of Seid-el-Ar are there -numberless small grottoes, the entrances to which are either perfectly -plain or provided only with a simple triangular gable--all giving proof -of the rarity of artistic effort among these idyllic mountains. - -The influence of Assyrian and Persian methods is evident even to the -west of the river Halys, the border of the Mesopotamian dominion before -Cyrus; but upon its farther banks, in Eastern Phrygia, Oriental art is -universally prevalent. At Eyuk there are remains, supposed to be those -of a temple, with a portal flanked by monsters like the cherubim of -Nineveh and Persepolis. At Boghaz-Kieui, besides rock-cut reliefs -entirely similar to those of Persia, there are the foundations of a -terrace with the ruins of a palace, built upon the plan of the royal -dwellings of Persepolis. - -Lydia, the last of the three independent countries of Asia Minor, was so -near to the Ionic cities of the coast, and so exposed to the influence -of their civilization, that but few national peculiarities were -preserved in the historical period. The tumulus was there, as in early -Greece, the customary form of the monumental tomb. In Lydia, as in -Etruria, numbers of these mounds stood in an extended necropolis. The -conical tumulus is as characteristic a form for the extreme west of Asia -Minor, for the Troad, as the strictly geometrical pyramid is for Egypt, -or its terraced variation for Mesopotamia. The mound of earth was at -times reveted with a masonry of large polygonal blocks, or placed upon a -low cylindrical drum of such Cyclopean walls; the only architectural -ornaments were simple base and cornice mouldings. The best-preserved, -though not the most important, monument of this kind is the so-called -Grave of Tantalos upon Mount Sipylos, near Smyrna, one of a group of -twelve. (_Fig._ 119.) The rectangular chamber in its centre, 3.5 m. long -and almost 3 m. high, is roofed by a false vault, the horizontal, -gradually projecting stones being cut within to the outline of a pointed -arch. The entrance to this tumulus, like the shafts of the Egyptian -pyramids, was hidden by the casing of exterior masonry. The fragments of -a stone pier near by, somewhat like the Meghazil monument of Amrith, -probably belonged to the ornament upon the summit of the cone, which, -with a diameter of plan equal to 33.6 m., attained a height of 27.6 m. -Of greater grandeur, though in an entire state of destruction, are the -royal graves of the Lydian capital. The world-renowned name of Sardis -has been preserved in the appellation of the squalid village Sarabat now -standing upon its site. In its vicinity are the remains of more than one -hundred tumuli. The most important of these, with a cylindrical drum 257 -m. in diameter and 18.5 m. high, still rises to an elevation of 61.5 m. -It is with some probability identified with that monument of Alyattes -described by Herodotos, who exaggerates its dimensions to a diameter of -400 m. The cone of rammed earth was apparently not reveted with stone. -Upon its apex there was a pier of five blocks, which bore a -hemispherical termination; of this various fragments have been found. - -[Illustration: Fig. 119.--The So-called Grave of Tantalos.] - -These tumuli approach in dimensions closely to the pyramids of Egypt. -The elevation of the cone upon a cylindrical base was a certain advance, -but its execution was such as to allow of no comparison between the -monuments of the two countries. The pyramids of Egypt were built; the -tumuli of Lydia were merely heaped up of earth. The former demanded -great technical ability and the assistance of a commanding and -calculating mind; the latter were the works of an enslaved people alone. -But, on the other hand, the Lydian cones more closely resembled the -natural form of a funeral mound than did the pyramids of Egypt and -Mesopotamia, and on this account were capable of greater development. -Such tumuli are to be met with from Asia to Etruria, and were adopted -even by the great architects of Greece: the highest artistic -civilization always gives preference to the simplest solution of a -problem. - -[Illustration: Fig. 120.--View of the Athenian Propylæa. Restoration.] - - - - -HELLAS. - - -The Mediterranean Sea was the heart of the Old World; the important -lands of the early history of civilization were grouped about its richly -indented shores, generally decreasing in respect of culture as they -receded from it. The northeastern part of the Mediterranean, because of -its many islands, having an even greater proportionate coast-line, was -the centre of the countries ennobled by Hellenic civilization. -Separating and uniting at once, like all the waters of the earth, the -Ægean Sea formed the boundary between the two chief races of Greek -intellectual life--the Dorians and the Ionians; while it was, at the -same time, the favoring medium of exchange for the productions of their -genius. European Greece, with its predominating Doric population, and -the almost exclusively Ionic coasts of Asia Minor, equally looked upon -this sea as their own, traversing it with thousands of ships, and -gaining more from the trackless waters before them than from the -interior lands of the immense continents whose seaboard alone they were -content to occupy. In Asia the Greeks were restricted to the countries -upon its uttermost western border; in European Greece the development -was chiefly directed towards the eastern coast, paying even less -attention to their own shores on the Adriatic than to the early -colonized ports of Magna-Græcia and Sicily. The Archipelago itself -provided convenient strongholds and outposts in every direction. The -numerous harbors and anchoring-places of its many islands offered -protection against the notorious treachery of the Ægean main--a -protection imperatively necessary for the primitive seafarers of -antiquity. But, as in the history of all civilization, the currents of -Greek intellectual and artistic progress moved distinctly from east to -west. The European (Doric) culture was in itself less calculated to -influence Asia than the Asiatic (Ionic) to affect the younger continent. -It was, as decided by nature, upon European soil, upon Attica--the most -advanced promontory of European Greece--that the two branches of the -Greek race united, and bore in Athens that double fruit at which we -marvel. The Dorians, displaced, in some measure, by the rapid growth of -Ionic Asia and Europe, turned still farther westward, and settled upon -the shores of Sicily and the Gulf of Tarention, where imposing monuments -still attest the extent of their power. - -The legends of the wanderings of Hellenic tribes, and especially of the -so-called Doric migration, were based upon the busy currents of -intercourse between Asia and Europe, over seas and straits, and between -the European continent and the Morea, the Island of Pelops. The -relations and the quarrels of Hellenic and semi-barbaric peoples upon -each side of the Ægean are illustrated by the tales of the Argonauts and -their voyage, and of the Trojan War, both of which bear the stamp of a -certain piratical rivalry. The fatal lack of unity, resulting from the -separate development of neighboring districts, could not be more -distinctly characterized than by the fact that the Greek races, although -they felt themselves divided from other nations--from _barbarians_--by -an impassable gulf, and were aware of their own absolute intellectual -superiority, yet lacked any comprehensive designation for themselves: -the name _Greeks_, or _Hellenes_, is of comparatively recent origin. - -The Homeric epics prove that the intellectual development of the people -to whom the immortal poet belonged stood, at least as early as the ninth -century B.C., at a height to which nations of such primitive -civilization as the Egyptians and Chaldæans had never attained. -Phenomenal as the appearance of those poems may have been, they still -could not have stood so high above their time--which they evidently -represent with a certain transfiguration--that contemporaries were not -able to comprehend and enjoy them. The creative arts stood, at this -epoch, in strange contrast to so great an intellectual height; they were -far surpassed by the advance of poetry. Though certain textile and -ceramic manufactures (the making of wooden and bronze utensils, woven -stuffs, and pottery) must have been practised to some extent in Greece -proper, the better artistic productions are continually referred to as -imported from the civilized countries of Asia. Larger objects, and -notably buildings, were either exceedingly primitive, or, in the lack of -trained native ability, were erected and ornamented in foreign styles. -The Homeric epics know nothing of a columnar temple, nothing of artistic -images of the gods, nothing even of dwellings corresponding to the -importance of their princely heroes. Even at a much later time a -Spartan, accustomed to erect his own house with saw and axe alone, might -be astonished at the squarely hewn beams of a ceiling, which he -previously had seen formed only of round trunks, like those imitated -upon the Lycian block-house tombs. - -It is of this exceeding simplicity that we must picture to ourselves the -palaces of the kings, one of which is so attractively described by the -singer of the Odyssey, in the account of the royal dwelling at Ithaca. -The entire establishment must have been similar to a grange--a wall -enclosing a number of buildings with the court before them. The rustic -parallel is clearly brought to mind by the description of this -farm-yard, where the compost-heap, surrounded by swine and geese, was -the bed of the old watch-dog, who, in Homer’s truly idyllic account, -alone recognizes his master, and, dying, wags his tail in greeting. From -this yard a gate led to an inner court, comparable to the peristyle of -later buildings, but without the ornament of columns, and in all -respects extremely primitive. Goats and beeves were driven in here -without further ado to be slaughtered. This adjoined upon one side the -chambers of the men, upon the other those of the women, so separated -that the tumultuous massacre of the suitors in the principal hall did -not disturb the slumber of Penelope, and only reached the ears of the -maids like distant moaning. Upon the third side, probably opposite the -entrance, was the hall of the men, a ceiled space, which must have been -of considerable extent, as the hundred and eight unwelcome guests could -here unite in the banquet and other amusements. Its ceiling, like that -of the armory and that of the royal sleeping-chamber, was supported by -upright beams of wood. We may imagine these similar to the shafts in the -Palace of Oinomaos at Elis, one of which, bound together with iron -hoops, was preserved as a relic in the time of Pausanias. The ceiling -beams of the hall were smoked and blackened by open fires and -torch-lights as in rustic dwellings. Of the walls there is no mention, -though the supposition is not improbable that the bright metal sheathing -of the palaces of Menelaos and Alkinoös existed here also. It would be -explained by the Phœnician overlaying of wood-work with beaten -bronze, or, to speak more correctly, with copper. The space could not -have been without openings for light and air. These are not directly -mentioned by the poet, but may be assumed, from the analogies offered by -other civilized nations of early antiquity, to have existed in the wall, -immediately under the ceiling. Here the interstices between the immense -horizontal beams, which rested upon the walls, were left open, and the -motive of the subsequent Doric metope resulted of itself. That the -timbers overhead were not sheathed with boards is evident from a Homeric -simile: Athene rose to the ceiling, and there sat, “like unto the -resting swallow;” that is to say, upon the cross-beams of the open -triangle formed by the roof-framing. Further evidence is offered by the -account of the hanging of Epicaste upon a ceiling beam, which must have -been exposed from all sides. - -The tholos of the palace at Ithaca was an isolated circular structure, -before the court, and may perhaps be identified with the high thalamos -to which Telemachos descended. In this also lay gold and metal in -heaps; while shrines containing garments, and amphoras filled with oil -and wine, etc., stood around. Its double door, of careful workmanship, -agrees with the character of a treasury. If this identification of the -tholos and thalamos be accepted, no doubt can remain that we have here -to deal with a space similar to many yet remaining in Greece, generally -known under the name of treasure-houses. Examples exist at Orchomenos, -near Pharsalos, Amyclæ, Menidi, and in Mykenæ. - -[Illustration: Fig. 121.--Plan and Section of the Tholos of Atreus.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 122.--Restoration of the Tholos of Atreus. Portal. -(Clarke.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 123.--Fragments of an Engaged Column from the Tholos -of Atreus.] - -One of the five in Mykenæ, known as the Treasury, or the Tholos, of -Atreus, remains in an admirable state of preservation, especially as -regards the interior. This consists of a space of circular plan, 15 m. -in diameter, and of the same height, formed like a pointed vault. -(_Fig._ 121.) Its walls begin to curve from the floor, which is of -stamped clay pisé. Upon this the first circular course of masonry -immediately reposes. The walls then rise, in parabolic outline, to a -pointed apex. They are not constructed upon the principle of a -vault--that is to say, with wedge-shaped stones, and with the direction -of joints to a common centre--but are laid in horizontal beds, each -course so projecting over the one beneath it that, by this diminution of -the concentric circles, they finally unite at the summit. They were -smoothly cut upon the jointing surfaces, while the face was not -chiselled until after the completion of the masonry. The blocks were -rectangular, and the joints, which consequently increased radially in -plan, were filled with the same pisé used for the floor; the interstice -between the wall door and the rock-cut inner chamber upon one side being -also cemented with this substance. An entrance-passage, the dromos, led -from the valley to the tholos in a gently inclined ascent. It was -bordered by walls of cut stone, but nowhere ceiled. Its floor, 6.20 m. -broad and 36 m. long, was paved with pisé. Thisentrance-passage was -terminated without by a terraced retaining-wall, and within by an -elaborate portal façade. The recent investigations of Stamatakis and -Thiersch have given sufficient information concerning the composition -and details of this front to permit a restoration of its chief masses. -(_Fig._ 122.) The lower part was constructed of long stones, carefully -cut and jointed. The stepped jambs of the opening, peculiar to all -antique doors, were probably cut after the blocks were in position. Upon -either side were decorative engaged columns, which are so entirely -similar to the one represented upon the Gate of the Lions at Mykenæ that -it is possible completely to understand their nature by that general -guide; by the help of fragments which still exist, and others drawn in -former publications, though now lost; by traces upon the wall, and -especially by the sockets cut for the swallowtail clampings of the bases -and capitals. The shaft, instead of being diminished, increases as it -ascends, as does also the column upon the relief over the Gate of the -Lions. Its base, from this analogy, and from the narrow space left for -it by the clampings, seems to have consisted of a simple tore. The -abacus and parts of the mouldings beneath it still exist; the coronation -was formed by two roundlets, separated by a scotia, the lower being -considerably smaller in height and diameter than the upper. (_Fig._ -123.) Without the lower member, there is a certain similarity of the -capital to a Doric echinos, which is increased by the proportions of the -boldly projecting abacus; but the whole is so similar to an Asiatic -(Ionic) base that it was not natural to believe it a capital, and the -fragment published by Donaldson has hitherto been believed to be the -foot of the shaft. The columns were entirely covered with an -ornamentation in relief of zigzag lines alternating with the well-known -spiral wave; they stood upon rectangular pedestals, of which the triply -stepped plinths have been preserved. The existence of bronze ornaments -upon the lintel of the door is evident from the traces of nails; five -lion-heads can be distinctly recognized. An epistyle extended from -capital to capital across the entire front of the portal; it projected -far beyond the lintel, upon which it partly reposed. Above this -entablature was a surface, like an attica, which masked the triangle -formed by the relieving blocks over the lintel. The upper walls were not -originally visible, having been reveted by thin slabs of stone, secured -in position by dowels. Fragments from Mykenæ deposited in the British -Museum, in the Munich Antiquarium, and in Athens appertained to this -upper façade; they all show spiral ornaments between horizontal grooves, -and are similar to many other decorations of the same age. The borders -of the casing over the relieving triangle and its extreme upper corner -were patterned in like manner, as is plain from the mitre-joint of some -of the slabs, and from a small fragment exactly fitting the upper angle -of the opening. The entire triangle was probably closed by some light -stone carving, since it could have had no function as a passage for -light. The door, as may be seen from traces of pivots upon the sill and -lintel, had two wings, which, from their bolt-holes, appear to have been -so large that, when closed, they considerably overlapped. Upon the -exterior jambs a broad strip of metal was affixed, still to be traced by -two vertical rows of nail-holes, in which fragments of bronze -occasionally remain. This work leads to the supposition that the wings -of the door were themselves overlayed with metal, and, with the -characteristic forms of the decoration upon the monument, points to the -peculiarities of Asiatic art. It is natural to attribute this to the -influence of Phœnicia; indeed, the effect of the civilization of that -country upon early Greece can hardly be overestimated. A broad, -horizontal strip of metal sheathing existed also upon the exterior, and -small fragments of it are repeatedly met with in the rubbish filling the -tholos; similar vestiges are found in a second monument of the kind near -by. This overlaying of walls with sheet copper was by no means uncommon -in ancient Greece. The subterranean bronze chamber of Danae may be -explained as a tomb sheathed with metal. In mythical ages, in the -sanctuary at Delphi, as well as in later times, in the Chalkioicos of -Athene at Sparta, this wall-treatment appears employed for temples, even -as Homer described it in palaces at Sparta and the Island of the -Phæacians. The Tholos of Atreus was itself subterranean; the exterior of -the conical mass of masonry was covered with a hill of earth. In -consideration of the almost perfect preservation of the interior, it is -evident that some remains of a strictly architectural exterior would -have been recognizable, had it existed. A tumulus covered and protected -the structure; though its earth is now, for the greater part, washed -away, to it must still be ascribed the good condition in which the -kernel has remained. - -The recently discovered grave at Menidi, in Attica (Lolling), is a -parallel construction. As regards beauty of execution and richness of -ornament, it is far inferior to the Tholos of Atreus; it is also much -smaller, having an average diameter of 8.35 m. and 9 m. original height. -Its only peculiarity is that the relieving blocks over the lintel, -instead of projecting one over the other so as to form a triangle, are -so placed as to leave four voids between as many horizontal beams, in a -manner similar to the arrangement for relieving the ceiling of the -principal chamber of the great pyramid of Gizeh. - -The Tholos of Atreus offers a welcome commentary upon the thesauros of -the royal palace at Ithaca, but only in respect to its construction. The -purpose of the circular buildings still existing in Greece seems to have -been entirely different from that of the treasure-house described in the -Odyssey. It is true that eminent authorities deny this difference--and -the analogies of the round Homeric building, of the treasure-vaults at -Mykenæ mentioned by Pausanias, and of the treasury of Minyas in -Orchomenos, lend their arguments some weight, and, at least, a greater -probability than the suppositions that the structures of tholos form -were intended for spring-houses (Forchhammer) or places of worship -(Pyl). But there are reasons against all these assumptions. The -treasure-houses of the Pelopidæ must have been upon the acropolis, -inside the fortification walls, not at various distances outside their -limits, as is the case with those of Mykenæ. Still less could such -vaults for hoarded valuables have been as distant from the city as was -the Tholos of Baphio from the ancient Amyclæ, which stood entirely -isolated in the midst of an open plain, without the possibility of -communication with any royal residence. The tumuli of earth above the -crypts would have but ill suited them to form a part of the palace -building; while for a cell which was only to receive precious goods--for -a magazine of deposit--the rich overlaying of the interior walls with -sheet metal, and especially the elaborate carving of the portal front, -seem out of place. These peculiarities, not to mention some of less -importance, point to another purpose, for which they are, one and all, -fitted--namely, the destination of the structures as tombs. Their -position, before the acropolis and without the city walls; the covering -of the chamber with earth in a tumulus form; the impossibility of their -having had any communication with other buildings; the elaborate -decoration of the entrance, and the princely wealth of metals in the -interior--all support, with the striking analogies beyond the Ægean, -this conception of the tholos buildings advocated by Welcker and Mure. -It is possible that it is to these structures that Pausanias refers as -the treasure-houses of the Atridæ; but Pausanias, like us, knew Mykenæ -only by its ruins. That patron of all _ciceroni_ upon classic ground -was not exacting for proofs of their legends. The hypothesis of Pyl may -in so far be correct that the tholos itself did not serve as the place -of sepulchre, which was provided by the small side chamber, but was a -chapel for the funeral worship naturally to be assumed in connection -with an heroic dynasty. - -It is not possible to assign these tombs to individuals, like those of -the early Persian monarchs, or even to dynasties: the questionable -identification of the graves discovered in the agora of the acropolis, -ventured by Schliemann, would here be inadmissible. It is reasonably -certain, however, that the best-preserved tholos, that known by the name -of Atreus, is about contemporaneous with the Gate of the Lions, and -dates from the most flourishing period of the heroic age--before the -downfall of the Atridæ upon the return of Agamemnon. - -A small chamber, only of sufficient size to receive the cinerary urn, in -the centre of an upheaval of earth, was sufficient for the graves of the -heroes who fell before Troy. Several of these tumuli exist. The larger -of them, those of Hector and of Achilles, had a considerable elevation, -and, standing upon a low promontory, were visible far at sea. They were -without architectural features or decoration, mere cones of earth and -stones; terminated, as Homer relates concerning those of Ilos, Sarpedon, -and Elpenor, by a monument like a column, which must have resembled the -piers upon Lydian tumuli. It is questionable whether the trees which -grew in later times upon the mounds of Protesilaos before Troy, and of -Alcmæon in Arcadia, were originally and intentionally there placed, and -are to be deemed characteristic of such works. Those planted upon the -tumulus of Augustus in Rome may certainly be referred to his individual -desire. From the account given by Pausanias of the tumulus of Æpytos at -Pheneos, in Arcadia; from foundations remaining upon the island of Syme, -and from later ruins at Kyrene--not to mention a well-preserved tumulus -of very considerable dimensions, reveted with stone, which, from its -situation in Algerian territory, might perhaps be ascribed to the -Carthaginians, or even to the Romans--from all these examples, it is -evident that such mounds, like the tumuli of Lydia and Etruria, were, -for the greater part, elevated upon cylindrical foundations. But -whether the interior were chambered or solid, whether the cone of earth -rose directly from the earth or from a drum substructure, the tumulus -appears to have been, in primitive times, the most customary form of -monumental tomb for persons of high rank. - -The common man was probably buried in pits, as at the present day, the -grave being marked by an upright stone, with or without some slight -ornament. Schliemann’s discoveries in the agora of Mykenæ show that, -under certain circumstances, this procedure was adopted even for -princes. The kingly importance of these sepulchres is assured by their -position, and by the immense quantity of gold and valuables found within -them. The decorative style of these objects dates them conclusively to -the heroic age; but the assignment of the different graves to Agamemnon -and his associates is a mere hypothesis. - -[Illustration: Fig. 124.--Pyramid of Kenchreæ.] - -A pyramidal form was only in isolated instances substituted for the -tumulus. Of a pyramid, described by Pausanias as existing between Argos -and Epidauros, there now remains a mass of masonry measuring 12 m. in -the line of the diagonal. A second, near Kenchreæ, between Argos and -Tegea, is better preserved. (_Fig._ 124.) Its plan is oblong, 14.5 m. -long and nearly 12 m. broad; the two chambers of the interior are at -present unroofed. The structure appears to have served as a common -place of sepulchre for the fallen, and, at the same time, as a memorial -of victory. This destination is also evident in two further pyramidal -remains, in Laconia and near Lessa, which are described by Curtius and -by Ross. The Greeks adopted both Asiatic and Egyptian forms for their -funeral monuments; but in the construction of both tumulus and pyramid -they introduced comparatively large chambers, early striving for ends -foreign to those despotic lands:--a wise economy of material and labor -and a gain of space. - -Mausoleums and sepulchres are always among the first traces of -civilization, and the most ancient examples of architectural art. In -Greece, however, there are contemporaneous remains significant of other -purposes. Chief among these are the fortifications of towns, although in -general these works enclosed only the acropolis, which contained the -residences of the rulers and the sanctuaries of the people. The true age -of these defences can by no means be surely determined. Not all -Cyclopean masonry is to be attributed to the earliest ages of Hellenic -antiquity, for this manner of polygonal jointing remained in use long -after a time when cut and squared stones were generally employed. On the -other hand, immense rectangular blocks, laid in horizontal courses, -frequently occur in city walls which are known to be of the greatest -antiquity and even to have been totally ruined in the historical period, -such monoliths being regularly used upon corners, the jambs of gates, -etc., where especial strength and independent firmness were called for. -When the surface of Cyclopean walls is perfectly smooth and exactly -jointed, these may confidently be regarded as not of primitive -antiquity; the erection of such masonry is a subtlety of greater -difficulty than that of square blocks and horizontal beds. But walls -built of enormous boulders, unhewn, and roughly piled up without -calculation, the larger interstices being filled with smaller stones, -are of extreme age. Such masonry appeared to later generations to be the -work of giants, of Cyclops, and hence a name which might more fittingly -be changed to Pelasgic than to Poseidonic, as suggested by Gladstone. -The walls of Tiryns (_Fig._ 125) are of such gigantic blocks--bulwarks -mentioned by Homer and Hesiod, and admired in their ruins by Pausanias. -They are built upon a ridge of rock, which is over 190 m. long, only 70 -m. broad, and elevated 10 m. above the surrounding plain. The masonry is -from 7 to 15 m. thick; of its original height, estimated as 18 m., there -remains from 10 to 12 m. The enormous stones vary from 2 to 3 m. in -length and 0.9 to 12. m. in thickness. In its greatest breadth the wall -is provided with galleries, roofed by projecting stones laid in -horizontal beds and cut to the outline of a pointed arch. Such spaces -are provided with loopholes upon the exterior, and, without doubt, -served as magazines and casemates. Within these fortifications must have -stood the royal residence, famed in the legends of Heracles and -Eurystheus; of it no recognizable traces remain. - -[Illustration: Fig. 125.--Plan of the Acropolis of Tiryns.] - -The walls of Mykenæ are not of equally gigantic masonry, but are fully -as old, and are especially interesting because of the city having been a -complete ruin in the earliest historical times. Besides casemate -galleries in the walls, there are in Mykenæ a number of highly important -gateways and portals; those of the fortifications at Tiryns were -entirely destroyed, an inclined plane leading to the eastern side of the -acropolis is there alone to be recognized as an approach. - -[Illustration: Fig. 126.--Gate of the Lions at Mykenæ.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 127.--Smaller Gate of Mykenæ.] - -The doors were naturally of greater technical perfection than the long -line of bulwarks; having been created for both admittance and defence, -they required a certain constructive calculation, and permitted the -employment of more exterior ornament. The simplest possible form of a -gateway is the combination of three stones--the two jambs and the -lintel--observable in two examples at Mykenæ. (_Figs._ 126 and 127.) -Such a construction had the disadvantage that the upright blocks could -not be joined to the wall, and that the lintel, which necessarily lay -clear for a considerable length, could not immediately receive the -massive continuation of the masonry above it. Notwithstanding the -convergence of the jambs upon the great gate of Mykenæ, the beam has a -length of 4.6 m., with a span of 3.05 m.; the bottom of the door being -3.2 m. wide, and its height 3.25 m. A relieving gable was consequently -constructed, similar to that common in Egypt during the age of the -Pyramids, and to that described in the consideration of the Tholos of -Atreus. A triangular opening remained above the lintel, by which the -efficacy of the wall as a fortification was considerably impaired. The -orifice was closed by one or two slabs, which did not press heavily upon -the lintel; but they could not have been sufficient to escape fracture -by heavy missiles, or to resist the blows of a battering-ram. The attack -was therefore diverted from this vulnerable point by moral means. The -panel received a certain consecration by some protecting sacred symbol -being carved upon it--such, for instance, as a Gorgon’s head--a recourse -which was effective in times when the slightest desecration of a divine -emblem was deemed more impious than the bloodiest deed of human -violence. Such a carving has been preserved over the gateway of Mykenæ, -which has received its name from the lions represented upon it. As a -work of sculpture, it will be considered below. The column between the -animals has, however, a bearing upon the architectural forms of the -epoch. It is the same shaft, diminishing from summit to base, which has -been noticed upon the portal front of the Tholos of Atreus. A second -gate of Mykenæ resembled the Gate of the Lions, but was smaller and -simpler. (_Fig._ 127.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 128.--Portal upon Samos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 129.--Gate of Phigalia.] - -The form of three blocks appears to have been soon changed, the wall -itself serving in place of an especial jamb. The span of the lintel was -decreased by two or four boldly projecting blocks as brackets. Examples -of this development are offered by portals of Samos and Phigalia. -(_Figs._ 128 and 129.) But in the same measure as the danger from the -great span of the lintel was diminished, that of the brackets being -pressed downward and disjointed was increased. A third manner of -covering the opening, by stones leaned against each other at an angle, -was a still further advance. (_Fig._ 130.) When the side thrust could be -well borne--and for this the walls were always sufficient--such a gable -could support any pressure that could possibly be imposed, while -allowing a great breadth of passage. Finally, a triangular construction -could be obtained by a gradual projection of horizontal stones, laid as -they had been in so many instances for the relief of a lintel beneath -them. This construction occurs in two varieties, differing in -appearance, though not in principle: the projection of the horizontal -courses of stone either began directly from the ground (_Fig._ 130), as -has been noticed in the Tholos of Atreus (_Fig._ 122), or commenced at -some height, the jambs being carried up vertically. (_Fig._ 132.) In -both these varieties the line of the gable frequently appears concavely -curved, as in the parabolic walls of the tholos, and the outline of a -pointed arch was thus obtained. (_Figs._ 133 and 134.) In spite of their -early familiarity with the abstract principle of the arch, as shown in -_Fig._ 130, the Greeks refused to adopt the true arch, with its -wedge-shaped stones, even in late historical ages, when they assuredly -were acquainted with its construction. An illustration of their feeling -in this respect is given by the aqueduct adjoining the Tower of the -Winds in Athens, where the semicircles are cut from monoliths. - -[Illustration: Fig. 130.--Portal upon Delos.] - -The influence of the gateways upon the masonry is evident from the more -frequent adoption of the rectangular blocks, which had at first only -been employed to give the portals an independent strength, both for the -ramparts and for the out-works and protecting towers which these -openings necessitated. Such a fortification, erected for the defence of -a gate, still stands in Tiryns--the city to which succeeding ages -ascribed the invention of tower-building (Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ vii. 56); -it reaches a height of 13 m. Thetower which defended the gate of Mykenæ -was even larger. Homer mentions such structures at Troy, Thebes, and -Calydon, and is also familiar with casemates and battlements. The latter -are shown by paintings upon archaic vases to have been of the normal -rectangular shape. - -Schliemann’s excavations in Mykenæ have proved that in this city the -agora was situated just within the principal gate. Some of the stone -benches encircling the agora were found in almost perfect preservation; -they were constructed of slabs standing erect in concentric rows to -receive the horizontal seats. They lend a new confirmation of Homer’s -truthful characterization of locality, illustrating a passage which -occurs in the description of the shield of Achilles, which describes -the judgment scene upon the marketplace: - - “On polish’d chairs, in solemn circle, sat - The rev’rend elders.” - -[Illustration: Fig. 131.--Gate of Missolonghi.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 132.--Gate of Messene.] - -Though the remains of these prehistoric ages show in some degree the -form of an ancient Greek acropolis, with its royal dwelling of courts -and halls, and the sepulchral monuments before its gates, they are yet -insufficient to complete even the main outlines of the picture by giving -any understanding of the temple--that structure destined to become the -ideal of Hellenic architecture. While the life and customs contemporary -with the Homeric poems are, in other respects, represented with -incomparable truth and distinctness, the epics are entirely silent upon -this subject. It appears that the temples were neither of great size nor -of artistic importance; among the ruins of Tiryns and Mykenæ there are -no vestiges of columns or entablatures. The symbolical images of the -deities were placed upon cliffs, in caverns, among the branches of -sacred trees, or in the hollows of their trunks, and simple altars were -erected before them. Frequently the worship of a deity was merely -connected with a grove, or with some other locality fitted by nature for -this purpose, and was there performed without an image or other dead -symbol. It was thus with the most primitive god of Greek mythology, Zeus -of Dodona. When a building was provided at all, it was, in the heroic -ages, restricted to the cella, a ceiled chapel of oblong plan, which -stood in the centre of a consecrated area, the temenos. This original -form--the whole of the primitive shrine--is recognizable even in the -developed peripteros, as the kernel within the outstanding columns. It -does not appear strange that we should be acquainted with so few of -these chapels when it is considered that hardly greater traces remain of -the entire architecture of the Teutonic races during the first seven -Christian centuries. It is natural, in the development of civilization, -that sanctuaries exemplifying different phases of advancement should -seldom stand next to each other; after the destruction of the old, the -new arises in its place, upon its consecrated site. Examples of such -original cellas are not, however, entirely wanting. Several remains -published by Dodwell and Stackelberg are to be explained as chapels. A -structure upon Delos, designated by Thiersch as a tomb, is quite -comparable to a columnless temple cella. There is less probability that -the ruins upon Mount Ocha and near the village Stoura, upon Eubœa, -were temples. They are chambers sheltered from above by slabs of stone, -inclined like a gable. (_Fig._ 135.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 133.--Gate of Thoricos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 134.--Gate of Ephesos.] - -This method of roofing could not have been generally practised in early -times, when simple and natural constructions utilized the materials at -hand best adapted to the purpose. The builders, among the bald mountains -of Eubœa, were forced to such a manner of covering their chamber by -lack of wood. The south of the island produces no trees which could -provide the timber for roof-beams; while, on the other hand, open -quarries in the neighborhood furnished a kind of slate-stone which is -easily split into large slabs like joists and boards. So clumsy a -ceiling construction as that upon Mount Ocha was not natural in -countries of dense forests, such as was the original home of the -Dorians. In other parts of Hellas than the rocky and sterile islands of -the Ægean, the chapels must have been roofed with wood. The most obvious -considerations make it evident that ceiling and roof of the primitive -cella were originally of wood. In the later marble architecture of -Greece this assumption is confirmed by numerous reminiscences of -timbered construction, sufficient even to explain the methods and form -of the original carpentry. - -[Illustration: Fig. 135.--Interior of a Structure upon Mount Ocha, -Eubœa.] - -A pitched and gabled roof seems to have been generally employed for -these early structures. The horizontal ceiling might be sufficient for -the changeless blue sky of Egypt, but could not suffice in Greece, -where, in certain seasons, heavy rains were frequent, and even -hail-storms not unknown. Still no land upon the Mediterranean was -familiar with the great steepness of roof made necessary by the enduring -snow and ice of the North. In colder climates the pitch of the covering -was not only greatly increased, but all horizontal projections were -avoided, and the upper surfaces of smaller members and mouldings -inclined. The rafters required ceiling beams beneath them; because of -the necessary support and jointing, they could not be placed directly -upon the stone walls, and it was further desirable to support the summit -of the triangle by a king-post. The ceiling thus provided stood in such -relation to the roof that a beam tied together each pair of rafters, and -was, consequently, so laid across the oblong enclosure that the ends -reposed upon the side walls. Upon these horizontal timbers planks were -placed which concealed the inclined roof. By this an independent -ceiling was created; and, as the boarding was laid upon the beams and -not fastened to their lower side, this gave rise to the formation of -lacunæ or long coffers. The ends both of the horizontal ceiling beams -and of the roof rafters were visible upon the exterior: the latter, -forming the eaves, projected beyond the wall, to further the shedding of -water and to protect the sides of the building. As the upper surface of -the roof had been so closed as to be water-tight, it is natural that -this sheathing should have been carried around upon all sides of the -projecting rafter ends. It was otherwise with the spaces between the -beams, which, being protected by the eaves, were not covered and masked -by boards. The artistic instinct of the Greek would not permit him thus -to conceal constructive forms when this was not rendered necessary by -practical considerations. They received, on the contrary, an especial -emphasis, that they might express their peculiar function with full -force. Moreover, the closing of the aperture between the ends of the -beams would have required the provision of other openings for light, as -there were no windows in the walls of masonry. - -This manner of roof and ceiling construction was generally employed in -European Greece, being customary for palaces and dwellings as well as -for the primitive temples. Open interstices between the horizontal beams -existed in the hall of the royal dwelling at Ithaca. There can be no -further doubt as to the development and original function of the metopes -of the Doric entablature when it is considered that the Greeks, as late -as the time of Euripides (_Iphig. in Taur._ 113), were familiar with the -idea that it was possible to enter a primitive structure through these -openings between the ends of the beams. The masking of the metopes would -thus have been not only purposeless, but even detrimental; it was -reasonable, however, to sheathe the ends of the beams themselves by -small boards, which should at once protect and ornament them. The hewn -extremities of such great timbers were rough and ugly; without covering, -they would have been exposed to rapid decay. The simple decoration of -three narrow strips of wood affixed to the ends of the beams was so -customary in primitive carpentry that it became a typical motive in the -later architecture of Greece. The chamfering of sharp edges of boards -has been practised by the wood-workers of all nations. When two corners -thus treated are placed together, there results a prismatic groove, -which distinctly marks the edges of the separate pieces. Thus originated -the primitive form of the triglyph, as the most natural and practical -decoration of the rough-hewn ends of the ceiling beams by sheathing. The -upper edges of the three strips were hidden against a plate beneath the -rafters; the lower were covered by a continuous board, which united the -various members of the frieze, and concealed any inexact jointing -between the beams and the top of the wall. By placing the chamfered -boards upright, an æsthetic advantage was obtained: a vertical line was -repeated just before the conclusion of the entablature by the cornice, -being thus emphasized in the midst of horizontal members. Other -ornamental details were added, based, likewise, upon motives of the -original wooden construction. The continuous strip affixed to the lower -edges of the triglyphs was securely and visibly fastened. This was -effected by several thick trunnels, so driven in from below that the -heads were left protruding. Under the end of each beam the strip was -doubled, to give additional strength where the wood was most weakened by -perforation. The ends of the rafters were also sheathed, and brought -into harmony with the frieze. The inclined eaves were covered with -boards, and as these did not stand erect, like those before the ceiling -beams, but hung from the lower sides of the rafters, there was -particular need for an increased and distinctly secure attachment. The -sheathing was consequently pinned by more numerous trunnels; and as -every triglyph had been provided with a second strip, here a second -board was placed under the end of each rafter. The projecting heads of -these nails were called _guttæ_ by the later Romans, but this cannot -convince us that the peculiar form was intended as an ornamental -petrifaction of hanging rain-drops: such a glorification of bad weather -would have been foreign to the Greeks, accustomed to the clearest skies; -and, for so primitive a construction, this explanation appears -far-fetched. The imitation of rain-drops could nowhere have been more -out of place than upon the inclined lower side of the eaves; drops -might, perhaps, hang from the front edge of the cornice, but never upon -its under slope, which rain could not even wet. The construction of an -original work of carpentry thus provided the motives of the Doric -entablature--naïvely expressing the advance from the roughest practical -necessity to high architectural perfection. In the apertures between the -beam-ends, or metopes, and in the open triangle of the gable, were -placed votive offerings, which there found a secure and sheltered stand, -heightening the exterior importance of the work. In small chapels this -interference with the openings for light could have been of no -disadvantage. The gable was closed by a boarding, which hid from view -the rough inner construction of the roof. This veil, the tympanon, was -placed behind the triangle formed by the outer cross-beam and rafters, -as the ceiling had been laid above the other horizontal timbers. The low -gable thus naturally developed upon the front; and in later times, when -the votive offerings had been exchanged for sculptured figures, formed a -most characteristic and imposing feature. - -The effect was heightened by the partly protective, partly decorative, -painting of all the wooden surfaces. Red and blue appear originally to -have been the chief colors; the former, in a dark shade, being used for -the sheathing of the tympanon, the latter for the triglyphs and other -members. Upon the bands were figured ornaments, most of which had -developed from Asiatic prototypes; they consisted of the meander, -anthemions, and the woven ribbons, etc., observable upon Assyrian -sculptures and upon the archaic bronzes and vases of Greece and Central -Italy. The extended polychromatic treatment of the marble temple is -doubtless a reminiscence of this painted wood. Without such traditions, -it would have developed differently: upon a structure of stone it would -have been less restricted to the frieze and cornice. - -The entablature had thus far advanced without connection with that most -noble work of architecture--the Doric column. The shaft and entablature -of the style were not created in connection or simultaneously; the forms -of triglyph and mutule are not a growth from the columnar root, but -rather prove the Doric frieze and cornice to have been the primitive -Hellenic expression of roof and ceiling, which preceded the column, even -as the plainest constructive necessities precede ornament. The peculiar -wooden character of the entablature could exercise no important -influence upon the shaft. If the existence, in heroic times, of the -peripteros, the temple with outstanding columns, be denied--and of such -structures there is not a vestige--it cannot be supposed that columns -existed at all. Interior supports of wood are, indeed, mentioned by -Homer, and engaged shafts formed part of the façade of the Tholos of -Atreus, and were represented upon the relief over the Gate of the Lions -in Mykenæ; but between these and the Doric column there is a distance -only to be explained by the assumption that Asiatic influence was -paramount, if not exclusive, in the architecture of the heroic ages of -Greece. Though it is possible that rudiments of the Doric echinos may be -recognized in the upper tore and scotia of the engaged columns of -Mykenæ, it is yet evident that the turned-work of these members resulted -from a wooden prototype, and that the overladen decoration of the shaft, -in its style, is due to familiarity with a sheeting of beaten -metal--_i.e._, to Phœnician artistic traditions. That the forms of -the entablature were not created for the peripteros appears from the -circumstance that the metopes lose their value as windows by the change -of plan, and leave the cella without openings for light and air when -surrounded by columns. With the appearance of the peripteral temple, the -Doric entablature, which upon the oblong chapel had been the natural -expression upon the exterior of roof and ceiling construction, became a -functionless ornament, needing, as will be seen, many changes to bring -it into harmony with the outstanding colonnade. - -The development of the Doric column is not perfectly clear; it is more -than probable that it was not wholly autochthonic and primitive Greek, -like the entablature of the style. Its principal part, the shaft, was -certainly imported. No prominent architectural feature can be deemed -newly invented that has been in common usage in a neighboring and -accessible country for centuries. The Doric shaft, with its -characteristic diminution and channellings, was known in Egypt more than -a thousand years before its introduction into Greece, as proved by the -monuments of Beni-Hassan. Commercial intercourse had existed between the -two countries for centuries, and it cannot be assumed that the Greeks -had not seen Egyptian works of architecture; they could not have arrived -at precisely the same results by independent invention. It would rather -be difficult to conceive how the receptive Greeks could have refused all -instruction from the neighboring people, so far in advance of them for -centuries after the Trojan war. Eight-sided drums have been found at -Bolymnos, and an octangular shaft at Trœzen; but these isolated -instances offer no proof that the development of the channelled shaft -from the square pier was effected in Greece in the same manner as had -been done fifteen centuries or more previously in Egypt. - -The genius of the Greeks, however, always showed its independence when -the artistic perception of the neighboring nations had been at fault or -defective. It was impossible for them to rest content with the -termination of the so-called Proto-Doric columns of Beni-Hassan. A -simple plinth upon the upper end of the shaft was insufficient; it left -without mediation the contrast between the forcible upright line of the -channels and the long level of the epistyle. Some interposition was -necessary between the vertical and the horizontal members, and a -moulding of inclined outline was best fitted to fulfil this natural -requirement, which almost appears to be an æsthetic law. The abacus -plinth was retained as the transition from the circular drums of the -shaft to the broader oblong of the lintel. The oblique and projecting -member between the two, the echinos, was a link connecting the plans, as -well as the directions, of column and entablature. The perfectly -straight outline of an inverted cone was rarely employed in Greece for -the echinos; a stele of Artemis Brauronia upon the Athenian acropolis, -shown by inscriptions to be of great age, is an isolated instance. This -rigid line was early exchanged for a curve, which, in its advancing -stages of refinement, became one of the most characteristic features of -Doric architecture. The moulding seems, at times, to have been -ornamented with painted leaves, which, in the Ionic echinos beneath the -roll, was changed, in the manner peculiar to that order, from the -colored indication to carving. It is not certain whether this floral -decoration was generally adopted, or existed only in the isolated -instance by which it is known--the so-called Temple of Theseus. Upon the -translation of the wooden construction to a stone entablature, which -resulted in a narrow intercolumniation, the base was given up, and the -upper step of the stylobate was regarded as a common plinth. - -It appears that the employment of columns connected with temples -commenced, in Greece, in the manner observed upon the rock-cut tomb -façades of Egypt and Lycia, and the chapels of Mesopotamia and -Phœnicia: two columns were placed within the open front, between the -projecting side walls; that is to say, the temple was _in antis_. - -The next step was the removal of these side walls, or parastadæ, columns -taking their place in the corners before them, and the _prostyle_ temple -was thus obtained. These changes rendered several important alterations -necessary. They caused a new wall to be erected before the interior of -the cella, the naos, the colonnade of the front thus acquiring the -nature of a portico, the pronaos. The jambs of the door in this wall -were so inclined as to diminish the span of the lintel, the frame -receiving upon its upper corners the stepped ears, or parotides, -customary in Western Asia. A new member of the entablature was needed to -replace the omitted wall and provide a bearing for the ceiling -cross-beams--namely, the epistyle. It is possible that this member, -distinctly separated, existed before the change, but it certainly was -not necessary. The division of the cella into naos and pronaos finally -altered the position of the front ceiling-beams; in the naos they lay, -as before, resting upon the side walls, but in the pronaos they were -placed lengthwise--from the columns to the newly erected division wall. -Besides improving the construction of the portico ceiling, this greatly -added to the beauty of the front entablature: epistyle and ceiling-beams -would otherwise have lain upon each other, in the same direction, but -from this change resulted the frieze of triglyphs and metopes upon the -front, as upon the sides. The gain was not effected without a difficulty -arising in the frieze above the end of the side wall and the corner -column, the outer ceiling-beam of the pronaos thus lying in its length -upon the epistyle without the formation of a metope. And here the -constructive truth was first sacrificed in favor of the exterior -appearance: a cube, standing above the corner column, took the place of -the outer beam, and the continuous alternation of triglyphs and metopes -was carried out. - -Having so far deviated from logical construction, the desire for an -harmonious treatment of the exterior led to other and greater changes. -The dead-wall of the rear had had no part in the development of the -frieze, and appeared intolerably bare. This deficiency could hardly be -overcome otherwise than by a repetition of a portico upon the back, -creating the epinaos, and carrying the entablature of triglyphs and -metopes around the entire building, thus perfecting the _amphiprostyle_ -temple. - -The more these alterations were made in favor of the exterior -appearance, the more was the original structure dismembered. The extreme -boundary of possible concessions was attained, and, at the next step, -the entablature, translated into stone, separated itself entirely from -the construction and became an applied ornament. In one stride the -ultimate type of the Hellenic temple was determined, by carrying -outstanding columns entirely around the cella,--the building became a -_peripteros_. - -It is probable that these extensive alterations took place almost -simultaneously, and were adopted at once for the most prominent shrines, -while the preceding varieties--the temple in antis and the prostyle and -amphiprostyle temples--though their entablatures were also executed in -stone, were only employed in subordinate positions. With the heightened -importance of the decorative exterior the monumental significance of the -temple rose above the mere necessities of a chamber for the sacred -image. The structure acquired equal solidity in every part exposed to -view. It was built of a homogeneous material. The timbering of roof and -ceiling was hidden by the stone symbols placed before the ends of the -rafters and beams; the entablature was allowed an independent freedom of -development and proportion. The heaviness of the material made it -necessary to diminish the voids and increase the solids of the supports -as much as was feasible. The stone shafts were allowed a greater -diameter and placed more nearly together than when, as was the case in -Etruria at a much later period, their burden had been of timber. The -stone cornice, which was not as high as the epistyle, could not span the -same clear width, and called for a second support over the -intercolumniations,--a further triglyph. This was the more acceptable, -as the appearance of the frieze was improved by its adoption; the -breadth of triglyph and metope became nearly equal and better -proportioned, their alternating rhythm more pleasing. The metopes, -having upon the peripteros no importance as windows, were closed by -thin slabs, which added to the unity and imposing force of the edifice. -It is surprising how faithfully the traditional forms were still -retained, even to the smallest details, while they yet received a truly -artistic conventionalization and those proportions which make the Doric -temple the grandest and most perfect monument of architectural history. -It is probable that the completed peripteros existed as early as the -seventh century B.C. The first steps of advance were rapidly made, and -may, perhaps, be referred to the ages immediately preceding. It would -indeed be interesting to know when, where, and by whom the incomparable -design was perfected which gave to the world its proudest edifice; but -it must suffice to understand the intentions of which the Doric temple -was the final result. - -[Illustration: Fig. 136.--Corner Elevation of the Middle Temple of the -Acropolis of Selinous. Restoration.] - -Semper has suggested that a canopy-like roof, supported by columns, was -placed above and around the small temple cella to increase its extent, -and, at the same time, to express its power and sacredness by that -oldest symbol of terrestrial and celestial authority. This attractive -assumption does not interfere with the theory of the previous -development of the temple in antis and the prostylos, or with the -historical considerations based upon the appearance of an imperfect -peripteros centuries before in Egypt. The cella and outstanding columns -rose from a stepped foundation, the crepidoma, the kernel of which, the -stereobate, was formed of massive walls, or, when possible, of the -native rock. The blocks were too high for human steps, and are not to be -conceived as stairs. Such an ascent entirely surrounding the temple -would have been purposeless, and contrary to the isolating character of -the crepidoma. They formed a base, such as is displayed in an -exaggerated manner by the Mesopotamian sanctuaries, where, however, the -chapels elevated upon the gigantic terraces were small in proportion to -the substructure. In buildings of greater dimensions, the few and -massive steps serving as the base of the Greek temple were increased, -not in number, but in size. They were thus always proportional and -fitted to their function as a foundation. Accessible stairs from all -sides would have given a pyramidal effect to the lower part of the -composition; while, at the foot of the upright supports, the horizontal -line should rather be emphatically pronounced. Smaller intermediate -blocks were provided for the ascent to the temple, thus made possible -only upon the front. The upper step, the stylobate, was, as has been -said, the common plinth, the columns being without base-moulding, and, -consequently, without individual functions or isolated independence. The -comparatively narrow intercolumniations were the better passages from -this absence of projections at the foot of the columns. The powerful -shafts were doubly modified by the diminution and by the entasis. The -first refinement found its model in the natural contraction of all -ascending bodies; a greater strength is needed below because of the -increasing weight. To this must be added an optical motive: every -diminution modifies the perspective effect, increasing the apparent -height or distance of bodies thus bordered by lines slightly converging, -though apparently parallel. The entasis was entirely decided by such -optical considerations. It overcame a deception, resulting from the -diminution, which makes a straight-lined cone of very steep sides appear -of slightly concave outline. The shafts usually had twenty, in a few -instances sixteen, channels, of nearly elliptical profile, separated by -sharp arrises. As may be seen in unfinished temples, these grooves were -not executed until the last stone of the building was in place, that the -chipping of the delicate edges by the imposition of the drums or blocks -next to them, and by other accidents during the process of building, -might be avoided. It was only upon the capital that the channels were -cut in advance, as a guide. To avoid the chipping of this stone, it was -necessary to prevent its sharp lower edges from resting directly upon -the top of the drum beneath it. To this end a diminutive step, a -scamillus of smaller diameter, was turned upon the bottom of the capital -block, or the same effect was attained by slightly slanting off and -increasing the right angle of its lower edge. It was contrary to the -artistic feeling of the Greek architect for constructive truth to mask -even this slight necessity by priming and painting. It was, rather, made -more distinct by increased size and a characteristic profile, in some -instances even by a repetition of the incision. The upper end of the -shaft was thus distinctly separated, notwithstanding the continuous -channellings, and was related to the capital as the mediating neck of -the column, the hypotrachelion. The echinos began its projection with -several annulets, which still more definitely marked the junction of the -capital with the shaft. It would be difficult to decide whether these -mouldings were reminiscences of the binding-ribbons upon the necking of -Egyptian floral columns. They were not placed beneath the echinos, but -upon it, and consequently follow the curved profile, enlarging -concentrically with its projection. The Doric capital, among all -capitals that we know, attains the highest æsthetic perfection by its -fulfilment of the requirements of a transitional member: by the -proportion of its projection, and especially by its expressive and -characteristic curve, which rises from a firm and almost straight line -to the decided turn beneath the abacus. The outline is more elastic -than a simple oblique angle, more vigorous and capable of resistance -than the concave curve. The echinos provides the requisite projection; -the abacus upon it forms the second transition from the circular plan of -the shaft to the rectangle of the entablature. In the Doric style this -upper half is about the same height as the echinos beneath it, while in -the capitals of other orders the curved members of circular plan have -been developed at the expense of this plinth, which is dwarfed to a thin -plate. - -It was first noticed by Cockerell in 1829 that the axes of the columns -surrounding the cella are not vertical, but lean inward. This -peculiarity was chiefly adopted to counteract an optical deception, -resulting, like the deviation which led to the entasis, from the -diminution of the shafts, making these, when perfectly upright, appear -inclined away from the neighboring wall and from each other. The -deception is particularly felt upon the corner shafts; these were -corrected to lean in the direction of the diagonal, and decided the -inclination of the columns of the front and side. The absolute deviation -from the vertical is very slight, about 1-150th of the height, and by no -means makes the inner sides of the diminished columns parallel to the -wall. The inclination was effected by the irregular cutting of the first -block, which was lower within than without, being so formed that the -surface of its base was not circular, but slightly elliptical. All the -succeeding drums had perfectly round beds, and consequently slanted in -the manner decided by the first. The contact of these stones of the -shaft was restricted to a narrow rim upon the exterior of their plan. In -their centre they were steadied by an encased dowel of wood, the form of -which is known from the remains of the Parthenon; this served as a pivot -for the grinding of one block upon the other. - -The stone beams of the epistyle lay from axis to axis of the columns. In -buildings of great dimensions several slabs were laid side by side as -lintels, each having the entire height of this member, which, as forming -the conjunction of the columns, may be conceived as a representative of -the wall. The outer surface of the epistyle block was carved upon its -upper edge with the tainia and trunnels, described as securing the -triglyphs of the original timbered entablature. The forms of these -details show the great reverence with which the primitive wooden -prototypes were imitated, while, at the same time, they were fitted to -be cut in stone in a far more artistic manner than were the direct -copies of carpentry observed in Lycia. The slits of the triglyph -terminated at first in elliptical lines, which became, in the decline of -the style, straight and horizontal. The triglyphs themselves were so -distributed that one was placed over each column and one over the centre -of each intercolumniation. An exception was made at the corner, where -the triglyph could not be placed in the axis of the shaft, being needed -for the support of the angle. It would be contrary to the open and -non-sustaining character of the metope for this to be assigned to a -position so constructively important. Vitruvius, regardless of this -consideration, recommends that the corner triglyph be placed in the axis -of the column beneath it, like all the others; but only one debased -instance is known where this occurs--the so-called Temple of Demeter at -Pœstum. The disturbance of symmetry which resulted to the frieze by -the removal of the corner triglyph from the axis was counterbalanced by -the metopes being made slightly larger, and especially by the outer -intercolumniations being greatly diminished in width. This last step was -also desirable from other considerations, notably because the dark -background of the cella caused the openings between the inner shafts to -appear narrower than the free and light space between those of the -exterior. - -[Illustration: Fig. 137.--Entablature of the Parthenon.] - -All these changes were primarily caused by the Doric entablature not -having been created for the peripteros; it was necessary thus to fit it -for decorative employment. - -The metopes were originally open interstices between the beams; -intertrabies, as they might be called, with reference to the -intercolumniations; having, upon the peripteros, been closed within and -without by light slabs, the votive offerings, formerly placed in the -apertures, were now superseded by sculptures in relief upon these -stones, which gave to the entire entablature--or, when the carving was -restricted, to that of the fronts--an imposing decoration. A continuous -band, like that beneath the triglyphs, terminated the frieze; but the -individuality of triglyph and metope was even here maintained, the -superposed member being broken around them, as a separate coronation for -each. - -[Illustration: Fig. 138.--Scheme of the Doric Entablature.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 139.--Plan and Elevation of the so-called Temple of -Theseus, Athens.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 140.--Painting upon the Pteroma of the Temple of -Theseus.] - -The cornice showed reminiscences of the projecting eaves by its corona -being cut with a downward slant, such as would never have been invented -for the treatment of stone. That this inclination was not precisely the -same as the pitch of the roof rafters cannot be adduced as an argument -against its fundamental idea; in the marble structure there was nothing -to call for so exact a resemblance. The decoration of the lower surface -of the corona shows the original motive of its wooden construction as -distinctly expressed as was the formation of the triglyph in the frieze. -The position of the ends of the rafters, beneath the sheathing, is -marked by boards, each being pinned upon it with eighteen wooden pegs. -From the duplication of the triglyphs in the stone building there -resulted an equal number of mutules, and these were still further -multiplied by being placed over each metope--this latter increase having -been at first attempted with members of half the normal width, as at -_Fig._ 136. The whole composition was thus the more richly divided the -higher the building ascended; upon one column rested two triglyphs and -four mutules. It is further remarkable that, to make the decoration -harmonious upon all sides of the edifice, these mutules were also -introduced upon the front and rear entablatures; this repetition, with -the inclination of the corona upon the fronts, naturally without a -gutter, must be regarded as a further concession, made, contrary to the -genetic signification of members, in favor of the monumental appearance -of the entire exterior. The corona is bordered by the so-called Doric -cyma, or beak-moulding, distantly resembling the scotia of Egypt and -Mesopotamia. The concluding gutter is of a beautifully curved outline. -When it occurs upon the sides of the building, where it is frequently -restricted to the corners, it is provided with lions’ heads, which, -arranged over the columns as gargoyles, throw from their open jaws the -rain-water of the roof beyond the steps of the crepidoma. An isolated -instance--the Heraion of Olympia, which seems never to have been -provided with a stone entablature--shows that the timbered roof and -ceiling were placed at times with a wooden epistyle directly upon the -stone columns of a peripteros. The covering of the roof was formed, in -the best period, by flat marble tiles, the joints of which were covered -by smaller curved blocks, running from ridge to eaves, and terminated -over the cornice by antefixes. The apex and corners of the gable were -provided with acroteria, standing upon special bases. They are -reminiscences of an ancient usage of Western Asia: those of the corners -found their origin in the ornaments of primitive altars and sarcophagi, -known in Biblical accounts as horns. They were sometimes supplanted by -votive offerings suited to the position, such as tripods, or by griffins -and other symbolical figures. The pointed acroterium of the apex was -usually the whole of the two half-anthemions represented upon those of -the corners; in larger monuments it was often replaced by statues, just -as extended compositions of figures were created for the tympanon -beneath, as a substitute for the dedicated objects which appear to have -originally filled the gable. - -The polychromy of the Doric temple was one of the most important -features of its external appearance. It is probable that the greater -part of its marble surface, possibly the whole, was colored. Our -Northern conceptions can with difficulty comprehend the full value of -this treatment in the general composition; in our gray landscape, a -building thus painted might appear harsh and variegated. The color of -the lower supporting members was restricted to a light tint, the -so-called baphe, which had first been applied to the stucco priming -necessary for the coarse and porous stone of older temples, and was -afterwards transferred from this to the marble of later monuments. It -stained the surface with a light golden-brown tint, moderating the harsh -chalky white of lime stucco, or of marble, and investing the newly -erected building with the patina by which age always modulates the color -of stone. This baphe was employed for the marble temple on account of -the traditional painting of the stucco priming, because of the too -dazzling white natural to the freshly hewn material, and, finally, in -order to harmonize the columns and stylobate with the intensely rich -colors of the entablature. Dark and positive pigments were restricted to -the frieze and cornice, having, without doubt, been first employed to -preserve the original wooden material. The beams and slat-work, like the -triglyphs with their regulas and the mutules, were designated by blue; -the trunnels were red or gilded. That which had at first been open was -treated as a dark-red background; the metopes and tympanon thus clearly -outlining the reliefs and groups of statues which ornamented them. The -continuous members were treated with particular richness; the narrower -strips were painted with the meander and other woven forms; the gutter -with anthemions; while the Doric cyma was decorated with leaves of -various colors, so artistically conventionalized as but little to -resemble nature. The inner side of the entablature was still more richly -colored. (_Fig._ 140.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 141.--Coffered Pteroma Ceiling of the Southern -Temple upon the Eastern Plateau of Selinous. Restoration.] - -One of the most wonderful refinements of Greek architecture was the -attention paid to optical deceptions, and the correction of these by the -curvature of all straight and horizontal lines. It has been mentioned -that the peripteral columns did not stand mathematically upright, all -the axes being inclined inwards; the discovery of this fact was followed -by a publication, made by the architect Hoffer in 1838, which maintained -that no perfectly level line existed upon the entire temple, the -horizontals being curved slightly upwards. Hoffer’s assertions were -verified by the micrometrical studies made by Penrose, in 1846, upon the -Parthenon, the so-called Theseion, the Propylæa, Erechtheion, and the -Temple of Olympian Zeus in Athens, and afterwards upon the temples of -Nemea and Segesta. His measurements make evident a curvature of 0.069 m. -in 30.876 m. upon the front of the Parthenon, and of 0.108 m. in 69.525 -m. upon its sides. Though so very slight a deviation is not readily -apparent, there are no mathematically rectangular forms upon the entire -building; the corner metopes are, for instance, trapezoidal. Whether -these curves, the existence of which is not to be denied, were really -intentional, was questioned by Boetticher, but it has been proved beyond -a doubt by the further investigations of Ziller. The motive for the -adoption of refinements, so extraordinarily delicate and difficult of -execution, was the same desire to correct displeasing optical deceptions -which prompted the entasis of the columns and the inclination of their -axes from the vertical. The apparent deviation of the lines, sagging -from the horizontal, was most disagreeably apparent upon the front -entablature--the base of the gable triangle, which, when straight, -invariably appears concave, while a corona, in reality curved upwards, -presents itself to the eye as perfectly level. By a deviation from the -absolutely horizontal, the appearance of greater correctness was -attained. - -[Illustration: Fig. 142.--Fragments of Coffered Ceilings from the -Parthenon. - -_A._ From the Side Pteroma. _B._ From the Epinaos.] - -The peripteral columns of the Doric style worthily express the peculiar -character of the Dorians by their simple dignity. By them a passage was -formed around the cella, the pteroma, the ceiling of which was most -richly decorated with cofferings. (_Fig._ 141.) So short a span was here -required of the horizontal beams that it was possible to translate them -into stone simultaneously with the outer entablature; this seems to have -been universal in the larger peripteral temples, that of Zeus in -Olympia possibly being an exception. The ceiling did not remain in its -original position, resting upon the epistyle, but, with the increased -dimensions of the stone frieze, was considerably elevated. The spaces -between the lintels were closed by slabs of stone which retained the -form of the original wooden cofferings, being hollowed by stepped -lacunæ, diminishing in size. A transitional moulding was placed in each -angle formed by a vertical and horizontal surface. Upon the coffered -ceilings of Attic monuments (_Fig._ 142) this member is the Lesbian -cyma, supplemented by an astragal, these signs of an Ionic influence -being further noticeable in other parts of these buildings. The wall of -the cella, though surrounded by the pteroma, still bears traces of the -entablature, which, as shown above, preceded the outstanding columns; -the triglyphs and metopes are repeated, or in their place is a frieze of -sculptured reliefs, in which the isolated carvings of the metope become -continuous and connected. At times there remain beneath the latter the -tænia, regulas, and trunnels--only to be explained and justified as the -reminiscences of portions of an originally well-founded decoration which -had, in part, been gradually supplanted. - -[Illustration: Fig. 143.--Plan of the Middle Temple upon the Acropolis -of Selinous.] - -The cella itself, within the pteroma, appears in plan either without -columns, as a temple in antis, as a prostylos, or as an amphiprostylos, -thus supporting the assumption that these were the original forms of its -development. The cella was often greatly increased in length; this made -its transverse division desirable, and there resulted the front portico, -or pronaos, the principal hall of the temple, or naos, and the space -partitioned off at the rear, called, analogically, the epinaos. An -especial chamber of the building was at times isolated to serve as a -treasury; this was known as the opisthodomos. (_Fig._ 143.) The pronaos, -whether with or without columns, was closed, if at all, only by a light -bronze grating; from it a wide portal, occupying almost the entire -division wall, opened into the naos. Its upper part was fixed, but -entrance was afforded through its lower part by folding wings. The -grooves worn by the doors are still visible upon the Parthenon floor. -The interior was disproportionately narrow, a result of the peripteral -enclosure and of the limitations imposed by the gable, which would have -become too high and heavy if the front had been greatly widened in favor -of the interior breadth; moreover, the horizontal ceiling was -unfavorable to width, which was limited to the natural span of the -beams. - -The possibility of admitting much light had been given up with the -change in the position of the entablature and metopes. Notwithstanding -the size of the door, sufficient daylight could not enter through this; -it was itself in the shadow of the pteroma, and generally, also, of a -pronaos. But little illumination was required for the small chapel when -this served solely as a receptacle for the sacred image. A dim and -mystical twilight was easily obtained by the use of one or more -perpetually burning lamps, which could only have been favorable to the -artistically unpretentious interior. It was otherwise with the larger -and more important temples, opened for festive assemblages. Their -interiors were divided by architectural members, and contained manifold -works of art and objects of value--a varied richness, which called for -an increased splendor of light, possible only by artificial -illumination.[G] - -In the desire to increase the available space of the temple interior, -the enclosing walls were advanced more closely to the columns of the -peripteros, thus decreasing the width of the pteroma; while the hall was -divided by two rows of inner shafts into three aisles, the outer two of -which, considerably narrower than the middle, were partitioned into two -stories by the introduction of galleries, accessible by staircases at -either side of the chief portal. - -We now turn from this general consideration of the Doric style to a -review of the principal monuments remaining, dividing them, as well as -possible, into groups representative of certain ages and periods of -development. The oldest peripteral temples known are not situated in -Greece proper, but in the early colonies upon the coasts of Magna Græcia -and Sicily. They are distinguishable from later buildings by a naïve -freedom of form and the lack of any strictly systematical -development--any canonical type. The carving of details is as careful as -the coarse and porous limestone permits. The columns stand so far apart -that the low and heavy proportion of the whole is not altered by the -comparatively high stylobate. The great distance of the shafts from the -wall reduces the naos to a corridor-like narrowness, the more noticeable -as the whole temple plan is very long. (_Fig._ 143.) The columns -themselves are low, never having a height greater than five lower -diameters. The monolithic shaft is much diminished, and has an excessive -entasis; it is provided with twenty, or in rare instances sixteen, -channels of segmental outline. The incisions beneath the capital block, -bordering the hypotrachelion, are generally multiplied, often being -three in number. The necking upon the columns of Sicilian temples is not -merely the straight commencement of the channellings, but often forms, -under the rings, a slight scotia--the apophyge--which weakly detaches -the echinos from the shaft by interrupting its organic connection. The -echinos has too great a projection; its outline is soft, and the small -rings are placed too high. The entire capital appears powerless and -flat: on this account the thickness of the entablature has not been -increased; the outer and inner surfaces of the epistyle do not project -beyond the upper diameter of the shaft. The members of the entablature -are exceedingly high and heavy, as are the details, down to the trunnels -and cyma. The frieze alone is low, and the metopes consequently small, -being framed by massive triglyphs, the chamferings of which have -circular or lanceolate endings. The mutules above the triglyphs have the -same great breadth; in one instance there remains above the metope only -space for half a mutule. (_Fig._ 136.) The polychromy is, in general, -sombre--yellow-brown and black, with little red, being the colors -chiefly employed; the patterns of the ornaments are distinctly of -Oriental origin. - -[Illustration: Fig. 144.--Northern Temple upon the Acropolis of -Selinous.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 145.--Middle Temple upon the Acropolis of Selinous.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 146.--Temple of Assos.] - -The most prominent monuments of this class are at Selinous, upon the -western extremity of Sicily. That city was founded in 628 B.C.: its -acropolis appears to have been early occupied by temples; at least the -northernmost of these buildings, with the widest intercolumniations, of -two and two thirds lower diameter, and the most spacious pteroma, dates -from the commencement of the sixth century B.C. The middle temple of the -acropolis appears scarcely fifty years younger; it is celebrated for the -primitive reliefs of its metopes, which will be considered in the -section upon Greek sculpture. A corner of the building is given above, -_Fig._ 136; its capital is _Fig._ 145. A third example of this earliest -period of development--which is designated by Semper as the laxly -archaic style--is known under the name Tavola dei Palladini, and stands -among the ruins of the Elian colony, Metapontion, a city founded as -early as 768 B.C., but entirely rebuilt in 586 B.C., after its -destruction by the original inhabitants of Lower Italy. The fifteen -columns at present upright probably date from the sixth century B.C. The -intercolumniations are wide, the shafts excessively diminished, and the -curve of the echinos too pronounced. It is difficult to decide whether -to this class may belong the remains of the temple at Cadacchio upon -Corfu (Corkyra), and of that built of lava at Assos, in the Troad. -(_Fig._ 146.) The former has been greatly disfigured by a late -restoration, and it is not at present possible to determine the date of -the latter, known only by insufficient publications. - -The next advances of temple architecture consist in placing the higher -columns more nearly together and in heightening and narrowing the -triglyphs. The elegance of proportion and detail was thus considerably -increased. Ionic elements were first introduced in this period, greatly -to the advantage of the style, which is designated as the archaic. An -example is the middle temple upon the eastern plateau of Selinous, where -the columns are cut with Ionic flutes. It is also important in the -history of sculpture from the remains of metopes carved with scenes of -the gigantomachia. (_Fig._ 147.) Of similar character is the great -uncompleted Temple of Zeus upon the same plateau, 110 m. long and 50 m. -broad, with three aisles and galleries in the interior (_Fig._ 148); and -also the so-called Chiesa di Sansone at Metapontion, of which small -temple there are only few and scattered remains. A third Doric temple of -this site, discovered during the last few months, is as yet inedited. It -is uncertain whether the Temple of Artemis upon the island of Syracuse -(Ortygia) should be reckoned with this group. - -[Illustration: Fig. 147.--Middle Temple upon the Eastern Plateau of -Selinous.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 148.--Temple of Zeus upon the Eastern Plateau of -Selinous.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 149.--So-called Temple of Heracles, Acragas.] - -One example of the epoch exists in Greece proper--the Temple of Corinth. -Its columns were once heavily primed with stucco, and are now so -weathered that it is impossible to draw any definite conclusions from -them. The outline of the capital is primitive, though not in the degree -formerly supposed, when this ruin was thought to be the oldest monument -of the Doric style. The two last-mentioned remains and the Temple of -Athene upon the island Ortygia have the heaviest and lowest proportions, -the lower diameter of the columns comparing to the height as 1 to 4.27 -(Athene), 1 to 4.29 (Artemis), and 1 to 4.32 (Corinth). - -[Illustration: Fig. 150.--So-called Temple of Theseus, Athens.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 151.--Porticus of Philip, Delos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 152.--So-called Temple of Demeter, Pæstum.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 153.--Plan of the Great Temple of Pœstum.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 154.--Plan, Section, and Elevation of the Temple of -Olympian Zeus at Acragas.] - -The Temple of Zeus at Selinous was the first of a number of colossal -structures, in which the architectural ability of the Greeks, by that -time thoroughly schooled, sought also to develop itself in enormous -size. The hexastyle front was increased to the octastyle, thus -permitting wider dimensions of the cella, which still, however, did not -attain the greatest possible extent, the architect being unwilling to -reduce the breadth of the pteroma. The columns became even shorter and -thicker; they were less diminished and had a more delicately adjusted -entasis; the intercolumniations were increased. The separation of the -capital from the shaft by an apophyge was abandoned; the entasis was -made steeper and of a more vigorous outline. The disproportionately high -and weak triglyphs are especially characteristic of this stage of -development; with the exception of these, the entablature still -remained low and heavy. Marble came more and more into use as a -building-stone; the execution of details in stucco was rarer. The new -material did not limit the use of color, which, in place of the former -tones, became brighter--red, blue, and yellow prevailing. The most -imposing, because the best-preserved, of these colossal works is the -magnificent Temple of Pœstum, with its two stories of inner columns -partly intact. (_Fig._ 153.) The triglyphs have not as yet disappeared -from the walls of the cella, but otherwise the construction shows no -primitive traits, being fully fitted for its execution in stone. -Resembling this in many points is the Temple of Acragas, or Agrigentum, -termed that of Heracles. (_Fig._ 149.) The great Temple of Zeus of the -same city was of the most gigantic dimensions ever attempted in the -sacred architecture of the Greeks. It was also, unfortunately, even -greater than was really practicable for a trabeated construction in such -a building-material, and consequently became a monstrosity. The temple -was heptastyle, that is, had seven columns upon the front, which -rendered impossible the normal entrance in the middle. It differed still -more decidedly from other Greek temples in that the cella was not -surrounded by an open pteroma, the outstanding columns being supplanted -by a wall decorated with engaged shafts. It would be difficult to decide -whether this peculiar pseudo-peripteros owed its conformation to the -building-stone at disposal, only to be quarried in blocks too short for -the lintels of the pteroma, or whether other considerations led to this -abnormal negation of the fundamental principles of columnar -architecture, which here has no relation to the better-founded practices -of Roman builders in the application of engaged shafts. The -transformation of the pteroma made an entire change in the general -disposition of plan; but too little of the building now remains above -ground to render its arrangement certain. If door-openings be assumed at -both sides of the middle column, as in the illustration, this would have -been possible only upon the west, the middle column of the east--the -customary entrance-front--being proved by the remains to have been -engaged. It is not probable that windows existed in the wall between the -columns; the supposition is more natural that some of the side metopes -were unclosed, and provided the pteroma with sufficient daylight. This -would have been no innovation, but rather, in this case, where it was -impossible to execute the open peripteros, a return to the original -method of illumination through the interstices between the beams upon -the top of the cella wall. The before-mentioned Temple of Athene upon -the island of Ortygia is another Sicilian example belonging to this -archaic period of gigantic dimensions. - -The two colossal monuments of Athens, built during the second half of -the sixth century, are more important, although the older Parthenon upon -the acropolis, if, indeed, ever completed, could not have stood longer -than half a century, and the Doric temple of Olympian Zeus was -discontinued before its construction had far advanced. A comparison of a -fragment of the earlier building with the entablature of the present -Parthenon shows how disproportionately high were the triglyphs and how -heavy and broad the tænia and regulas of the archaic period. (_Fig._ -155.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 155.--Entablatures of the Older and Present -Parthenon.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 156.--Plan of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia.] - -The exercise of the designer’s individual ability in these works, and -the hieratic retention of every constructive and æsthetic gain thus -obtained, prepared for the fullest perfection of the Doric style. The -advance was effected by a slight attenuation of the too massive columns, -a further reduction of the height of the entablature, and an increase in -the projection of the smaller decorative members. The temples built -during, or shortly after, the time of the Persian wars show the gradual -introduction of these changes. Among the Sicilian remains of this period -are the uncompleted Temple of Segesta, the so-called Temple of Concordia -at Acragas, and the six peripteral temples upon the acropolis and -eastern plateau of Selinous not previously mentioned. Among those of -Greece proper, the Temple of Athene upon Ægina and the Temple of Zeus at -Olympia (_Fig._ 156) are most prominent. The frieze of triglyphs was -omitted from the cella walls of the Temple of Ægina, but the regulas and -trunnels were retained with curious effect: it is as though the designer -were only slowly and with difficulty led to give up, one by one, the -traditions of a primitive wooden construction. The date of the building -of the Olympian temple is uncertain, but the name of its architect, -Libon, of Elis, has been handed down, with one exception the earliest -connected with Greek architecture. The recent excavations have entirely -exposed the overthrown ruins. They show that the forms of the edifice -are more primitive than would have been expected from the age in which -Pheidias completed the celebrated chryselephantine statue of the temple -deity. It is possible that the advance of the building was slow, or that -there were long interruptions of the work before its final completion. -An especially important result of the investigations is the evidence -that an enclosed ædicula for the statue of Zeus, hitherto advocated by -restorers because of the supposed opening in the roof and ceiling for -light, did not exist, the interior having been divided into three aisles -like the great Temple of Pæstum. The proportions of the peripteros were -of great vigor and beauty. It was built of poros, with the exception of -the metope reliefs upon the fronts of the cella, and the carved gutter -and roof tiles, which were of marble. This so-called poros, a stone -almost exclusively employed for the earlier buildings of the Greeks, is -a rough shell conglomerate, usually brought to a surface by a heavy -priming of stucco. The floor of the pteroma of the great temple at -Olympia was of a pebble cement, the small inner staircases of wood. - -While the architecture of the Peloponnesos still retained traces of the -archaic style, the highest perfection of Doric forms was attained in -Attica, reaching its fulfilment at a time, after the Persian wars, when -the political supremacy of Athens was far greater than that ever enjoyed -by any state of the world so restricted in territory. The deserved -sovereignty of Athens over Greece, its naval power, imposing even to the -Orientals of Western Asia and Egypt, and, finally, the necessity and -opportunity of rebuilding the Attic capital after its destruction by the -Persians, before the decisive battle of Salamis, caused a monumental -rebirth of the noble city, which not only became the classic model in -those ages throughout the extent of Greece and its colonies upon distant -shores, but the highest ideal of architecture to the present day and for -the entire future of the human race. Attica was fitted to cultivate -equally the artistic peculiarities of the two branches of the Hellenic -stock, its Ionic population being intermingled, in a marked degree, with -Doric elements. It had attained the highest development of civilization, -and was the home of the most famed artists. By the taxes levied upon the -eastern mainland and the islands of the Archipelago, Athens had almost -unlimited means at its disposal. To this nature added the incomparable -marble building-material, quarried almost before the gates of the city, -which indeed possessed all the conditions requisite for the first -monumental capital of Greece and of the civilized world. Familiarity -with the Ionic style did not permit that heaviness and clumsiness of -architectural members observable upon the contemporaneous temples of the -Peloponnesos. The columns of the Temple of Ægina had been allowed a -height as great as 5.3 times their lower diameter. In the Doric -buildings of Athens this was still further increased, the so-called -Temple of Theseus having the proportion of 5.62 to 1, the Parthenon as -5.47 to 1. The diminution and entasis of the shaft were reduced to just -relations; the delicate curve of the latter, as demanded by the optical -deception it was to correct, was greatest below the half height of the -column. The channellings no longer remained segmental arcs, but received -an independently designed, elliptical profile. The echinos became -steeper, rising in an almost straight line to the firm and sharp turn -beneath the abacus. The triglyphs, returning slightly to former -proportions, became broader than those of the preceding period; smaller -members were diminished in height, but were made more projecting. The -colors of the entablature became still more intense; blue and red -predominated; green was also employed, and gilding appeared upon the -trunnels and in the beautifully composed surface patterns. Ionic -elements, almost entirely disused during the latter ages, reappeared in -very general employment, especially in the deep cofferings of the -pteroma ceiling and upon the capitals of the pilasters. - -The typical monuments of this Attic Doric style are the so-called -Theseion, and the Parthenon and Propylæa of the Athenian acropolis. The -first of these buildings (_Fig._ 139) was certainly not sacred to -Theseus; its dedication is not surely known. It preceded the highest -perfection, still betraying some slight archaic influences. The -triglyphs are too high, the smaller members, notably the regulas and -trunnels, too heavy. Ionic elements are freely introduced. Besides the -coffering of the pteroma ceiling and the before-mentioned pilaster -capitals, there was an Ionic zophoros, or continuous frieze of figures, -bordered above and below by leaved cyma-mouldings and astragals, in -place of the Doric entablature usually employed, at least in part, upon -the walls of the cella. The ornamental painting was extended to the -capitals of the pteroma columns (_Fig._ 150), which bore a series of -leaves, and to the walls, the interior of the naos having been prepared -for the reception of pigments. The perfect preservation of the building -is owing to its early transformation into a Christian church. - -[Illustration: Fig. 157.--Plan of the Parthenon.] - -The Parthenon far surpassed the Theseion in artistic perfection; it was, -indeed, worthy the superintendence of a Pheidias. Its architect, -Ictinos, conceived his work to stand so high above contemporary -buildings that he celebrated it in an especial monograph, mentioned by -Vitruvius, though, unfortunately, not consulted by him. The dimensions -of the octastyle temple were imposing; the edge of the stylobate -measured about 30 by 68 m.; elevated upon the steep acropolis, it could -be seen from a great distance. Though its site was not limited, the -economy of space was carried to an extreme. The intercolumniations are -narrow, especially those of the front; the pteroma was thus reduced in -breadth to less than one and one half times the lower diameter of the -columns. (_Fig._ 157.) The pronaos and epinaos had no side walls, the -cella being amphiprostyle, enclosed by high grilles. The depth of these -vestibules was less than one quarter of their breadth. The remaining -interior was partitioned into two chambers of unequal size: the naos and -the opisthodomos, the latter of which served as a treasury. The naos was -divided by ranges of columns into three chief aisles, and the gallery -over the sides was carried across the nave, next to the rear wall. The -world-renowned chryselephantine statue of Athene, 12 m. high, stood -before the transverse columns, between which and the partition there was -allowed a passage, nearly equal in breadth to the side aisles. The -stairs to the gallery may, from the analogies of the great temples of -Olympia and Pæstum, be assumed to have existed at either side of the -entrance. - -[Illustration: Fig. 158.--Plan and View of the Propylæa, Athens.] - -The Propylæa of the Athenian acropolis, by which the architect Mnesicles -made his name immortal, were not less perfect than the Parthenon. Work -upon them was begun shortly before the completion of the latter -building, in 438 B.C., and occupied five years. Ionic members had -frequently been employed upon Doric structures, but the Propylæa offer -the first instance of a combination of the styles in almost equal -proportions: the interior of these gates was entirely Ionic, the -exterior entirely Doric. (_Figs._ 120 and 158.) Six Ionic columns bore -the famed marble ceiling of great span, while two Doric porticos formed -the fronts. The stone-cutting of all the monuments upon the Athenian -acropolis was incomparably exact and beautiful, as was the harmony of -their proportions and forms. - -[Illustration: Fig. 159.--Plan of the Temple of Apollo at Bassæ.] - -The Temple of Phigalia, or Bassæ, in Arcadia, though stated to have been -built by the architect of the Parthenon, shows that the perfection of -the monuments last considered was possible only upon Attic ground. The -sanctuary of Arcadia was dedicated to Apollo Epicourios in gratitude for -the deliverance of the district from the plague of 431 B.C. Its plan -(_Fig._ 159) was excessively long, having fifteen side columns, with a -hexastyle front. The elevation offers a remarkable combination of -archaic traditional forms and of exaggerated novelties. Though the three -incisions of the capital necking are peculiarly primitive, the echinos -has become even steeper than it was upon the Parthenon. Ionic sculptured -ornaments begin to appear upon the entablature. The inward inclination -of the axes of the columns and the curvature of the horizontals have -been neglected in Bassæ, as if the architect had not considered it worth -while to display such refinements to the uncultivated Arcadians. In the -interior of the temple Ionic columns are engaged upon short transverse -walls, which project from the sides. These are so remarkably archaic in -form (_Fig._ 165) that it is difficult to explain how Athenian -architects, who must have been familiar with the interior columns of the -Propylæa and those of the Erechtheion, then in course of construction, -could have prepared the designs. An extremely ancient and undeveloped -Corinthian capital (_Fig._ 176) has been found among the ruins of Bassæ; -it will be referred to below. Many of the anomalies of the temple would -be explained by the assumption that the building occupied the site of a -former chapel, the entrance to which had naturally been upon the east, -and that the lack of available ground prevented the retention of the -original and usual orientation, making the peripteros, as the -enlargement of a former fane, open the inner chamber of the naos upon -one of the long sides. - -[Illustration: Fig. 160.--Plan of the Temenos of Eleusis.] - -Other Attic remains, some of which date from the end of the fifth -century, also show traces of the deterioration of the art. Chief among -these are the Propylæa of Eleusis and the house of assemblage for those -initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries, known as the Telesterion, a -square hypostyle hall, fronted by a portico of twelve columns, -apparently without a gable. (_Fig._ 160.) It is not known how soon after -the Persian wars the temples of Rhamnous and Sunion were rebuilt; they -may have slightly preceded the age of decline. The increasing love of -magnificence and luxury felt among the Greeks was not satisfied with the -simple majesty of the Doric style; the Ionic was more and more -frequently substituted in preference. The latter had been employed for -the Propylæa of the Athenian acropolis, and had appeared independently -in smaller temples, and, finally, in the national shrine of Attica, the -Erechtheion. The Doric became restricted to porticos and peristyles, -and, in double-storied interiors, to the lower order, for which -important constructional functions it was fitted by the great solidity -of the column. But the desire to simplify the execution of Doric -members, and reduce the expense which must have been attendant upon the -delicate refinements of curvatures, introduced dry and hard geometrical -forms, and the æsthetic value of the style was, for the greater part, -lost. An example of this debasement is offered by the portico of Philip -upon Delos, where the echinos projects in an absolutely straight line. -(_Fig._ 151.) In the colonies, upon the other hand, even as late as the -Roman period, the style was archaistically treated, with a provincial -lack of good taste, illustrated by the weak echinos and apophyge of the -capital of the so-called Temple of Demeter at Pæstum. (_Fig._ 152.) - -An entirely different manner of building had early appeared by the side -of the Doric style, which cannot be accounted of quite equal birth with -that eldest male offspring of Hellenic civilization, but, to carry out -the simile, should rather be considered as a step-sister. The -development of the peripteral plan, the echinos coronation of the -channelled shafts, and the entablature of triglyphs, metopes, and -mutules, appear autochthonic and purely Greek; while the Ionic style, -though adopting the plan and general disposition of the former, was, in -its most characteristic details, an importation from Asia. It is not -meant by this that the perfected style was not characteristically -Hellenic. The Greeks accepted none of the products of their neighbors -without a change--a transformation of disposition and detail by their -peculiar genius. But the fundamental motives, the elements of the style, -in as far as these are not identified with the Doric, had been taken -from neighboring Eastern lands of primitive civilization: from the -coasts of Asia Minor and Syria. - -The Ionic column betrays this relationship in both base and capital. The -former consists fundamentally of a tore elevated upon a drum, usually -hollowed by a scotia. This tore was employed as a footing for the -columns of Nineveh, and is familiar through one example and through -representations upon reliefs. From thence it was transplanted to Persia, -where, in the middle of the sixth century B.C., it appears with the -horizontal channelling found upon the more primitive Ionic monuments. -(_Fig._ 79.) The concave profile of the under plinth is new and -Hellenic. The delicate perception of the Greek designer recognized the -advantage of this scotia over the clumsy heaviness which had resulted -from the tore being placed immediately upon the ground or upon a -rectangular slab, and the lower member was made to harmonize with the -channelled moulding above it by the emphasis of horizontal lines. It is -uncertain whether the slender proportions of the Ionic shaft, so marked -in comparison with the strength of the Doric style, is to be attributed -to Oriental influences. It agreed as well with the light Ionic -entablature and ceiling as did the powerful Doric column with the great -weight imposed upon it; and it may be regarded as one of the principles -of architectural construction that the strength of the support has ever -been originally determined by the weight of the ceiling and -superstructure: the column has been adapted to the entablature, not the -height of epistyle, frieze and cornice to the diameter of the shaft. -With this consideration agreed the desire to attain great elegance and -lightness of proportion, peculiar to the Ionic race. The Ionic column, -thus made of greater proportional height, had diminution and entasis -like the Doric. It differed remarkably in the fluting. A vertical -grooving cannot be traced upon the columns of Assyria; upon those of -Persia it is similar to the Doric channels, with sharp arrises. The -development of the flute itself may perhaps be deemed peculiarly Greek. -As painted ornaments were gradually given up, they were replaced by -architectural carvings; such sculptured decorations were harmoniously -introduced upon the shaft, and the channels were deepened to a -semicircular profile. This rendered a change of the arrises necessary, -for if the ends of the arcs were to have abutted, as upon the Doric -column, the deep flute, with its extremely sharp edge, could only have -been executed upon a plane. Upon a convexly curved surface, like that of -the cylindrical drums, it would have been impossible to cut semicircular -grooves immediately adjoining, as their outlines would have intersected. -The sharp arrises were therefore relinquished, and a broad vertical -band, the surface of the original cylinder, was left in its place, the -play of light and shade which enlivened the body of the shaft being -increased by these flutings, but the evidence of the derivation of the -channelled column from the polygonal pier was entirely sacrificed, the -cylindrical form being characterized as original by the remaining -fillets. The carving of the shaft was rendered more difficult from the -slight projections left at the top and bottom as transitional members to -the base and to the capital. This horizontal fillet was a further gain -to the outline of the column, concave and convex surfaces thus -alternating from floor to ceiling. The flutings were terminated above -and below, before reaching this transverse member, by a semicircle, -which agreed with their sectional outline. - -[Illustration: Fig. 161.--Ionic Order from the Peripteros of the -Mausoleum of Halicarnassos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 162.--Plan of the Normal Ionic Capital.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 163.--Plan of the Corner Ionic Capital.] - -The capital consisted, in part, of an echinos, similar to that of the -Doric style, the leaves, which, at least in one instance, had been -painted upon it, being here carved, and an astragal taking the place of -the necking rings. This echinos is almost entirely covered by a spiral -roll, which gives to the style its most striking characteristic. With -the discovery of the helix upon the capitals of Assyrian reliefs, all -the labored explanations of the significance and derivation of this -member have fallen to the ground. It is impossible to believe, with -Vitruvius, that the Ionic column was considered as the representative of -the fair sex: that the locks of hair were indicated by the spiral line -of the capital, the folds of the wide garments and draperies by the -flutes and fillets, and the sandals by the base. Nor are the theories -more satisfactory which seek for such natural motives as spiral shells -or twisted ram’s horns, assumed to have been primitive ornaments of the -sanctuaries. And it is still worse to regard the peculiar form of the -capital as decided by the conception of an elastic cushion, which, -displaced by the weight of the entablature, curls again at either side -of the echinos. The Ionic helix was a form of capital imported from the -East, where it had been used by barbaric designers as a mere ornament -upon upright legs of furniture (_Fig._ 81), or upon Persian columns -(_Fig._ 80)--a form developed by the Greeks into an architectural member -of the first importance. The Assyrians, by doubling the volutes, had -formed with this motive a capital not particularly well adapted to the -functions of a transitional member between vertical support and -horizontal burden. The Hellenic architect perceived that a more decided -projection was necessary, and therefore placed an echinos beneath the -volute, leaving the roll as the medium between the circular shaft and -oblong entablature, which, in the Doric style, had been formed by the -abacus. The horizontal lines of the abacus, thus supplanted, were -represented upon the Ionic column only by a narrow moulding, curved to -the profile of a cyma and sculptured with a leaved ornament. In the -Greek capital the spirals became an elegantly curved roll, of greater -length than breadth, with tightly curled ends, which were bound -together, upon either side of the echinos, by a band. The capital thus -shows its true profile, the helices upon front and back, and upon the -subordinate sides rolls of their thickness. (_Fig._ 161.) This -difference between face and side resulted in one great difficulty upon -the corners, which, like the irregularity of the division of the Doric -frieze of triglyphs and metopes in the same place, proves that the Ionic -style also did not originate upon the peripteral plan, but was adapted -to it from a temple in antis. It was natural that the more ornamental -side of the column should face the entrance front, and thus the capitals -upon the longer sides of the building were forced to show their rolls, -the _partie honteuse_, unless the corner capital assumed an unnatural -deformation to present the helices upon two adjoining, instead of two -opposite, faces. (_Figs._ 162 and 163.) The corner capital thus became a -miserable hybrid, which, because of the impossibility of its execution -in a natural manner, from the intersection of the outer volutes when -these proceeded in a straight line parallel to the epistyle, lost not -only all constructive significance and harmony with those next to it, -but also its individual beauty. There was no other expedient than to -bend the faces of the corner volutes outward in the line of the -diagonal--a malformation visible at every standpoint. A further -difficulty was presented by the corners of the spirals over the echinos, -which required to be masked by floral decorations. Upon the narrow -abacus moulding rested the entablature, remarkable for the Oriental -character of the details, and notably for reminiscences of primitive -wooden construction, which are almost as evident in the Ionic as in the -Doric style. The epistyle, formed in the latter by a single plane block, -was here triply stepped to agree with the multiplied beams required by -the nature of Oriental timber--generally provided by the various species -of palms. According to the description of Vitruvius, the motive was also -employed for the wooden epistyle beams of Etruscan temples. Each face -projected slightly beyond the one beneath it, as previously customary in -Asia, and shown by the ruins of the palace of Darius (_Fig._ 84) and the -rock-cut façade of that monarch’s tomb (_Fig._ 83). The epistyle is -terminated by a Lesbian cyma and an astragal, the latter being, in some -instances, repeated upon every light step from beam to beam beneath. The -frieze, known in this style as the zophoros, the bearer of figures, is -an original Hellenic creation, the Oriental entablature consisting of -only two members as representative of only two constructive features: -the epistyle that connected the columns, and the ceiling and roof, -which, in the rainless countries of the East, appear as one and the same -member. In Greece the inclined roof was separated fundamentally from the -horizontal ceiling, and the entablature consequently expressed a triple -character. The naïve and truthful manner of this expression, peculiar to -the Doric style, was not followed by the Ionic. The second member of the -entablature, the frieze, should represent the ceiling, but the symbols -of that constructive feature, the dentils, were crowded up among the -details of the cornice, while the zophoros itself, perhaps as a result -of the relief sculpture employed upon the Doric metopes, became a -continuous decoration of carving. The dentils, as significant of the -ends of the small ceiling-beams, were in their proper place, touching -the epistyle, upon the monuments of Persia (_Fig._ 83), and also upon -the tombs of Lycia (_Figs._ 110 and 111), so closely allied to the -Mesopotamian tradition; they were there of far greater size than in the -Greek Ionic, where their position and diminutive dimensions reduced them -to a mere ornament. The members of the cornice stand in no such relation -to the interior construction of beams and rafters as did the mutules and -trunnels of the Doric temples. The curved gutter, however, is ornamented -with lion’s-heads and anthemions, which seem in both styles to have -been derived from western Asia. The stone beams of the pteroma ceiling -rest directly upon the epistyle, and are consequently as far below their -exterior representatives, the cornice dentils, as, in the Doric, they -were above the triglyphs. Between them are the rich cofferings, not with -small lacunæ, calculated to produce an effect mainly by color, but in -broad surfaces, frequently stepped, with carved cyma-mouldings in the -angles. (_Fig._ 164.) The plan of the cella differed but slightly from -that of Doric temples. The doors are usually provided with parotides, -the doubly-spiral brackets which have remained a popular ornament -beneath the coronations of door and window openings until the present -day. - -[Illustration: Fig. 164.--Ceiling from the Peripteros of the Mausoleum -of Halicarnassos. Restoration.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 165.--Base and Capital from Bassæ.] - -The historical development of the Ionic temple is not illustrated by as -many examples as was that of the Doric style, and, indeed, there was no -such marked and regular advance as that observable in the temples of -Selinous, Olympia, and Athens. A great number of Ionic monuments stand -in a district not as yet thoroughly examined: the southern coasts of -Asia Minor. Towards the border of Lycia traces of an archaic or -proto-Ionic style have been observed, more closely allied to Eastern -motives than were the developed temples of Greece. The capitals of -Lycian tombs (_Fig._ 110) have no echinos, by the addition of which so -great an advance was subsequently made; the formation of the rolls upon -the sides was also primitive, they being at times perfectly straight, at -times disproportionately curved. The difficult transition from the end -of the shaft to the volutes was evaded, and masked by anthemions or -other ornaments. The only example of such an imperfect formation in -European Greece existed in the interior of the Temple of Apollo at Bassæ -(_Fig._ 159); the date of its erection, however, shows this example not -to have been archaic, but rather archaistic,--that is to say, -intentionally and affectedly imitated from primitive peculiarities of -form. (_Fig._ 165.) The columns, engaged to transverse walls, have bases -of excessive projection, the thin and feeble tore being out of -proportion to the high member beneath it. The lower end of the shaft -itself forms a second projection, which greatly exceeds the usual -_congé_ and fillet of the bottom drum. The shallow flutings are -continued up to the very top of the shaft, there being concluded by an -almost straight line. The capital itself is most strikingly archaistic, -presenting the helices upon each of its three exposed faces; it is an -applied decoration which has given up all semblance of constructive -unity or function, leaving the prismatic kernel, without an abacus -moulding, to project above the curves and support the imposed -entablature. The narrow space remaining between the two large spirals of -each side is almost entirely filled by a decoration of anthemions, and -the introduction of an echinos is thus rendered unnecessary. The -sculptured zophoros of the interior entablature, now one of the chief -treasures of the British Museum, betrays in its figures the greatest -freedom from convention, in marked contrast to the affectedly antique -character of the architectural forms. - -[Illustration: Fig. 166.--From the Heraion upon Samos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 167.--From the Temple of Apollo Didymæos, Miletos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 168.--From the Temple of Athene at Priene.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 169.--From the Propylæa of Cnidos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 170.--From the Temple of Wingless Victory, Athens.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 171.--Temple Ruin at Aphrodisias.] - -The northern coast of Asia Minor, as far as it is at present known, -offers few Ionic remains of the archaic period. The original Temple of -Artemis, at Ephesos, according to Pliny the most ancient peripteros of -the style, has been totally obliterated by frequent reconstructions and -the famed conflagration of Herostratos. A second fane of national -importance, the Temple of Hera, at Samos, is at present known only by -one unfluted column, 1.6 m. in lower diameter, and by horizontally -fluted tores and plinths. These two buildings were of such interest that -their architects saw fit to celebrate their constructive peculiarities -in monographs, as had been done for the Doric Parthenon. The writings of -Chersiphron and of the Cretan Metagenes upon the Artemision at Ephesos, -and of Theodoros, the son of the Samian Illecles, upon the Heraion of -that island, are mentioned as late as the time of the Roman emperors. -These peripteral temples, built about the middle of the sixth century -B.C., were of very considerable dimensions, but were far surpassed in -size by a third national shrine of the Ionians, the Temple of Apollo -Didymæos, rebuilt by Paionios of Ephesos and Daphnis of Miletos almost a -century later than the former monuments, 470 B.C., upon the site of an -ancient structure destroyed by the Persians. The temple was a dipteros -decastylos, that is, had a double row of outstanding columns around the -cella, with ten upon the front; it measured 91 m. in length and 49 m. in -breadth. The columns were proportionately tall, 19 m. in height, which -equals nine and a half lower diameters, and were placed closely -together, the intercolumniations being only one and a half diameters -wide. The scotia of the base was divided by a projecting moulding and -elevated upon a square plinth; the tore had no horizontal flutings. -(_Fig._ 167.) The capital had a straight connection between the spirals, -and the epistyle was stepped but twice. The interior of the temple was -provided with pilasters, the capitals of which are of an Oriental -character, richly decorated with floral motives. A Corinthian capital -also occurs upon the building (_Fig._ 177), which will be referred to -below. The enormous temple of which there are fragmentary remains at -Sardis, supposed to be that of Cybele, appears to have been erected -during this period, and resembles the shrine of Apollo Didymæos at -Miletos. The Temple of Athene Polias at Priene, the work of the -architect Pythios, who celebrated its completion in a monograph, dates -from the middle of the fourth century B.C., as it was dedicated by -Alexander the Great. It was a hexastyle peripteros, of normal -dimensions, 35 m. long and 19 m. broad. The plans of Ionic temples -differed in proportion from those of the Doric style, their length -being less than twice their width. The base of the temple at Priene -(_Fig._ 168) is peculiar, in that the horizontal flutings of the tore, -entirely lacking in the Didymaion, were restricted to its lower half; -this can hardly be taken to prove that the building was never completed, -but is rather explained by the consideration that no escape was possible -for the rain-water which dripped into the upper grooves. The connection -between the spirals of the capital face is curved downward; the -ornaments of the entablature are more florid, and the gutter is almost -overladen with floral motives. The tetrastyle Ionic Propylæa of the same -place appear to be of more recent date; the capitals of the inner -pilasters are decorated similarly to those within the Didymaion. Another -structure of this kind at Cnidos is of more beautiful detail, the base -(_Fig._ 169) being particularly graceful in outline and proportions; the -increased curve of its tore obviated the trouble of water standing in -the horizontal flutings. There are but few remains of the temples of -Artemis Leucophryne at Magnesia, and of Dionysos at Teos, built towards -the end of the fourth century B.C., and celebrated in monographs by the -architect Hermogenes. The first of these was, according to Strabo, the -third largest fane of Asia Minor, measuring 64 m. in length and 29 m. in -breadth. The influence of Attic architecture is evident in the bases and -in the rich decoration of the capital rolls. The building is thought to -be the first example of a pseudodipteros, that is, of a peripteros -having a pteroma equal to the breadth of that upon a temple with two -ranges of outstanding columns, a dipteros. Resembling this, though -smaller, was the hexastyle peripteros of Teos, at first intended to have -been of the Doric style, the plan being altered to Ionic after all the -material had been provided. Traces of decline in the art prove the -octastyle peripteros of Apollo at Claros, near Colophon, and the temple -at Pessinus, in Galatia, to have been more recent. The Temple of -Panhellenic Zeus and the Sanctuary of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias (_Fig._ -171) are referred to the beginning of the Christian era. The excessive -attenuation of the columns of the latter, which have a height equal to -ten lower diameters, the extension of the floral ornaments even to the -channels of the shaft and the connection of the capital spirals, the -so-called egg-and-dart moulding in the cyma, the diminutive dentils and -the introduction of consoles above them, all betray the tasteless -magnificence of the Roman imperial period. - -[Illustration: Fig. 172.--Temple upon the Ilissos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 173.--Plan of the Erechtheion. (Boetticher.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 174.--Northwestern View of the Erechtheion.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 175.--From the Eastern Pronaos of the Erechtheion.] - -The Ionic style in Attica developed in a peculiar manner, being there -superior, both as regards breadth of form and beauty of detail, to the -works of Asia Minor. The Doric had been perfected in Athens, and the -most noble Ionic monument, the Erechtheion, stood beside the Parthenon; -the Athenian acropolis presented the noblest examples in both methods of -building, standing unrivalled at the head of the Hellenic world in -architectural, as in political and intellectual respects. Characteristic -of the Attic Ionic are the so-called Attic base and the entablature -without dentils. The former consists of a second tore beneath the -concave plinth of the usual base; by this addition its symmetry was -increased, and a rhythmical profile of great beauty was gained: two -convex and two concave members of harmonious proportion alternating -from the upper slip to the commencement of the fluting. The Attic -architect evidently did not accept the significance of the dentils as -representatives of the ceiling-joists, and preferred to cut a decided -drip upon the lower surface of the corona, which had so marked a slant -in the more familiar Doric cornice. In the place of the dentils, a -transition was provided by a cyma and astragal, which mouldings received -in Athens their typical perfection. The few Ionic ruins of European -Greece do not illustrate the historical development of the Attic Ionic -style. The interior columns of the Temple of Apollo at Bassæ (_Figs._ -159 and 165) cannot be considered in this connection; their archaistic -details by no means express the influence of Athens, notwithstanding -that the work is attributed to the architect Ictinos. The peculiarities -of Attic Ionic architecture are well exemplified by the small -amphiprostyle temple upon the Ilissos, near Athens, which, though now -entirely destroyed, was in existence up to the end of the last century, -and was measured and drawn by Stuart and Revett. (_Fig._ 172.) The lower -tore of the base is here small and weak, as if a hesitating attempt to -improve the usual outline. The shaft was short, perhaps from the -influence of the Doric examples; the epistyle, from the same -consideration, was without the characteristic steps. Similar to this is -another tetrastyle amphiprostylos, the Temple of Wingless Victory before -the Propylæa of the acropolis, which, as if to compensate for the loss -of the temple upon the Ilissos, was rebuilt in 1835, with overthrown -fragments rescued from a Turkish bastion, and has become one of the -chief ornaments of the ascent. (_Fig._ 158.) The entire crepidoma is so -small--8 m. long and 5.5 broad--that the cella, after the deduction of -the front and rear porticos, is even broader than it is deep. The -architectural details are of exceeding delicacy and perfection (_Fig._ -170); the sculptures of the zophoros and of the balustrade will be -considered in the following section. The inner columns of the Athenian -Propylæa show the lower tore fully developed, and the base-mouldings -isolated by a plinth of slightly concave profile, elsewhere adopted -only at Eleusis, in imitation of this building. The highest perfection -of the Ionic style was, as before said, attained in the second national -sanctuary of the Athenians--the world-renowned Temple of Athene Polias -upon the acropolis, the Erechtheion. The construction of the edifice -seems to have been undertaken immediately after the burning of the -ancient building by the Persians, in 480 B.C., but, in consequence of -the miseries of the Peloponnesian war, its completion was delayed until -eighty years after that date. It was a combination of several shrines -which, necessarily constructed upon different levels, rendered a perfect -symmetry of plan impossible. Other double temples, like those of Leto -and Asclepios, and of Aphrodite and Ares at Mantinea, or of Apollo -Carneios and of Hypnos at Sikyon, were not, upon the exterior, -distinguishable from the common type, as, with an equal division of the -cella, entrances could be allowed upon either front. In the Erechtheion -this simple arrangement was not practicable, because of the complicated -nature of the combined sanctuaries and the irregularity of the ground; -yet this did not prove a disadvantage: to the architectural perfection -of the monument was thus added a charm of picturesque composition -usually foreign to the temple buildings of Greek antiquity. The plan -given (_Fig._ 173) is according to Boetticher’s restoration, but the -mooted question of the interior division of the building is still far -from being decided. Upon the principal eastern front was a hexastyle -portico, _a_, through which entrance was given to the naos of Athene -Polias, _b_, occupying nearly one half of the cella. Access to the other -division was obtained through the tetrastyle hall, _c_, upon the -northwestern corner, opening directly into the narrow sanctuary of -Pandrosos, _d_, from which four portals led to as many chambers: the -first, _g_, to the Chapel of Boutes; the second, _h_, by means of a -short staircase, to the Crypt of Poseidon, _e_; from the third, _i_, was -a descent to a corridor leading to a space under the Naos of Athene -Polias; while the last, opposite the hall, led to the Porch of the -Caryatides, _f_. This complicated disposition was, as has been said, -dependent upon the peculiar natural position of the ancient national -shrines: the tomb of Cecrops and the memorials of the contest between -Poseidon and Athene for the possession of Athens,--the impression of the -trident with which Poseidon smote the cliff, leaving a spring of salt -water, and the olive-tree which, at the command of Athene, sprang from -the same rock. Of the interior of the building there are almost no -vestiges; but the form of the exterior is, in the main, clear. (_Fig._ -174.) The capitals upon the columns of the eastern portico (_Fig._ 175), -and upon the pilasters of the western wall, which was pierced by -windows, are of almost excessive magnificence. The outlines of the -spirals are doubled, the side-rolls are grooved, and ornamented with -astragals; there is a band carved with a woven ornament above the -egg-and-dart moulding of the echinos, and an entirely new feature has -been added to the capital--a broad and rich necking of carved -anthemions. The effect of this band was particularly favorable because -the decoration upon it could be repeated beneath the capitals of the -pilasters, and a greater harmony of the corresponding members thus -secured. The columns of the northwestern porch are larger and even -richer in detail, especially the bases, the upper tore being ornamented -with a woven motive in place of the customary horizontal grooving. The -entablature, from which the dentils are missing, is of the utmost -elegance of proportion, the carving of its cyma-mouldings being the most -delicate work of architectural carving known. The reliefs upon the -zophoros were not cut from its substance, but were merely attached to -its plane surface; few fragments have, consequently, been preserved. One -of the most beautiful features of the building is the Porch of the -Caryatides in the southwestern corner (F). In place of columns, the -figures of virgins support the horizontal marble ceiling, which is of no -great weight. The model for these was doubtless taken from the -basket-bearing maidens of the Panathenaic procession, the Canephoræ. The -origin of the term _caryatides_ is not known. Both geographical and -historical proofs are wanting to make probable the account given by -Vitruvius,--that the motive for these figures was derived from the women -of the Peloponnesian town Carya, who were condemned to slavery for -treachery during the Persian war. From the baskets of the Canephoræ has -been developed a capital member, like an echinos, decorated with the -egg-and-dart moulding and an astragal, and provided with an abacus. The -frieze is lacking from the entablature, in recognition of the fact that -roof and ceiling are here one and the same member. The dentils appear in -the cornice, it being possible for them to take their true position upon -the epistyle. The faultless beauty of the decorative carving is -particularly evident upon the casings of the portals. - -Monuments of the Ionic style, not numerous in Attica, are rare in the -Peloponnesos, and exceptional farther west, where the Doric element of -the population predominated. When Ionic ruins are found in the latter -districts, they generally betray the influence of the Attic school, -which is perceptible even in the Ionic order of Rome. It is not strange -that, after the acquaintance of the Romans with Hellenic lands, this -method of building should, in their universal eclecticism, have been -frequently adopted. It will be seen in the following section how Italy, -the heir of the decaying civilization of the East, reduced the forms of -Ionic architecture to a facile and commonplace scheme. - -[Illustration: Fig. 176.--From Bassæ.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 177.--From the Temple of Apollo, near Miletos.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 178.--From the Tower of the Winds, Athens.] - -During the age of Pericles a foreign growth, the Corinthian capital, had -been engrafted upon the Ionic style, which changed the character of the -whole, the more decidedly because introduced upon the most prominent -feature. This “Corinthian” innovation affected the capital alone, and -cannot be considered as an order, still less as a style, when compared -to the Doric and Ionic. It was a mere variety of the latter, which, in -all other respects than the capital, remained unaltered. The new form is -mentioned as an innovation of Callimachos, a sculptor celebrated for the -magnificent golden lamp and funnel made by him for the Erechtheion. The -name of that artificer may have given authority to the first -introduction of the Corinthian capital into Greek lands; but the -detailed account of Vitruvius in regard to its origin can hardly be -deemed more than a fable. He relates that a loving nurse had placed a -basket of toys, covered with a tile, upon the grave of a Corinthian -girl, and that in the spring-time an acanthos-plant, upon which it -stood, sent forth shoots covering the basket and curling beneath the -tile, thus providing a model directly imitated by Callimachos. The calyx -capitals of Egypt had long been known to the Greeks. In transferring -this floral motive across the Mediterranean, the decorative foliage of -papyrus and lotus had been given up, those unknown plants not being -adapted to Hellenic conventionalization. National art ever seeks the -subjects for floral ornament from the growths of its native soil. It was -on this account that oak-leaves, thistles, grape-leaves, and ivy were -employed in Gothic architecture; and, in a similar manner, the Greek -could make no more fortunate choice than the Hellenic thistle, the -acanthos, the forms of which even surpass in beauty the serrated outline -of the grape-leaf. The Corinthian capital suited well the prevalent -tendency to attenuate the shaft, and, at the same time, it furthered an -harmonious agreement between the capitals of columns and of pilasters. -Its forms presented a better solution of the problem of the capital, and -were more perfect in an abstract, if not in an artistic, point of view -than any of the preceding varieties. The two functions of the -transitional member--the projection, the oblique line between the -vertical and the horizontal, and the change from a circular to a -rectangular plan--had, in the Doric and Ionic capitals, been effected by -two separate bodies; in the Corinthian they were accomplished by one -alone. The kernel gave the projection, considerably steeper, according -to its height, than the Doric or Ionic echinos. The oblique line, convex -in the former style, is here slightly concave, although still -sufficiently vigorous in character to bear the light entablature. The -surrounding floral decoration effects the transition from the circle to -the rectangle; the upper leaves project towards the corners of the thin -abacus, under which they curl, giving to the capital, at some little -distance below its plinth, a section nearly square. A canonical form of -the Corinthian capital did not exist in progressive Hellenic art. This -does not appear until the order was reduced to a system by the -thought-saving and practical Romans. The completed type, so familiar in -the monuments of Italy, and used for centuries since in all parts of the -world, does not occur in Greece, the creation of the Corinthian order, -as such, being emphatically a work of the Romans. The Corinthian capital -was, in Hellenic architecture, merely a fanciful and ever-varied -decoration of foliage around a concave calyx. The before-mentioned -example from the Temple of Apollo in Bassæ shows how imperfect the -arrangement was at first. (_Fig._ 176.) The single row of leaves at its -base does not sufficiently ornament the kernel; the spirals upon the -four corners and the anthemions between them leave too much of its -surface uncovered. The thin abacus is neither provided with a profile -moulding, nor at all carved; upon its edge is painted a Doric meander; -its sides are curved in plan, advancing above the corner spirals so that -these might project farther from the calyx. A decided advance is shown -by the capital of an engaged column employed within the Temple of Apollo -Didymaios at Miletos (_Fig._ 177), which appears to be of more recent -date. A double wreath of acanthos-leaves surrounds the calyx, those -upon the corners being made sufficiently tall to support the spirals; -between them are anthemions. Fragments brought from the ruins of Knidos -to the British Museum are of similar form. These remains all resemble, -in a more or less marked degree, the ultimate typical development of the -Corinthian capital. Others, and among them some of a later period, lack -important constituent parts. A second variety, discovered in the -Didymaion, had only one wreath of leaves, and no connection with the -square abacus by corner spirals. The capitals of the so-called Tower of -the Winds in Athens (_Fig._ 178) resemble them. Behind the -acanthos-leaves rises a simple row of lanceolate reeds, which follows -the outline of the calyx. The Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, built -more than a century previous, in 334 B.C., presents a beautiful instance -of a fanciful Corinthian capital. Between the shaft and the calyx there -is a preparatory necking of small leaves, similar to those which existed -upon the example within the temple at Bassæ. Above the low acanthos -wreath rises a rich garland of foliage and flowers, with a central -anthemion rising to the top of the abacus. The heavy corner volutes -cannot compensate for the excessive contraction of the calyx, which -takes away from the unity and force of the main transitional curve. - -The Corinthian capital appears to have attained the form under which it -is now known in the middle of the second century B.C. The Temple of -Olympian Zeus in Athens received its peripteros of Corinthian columns -under Antiochos Epiphanes, 176-164 B.C.; though its crepidoma, probably -intended for an edifice of the Doric style, had been prepared as early -as the time of Peisistratos. The architectural direction of the building -had been intrusted to a Roman, Cossutius, and it was, in fact, destined -to provide material for Rome itself, as, soon after its completion, the -columns were carried away by Sulla and employed in the restoration of -the temple upon the Roman Capitol, shortly before destroyed by fire. The -capitals thus removed appear to have been regarded as models, and to -have exercised a great influence upon the development of the Corinthian -order, as cultivated, almost exclusively, by the Romans. The calyx -decorated with acanthos foliage corresponded to the taste of the -imperial epoch for architectural magnificence, and its employment was -not embarrassed by the difficulties upon the corners of peripteral -temples which have been discussed in the consideration of the Doric -frieze and the Ionic capital. The floral decoration soon extended to the -entablature, increasing the number and dimensions of its minor members. -The most striking result was the transformation of the dentils into the -richly carved consoles of doubly spiral profile, which were imitated -from the parotides of the Ionic portal coronation, but were placed -horizontally instead of vertically. The use of both dentils and consoles -is a barbaric duplication, characteristic of the tasteless architectural -magnificence of the Roman decline. The so-called Corinthian base is no -real characteristic of the order, being only a combination of Ionic and -Attic forms, with a double scotia between the two tores. - -Hellenic architecture has thus far been considered exclusively in its -relations to sacred edifices, because the art of building, among nations -whose civilization has been influenced by religious conceptions, is -always best exemplified by temples. But it was natural that Doric and -Ionic forms should be employed, though in a less conventional manner, -for all the buildings of Greece, being richly elaborated in monumental -works, and more or less simplified and adapted in structures intended -for private or public usefulness, as economy and civic destination alike -forced restrictions upon the disposition and decoration of the design. - -The sacred nature of monumental tombs allied them most nearly to the -temples. The conical tumulus had preceded the Hellenic peripteros, and -when that helpless form was entirely given up, after the perfection of -the columnar temple, the cinerary urn remained as a leading motive, -which excluded the lengthened plan of the peripteral temple and rather -tended to increase the height of the monument--otherwise a subordinate -dimension. Graves of less importance were marked by columns, upright -blocks of stone with an ornamental cap, or by steles, the angular -termination of which often betrayed the influence of the temple gable, -while the shaft retained the nature of the pier. More prominent -sepulchres consisted of ranges of columns upon a cube, which, containing -a sarcophagus, took the place of the cylinder beneath the conical -tumulus. As the columns had, in general, only a decorative importance, -it was not necessary to construct a cella in connection with them. This -was only added when a chapel was required for funeral worship, or when, -as in mausoleums of great dimensions, inner walls were needed to provide -a bearing for the ceiling beams. The termination of these structures was -characteristic. The sacred gable was generally avoided, in just -appreciation of its significance, and the form of the tumulus was -retained, so far as the rectangular plan would permit, a pyramidal -superstructure taking the place of the cone. - -[Illustration: Fig. 179.--Tomb at Mylassa.] - -That this pyramid was constructed in steps is evident from a small tomb -without a cella at Mylassa (_Fig._ 179), and from that magnificent -monument, the Mausoleum of Halicarnassos, one of the wonders of the -antique world. (_Fig._ 180.) The latter was erected by Artemisia, the -widow and successor of King Mausolos, who called to her assistance the -most celebrated architects of the time, Satyros and Pythios; as well as -the greatest sculptors, Scopas, Bryaxis, Leochares, and Timotheos. It is -known by the extensive English excavations of 1856 and 1857. Although -the opinions of prominent authorities differ greatly as to its design, -it is yet certain that upon the massive oblong foundation, 30 m. long, -24 m. broad, and over 15 m. high, which contained the small sepulchral -chamber, there stood a cella surrounded by thirty-six Ionic columns, and -terminated by a stepped pyramid, the truncated apex of which bore a -colossal marble quadriga, with the statues of the queen and of a female -charioteer, the whole attaining a height of 42 m. The works of -sculpture--the figures which stood in the intercolumniations and the -reliefs upon the wall of the cella, and perhaps also upon the -substructure--will be considered in the next section. It is possible -that the destination of the edifice was not that usually attributed to -it, Urlichs having argued that it was a heroön, and a memorial of -victory. - -[Illustration: Fig. 180.--Mausoleum of Halicarnassos.] - -The Monument of the Nereides at Xanthos (_Fig._ 181) resembled the -Mausoleum in many respects. It was a peristyle of sixteen Ionic columns -elevated upon a massive foundation. Statues stood in its -intercolumniations, while the zophoros and substructure were carved with -reliefs. A gabled roof seems, however, to have indicated the sacred -character of the edifice. The cella and the surrounding columns of this -class of buildings were united in various manners, a remarkable example -of a pseudo-peripteros being offered by the so-called Tomb of Theron in -Acragas in Sicily. In other instances three stories resulted from a -duplication of the foundations beneath the peripteros, as in the alleged -Tomb of Mikipsas at Constantina, the ancient Cirta in Numidia. This -multiplication was particularly frequent in the Roman period. The tomb -of this nature at Saint-Remi, in Southern France, the ancient Glanum, -built during the reign of Augustus, is one of the most beautiful ruins -known. - -[Illustration: Fig. 181.--Monument of the Nereides at Xanthos.] - -Among the choragic monuments of Greece, the most interesting is that -erected by Lysicrates in commemoration of the victory gained by a chorus -of boys of the Phyle Acamantis led by him. It served as a pedestal for -the prize bestowed, a tripod, and was a pseudo-monopteros of small -dimensions and beautiful details. Engaged columns with Corinthian -capitals supported a monolithic ceiling, the floral termination of which -originally served as a base for the tripod. The so-called Tower of the -Winds was a clepsydra, built by Andronicos Kyrrhestes, and was also -furnished outside with dials and a weathercock. It is especially -interesting on account of the peculiar forms of its Corinthian capitals. -(_Fig._ 178.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 182.--Stoa Diple at Thoricos.] - -The most extensive employment of columns in civic architecture was in -the porticos, the stoas, which surrounded the market-places and extended -through many streets, being connected with baths, gymnasions, -palaestras, stadia, and hippodromes, and even appearing as independent -buildings. The market-place, the agora, was, in ancient cities, commonly -of an irregular form; when possible it was surrounded by colonnades. In -more recent settlements care was taken to provide a rectangular space -for the purpose, in which double porticos of considerable extent were -built for shelter in bad weather. In view of the effeminacy of the -Ionians, it is easy to credit the account that this race first provided -the chief places in towns with the protection of stoas, introducing this -custom in Greece, where it soon became general. Extended colonnades were -frequently connected with them, traversing the principal streets. The -independent stoas, which were arranged in the greatest variety of -combinations, are of particular interest. The Stoa Poikile (the -many-colored), upon the market-place of Athens, was built by Peisianax, -the brother-in-law of Cimon, this latter causing the walls to be -decorated by Polygnotos and his assistants--upon one wing with scenes -from the battle of Marathon, upon the other from that of Oinoe, while -the long background of the principal hall was similarly treated. Upon -the market-places the porticos were often increased in width by a second -row of columns, and in later times a dividing-wall was frequently placed -between these ranges as a spina. According to Pausanias, this was the -case with the so-called Kerkyraion Hall of Elis. The form of a _stoa -diple_, or double colonnade, was more customary; in it the central wall -was replaced by a third range of columns, as the case appears to have -been at Thoricos (_Fig._ 182), where the entrance was provided in the -middle of the longer sides by wider intercolumniations. The enlargement -was carried still farther by making the colonnade of three aisles, with -two inner ranges of columns, as in the Stoa of the Hellanodikæ: covered -spaces of great breadth, open upon all sides, and admirably adapted to -their purpose, were thus provided. It is natural to assume that the -great grain market of the Piraios was such an extended stoa, as was -likewise the so-called Basilica of Pæstum, a structure of three aisles, -lacking exterior enclosure. The latter building is assuredly misnamed, -the nature of a basilica being dependent upon outer walls. The prototype -of the Roman and Christian basilicas is rather to be sought in the law -courts of the Archon Basileus in Athens, a combination of enclosed halls -and chambers, which, by their future development, received an historical -and practical importance exceeding that of any other work of Hellenic -architecture, not excepting the temples, which became useless with the -extinction of Hellenic religious conceptions. The columns of stoas were -multiplied above, as well as beside, one another, analogous to the -galleries over the side aisles of the larger temples. This appears to -have been the case upon the so-called Persian Hall at Sparta, where, -instead of upper shafts, there were piers decorated with the statues of -Persians, comparable to the corresponding architectural members of the -Incantada at Thessalonica, though the figures of gods and heroes were, -in the latter instance, attached to the supports in three-quarter -relief, while the statues at Sparta appear to have been in the full -round. It is evident from the Roman basilicas, to be considered in -another section, that the employment of galleries was general in the -enclosed stoas of Greece. - -[Illustration: Fig. 183.--Stadion at Messene.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 184.--Hippodrome at Olympia.] - -Chief among the public buildings of Hellas, after the agoras and stoas, -were the arrangements for the festive games. These were divided into two -classes: bodily exercises and scenic representations. The former were -the more important, forming a prominent part in the education of every -Greek citizen. Palaistras and gymnasia were provided for the -manœuvres, stadia and hippodromes for the public contests and races. -In primitive times the palaistras had no architectural character; a -meadow and a sandy reach, generally upon the bank of a brook and shaded -by trees, sufficed as a training-ground. The private palaistras seem -never to have exceeded this simplicity; but the great importance of -drill for the military power of the State early demanded the erection of -suitable structures, and there resulted the gymnasion, a combination of -covered chambers and halls with open courts, which provided separate and -fitting spaces for the different gymnastic exercises and for the baths, -as well as for the higher intellectual entertainments of the -philosophers, rhetoricians, and poets. These structures were probably -varied in character until the most suitable arrangement was decided by -experience. It seems early to have become customary to surround a -rectangular space by colonnades, to which were added extensive wings, -semicircular exedras, and the like, for scientific and æsthetic -instruction. Upon one side were grouped a number of chambers known as -the Ephebeion, Apodyterion, Elaiothesion, Conisterion, Corykeion, -Laconicon, Lutron, etc., serving the youths as places of assemblage, -rooms for dressing and anointing, hot and cold baths, etc. Opposite to -them extended the stadion, while, within the enclosure, promenades -between groups of trees and beds of flowers alternated with grounds for -shorter races, quoit-throwing, wrestling, and other contests. Some -examples, like those of Ephesos, Hierapolis, and Alexandria, still -display in their ruins the chief features of this arrangement, though -more or less influenced by the customs of imperial Rome, where the baths -had been in great measure separated from the gymnasia. The spirit of -emulation was excited by the publicity of these institutions, and -increased by the periodical festive competitions to a height far -exceeding our modern conceptions. A wreath of laurel or olive leaves, a -small quantity of oil, a tripod, or other similar rewards of victory, -such as were given as prizes in the games of Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, -Corinth, and Athens, conferred almost divine honor, even the years being -known by the name of the temporary hero of Olympia. The five chief -divisions of the gymnastic exercises, the pentathlon--running, jumping, -wrestling, boxing, and the throwing of the discos--were practised in the -stadion, a space from 180 m. to 300 m. long, usually chosen close to the -side of a hill, which, more or less prepared by terracing and grading, -provided seats for spectators. If a narrow valley were near at hand, as -in the case of the Athenian stadion of the suburb Agrae, the opposite -slopes were thus occupied. The seats near the goal were naturally the -more desirable, and it was here that the architectural features were -concentrated, terraces being carried in a semicircle around this centre. -Examples are not wanting, as in Aphrodisias in Asia Minor, where both -ends were thus terminated, and the space for spectators carried around -the entire race-course, thus pointing the way to a building of this -form, the amphitheatre, which was to become the delight of the Roman -world. The stadion of Messene (_Fig._ 183) shows how natural -inclinations were followed and utilized, though at the expense of a -symmetrical disposition; yet this example dates from the later -extravagant period of Greek history, and is far removed from the -patriarchal simplicity of primitive times. The stadion did not suffice -for the races of horses and chariots which had been favorites with the -Greeks since the Trojan war. In such early ages, any goal chosen in the -plain was sufficient, like the oak-trunk mentioned by Homer; but it -could not have been long before the need was manifest of a sloping stand -for the spectators and an enclosure for the contestants, and thus the -hippodrome, the race-course, was developed similarly to the smaller -stadion. The most celebrated, and perhaps the oldest, hippodrome of -Greece, that of Olympia, is described by Pausanias. The right side, the -longer, consisted of an artificial embankment of earth, while the slope -of a hill was employed for the left; at the entrance was a colonnade -devoted to the preparations of the charioteers. The starting-point, the -aphesis, had, according to the expression of Pausanias, a form like the -prow of a vessel--that is, advanced in a pointed form--to facilitate the -start. The plan here given, _Fig._ 184, is altered from Visconti’s -restoration by these gates being opened towards the first turning-point, -the _taraxippos_, or terror of the horses. - -[Illustration: Fig. 185.--Scheme of the Greek Theatre, according to -Vitruvius.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 186.--Restored View of the Theatre of Segesta.] - -The theatres, as enclosures for musical and scenic representations, -offered greater scope for architectural development. When possible, the -auditorium was in a situation where a natural semicircular inclination -served instead of the immense foundations which would otherwise have -been necessary for the elevated seats; the stage and surrounding -buildings were, however, free-standing works of architecture. The -arrangement of the Greek theatre is described by Vitruvius: three -squares were inscribed in a circle, thus forming a twelve-pointed star -(_Fig._ 185); one of the sides, _a b_, served as the line of the front -foundation of the stage. This platform, the logeion, was closed at the -rear by a wall, treated like a façade, and forming a background, the -skene; its position being decided by the tangent _c d_, parallel to the -front side. The remainder of the circle, the orchestra, was reserved for -the evolutions of the chorus and for the stand of the musicians, the -thymele; it was not until the development of the Roman theatre that -spectators were admitted to this enclosure. Its extent was slightly -increased by drawing the outline from the diameter, _e f_, to the stage -with a doubled radius. Around seven twelfths of the original circle was -constructed the concentrical auditorium of ascending seats, divided by a -platform at half-height, the diazoma, into two parts, and accessible by -radial passages. The statement of Vitruvius, who, as usual, substitutes -a thought-saving canon for the living individuality of Hellenic art, is -not borne out by the numerous remains of Greek theatres. The orchestra -and auditorium exceed the semicircle in every instance where local -conformations have not rendered this impossible; but they either do -this by elongating the arc with tangents, as in the theatres of Segesta -(_Fig._ 186), Syracuse, Tyndaris, and Tauromenion, or by continuing the -circumference of the original circle without deviation, as in those of -Athens, Epidauros, Megalopolis, Delos, Melos, Cnidos, Laodikeia, Side, -Myra, Telmissos, Patara, Aizanis, etc. Among all known Greek theatres -only two, those at Mantinea and Alabanda, are situated in the plain and -entirely built of masonry; the others, contrary to Roman custom, utilize -natural inclinations, as before explained. The seats were either cut in -the native rock, or were walled and reveted with slabs of marble; when -the slope was of earth, important foundations were undertaken. - -The arrangements of odeions, or partially covered theatres for festive -musical representations, appear to have preceded, and in some degree -influenced, the architecture of the theatres. The oldest known example -of these structures is the Skias in Sparta, a circular building provided -with a pitched roof, which was probably built in accordance with forms -customary in Asia Minor, as a Samian architect (Theodoros, the son of -Telecles) was called from Samos to superintend its erection. The odeion -upon the Ilissos near Athens appears to have been of similar -disposition, and, like the former, constructed chiefly of wood. - -The private dwellings of Greece stood in no relation to the monumental -public buildings. That we are acquainted with no Greek house is a proof -that these were of the same subordinate importance as was the family in -the Hellenic state. The house was nothing more than the scene of the -family labors, and turned modestly inward, confined and simple chambers -being grouped around a central court. The life of the Greeks was, for -the most part, spent away from home, upon the market-places and in the -gymnasia and stoas; it was only at meal-times and for repose that he -sought the retirement of his house. This was completely separated from -the outer world, the dwelling-chambers having no windows upon the street -and the façade being unimportant. The rooms, with the exception, -perhaps, of the dining-hall, were but little developed, being generally -lighted through the door alone. Their windowless walls presented no -opportunity for architectural treatment, this being restricted to the -court, a space of considerable size, surrounded by a colonnade. For -centuries there was nothing to lead to any increase of this simple -dwelling, or to the development of a palace architecture; in the ages of -the heroes and tyrants the constructive ability was insufficient, and -later republican equality was inimical to all individual ostentation. It -was not until royal power had, in the Macedonian epoch, taken the place -of democracy that private architecture made a decided advance,--less, -however, in monumental importance than in luxury and display. The -chambers were multiplied by a repetition of the courts, the rooms still -remaining small; while a refined extravagance, borrowing its decoration -from the sister arts, took the place of architectural invention. -Notwithstanding the Greek terms applied to various forms of rooms by -Vitruvius, they appear to have been comparatively restricted in size. -The so-called Corinthian hall, covered with a barrel-vault, is -specifically a Roman creation; the Egyptian hall, with a clerestory over -the central aisle, may have been built in remembrance of Alexandrian -models, while that of Kyzicos is illustrative of methods customary in -Asia Minor, and especially in Pergamon. The three chief cities of the -Diadochi must have presented imposing monuments of private and palatial -architecture: Alexandria, the Egyptian residence of the Ptolemies, had -been founded by Alexander himself, and in great part designed by his -architect, Deinocrates; Antioch, upon the Orontes in Syria, was built by -Seleucos Nicator, with the aid of the architect Xenaios, and rapid -increase soon quadrupled its original extent; Pergamon had been restored -and enlarged by Eumenes. The wonderful works of that time show -architecture to have lost all earnestness and truthfulness through the -extravagant demands created by the luxurious courts of the Ptolemies, -Seleucidæ, and Attalidæ; their sham theatrical pomp was surpassed only -by the Oriental costliness and splendor of the materials. The monuments -were expressive of the weakness and superficiality into which the -Eastern Hellenic world had fallen, and for which the forms of Greek art -were employed only as a transparent varnish. Alexander the Great had -himself led the way to this profusion of monumental and private -buildings. It was he, for instance, who had caused Deinocrates to erect -a pyramidal pyre for the burning of the body of his favorite -Hephaisteion, which was a marvel of tastelessness and extravagance: the -square substructure of brick masonry, with sides one stadion long, each -ornamented with two hundred and forty golden prows of vessels and nine -hundred and sixty statues, bore a second terrace decorated with golden -wreathed torches; the third and fourth stages were reveted with reliefs -of gold representing hunting scenes and the battles of the centaurs; the -fifth with golden lions and bulls, upon which followed Macedonian arms -and trophies taken from the barbarians. The whole was terminated by -golden figures of sirens, the hollow bodies of which accommodated the -singers of the funeral chant. A similar piece of display was the -magnificent wagon for the funeral procession of Alexander. Other works -were the gigantic tent for the Dionysian procession of Ptolemy II., -Philadelphos, with its supports formed like palms and thyrses, with its -cupola-shaped roof, secret grottoes, etc.; and the Thalamegos, or -colossal Nile bark, a floating palace built by Ptolemy IV., Philopator, -with its Temple of Aphrodite and many halls, one of which had -chryselephantine Corinthian columns, and was decorated by a frieze of -reliefs executed in ivory and affixed to a golden ground. A -dining-saloon was built in the Egyptian manner, as a hypostyle, and the -hall of Dionysos was provided with an apse formed like a grotto. At the -same time, wonders of technical and mechanical skill divided attention -with these works of barbarous luxury. As early as the time of Hiero II. -of Syracuse, Archimedes and Archias built a monstrous ship, intended for -the transportation of grain, which is said to have comprised an entire -city, with a gymnasion, a public park, towers, reception-rooms, -dining-halls, etc. It had three decks, and was propelled by twenty rows -of oarsmen. Even this was surpassed by Ptolemy IV., who built a vessel -with forty rows of oars. In short, gigantic dimensions and tasteless -magnificence, favored by the insane competition among the followers of -Alexander, extinguished true art, the more rapidly as works of these -later ages were not executed with the solidity which preserved Roman -architecture from similar decline, even though it accepted many unsound -artistic influences from these Hellenic and barbarian despots. - - * * * * * - -The sculpture deserves even more unlimited admiration than the -architecture of Greece. Hellenic building shows monumental ideals such -as the creative power of no other people has attained; yet the problems -which presented themselves for solution were of a limited nature. In -sculpture, on the other hand, a height was reached which the artists of -all later times have scarcely been able to comprehend, far less to -equal. For centuries cultivated nations have drawn from this -inexhaustible fountain, in unconditional admiration,--learning from -Greek statues, and acknowledging their matchless perfection. Although it -may justly be concluded that a direct reconstruction of the -architectural remains, as a whole, were it possible, is not to be -recommended, still no one can hesitate to regard the best examples of -Hellenic sculpture as a model worthy of direct emulation, the -controlling influence of which upon the present age is only to be -desired. And though the Gothic cathedral may appear to some a higher -artistic conception than the Doric peripteros, no one would give -preference to the sculptures of the ancient Orientals, of the Mediæval -Christians, or even of the great masters of the Renaissance, over the -marble treasures gathered in any of the larger collections of antiques. - -As, among all the works of antiquity, it is to Hellenic sculpture that -the undisputed palm of precedence is given, it is befitting that -particular attention should be devoted to it--that it should be treated -as the central point, the focus, of the history of ancient art. This is -made possible by the accounts of classic authors handed down concerning -it, and by the multitudinous remains preserved and accessible in the -museums of all great cities; it is rendered easy by the circumstance -that the attention and industry of the archæological explorer and of the -student of art have been directed to no other field of antique life with -equal zeal and with equally important results. The history of the -development of Hellenic sculpture thus lies, in its main features, more -clearly before us than does that of any other ancient art. Although -different views still exist in regard to many particulars, the arguments -advanced in their support only serve for greater general enlightenment. -The lively discussion which the question of the beginnings of Greek -sculpture has called forth may be considered as terminated, since the -Egyptian origin, advocated by Thiersch, Ross, Feurbach, Julius Braun, -Stahr, and others, has been refuted, or at least reduced to the -secondary and later influence assumed by Friedrichs. Indeed, the oldest -Grecian sculptures, when compared with those of Egypt, display a -complete contrast, and prove that such a connection, if it existed at -all, was by no means intimate. Egyptian art worked upon purely -mechanical principles, according to a typical network of lines. -Sculpture was drawn into the province of architecture, and slavishly -subordinated to it; carved figures became little else than architectural -members through uniformity, symmetrical regularity, and multiplicity of -repetition. Piers masked by the form of Osiris were thus substituted for -columns, and long rows of sphinxes or colossal statues were set, like -the obelisks, to decorate the avenues leading to the temples. The fixed -standard after which the heads of such figures were patterned--more like -the capitals of columns than imitations of life--and the members, -without action, and constructed according to an established height or -breadth, like the shafts of pillars, and similarly regulated in -proportions by their diameter--took away all independence as works of -sculpture, and caused the statues rather to appear as parts of an -architectural composition. The ordinary Egyptian stone-cutter knew of -only two positions, well established by custom; he renounced -fundamentally the countless different appearances of life, and, with -this, all representation of action and of individuality. Primitive Greek -sculpture, on the contrary, arose from a sound naturalism, which -directed the eye of the artist to real and peculiar appearances from the -outset, often neglecting the proportions of the whole in the desire -characteristically to express important details. The first Hellenic -figures are wanting in that which was so prominent in the Egyptian: a -correct, or at least a schooled, outline and modelling; while the -pleasing imitation of life in detail, utterly foreign to Egyptian -sculptures, is most forcibly presented. This naturalistic tendency -prevented Hellenic sculpture from degenerating into an Egyptian -formalism; the Greek artist did not blindly attach himself to a hieratic -model, but studied organic life, thus keeping his works free from that -ossified conventionalism common to all Eastern civilization. The very -first carvings of Greece had a power of development which was wanting in -all the other nations of that period. - -To these differences of artistic principle must be added differences in -characteristic forms, dependent partly upon race and partly upon the -different conceptions of the two nations--differences so marked as to -enable us to distinguish their works without hesitation. The Egyptian -head differs decidedly from the Greek head in the high position of the -ear, the long, narrow, and somewhat obliquely placed eyes, the wide flat -nose, and the thick lips. (_Fig._ 28.) The Egyptian figure is slim, the -primitive Greek almost stunted; in the former the shoulders are high and -broad, in the latter sloping and narrow; there the hips are small, here -large. The garments of Egyptian works are either elastic, without -natural folds, clinging so closely to the body as often to be -recognizable only at the borders, or are heavily pressed together in -broad and angular masses. The scanty clothing introduced into ancient -Hellenic sculptures shows throughout a close observation of nature; and -the drapery is pleasing even in unsuccessful imitations, because it -betrays the loving care of the artist. In the oldest productions of -Greece we perceive a slumbering genius and capacity for development -which were wholly lacking in the trained handiwork of Egyptian art,--as -the faulty free-hand drawing of an intelligent boy, who tries to show -what he has seen, awakens greater interest and hope than do the labored -copies and tracings of an illiterate mechanic. - -When compared with these weighty reasons against the dependence of -primitive Grecian sculpture upon that of Egypt, the arguments adduced in -favor of the supposition seem insufficient. Chief among these is the -opinion of several ancient writers who vaguely imply that the oldest -sculpture of the Greeks was related to that of the Egyptians, and -derived from it as a later production. But it is well known that -Pausanias and Diodoros were not exacting as to proofs of their opinions -in regard to the history of art. In this instance, they were deluded by -the same outward resemblance which has been so deceptive in modern -times,--a similarity dependent upon that stiffness of archaic statues -common to every primitive art, and to the attenuation and union of the -extremities, which resulted from the economy of material and labor -natural to both countries. But though, in the beginning of Greek -sculpture, certain difficulties of execution were avoided in the same -manner as in Egypt, and the material of the carved figures, whether -wood or stone, was meted out as scantily as possible, it does not follow -that they were directly dependent upon the Egyptian works which were -influenced by like considerations. - -It is otherwise with the relations between Western Asiatic art and the -early sculpture of Greece. The preceding section has made it evident -that the most prominent characteristics of the Ionic style were -developed from this root, and the influence of Asiatic motives was as -marked in regard to the sculpture as to the architecture of Hellas. The -fully perfected flower, however, but little betrays an Oriental -derivation in either province. The art of Asia Minor and of Syria had -taken an essentially different starting-point from that of Egypt--one -more nearly allied to the Greek point of view. Instead of formulating -the human figure by a fixed canon after the manner of the Egyptians, it -looked to nature itself, with a decided realistic tendency. But in its -later development, as already shown, Mesopotamian art went as much too -far beyond reality as that of Egypt had remained behind it; and the -self-sufficiency of the Eastern despotisms resulted in that utter -standstill which checked the life of art in Assyria, Persia, and -Phœnicia. The acquired forms, as upon the Nile, stiffened into -conventional types, with the difference that those of Egypt took more -the character of a written chronicle, those of Mesopotamia and its -dependencies more that of ornament. Hellenic genius could only remain -upon such a low level during its immaturity; there are, therefore, -almost no traces of direct Asiatic influence evident in the sculptures -of Greece after the most primitive period, although in this it is -unmistakable. We may call this period of development the heroic age, and -understand by it the epoch from the earliest times to the first -Olympiad, 776 B.C. Even the native legends concerning the beginning of -Greek art point towards the East. The mythical founders of monumental -buildings, the Cyclops, to whom were ascribed the oldest stone -sculptures, like those upon the Lions’ Gate of Mykenæ, came from Lycia. -The Dactylæ appear in groups upon the mountains of Phrygia and Crete -often bearing names characteristic of their significance as cunning -artisans--Kelmis, Damnameneus, and Acmon (hammer, tongs, and anvil); -while the Telchinæ--Chryson, Argyron, and Chalkon (workers in gold, -silver, and copper)--inhabited Rhodes. The personification of various -metal-workers in these mythical guilds is unequivocal, and the -attributed locality of their dwellings has a corresponding meaning, -pointing to the coasts of Western Asia, where the process of overlaying -wooden carvings with beaten metal was predominant, as in Phœnicia and -the intermediate island of Cyprus. This empaistic work, of plates shaped -upon a model by hammer and punch, presupposes the carving of the model -itself, without which the creation of the sphyrelaton was obviously -impossible. The gold overlaying of Solomon’s Temple was formed upon -reliefs carved in cedar-wood, and was, perhaps, beaten over them: before -the discovery of bronze-casting, we may conclude this also to have been -the case with works of statuary in the round. The art of sculpture in -wood seems to have been native among the early Greeks; carved idols, -xoana, soon appearing as substitutes for those stones and trunks of -trees (Paus. vii. 22), which, provided at times with the attributes of -trident, caduceus, lance, or sceptre, were at first worshipped as divine -symbols. These were frequently so old that no account could be given of -their origin, and they were consequently said to have fallen from the -skies. It is difficult adequately to conceive the rudeness of these most -ancient xoana. The arms were not at all separated from the body, and -were indicated only in as far as was necessary to attach to them -characteristic attributes, like the garment and spindle in one hand, and -the lance in the other, of the Trojan Athene described by Homer. The -sacred figure was frequently quite covered with real doll-like clothing, -as is the Virgin or the _Bambino_ in many modern places of pilgrimage -provided by the Roman Catholic Church. The difficulty of representing -the hair of these puppets appears, from the later treatment of the heads -in marble, as seen in the Apollo of Tenea, to have been evaded by the -use of a woolly covering like a wig. The want of definition in the faces -is evident from the statement that some xoana had closed eyes. This is -not to be explained by the pious legends of antiquity that the image had -refused to look upon some deed of sacrilege,--such, for instance, as the -rape of Cassandra,--but by the fact that the eye was indicated only by a -horizontal painted line. It was from such rude figures that Daidalos -advanced. It was not only said that he was the inventor of various -instruments for wood-working, such as the axe, saw, auger, and plummet; -but certain improvements in the shaping of the statues were also -ascribed to him, such as the opening--that is to say, the formation--of -the eye, and the separating of feet, as if in the act of stepping. The -progress cannot, in fact, have been great. The traditional account that -the images had to be bound after the freeing of their legs, to prevent -their running away, must not lead us to imagine an ideal perfection, or, -indeed, any striking resemblance to life. The classical authorities who -knew the works attributed to Daidalos say, indeed, that they were -“wonderful to look upon,” and that “the master would have made himself -ridiculous by such works in our day.” The personality of Daidalos is -hardly better assured than that of the mythical workers in metal, the -Dactylæ and Telchinæ; the name itself, signifying the cunning workman, -is nothing else than a personification of artistic skill, a collective -term for all primitive skill and activity in wood-carving. As this had -developed from handiwork, the legend calls the father of Daidalos, -Palamaon, the contriver, or Eupalamos, the skilful artisan. The travels -which Daidalos is said to have made from Athens to Crete, Sicily, -Thebes, Pisa, Egypt, etc., merely result from the appearance of -so-called Daidalian works in those places. In the time of Homer, the -ninth century B.C., these images were already regarded as of great age; -so that the period of the beginning of Greek sculpture must be at least -as remote as the tenth century B.C. The one statue directly mentioned in -the Iliad, the sitting Athene at Troy, upon whose knees the Trojan women -laid a garment, appeared to the author of the Homeric epics to be a work -in the manner of Daidalos. If another passage (Iliad, i. 14) may be -understood as referring to an image of Apollo, this must, like the -Athene, have been at least partially covered with real clothing. Such -figures were also overlaid with metal; it is not to be doubted that the -gold and silver dogs, and the youthful torch-bearers of gold, in the -Palace of Alkinoos were carved models of wood covered with beaten plate. -The empaistic process, native to Phœncian countries, was early imitated -in heroic Greece. Though the island of the Phæacians was idealized by -the fancy of the poet, he yet cannot be supposed to have invented new -technical processes in an account which was to be generally -intelligible. It seems, however, that sculptural art had no great range -during the heroic ages; perhaps the works overlaid with beaten metal, -which were known to Homer, may have been the results of an accidental -and superficial knowledge gained by intercourse with the Oriental -peoples inhabiting the coasts of Western Asia. - -[Illustration: Fig. 187.--Cover of Dodwell’s Vase, in Munich. Full -size.] - -The manufacture of furniture and smaller decorative objects was probably -more important. Homer was acquainted with the use of the lathe; while -relief-carving in wood, and inlaying of metal, ivory, and amber, were -early practised. The latter process can also be referred to Phœnician -influence, in consideration both of the materials employed and of -historical analogy. Even kings busied themselves with such handiwork, as -the building of his nuptial couch by Odysseus proves; and royal ladies, -such as Penelope, Andromache, and Helen, embroidered and wove elaborate -textures. Professional workmen are also mentioned: Icmalios was the -maker of Penelope’s seat; and some productions of this nature, like the -chest of Kypselos, were as late as the beginning of the historical ages -of Greece. Sculptured utensils of metal, vessels, tripods, and weapons, -are particularly and distinctly described in the Homeric epics. The jars -and vases described as “embossed with flowers” may be imagined as -decorated with wreaths, like those found in Assyria and on Cyprus, and -as similar to the early Italian bronzes. Cups with knobs (Iliad, xi. -633) were discovered in the excavations at Nineveh; conventionalized -animals, serpents and birds (Iliad, xi. 17 and 634; Odyssey, xi. 610, -and xix. 227), are to be found upon many primitive vases, and may be -supposed to have existed as handles to vessels as well as upon clasps, -sword-belts, and armor. References to the Asiatic derivation of the -bronze-works known in prehistoric Greece are given by Homer, who -mentions craters from Sidon and a Cyprian coat of mail. The shields were -especially rich, being formed by several thin plates of metal secured -one over the other; every disk was of greater circumference than that -above it, only a narrow concentric rim of each thus remaining visible. -The inner circle alone upon the comparatively simple shield of Agamemnon -(Iliad, xi. 32) was ornamented with sculpture, in this case a -Gorgoneion, the outer edges being provided with ten knobs of tin; upon -the handle was a three-headed dragon. The shield of Achilles (Iliad, -xviii. 468) was wonderfully elaborate, and, as the work of Hephaistos, -probably exceeded by far the ordinary ornamentation of heroic arms; but -it does not, on this account, give less reliable information concerning -the general form and nature of prehistoric armor. Five layers of metal -were superimposed,--two of bronze, two of tin, perhaps alternating, that -in the centre being of gold; four rings were thus formed around the -inner circle, each covered with rich sculptural decoration. Symbols of -earth, sea, and sky, with the sun, moon, and stars, were within the -golden disk. Upon one side of the first concentric band was shown a city -in time of peace, with a wedding procession and a court of justice; upon -the other a besieged city, with a sally of the defenders and a general -engagement. Upon the second ring were the four seasons, indicated by -ploughing, harvesting, the vintage, and by a herd of peacefully grazing -cattle attacked by lions. A harvest dance of youths and maidens, before -whom was a singer with a harp, decorated the third ring; while the -fourth and outermost, probably narrower than the others, was ornamented -by waves representing the sea, which, according to the conception of the -ancients, surrounded the circular land of the earth. The figures were -cut from thin sheets of different metals, and were riveted to the -ground; it is uncertain whether these were first beaten to a relief, or -were left flat, giving the effect of a silhouette. The metals were -naturally chosen of colors different from that of the band to which they -were affixed, and the treatment, in principle, thus somewhat approached -the art of painting. The ground and the vineyards, in the pictures of -the seasons, were of gold, yet “the grapes shone blackish;” the poles -appear to have been of silver, the trenches of iron, and the hedges of -tin, while upon the dancers “hung golden daggers upon silver straps.” -Such empaistic work must have been more closely related to surfaces of -inlaid metal upon wooden forms than to the statuesque Phœnician -sphyrelaton. Homer’s account of the shield of Achilles should be -considered not from a technical, but from an artistic, point of view. -The vivid description is, of course, due altogether to poetical license; -but we may well believe that subjects like the harvest dances, festive -processions, warlike scenes, symbols of the seasons, etc., may have been -attempted upon utensils and weapons, though in a more simple and -decorative manner, their object not being an artistic setting-forth of -details, but an intelligible indication of the whole. With what limited -means this is possible is proved by Egyptian coilanaglyphics, Assyrian -reliefs, and the paintings upon Greek vases of the most primitive style. -(_Fig._ 187.) The artist of the heroic age cut his figures from thin -sheets of metal, just as children snip paper, and set them together upon -the background, filling up the intervening spaces as best he might with -ornaments and names. Direct Oriental models were hardly needed for this; -but it is probable that, as in the sphyrelaton, the influence of Asia -Minor was felt: the conventional character of the types painted upon the -oldest Greek vases bears distinct evidence of a Phœnician impulse. -There was little that was artistic in the details of such early -decorations, but all the more in the conception as a whole: the manner -of expression was weak, but the thought was admirable. Figures appear -upon Assyrian sculptures, so similar to those described by the poet -that by their help one might almost reconstruct the Homeric shield; in -Mesopotamia, however, the representations lacked unity in the -fundamental conception, they were not well grouped in the given space, -and appear, as Brunn says, like a chronicle written in figures when -compared with such a poem as the artistic compositions, made up, -perhaps, of the same elements, described by Homer. The pseudo-Hesiodic -shield of Heracles resembled that of Achilles, the chief difference in -outward form being that the three inner of the five circular layers were -bordered upon the outer edges by narrow rings of steel. The middle plate -was decorated with the head of Phoibos, encircled by twelve serpents -like a Gorgon. The next band displayed a warlike scene and one of peace: -the combat of the Lapithæ and Centaurs in one half, and Apollo among the -Muses in the other. The third had a like contrast between a besieged and -a peaceful city, similar in composition to those upon the shield of -Achilles; while the fourth was also a representation of the seasons, -chiefly distinguished from those of Homer by the substitution of a -hare-hunt as the symbol of winter. The reliefs upon the four narrow -steel rings must have differed in action from the larger groups; in the -latter the radial lines of the upright figures prevailed, in the former -a contrary movement was predominant. On the innermost steel ring boars -and lions moved concentrically around the shield; upon the next -following was an arm of the sea, over which flew Perseus, pursued by the -Gorgons. The third was a chariot-race at full speed; and upon the outer -rim were conventionalized waves, with fishes and swans, forming an -ornamental band similar to the border of the Homeric shield. - -[Illustration: Fig. 188.--Relief from the Gate of the Lions at Mykenæ.] - -Our knowledge of the sculptural activity of Greece in the heroic ages -has, up to the most recent times, been derived almost entirely from the -poets, whose idealized descriptions are supported, in regard to form, -only by the analogy of Assyrian reliefs and the paintings upon archaic -vases. Works of a primitive period have, indeed, not been entirely -wanting; but it being impossible to date them, they lend no aid to an -historical consideration. The derivation and age of only two are -assured, and the characteristic forms of one of these--the Niobe upon -Mt. Sipylos, near Magnesia, mentioned in the Iliad, xxiv. 613--are -entirely obliterated. It is so rudely executed, or so weather-beaten, -that even in antiquity it appeared to Pausanias, even when seen from the -immediate vicinity, as but a shapeless rock, in which the human figure -was scarcely to be recognized, while, at a distance, it resembled a -woman bowed down with grief and weeping. The account has been verified -in recent times by the discovery of a rock-cut relief of three times the -size of life, so disintegrated that satisfactory drawings of its human -forms could not be made. This renders the other pre-Homeric monument, -the most ancient known sculpture of Greece and of Europe, all the more -important--namely, the relief over the gate of Mykenæ, called by the -poet that of the Lions--the chief portal of the fortress of the Atridæ, -the witness of the departure of Agamemnon for the Trojan war, and of the -downfall of his house on his return. (_Figs._ 188 and 126.) The -structure has been already described from an architectural point of -view. The relief upon the slab which closes the triangle above the -lintel represents two lions standing upright upon either side of a -column; their heads, turned outward, were separate pieces, fastened with -dowels to the background, and have disappeared. The designation of these -animals need not be deemed erroneous because they have no manes. -Pausanias speaks of them as lions (though this in itself may not be of -great weight), and in the Phœnician examples of beaten metal-work, as -in the archaic paintings upon Greek vases, the indication of hair is -always wanting. The Asiatic influence which, in architectural respects, -had made itself felt upon the Tholos of Atreus, must be acknowledged -here also; thus alone is it possible to account for a peculiar modelling -of the forms, entirely foreign to sculpture in stone. The resemblance of -these lions to the animal figures of Assyria is readily recognizable; it -is the same resemblance as that which the art industry of the Syrian -coasts showed to that of Mesopotamia. The Phœnician tradespeople, -themselves skilled in many novel technical processes, formed the medium -between the cultured countries upon the Tigris and the Ægean Sea. The -Lycian Cyclops had also borrowed from these neighbors, and to them was -traditionally attributed this wonderful stone carving at Mykenæ, a work -which, from all appearance, was an isolated attempt. Such sculptures -could not become national and native so long as the requirements of the -heroic Greeks were satisfied with the mere decoration of useful objects. -The impulse towards monumental art seems first to have been awakened -with the introduction of the columnar temple. Schliemann’s excavations -upon the Acropolis of Mykenæ in 1876 have brought to light some few -works of sculpture which deserve to be considered. Prominent among them -are the memorial stones, two of which are shown in Fig. 189. They are -remarkable for a naïve primitiveness of conception and the desire to -display the subject chosen as distinctly as possible. A vigorous action -and a certain observation of nature are not lacking, though the forms -are incorrect, both in general effect and in detail. The similarity of -these works to Asiatic sculptures is marked; but no trace of Egyptian -influence is to be recognized in the attenuated figures. The same -derivation is evident in the spiral ornaments, which closely resemble -those upon the façade of the Tholos of Atreus, and upon Phœnician and -Cyprian remains. All the reliefs imply models of beaten metal, and lend -further support to the hypothesis which connects the heroic age of -Greece with the civilization of Western Asia, through the medium of -Phœnician traders. - -[Illustration: Fig. 189.--Steles from the Acropolis of Mykenæ.] - -The golden masks found in the graves are not less interesting, whether -the assignment of these to the Homeric worthies--Agamemnon, Eurymedon, -etc.--be accepted or not. (_Fig._ 190.) It is at least certain that they -are memorials of the heroic age, and the great quantities of gold found -in the sepulchres make it probable that they appertained to a royal -race, and were buried at a time when the prosperity of Mykenæ was great -and its power extensive. The masks, like the grave-stones, are formed -with the helpless realism peculiar to the art of Western Asia, and -entirely foreign to that of Egypt. It is easy to believe that they were -imported directly from Phœnicia. This must certainly have been the -case with the beautifully executed ornaments of gold--disks, diadems, -stars, etc.--the beaten workmanship of which is of a perfection only -possible to trained and practised manufacturers. The spirals and other -linear designs are executed with exceeding accuracy, by peculiar -instruments. Their motives are taken from the animal and vegetable -world, from cuttle-fishes, butterflies, and various forms of leaves and -flowers. It is certain that the perforated cylinders, cut, like gems, in -intaglio, with scenes of war and hunting, were introduced directly from -Asia; they are strikingly similar to the rolling seals of carnelian and -agate found in Mesopotamia. A small model of a temple is peculiarly -Phœnician, like that repeated upon Paphian coins. - -[Illustration: Fig. 190.--Golden Mask from Mykenæ.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 191.--From the Vase of Clitias and Ergotimos.] - -During the first two historical centuries, after the commencement of -reckoning time by Olympiads, the direction of activity in art appears to -have changed but little. Sculpture, represented by guilds, or families, -of handicraftsmen in Athens, Argos, and Sikyon, remained little else -than decoration, though, at least in the selection of subjects, it -opened for itself new fields. In the heroic ages the scenes were limited -to the most immediate realities; but, after the Homeric epics had become -the property of the nation, the picturesque treasures of many legends -became available. Arctinos of Miletos, in the middle of the eighth -century, and, somewhat later, Lesches of Lesbos, continuing the Iliad, -sang of the downfall of Troy. Stasimos of Cyprus chose preceding events -as his theme; while the myths of the Seven against Thebes, of the -Titanomachia, and of the exploits of Heracles and Theseus found similar -epic illustration. These poems not only provided the subjects for -sculpture, but described them with plastic vividness. This is shown by -the two chief works of this period,--the Chest of Kypselos and the -Throne of Apollo at Amyclæ. The first was an oblong shrine of -cedar-wood, which Kypselos, tyrant of Corinth, consecrated in the -Heraion of Olympia, in memory of his preservation as a child, when, -hidden in a fruit-box, he had escaped from the persecution of the -Bacchiadæ. This chest, either upon three sides--the fourth standing -against the wall--or upon the long front side alone, was ornamented with -carvings, in five bands, one over the other, probably of unequal height. -The reliefs, partly inlaid with ivory and gold, must have been of a -workmanship similar to that customary in the heroic ages. The uncommonly -rich and varied representations, almost exclusively mythological and -heroic, were taken from the before-mentioned cyclic poems (Pausanias, v. -17 to 19). The figures appear to have somewhat resembled in style those -upon the Vase of Clitias and Ergotimos in Florence (_Fig._ 191), which, -on account of its banded arrangement and the similarity of its mythical -subject, deserves, rather than the cover of Dodwell’s vase given above -(_Fig._ 187), to be compared to the Chest of Kypselos. The Throne of -Apollo at Amyclæ, near Sparta, has been connected with the name of one -of the oldest artists known, Bathycles of Magnesia, who lived half a -century later than the maker of the Chest of Kypselos. This throne also -has been minutely described by Pausanias (iii. 18 to 19). In regard to -its sculptured decoration, his account of its construction is -unintelligible; it is only clear that the framework was colossal, and -that the ancient doll-like image stood within it, without any seat. Not -less than forty-one scenes, besides the larger compositions upon the -pedestal of the statue, covered the outer and inner sides of the throne -with carvings in low-relief, similar in style to those of the Chest of -Kypselos. Upon the legs in full, or at least in three-quarter, relief -were figures of the Graces, the Hours, Tritons, etc.; upon the back -were portraits of the master and of his Magnesian assistants, besides -sphinxes, panthers, and lions. - -These works were still chiefly of a decorative character. Monumental -sculpture had not yet freed itself from the trammels of inadequately -developed technical processes. So long as the artisan had no choice -other than the sphyrelaton and the xoanon, a material foundation was -wanting for the development of an independently artistic sculpture. Even -when isolated works of a higher order were attempted, as in the colossal -Zeus, of beaten gold-plate over a wooden form, dedicated in Olympia by -Kypselos or his son Periander, they can be considered, like the other -sphyrelata of this and of the heroic age, only as figures of great -material value but of little artistic importance. Want of skill in -execution favored that clinging to old honored types of devotional -figures inherent in the nature of all religions. These influences stood -in such close, interchangeable relations that it is impossible to say -whether, in the province of sculptured images, the slowness of progress -should be placed more to the account of religious prejudices and the -difficulties thrown in the way of all change by hieratic institutions, -or of the technical limitations of doll-like xoana and sphyrelata. - -New mechanical acquirements were needed for the furtherance of the art. -Three great discoveries, or, to speak more correctly, the extended -application of known processes, date from the beginning of the sixth -century B.C.: the casting of bronze, the sculpture of marble, and -chryselephantine work (the inlaying of gold and ivory upon a wooden -kernel). Each of these had its gradual development, at least the first -and the last being furthered by auxiliary inventions. It was -indispensable for the casting of bronze that modelling in clay should -have attained a certain perfection. The name of the Sikyonian potter -Boutades is connected with the introduction of this branch of art; it -appears to have been in the middle of the seventh century B.C. that he -ornamented the acroteria and antefixes of the temple roof, first with -low-relief (prostypon) and then with high-relief (ectypon). He also left -a portrait panel in terra-cotta, shown in the Nymphaion of Corinth until -the destruction of that city as the first work of its kind. In -connection with it was told the pleasing anecdote that the daughter of -Boutades, in taking leave of her lover, sketched his shadow upon the -wall with charcoal, the father afterwards filling out the outline with -clay and burning the relief thus produced. Neither of these accounts are -of great direct value, but that a potter could achieve a lasting -reputation as an artist may perhaps show that modelling in clay had -already made essential progress, and thus prepared the way for -brass-founding, which requires an original and mould of this more -plastic material. The discovery of soldering was also not without -significance; it formed, in metal work, a connecting link between the -riveting of the sphyrelaton and casting, even indispensable to larger -statues of the latter process, which, at least in the beginning, were -executed in pieces. Soldering seems first to have been employed upon -iron. Glaucos of Chios attained great results by this means, and -attracted general attention to it in the seventh century B.C. His iron -crater-stand, dedicated at Delphi by Alyattes, was an elaborate work, -ornamented upon the legs and clasps with sculptured animals and plants. - -The way was thus prepared for monumental bronze-founding, which was not, -indeed, discovered by the Samians Rhoicos and Theodoros, the sons of -Phileas and Telecles, to whom it was attributed by antiquity,--for, as -has been seen, it was practised by the Phœnicians,--but was by them -first introduced into Greek art. The dates assigned to their epoch vary -from the beginning of the seventh to the middle of the sixth century -B.C.; but it is the more reasonable to place them, with Brunn, at the -close of this period, without supposing that there were two masters by -the name of Theodoros, a father and a son. The innovation probably began -with the solid casting of smaller works, but whether Rhoicos and -Theodoros were limited to this is at least doubtful. Economy of material -and the lessening of weight in figures of great dimensions must soon -have led to hollow casting upon a fire-proof kernel; it is possible that -it was this very progress that made the two artists celebrated as -discoverers. The development of their technical improvements seems at -first to have impaired the artistic aspects of the works; Pausanias says -of a female statue by Rhoicos, probably in the Temple of Artemis at -Ephesos, that it was even more archaic and rude than a figure of Athene -in Amphissa which was there held to be Trojan. That the two Samians also -practised in beaten metal work is clear from the colossal silver -mixing-vessel, containing six hundred amphoras (about 200,000 litres), -executed by Theodoros and dedicated at Delphi by Crœsus, from a -golden vine with grapes of mounted jewels, and a golden plane-tree in -the possession of the Persian kings; the latter works remind us of -examples of similar workmanship in the Assyrian palaces, the existence -of which has been proved by the fragments of palms in gold-plate, lately -found by Place upon a portal in the palace of Sargon, at Corsabad. If -Theodoros worked thus extensively in the precious metals, it is not -surprising that he produced such small toreutic objects as those -indicated by the legend of the ring of Polycrates, ascribed to him, and -the fabulous portrait statue of a man, with a quadriga in his hand which -a fly might have covered with its wings. - -A still more brilliant future was open to the second innovation, that of -sculpture in marble. Chios was the birthplace of Hellenic marble -statuary, as Samos had been of bronze-casting. Coarse stone had been -employed from the earliest times, in isolated instances like the relief -over the Gate of the Lions at Mykenæ, for figures and for small images; -and the introduction of marble statuary was older than bronze-founding, -for Melas, ancestor of a long race of sculptors in Chios, lived about -the middle of the seventh century B.C. Of Melas himself and his son -Mickiades little except the names are known; an artist of the third -generation, Achermos, could venture to represent a winged Victory, yet -even he was surpassed by his sons Boupalos and Athenis. It is evident, -from several notices, that marble sculpture flourished greatly under -these latter, who, living about 540 B.C., had become very particular in -the choice of material--using only the fine-grained and translucent -Parian lychnites. No one venturing to dispute their precedence, they -could place upon their sculptures, exhibited in Delos, the -self-conscious inscription: “Chios is celebrated, not alone for its -vineyards, but for the works of the sons of Achermos.” Numerous works by -them are mentioned by ancient visitors, being collected in later times -by princely _dilettanti_. Augustus employed such sculptures upon the -exterior of many of his buildings, notably in the gable of the Palatine -temple of Apollo; he had an especial and, as it appears, a not -ill-founded liking for them, and these works could not have been a -disfigurement, even to the universal magnificence of imperial Rome. An -explanation of this marked advance at so early a date is given by this -very fancy of Augustus: the works thus architecturally utilized could -not have been devotional images of the deities; they must have been -decorative sculptures. The former class, from reasons already touched -upon, were hindered in artistic progress; the latter being beyond the -jurisdiction of hieratic institutions, developed untrammelled. It was -only in ornamental figures that the assiduous and talented sculptors of -early times found free scope, and it was fortunate that the demand for -these architectural and decorative works must naturally have been -greater than for the more rare devotional images, which were piously -transferred from the older sanctuaries to the new buildings which took -their place. The gable groups of Ægina show how unequally art advanced -in these different and distinct fields. - -During the time of Boupalos and Athenis, art began to flourish in other -places than Chios. First in Sikyon, with the two Cretans Dipoinos and -Skyllis, who may have been even older than the last Chian masters. They -were called, it seems, to Sikyon, and there chiefly employed their -energies in founding a school, changing at times the site of their -labors to Argos, Cleonæ, and Ambrakia. Like the masters of Chios, they -chiefly employed the marble of Paros, and it appears, from the accounts -of a group representing Apollo, Artemis, Athene, and Heracles, that they -too sought their fame less in devotional images for the interior of -temples than in monumental compositions for architectural ornament. -Although these Cretan sculptors, according to the testimony of Pliny, -acquired great celebrity in marble working, they are more important as -the founders of the third among the statuesque arts above -mentioned--that process of gold and ivory overlaying which culminated in -the greatest masterpieces of Pheidias. It seems to have originated from -the native xoana of early times, by transferring the inlaid decoration -observed upon the furniture of the heroic ages to sculpture in the -round. It developed in plainly distinguishable stages. Dipoinos and -Skyllis still only in part covered the carved core of wood, and -restricted this overlaying to ivory. This is illustrated by the accounts -of a group of the mounted Dioscuri, with their mistresses Hilasia and -Phœbe, and their sons Anaxis and Mnasinos, in the Temple of the Isius -at Argos, which was cut out of common wood and ebony, the former being -covered with ivory. Statues were made by Hegylos and his son Theocles, -scholars of Dipoinos and Skyllis, for the treasure-house of the -Epidamnians in Olympia, which represented Heracles with the Nymphs of -the Hesperides, and Atlas bearing the heavenly globe; Pausanias -describes this work as cut from cedar-wood, and the serpent and the tree -with the golden apples of the Hesperides must certainly have required -the inlaying of gold, if not of ivory. The author particularly mentions -the employment of gold upon another group: the struggle of Heracles with -Acheloos for Deianeira, the work of Donycleidas and Dontas of -Lacedæmonia, also scholars of the Cretan masters. The perfection of the -chryselephantine process seems early to have been obtained, the wood, -before in great part visible, was by the latter artists used only as a -kernel, being completely covered with ivory and gold. This was, at -least, the case with the Themis of Donycleidas in the Temple of Hera at -Olympia. That Pausanias considers these statues extremely archaic must -be understood as a relative judgment; it is to be borne in mind that -works by which a new process is introduced are always of a primitive and -imperfect appearance, if not artistically backward. A sphyrelaton of -beaten copper-plates riveted together was still possible to this school, -for a figure of Athene Chalkioicos at Sparta was the work of Clearchos -of Rhegion, a member of this guild. The sphyrelaton was, indeed, nearly -related to chryselephantine work which was virtually a combination of -the sphyrelaton with the ancient xoanon. The Æginetan Smilis, of this -group of scholars, was celebrated as the first great artist of his -island. His connection with the Cretans is more certain than with the -later sculptors of Ægina; if he should prove to be older than the native -Sikyonian masters, as has recently been asserted, this would add another -site to the primitive schools of Greek art. - -[Illustration: Fig. 192.--Metope Relief from the Middle Temple of the -Acropolis of Selinous.] - -The history of sculpture, drawn from the remarks of ancient writers, -would bear only upon the development of these technical processes, and -would give but little information concerning the style of this period, -if it were not possible to compare their accounts with several ancient -monuments which by great good-fortune have been preserved to our own -time. But it is necessary here not to overlook one point which is -frequently lost sight of altogether--namely, the local differences -betrayed by works of one or the same epoch. Examples of archaic stone -sculpture are presented by European Greece, by the Hellenic colonies of -the East in Asia Minor, and by those of the West in Sicily, which show -the two latter provinces to have followed a somewhat different course of -artistic development, and even the works of the Peloponnesos early to -have betrayed considerable variations, in conception and in principle, -from those of the more northern tracts of the Continent. Among the -provincial monuments, the first to be noted, because the oldest known, -are the metope reliefs upon the middle temple of the Acropolis of -Selinous in Sicily. The city was founded about 628 B.C., and, though -this temple may not have been the first built in the new colony, it must -be considered as dating at least from the first half of the sixth -century. Among numerous fragments of the metope sculptures two tablets -have been preserved almost uninjured which are of the greatest value -from the plainness with which they express both the artistic advance and -the imperfections of this early age. It would be a mistake, however, to -see in them representatives of the sculptural style of Greece proper, -for they betray in many respects the peculiar influences of Sicilian -Doric. In as far as the artistic understanding of the works permitted, -they evince a fresh and sound naturalism, and a careful observation of -the living model. But this did not extend beyond the more independent -members; while arms and legs, hands and feet, are relatively excellent, -the body and head are disagreeably heavy, rude, and ill-proportioned. -This contrast is particularly noticeable in that of the two reliefs -which represent Heracles carrying upon his bow the two Kercopes. The -more successful modelling of the details of the limbs shows it to have -been the work of an abler artist than the other (_Fig._ 192), where -Perseus, in the presence of Athene, cuts off the head of Medusa. The -deity, with naïve helplessness, turns her right foot sideways, though -otherwise facing entirely towards the front; the insufficient depth -rendered it impossible otherwise to give the foot its full length, and -the artist was perhaps withheld from a more correct form by an -unconscious dependence upon the more familiar style of low relief. The -left leg of the Medusa appears, on account of the confining frame, too -short by half, and the little Pegasos stands upon long, kangaroo-like -hinder legs, in order that the body may come within reach of the arm of -Medusa. Yet the weakness of the transition from the front view of the -upper body to the profile of the legs is less striking than in the -Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, and both Perseus and Heracles are -wholly free from that typical petrifaction which characterized the art -of the Nile and of the Tigris. In spite of the first impression made by -the monstrous and disproportioned figures, these works have, with all -their imperfections, the peculiar charm of earnest effort, which is the -guarantee of ultimate success. - -[Illustration: Fig. 193.--Statues from Miletos. British Museum.] - -The most ancient Hellenic sculptures of Asia Minor do not show the same -self-reliance and direct study of nature. There the influence of -Mesopotamia, Phœnicia, Cyprus, and even of Egypt was so strongly felt -that art could not remain wholly free from canonical tendencies, and did -not develop simply and directly from natural models. The sitting -colossal statues which flanked the sacred way from the port of Panormos -to the Temple of Apollo Didymaios near Miletos, and, according to the -characters of the inscriptions, date from about 540 B.C., show the -naturalistic elements of Greek work in the treatment of the bodies, and -especially in the garments, with their scanty but correct folds; though -it is not to be denied that the arrangement in rows like the avenues of -sphinxes, and the enthroned, Memnon-like position of the priests and -priestesses betray reminiscences of Egyptian conceptions,--while the -fulness of the bodies and the technical details of the seats are more -similar to the traditional forms of Assyria and Phœnicia. The Asiatic -influence is still more evident in the epistyle and metope reliefs of -the remarkable Doric temple at Assos, now in the Louvre; though the -rudeness of their forms may be in part owing to the loss of the stucco -coating with which the coarse and excessively hard stone was doubtless -overlayed and in which many of the finer details may have been executed. -A similarity to the beaten work of metal plate peculiar to Phœnicia -is easily recognizable, and reliefs analogous in style, and even in -subject, to the sculptures of Assos are offered by the Etruscan -bronze-work of a chariot found in Perugia, now in the Munich Glyptothek. - -[Illustration: Fig. 194.--Apollo of Thera.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 195.--Archaic Relief from Sparta.] - -A number of sculptures found in various parts of European Greece are -wholly different from these provincial works. Chief among them are -entirely nude youthful figures standing in a stiff position, the arms -hanging close to the body, and the legs separated--the left being -generally a little advanced; the head, with receding brow, is slightly -inclined, and looks directly forward; the eyes are large and protruding; -the smiling mouth drawn outward at the corners; while the wig-like hair -falls low over the shoulders. They are commonly designated as statues of -Apollo, although the want of all attributes, such as were so universally -employed by primitive art for the figures of deities, and which were so -necessary for their characterization, makes this more than uncertain. -Moreover, according to Plutarch, a Delian statue of Apollo, the work of -Tectaios and Angelion, teachers of the Æginetan Callon, and consequently -of this period, showed the god with outstretched hands; a position which -was typical in early antiquity, and seems long to have been retained, as -in the Milesian Apollo of Canachos, and the small bronze figure in the -Louvre. The supposition appears plausible that these figures are those -of victors in the national games of Greece; such votive offerings are -known to have been carved of wood in the earliest times, but, after 560 -B.C., they appear to have been of stone, like that of Arrhachion in -Phigalia, described by Pausanias (viii. 40). The Apollo of Thera, now in -Athens (_Fig._ 194), is one of the more ancient of these works; the soft -and yet not voluptuous forms of the body, the beauty of outline, united -with an evident uncertainty, do not denote a later phase of artistic -development than the hard sharpness and strict conventionalism of the -greater number of archaic statues. The beginning of this discipline is -shown by the Apollo of Tenea, now at Munich, in which there is but -little grace and artistic beauty, but all the more an earnest striving -after close correctness of modelling, which is more successfully -attained in the limbs than in the trunk. Of this epoch, and similar in -style, though approaching more nearly to the Apollo of Thera, are the -marble statues of Orchomenos, preserved only to the knees, and the -torsos of Megara and Naxos, now in Athens. The more ancient sculptures -found in Greece proper are less antique in style than the sculptures and -reliefs already mentioned, with the exception of some marble steles from -Sparta, the most important of which represents upon the one side the -meeting of Orestes and Iphigenia, upon the other the murder of -Clytaimnestra (_Fig._ 195). The rude, short figures are somewhat similar -to those in the metopes of the middle temple upon the Acropolis of -Selinous. This excessive heaviness and awkwardness appears almost -entirely overcome in the stele of Aristion, found in northern Attica, -and now in Athens. The low relief (_Fig._ 196), designated as the work -of Aristocles, represents a man armed as a hoplite, and is similar, in -many important respects, to the Apollo of Tenea, though a decided -advance beyond that work. The Attic relief of a woman mounting a -chariot, notwithstanding a primitive harshness of form, shows, in the -graceful drapery, the inclination of the head and the position of the -arms, as well as in the greater certainty of the drawing, qualities -which cannot be ascribed exclusively to the superior perception of the -inhabitants of Attica, but must be due, at least in part, to a later and -more advanced stage of development. With these works may be compared the -so-called Leucothea relief in the Villa Albani, which does not, indeed, -equal them in composition, but is superior in grace of bearing and -beauty of detail. Another sculpture represents the bringing of a child -to a female figure seated upon a throne, perhaps the dead mother, and is -similar in subject to the celebrated reliefs of the Monument of the -Harpies at Xanthos, now in the British Museum, where the Harpies bear -children or souls to the deities of the lower world. The former, by -greater fulness and softness, as also by less clearness and -understanding in the general treatment, seems to precede the latter in -point of time, dating from the period between the Milesian colossal -figures and the Attic reliefs described, that is to say, from 520 to 500 -B.C. - -[Illustration: Fig. 196.--Stele of Aristion, by Aristocles.] - -The older metopes of Selinous, the statues of Miletos, the reliefs of -Assos, and even the so-called figures of Apollo from Thera, Naxos, -Orchomenos, and Tenea, betray great looseness and uncertainty of form; -like the productions of every period of experiment, they give no -evidence of systematical and accepted principles--the canonical -establishment of a certain degree of perfection. In the subsequent -period there was, in various cities, an earnest endeavor to make an end -to this want of training by thorough and academic discipline. These -efforts could not, in Greece, result in that typical lifelessness, that -faulty execution and mannerism, universal in Egypt and the despotic -lands of the East, which operated against all direct study of nature; -but, by the combination of individual observations and improvements, -they increased and purified the artistic appreciation, no longer -restricting it to details, to the _partial_, but directing it to the -_complete_. Athens was most active in this advance, as is evident from -several ancient works closely related to that of the woman mounting the -chariot. The progress is illustrated by the statue of Athene found upon -the northern side of the Athenian Acropolis. A strict treatment of -details, like the aigis, the folds of the garments, the hair, etc., is -united to a considerable understanding of the forms of the body and the -functions of the limbs, which are sharply and perhaps a little hardly -modelled; while the work has in great measure freed itself from the -exactions of conventional symmetry, so markedly exemplified by the -sitting statues of Miletos and the Apollo of Tenea. The figure of Hermes -bearing a calf, found in Athens, is a somewhat similar work; its head -and hair are hard even to ugliness, but decided ability is shown in the -formation of the back and hams, and in the truth to nature of the calf, -held by the legs and pressed close to the neck. The progress is not less -plain in the bronze statuette of Apollo in the Louvre, nearly one meter -high, with the Greek inscription “to Athene from the tithes;” provided, -indeed, that the period of its origin is certain, and the work does not -belong to the extensive group of archaistic imitations. - -The reliefs from the beginning of the fifth century are similar in -character. That upon a marble fountain-drum from Corinth represents the -meeting of Heracles and Hebe; it still preserves the silhouette-like -outline, the small parallel folds and general ornamental style of the -drapery, and the stepping of both feet flatly upon the soles; while the -unschooled endeavor and evident embarrassment of the artist does not -give an unpleasing expression of awkwardness to the figures, which have -a certain dignity and grace, especially remarkable in the garments and -in the action of the extremities. Here is attained at last that strict -and completed style which has cast off all loose uncertainty, and has -adopted a conventional form for accessories in order to secure the -harmonious execution of the whole. This is also noticeable upon a relief -discovered in Thasos, now in the Louvre, which, when compared with the -before-mentioned Corinthian relief, and with the monument of the -Harpies, displays the influence of the neighboring coasts of northern -Asia Minor, together with a certain picturesqueness of conception -peculiar to northern Greece. A beautiful stele, found in Orchomenos, the -work of Alxenor, an artist from Naxos, instead of giving to the portrait -figure the stiff position of parade, formerly universal, represents it -with crossed legs, lazily leaning upon a gnarled stick. The archaic -meagreness is, however, still to be seen in the form of the hand, and in -the folds of the cloak (_Fig._ 197). The stele from the Borgia -collection, at present in Naples, resembles it in general style. All the -merits and defects of the period are to be seen also in a number of -terra-cotta reliefs from Melos, not to mention some small figures in -clay and bronze, for the most part superficially executed, the -clumsiness of which may be ascribed to the maker’s individual want of -ability. - -[Illustration: Fig. 197.--Stele by Alxenor, found in Orchomenos.] - -The growth of art in Asia Minor, Sicily, and Lower Italy, in so far as -these lands were Hellenic, does not appear to have kept equal pace with -that of Greece proper; yet the intercourse, during the last decades of -the sixth century, was so active that they could not remain far behind. -The most remarkable examples of the sculptures of this class, perhaps of -a little later date than the Attic works described, are the metope -reliefs from the Middle Temple of the Eastern Plateau at Selinous, -representing the gigantomachia, as preserved in scanty fragments. -Although the crudeness of outline and modelling in the bodies of the -fallen giants in many respects recalls the older metopes of the -corresponding temple of the acropolis, the draperies of the goddesses, -on the other hand, show a skill exceeding in truth and beauty many of -the archaic works of Greece itself. The one remaining head of a giant, -wounded and outstretched in death (_Fig._ 198), shows, in spite of the -antique hardness in the form of the face and treatment of the hair, an -expression which could have resulted only from the intelligent study of -nature. A relief from Aricia, now in Palma, upon the island of Mallorca, -representing the murder of Ægisthos by Orestes, is known only through -insufficient representations; it shows weakness in composition and -inequality in rendering, the garments being sensibly inferior to the -treatment of the nude. - -[Illustration: Fig. 198.--Head from a Metope of the Middle Temple upon -the Eastern Plateau of Selinous.] - -Before mentioning by name those artists who carried art beyond this -stage of development, another class of monuments, numerically very -important, should be considered. It is well known that in all ages -antiquity has had a certain charm, either as appearing strange and -interesting in comparison with existing circumstances, or from religious -associations. When a devotional figure, with which many legends have -become associated, as is the case to-day with the altar-pieces of our -churches, was particularly reverenced on account of its antiquity, there -was a desire to preserve its primitive type, even from recognized -improvements. Hence arose an imitation of the original work, called -_archaistic_ in contradistinction from the _archaic_, or really old. -This imitative style became fashionable in later times; while an amateur -with the means of the Emperor Augustus was able to acquire an original -Boupalos or Athenis, other lovers of the antique were obliged to content -themselves with copies, or with works conventionalized after the manner -of the early masters. These products are not always to be distinguished -from the truly archaic, as is also the case with some modern imitations; -but usually some conventional, technical, or circumstantial oversight or -anachronism furnishes an easy criterion. There can be no doubt, for -example, concerning the age of a work of sculpture in which a Roman -Corinthian temple stands in the background, as upon a well-known relief -representing Victory filling a cup for Apollo Kitharoidos, who is -followed by Artemis and Leto. In other cases the head, hands, or -feet,--the expression or gesture,--or the step, which in ancient works -characteristically rests upon both soles,--betray a much later period -than the hard or regular folds of the drapery, as is the case with the -Artemis at Naples. (_Fig._ 199.) Sometimes the accessories are of a -later style, as in the ten scenes from the Gigantomachia upon the border -of the garment of Athene in Dresden; or, finally, the drapery upon one -figure of a group is strictly antique, while that of the others is free, -as upon a tripod of the same museum,--not to mention other less -important inconsistencies. - -[Illustration: Fig. 199.--Archaistic Artemis from Pompeii.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 200.--Central Figures of the Western Gable, Temple -of Athene upon Ægina.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 201.--Harmodios and Aristogeiton. (Copies in -Naples.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 202.--Apollo after Canachos. (British Museum.)] - -An established conventionalism,--that contentment with the mere -handiwork of acquired forms which existed for centuries in the lands of -the Nile and Tigris,--was not possible in the early art of progressive -Greece. Upon the foundation of the artistic ability already attained at -this period, various local schools and individual sculptors rose to a -higher level, and effected an advance, partly by opening new channels -for the artistic industry of all Hellas, partly by pursuing paths which -remained peculiar to themselves. Athens and Ægina are especially -prominent in this activity; but, notwithstanding many scholarly -researches, the history of art is not able to distinguish with certainty -between the works of the two cities, an Attic example analogous to the -chief work of the island being wanting for instructive comparison. The -chief difference between the two may have been that the former school -had a less strict and trained execution than the latter, with more grace -of form and nobility of bearing. Callon and Onatas were prominent -artists of Ægina, the latter seeming to have been the more celebrated. -On account of the hardness of their work, both were considered inferior -to Calamis. Onatas is particularly interesting from our knowledge of two -of his chief sculptures--extensive dedicatory offerings to Olympia and -Delphi, one of which represented the Greeks before Troy, casting lots to -determine upon an opponent for Hector, and the other the combat over the -fallen King of the Tapygians, Opis. The subjects of these works, -especially the latter, and the peculiarity emphasized by Pausanias that -the heroes before Troy were represented armed only with helmet, spear, -and shield, probably to give scope for the display of the artist’s skill -in the treatment of the nude, remind us of the two well-preserved groups -from the gables of the Temple of Athene at Ægina, which, in point of -style, must have been closely allied to those of Onatas. These priceless -marbles were discovered in 1811, and the next year, by a chain of -fortunate circumstances, came into the possession of Louis I., then -Crown-prince of Bavaria. Ten of the remaining statues belong to the -western gable, and five to the eastern; the greater part of the former -group is thus preserved, and, as the scenes in both gables are almost -entirely alike, their general arrangement may be restored with -reasonable certainty. That over the chief front represents the struggle -for a fallen hero, probably Oicles in the contest of Heracles and the -Æginetan Telamon with Laomedon of Troy. In the rear tympanon the scene -is the recovery of the body of Achilles or of Patroclos. Subjects so -closely allied could lead to no great difference of composition, at most -to such slight variations as the characterization of Heracles in the -first group or of Paris in the second, if this latter be considered an -episode in which that hero took part. In both gables the fallen warrior -lay at the feet of the protecting Athene (_Fig._ 200), while on each -side, symmetrically disposed, a combatant of either party endeavors to -seize the body and drag it forth from the fray. Above these stooping -figures warriors threaten each other with lances; but it is not certain -whether there were two or four of these actively engaged. The latter -number has been recently assumed from numerous fragmentary remains, -which, if appertaining to the group at all, it is impossible otherwise -to locate; the refutation of this theory of Lange, which has been -attempted by Julius, does not terminate the vexed question. These -warriors were followed, according to Brunn’s arrangement, by two -kneeling lance-bearers, perhaps protecting the two archers in similar -position with their shields. One of the archers is shown by a leathern -cuirass and the so-called Phrygian cap to be an Oriental, perhaps Paris. -With the exception of Heracles in the eastern gable, who is -characterized by his lion’s skin, none of the other combatants are -personally distinguishable. The corners of the triangle are filled by -two fallen warriors. The whole group is thus composed with strict -reference to symmetrical correspondence, and to the conditions imposed -by the gable; all attempt to attain relative action and realism is -abandoned, and the impression of a pantomime is inevitable. The outlines -of the bodies, their position and action, are correct even to the -minutest details, and show a certainty of form and a technical -perfection, which, in the absence of all support for the bodies, or for -the extreme thinness of the shields, is truly astonishing. The figures -of the eastern gable appear particularly perfect, and are apparently the -works of later sculptors, less limited, in point of style and artistic -ability, than the master, or masters, of the western group. If in the -latter, as before remarked, it is natural to think of Onatas, the former -is correspondingly attributable to Calliteles, the son, scholar, and -assistant of Onatas, who worked in great measure like his father, but -also under the progressive influence of a younger generation. In -remarkable contrast to the excellent and, in formal characterization, -almost faultless, anatomical treatment of the bodies, two things appear -particularly important as indicating the limits of the artistic ability -of the time--namely, all the heads and the two statues of the deity -Athene. The former are without ideal beauty or expression, for which the -sculptor evidently felt himself incapable. He therefore carved the -features according to a certain formula, and the apparent smile, -resulting from the mouth being drawn outward and the corners of the -eyelids extended, is to be regarded as a meaningless reminiscence of the -older style. The eyes are too protruding and the chin too pointed and -small, defects of the earlier practice, not as yet entirely overcome. -The Athene shows how obstinately the devotional images were denied the -advances made in other sculptures, so that the traditional and hallowed -type might be preserved, as much as possible, from change. While for the -other statues the artist had before his eyes the living combatants of -the palaistra, his model for this was the sacred image standing within -the temple. The evident contrast between the stiff bearing and archaic -garments of the Athene and the rest of the group is thus more naturally -explained than by the view that, in the artist’s conception, the goddess -did not need any real action, that a slight lifting of the shield, as a -divine “thus far and no farther,” was sufficient to show her -supernatural power and to protect the fallen. The awkward turn of the -feet, which was owing less to the limitations of space than to the -reminiscence of an antique devotional image, might the more safely be -ventured, because it could not be seen at all from below. That the -sculptor, however, in his loving devotion to his work, took small -advantage of this last consideration, is clear from the fact that the -bodies are as carefully finished upon the back as upon the front, -although one half of this labor could never have been appreciated from -the first installation of the figures until their discovery among the -overthrown ruins and their reception in the Munich Glyptothek. The -effect of the whole was essentially heightened by the bronze -accessories, such as lances, belts with swords, bows, arrows, a -Gorgoneion and serpents upon the aigis of Athene, etc.; and even more by -the intense red, blue, and other colors upon the helmets and waving -crests, shields, and borders of the garments, sandals, and leather-work, -as well as by the tinting of the hair, eyes, and lips--all which -painting was probably in strict harmony with the neighboring -architectural members, which were doubtless treated with similar -pigments. Of other statues of archaic stamp only one has proved to be -contemporaneous with, and of the same school as, the gable sculptures of -Ægina--namely, the so-called Strangford youth in the British Museum. The -work is more closely allied to the statues of the western than to those -of the later eastern gable of the temple; but, notwithstanding a marked -similarity in the treatment of the torso, the formation of the features -differs so distinctly that the figure can hardly be ascribed to the same -master. When Pausanias says of Onatas that, although belonging to Ægina, -he still does not rank him below any contemporaneous sculptor of Attica, -this summary praise speaks less directly for the individuality of Onatas -than for the decided relative position of the two schools. It shows that -in general the style of Ægina was esteemed inferior. It may be concluded -that there were at least three Athenian sculptors of this time who -surpassed the artists of the gable groups of the temple upon Ægina, -namely, Hegias (Hegesias), Critios, and Nesiotes, not to mention the -somewhat older Endoios, Antenor, and Amphicrates. Literary notices of -their works do not convey any valuable information; but Friedrichs has -discovered in the sculptures of the Museum of Naples which hitherto had -passed under the name of the Gladiators, copies from one of the best -works of Critios and Nesiotes. (_Fig._ 201.) They represent Harmodios -and Aristogeiton, the assassins of the tyrant Hipparchos,--a group -recognized by an Attic tetradrachm, by the relief ornamenting a marble -seat at Athens, and by a weaker reproduction now in the Giardino Boboli -at Florence. As copies of this kind do not allow definite conclusions -concerning the style of celebrated monuments, we must regard in them -only the general composition. They suffice, however, to show that the -figures, which are of a free and bold action, cannot be referred to the -Monument of Antenor, built as early as 509 B.C. Besides the schools of -Ægina and Athens, there were at this period sculptural workshops of good -repute in Sikyon, Argos, Corinth, and Thebes. As early as the time of -the Cretan Daidalidæ Dipoinos and Skyllis, Sikyon was one of the chief -cities of artistic industry; and at the beginning of the fifth century -two celebrated brothers, Canachos and Aristocles, stood at the head of a -local school which lasted for seven generations. The chief work of -Canachos, the colossal Apollo of the Branchidæ sanctuary in Miletos, -holding a movable, probably automatic, stag in the outstretched right -hand, is known only by representations upon coins, and by a bronze -statuette in the British Museum (_Fig._ 202); the latter shows that the -master was but little removed from the archaic hardness of earlier -times, though endeavoring to attain greater power and nobility of form, -particularly in the head and features. Another colossal Apollo by -Canachos in Thebes differed from the figure in Miletos in being made of -wood. The chryselephantine Aphrodite in Sikyon, represented with the -polos upon the head and with poppy flower and apples in the hands, must -have been particularly archaic in conception. Two other works, more -removed from hieratic influences and limitations, were probably of a -less restricted style; namely, the Muse with the Syrinx, executed with -two others by the master’s brother, Aristocles, and the Young Racers. - -The school of Argos is celebrated by one great name, immediately -connected with the highest development of art, Ageladas, the -contemporary of the masters of Ægina, Athens, and Sikyon previously -mentioned. From the silence of ancient authors in regard to this -master’s style, little information can be given concerning it; it is -only known that the Muse with the Barbiton, his many figures of Zeus and -Heracles, various statues of victors, quadrigas, and groups of votive -offerings in Delphi, were of bronze. Ageladas was the teacher of three -of the greatest sculptors of Greece--Myron, Polycleitos, and Pheidias; -and he must, if on this account alone, be ranked above his -contemporaries. The history of art would receive but little furtherance -by a detailed consideration of the other Argive sculptors, Aristomedon, -Glaucos, and Dionysios; of the Corinthians, Diyllos, Amyclaios, and -Chionis; of the Thebans, Aristomedos, Socrates, and others; of Callon of -Elis; or of the Spartan Gitiades. Prominent as these must have been, -they appear rather to have demonstrated the vigor of their schools, and -the influence of those of Ægina and Athens, than by individual gifts to -have raised themselves above the academic art of their time. As masters -of personal importance, in whom the progress made by their own genius -far exceeded their early training, may be mentioned three younger -sculptors: Calamis, probably of Athens; Pythagoras of Rhegion, in Magna -Græcia; and Myron of Eleutheræ, on the borders of Bœotia. Calamis -worked chiefly in devotional figures, and in these could not entirely -throw off the hieratic limitations in regard to position and treatment -of details. He was accounted somewhat less hard in style than Canachos -or Callon, but inferior to Myron in truthfulness to nature. This master -seems to have made little advance in the modelling of the body as a -whole, though Lucian praises the rhythmical position of the feet and the -beauty of the joints of his Sosandra; but in the representation of the -head he succeeded in making decided progress when compared with the -artists of the gable groups of Ægina. In this respect his Alcmene must -have been highly important; but chief among the works of Calamis was the -Sosandra, probably an Aphrodite, which became proverbial on account of -its grace and beauty. Lucian, when comparing the most distinguished -examples among all the works of art to illustrate perfect beauty, did -this with the significant words, “Calamis may ornament our ideal with -chaste modesty, and its smile may be honorable and unconscious as that -of Sosandra.” In view of this judgment, it is plain that the stiff, ugly -heads of the Æginetan marbles are not to be imputed to the works of -Calamis; that the graceful and beautiful formation of the features was -one of the chief improvements effected by him. The limitations of his -art are indicated by another notice. Pliny relates that Calamis was -unsurpassed in his representations of horses; but Praxiteles removed a -charioteer from one of the older quadrigas, and created another in its -place, “that the men of Calamis might not appear inferior to his -animals.” His charioteer must consequently have contrasted unfavorably -with the horses and disturbed the harmony of the whole; this need by no -means be considered as contradictory to the accounts of the beauty of -his devotional images, for the charming grace which distinguished the -quiet figures of deities and heroes was to be exchanged in the -charioteer for an athletic life, corresponding, in position and action, -to the exciting situation, and such representations evidently were -beyond the powers of the otherwise able master. Examples authentically -referable to Calamis do not exist, though the statue of Apollo upon the -Omphalos, found in Athens, shows at once the archaic limitations and the -advancing mastery which may be ascribed to this period of Greek -sculpture; while the so-called Vesta, now in the possession of Torlonia, -may have preserved reminiscences of the Sosandra. Both these works are -evidently the products of artists who did not conceive the gods as -merely graceful and pleasing, but as strict and serious beings. Statues -of Apollo by Calamis are known to have been brought from the Kerameicos -in Athens, and from a city upon the shores of the Pontos, to the Roman -capitol; but this can hardly be adduced as an argument in favor of the -authenticity of the figure upon the Omphalos. - -To those very points in which Calamis failed, the two other artists -named devoted themselves with signal success. The works of Pythagoras of -Rhegion, who limited himself to bronze as a material, while Calamis -worked in marble, gold, and ivory, betray no connection with those of -the latter in regard to subjects, for the greater number were statues of -victors and representations of heroes in somewhat genre-like conception. -Of the former, Pausanias and Pliny praise the Enthymos as one of the -most excellent among the forest of images dedicated at Olympia; of the -latter, the limping Philoctetes was celebrated by many epigrams, as -causing the observer to himself feel the pain of the wounded foot. To -attain such an expression, it is not sufficient to characterize the -suffering in the affected limb alone, but the pain must be evident in -the entire body, in bearing as well as in step; in the continued tension -of all the muscles, and in the one-sided strain upon the sound leg. The -Philoctetes illustrates an otherwise incomprehensible account of the -master’s ability. Diogenes of Laerte says that Pythagoras, of all -sculptors, first regarded rhythm and symmetry. This unity of motion or -rhythm, with the equipoise or symmetry which alone lends a feeling of -security and harmonious perfection to the different members of figures -under excitement, is that which made the work so effective. The same -principles must have distinguished the statues of victors, which were -apparently intended rather as examples of the various modes of combat, -or the preparations therefor, than as individual portraits. The chief -merit of this master appears, according to this, to have consisted in -the organic truthfulness to nature of his figures, and this is by no -means contradicted by the rather trivial judgment of Pliny that -Pythagoras was the first to indicate sinews and veins, and to more -carefully model the hair; for increased anatomical correctness came -naturally with the organic action and realism of these works. - -[Illustration: Fig. 203.--Marble Copy of the Discos-thrower by Myron. -(In the Palazzo Massimi alle Colonne in Rome.)] - -In this expression of the movement by every part of the body exercised, -Pythagoras was still surpassed by Myron. A founder of metal, like the -former, he acquired his fame chiefly as a maker of the statues of -victors, although, with acknowledged versatility, he executed numerous -images of deities and heroes. Two of the first were highly -celebrated--the Runner Ladas and the Discos-thrower; both of them -belonging to that class of works which illustrated the nature of the -game itself. For Ladas was shown at the moment when, after overstrained -effort, he had reached the goal, and there, as victor, had fallen dead: -according to the expression of an epigram upon the work, it was as if -the last breath from the empty lungs were passing his lips. For such a -creation even the most perfect position of running, and indication of -relative action in trunk and arms, were not sufficient; the great point -lay in the panting breast and the open mouth and nostrils: the last -effort of the lungs must have been wonderfully shown. Another epigram -speaks of the “_breather_,” not of the _runner_, Ladas. That this -marvellous representation of concentrated action was not to the -disadvantage of the outer members is shown by the other victor before -mentioned, the discos-thrower, the fame of which is demonstrated not -only by the praise of Lucian, but by the numerous copies made during -antiquity. Many of the latter have been preserved, marbles of the size -of the original, and bronze statuettes, giving evidence of the -fascinating action in the swing of the discos; the athletic body of the -youth bending forward to gain greater impetus; the toes of one foot -clinging to the ground, those of the other slid along its surface; and -everything prepared for the fling which is instantly to follow. And yet -the best-preserved copy, that in the Palazzo Massimi (_Fig._ 203), must -certainly be in every respect inferior to the original. A mythological -genre-group by Myron appears from existing copies to have been equally -effective: it illustrated the legend of the flute, invented and cast -away with a curse by Athene, and found by the unfortunate Marsyas. -Statues in the Lateran and British Museum show the Satyr starting back -in surprise, the momentary action of desire and fear being seized and -expressed with as consummate mastery as were the athletic movements of -the runner and the discos-thrower. It was this same spirit of life that -caused Myron’s cow to be so celebrated in antiquity that no less than -thirty-six epigrams have been handed down concerning it. Petronius, in -praising this master, says that, in representing animals, Myron seemed -to enclose the very breath of life in the bronze; and when Pliny says -that he multiplied nature, he can have no other meaning than that the -artist attained so life-like an effect that his works appeared rather to -have grown than to have been an artistic creation. - -[Illustration: Fig. 204.--Statuette of the Athene Parthenos, Athens.] - -[Illustration: Head of Pheidias.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 205.--Fragment in the British Museum, imitated from -the Shield of the Athene Parthenos.] - -The schools of Ægina, Athens, Sikyon, Argos, Rhegion, and the other -cities where art had chiefly centred, flourished during the Persian -wars--that greatest period of Greece, from 490 to 450 B.C., when Myron, -the scholar of Ageladas, was still young. The unequalled grandeur of -this age, which resulted in the splendid culmination of all Hellenic -life, must have furthered art, all the more as the devastation of the -war, and the subsequent enrichment of the victors, offered full -opportunity and means for monumental activity. What influence this had -upon architectural industry has been described in a foregoing section, -and it may be easily understood that sculpture went hand-in-hand with -this; the larger temples needed their images of the gods, their gable -groups, metope reliefs, and friezes, as also their complement of -sculptural votive offerings, prompted by the gratitude of the victors. -Athens, more than any other place in Greece, found occasion and means -for these works, having been laid waste in 480 and 479 B.C. by Xerxes -and Mardonios as no other large city of Greece had been. By means of the -taxes levied upon the confederated states after the siege of Mycale, -its possessions were greater than those of all the other Hellenic -republics together. Athens therefore saw the most perfect flower of -Grecian architecture come forth from the ashes of the Persian -catastrophe, and by its side appeared the grandest creations of -sculpture. Yet neither of these arose like magic from the wasted ground; -it was necessary that the nation should first take breath, should -recover from the almost supernatural exertions made during the war, and -provide for defence and shelter by the building of fortifications and -dwellings. It was not until after this that they could devote themselves -to great monumental undertakings, the perfect completion of which -required more than one generation, and sculptured ornamentation was thus -still further postponed. The older masters hitherto considered had -little or no part in the chief works of this period. The mind of -Themistocles was so practical, and so much directed towards -fortifications, that he could have little thought for occupying the -artists with monumental sculpture. His successor, Kimon, son of -Miltiades, began to build anew the places of worship, but did not go so -far as to institute sculptural ornament, at least in its chief -constituent, statuary. This first ripened to perfection in the reign of -Pericles, and a favorable fate ordained that, just at this time, when it -was needed as never before, a genius appeared under whose guidance the -most complete development was attained. This greatest of sculptors was -Pheidias, the son of Charmides, an Athenian by birth. When a boy of ten -years, he had seen his countrymen, under Miltiades, go forth to -Marathon, and, as a youth, had shared in the rejoicing over the glorious -victory of Salamis. At that time, having probably left the school of -Hegias, his first teacher, he turned towards Ageladas the Argive, who -may have come to Athens in order that, in the rebuilding of the city, he -might employ his art in works which have remained unknown to us. When -Pericles entered upon his much celebrated presidency (444 B.C.), -Pheidias, already advanced in years, enjoyed a fame so great throughout -all Greece that, as soon as Pericles had installed him at the head of -the entire monumental work of Athens, artists of distinguished rank -placed themselves, without envy, under his lead. With only the scanty -and scattered literary notices that we possess, it is impossible, from -the works of this master, to illustrate his life before the time of -Pericles, these being not only imperfectly known, but connected with but -few chronological facts. Chief among his productions is to be mentioned -a group in bronze consecrated at Delphi by the Athenians under Kimon, -from a tithe of the booty taken at Marathon. It represented Miltiades -between Athene and Apollo, surrounded by the ancestral heroes of the ten -Attic Phylæ. In artistic respects nothing more is known of this than of -the statue of a youth crowning himself with the victor’s band in -Olympia; of a wounded Amazon, a work prepared for a competition in which -Pheidias was surpassed by Polycleitos; of a marble Hermes in Thebes; or -of three draped statues of Aphrodite, one of which, that in Elis, was -chryselephantine, the other two having been of marble. The artist -employed his powers mostly in a higher province--in figures of Athene -and of Zeus. Six of the former are more or less known; the most -celebrated was the bronze Athene of Lemnos upon the Acropolis of Athens, -so called because dedicated by Attic colonists from that place, and -distinguished by the name of “the beautiful;” a second was the colossal -statue, likewise of bronze, standing between the Erechtheion and the -Propylæa, whose helmet-crest and lance-point gleamed above the roof of -the Parthenon, twenty metres high, and was visible at sea as far as the -promontory of Sunion. The shield standing upon the ground--and perhaps a -later creation--was ornamented by Mys, after a design by Parrhasios, -with an embossed centauromachia. Not to speak of the Athene Areia at -Platæa, a colossal wooden figure with garments of gold, the nude parts -being of marble, we come finally to the incomparable chryselephantine -figure in the Parthenon at Athens, in which the type of Athene was -forever firmly established. Some few accounts--a marble statuette -lately found in Athens (_Fig._ 204), a miserably careless imitation; and -also a poor copy in marble of the shield, discovered soon after, in the -British Museum (_Fig._ 205)--render it possible to understand the -composition in its chief outlines. Standing erect, the head slightly -inclined forward, clothed with the sleeveless chiton and the ægis, the -helmet decorated with the sphinx, she supported her left arm upon the -shield, at the same time holding the lance, which leaned against her -shoulder and bore the serpent of Erichthonios, coiling upward; the right -arm, outstretched, carried a figure of Victory, two metres in height, -which, turned towards the goddess, offered her a wreath of gold. The -base of the statue, and even the rims of the thick-soled sandals, were -ornamented with reliefs. The golden shield showed, within, the -gigantomachia, and, without, the battle of the Amazons, concerning -which we have further information from the discovery above mentioned. -The fatal portrait of the artist himself may be plainly recognized in -the strongly individualized features of a bald-headed man with the -battle-axe in his uplifted hands, prominent because of his almost entire -nakedness among the completely equipped youths. This portrait caused the -merciless persecution of the sculptor and his patrons; after the charge -of embezzling the gold upon the garments of the Athene had been proved -groundless by the removal and weighing of the metal, this figure gave -opportunity for complaint of sacrilege, and the artist was forced to -pass the remainder of his life in a prison. The Athene Parthenos was -surpassed by the colossal statue of the Panhellenic Zeus in Olympia, -likewise chryselephantine, which exhibited the highest triumph of -Pheidias. The god, with a green enamelled olive-wreath crowning his -golden locks, and in garments brightly bordered with gold, was seated -upon a magnificent throne, the legs of which were ornamented with -figures of Victory in two rows, and the arms with sphinxes, while the -back was terminated with groups of Horæ and Charites, the steps, -cross-bars, sheathing-boards, etc., of the support being decorated with -many other sculptures in the round and in relief. In his right hand, -turning towards him, was a Victory, and in his left a sceptre, tipped -with the eagle, formed from a combination of many metals. This figure -was majestic, with an expression mild, yet so powerful that a gesture -would seem sufficient to make earth and heaven tremble. The artist had -made this double expression his aim, guided in his creation by the lines -of Homer where he portrays the God of gods nodding in assent to Thetis, -who begs for the glorification of her son Achilles: - - “He said, and nodded with his shadowy brows, - Wav’d on th’ immortal head th’ ambrosial locks, - And all Olympos trembled at his nod.” - -[Illustration: Fig. 206.--Coins of Elis. One third enlarged.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 207.--From the Eastern Gable of the Parthenon. -Demeter and Persephone.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 208.--From the Eastern Gable of the Parthenon. -Aphrodite and Peitho.] - -That Pheidias attained his ideal was unanimously attested by his own -time, and by the later world so long as it had opportunity to see this -wonderful production. Even divinity itself must have approved, since, -according to the beautiful legend, as the master, at the perfecting of -his work, prayed for a sign of favor from heaven, a stroke of lightning -entered the temple and fell upon the floor in a spot which was marked -in later times as sacred. A feeling pervaded all antiquity that the -Olympian Zeus of Pheidias was the grandest and most divine of all works -of art, which not to have seen was a misfortune to be lamented, and the -sight of which lifted from the soul its cares and sorrows. Instead, -therefore, of dwelling upon the praises given by the ancients to the -details, we should seek rather to understand the principal traits which -justified this opinion, and which were characteristic of the master. The -archaic constraint prevalent in works of Ageladas and Calamis had been -overcome; but the combination of all previous results, and a nearly -absolute correctness of form, united to an ideal beauty quite beyond any -real experience, could not have been the chief causes of this -admiration. These were, indeed, important, especially in view of the -enormous difficulties presented by the chryselephantine process--in the -working of gold-plate; in the preparation, shaving, and uniting of the -ivory, so unpliant to the chisel, and, finally, in securing it to the -wooden form. But the essential and characteristic merit lay in the -bodily incarnation of a grand and truly godlike ideal, employing the -human form only as a word through which the elevated thought found -expression. The artist had set before himself the most exalted -aim--namely, to present to the eyes of the world the highest conception -of divinity as seen in Athene, the goddess of the mind, and in Zeus, the -king of gods. Hence the large number of Athenes executed by Pheidias, -and the Aphrodite Urania, the great “heavenly” goddess, the feminine -principle of the universe; hence, also, the fewer representations of -masculine or heroic forms, or of subordinate deities, in which this -master might be excelled--as by Polycleitos in his Amazon--because they -did not accord with his nature, or contain within themselves that ideal -greatness which he wished to unfold. Although the two chryselephantine -colossal statues, notwithstanding the perishable nature of their -construction, were comparatively long preserved--being in existence at -the end of the fourth century A.D.--still, there are no copies which -show more than their general composition. The marble statuette of Athene -(_Fig._ 204) has already been mentioned; in regard to the Olympian Zeus, -a copy upon a coin of Hadrian, which shows the usual carelessness and -weakness (_Fig._ 206), has in later times been justly preferred to the -mask of Zeus from Otricoli, formerly considered a copy after Pheidias. -Though the classical notices frequently give the only information -concerning the masterpieces of Pheidias, numerous original remains from -his workshop still exist. We cannot adduce as examples the glorious -metopes and frieze of the so-called Theseion in Athens, perfect as -appear these representations of the deeds of Heracles and Theseus upon -the former, and of the battle of the Centaurs and Titans upon the -latter; for as it is not known when this temple was dedicated, it cannot -be shown that its ornaments were executed in the period which came under -the artistic direction of Pheidias. Nor can we attribute to this school -the sculptures of the Erechtheion, which were not completed until -408--the beautiful caryatides of the portico, or the remnants of relief -from the frieze, preserved, unfortunately, only in scanty fragments. -These figures, indeed, instead of being carved from the blocks of the -frieze itself, were formed piecewise of Pentilic marble, and fastened -upon a dark ground of Eleusinian stone, probably for the effect of -color. As little may we cite the better-preserved reliefs upon the -frieze and balustrade of the small temple of Wingless Victory before the -Propylæa, which, from their great likeness to the sculptures upon the -mausoleum of Halicarnassus, seem rather to belong to the following -period. Overbeck thinks it probable that the frieze has reference to the -battle at Platæa; and the balustrade, according to Kekule, may have -something to do with the return of Alkibiades. In judging the Pheidian -school, the Parthenon offers, however, abundant material in the three -kinds of sculpture--round statues, high and low relief; although the -unhappy bombardment of Athens by the Venetians in 1687, when the -bursting of a bomb in the beautiful temple, then used as a -powder-magazine, and the succeeding explosion, destroyed more than half -the work. The last two centuries also have not passed without leaving -their mark; so that Lord Elgin’s robbery may, after all, have proved an -advantage, the greater part of the sculptures having been protected and -rendered accessible, since the beginning of this century, in the halls -of the British Museum. It is particularly unfortunate that the gable -groups have suffered most; for the perfection of these chief works must -have appeared of the greatest importance to the artist, and these -colossal statues would have given the best exposition of his ability. -Before the catastrophe above mentioned, however, these were badly -injured in consequence of the Temple of Athene Parthenos having been -transformed into the Church of Maria Parthenos, and later into a mosque, -the destruction appearing also to have been aided by the wilful malice -of Christian and Moslem fanatics. They were still further reduced after -the explosion by the unsuccessful attempt of the Venetians to carry off -as trophy a marble chariot and horses. The few notes of Pausanias upon -the subjects of the gable groups, the drawings of a French artist, -Carrey (taken not long before the bombardment), and the remains -preserved in the British Museum are sufficient to convey a conception of -the general composition. The eastern gable represented the birth of -Athene; not the unfortunate, artificial scene where the goddess springs, -ready equipped, from the head of Zeus, as frequently shown in pictures -upon vases and bronze mirrors, but the moment after, when she appears -before the deities of Olympos. The entire central part of the group -including the highest deities, the chief feature of the composition, is -lost; the rest is in greater part preserved. As the scene was in -Olympos, Helios and Selene, with their quadrigas, were fittingly chosen -as the limits of the composition; the former rising from the sea, in the -left angle of the gable, the latter sinking in the right; night -disappearing before the dawn. The adjoining statues, though much -mutilated, have been preserved. Next to Helios was Dionysos, resting -upon his tiger’s skin; with two sitting female figures, Demeter and -Persephone (_Fig._ 207), to whom hastens Iris, announcing the birth of -Athene. Upon the other side, next to Selene, lay Aphrodite in the lap of -Peitho (_Fig._ 208); and then Hestia, to whom Hermes, as the other -messenger, brings the glad tidings: these latter sculptures were almost -entirely destroyed in the time of Carrey. Nike--Victory--remaining only -as a torso, appears to have followed with Ares, advancing towards the -middle of the gable bringing greetings to the newly born goddess. All -the rest was destroyed before 1680 A.D., and the principal figures of -the composition are consequently unknown; but it is probable that -between the Victory and Athene stood Hephaistos, recoiling after having -delivered the blow upon the head of Zeus. Athene stood beside her -father, but it is not certain whether the latter was exactly in the -centre of the gable, or whether the two figures were equally removed -from it. If this last were the case, which is perhaps probable, the -division of the space would require still another deity upon the right -side. The remaining gods of Olympos, Poseidon, Artemis, and Apollo, were -probably arranged in this order between Zeus and Iris. The group of the -western gable represented the contest of Athene and Poseidon for the -Attic land. The composition is reasonably certain, though the middle -figures have here also disappeared. The two chief deities, standing at -either side of the olive-tree in the centre, turn towards their -chariots, that of Athene being driven by Victory, that of Poseidon by -Amphitrite; horses were harnessed to both, that of Poseidon not having -been drawn by dolphins or hippocamps, as formerly supposed. The -consciousness of victory was expressed by the bearing of Athene and of -her steeds, while the bowed head of Poseidon acknowledged his defeat: -the exclusion of the salt waves of the sea from the blooming meadows and -groves watered by the Kephissos. The angles of the gable beyond the -chariots were occupied by the retinue of the contestants, and by local -deities; the accurate determination of these is impossible, though upon -the side of Athene may have been grouped the representatives of the -Athenian continent, and upon that of Poseidon those of the sea and the -islands; while the figure of Kephissos is supposed to have filled the -extreme corner at the left, and Ilissos with Callirrhoe that of the -right. The scene was laid in Attica; and, as the earthly locality was to -be clearly characterized and populated, it was advisable not to -introduce again all the Olympian deities of the eastern gable. It is -probable that during antiquity the landscape seen from this chief front -of the Acropolis was famous for many local myths no longer familiar to -the scholar, in ignorance of which an adequate explanation is -impossible. The compositions alone give evidence of the grandeur and -elevation of the master who produced and arranged them, in a -truthfulness to nature at once ornamental and unconstrained. The -remains, with great simplicity and breadth of detail, show a force and -majesty which raise them above all known works of sculpture. In their -loving and perfect modelling of the nude and of the drapery, in their -freedom from affectation of motive or of rendering, and in their utter -lack of any striving after meretricious effects, they appear rather the -creations of magic than the labored carvings of men. - -[Illustration: Fig. 209.--Fragment from the Frieze of the Parthenon -Cella.] - -The glorious and celebrated frieze, or, to speak more correctly, -zophoros, surrounded the entire cella. It is preserved in nearly four -fifths of its entire length, the chief part of the remains being in the -British Museum. It is evident that but little, if any, of this extensive -decorative work could have been executed by the hand of Pheidias -himself; but the grand design may be assumed to have been his, and the -carving was certainly done under his supervision. The scene represented -is the festive Pan-Athenaic processions, an imposing consecration of -elaborate gifts to the guardian deity, and probably also a division of -prizes to the victors in the various hippic, gymnastic, and musical -games. The movement of the train commences upon the southwestern corner -of the cella, and advances thence to the east, the entrance side of the -temple. It is thus naturally divided into two parts, one of which -occupies the western and northern, the other the southern side of the -cella; these are united above the pronaos, where the double procession -is shown as having arrived at the temenos before the temple; a priest -and priestess, with the persons directly employed in the sacrifice, are -preparing themselves for the sacred act--the former by laying aside his -upper garment, which he gives to the youth standing beside him, the -latter by taking a folding-seat from a female servant. (_Fig._ 209.) -Between this central group and the remainder of the divided procession -several deities, turned from the former figures, are watching the -approach of the train. At the left sits Zeus, enthroned, beside the -veiled Hera; these are followed by the Winged Victory, Ares clasping his -right knee with both hands, Demeter with the torch, and Dionysos, who -rests his right arm carelessly upon the shoulder of Hermes. Upon the -right, next to the high priest, was naturally the place of Athene, and -upon her left hand are still traces of the fallen Ægis; beside her was -Hephaistos, leaning upon his knotted stick; then, looking towards him, -Apollo, and further Peitho, Aphrodite, and Eros, the latter carrying a -shade for the sun. The gods sit comfortably as spectators who feel -themselves to be invisible. The first figures of the train, the leaders, -have already attained their destination, and stand quietly conversing, -supported upon their wands. In the succeeding women and virgins, who -bear vases, cups, cooling-vessels, braziers for incense, and baskets--a -wonderful train of perfectly beautiful forms--the advance decreases in -movement as they approach the centre. Upon the two long sides follow -herds of animals for sacrifice; the cows, proceeding quietly, scarcely -need guidance, while the bulls are more or less restless, reminding one, -in their forcible and momentary action, of the life-like works of Myron. -After them follows the music of the procession--players upon the flute -and lyre and the festive chorus; then begins the long line of chariots -and of horses with their riders, which fill the greater part of the -zophoros upon the longer sides and all of that over the epinaos. The -beauty and truth in the action of these figures are unsurpassed; the -most manifold variation of position is combined with perfect adaptation -to the peculiar style of low-relief, and the wisest reference to the -fitting of the composition within the space defined by the architectural -lines. While upon the eastern front the procession had arrived at its -destination, on the western the scene was still at the place of -assemblage and marshalling. Here the horses are bridled and arranged in -ranks; but the groups of men and youths stand in disorder, some hastily -arming themselves, others binding their sandals or adjusting their -mantles. Every action and gesture is simple and full of meaning; they -never mar the unity of the whole nor interfere with the neighboring -figures. The nude forms and the drapery are most carefully and equally -executed throughout; the accessories are forcibly, though less -elaborately, indicated. When the ceremonial reliefs of Assyria or Persia -are compared with the frieze of the Parthenon, it becomes strikingly -evident that the magnificence of personal accoutrements and inanimate -objects which was so painfully and minutely detailed by the Asiatic -sculptor, and elevated even above his schematic representations of -deities and human beings, was as nothing to the Greek artist in -comparison with the intellectual and physical beauty to which the great -Hellenic race gave their chief interest. - -The third group of Parthenon sculptures, the ornaments of the metopes, -must least have harmonized with the nature of Pheidias. The -architectural framework must have become a hindrance and a fetter, and -the problem how to fill ninety-two square tablets of exactly the same -size with similar representations must indeed have appeared a thankless -task. These reliefs are in greater part lost, or so mutilated as to be -unintelligible; but as far as can be judged by the scanty remains, the -subject of the metopes upon the eastern side was the gigantomachia, that -of both long sides principally the Centauromachia, while that of the -western side was either the battle of the Amazons or of the Persians. In -contrast to the low-relief of the frieze, these, originally colored, -were--on account of the conditions of light--worked in such high-relief -as even, in some parts, to be freed from the ground. The variation of -subjects bearing so strong a resemblance is wonderful, especially in the -struggling Centaurs and Greeks, where but little scope in the victory of -one or the other combatant was possible: these are interrupted by the -rape of virgins and other scenes not surely to be determined. Naturally, -this desperate task would not have been completed without some few -artistic inequalities, repetitions, and far-fetched modifications, -especially as much of the execution must necessarily have been submitted -to inferior sculptors; but some of the metope reliefs appear, in point -of composition within the given space, and in grand, characteristic -drawing, scarcely less admirable than the frieze of the cella. From all -these works the spirit of the school of Pheidias is manifest in its -imposing majesty and ideal simplicity; at times, also, traces of the -forcible action of Myron may be observed. - -[Illustration: Fig. 210.--From the Eastern Gable of the Great Temple of -Zeus, Olympia.] - -These extensive productions of the school and workshop of Pheidias -cannot be directly attributed to any of the known scholars and -assistants of the master, many of whom attained individual celebrity. In -the first rank of these should be mentioned Agoracritos of Paros, the -favorite pupil of Pheidias, whose works were so perfect that the -ancients were frequently in doubt to which of these sculptors they -should be ascribed; it is possible, however, that this doubt may have -arisen from the predominant impression left upon some of the statues by -the guidance and assistance of the master. The chief creations of -Agoracritos were two Athenes, a Zeus, and notably the colossal figure of -Nemesis at Rhamnous, supposed to have developed from the unsuccessful -Aphrodite prepared for the competition with Alcamenes. Another scholar -and assistant of Pheidias was Colotes of Paros, a sculptor who appears -to have restricted himself to the chryselephantine process, and who is -especially noted for the part taken by him in the execution of the great -Olympian Zeus. Other works in gold and ivory by Colotes were the Athene -upon the Acropolis of Elis, an Asclepios erected in the vicinity, and -the sacred table in the great Temple of Zeus, for the division of prizes -after the Olympic games, the sides of which were ornamented with -reliefs. - -[Illustration: Fig. 211.--From the Western Gable of the Great Temple of -Zeus, Olympia.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 212.--Head of Apollo, from the Western Gable of the -Great Temple of Zeus, Olympia.] - -Alcamenes of Athens, or Lemnos, and Paionios of Mende have hitherto been -considered as chief among the scholars of Pheidias; but the recent -excavations at Olympia have done much to refute this opinion, unless, as -is very possible, Pausanias makes a mistake (v. 10) in assigning to -Alcamenes the sculptures in the front gable of the Temple of Zeus, -instead of the acroteria above them, which alone is mentioned in an -inscription as his work. No one can detect in the discovered fragments -of these gable sculptures, more numerous than those of the Parthenon, -the slightest dependence upon the art of Pheidias, which they appear to -precede in point of development. The group of the eastern front, -ascribed by Pausanias to Paionios, represented the instant before the -chariot race of Oinomaos and Pelops (_Fig._ 210); that of the western -the struggle of the Lapithæ and Centaurs at the wedding of Peirithoos. -(_Figs._ 211 and 212.) The character of these works seems rather to -connect them with the school of Calamis than with that of Pheidias, this -being especially the case with the metopes. (_Fig._ 213.) The question -will hardly be decided until authenticated sculptures by Calamis, or -remains of the gable groups of the temple at Delphi, which were the -production of his scholars Praxias and Androsthenes of Athens, have -become known to science. In the meantime, it is impossible to disprove -the hypothesis of Brunn, who sees in those of Olympia examples of an art -peculiar to Northern Greece, remarkable for its picturesque realism and -lack of artistic and ideal conventionalization. It is only certain that -these groups are far inferior to those of the Parthenon, and, indeed, to -those produced by any workshop of Athens after the time of Pheidias. -Even if the questionable account of Pausanias prove to be true, it is -certain that a judgment of the artistic style of Alcamenes and Paionios -cannot be formed upon these decorative sculptures alone. Works of the -stage of development shown by the western gable of Olympia could not -have ranked with the bronze Pentathlos of the former artist, which was -known in antiquity by the predicate “exemplary;” nor could an Aphrodite -of Alcamenes have been preferred to a statue by Agoracritos, which had -been retouched by Pheidias himself. The extensive employment of -Alcamenes in Athens among the greatest successors of Pheidias and Myron -would have been impossible had not his works been far higher in every -respect than those attributed to him among the recent discoveries in -Olympia, in view of which it is inconceivable how Pausanias could speak -of Alcamenes and Pheidias almost as equals. The same argument applies to -Paionios, of whose works a fortunate illustration has been provided by -one of the most important discoveries made in the Altis, the Victory -(_Fig._ 214), authenticated by an inscription upon the high triangular -pedestal. This figure does indeed recall the spirit and methods of the -Pheidian sculpture, and differs greatly from the remains of the eastern -gable, as may readily be seen by comparison of _Figs._ 210 and 214. This -contrast is only to be explained by a gigantic and almost inconceivable -progress, or by the assumption that they were the works of different -artists and periods. - -[Illustration: Fig. 213.--Metope from the Cella of the Great Temple of -Olympia. Atlas, Heracles, and the Nymph of the Hesperides.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 214.--Victory of Paionios, from Olympia.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 215.--From the Frieze of the Temple of Phigalia.] - -If the Attic artists of this age be likened to planets revolving about -the Pheidian sun, there were not wanting stars of the second magnitude, -belonging to other systems and moving in other circles. Especially -prominent among these latter was the direct and indirect school of -Myron, an artist so pronounced in his wonderful naturalism that his -style could not be extinguished even by the dominating idealism of -Pheidias. Lykios, son of Myron, appears, from two celebrated works, to -have followed closely in the footsteps of his father. These were the -statues upon the Acropolis of Athens representing two boys, one of whom -bore a basin for holy-water, while the other blew the coals in a censer -into a lively glow. The latter reminds one of Myron’s Breathing Ladas; -in this, as in the Runner, the quickened breath was the essential thing, -and was not confined alone to the swollen cheeks, but must have been -evident in the breast and body. The figure bearing the font was a -zealous choir-boy, panting under a too heavy burden; and this also -recalls the Ladas. Still another statue, the Pancratiast Autolicos, -claimed by Urlich for Lykios, seems to have resembled the Discos-thrower -of Myron. That Lykios did not confine himself to such genre-like -specialties is shown by groups like the Argonauts, and by the votive -offering of the citizens of Apollonia at Olympia, a truly grand -composition representing Zeus deciding the result of the strife between -Memnon and Achilles, according to the Æthiopis of Arctinos. In -connection with Lykios may be mentioned Styppax of Cyprus, whose -masterpiece, the Splanchnoptes--the entrail-roaster, a man fanning a -fire--recalls in turn the choir-boy blowing the coals. Similar to the -Dying Ladas, though less directly connected than these last examples, -was the mortally wounded warrior of Cresilas, in which, according to -classical accounts, the last moments of life could be measured; his -wounded Amazon also appears to have been more in the style of Myron and -Pythagoras than of Pheidias. No works by the immediate followers of -Myron now remain, nor any attested copy; still there can be little -hesitation in ascribing to this school an important achievement, not -perhaps belonging to it so fully as do the architectural sculptures of -the Parthenon to the workshop of Pheidias, yet having more in common -with the school of Myron than with that of any previous master. This is -the frieze of the Temple of Apollo at Phigalia--now in the British -Museum--the architectural position of which has already been defined. -The temple is said to have been built under the direction of an Athenian -architect; it is probable, therefore, that Attic sculptors were employed -for its ornamentation, especially as the sculptures betray no trace of -the Argive influence which prevailed elsewhere in the Peloponnesos, and -which will be further treated below. Though the subjects were Attic, as -battles of Amazons and Centaurs, they cannot be likened to the school of -Pheidias, for, instead of the passionless grandeur and ideal simplicity -which characterized the sculptures of the Parthenon, there is in them a -vehemence and excitement known at this period only in the works -influenced by Myron. It is not strange that this excessively passionate -action should sometimes be wanting in beauty; the power of execution at -command in the remote city among the Arcadian mountains was not of the -first rank, and the guidance of a master, like him who directed the -sculptural work of the Parthenon, was wanting. - -Two artists of this period were entirely independent, proceeding in -degenerate directions; first, Callimachos, noted as an artisan in -metal-work, who executed the rich and elegant lamp of the Erechtheion, -and was said to have originated the Corinthian capital; but who, as a -sculptor, carried a refined delicacy and formal perfection even to an -extreme. This won for him the cognomen of Catatexitechnos--the -unreasonably careful. Callimachos did not, like Apelles, know when to -withdraw his hand from his work, which agrees with Pliny’s judgment -concerning him, that, by over-exactness in execution, all grace was -lost. A still more questionable tendency is shown by Demetrios of -Alopeke, in Attica, the first realist. Pre-eminently a sculptor of -portraits, he affected striking characteristics at the expense of -beauty, and made it his specialty to represent the likenesses of -decrepit men and women. A priestess sixty-four years old, and an aged -Corinthian field-officer, Pelichos--“a bald-head with a pot-belly, -tangled and flying beard, and veins projecting roundly under the -withered skin,” according to the description of Lucian--must have been -so far from ideal and refreshing beauty that it would seem rather to -have been the aim of the artist to illustrate age as its destroyer. -Thus, in comparison with Pheidias and Myron, Demetrios resembled -Thersites among the heroes of Troy. - -[Illustration: Fig. 216.--Copy of the Doryphoros in the Museum of -Naples.] - -Argos deserves the second place as the site of the artistic industry of -this period, which had then been greatly advanced by Polycleitos of -Sikyon, a fourth scholar of Ageladas, and somewhat younger contemporary -of Pheidias, but in a direction different from that of the Attic school. -Myron had characterized intense and momentary animal life, Pheidias -that of absolutely ideal and divine being. Polycleitos chose as his aim -the artistic representation of the highest human beauty--a positive type -of bodily perfection. The Doryphoros, known in antiquity as the -masterpiece of the latter, and celebrated as a canon, was a youth in a -quiet position, bearing a lance; it was considered the embodiment of -perfect form, the master himself having written a treatise upon the -proportions of the human figure in illustration of this statue. It is -not improbable that Polycleitos, in this work, desired to set a pattern -before his numerous scholars; that he was himself too dependent upon -this academical tendency may be judged from the slightly disparaging -words of Pliny that “his works were almost as if taken from one model.” -According to the intention of the artist and to the general conviction -of his time, the Doryphoros represented absolute perfection of the human -body; and this left the master but little scope for the varying of his -model, if he would not prove untrue to that beauty which Cicero has -praised so highly in all his works. The so-called Apoxyomenos--an -athlete scraping himself with a strigil--similar in subject to the -statue of Lysippos (_Fig._ 229), was also a figure placed in the quiet -attitude of parade, if not, like the Doryphoros, with an academic -purpose. A third work, the so-called Diadoumenos, a boy binding his head -with a fillet--sometimes considered as a companion piece to the -Doryphoros--appears to have shown a more youthful and less athletic -development of form. It is not strange that archaeologists have taken -great pains to identify, among the numberless works of Roman sculptors, -imitations of these two canonical figures, the existence of which was -naturally assumed from the great celebrity of the Greek originals. The -scholars Friederichs, Schwabe, Michaelis, Helbig, Kekule, and Benndorf -have accordingly discovered six repetitions of the Doryphoros, preserved -in Cassel, Naples, Florence, the Vatican, and the Villa Medici; while -several other statues in Dresden, the Louvre, the Vatican, and the Villa -Albani have been recognized as variations differing more or less from -this type (_Fig._ 216). In like manner, copies of the Diadoumenos have -been found in Madrid, in two marbles of the British Museum, in a bronze -statuette of the National Library of Paris, and in a relief of the -Vatican: all of which are allied in point of conception and artistic -character. Still it is inexplicable how these thick-set and muscular -forms could be spoken of by Pliny as _viriliter puer_ and as _molliter -juvenis_, or by Lucian as graceful dancers; though it is possible that, -in these academical studies, the canonical perfection of form decided by -Polycleitos was not so well embodied as in the bronze Idolino of the -Florentine Museum. The question is far from settled, and it should not -be forgotten that eminent authorities doubt this origin, Conze imputing -them rather to the school of Cresilas, while Petersen even maintains the -type to have been a Roman invention. - -An Amazon in a quiet pose gave Polycleitos an opportunity for portraying -a female form of muscular development, yet of typical beauty. It is not -difficult to believe that this statue was adjudged even superior to the -similar productions of Pheidias, Cresilas, and Phradmon, which could -hardly have been the case if the subject treated had been a deity or a -figure of momentary action. (_Fig._ 217.) The artist could even better -follow his academic aim in the two Canephoræ--basket-bearers--whose -quiet pose and want of inner expression were so well suited to display -an outward, formal beauty and correctness of modelling. But the -Astragalizontes--the boy throwing dice of knuckle-bones--which, -according to Pliny, was the most perfect work of art in Greece, should -not be imagined in an excited, striking situation, or as a street scene -conceived with a truthfulness to nature characteristic of Murillo, but -as representing the consummation of boyish beauty. - -[Illustration: Fig. 217.--Amazon, after Polycleitos.] - -When Quintilian says that Polycleitos elevated the human figure above -what is seen in nature, and yet, contrary to Pheidias in his statues of -the deities, had not attained to the majesty of the gods, this signifies -that he had not so fully represented the divine nature. His devotional -images are few and without especial fame, with exception of the colossal -chryselephantine Hera in the temple between Argos and Mykenæ. The -goddess, seated upon a throne, was draped in garments of gold, with -only the head and arms bare; the sceptre in her right hand was crowned -with the cuckoo, symbol of conjugal fidelity, and in her left was a -pomegranate; at her side stood Hebe, the work of Naukydes, the master’s -best assistant. As the Pheidian head of Zeus has been recognized in the -mask of Otricoli, so the splendid colossal mask of the Ludovisi Juno -(_Fig._ 219) has been referred to an original by Polycleitos. But it is -probable that the head of Hera, in the museum at Naples (_Fig._ 218) -came nearer to this original (Brunn). Though it be asserted that all the -heads of Zeus may be referred to the complete and established type of -Pheidias, the ideal of Polycleitos, by no means divine, renders it -doubtful whether his Hera acquired a similar position among the -succeeding representations of that goddess. - -[Illustration: Fig. 218.--Head of Hera, in Naples.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 219.--So-called Juno Ludovisi, in Rome.] - -The effort after perfection of form sufficed to make the master of Argos -a pre-eminent teacher; yet none of his many direct scholars, with the -exception perhaps of the before-mentioned Naukydes, acquired such fame -as the associates of Pheidias, perhaps on account of this very schooling -and discipline, the rigid constraint of a canon fettering the wings of -artistic individuality. We are not able to judge how far this tendency -was furthered during the short period of Theban ascendency by the -somewhat later branch of the Theban school, although, among many others, -the Theban artists Hypatodoros and Aristogeiton were of considerable -importance. The groups consecrated at Delphi about 380 B.C. were of -particular interest; they represented the advance of the Seven against -Thebes, and the successful repetition of the invasion by the sons of -those warriors. It was not until Lysippos, an indirect scholar of -Polycleitos, in his desire to represent men as they should be, had -raised himself entirely above the canon of his master, who aimed to show -them as they are, that another artist of the first rank appeared. -Examples from the workshop of Polycleitos still exist, though -unfortunately scarcely recognizable in the mutilated fragments of -sculpture from the Temple of Hera, discovered by Rangabe and Bursian in -1854--works which were doubtless executed under the direct guidance of -the Argive master, as those of the Parthenon were under that of -Pheidias. - -[Illustration: Fig. 220.--Metope of the Southern Temple upon the Eastern -Plateau of Selinous.] - -The influence of Attica and Argos not only prevailed in Greece proper, -but made itself felt even in the most remote colonies. The Zeus upon one -of the metopes of the southern temple on the eastern plateau of Selinous -(_Fig._ 220) may have been developed from the figures of Zeus by -Ageladas, and suggests the sculptures of the Olympian temple which was -completed about the same time. This metope represents Zeus fascinated by -Hera upon Mount Ida (Il. xiv. 300), and the artist, in his figure of the -god, has surpassed his former efforts, but the Hera is harder and more -antique. The other well-preserved metopes of this temple--one of which -shows a Heracles in strife with Amazons, and the other Actaion lacerated -by dogs--though not without provincial weakness, have an unmistakable -affinity to those of the Theseion. These were nearly contemporaneous, -but an entire generation later there appeared at Messene, in the most -remote part of the Peloponnesos, the sculptor Damophon, an artist -decidedly of the Pheidian style, on account of which he was called to -restore the Olympian statue, already warped and disjointed. Although a -sculptor of ability, it would seem that he did not entirely withstand -the current of a new direction in art; besides the statues in the -Pheidian circle of divinities, others were ascribed to him, of a nature -similar to those cultivated by preference during the succeeding period -of Attic sculpture. The progressive force inherent in the people and in -the art of Greece did not rest until the highest point had everywhere -been reached. This impulse afterwards led to excess and decadence, -permitting no lasting enjoyment of the previous gains. The art of -Polycleitos prevailed somewhat longer in the Peloponnesos, the Dorians -being by nature conservative, but in Attica the new elements early -obtained a sway which could not but essentially change the character of -all Hellenic sculpture. The frieze upon the Temple of the Wingless -Victory in Athens, and the somewhat coarser one within the naos of -Phigalea, began already to give evidence of an inclination towards the -pathetic and passionate; the sculptures also upon the balustrade of the -Athenian temple, executed probably about 390 to 380 B.C., appear to be -the unmistakable forerunners of a new style. The Athenian Kephisodotos -the elder stood, so to speak, upon the threshold of this transformation. -His position in the history of art is assured by the fortunate discovery -of a copy of his Eirene with Ploutos, now in the Glyptothek at Munich -(_Fig._ 221). This work combined the tendencies of the new Attic style -with those of Pheidias. Though the noble simplicity and grandeur, the -earnestness and strictness, of the earlier period still remained, there -had already dawned an expression of deeper feeling, and of a more -spiritual life. - -[Illustration: Fig. 221.--Eirene and Ploutos, after Kephisodotos.] - -The representation, as Friederichs says, of the deep interchange of -affection between mother and child, as shown in the Eirene of -Kephisodotos, united with much of the hardness of the older works, -culminated in two masters--the Parian Scopas and the Athenian -Praxiteles, the latter possibly the son of Kephisodotos. Their -productions were so nearly related that, even in antiquity, it was -doubtful whether a work of celebrity should be ascribed to one or to the -other. The chief creations of both were statues of the deities, both -worked in marble, choosing this material not by chance, but from the -nature of their subjects. With the exception of such colossal figures, -of a highly monumental character, as the chryselephantine statues of -Zeus and Athene Parthenos by Pheidias, and the Hera by Polycleitos, the -delicate beauty of soft and transparent stone was best fitted for the -images of deities enshrined within the temple; bronze, on the contrary, -is peculiarly suited to statues of victors and athletes intended for -outdoor exposure. It was on this account that it had been so largely -employed by Myron and Polycleitos. - -[Illustration: Fig. 222.--Apollo Kitharoidos. (Vatican.)] - -The Raging Bacchante, designated by epigrams and descriptions as the -most celebrated work of Scopas, was one of the first masterpieces of -antiquity. The head was thrown back in an ecstasy of passion, the hair -loosened, and the long garment fluttering in the wind; thus did the -Mainad appear rushing to the heights of Kithairon, holding in her hands -the kid rent in her fury. If the rhetor Kallistratos was, as he says, -speechless at sight of the countenance, admiring particularly the -expression of a soul stung into madness, we can well believe that -passion itself was embodied in this work. The excitement was more -moderate in the Apollo of the Temple of Nemesis at Rhamnous, brought by -Augustus to the Palatine, playing the lyre and singing with lyric -inspiration. It is not improbable that the motive of the Apollo in the -Vatican, with the long flowing garments (_Fig._ 222), may be referred to -this original. The entire bearing more closely resembles that of the -figures of the children of Niobe. We can hardly think without enthusiasm -of the Bithynian Achilles group, placed in later times in the Temple of -Neptune, near the Circus Flaminius in Rome, which, according to Pliny, -would have made the master celebrated even though he had created nothing -else during his lifetime. It represented Achilles upon the island of -Leuke after his death, and his reception among the deities, and -displayed, besides Thetis and Poseidon, numerous fantastic creatures of -the sea. Some idea of these last may be gained from a magnificent frieze -found in the vicinity of the Temple of Neptune, and now in the -Glyptothek at Munich. But it cannot belong to this group, and, in its -main features, has no close relations with it. - -[Illustration: Fig. 223.--Central Figure of the Niobids. (Florence.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 224.--Head of Niobe.] - -Delicate beauty and warmth of feeling must be ascribed to the works of -Scopas, otherwise Pliny could not have placed the Aphrodite found in the -Temple of Mars, near the Circus Flaminius, above that of Praxiteles. Nor -can we imagine the groups at Megara--Eros, Himeros, and Pothos (Love, -Yearning, and Desire)--described by Pausanias; or Aphrodite, with her -priestly lover Phaethon; or Pothos, in Samothrace, to have been without -these traits. The group of Leto with the nurse Ortygia carrying the -children, Apollo and Artemis, as the personification of a mother’s joy -and pride, must have been full of deep meaning. It is evident, from the -long list of his works, that his power was many-sided: his peculiar -style is best exemplified in a grand composition, the group of the -Niobids, though Pliny is in doubt whether it should be ascribed to -Scopas or to Praxiteles. The original of this no longer exists, and even -the very unequally executed pieces--to be found chiefly in the Uffizi at -Florence, and in various repetitions in different museums--are not -complete; still even thus they betray the greatness and individuality of -this wonderful work. Niobe, wife of King Amphion of Thebes, and mother -of fourteen children, in a boastful spirit, inherited from her father -Tantalos, compared herself with Leto, who had only two, and ordered -sacrifices to be made to herself rather than to that goddess. For this -she was terribly chastised by Apollo and Artemis, her children being all -slain before her eyes by the avenging arrows of the two deities. She -herself, trying in vain to protect her youngest daughter, pressing -against her, makes an attempt to draw her mantle over her head to hide -the expression of despairing woe which, according to the legend, in a -few moments turned her to stone. The figure, in its royal nobility and -motherly despair, yet so free from contortion, has wonderful effect. -(_Figs._ 223 and 224.) The children, already wounded and hurrying -towards her, show pain, fear, and need of help in different degrees, but -with that dignity and fine control which render it a tragedy in the -highest sense. The various struggles of feeling in the beautiful young -faces; the excited wrestling with an invisible, unconquerable, -relentless power, in every gesture, and in every motion of the swaying -garments; the plaintive character of the lines throughout the whole -composition, entirely opposed to the vertical tendency of the -statuesque, and especially of the architectural art; the wavy flow which -distinguishes it from the group at Ægina, and even from the quiet action -of the figures in the gables of the Parthenon--are all so peculiar to -this pathetic school, and so characteristic of its productions, that the -Niobe will ever be considered the greatest example of its style. - -In a study of the artistic character of Scopas, we must content -ourselves, for the most part, with a few copies, and some not very full -accounts. Still, original remains from his hand are not altogether -wanting. We have seen that he was engaged in the sculptural -ornamentation upon the eastern side of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassos; -while upon the south and north sides his younger associates were -employed--Timotheos, Bryaxis, and Leochares, the latter known to us by a -copy in the Vatican of his Ganymede Carried Away by the Eagle of Zeus. -But the greater part of the recognizable reliefs upon the frieze, the -most important group of which represents the so often recurring battle -of the Amazons, notwithstanding the wonderful beauty and pathos of the -action, peculiar to the sculptured art of this period, is the work of -artisans, and certainly not by the hand of a master of the first rank. -(_Fig._ 225.) Among the numerous fragments of the statues found in the -English excavations of 1856, which, from analogy with the mausoleums of -the Roman emperors, may have stood between the columns, one at least, a -well-preserved torso, probably of Zeus, found upon the eastern side, has -been ascribed to Scopas. The others are, unfortunately, too much -mutilated to allow of any reliable judgment, as the varying views of -different authorities testify. At all events, these decorative works -cannot be ranked with the more celebrated examples of this master. - -[Illustration: Fig. 225.--Fragment of the Frieze from the Mausoleum of -Halicarnassos.] - -An acquaintance with the art of Scopas is extended by the study of his -younger and still more important contemporary Praxiteles. The -masterpieces of this artist are similar in character, and betray all the -preference of the former for the ideal beauty of youth. Not less than -five statues of Aphrodite by Praxiteles are known to have existed, -among which the famous statue at Cnidos was regarded as one of the -wonders of the world, and was ranked with the Olympian Zeus. It was so -highly prized among lovers of art that King Nicomedes of Bithynia, for -instance, in vain offered to the people of Cnidos the entire amount of -their State debt in exchange for it. The brow, the moist glowing eyes, -and soft smile of the slightly parted lips are described as wonderful; -the whole figure being so executed as to cause the marble to be -forgotten and the goddess of love to appear a reality. Coins of Cnidos -show the figure to have been entirely nude, the left hand holding her -drapery, partly lying upon a vase, and the right shielding herself in -modesty. The best in this style among the numerous remaining statues -were the Braschi Aphrodite, now in the Glyptothek at Munich, and that of -the Vatican, which is, however, inferior in execution, and is, -unfortunately, disfigured in the lower part by hard, modern drapery. -Next to that of Cnidos in nobility and beauty must have been a draped -Aphrodite from Cos, provided the people of that place had any -understanding of art; for, when the choice between the two was offered -them by the artist, they gave the preference to this. Of the three -others, less known, the Thespian was placed next to the statue of -Phryne, as contrasting divine with human beauty. To Praxiteles were -ascribed, also, at least two representations of Eros--blooming, -youthful figures, of which the most celebrated seems to have been the -Thespian or Bœotian one, which was installed between the Phryne and -the Aphrodite. Epigrams and accounts describing the god as wounding not -with the arrow, but the eye, appear to relate to this figure; for the -second statue from Parion, in Mysia, according to the coins, showed the -god unarmed, and with head uplifted. - -[Illustration: Fig. 226.--Head of Eros. (Vatican.)] - -A tender and almost effeminate character was exhibited in these -beautiful figures of youth, similar to which were the Sauroctonos--the -lizard-killer--the best copy of which is in the Louvre; the dreamily -reposing Satyr, of which there are copies in various museums; and the -smiling, sentimental Dionysos with the doeskin, leaning upon the -thyrsos. Great depth of suffering and sorrow is the fundamental feature -of two groups, one representing the rape of Proserpine, the other her -delivery by Demeter to the lower world, to which she returned after -every harvest, as a symbol of the following fruitless season. - -This last was as pathetic an illustration of a sorely tested mother as -could be found in any other work of Praxiteles. The mild Demeter was not -less frequently presented by this master than was Aphrodite. - -That greatest of all modern discoveries, the Hermes with the infant -Dionysos, found in the Heraion at Olympia (_Figs._ 227 and 228), has -proved the error of imputing to all the works of Praxiteles a delicate -gracefulness verging upon weakness, which had arisen from the study of -the only examples hitherto known--the copies of the Sauroctonos, the -Satyr, and the Aphrodite. The manly force of this statue, in character -midway between the conceptions of Pheidias and Lysippos, is, indeed, so -surprising that some scholars have even been inclined to assume a second -sculptor by the name of Praxiteles, there being no reason to doubt the -direct testimony of Pausanias as to the authorship of this work. The -beauty of this torso exceeds that of all other antique statues known; -the expression of the head conveys that intense sympathy between the -loving protector and the child which must have characterized the work of -Kephisodotos referred to above. It is possible that the Hermes was the -product of an earlier period of the sculptor’s development, more closely -related to the tendency and ideals of Pheidian art. When it is -considered that this torso is the only surely authenticated original -production of any great master of Greek sculpture--for it is by no means -certain that the gable groups of the Parthenon are by the hand of -Pheidias himself--there is no need for further discussion of the -fundamental importance of this most fortunate discovery. - -[Illustration: Fig. 227.--Hermes with the Infant Dionysos. (From the -Heraion at Olympia.)] - -Notwithstanding the astonishing many-sided genius and productivity of -Praxiteles, nearly all the Olympian deities appearing in the half -hundred of his works, it must still be acknowledged that, besides his -pathetic tendency, he particularly affected that province in which the -figures of maidens or youths gave opportunity for the development of the -greatest charms. His works portray a sensual loveliness distinguished -alike from that hard and abstract beauty, that outward perfection of -form sought and attained by Polycleitos, and from that elevated, godlike -being ideally embodied by Pheidias in his Zeus and his Athene. Neither -entirely human, as with Polycleitos, nor divine, as with Pheidias, this -emotional loveliness seemed created for the world of gods, but little -raised above the sight and experience of men; and this type appears to -have been as well established by Praxiteles as that of the higher -deities by Pheidias. Its examples are the Aphrodite and Eros, the -youthful Dionysos with his train, the Demeter, and the Eleusinian -circle. - -[Illustration: Fig. 228.--Head of the Hermes of Praxiteles.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 229.--Venus of Melos. (Louvre.)] - -However important the school of these two masters of pathos may have -been, but few among the numerous names that have been preserved became -prominent. The chief exceptions are the above-mentioned assistants of -Scopas upon the mausoleum, and the two sons of Praxiteles, Kephisodotos -the younger, and Timarchos. Two of the greatest works of statuary, -however, may be ascribed to their most vigorous scholars--the Venus of -Melos in the Louvre (_Fig._ 229) and the so-called Ilioneus in the -Glyptothek at Munich. If the doubtful inscription of the artist upon the -former be credited, which, in characters of the first century B.C., -designated it as the production of |Ale|xandros, son of Menides of -Antioch upon the Meander, but which, together with the corresponding -part of the plinth, has disappeared, we should possess in this work an -inexplicable anachronism, a creation of the highest rank in art produced -during a period of decided decadence. As, however, through this loss, -this assumption cannot be verified, science must proceed to judge it by -its style alone. Its grandeur and dignity, in contrast to the immodest -coquetry of later works; the fulness of the flesh in this body of -ever-blooming youth, in comparison with their attenuated grace; the mild -softness of the surface beside the cold polish of the other figures of -Aphrodite--would place this statue between the period of highest -perfection at the time of Praxiteles, and that of the Roman -reproductions. The reference of the Venus of Melos to the school of -Praxiteles has found a justification not to be undervalued in the -discovery of the Hermes at Olympia, this figure of manly youth forming -as complete a pendant to the maidenly Venus as could be imagined. In -artistic character this is far more nearly related to the Hermes than -is any other statue of Aphrodite, not excepting the undoubted Roman -reproduction of that of Cnidos. At any rate, it is clearly an Hellenic -original, not belonging to the period of later Hellenistic art. - -Unfortunately, no explanation of this statue hitherto advanced has been -entirely satisfactory. The two arms are wanting, and the fallen drapery -covering the lower limbs has hidden from us the only accessory -evidence--namely, the object upon which the lifted left leg is -supported; so that even the name of Venus is not to be applied with the -usual certainty. The Roman types of Victory, also half nude, with the -same garments and position, and with the shield upon which the conquest -is inscribed, suggest an Aphrodite-Victory analogous to the Attic -Athene-Victory. The restorations all present points of difficulty; among -them may be mentioned that commonly received, where the goddess -contemplates herself in the shield of Ares, supported by the analogy of -a statue mentioned by Pausanias (ii. 5), an interpretation equally -applicable to the Venus of Capua, now in Naples; that also of Wiesler, -with the lance in the uplifted left hand; and the combination of the -goddess in a group with Ares by Quatremère de Quincy. - -It is even less easy to find a reliable explanation of the beautiful -torso in the Glyptothek at Munich, formerly held, falsely, to be -Ilioneus among the Niobids, and even believed to be an original. As the -Venus of Melos is an illustration of ripened womanly beauty, the -entirely nude, cowering figure, without head or arms, represents the -perfection of youth; and the position suggests a subject equal in -pathetic import to that of the children of Niobe. - -As the works of Scopas and Praxiteles frequently found their way to the -islands of the Ægean Sea, and as the former, at least, had certainly -dwelt for some time in Asia Minor, the influence of these two masters -appears to have extended eastward, and their style to have had decided -sway even longer there than in Greece proper. The farthest outlying -examples are presented by the fragmentary statues of the Nereids from -the Monument of Xanthos, to which they have given the name. - -At that period, even in Athens, some highly esteemed artists not only -partially followed their own ways, but in these surpassed the former -masters, and pursued aims which did not become generally prevalent until -the middle of the fourth century, and then in quite other localities. -These were Silanion of Athens and Euphranor of the Isthmos. The first -devoted himself chiefly to portraits and representations of victors, and -was so especially successful in the former as to make them a real -embodiment of personal character; as, for instance, the portrait of the -passionate sculptor Apollodoros was made to appear a personification of -sudden rage. Silanion distinguished himself from Praxiteles in the -subjects of his art, in which he had much in common with Lysippos. -Euphranor was also, perhaps in a still greater degree, a painter, and, -in the coarser power of his creations, was opposed to the delicate style -of Praxiteles, showing more affinity with Lysippos, so far, at least, as -we can judge of his sculptures by the accounts of his paintings. - -Similar to the transitional position between Pheidias and Scopas, held -by the elder Kephisodotos, was the position taken by these two sculptors -between the art of Scopas and Praxiteles and that of Lysippos, for whom -the studies and innovations in the canons of human proportions prepared -the way. Though self-taught, for as a youth he had been a hand-worker in -brass, and from this had raised himself to the position of an artist, he -was still not without connection with the schools, since he took as his -model the Doryphoros of Polycleitos, the academic pattern mentioned -above, and also worked in bronze, the material most favored by -Polycleitos and the artists of the Peloponnesos. He cannot, however, be -called a direct scholar of Polycleitos, whose canon he corrected and -even replaced by a new one, better adapted to the artistic aims of the -younger masters. The model of Polycleitos was the human body, but -Lysippos felt that he must set his ideal of humanity higher than in the -average of real examples, because he considered these, in comparison -with the perfect figure, to be degenerate and dwarfed. Although he -worked with reference to this view, still he developed his types from -the real appearances of nature; and when asked by the painter Eupompos -of Sikyon for advice as to the best teacher, he pointed to an assemblage -of people. He wished to represent man, however, not as he is, but as he -should be, and employed only those features which did not fall below -the average determined by Polycleitos. His ideal type of the human body -became more slender and larger, the size being especially apparent -because the head and extremities, which take their proportions from the -whole, were made smaller. - -[Illustration: Fig. 230.--Marble Copy of the Apoxyomenos of Lysippos. -(In the Vatican.)] - -Lysippos, however, followed the footsteps of Polycleitos in considering -the establishment of a canon as the greatest essential in art, and -exercised his powers chiefly in the province of humanity. His -Apoxyomenos--the athlete scraping himself with the strigil, a marble -copy of which is in the Vatican--is the most celebrated among his -statues of athletes and victors. (_Fig._ 230.) In this he seems to have -set forth his new confession of faith, in opposition to that of -Polycleitos. This aim must have had the most important influence upon -portrait-sculpture, the chief field of his activity. It is clear from -the accounts of some likenesses of persons long dead, or even legendary, -that he fully expressed the character in the features, as in the -Apollodoros of Silanion, and did not aim at that over-scrupulous -reproduction of details and attention to circumstantial matters which -endeavor to attain a likeness by sharp observation of external things, -unessential to the whole. This inferior style of portraiture was -pursued by Lysistratos, the brother of Lysippos, who formed his figures -after plaster casts from nature. Although earlier portraits might have -informed the sculptor in regard to the true features of some historical -personages, certainly this could not have been the case with Æsop, or -the Seven Wise Men, for whose individuality and intellectual tendencies -he was obliged to create a characteristic type. In the portrait which he -most frequently executed, that of Alexander the Great, it was of -especial importance to illuminate the ugly and faulty formation of the -monarch’s face by the expression of his powerful character, and to -execute it so appropriately that even the likeness was increased by such -depth of appreciation. The artist thus produced portraits of the -conqueror which differed as much, and as favorably, from the realistic -and chance appearance of the king as the historic illustration of a -great personage does from the knowledge of that individual in every-day -life. Alexander, accordingly, would be represented in sculpture by no -one except Lysippos, as he would be painted by none but Apelles. Even -that best-preserved portrait of Alexander, the bust in the Capitol, does -not suffice to make clear the whole conception of Lysippos. How grand -such monumental portraitures really were may be gathered from the -account of the group at Dium--afterwards transferred to the Portico of -Octavia in Rome--illustrating a scene from the battle upon the Granicos, -where twenty-five warriors on horseback and nine on foot were grouped -about the king, to which many of the enemy may doubtless be added. - -The work next in importance after this was the representation of -Heracles by this master. Not in the elevation of the ideal above the -human, but rather in the emphasizing of this latter quality, did the -Heracles of Lysippos stand in distinct opposition alike to the merely -human model of Polycleitos, to the superhuman and godlike beings of -Pheidias, and especially to the divinely charming beauty of the -Aphrodite and the Eros, as seen in the best creations of Scopas and -Praxiteles. The Heracles of Lysippos, the embodiment of strength -developed beyond human possibility, appeared colossal, whether the -absolute dimensions were really great--like the statue from Tarention -which represented him resting upon a basket after the labor of cleansing -the Augean stables--or whether in miniature, suitable for a table -ornament--like the celebrated Epitrapezios, showing the hero as a -drinker. Copies, in part, still remain of the Labors of Heracles, -executed in twelve groups for Alyzia, in Acarnania. They show the same -type that is reproduced in the affected, overstrained statue of the -later Athenian artist Glycon--the so-called Farnese Hercules in Naples. -(_Fig._ 231.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 231.--Farnese Hercules of Glycon. (In the Museum of -Naples.)] - -Besides these prominent groups by Lysippos, evidences of his creative -energy, the figures of the deities appear to have been few in number. -That examples from the circle of young and beautiful divinities, which -formed the principal field for the art of Praxiteles, should be almost -entirely wanting, was to be expected, he who had perfected the type of -Heracles naturally preferring a powerful figure. Four statues of Zeus -are mentioned. Though the colossal size of these seems to have been a -prominent feature--the Zeus of Tarention measuring eighteen metres in -height--still they should not be considered as executed after a -conventional pattern, and consequently offering nothing worthy of -remark. In view of all that is known of Lysippos, it seems not -improbable that the Zeus of Otricoli (_Fig._ 232), formerly referred to -the Pheidian type, may be more nearly related to its modification by -Lysippos. The Helios upon the quadriga in Rhodes, besides its human -beauty, may possibly have been of great importance in type and -conception; but this is not assured by the fact that Nero prized it -highly, and ordered it to be gilded. If it be added that Lysippos worked -more industriously and rapidly than any other known sculptor--provided -the account be true that the number of his productions amounted to -fifteen hundred--it cannot be supposed that the time required for new -conception and careful execution would be given to them all. - -[Illustration: Fig. 232.--Zeus of Otricoli. (Vatican.)] - -The school of Lysippos was not wanting in names of renown. His most -gifted son, Euthycrates, appears to have equalled his father in groups -of portrait statues, like the Gathering of Riders and a Hunt of -Alexander in Thespia; while another son, Boidas, awakens our interest -from the circumstance that the celebrated Praying Boy, in the museum at -Berlin, may possibly be referred to him. Chares of Lindos produced the -greatest known work of Greek sculpture in regard to size--namely, the -colossal statue of the sun at Rhodes, over thirty metres high. Pliny -describes it as already fallen and in ruins, therefore his words give us -no information as to the conception and style; and the current account -of its having stood so high above the entrance to the harbor that -vessels sailed between the legs is a fabulous reminiscence of the figure -projected at Mount Athos by Deinocrates. Among the scholars of Lysippos, -Eutychides seems to have been the most independent; the goddess -Anticheia, a copy of which is in the Vatican, was distinguished by -excellence in the motive, ease of position, and effective drapery; but, -in its genre-like treatment, it excluded all thought of religious art, -to which a certain strictness and dignity should pertain. This goddess -was seated with dignity, like a city itself, while another -personification--the river-god--appeared “more flowing than water.” This -marked significance in both cannot be ascribed to a happy chance, but -must be regarded as evidence of that highly developed characterization -by which the great Sikyonian master endeavored to conceive the whole -being and to embody it in his portraits and representative figures. -Among the nameless works from the school of Lysippos, creations are to -be found of the highest merit. The originator of the Barberini Faun, now -in the Glyptothek at Munich, whoever he may have been, should be ranked -among the greatest masters of all times. - -[Illustration: Fig. 233.--Boreas.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 234.--Notos. From the Tower of the Winds, Athens.] - -With Lysippos the development of art in its principal directions was -terminated. As Overbeck says, “the summit lies behind us; we descend, -and our way downwards may still lead through charming landscapes; but -the pure, clear ether soon ceases to surround us, and, before the -far-reaching glance, rises from the mist of centuries the flat and -endless desert, in the sands of which the stream of Grecian art is -quenched.” Alexander himself was the patron of the last of the seven -great masters of sculpture; with him ended the fresh directness of -Hellenic creations, as well as the greatness of Greece itself. He and -his successors built temples afterwards to be furnished, as before, with -statues of the deities and outwardly ornamented with sculptures; but -they took their models from those earlier works which, elevated to a -typical and canonical importance, were not to be surpassed, and employed -themselves simply in reproducing. They followed more willingly the easy -path open to them because, in the Alexandrian period, scepticism, empty -formalism, and chilling indifference had already laid the ravaging axe -to the Hellenic religion. With the spread of Hellenic power into the -heart of Asia, its art, like its polity, lost its individuality, -becoming _expansive_ instead of _intense_, in decorative subjection to -the requirements of elegance and use. Losing its former independent -nobility, sculpture soon fell from the height which it had occupied for -a century and a half. Athens, Sikyon, and Argos, hitherto central points -of development, where art had brought forth its richest fruits as a -model for the entire Hellenic world, now became provincial cities of -the Macedonian kingdom, and lost their glory--some for a long period, -and others forever. Following the example of Lysippos, artists preferred -wandering from court to court of Alexander’s successors; and in -Alexandria, Antioch, Seleucia, in Nicomedia, Pergamon, Ambrakia, mostly -new and elegant cities of royal residence, occupation could not have -been wanting, though the quantity of work may have tended to hasten the -decline. How extensive and extravagant were the artistic requirements of -the Diadochi, how excessive the incense of flattery offered them, is -shown in the description of the luxurious works of the Ptolemies and of -the Seleucidæ, and by the three hundred statues erected to Demetrius -Phalereus in Athens alone. These last may have been somewhat better than -the representation of the winds upon the clepsydra and vane of -Andronicos Kyrrhestios (_Figs._ 233 and 234), but even they must be -classed as mere artisan-work. Much was done in portrait-statuary after -the time of Alexander, who turned art in this direction; and the -successive dynasties also encouraged it, as may easily be imagined. This -is evident from the statues still preserved, from the Ptolemaic cameos, -and especially the coins of the Diadochi. The heads of these kings have -never been equalled, for fine and lifelike characterization and -modelling, in all the portrait coins and medallions which have been -struck down to the present time. (_Fig._ 235.) - -Though a great deal was produced in the period of the Diadochi, and, in -the line of portraiture, much that was good, still there must have been -truth in the saying of Pliny that “after the 121st Olympiad (290 B.C.) -art ceased, and revived again only in the 156th (150 B.C.).” It ceased, -namely, in so far as it was made subservient to courts and decoration; -but upon the soil of Greece itself, and among the people, it grew, and -strove after higher aims. The production continued, but its artisan-like -elaboration did not make good the lost artistic originality. Men of -vigorous talent followed in the paths of Praxiteles and Lysippos, -producing works which are the ornaments of our antique collections; but -the character of reproductions, clinging to their creations, robs them -of the name of artist in the full sense of the word. The scanty notices -of Pliny are, in general, correct; but he omits to mention some -exceptions which represent a further development of sculpture, not quite -unimportant, though questionable in principle. - -[Illustration: Antiochos I. of Syria. 281 to 262. - -Philip V. of Macedon. 220 to 178. - -Perseus of Macedon. 178 to 168. - -Fig. 235.--Coins of the Diadochi.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 236.--The So-called Dying Gladiator. School of -Pergamon.] - -In two places, at the royal court of Pergamon and in the republic of -Rhodes, productive art rose again to a certain independence and -originality. Pliny himself, in another place, says that “several artists -illustrated the battles of Attalos and Eumenes against the Gauls; -namely, Isigonos, Phycomachos, Stratonicos, and Antigonos.” The great -victory over these barbarians was fought in 229 B.C. by Attalos, with -which Eumenes, by a misunderstanding easily to be explained, appears to -have been connected. Attalos erected in his capital a grand monument to -his victory, and, not contenting himself with this, consecrated another -upon the Acropolis at Athens, perhaps in part a copy of that in -Pergamon. Remnants of both monuments still exist which give a -comparatively good knowledge of the artistic peculiarities of this -school. The investigations upon this site, now approaching completion, -have unearthed hundreds of fragments in high-relief, part of a -gigantomachia originally forming the decoration of an altar. The altar -was surrounded by Ionic colonnades, the high stereobate of which was -ornamented with sculptures in high-relief, the whole being elevated upon -a gigantic terrace, 38 m. long, and 34 m. broad. The frieze, -representing the gigantomachia, stands midway between the works of -Lysippos and the Laocoon, and forms the most extensive and important -monument of sculpture remaining from the time of the Diadochi; it is in -many respects a parallel to that of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassos which -represents the decorative work of the school of Scopas and Praxiteles. -These works have now found their way to Berlin, but a critical account -of them will be possible only when they shall have been made generally -accessible by an official publication. The statue of the so-called Dying -Gladiator of the Capitol belonged to the group in Pergamon already known -(_Fig._ 236); as did the two figures in the Villa Ludovisi, representing -a Gaul who, to escape the shame of slavery, has stabbed his wife, who -sinks beside him, and is about to thrust the sword into his own neck. -In the so-called Dying Gladiator, the rough hair growing low upon the -neck, the strongly marked indentation between the brow and the -projecting Northern nose, the beard shorn to the upper lip, the heavy -cheek-bones, the fleshy and somewhat clumsily formed body, the hard and -calloused skin upon the hands and feet, the twisted neckband, and the -curved battle-horn have long since shown the meaning of this statue. In -the group in the Ludovisi Villa, the same marble, a like and peculiar -treatment of the forms, with the same type of head, leave no doubt that -this also belonged to a large group representing a victory over the -Gauls. From its style, it cannot be considered as a Roman monument, -particularly as some notices of the Athenian Votive Offering of Attalos -clearly identify it. - -The most striking novelty in these monuments, and also in the school of -art at Pergamon, is the characteristic following-out of ethnographical -differences. Previously, when artists would distinguish barbarians, they -were content to make the nationality clear by costume and accessories; -but this could not suffice for Lysippos, who had carried individual -characterization to such a height in his portrait-statues, and who -probably, in his group of the battle upon the Granicos, illustrated the -peculiarities of the Persian race. In groups of portrait-statues it was -necessary to treat the action with absolute truthfulness, thus leading -the way to historic art. This is perfected in the monument in question, -the ideal battle scene being based upon real details; it was not merely -a strife among men, but Greeks and Celts stood opposed, each nation with -its marked features and peculiarities, the barbarians distinguished not -outwardly alone, but by their natural wildness. - -This is evident from a number of figures of the Athenian votive offering -of Attalos, still preserved; our knowledge of their connection with the -Dying Gladiator and the school of Pergamon is due to Brunn. According to -Pausanias, this votive offering consisted of figures half the size of -life, in four groups, showing the gigantomachia, the combat of the -Amazons, the battle of Marathon, and the victory of Attalos. Figures -exist from them all; from the first, a giant, dead and outstretched, is -in the museum at Naples, as also one of the second, a fallen Amazon; -from the third, a dead body clad in breeches, and two nude Persians -kneeling, are in Naples, the Vatican, and in the possession of Signor -Castellani. From the fourth, a kneeling figure, at Paris, and one -kneeling and one falling backward, at Venice, are unmistakable Gauls; -while a sitting figure, wounded, also at Venice, and a youthful one, -dead, at Naples, are probably also of that race. Judging from these -remains, the composition must have included numerous figures, as the -five existing Gauls--perhaps also several more--bespeak a corresponding -number at Pergamon, and forty is the lowest that can be reckoned for the -whole. Their position was probably upon the steps of the monument, which -possibly bore the statue of the founder. It must have stood near the -wall of the Acropolis, since it has been said that a figure from the -gigantomachia was thrown by a storm into the theatre which stood at the -foot of this fortress. That only the conquered are found among the -pieces preserved seems to be an evidence that these remnants are from -the original rather than from any copy, because, aside from the -improbability that so extensive a work would have been copied in later -times, the effect of the storm suggests the thought that the erect -statues of the victors would have been less likely to last through so -many centuries than the lying and cowering figures, not so easily -injured on account of their closer connection with the base. -Notwithstanding their relation in style to the Capitoline statue and to -the group in the Ludovisi Villa, these are distinctly inferior and -harder. Brunn is probably right in his supposition that they are the -work of scholars, and a contemporaneous reproduction from the studio of -that master, who himself executed the monument at Pergamon, the figures -of which ranked in merit with the Dying Gladiator. Many deficiencies may -be accounted for by its reduction to half life-size; its repetition at -this scale, for the Athenian votive offering, appearing to have -satisfied the king. - -The work most nearly related to this, also in marble, and perfectly -similar in conception, is a figure of the Marsyas group, the celebrated -Knife-sharpener in the Uffizi at Florence. This is also a representative -of barbarism, probably a Scythian, the others having been Gauls; but, -artistically, this makes no difference. No originals remain of the other -figures in the group, of which the barbarian, cowering upon the ground -and sharpening the knife for the flaying of Marsyas, probably formed no -very important part. Another aim, the careful anatomical treatment of -the body, is ostentatiously displayed in the copies of this work now in -Berlin and Florence. The group suggests another locality, and forms a -connecting medium between those two most important centres of art in -that period, Pergamon and Rhodes. - -Among the few republics of the time, the island of Rhodes was able to -rival the brilliant courts of kings, in regard to artistic treasures, by -its wealth of commerce and its political neutrality--the latter being -rendered possible, as nowhere else, by its situation and importance. -That the influence of Lysippos prevailed there is clear from the fact -that, after this master had sent thither his Phoibos upon the quadriga, -the Rhodian Chares went to learn of him, and afterwards executed for his -native city the above-mentioned colossus. This was followed in the same -place by a hundred other colossal figures, which were probably related, -in point of style, to the works of Lysippos. The statement of Pliny that -each, singly, would have sufficed to make the place of its exposition -famous is hardly intelligible. Numerous names of artists, mostly of -Rhodes, found partly in inscriptions upon the bases, and partly -mentioned by Pliny, might here be mentioned. - -The multiplied productions of colossal works, however, would not suffice -to give a very favorable idea of the state of art in Rhodes, were it not -for the preservation of two examples, prominent among many, which were -famous even in antiquity. These were the group of the Laocoon, in the -Vatican, and the so-called Farnese Bull, in Naples. The first (_Fig._ -237), which Pliny, with extravagant praise, calls the work of three -Rhodians, Agesandros, Athanodoros, and Polydoros, was found in 1506--not -in one piece, as he describes it, but in six--among the ruins of the -house of Titus, in whose palace Pliny says it was placed. It represents -the priest Laocoon, who sinned at the altar through love, and whom -Apollo chastised by means of two serpents. This expiation became tragic, -from its having taken place at the moment when Laocoon had resolved to -save his native city, Troy; and also from the suffering of the children, -innocent, though born in sin. The serpents have encircled the three -figures; the youngest is falling from the deadly sting; the father, -sinking upon the altar after a desperate defence, is no longer able to -protect himself; while the elder son, not yet threatened with instant -death, but hopelessly entangled in the coils of the serpent, turns upon -his father a look of despairing horror. - -[Illustration: Fig. 237.--Group of Laocoon and his Sons, by Agesandros, -Athanodoros, and Polydoros. (Vatican.)] - -This grand work, though from Pliny down to later times esteemed beyond -its real merit, still makes evident to us peculiarities in the art of -Rhodes which, in many respects, render it of independent value. We find -in it a choice of subject new in sculpture, the technical and artistic -difficulties of which appear almost insurmountable, so that it could -only be treated by ability well trained and long experienced. It gave -opportunity to surpass all existing productions in its display of -artistic technical superiority. When the body of the Laocoon is compared -with the type of Heracles, it cannot be doubted that the canon of -Lysippos was followed; but the forms, which with him were developed from -the living model, in this, as in the Marsyas of Pergamon, are taken from -anatomical studies, and are wanting in fulness of life: the overdetailed -muscles are too studied, distinct, and separated; they are marble, and -not flesh. The composition would, in real life, be impracticable; the -action is visibly so ordered that it never could be possible, and is -throughout developed with an aim towards the greatest effect. But this -effect is by no means merely formal, limited to the restless and -disquieting play of the lines of the limbs and trunks, and of the coils -of the serpents. It is in the highest degree pathetic. Thus this element -of the school of Praxiteles existed in this work, both the leading -characteristics of that master being here displayed with an excessive -ostentation. The pathos confronts us too exclusively, not modified by -any ethic principle. The work does not, therefore, have the tragic power -which lies in the descriptions of Sophocles, because, in the group, only -the effect is to be seen; we have no hint as to the cause. The pathetic -blends far more with the pathological event than with the ethical. The -mastery of rendering, the composition, the effect--everything is -wonderful; but it all lies in the realm of display: our admiration is -given to the artist rather than to the work. It cannot be denied that -this effective treatment was the dominant feature in the art of Rhodes; -but it set technical mastery in the foreground, to the neglect of -absolute and intrinsic merit. - -[Illustration: Fig. 238.--The Farnese Bull of Apollonios and Tauriscos. -(In Naples.)] - -This applies equally to the second great work, the so-called Farnese -Bull (_Fig._ 238), the creation of two artists from Tralles, Apollonios -and Tauriscos, who may have worked in Rhodes, as, according to Pliny, -the group was to be seen there before it was brought to Rome under -Augustus. This large group was found in the Baths of Caracalla soon -after the discovery of the Laocoon, and was transported to Naples, where -it now stands in the Museo Nazionale. The scene is probably taken from -the _Antiope_, a tragedy of Euripides, and an understanding of the story -is necessary to its comprehension. Antiope was the daughter of King -Nycteus of Thebes; he being angry with her because of the love of Zeus, -and incredulous as to the cause of her pregnancy, she fled to Mount -Kithairon, where she bore the twins Zethos and Amphion. Having given -these to the care of a shepherd, she was received by King Epopeus of -Sikyon; but Lycos, the brother and successor of Nycteus, carried on the -hateful persecution, even to the extent of making war against her -protector. Sikyon was destroyed, and Antiope returned as a slave to -Thebes, where the ill-treatment of Dirke, wife of Lycos, obliged her to -fly once more to the mountains. There, at a festival of Bacchus, she was -found again by her persecutor, and, for her flight, was given the -terrible punishment of being dragged to death by a bull. Zethos and -Amphion were ready to execute the command when a recognition took place, -and a just vengeance brought the fate intended for Antiope upon the head -of Dirke. This moment forms the imposing scene of the group. The raging -bull is only with difficulty held by the avenging sons; Dirke, a most -beautiful woman, praying in vain for grace, clasps the knee of one while -the other is ready to throw around her the noose by which she is to be -dragged over the rough ground of Kithairon. The passion of the avenging -sons, and the fear of Dirke, make the work highly pathetic and -impressive; but it is not so really tragic as the Laocoon, because the -motive of the evidently brutal deed, though not entirely neglected, as -in the former, is still not entirely comprehensible. Antiope, the -heroine of the tragedy, is indeed present. But she is not brought into -the action, and stands, in fact, behind the principal characters. She is -therefore hardly more than a lay figure, expressing nothing. It might -perhaps have been better to omit Antiope altogether, and to leave the -action without any motive at all. The figure has, however, an interest -of its own, being in an excellent state of preservation, while the -others have suffered by restoration and by retouching. The composition, -with its numerous figures, admirably executed, has a picturesque effect -which is somewhat new in the history of Greek sculpture. This is -enhanced by the accessories of the story, the rocky ground, and many -local details symbolical of the occasion. Besides a fine large dog, -really belonging to the group, there are a chaplet and a basket, a -disproportionately small boy ornamented with a wreath, and, still more -inferior in size, two lions seizing a bull and a horse. There are also -two boars coming out from a grotto, a lioness, a stag, a hind, a ram, an -eagle with a snake, and a falcon over a dead bird; even turtles, -snakes, and snails are represented. The mastery over the technical and -artistic difficulties in this work is scarcely less admirable than in -the Laocoon, and it gives the same impression of a successful piece of -bravura, astonishing and quite fascinating for its novelty, boldness, -and versatile power. The age, indeed, satiated with the best products of -various schools, demanded the stimulus of an excessive appeal to -superficial sources of interest. The group of the Marsyas is attributed -to artists of Pergamon, and the Wrestlers in the Uffizi at Florence -(_Fig._ 239) may, with greater certainty, be ascribed to those of -Rhodes. - -[Illustration: Fig. 239.--The Wrestlers. (In the Uffizi, Florence.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 240.--Apollo Belvedere. (In the Vatican.)] - -Before we pass to the last active period of Hellenic art, one other -work, preserved from this age, the Apollo Belvedere of the Vatican -(_Fig._ 240), still claims our consideration. Though without the name of -the artist, or of the place of its origin, and not, perhaps, to be -classed directly with the greatest productions of Pergamon and Rhodes, -it is yet not unworthy to rank by their side. It is, like the Laocoon, -one of the best-known statues among the existing treasures of -antiquity, and scarcely needs a minute description. The splendid -triumphant head looking into the distance, the slender figure, as fine -in modelling as it is noble, the pleasing grace of the light step, -assure for it an admiration, the more universal as these beauties--the -combined result of the schools of Lysippos and of Praxiteles--are just -those which are the most generally recognized. It is not an original -work, in the full sense of the word, but an early Roman copy from the -bronze, and seems to bear a closer relation to it than does the lately -discovered head which is now in the museum at Basle. This latter has -lost the characteristic features of the bronze style, and from the -greater freedom of its treatment may be called a _translation_ into -marble, in distinction from the _copy_ in the Vatican. Another -reproduction of this work recently made known by Stephani, a bronze -statuette in the Strogonoff collection, at St. Petersburg, has given an -additional explanation of the action in which the god was represented. -In the marble the left hand was wanting, and in the restoration this was -supplied with a bow; but in the Strogonoff Apollo remains are still to -be seen of the ægis, held in the hand, with which the deity drove back -the Greeks, as described by Homer, Il. xv. 306. If the far-shooter be -thus changed into the ægis-bearer, the shaking of the ægis symbolizing -the storm, a plain reference may be found to the original motive of the -work. When the Gauls threatened Delphi in 279 B.C., the defence of the -Greeks was effectively assisted by a terrible storm, which threw the -barbarians into a fearful panic, and which was regarded by the Greeks as -caused by the personal intervention of Apollo, Athene, and Artemis. This -might well have had an effect upon art similar to that of the victory of -Attalos over the Gauls in Asia Minor. The Ætolians, indeed, proposed to -erect at Delphi a votive offering, with figures of field-officers and of -the three gods, while a statue of Apollo was erected in Patrae from a -similar reason. In view of this, Overbeck has ventured to combine the -Apollo Belvedere, the Artemis of Versailles (_Fig._ 241), and the -striding Athene of the Capitoline Museum into one group, to which ideal -union the unsimilarity of the workmanship, and even of the scale of the -three statues, is not so much opposed--since these are all copies that -have come down to us from different times--as is the movement of the -Apollo, the middle figure, towards the right. This difficulty might be -met by changing the positions, so that Athene should stand at the right -and Artemis at the left, whereby the action of the figures might be -from, rather than towards, each other, Artemis being turned decidedly -more towards the front. If, however, this work originated in consequence -of the victory in 279 B.C., it shows that a generation before the time -of Attalos, at least in Greece proper, although attention had already -been devoted to momentary action, art nevertheless still stood upon an -ideal height, and could still delineate gods worthy of admiration. - -[Illustration: Fig. 241.--Artemis of Versailles.] - -These artistic efforts do not, on the whole, refute the opinion of Pliny -that art ceased from the 121st to the 156th Olympiad--that is, from 300 -to 150 B.C. The chief localities of its activity, Pergamon and Rhodes, -may be considered only as asylums found by the higher sculpture after it -had lost all foothold in its native home. But when he says it took a new -flight at the close of that period, we must acknowledge that the result -was not of that kind which could charm us as it did the Roman narrator. -As Brunn remarks, the date of Pliny agrees with that period when -Hellenic art attained a decided mastery in Rome. Scarcely any evidences -of the monumental art of Greece were to be recognized in Rome before the -conquest of Syracuse in 212 B.C. After this time the Roman triumphs -brought forth, one after another, an almost oppressive number of -productions, so that the art of the Greek colonies, and of Greece -itself, overflowed Rome in a broad stream. Not to mention the plundering -of Capua, Tarention, and numerous Grecian cities in Lower Italy, we have -an example in the triumphs of Quintius Flaminius, the conqueror of -Kynoskephalæ, 197 B.C., when the transportation of the statues lasted -an entire day. The booty taken from Western Greece by M. Fulvius -Nobilior, in 189 B.C., also contained not less than five hundred and -fifteen statues. These extensive plunderings were at least equalled by -the triumphs of L. Cornelius Scipio, the victor over Antiochos; of -Æmilius Paulus, conqueror of Perseus; of Metellus Macedonicus, and of -the destroyer of Corinth, Mummius, who has become proverbial for his -barbarous robberies. It was not strange that at last a living art -followed the triumphal chariot of Roman victories. Metellus employed -many Grecian artists in the erection and ornamentation of his new -buildings in Rome. - -The scene of artistic industry thus became changed, and Rome, a foreign -city, became the central point--first of possession, and afterwards of -artistic activity. It might therefore be questioned whether what follows -were not better suited to the chapter upon Rome; but it must be -considered that the Romans were, from our present point of view, only -wealthy collectors and patrons of art, and that the artists employed -were still Grecian, and of the Hellenic school. This was not altered by -their working in Rome, or even by their learning from the numberless -productions accumulated there. - -Roman grandeur was long contented with artistic booty for the -ornamenting of its forums, temples, and public buildings; the immense -wealth of the empire and proconsulate giving opportunity for procuring -celebrated works by force, by purchase, or as honorary gifts. This -brought forth dilettanteism, which led to the study of art, and to a -zeal for collecting which made every new acquisition an additional -incentive to covetousness. Study choked that impulse which, in a -degenerate way, had endeavored to outdo what had been done by masters of -the best period, and, accounting their method to be exclusively good, -turned art back by a sort of reaction upon those earlier paths. The -passion for collecting was not limited to the works ready at hand, but -would have restorations and imitations by contemporary artists, made in -the spirit of the originals. It could not have been otherwise than that -art, after having exhausted the originals, and attained its aims in all -directions, should react upon itself; but doubtless the circumstances of -Rome had an essential influence upon the manner in which this took -place, and greatly furthered this renaissance--to use a somewhat -unsuitable term which, in its restricted sense, has been adopted for the -far more original awakening of art at the close of the Middle Ages. - -[Illustration: Fig. 242.--Borghese Gladiator of Agasias. (In the -Louvre.)] - -In the desire to enliven the different phases of artistic development, -it was natural not to return to first principles, but rather to take -those creations which lay near at hand, and try to find in them the way -to improvement. The period under consideration, up to the commencement -of the empire, offers examples of every stage of development, the dates -of which can only here and there be given; but it seems that the way for -an Hellenic renaissance was, during this period, partially opened. - -Agasias of Ephesos appears as successor to the master of the Laocoon and -of the Farnese Bull. The celebrated Borghese Gladiator in the Louvre, -which represents a warrior in fictitious battle with a horseman, may be -referred to the school of Rhodes. (_Fig._ 242.) As the statue did not -belong to a group, but was independent, we see in it nothing but a show -figure, in which the artist only sought for a position where he might -outdo all that had gone before, and give opportunity to parade his -technical mastery and his anatomical knowledge. That the work should be -placed in this time, and not in the best period of the Rhodian school, -is plain from the later character of the writing in the artist’s -inscription, from the inferior understanding of the mutual relations of -the muscles, and particularly from the insignificance of the idea, and -the entire lack of the pathetic, all which elements lent to the works of -Rhodes an especial value. - -As examples from Rhodes and Pergamon not only lay near at hand for the -artists of Asia Minor, but were germane to their civilization, so the -numerous Attic masters of this period looked to the time of perfection -in Attica and Sikyon. The tenets of the school of Lysippos still held -sway there, and what splendid fruit it bore, even at this time, -notwithstanding the retrogression from its earlier overvalued merit, is -shown by the much admired torso, now in the Vatican Belvedere, by -Apollonios, son of Nestor of Athens. (_Fig._ 243.) This must certainly -have been a sitting Heracles, a motive repeatedly treated by Lysippos, -though no restoration of it has yet been decidedly successful. The most -probable is the latest by Petersen, which represents him as playing the -kithara. The somewhat later statue by Glycon of Athens, the Heracles, -who stands leaning upon his club (_Fig._ 231), though approaching -somewhat in conception to a work of Lysippos, is far inferior. With this -may be mentioned a still poorer repetition, the Heracles of the Pitti -Palace in Florence, through a false inscription ascribed to Lysippos. - -[Illustration: Fig. 243.--Belvedere Torso, by Apollonios. (In the -Vatican.)] - -Besides Apollonios, who was distinguished also by his youthful satyr and -an Apollo, which are too little known for a more minute description, the -school of Scopas and Praxiteles was followed by the son of Apollodoros -of Athens, Cleomenes, the sculptor of the Venus de’ Medici. When -compared with the divine figure of the Venus of Melos, though pleasing, -it appears degenerate. The godlike beauty which we impute to the Cnidian -Aphrodite, and find in the Venus of Melos, is lost by the continual -emphasis of sensuous effects, notwithstanding all the mastery and -delicate feeling for beauty. With the exception of the Braschi Venus at -Munich and the Venus of the Capitol, which are more nearly related to -that of Cnidos, nearly all the nude figures of Venus in the various -museums belong to the same circle and stage of development, even when -they betray later work. The masters by no means appear to have been mere -copyists; but the works of Praxiteles were altered, to suit the taste of -the times, by artists in whom individuality was not quite extinct. - -The school of Pheidias, with its high ideal, of which the age in -question had little understanding, could never have become popular in -the same degree. Rome possessed but few works of this master which could -have served as examples, and those not the most important. Still, -reminiscences of the best Attic style were not wanting, especially in -those figures of the gods the type of which had been established by -Pheidias, as in the statues of Zeus and Athene. The chryselephantine -Zeus, by Polycles and Dionysios, in Metellus’s Temple of Jupiter, as -also the Capitoline of the same material by Apollonios, may justly be -referred to the Olympian original; the former at least with the more -certainty, when it is considered that the sons of Polycles--Timocles and -Timarchides--copied the sculptures upon a shield of the Parthenos for an -Athene, designed for Elateia in Phokis. It is possible--and this may, -perhaps, be still further established by Brunn, who has pointed out this -connection--that the Pallas in the Villa Ludovisi, by Antiochos of -Athens, which has been estimated below its worth, may be a reproduction -of the Parthenos, modified and perhaps formed from memory. The treatment -of the garments, and the whole position of this otherwise ill-executed -figure, remind us of the chryselephantine works, and possess something -of the dignity and nobility of the better period. - -[Illustration: Fig. 244.--Group by Menelaos. (In the Villa Ludovisi.)] - -At a time when Cicero could say that in his opinion “the works of -Polycleitos were perfectly beautiful” the master from Argos must have -come into fashion. The artistic representative of this stage of -appreciative development was Pasiteles, who worked in the time of -Pompey, and whose important school has left traces of this influence in -examples that have been preserved. The pathetic tendency was not -entirely to be avoided, and, though not so evident in the academic male -figure of the Villa Albani, which bears the name of Stephanos, the -scholar of Pasiteles, is yet undeniable in the groups of Orestes and -Electra in Naples, and of Orestes and Pylades in the Louvre. This trait -is still more marked in a work of Menelaos, the scholar of Stephanos, -the beautiful and celebrated group in the Villa Ludovisi (_Fig._ 244), -designated by Winckelmann and Welcker as Electra and Orestes; by Jahn, -as Merope and Cresphontes; by Kekulé, as Deianeira and Hyllos; and by -Schulze and Burckhardt, as Penelope and Telemachos. Though the artist -has here made concessions to more recent influences, they did not give -the work an eclectic character, as asserted by Kekulé, but rather -displayed a somewhat archaistic conception, and the short proportions of -Polycleitos, long since abandoned for the canon of Lysippos. On the -other hand, the remark of Kekulé appears just, that the characters do -not seem conceived and modelled after nature, but rather as seen -through the medium of the tragedy of Euripides. - -When the reproductions had run through the entire circle of styles from -the best period of art, the archaic was at last brought forward. It is -known that Augustus ornamented his buildings, particularly the gable of -the Palatine Temple of Apollo, with sculptures of the masters from -Chios, Boupalos and Athenis, and that he also carried away from Tegea -the Athene of the old Attic Endoios. Archaic art, always possessing a -charm for devotional images which was doubled in a time of such satiety, -came thus into fashion. A large number of archaistic works appeared, -imitated after the antique, as has already been mentioned. They not -seldom betray the influence of single figures from larger compositions -in relief, as in the instance of the Amphora of the Athenian Sosibios in -the Louvre. - -[Illustration: Fig. 245.--Capitoline Centaur of Aristeas and Papias. -(Capitoline Museum.)] - -The more or less free reproductiveness of this period, which we have to -thank for a large proportion of the contents of our museums, naturally -came to a conclusion in that unbridled mixture of style which combined -in the same relief not only the various aims of different schools, but -their well-known motives, as is the case with the relief of the Salpion -upon the font of Gaeta. There was very little originality, and that was -limited to genre, particularly to the idyllic, as in the play of Cupids, -the best of which might be referred to old models. It is not known -whether this was the case with the lioness of Arkesilaos, in the -possession of Varro, which, according to Pliny’s description, bound by -Cupids, was drinking from a horn, with mittens upon the paws to render -them harmless. Models for this may be sought in the paintings of -Alexandria. It is certain that the centaurs, bound and worried by -Cupids, the best examples of which are preserved in the Louvre, the -Vatican, the Doria Palace, and the Capitoline Museum, with that of -Aristeas and Papias from Aphrodisias, are imitations of bronze -originals. (_Fig._ 245.) - - * * * * * - -Hellenic architecture and sculpture, from their unsurpassed perfection, -require a more comprehensive treatment than that accorded to those arts -in any other ancient nation. This is especially the case with sculpture, -because, in Greece, the demands of its nature were more completely -fulfilled by the Greeks than has ever happened, at any time, with any -other people; while Grecian architecture, notwithstanding its wonderful -monumental perfection, did not deal with all the possibilities of the -art. Both, however, demand our attention in a greater degree than does -Hellenic painting. Architecture has left great masses of ruins, and -sculpture numerous collections of antique treasures; but of Grecian -painting there are no remains; its history is accordingly a history -rather of artists than of art. If this necessitates for painting a more -limited treatment, we must not therefore conclude that its development -was, in reality, inferior to that of its sister arts, since, in fact, it -fully equalled that of architecture and sculpture. This has often been -unjustly doubted, but it would be fully evident were nothing more known -than the almost measureless fame of the first masters. - -The course of development of Grecian painting is by no means so obvious -as that of sculpture: we have no sure date of its beginning, but it is -at least equally remote. Conze shows painting to have been even the most -primitive, it having existed among the aborigines in the decoration of -pottery and terra-cotta. The notes of Pliny upon the matter (xxxv. 15) -appear to be hardly more than a supplementary reconstruction of a -conjectured state of development, garnished vaguely with the names of -ancient artists. The first stages, the employment of a simple tone in -the filling of outline figures with a color of brick-dust, called -monochromatic painting, had long since been mastered by the neighboring -peoples--the Mesopotamians, Phœnicians, and Egyptians, who were -acquainted also with the use of bright colors. This work must early have -been known to the Greeks through imported articles--Homer mentioning -vessels and fabrics--even though they could not apply it to the -productions of their own land. Monochromatic painting upon pottery, -familiar to the primitive Ionians, seems to have originated upon the -Syro-Phœnician coasts. A faint reminiscence of the ancient, widely -extended employment of color may be found in Pliny, who designates an -Egyptian, bearing the Greek name of Philocles, as the discoverer of -linear painting. Works of this kind, however, were purely decorative, -like the older Greek vase-paintings (_Figs._ 187 and 191), and of great -similarity; it seems unnecessary to offer conjectures as to the source -whence this impulse came. Of still less significance are the names of -artists which have been fabulously attached to the various inventions, -such as Cleanthes, Aridikes, and Ecphantos, of Corinth; Telephanes and -Craton, of Sikyon; and Saurias, of Samos. Unless, from the fact that -several are mentioned as dwelling in Corinth and Sikyon, it may be -concluded that decorative painting probably flourished in those cities -before the sixtieth Olympiad (530 B.C.). What Pliny says of Eumaros of -Athens does not justify the supposition of any considerable progress, -although, in figures, he distinguished between male and female, -expressed in some slight degree age and characteristic peculiarities, -and, at least, made an end to that crudeness which found satisfaction in -writing names over forms otherwise precisely alike. Greater progress was -made by his successor, Kimon of Cleonæ--500 to 480 B.C.--who improved -the former sack-like garments (_Fig._ 191) by folds, and gave a more -detailed drawing to the nude, placing the eye in a profile head also in -profile, instead of making it look towards the front, as in the figure -mentioned above. With him began truthfulness to nature, and correctness -of drawing, at a time when sculpture in Ægina, Athens, Sikyon, and Argos -was preparing for that highest perfection attained afterwards by -Pheidias. - -After the Persian war, through two generations, the progress of painting -was proportionate to its former backwardness, until it attained a -height little short of that reached by sculpture. The first master -worthy of mention--and likewise one of the greatest artists we -know--demands particular attention, from having been the founder of -painting as an art. Polygnotos of Thasos (475 to 455 B.C.), the son of -Aglaophon, who also is mentioned as a painter, executed the greater -number of his works in Athens, where he was much respected by Kimon. Of -the pictures in the Stoa Poikile, painted under his direction, at least -the Conquest of Troy, and the Council of Princes sitting in judgment -upon the sacrilege committed by Ajax against Cassandra, were by his -hand. The Battle of the Amazons was by Micon, the Battle of Marathon by -Panainos and Micon; the fourth, perhaps the latest, was the Battle -between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians near Oinoe: the artist is not -known. Polygnotos worked, together with Micon, upon other Athenian -frescos, scenes from the lives of heroes in the Temple of Theseus. In -the Temple of the Dioscuri he painted the Rape of the Daughters of -Leukippos, next to which was the Return of the Argonauts, by Micon. In -the Pinacotheca of the Propylæa was a series of representations, among -which Brunn has recognized as companion pieces Diomedes Robbing -Philoctetes of his Bow, and Odysseus Seizing the Palladion; the Murder -of Ægisthos by Orestes, and the Sacrifice of Polyxena; Odysseus -Appearing before Nausicaa and her Companions, and Achilles among the -Daughters of Lycomedes. Of the other works by this master may be -mentioned those at Thespeia and Plataia; that in the Temple of Athene at -the latter place represented Odysseus attacking the suitors. The best of -all the creations of Polygnotos, the paintings in the Lesche of the -Cnidians at Delphi, illustrating the conquest of Ilion and the nether -world, are so minutely described by Pausanias (x. 25-31) that they -furnish the most important material for an understanding of his art. - -We should hardly be able justly to estimate this master were it not for -the descriptions of Pausanias; for the other classic authors, with some -exceptions in Aristotle, deal only with secondary matters. In regard to -his coloring, Cicero, in his “Four Colors,” says nothing, speaking only -of his drawing, while Quintilian merely wonders how, in his time, there -could still be admirers of such primitive painting. It was merely a -coloring without light and shade, a simple treatment by local tones of -surfaces within outlines. That these tones were not unbroken, as upon -the Nile and Tigris, but finely graded and everywhere characteristic, we -learn from the special mention of the doves, of the shaded coloring of -the fish in the Acheron, of the blackish-blue color of the -corpse-devouring Eurynomos, and of the gray of the shipwrecked Ajax. The -red cheeks of Cassandra, admired by Lucian, give evidence of several -colors within the same outline. But though Cicero praises the drawing, -the little which is intelligible in Pliny’s account of the master tends -the other way. Still, it must be acknowledged that more is implied by -the motive of the Olympian Jupiter, by the encomium upon Cassandra’s -eyebrows by Lucian, and by the exaggerated expression of an epigram--“in -the lids of Polyxena lay the whole Trojan war”--than the petty -peculiarities with which Pliny invests the painter would lead us to -expect. Ælian praises the strict carefulness and fineness of the outline -drawing, the expression, and the garments. But the most remarkable -testimony concerning this master is that of Aristotle, who describes his -figures as surpassing nature; while artists like Dionysios contented -themselves with equalling it, and others, like Pauson, were content to -remain below it. Elsewhere he calls him the painter of _ethics_--that -is, of character--in a grand style which the works of Zeuxis failed to -attain. Combining this judgment with that of Ælian, who ascribes -grandeur to Polygnotos, we may conclude that this artist drew in a broad -and ideal style. That to this were united an epic clearness and -liveliness of treatment, not only in the single figures and groups, but -in the entire composition, is fully evident from the description which -Pausanias gives of the paintings in the Lesche. In short, correctness, -richness, and grandeur of composition must be accounted the chief merits -of Polygnotos--merits to which none of his successors attained, though -they may have far surpassed him in execution, as painters in a more -restricted sense. Less painter than artist, he pursued, in his wall -decorations, a thoroughly monumental direction, which after his time, -through change of aim, was neglected. - -The most celebrated companions of Polygnotos, but, as Ælian remarks, not -equalling him in greatness, were Micon of Athens, whose name has already -been mentioned, and Panainos, a cousin of Pheidias, who, besides the -battle of Marathon in the Poikile, executed the paintings upon the -throne of the Pheidian Zeus in Olympia. Dionysios of Colophon and Pauson -have already been spoken of. The first seems to have carried out the -strict carefulness of his model, Polygnotos, to a degree which was -naturally unfavorable alike to grace and to greatness of style. Pauson, -though accounted an artist by Aristotle, may be compared to Buffalmacco, -scorned and derided, among the companions of Giotto; not fitted for -productions of a grand style, he did not attempt them, and his nude -paintings, without ethical significance, were harmful to young -observers. - -Among the other distinguished masters of this time, Calliphon appears -most nearly to have followed in the footsteps of Polygnotos; but his -brother Aristophon, who brought painting upon panels into general use, -pursued technical methods opposed to this school. The style of -Polygnotos was also abandoned by the Samian Agatharchos, a -self-instructed decorator and scene-painter who, in an essay upon -scenographic painting, established principles upon which, after his -time, this art was further developed. In scene-painting the -indispensable aim after illusory appearances must have led to the -observation and imitation of the effect of more or less light--that is -to say, of paler or deeper shades in the local color--and thus have -brought painting to a point of development not hitherto attained by any -nation of antiquity. - -The important advance indicated by Agatharchos in scenography was made -in the painting of figures by Apollodoros of Athens. The accounts of him -are few, and in part incomprehensible; but Plutarch says plainly that he -discovered the mixing of colors and the variation of shade upon them, -and Pliny calls him the first master of illusion. Strictly speaking, he -was not the sole author of the innovation, since Agatharchos went before -him; and if he received the cognomen of _skiagraphos_--painter in light -and shade--it must be understood that the word skiagraphia was used to -signify scenography. But he was, at all events, the first to apply these -principles to figure-painting, developing a treatment quite different -from that employed in the architectural painting so extensively in use -for the stage. The important result of this innovation may well be -imagined, and it is not strange that the ground thus gained should have -been promptly occupied by other masters of the art, who rapidly brought -painting to a perfection almost equal to that of sculpture. - -These were Zeuxis of Heraclea, in Lower Italy, and Parrhasios of -Ephesos. The teachers of the former are not of importance; the impulse -through which Zeuxis became one of the most brilliant geniuses of Greece -not having been given by these, but rather by Apollodoros, who is not -mentioned among them. His fame was at its height during the -Peloponnesian war, and in the following ten years; so that we can easily -understand why Zeuxis did not establish himself in Athens, where -Polygnotos and Apollodoros had raised painting to an art, but, after -many wanderings, found an asylum in Ephesos. His works, in contrast to -the wall-paintings of Polygnotos, were chiefly upon panels, as, -according to Pliny, we may suppose those of Apollodoros to have been. -Among those of Zeuxis, the Olympos was exceptional in regard to subject; -of the deities, Zeus is particularly celebrated. The only other -representations of the deities we find are the Rose-crowned Eros, and -Apollo Chastising Marsyas. Neither Pan, nor Heracles Strangling the -Serpents in his Infancy, can be reckoned in this category. The Trojan -legends appear in three of his more celebrated pictures--Helen in -Crotona, the Weeping Menelaos Bringing his Brother the Offering for the -Dead, and Penelope, “in whom propriety itself is embodied.” If we may -connect with the Odyssey, the Storm at Sea, in which Boreas and Triton -are mentioned, it will form a fourth. In his athletes he seems to have -intended to establish a canon for painting, as Polycleitos had done for -sculpture. Two others, the Family of Centaurs, and the Boy bearing -Grapes, are genre pictures. - -It is not by chance that we have the fullest accounts of Zeuxis; his aim -not being so high as that of Polygnotos, he took his motives from other -fields more favorable to the new methods. Historic painting, the -foundation of that higher kind of monumental art which gives grand -representations of character, was forsaken; as Aristotle expresses it, -the works of Zeuxis were wanting in ethic significance. Excessive -striving after illusion, after the semblance of reality, brings forward -outward and momentary appearances, supplanting the inwardly essential -and lasting. Penelope seems to speak, and yet we know not in what -situation she is delineated; the weeping of Menelaos certainly does not -give his character; and as little does the merry play of the Centaurs -with their young, go charmingly described by Lucian, represent the -mythological nature of these monsters. Still less can we rank the Helen -of Zeuxis, in conception, upon a level with the female figures in the -Conquest of Troy by Polygnotos, since we know that Zeuxis chose as -models the loveliest virgins of Crotona; that is to say, sought after -perfect outward female beauty in truthfulness to nature, but not after -that breadth and grandeur expressed in the brow of Cassandra, or which -spoke in the glance of Polyxena. - -If, at times, Zeuxis took a higher flight, he still differed from the -epic character of Polygnotos in his tendency to dramatic effect, which, -according to its nature, is transient. This is shown, for example, by -the celebrated play of countenance in the Family of Centaurs, the -weeping of Menelaos, the horror of Alcmene and Amphitryon at sight of -the serpents encircling the young Heracles, and by the actors as well as -spectators in the chastisement of Marsyas: these are all scenes which, -with slight modification, might be shown in dramatic action upon the -stage. With Zeuxis, contrary to Polygnotos, the subject was of less -importance than the manner of presenting it, the _what_ less than the -_how_; in short, the composition, in which the picturesque sufficed, was -subordinate to the painting. The master himself was displeased when the -novelty of the subject, in his family of Centaurs, caused the technical -finish to be overlooked. The expression of Pliny was therefore a just -one, that Zeuxis had given great glory to the brush. The judgment of -Quintilian that Zeuxis originated the correct application of light and -shade is not to be disputed, in so far as this refers to the consequent -achievement of expression. The degree of perfection he attained in -illusive effects, by chiaroscuro, reflections, and the like, is -illustrated by the anecdote of the boy with grapes, so deceptive that -the birds flew towards them; at the same time, the limitation is shown, -as the artist himself acknowledged, in that the illusion had not -succeeded in making the boy capable of frightening the birds. It was -because of the painter’s power in this realism that his contemporaries -regarded him with almost boundless admiration. His fame was exceeded -only by his vanity. In later years he presented his pictures as gifts, -because it was impossible to recompense them with money; he appeared at -Olympia clothed with a garment upon which his name was embroidered in -golden letters. The history of Greek sculpture has no parallel to such -conceits. - -Zeuxis himself, notwithstanding his pride, was forced to acknowledge -that he was excelled by his contemporary Parrhasios of Ephesos, who, in -regard to style, was akin to him in many respects. In subject the works -of Parrhasios may be divided like those of Zeuxis. The deities were -seldom chosen; his Dionysios with Arete was not one of his most -celebrated productions, and his Hermes was really a portrait of the -artist himself. Among the heroes represented were Prometheus, Heracles, -Meleager, Perseus, and Theseus. The greater part of his productions -refer to the Trojan epics, as the Assumed Madness of Odysseus, the -Healing of Telephos, the Strife of Ajax with Odysseus for the Armor of -Achilles, Philoctetes upon Lemnos, and Æneas. The others are the Demos -of Athens, and portraits like the comedian Philiscos, the Archigallos, a -ship-captain, a Thracian nurse with a child; and, finally, pictures like -the priest with a temple-boy, two boys, two heavily armed warriors, and -lewd genre paintings, closing with the celebrated “curtain” of the -master. In many respects these betray a relationship to Zeuxis, and yet -much that is independent. There are numerous characteristic heads -illustrative of temperament, and other psychological subjects, among the -fore-most of which should be named the Demos, who, according to Pliny, -was shown as changeable, angry, unjust, inconstant; also as exorable, -kind, compassionate, boastful, sublime, low, undisciplined, and fickle. -This would be so impossible in a single head, without making it a -chaotic, incomprehensible caricature, that the author has no hesitation -in describing the painting as a group, in each figure of which one of -the characteristics named was expressed. That representing the assumed -madness of Odysseus must have had great psychological meaning, as also -the Prometheus, Philoctetes upon Lemnos, and the Telephos. Parrhasios -had by these works placed himself above Zeuxis through more correct and -careful drawing, and a marked technical progress in the art. Pliny says -that, according to the judgment of artists, Parrhasios had reached the -highest perfection in the representation of figures; that previously -painters had succeeded in giving only to the outlines of the figure a -truthful appearance and action, but that the edges of color should be so -rounded that one might be led to imagine the continuation of the body -upon the other side, suggesting what could not be seen. This may be -conceived to mean that, by attention to chiaroscuro and reflections, the -illusive effect was increased from that of a relief to that of a figure -in the round, whereby figures first appeared to free themselves from the -background; that, for instance, he made clear to the observer the -distinction between a globe, only one side of which is seen, and a -hemisphere affixed to a plane. The illusion consequently became more -perfect, the capacity for motion being thus brought into the -“outstepping” figures. The grapes of Zeuxis did not need this power of -action to tempt the birds as did the boy in order to frighten them. The -curtain of Parrhasios possessed this capacity for movement, with the -freeing of the objects from the background, and could therefore deceive -even Zeuxis himself, who thought it possible really to withdraw it from -the panel. - -If his proud rival Zeuxis bowed before this skill, it cannot be thought -strange that such a result should have moved Parrhasios to outdo his -competitor in arrogance also. Among other follies, he proclaimed himself -a descendant of Apollo; as King of Art he was crowned with a diadem and -golden wreath, and donned the purple mantle of royalty. By adopting the -cognomen of Habrodiaitos, or high-liver, he brought upon himself the -nickname of Rhabdodiaitos, or brush-man. Parrhasios also was surpassed -by a younger contemporary, though, as it appears, only in a single -instance. Timanthes of Kythnos won the victory in a competition--the -Strife of Ajax and Odysseus for the Armor of Achilles. Pliny gives -preference to the latter, because his compositions were so arranged that -more might be perceived in them than at first sight appeared. There was -withal a deeper motive than Zeuxis and Parrhasios had shown; this was -evident in the sacrifice of Iphigeneia, in which every degree of -suffering was presented: Calchas being sad, Odysseus painfully moved, -Ajax crying aloud, Menelaos in an ecstasy of grief; but, as the -expression of anguish could not be carried beyond that of the latter, -the father, Agamemnon, was shown hiding his face. The murder of -Palamedes, perhaps, gave scope for the same depth of motive. A small -genre picture was conceived in a more jesting tone, representing a -sleeping Cyclops, and a satyr measuring the length of the giant’s thumb -with a thyrsos, thus adding a living scale of comparative dimensions. -The hero of Timanthes and the athlete of Zeuxis were equally celebrated -among Grecian paintings as ideals of manly form. - -It would seem that Timanthes passed the latter part of his life in -Sikyon. The art of painting found a home in Ephesos during the -Peloponnesian war, but did not connect itself with any school, and -returned to Greece after the close of that disastrous conflict. Athens -could not at once recover the commanding position it had held under -Polygnotos and Apollodoros; but artistic activity, with its increasing -requirements, was concentrated in Sikyon and Thebes, where flourishing -academies were established with different aims. - -Eupompos appeared about this time in the former city, as the founder of -an important school, but, with the exception of a few superficial -notices, we know nothing of him. His pupil, Pamphilos of Amphipolis or -Nicopolis, flourishing from 390 to 360 B.C., was at the head of this -school. His works are little known, having been described only by Pliny, -so scantily and unintelligibly that one may be taken for a family -picture, another as the appearance of Leucothea to Odysseus after the -shipwreck near the island of the Phæacians, and a third possibly as the -victory of the Athenians at Phlious. Pliny is more to the point when he -relates that Pamphilos considered education in science, particularly in -mathematics and geometry, indispensable to artistic work. As he thought -drawing an essential part of cultivation, he exerted himself, with good -result, to have it taught in the higher schools. He believed that from -this alone could proceed a rational conception of art grounded upon -science, in which the mutual relations of teacher and scholar should be -considered; and that Sikyon was the place best adapted to this purpose. -At a somewhat earlier period Polycleitos had established a canon for -sculpture by his system of proportions. Pamphilos, following in the -footsteps of Eupompos, now took the same position in respect to Greek -painting, with, perhaps, even greater success. He was pre-eminently a -teacher, and, as such, appears to have striven after correctness in -composition, drawing, and painting, to the disadvantage, it may be, of -freedom in artistic development. But this aim, which won for the school -of Sikyon the name of Chrestographia (correct drawing), operating upon -the pupil from the beginning to the close of his scholarship, must have -been serviceable both in laying a foundation and in purifying and -restraining. It certainly was for the advantage of Apelles to have -finished his studies in this school, which must indeed have had a -salutary influence upon the general development of Grecian painting. The -element of degeneracy in the tone of Zeuxis and Parrhasios was long held -in restraint among their followers by the academic authority of Sikyon. -Pamphilos turned his attention chiefly towards correctness of execution -in details, and, following Polycleitos, towards the human figure. His -pupil Melanthios was a master of composition; this, however, in -accordance with the whole character of the school, seems to have -consisted less in the choice of scenic situation and action than in a -formal distribution and balance of the grouping. - -Pausias, a fellow-pupil of Melanthios, distinguished himself from this -somewhat doctrinal art by greater freedom of creation. The subjects of -his works show this by their individuality, as, for instance, the Boy, -painted in a day, the Girl Binding a Wreath, Methe Drinking from a -Glass, and a flower piece, which, from the descriptions, appears to have -resembled our still-life pictures. His Sacrifice of a Bull displayed a -new mastery; the animal, foreshortened from the front, as Pliny remarks, -showed his entire length. Pausias was the first to win fame in encaustic -painting, although its technical processes had for some time been known. -Of this it is only certain that the colors, mixed with wax, were melted -by a rod of metal, and thus affixed to the ground. This process, because -of the more brilliant, transparent, and deeper hue given by the wax, was -as far superior to the former distemper as our own more convenient -oil-painting is to every other method. That such peculiarities of -subject and treatment did not lead the master to renounce the artistic -earnestness of the school of Sikyon is shown in the direction imparted -to his pupils. The works of the most celebrated among these, Nicophanes, -were extremely labored; but, from the predominant brown, hard in color. -Aristolaos, the son of Pausias, was rigid and academical. - -During this period a second school of painting, not less prominent, -flourished in Thebes, and, after the hastily acquired importance of this -city had as rapidly declined, was transferred to Athens. At its head was -Nicomachos--360 B.C.--son and pupil of the otherwise unknown artist, -Aristiæos. Eight of his pictures are mentioned; but, though he was -accounted one of the greatest masters, we have little information in -regard to the painter himself. As contrasted with the quiet, stately -works of the Sikyonians, we may conclude, from the subjects, that there -was greater excitement and action in those of Nicomachos, among which -are mentioned the Rape of Proserpine, Victory Ascending with a Quadriga, -and Bacchantins Surprised by Satyrs. His unsurpassed rapidity in -painting was praiseworthy only because united to great talents, with an -unusual and masterly sureness of hand. The character of his pupil -Aristides is more intelligible, and more important. If ever there was a -painter whose subjects alone sufficed to give an idea of his chief aim, -it was Aristides. One of his most celebrated works was the Conquest of a -City: a wounded mother, lying upon the ground, sees her infant creeping -towards her breast, and visibly betrays the fear that, when the milk -fails, the child will take the blood. Another, a woman who, “for love of -her brother, gives herself up to death.” A third, according to Pliny -most highly prized, represented a sick man. In these, and in one more, -perhaps also to be ascribed to Aristides, the Heracles Suffering from -the Poisoned Garment of Deianeira, a fundamental tone of great pathos is -unmistakable. In the praying man, whose voice one almost seemed to hear, -and in the old man teaching a boy to play upon the harp, the predominant -expression of feeling was unmistakable. The latter reminds us of that -beautiful Pompeian wall-painting of the Centaur Cheiron instructing the -boy Achilles. Pliny distinctly says that Aristides aimed at the -pathetic, by which is meant the expression of tender as well as painful -and passionate emotions. In this master, therefore, may be recognized -one whose aims were similar to those of Scopas and Praxiteles. - -Euphranor, a pupil of Aristides--360 to 330 B.C.--was a remarkable -phenomenon in the domain of art. Few, either in sculpture or in -painting, have been so many-sided, and yet, though standing in the first -rank, the insufficient accounts of his pictures that have come down to -us prevent our forming any positive judgment about them. A certain -indication, however, lies in the remark of the artist himself, that the -Theseus of Parrhasios looked as if fed upon roses; his own, on the -contrary, as though nourished by the flesh of oxen. This comparison must -have included two points, color and drawing; the likeness to roses would -have been inapt if Parrhasios had not failed in depth of flesh-tint; on -the other hand, besides the healthy color, the strong nourishment -suggested by the Theseus of Euphranor proved an energetic development of -muscles. It was probably a somewhat massive figure, characteristic of -Euphranor, and, with certain limitations, reminding us of the Heracles -of Lysippos. It may be understood, from the noble expression of the -Theseus, how Euphranor brought his heroes to a typical perfection. In a -similar sense he had raised his Poseidon to such power that there -remained no further means at his command for surpassing it in his -conception of Zeus. The remark of Euphranor expressed not only the -difference, and his own superiority to Parrhasios, but suggested a -certain relationship in subject and aim, both masters having painted the -Theseus, and the Assumed Madness of Odysseus. - -The Isthmian Euphranor had changed the scene of his labors, and, at the -same time, the centre of the entire school, to Athens, which continued -to be the artistic metropolis for his scholars and successors. Among the -latter, Nikias is especially celebrated--340 to 300 B.C. He devoted his -attention chiefly to feminine beauty, somewhat influenced, perhaps, by -his older contemporary Praxiteles, in connection with whom he is -mentioned. His taste was for extensive compositions, surprising for -their novelty of conception, and, like Parrhasios, he endeavored to give -roundness to his figures. The lack in the Theban-Attic school of that -individuality which existed in the Sikyonian was completely overcome by -Euphranor, and gave place to a more universal aim. He and Nikias were -artists whose tone came less from their school than from their own -personal convictions. They early learned to understand technical and -artistic acquisitions of all kinds, and to carry them forward -independently. We may conceive them as holding the same loose relations -towards their teachers which existed between the Sikyonian master -Pamphilos and their contemporary Apelles. - -Apelles was destined to bear away the palm from all his predecessors and -successors. Although three cities--Colophon, Ephesos, and Cos--claimed -the honor of calling him their own, it is reasonably certain that the -first was the place of his birth, the second that where his labors -commenced, and the third may not improbably have been that of his death. -The Ephesian Euphoros is named as his first teacher, but his fame dates -from the time when he left the academy of Pamphilos for that of Sikyon. -Perhaps the fact that Pamphilos was a Macedonian by birth may have paved -the way for Apelles to the royal court at Pella, whence he appears to -have returned to Ephesos among the followers of Alexander the Great. He -seems never to have founded a permanent school; at least, we gather from -classical notices that he worked transiently at Athens, Corinth, Rhodes, -and even in Alexandria. We learn also that he outlived, by a -considerable time, his great patron Alexander. His works are to be -divided into three groups--paintings of gods and heroes, allegories, and -portraits; these were also sometimes combined. At the head of the first -group stands the Aphrodite Anadyomene, one of the most celebrated -pictures of antiquity. It was transferred to Augustus for the remission -of one hundred talents of taxes; by him carried to Rome and placed in -Cæsar’s Temple of Venus, where it became so much injured--thus obtaining -the sobriquet Monocmenon, one-legged--that Nero had it taken away and -replaced by a copy. She was represented as the “sea-born,” nude, and -pressing with her hands her dripping hair. Far from being an ideal -figure, it was rather patterned after the celebrated courtesans of the -time, two of whom are named--Pancaste, or Pancaspe, the paramour of -Alexander, who afterwards presented her to the artist himself; and -Cratine, or Phryne, mistress of Apelles, who may have been the more -direct model for the Venus, as, at the festival of Poseidon at Eleusis, -she bathed, naked, in the sea before the eyes of the assemblage. A -second Aphrodite, in which Apelles hoped to surpass the first, remained -unfinished at his death. Of these representations the first was -certainly without any devotional or even ethic character; but the -Artemis, in the Sacrifice of the Virgins, was something more than a -genre piece with a mythological motive; and his heroes, who, according -to Pliny, challenged nature itself, were more than mere stately -portraits. - -The Heracles may be regarded as a study. Charis and Tyche were -allegories, the latter having been represented sitting “because -happiness does not stand fast.” The most celebrated of them all, -Calumny, is minutely described by Lucian. It portrayed a man, whose -inclination to credit evil reports was characterized by large ears, -sitting between two women, Ignorance and Mistrust, and receiving -Calumny, a magnificent woman excited with passion, preceded by Envy; she -drags in a youth by the hair, who vainly, with hands uplifted, calls the -gods to witness. Behind the train advances Repentance, a mourning female -figure in black, looking back with pain and shame upon the tardy -appearance of Truth. Similar in character is the picture of the chained -war demon, belonging partly to the group of portraits. A third allegory, -of little intrinsic worth, is set forth with great artistic -ability--Bronte, Astrape, and Keraunobolia--thunder, with the flash and -stroke of lightning. - -Among the portraits, allegorical in nature, was the famous picture in -which Alexander, with lightning in his right hand, was represented as -Jupiter. The monarch himself was so well pleased with this that he said -there were two Alexanders--one the unconquered son of Philip, the other -the inimitable creation of Apelles. But little is known of the king’s -portraits, whether equestrian, in triumphal chariots, or surrounded by -deities and allegorical figures; nor of those of Philip and his -generals, of the tragic actor Gorgosthenes of Habron, nor of that of the -artist himself. - -If Apelles be scrutinized more closely in order to make clear the chief -characteristics by which he won such brilliant renown, it will be found -that it was not in composition. In this, as in treatment of perspective, -he gave precedence to his fellow-pupils Melanthios and Asclepiodoros. -That he was aware of this weakness, and avoided occasion for manifesting -it, is shown by the fact that most of his paintings contained few -figures. When more appeared, instead of being picturesquely grouped and -treated, they were ranged in rows, almost like reliefs, better suited to -the allegorical subjects so prevalent with Apelles, and so common in his -time, than to mythological and historical representations. Though -allegory may, in great measure, be unfavorable to true art, because, as -Winckelmann says, it forces the painter “to tint his brush with reason,” -still that of Apelles has lately been too much depreciated. The Calumny -has been pronounced an error of fancy, rough symbolism, and an -inharmonious assemblage of persons and personifications. But these were -the legitimate materials of the artist, and he succeeded, at least, in -the representation of character and in truthfulness of drawing. The -lightning group was something more than a piece of technical bravura. -Who would prize the picture less because thunder and lightning were -represented instead of Zeus, a deity who would have been attempted by no -painter of antiquity, or, indeed, of later times? Though his motive may -have been purely intellectual, the painter remained the same, whether he -portrayed a Cassandra or a Diabole--whether he more or less displayed -his astounding mastery. Apelles will be more rightly judged if he be -treated as a painter rather than an artist; as such we recognize in him -a technical and many-sided perfection. Different accounts speak of him -as rapid and sure in drawing, his lines being not only correct, but in -the highest degree characteristic. The maxim of Apelles “No day without -a line”--that is, without exercise in drawing--has become a proverb, if -not quite in its original sense. Through this incessant practice his -hand acquired such sureness that it followed the will implicitly, and -made possible even the hair-splitting execution related in an anecdote -which has been unjustly discredited by critics. Apelles entered one day -the workshop of Protogenes, in the absence of the latter, and made known -his visit by drawing a line upon a tablet at hand with such swing and -surety, such purity and smoothness, that the Rhodian master, upon his -return, recognized the hand of Apelles. In order to show himself equal, -Protogenes split the line by a second one in a different color, but -acknowledged himself defeated when Apelles divided this through its -entire length by a third. An evidence of the sharpness and certainty of -his characterization with simple lines is given in the story of a -servant who had injured him, and whom Apelles, though he had seen him -only once, so sketched with charcoal upon the wall that the likeness was -recognized by King Ptolemy after the first strokes. It will readily be -understood that such capacity must have fitted the artist especially for -portraiture; and his portraits attained such striking likeness and -truthfulness that a physiognomist assumed to be able, by them, to -discern not only the exact age of the subject, but even the time of his -future death. No further testimony is needed than the Anadyomene to -prove that his works were perfect in correctness and expression as well -as in beauty. - -The employment of color had fully kept pace with this matchless drawing, -though Apelles seems to have been limited to painting in distemper, -without the use of encaustic. The softened glazings are particularly -mentioned, which made the unbroken light all the more brilliant. In the -portrait of Alexander, the hand, outstretched with the lightning, -appeared to stand quite out from the panel, a result perhaps equally -owing to masterly foreshortening in the drawing. The beauty of his color -was noted, and especially its vigor; the fame of the Aphrodite cannot be -understood without the former, nor that of the Alexander and the -Lightning without the latter. This many-sided, technical perfectness, -unattained before Apelles, and in which Pliny says that he excelled all -other painters together, may have had its germ in the school of -Pamphilos, as the Sikyonians devoted especial attention to artistic -execution. To these eminent qualities, however, were added the intrinsic -merits of the master himself, upon which he laid the greatest stress, -and which he ascribed to that charm understood by the Greeks in the word -_charis_. That this was chiefly to be found in the just measure of -completeness was explained by Apelles when he declared himself to have -been surpassed by Protogenes in all but the knowledge of the right -moment to lay aside the brush, without which this charm, through -overmuch care, is lost. - -By this technical mastery, clearness of characterization and grace, -Apelles so delighted all who saw his works that, according to the -numerous anecdotes that illustrate his position, he was the most popular -artist of all antiquity. In face of such authority, it would be unjust -to see in him, as some have done, the beginnings of the decline of art. -Though his artistic efforts may not have equalled those of Polygnotos, -because he could more easily satisfy the ethical demands of his time, -still it must be acknowledged that, as a painter, he surpassed him as -far as, in sculpture, Praxiteles surpassed Calamis and the other -predecessors of Pheidias. But in Pheidias a high ideal was united to an -absolute perfection of execution which, in painting, Polygnotos was far -from having attained. “In the history of painting,” says Brunn, “each of -these two fields has its separate point of greatest elevation; the fame, -therefore, which, in sculpture, undoubtedly raised Pheidias above all -others, appeared, in painting, divided between Polygnotos and Apelles.” - -Protogenes of Caunos, or rather, with reference to his work, of Rhodes, -was a rival of Apelles. He seems to have been self-taught, or, at least, -to have been the pupil of an entirely obscure master. The admiration of -Apelles for Protogenes was so great that he expressed a desire to buy up -his works and publish them as his own; but numerous anecdotes show that -Apelles was in the way of bestowing his flattery upon every great and -celebrated man. Protogenes is said to have painted over his Ialysos four -times, the better to secure it from destruction, so that, on the peeling -of the outer layer of pigment, the surface below might present the same -color. But this can only be a foolish legend, invented to illustrate his -extreme care. Similar tales of a later time reported him to have worked -upon the Ialysos seven or eleven years, and to have fed upon nothing but -lupines, for fear that luxury might blunt the acuteness of his senses. -Perhaps this means that the painter’s genius was not recognized until -late in life, up to which time he had lived in great poverty. Of his -picture in the Propylæa at Athens, representing Paralos and -Hammonias--personifications of Athenian ships--there is an equally idle -story that he did not paint the ships themselves because, until his -fifteenth year, he had earned his bread as a ship-painter. - -In Protogenes we may conceive a perfection such as only the most -unwearied care could attain. This perfection was neither in the ideas -nor in the composition; for the subjects of his pictures, known to us as -heroic or historical portraits, or, at most, as groups of few persons -without action, were in themselves far less important than those of -Apelles. But the illusive effect must have been complete if, as -Petronius says, one could not look even at the sketches without a -feeling of awe on account of their truthfulness to nature. This -carefulness extended even to the smallest accessories, like the wonder -of the partridge at the reclining satyr, and the foam on the mouth of -the dog in the Ialysos; an effect which, it is said, was at last -accomplished by the pressure--not the throwing--of a sponge. Yet the -wearisomeness of this perfection was not to be denied, and here, in the -eyes of Apelles, lay the weakness of this master. - -The relations of Apelles with another rival, the Egyptian Antiphilos, -were not so friendly. The great celebrity of this painter rested upon a -peculiarity directly contrary to that of Protogenes, designated by -Quintilian as facility; that is, a freshness and genial security of -conception and treatment in everything which his brush touched. His -range of subjects exceeded that of Protogenes, or even of Apelles; for -he painted with equal excellence pictures of the deities, mythological -scenes, portraits, genre pieces, such as the Wool-comber and the Boy -Blowing the Fire; and even caricatures, such as that of Gryllos, with a -face reminding one of the significance of his own name--the Porker; -whence it comes that all caricatures were, in antiquity, called Grylli. -That he was fond of startling effects of light is evident from the Boy -Blowing the Fire, the glow of which was reflected upon his face; also -from his renowned satyr Aposcopeuon--the Gazer--whose glance the -shielding hand seemed at once to intensify and to conceal. - -Aetion, according to Brunn, also belongs to the group of artists -contemporary with Apelles. His importance can be measured only by the -esteem of antiquity, and by the minute descriptions of one of his -pictures. This represented the marriage of Alexander and Roxana; the -latter, sitting modestly upon a couch, is served by Cupids, who take the -veil from her head and loosen her sandals. The king, accompanied by -Hephaistion as attendant, with torches, is led towards the bride by an -Eros; two more, panting under the weight of the shaft, bear the lance of -the conqueror, while others carry by the handles a shield; and one -Cupid, who has crept into a coat of mail, seems, from his hiding-place, -to lie in wait for those about to pass. It is not strange that this -composition, so charming in the description of Lucian, should have led -modern painters to attempt to reproduce it; as in the frescos of Raphael -in the Borghese Gallery, and those of Razzi in the Farnesina. - -Among other masters of the time of Alexander were the Athenian -Asclepiodoros, of whom we know little more than that Apelles gave him -the preference in composition; and Theon of Samos, whose works -degenerated into an attempt to secure a theatrical rather than a natural -effect. Besides tragic scenes, like the murder of his mother by Orestes, -and the blinding of the singer Thamyris, this is shown in the heavily -armed warrior called by Quintilian his masterpiece--a man in the -violence of attack with a drawn sword. To increase the theatrical -effect, this picture was exhibited by the artist accompanied with the -flourish of trumpets. If we here bear in mind the so-called Borghese -warrior of Agasias--that sculptural cousin of the Hoplite--we cannot -mistake the spirit of a time which, after the inner significance had -perished, clung entirely to the external, and, renouncing truthfulness -in composition, which here would have demanded a group, was satisfied -with a theatrical sham. The farthest remove from the conceptions of -Polygnotos had now been reached. - -Hellenism, by which is meant the civilization of the period after -Alexander, when the Grecian kingdom had become cosmopolitan, satisfied -its artistic requirements by a repetition of what the previous centuries -had produced. The attempt was made, in sculpture and in painting, to -combine results already won, generally in a shallow eclecticism. Of the -numerous painters in that decorative period few names have been handed -down. The most was accomplished by the masters of Sikyon where the -tradition of the energetic school of Pamphilos was not yet lost. -Protogenes in Rhodes, and Antiphilos in Egypt, also had some followers -who were not quite without fame. Timomachos of Byzantion, at least, was -equal to his great predecessors of the time of Alexander. His Medea was -purchased by Cæsar for eighty talents, and his other works are not less -praised; among them one, perhaps historical, showing two men in -conversation, and the Gorgo, may be connected with an event related by -Herodotos (v. 51). If, as we are told, there was a Medea represented -before the murder of her children, in a struggle between hatred of her -husband and motherly love--a subject treated in a Pompeian wall-painting -in the museum at Naples; an Ajax, after his fury, meditating suicide; -and an Iphigeneia in Tauris, perhaps recognizing her brother, we may -conclude that Timomachos had returned to the pathetic element, and that -he united with it, so far as possible, the technical perfection of the -Alexandrian period. It is possible that the painter stood in the same -artistic relation to the sculptors Pasiteles, Stephanos, and Menelaos -as did Theon to Agasias. - -After Parrhasios, side by side with the grander style had developed a -species of cabinet-painting which seems to have been devoted especially -to obscene subjects (Pornographia). Already in the time of Alexander, -pictures of a small size were much in favor; besides the Egyptian -Antiphilos already mentioned as celebrated in this direction, Callicles -and Calates worked in it exclusively, and Peiræicos had great fame as a -painter of this kind. His subjects were not of a lewd nature, but were -taken from the lower ranks of life, such as booths of barbers and -cobblers, donkeys, eatables, etc.; by which one is reminded of the genre -pieces and still-life paintings of the Netherlands. Pornographia was -thus changed to Rhopographia, painting of small wares. In later times -the term employed for obscene painting seems to have been -Rhyparographia. - -This trivial painting naturally continued to be prevalent in the periods -of the Diadochi and the Romans, since art, when reduced to mere -decoration, cultivated by preference graceful and lively subjects. It -was extended even to the floors, for which mosaic had been used as early -as the time of the royal court of Pergamon. If the decoration of walls -is based upon tapestry, as Semper has made evident, this is especially -the case with colored floors. The effect of mosaic, in which form -painting now took possession of the pavement, differed little from that -of weaving and embroidery. Sosos was considered as the oldest and most -celebrated master of this process, perhaps because he first carried it -beyond simple patterns. He represented, in the so-called “unswept hall” -at Pergamon, remnants of food, fruit-rinds, etc., as if scattered upon -the floor; also a dove drinking from a shell. The celebrity of these -works makes it natural that several repetitions of the dove should have -been found. It seems, however, that the practice of this art was not in -extensive use before the time of the Roman empire, when it spread over -all the floors, as painting did over all the walls. The mosaics in the -Temple of Zeus at Olympia, which are composed of rough pebbles, may, -however, be even more ancient than the works of Sosos in Pergamon. - -[Illustration: Fig. 246.--The Campana Tomb at Veii.] - - - - -ETRURIA. - - -At the time when Hellenic influence had developed to its fullest extent -in Magna Græcia, the Etruscans had long passed their highest point of -perfection. Roman tradition gives no little significance to their -civilization, in its artistic as well as in its political aspects, -though it was far less grand and brilliant than that of their neighbors -in the south of the Italian peninsula. But as Rome rose, Etruria fell; -and in the time of the Peloponnesian war it had but a shadow of its -former dominant position in Italy. - -Whether this people were related to the ancient Greeks, or merely mixed -with the Pelasgic and Hellenic element through emigration from the -western coasts of Greece, it is certain that the older culture of the -nation shows a great resemblance to that of the countries beyond the -Adriatic. This may have been owing partly to common Oriental prototypes, -and to native imitation of these, and partly to the fact that certain -primitive results of civilization, under like material premises, -naturally assume a more or less similar form without any real historical -connection. - -The method of building the Etruscan walls is particularly a case in -point. The resemblance of these to the most ancient fortifications of -Greece makes possible, though it does not establish, an intimate -communication between the two races, to which also the use of Greek -letters for the strange Etruscan language certainly points. The -so-called Cyclopean jointing, however, presents itself in every -civilized land where rock is found which naturally breaks in polygonal -forms. So also square-stone masonry early appears wherever the material, -quarried without difficulty in rectangular forms, favors this more -satisfactory method. Besides both these varieties, the Etruscans made -use of bricks, as shown by the foundations of the walls of Veii, which -above-ground are mainly built of cut stone. These are at least as -ancient as the time of the later kings. - -[Illustration: Fig. 247.--Gate of Falerii.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 248.--Canal of the Marta.] - -Some of the remaining ruins of Etruria, and of Central Italy--for the -peculiar civilization of that region is not strictly confined to the -limits of the Etruscan language--show in the building of gates a new -technical element. It has been seen how the Greeks in vain sought a -substitute for the arch, to them an inadmissible, if not an -unattainable, feature; and exhausted every conceivable method of -horizontal stone-laying in order to cover their gateways. Similar -evasive attempts are not wanting in Etruria; the Cyclopean walls, -especially, present portal constructions similar to those of Mykenæ. But -through the perfection of stone-cutting, and building with rectangular -blocks, the ceiling of the passage by means of the arch was early -attained. That this step was taken before the invasion of the Gauls is -shown by the still remaining Gate of Falerii (_Fig._ 247), which city, -as is well known, lost its importance under Camillus. It is not certain -whence the people of Central Italy attained their knowledge of the arch. -Though it had been familiar to the Assyrians as early as the ninth -century B.C., it is possible that they made this important discovery -independently, perhaps somewhat later than the Mesopotamians. The vault -of the Cloaca Maxima in Rome dates from the sixth century B.C., but it -shows, even at this early period, a perfection which gives evidence of -long previous use. Canal-building was one of the first conditions of -existence on the western coast of Central Italy, where the drainage of -the swamps--the neglect of which, since the Middle Ages, has reduced the -once populous Maremma to a pestilential desert--the discharge of the -mountain lakes, which otherwise overflow from time to time, desolating -the lower country, and the regulation of the river-courses, alone made -possible the settlement of a people and the founding of flourishing -cities west of the Apennines. It is therefore not improbable that the -great canal discovered by Dennis, which once drained the swampy Valley -of the Marta, preceded the Cloaca Maxima, and, indeed, antedated the -Roman period altogether. (_Fig._ 248.) The enormous stones employed in -its construction, and its great extent, display, even in this primitive -age, that marked inclination for works of general usefulness which -distinguished the people of Italy above all others of antiquity. - -Of the long-forgotten cities, discovered in the present century by their -walls, little else remains than extensive cemeteries, which, as -repeatedly happens among the ruined places of the earth, have outlasted -by more than two thousand years the dwellings of the living. The streets -and buildings of these settlements, already in ruins under the Romans, -have disappeared almost without a trace; while the monuments of the dead -are so well preserved as frequently to give information concerning even -the domestic architecture of their builders. By far the greater number -of the tombs were tumuli, conical hills of earth, which generally, as in -Lydia, were elevated upon a low cylinder and reveted by an outer course -of stone. These have now almost all been reduced to the appearance of -natural mounds. Their dimensions in some instances are almost as great -as those of the smaller Egyptian pyramids. The base of the monument at -Poggio Gajella, near Chiusi, formerly falsely held to be the tomb of -Porsena, measures 256 m. in its circumference, while that at Monteroni, -between Rome and Civita Vecchia, is 195 m. These gigantic foundations at -times bore several cones. This appears to have been the case with the -so-called tomb of Cucumella at Vulci, where two tall tower-like -elevations still remain, which doubtless served as substructures for the -terminating piers. The cippus may be imagined to have been analogous to -the upper members of the tombs in Lydia, or, perhaps, to have resembled -a pear-shaped capital, like the fragment found near the ruins of the -so-called tomb of Pythagoras, or the imitations upon terra-cotta -reliefs--similar to the cone which so generally terminated Roman tholos -roofs. When several cones were placed upon one base, the angle of -elevation was made steeper, as may probably have been the case with the -tomb of Porsena at Clusium, the description of which is given by Pliny -(xxxvi. 3) after Varro. If the tombs called those of the Horatii and -Curiatii at Albano, which display many Etruscan reminiscences, be -compared with this account, it is possible to present a restoration of -the structure, correct in at least its principal aspects. Upon the -corners of the triply stepped, diminishing substructure stood twelve -cones, the thirteenth being in the centre of the upper terrace. (_Fig._ -249.) - -The fundamental idea of the Etruscan tombs was not alone the creation of -a monument which, covering the remains and protecting them from -desecration, should plainly mark the place of interment, but the -survivors sought, at the same time, to provide a room in which the dead -might dwell in a manner corresponding to their circumstances during -life. This conception was foreign to the Greeks, who seldom employed -burial chambers of great size; but it was prevalent among the Egyptians, -Persians, Lycians, and other nations of antiquity, though not by them -carried out so logically as by the Etruscans, who usually placed the -bodies upon stone benches, shaped like a bed, as if sleeping. -Sarcophagi, when existing at all, appear to have been added upon further -use of the sepulchre. It is thus, for instance, with the tomb of -Veii--of which _Fig._ 246, at the head of this section, gives an inner -view--with the tomb called that of Regulini-Galassi at Cære, and with -numerous other sepulchres discovered in various cemeteries, notably of -Southern Etruria. There, however, the chambers have mostly proved to -have been plundered in former centuries. - -[Illustration: Fig. 249.--Restored Plan and Elevation of the Tomb of -Porsena.] - -The dwelling-rooms represented are as diverse as those of the living -must naturally have been. No great width of these spaces was possible, -because of the imposed weight of the tumulus; and the apartments -consequently became narrow passages, ceiled by stone lintels, by blocks -leaning against each other as a gable, or by the gradual approach of the -horizontal courses by the projection of each over that beneath it. -Examples of all these methods are provided by the tombs of Alsium, the -present Monteroni; and the before-mentioned Regulini-Galassi tomb of -Cære, the present Cervetri. The latter, so called after its discoverers, -has furnished numerous treasures to the Etruscan Museum of the Vatican; -it consisted of a corridor separated by a wall into compartments, with -rock-cut lateral chambers of oval plan. - -[Illustration: Fig. 250.--Ceiling of a Tomb at Cervetri.] - -When the burial-chamber was a grotto--that is to say, was wholly -excavated from the native rock--a greater width could be obtained. The -ceiling was then carved, either to the outline of a low vault, as in the -Campana tomb at Veii, or, more commonly, in imitation of the beams of a -wooden ceiling. In the latter case various forms appear; for small inner -chambers a simple horizontal ceiling sufficed, and a simple -cross-timbering, overlaid with boards, was chosen as a pattern. The -spacious vestibules frequently have an inclined roof, when ridge-beams, -rafters, and the slats laid upon them are carefully and truthfully -imitated. (_Fig._ 250.) A noteworthy example at Corneto (_Fig._ 255) -shows in its outer room a plain imitation of the Italian atrium, or -court, of the kind termed by Vitruvius _cavædia displuviata_. It is -roofed by four main beams, laid diagonally and inclined outward, which -support the framework of a middle orifice for light and air, and shed -the water without instead of within. From this instance it appears that -the fundamental idea of the chief sepulchral chamber was the atrium, -which was the common gathering-place of the Italian house, as was the -peristyle of the Greek; while the inner chambers represented the various -rooms. - -This imitation of an Etruscan dwelling--a remarkable counterpart, in -architectural respects, to the copies of the exterior of wooden houses -in the Lycian rock-cut tombs--was further carried out by a corresponding -ornamentation of the rooms. The couches hewn from the rock, upon which -the bodies rested, were at times a close imitation of cushions and -pillows; the supports beneath were sculptured like bedsteads, while -stone easy-chairs and footstools stood near to increase the apparent -comfort. The apertures in the wall which separates the two spaces are -reproductions of the framework of doors and windows. (_Fig._ 251.) The -sides of the chambers are stuccoed with plaster of Paris, and covered -with cheerful paintings, illustrating feasts, dances, sacred festivals, -and games. Every conceivable variety of household utensils hang upon the -walls or stand leaning against them, with great numbers of the -well-known painted vases and other works of pottery. These objects, when -not provided in reality, are imitated in stucco-relief and brilliantly -painted, as in a tomb at Cervetri (_Fig._ 252), where walls and piers -are covered with the representations of familiar household articles and -weapons. - -[Illustration: Fig. 251.--Plan and Section of a Tomb at Cervetri.] - -Although the tumuli were the more common funeral monuments, there were -parts of Etruria, among the Apennines, where the limited extent of the -level ground offered no spacious cemetery for the mounds, and where -rocky mountains and abrupt cliffs led to a different form of sepulchre. -A façade was cut upon the background provided by nature, where the -appearance of a dwelling could be imitated with little expenditure of -labor. The most numerous examples of these fronts are in the cemeteries -of Castel d’Asso, near Viterbo. The forms are plain, and not -particularly characteristic; a blind niche, the only architectural -feature of the lower surface, was substituted for a door, the real -entrance being through an insignificant shaft beneath the earth; and the -façade was terminated by a complicated cornice--a confused mass of -roundlets, cyma-mouldings, and rectangular bands, almost without -projection. A stairway was often cut upon one or both sides of the tomb, -leading to a platform or to other sepulchres situated upon a higher -level. - -[Illustration: Fig. 252.--Interior of a Tomb at Cervetri.] - -More remarkable than these monuments at Castel d’Asso are the rock-cut -façades of Norchia, to the west of Viterbo, upon which are imitated the -fronts of temples. The four columns or pilasters, now destroyed, were -placed wide apart, according to the proportions of the Tuscan order. -The entablature consists of a narrow epistyle and a frieze decorated -with clumsy triglyphs, or rather diglyphs, with pointed trunnels under -the regula, above which follows a weak cornice with dentils. The gable -is still more peculiar. Its outer ends curl into a volute, with a -Gorgoneion in its centre, which originally served as a base for the -acroteria; the triangle is filled with reliefs. The whole front gives -the impression of a barbarous mixture of indigenous elements with -Grecian forms, ill understood and roughly rendered. (_Fig._ 253.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 253.--Temple Tomb at Norchia.] - -These remains are interesting, but elements seem to have crept in which -could not originally have belonged to the Etruscan style, and the -façades of Norchia can hence be deemed of but secondary importance in -the study of the temple structures. The plan of these was quite -different from that of the Doric temple. Instead of the length being at -least double the width of the front, as in Greece, the breadth was here -to the length as five to six. The cella did not form a centre around -which stood the columns, but it entirely occupied the rear half of the -area, while the front remained open as a columned porch. Three cellas, -with the images of nearly related deities, were usually grouped -together, the middle one being the largest, and also of the greatest -hieratic importance. In some instances rows of columns were ranged upon -the two long sides of a cella; but the rear wall was always bare. All -artistic effect was here abandoned, and the building was, on this -account, often so placed as to abut immediately against an enclosing -rampart, or against a natural cliff. - -The plan and general arrangement were thus entirely different from those -of the Greek temple. But the same thing is by no means to be said in -regard to the architectural details and members of the building. The -Etruscan column was closely allied to the Doric, and greatly resembled -it, in spite of some marked variations arising from the lingering -influence of the original timbered construction, and the inferior -perception of artistic proportions. The Etruscan shaft, in contrast to -the Doric, had a base consisting of a circular plinth and a tore, both -of equal height. The capital was formed of three parts, equally high, of -which the two upper, the echinos and abacus, were similar to the Doric. -The third beneath--the necking of the column--which, in the Greek -prototype, was divided from the shaft only by slight incisions or an -apophyge, was in this separated by a roundlet; what in Greek -architecture was based upon technical necessities, in Etruria became an -unmeaning decoration. The shaft, apparently not channelled, rose in a -lightness akin to the Ionic, tapering to three quarters of its lower -diameter, and reached a height of seven diameters. The unusually wide -distance between the columns--seven times the lower diameter of the -shaft--in contrast to that in the intercolumniation of the Doric style, -which rarely equalled two diameters, had its origin in the light wooden -beams, which did not require such frequent and powerful supports as did -the stone epistyle of the Greeks. - -The entablature consisted of wooden epistyle beams placed one over -another, fastened together by iron clamps, in at least two courses. From -the text of Vitruvius--from whom the entire description must be taken, -since, on account of the wooden beams, there are no remains of Etruscan -temples--we cannot learn whether these smooth layers took the place of -both architrave and frieze, or whether the upper member resembled the -Doric frieze with triglyphs. From a remark of this writer, the former -appears more probable, as many epistyle timbers being fastened one above -another as the size of the building seemed to require; moreover, -notwithstanding the Hellenic influence, triglyphs were not always -introduced into the Roman Tuscan order. The arrangement of the roof -rafters was doubtless such that their support upon the beams of the -epistyle beneath was hidden, and perhaps rendered more solid by -mortising or dovetailing. Upon the longer sides the roof projected -considerably, fully one quarter of the height of the columns. By this -means the size of the gable was decidedly increased. These gables may -have been decorated with sculptural ornament in the tympanon, of clay or -bronze, and with acroteria, as may be gathered from several notices, as -well as from the rock-tombs of Norchia. Concerning these decorations -Vitruvius is silent; but they could not have altered the heavy, low, and -clumsy character of which he complains, and which is apparent in the -restorations that have been made according to his theory. (_Fig._ 254.) -The Etruscan temple could not become really monumental so long as it -retained the wooden construction in its most essential constituents, and -this seems never to have been given up in the entablature, even when the -direct Grecian influence first made itself felt among the Romans. How -this ultimately changed the fundamental architectural forms of Central -Italy will be explained in the section upon Roman building, which united -the traditions of Etruscan and Hellenic art. - -[Illustration: Fig. 254.--Elevation of the Etruscan Temple according to -Vitruvius.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 255.--Tomb at Corneto.] - -One of the chief features of the Etruscan or primitive Italian -dwelling-house, the inner court, has already been mentioned in the -consideration of the tombs. As in Hellenic architecture, so here this -formed the central point, the chief space of the dwelling, around which -were grouped the ceiled chambers, subordinate in dimensions and in -importance. As the court was intended to be the chief gathering-place, a -partial covering could not have sufficed in these northern Apennines, as -did the Grecian peristyle; for continued rain, snow, and piercing winter -frost were not so rare here as in the lands upon the Kephissos and -Meander. The central aperture was diminished, and the effect of storms -or cold more completely excluded. The Italian atrium, or cavædium, -acquired thus a form essentially different from the Grecian court. If -the aperture open to the sky were reduced to a small orifice for light -and air, only large enough to carry off the smoke from the hearth and -provide sufficient illumination, columnar supports would not be needed, -the rafters being inclined outward, and framed into the square of the -opening, as is conspicuously the case in the tomb at Corneto (_Fig._ -255), and as is also described by Vitruvius (vi. 3). Vertical props -obstructing the space would be the less necessary, inasmuch as the -dimensions of the court were small, on account of the lower temperature -of the region. The Italian court thus differed from that of Greece by an -entire absence of columns, as well as by the outward inclination of the -roof. The latter peculiarity had the advantage that, notwithstanding the -restriction of the central aperture, more light was admitted, the -slanting rays of the sun falling high upon the walls; while, on the -other hand, the interior of the house was free from the objectionable -rain-drip, and, by covering the orifice in bad weather or at night, -could be entirely isolated and protected. A remarkable copy of a roof -upon an Etruscan clay sarcophagus (_Fig._ 256) shows the outward aspects -of the dwellings of Central Italy, as the tomb at Corneto (_Fig._ 255) -does the interior. The roof of the atrium, rising like a clere-story, -inclined outward, while the covering of the chambers surrounding this -space carried the drip still farther from the central aperture. The -practical sense of the Italians was thus expressed, as opposed to the -more cheerful and elevated ideals of form among the Greeks. These -constructive advantages were attained, however, at the cost of that -artistic, or at least tasteful, development of the whole which was -characteristic of the Greeks, even when striving mainly after public -usefulness or private comfort. - -[Illustration: Fig. 256.--Etruscan Sarcophagus.] - -The remaining monuments of Etruria are almost entirely limited to tombs, -among which it is not possible to recognize progressive stages of -architectural design. Still it is evident that examples like the -Regulini-Galassi tomb of Cære, which shows a most primitive covering of -the chambers, and that of Alsium, or the Campana tomb at Veii, must -belong to an earlier period than do those sepulchres in which the -imitation of a dwelling-house, particularly in regard to the -roof-timbering, shows an advanced intelligence and great technical -skill. This skill is equally evident in the decorative members: -pilasters before the piers, the carvings of the coffin-benches, and -utensils upon the walls, with Hellenic features of a late and advanced -period. A further division of Etruscan monuments into chronological -periods is not possible; it is only to be concluded that the most -primitive are less ancient than has usually been supposed, and are -probably to be referred to the seventh century B.C., while the later and -more perfected tombs may date from 250 to 150 B.C. - - * * * * * - -The numerous sculptural productions of Etruria may be better grouped. -They are preserved in the Gregorian Museum of the Vatican, the British -Museum, the earlier Campana collection in the Louvre, and special -collections in various towns in Tuscany, particularly at Perugia. Others -are scattered among the many museums of Europe. As the practical -character of the Italians might lead us to expect, the greater part of -these works consist of utensils and implements; those which bear the -stamp of the greatest antiquity belonging almost exclusively to this -class. The earliest period may be called the _decorative_, in which art -was employed only for the ornamentation of useful articles. The most -ancient specimens of this handiwork are those in the British Museum, -found in the Grotto dell’ Iside of Vulci, and those in the Gregorian -Museum of the Vatican, from the Regulini-Galassi tomb at Cære. The -material is gold, silver, and bronze--occasionally amber and ivory; the -objects are ornaments, such as breastplates, ear-rings, bracelets of -gold wire and thinly beaten gold; also golden and amber necklaces, -silver bowls, candelabra, kettles, tripods, couches, censers, and -shields of bronze. All these are evident imitations of imported wares. -The beaten figures of the breast ornaments remind one of the vessels -excavated at Nineveh, Cyprus, and Mykenæ; the decorations of the silver -bowls are more like the discoveries in Cyprus and Phœnicia; the -bulb-like candelabra are similar to the Cyprian bronze utensils, and -also to the seven-armed candlestick of the Temple of Jerusalem. Having -already designated the vessels of Nineveh and those of Mykenæ as of -Phœnician workmanship, and the Egyptianized ivoryware found upon the -Tigris as having been brought into Mesopotamia by the Phœnicians as -an article of trade, there can be no hesitation in referring the objects -discovered in Etruria to the same origin. The beaten work in sheet-metal -was among the best-executed productions of the Phœnicians, and among -their most important articles of commerce; and intercourse between the -Phœnicians and the Etruscans is known to have been active. Through -this current of trade must also have come the vials and alabasters with -Egyptian hieroglyphics and symbols; the gilded bronze birds with the -pshent upon their heads, like those from the Grotto dell’ Iside; and the -beetle-shaped bodies of clay, like the scarabæus, found in different -places, for the Etruscans had no direct intercourse with Egypt. It is -possible, however, that some of the objects which bear the -characteristic forms of those countries are to be regarded as Etruscan -manufactures, adhering closely to the imported patterns. - -The era next following is distinguished as being emancipated from the -earlier dependence upon the East, the Asiatic influence being gradually -replaced by that of Hellas. Here may be mentioned the half-mythical -report that, about 650 B.C., the Corinthian artists Eucheir, Diopos, and -Eugrammos--whose names, as personification of handiwork in art, give -little confidence--emigrated to Italy and there introduced sculpture. -Though this may be taken to indicate an active artistic impulse, it -cannot alone explain the great and decided advance that we find. In -Southern Etruria monumental sculpture must early have attained a certain -importance, since Tarquinius Priscus ordered from Vulca, or Vulcanius of -Veii, a statue of the Capitoline Jupiter, and a quadriga for the gable -ridge of his temple. The material for such colossal works was -terra-cotta with a painting, perhaps monochromatic; at least, the nude -parts of the image of Jupiter were repeatedly tinted with a red color. -The roughness of such conventionalized work can hardly be conceived; the -trunk, in a sitting figure, was not detailed; the extremities, on the -contrary, had all the ugliness of realism; the head was sharply -individualized, verging upon portraiture. As the oldest example of this -treatment of the head may be mentioned the bust found in the Grotto -dell’ Iside at Vulci (_Fig._ 257), which shows, at the same time, that -the germ of that specific Etruscan motive--the conception of the -individual, to the neglect of the general or ideal--existed even in the -period of dependence upon Asiatic influence. This characteristic -Etruscan formation of the head, though in a less artistic and more -superficial style, is also shown in the so-called _canopi_ of -Chiusi--jugs with portrait heads upon the lids. These are distantly -related to the Egyptian jars of the kind, but show scarcely a trace of -the early conventional influence of ideal Greek sculpture; the heads, of -extreme rudeness, are yet sharp and hard in modelling; coarse -caricatures of the round skull and low, retreating forehead, which yet -betray a certain observation of nature. - -[Illustration: Fig. 257.--Bust from the Grotto dell’ Iside in Vulci.] - -Greek influence is first apparent, though still overbalanced by native -individualization and realistic elements, in a somewhat later -sarcophagus of terra-cotta, found in Cære, now one of the chief -treasures of the Campana collection in the Louvre. (_Fig._ 258.) The -sarcophagus itself shows a draped couch with technical and ornamental -details similar to those found upon the furniture of Assyrian, Xanthian, -and ancient Greek reliefs, and particularly upon archaic vase-paintings. -A man and woman of life-size, leaning with their left elbows upon -leathern cushions, form the lid. If, at first sight, this group has a -somewhat frightful and repellent character, not felt in the most -shocking distortions of primitive art, the cause lies in its prosaic -realism, strikingly heightened by color. Notwithstanding many failures -in point of detail, the effect of life was given by the artist without -additions or idealizations. Rather inclined to caricature--that is, to -the exaggeration of individual characteristics--the Etruscan artist -sensibly failed in the reproduction of the head, because wanting in that -training in fundamental correctness, through the canonical formation of -a true type, which preceded the Grecian perfection. The representation -of the individual, instead of being the first aim, should have been left -to the last, and it was on this account that the skulls were deformed by -various peculiar defects, while the eyes and mouth were drawn upward in -a manner that is natural only to the Mongolian race. The same is true in -regard to the terra-cotta reliefs of this period, in which the striving -after action and naturalness of appearance caused an excessive -restlessness in all the motions of the dislocated arms and hands, -particularly evident in the ivory reliefs upon a number of caskets. - -[Illustration: Fig. 258.--Sarcophagus of Terra-cotta from Cære. -(Louvre.)] - -Sculpture in marble at this period, about 550 to 300 B.C., was less -developed; single archaic reliefs in this material--of which Southern -Etruria offers but few--appear flat, and entirely under the influence of -painting. The inadequacy of the artistic ability of this time is shown, -for example, in a relief of Chiusi, representing the lamentation for the -dead, where expression of sorrow is combined with caricatured individual -features, very rude in drawing and form. (_Fig._ 259.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 259.--Etruscan Relief.] - -The bronze-work, which is closely connected with the terra-cotta work, -was of greater importance, and betrays a more decided and enduring -Phœnician influence than do the terra-cotta statues. This is shown in -the beaten bronzes, thin plates of which were used to overlay wooden -forms. The most important example, the remains of a chariot found at -Perugia, is preserved in the Glyptothek and Antiquarium at Munich. The -representations of a sea-horse, a woman with fins, sphinxes, and a man -who holds or strangles two lions, give evidence rather of Oriental than -of Hellenic prototypes. The uncertainty in form and proportions, the -ungainliness of the figures, and the awkwardness of the entire -composition are in no wise compensated by the careful execution of the -finely engraved details to be seen only upon close inspection. A tripod, -found at the same time in Perugia, also now in Munich, shows a certain -advance. Its three sides have representations of Hercules, and the -Italian Juno Sospita, with the so-called Bœotian shield and pointed -shoes, in somewhat higher beaten reliefs, very carefully engraved. This -tripod is distinguished from the preceding examples as being the work of -a more skilful artist, but differs little, or perhaps not at all, in -point of age. The upper part of this vessel, now lacking, was mostly of -bronze casting; the borders of the seat and the ends of the shafts upon -the Perugian chariot were decorated with statuettes of solid metal; but -these, as well as the handles upon utensils, seem to have been mere -artisan work, not unlike the ornaments upon the handles, the furniture, -chariots, etc., shown by the reliefs of Nineveh. - -Works in bronze of considerable size must have been numerous at that -period, as, in 260 B.C., Volsinii alone was in possession of two -thousand bronze statues; but only a single example remains of -well-attested Etruscan origin, the Capitoline Wolf (_Fig._ 260); -probably the same which, soon after 300 B.C., was consecrated in Rome -under the Ruminal fig-tree. It is a hollow cast, which, with great -hardness and carefulness of treatment, gives the well-understood -character of this animal excellently, almost to the point of caricature. -It well illustrates the peculiarities of Etruscan art above described, -inasmuch as it sacrifices to realism all artistic beauty. The chimera of -Arezzo in Florence, and a griffin in Leyden, are similar in style; but, -notwithstanding their Etruscan inscriptions, it is doubtful whether they -are of Tuscan workmanship. - -[Illustration: Fig. 260.--Capitoline Wolf.] - -Here should be mentioned the bronze utensils ornamented by -drawings--_sgraffiti_--particularly the mirrors, generally in the form -of plates, one side of which had a polished surface, while the other was -engraved. The handles upon these either represented figures like -caryatides, or, more commonly, ended in a deer’s head. Toilet cistas, a -further variety of these works, were of cylindrical form, usually with -the claws of animals for feet, and a group of human figures upon the -cover as a handle; but these, on account of their engravings, should -rather be considered in the section upon painting, and are mentioned -here merely because of the accompanying castings. Only a small part of -them belongs to the archaic period. - -About 300 B.C. the art of Etruria appears to have reached its highest -point of independence and perfection, which, in sculpture, is -illustrated by the terra-cotta sarcophagus of Cære in the Louvre, and by -the Capitoline Wolf. The old ignorance of proportions had disappeared, -and a tolerable correctness was attained; the realistic tendency no -longer struggled with unpliant forms, as in the former period, when it -might have been likened to the lisping and stammering of children. Yet -the Etruscan artists never succeeded in harmonious combinations, or in -mastery and surety of form. The stream of Grecian art, long restrained, -or, so far as possible, turned aside, at length overcame all obstacles. -Up to this time the taste of the Etruscans for the archaic and the -archaistic, aided by the importations of that character, had given to -their art an antiquity of aspect in form and in painting far beyond its -true age. But when political Etruria ceased to exist, as its walls were -destroyed at the opening of the cities by the Romans, Grecian art, of -the period of the Diadochi, entered from the coasts of Magna Græcia. - -This is first noticeable in the sculptured lids of the sarcophagi of -this Hellenistic period. That of Cære, mentioned above, was executed in -almost entire independence of the influence of Greece: a copy was made -directly from life, with a prosaic realism which, without restraint or -culture, and with no feeling for the beautiful, was still fascinating -from its naturalness. In later times this unpoetical sobriety and -truthfulness to individual peculiarities still existed; but they were -affected by Hellenic forms and formulas, which, being without organic -unity or intrinsic significance, and void of capacity for development, -were merely an exterior varnish. This period is most clearly represented -by the lids of three sarcophagi carved in alabaster and a soft stone. Of -these, one bears a reclining image with five statues in the full round -at the head and feet (_Fig._ 261); the two others, from Vulci, represent -a man and woman upon the marriage bed, wrought in high-relief. The -portraiture of the chief personages is by no means limited to the heads. -Apart from the accessories, chosen from the purely human sphere of daily -existence, the position and modelling of the nude portions of the body -were evidently taken from living models. The secondary figures and the -drapery show a decided Grecian influence, in visible contrast to the -inherent realism. Organic connection and unity of style are wanting, and -this want leaves it to be regretted that Greek forms should ever have -found admission into Etruria, for by them the native tendency towards -the realistic was checked, while the originality sacrificed was not -compensated by a merely external Greek formalism, never essentially -understood. - -[Illustration: Fig. 261.--Etruscan Stone Sarcophagus.] - -This condition of things is most strikingly exemplified by the reliefs -upon the two sarcophagi of Vulci, the lids of which have been referred -to above. Upon the front of one is shown a wedding procession, and upon -the end a funeral chariot drawn by mules, with the married pair seated -under a canopy. In the arrangement and drapery they somewhat resemble -Grecian sculptures, but the heads, especially of the important figures, -are portraits, with traits of realistic coarseness in all the nude -parts. Even in subject, as Brunn remarks, this naturalism is apparent. -While the Greeks would have chosen to represent a mythological wedding -like that of Heracles, Peleus, or Cadmus, and the Romans would have -illustrated the bridal pair--in a conception more theological than -mythological--by Victory, Juno, and Venus, with the Graces in their -train, the Etruscans show the marriage in a literal manner, the united -pair being followed by servants, with couch, sun-shade, wash-basin, -crook, horn, flutes, and harp. In the reliefs upon the other sarcophagus -the subjects selected offered no opportunity for purely Etruscan -motives; battles of the Amazons, and heroic encounters of naked youths, -on foot and upon horse, gave no scope to realistic treatment. They -consequently appear almost entirely Greek, but clumsy and superficial, -justifying, by the slavishness of their imitation and the weakness of -their composition, the suggestion of Brunn, that the Etruscan artists -not only made use of Hellenic designs as a kind of pattern-book, but, -when they would illustrate some scene for which they had no complete -guide, combined separate groups from different examples. In the steer -seized by lions, and the horse lacerated by griffins, upon the small -sides of the same sarcophagus, may be recognized not only Oriental -conceptions, but an Asiatic treatment. - -The terra-cotta sculptures of this period show the same Hellenic -tendency, with, the same superficiality and relation to the late Greek -degeneracy. Examples of this are to be found in the antefixes of a -sarcophagus from Vulci, and some fine urns belonging particularly to -Northern Etruria--Volterra, Clusium, and Perugia--which appear in tufa -and travertine, and represent the latest period--150 to 100 B.C. Grecian -legendary scenes have been observed upon earlier works, and afterwards -they became more general; but a certain preference for particular and -better known fables is evident, and native additions are easily -recognized. - -Not to speak of later examples in bronze, and the engraved drawings upon -cistas and mirrors, which will be treated of below, the most important -statue is the so-called Mars from Todi, now in the Vatican museum. -According to its inscription, it is Umbrian, but it is properly to be -considered here, because for the too limited term Etruscan art might -well be substituted Italian, or at least Central Italian. Vigorous in -all its details, and betraying throughout the later Hellenic style, the -Mars is yet stiff, heavy, and without organic understanding. Similar to -it are other figures of warriors; but the Boy with the Duck, in the -museum at Leyden, in spite of the stiff and hard features, would, -perhaps, not be recognized as Etruscan at all, were it not for the -inscription upon his right leg, and the bulla upon his neck-band. The -life-like statue of an orator in Florence might, in like manner, pass -for Roman, were there not something in the head, and in the lame -position of the legs, particularly hard and commonplace, a quality -which, in the Roman works of this kind, is always tempered by some -degree of heroic conception. The difference is less evident because the -primitive art of the Romans and Etruscans was much the same, and the -Greek influence the same in both, though this was earlier and more -active in Rome. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: Fig. 262.--Painting from Cære.] - -The painting of Etruria naturally followed a process of development -similar to that of the sculpture. In the earliest times it appears that -painting was rare in comparison with the decorative works of beaten -metal plate, and that the little there was followed Phœnician and -Egyptian models, in so far, at least, as may be judged from the few -utensils which have been found in the so-called Grotto dell’ Iside in -Vulci. These are ornamented partly with painting, partly with colored -enamel. This decorative and dependent period lasted at least until the -beginning of the sixth century; and the Oriental tendency towards -decoration was by no means lost with its transition into the independent -monumental and realistic style, as is proved by the pictures of the -Campana tomb at Veii, with their attenuated animal figures. But the -obtrusive archaistic ornament upon the human figures began already to -show the native realistic tendency, which obtained complete mastery in -the two tombs of Corneto, called the Tomba del Morto, and Tomba delle -Inscrizioni, of about the same date. A painting upon slabs of -terra-cotta from Cære (_Fig._ 262) is perhaps still older. In the former -examples, though known to be antique, the treatment was more archaistic -than archaic, and the monstrous decorative style of Asia was apparent, -like that upon ancient vase-paintings. But in the Cære slabs the -fundamental principle was realistic imitation of the life. The influence -of Hellenic art, increasing because of the importation of Greek vases, -is first evident upon a number of clay figures from Cære. There is -little unity in the subjects: they appear to be devotional and -ceremonial rather than mythological, the demoniacal and funereal -elements predominating. The colors are sombre, with no decided blue, -red, or green; only brown, yellow, reddish brown, gray, and black were -employed upon a white ground. No trace of shading is perceptible, and -the drawing, with exception of the outline, is limited to the indication -of the almond-shaped eyes, and to slight suggestions of the knees, -elbows, and nails. The forms are heavy and without dignity, the motions -stiff, and the step as though climbing, with the arms thrown violently -upward, as if running in the greatest haste. Still, they give evidence -of great observation of nature, with the avoidance of a systematic -uniformity in drawing, motion, and gesture; but the imitation is hardly -successful, though in the reclining figures, for which a living model -was most easily obtained, there is a certain degree of truthfulness. In -the picture from Cære the many-colored altar, with its peculiar top -reminding one of the profiles of Castel d’Asso, is very characteristic. -The wall-paintings in the older tombs of Corneto, already mentioned, are -somewhat more advanced in regard to understanding of form and -truthfulness in the expression of the heads; also in the soles of the -feet being no longer so flatly set. At the same time, Grecian influence -is very distinctly visible. One of these, the Tomba del Morto, -represents a death-bed and its surroundings, with a group of dancers and -drinkers; the other, the Tomba delle Inscrizioni, shows racing, boxing, -wrestling, and preparations for a feast. A third sepulchre at Corneto, -the so-called Tomba del Barone, is, perhaps, still further developed, -with the strictness of the archaic Hellenic vase-painting. Youthful -riders, men and women with bowls, and finely modelled garments are -separated by small trees. - -This archaic hardness was again modified in the next later group of four -tombs: the Grotto delle Bighe, the Grotto del Citharedo, the Grotto -Marzi, or del Triclinio, and the Grotto Querciola, mostly named from -some chief motive of the representation within. The garments allow the -outlines of the figure to be seen: the forms have become more slender, -the position of the limbs, step, and action more correct; while the -color, from the use of red and green, is brighter. Although the archaic -tendency still prevails, as may be seen from the more marked Hellenic -influence, a decided effort to develop the native realism is evident in -the contemporary paintings from Chiusi, of the Tomba Ciaja, the Tomba di -1833, and the Tomba François. These certainly do not show the fine -modulation and clearness of the Corneto paintings, but, instead, a -greater variety, originality, and truth. In the Tomba di 1833, for -example, the eye appears drawn in profile. These works are the -perfection of the second period, the time of independent realistic -development, dating from the fifth to the fourth century B.C. - -The last phase of Etruscan painting, when the Hellenic influence -predominated as largely as in the sculptural works of the third and -second centuries B.C., commenced with the extensive adoption of the -Greek myths, previously but seldom employed. This epoch is illustrated -by coins, occasionally found in tombs, which still show the native -naturalistic traits, and a certain quaint sobriety not overcome by the -exaggeration of gesture. The effect is far more picturesque than that of -the older works, from a very moderate but still appreciative use of -light and shade. The close of the period is marked by a novelty of -subject, the introduction of Italian legends, such as the -half-historical personifications of Mastarna (or Servius Tullius) and -Cælius Vibenna. The art, which, more or less substantially, outlived the -independence of its narrow home, thus acquired a Roman character. - - * * * * * - -Numerous and varied products testify to the Etruscan industry in -artistic manufactures; the bronze utensils in the tombs, with -_sgraffiti_, or engraved drawings, bore the same historical relation to -ancient paintings that copper-plate engraving does to the modern. Of the -thousand hand-mirrors known, only a few belong to the earlier period; -but in the subjects of the more developed archaic examples, Greek -character predominates. The frequently recurring representations of -Bacchus and Eros and of the Judgment of Paris remind one of the festival -and morning toilets; Ariadne and the female deities suggest womanly -customs. A great portion of the Greek mythology is illustrated upon the -mirrors of the third period, which show extreme Hellenic influence. Most -of these productions are naturally mere handiwork, and artistically -valueless; but single specimens, from their extraordinary beauty, might -pass for Grecian work did not the inscriptions and accessories, -specifically Etruscan, like the bullæ, prevent this assumption. For -example, the unequalled mirror, in which Semele embraces the youthful -Dionysos in so charming a manner, represents the heroine in such noble -proportions that it may, without hesitation, be reckoned among the most -beautiful results of artistic industry. Similar in character are the -engraved cistas, cylindrical toilet-cases, which illustrated Grecian -myths, like those of Perseus and Prometheus, the Judgment of Paris, and -the rites over the body of Patroclos, in a careful manner and with -vigorous drawing, but not without the hardness peculiar to Etruscan -composition. Italian myths also appear, like that of Æneas; and Latin -inscriptions, as those upon the magnificent cista of Ficoroni, -ornamented with illustrations of the legend of the Argonauts, show that -this process of engraving was also employed with success by the early -Romans. - -A consideration of Etruscan art is important, because, without it, an -understanding of Roman art is not possible, at least in the fields of -architecture and sculpture. Up to a certain point of time, Roman art was -entirely developed from Etruscan art, or, perhaps, went hand in hand -with it, as will be more particularly shown in the following section. -The subject should be more closely investigated, especially in the -province of painting, with the hope that, from analogous illustrations, -much which still remains dark in primitive Hellenic art may also be made -clear. - -[Illustration: Fig. 263.--Janus Quadrifrons in the Forum Boarium.] - - - - -ROME. - - -It has been remarked in the preceding section that the term “Etruscan -art” admits, in many respects, of no definite restriction. The southern -boundaries of the country between the Po and the Gulf of Tarention had -early been colonized by the Greeks, but its artistic industry was, in -the primitive historical ages, chiefly in the hands of the Etruscans, -and their name alone has on this account been applied to the -architecture, sculpture, and painting of all Central Italy. But -neighboring races, notably the Umbrians, Latins, and Sabines, also took -part in the development of this artistic civilization--advancing, in -great measure, from common starting-points, and with like results. The -migrations and commerce of the nations inhabiting the Italian peninsula -were not less extended and active than were those of the people -occupying the Peloponnesos and the islands of the Ægean Sea: the -relations to the Orient, through the medium of Phœnician traders, -were much the same in both cases, and it is not strange that similar -phases of advance are noticeable, though restricted in rapidity and -degree, among tribes dwelling in the regions more remote from the sea. - -[Illustration: Fig. 264.--Gate of the Walls of Norba.] - -Between the Tiber and Garigliano, as well as between the Arno and Tiber, -there exist extensive remains of Cyclopean masonry, as well as walls of -hewn and squared stones. The former were predominant in the mountainous -interior, as at Alatrium, Arpinum, Aurunca, Cora, Cures, Ecetræ, -Ferentinum, Medullia, Norba, Præneste, Signia, Sora, Tibur, Verulæ, -etc.; the latter in the low rolling land between the Apennines and the -Tyrrhenian Sea, as at Æsernia, Antium, Ardea, Aricia, Aufidena, -Lavinium, Politorium or Apiolæ, Satricum, Scaptia, Tellenæ, Tusculum, -and Rome. They frequently occur in contemporary works, as, for example, -in the well-preserved polygonal ruins of Norba and Signia (the present -Norma and Segni) and the horizontal courses of the Servian -fortification, both of which constructions date from the period of the -later kings. The age of these works can usually be roughly estimated: -the Cyclopean walls of Olevano, of enormous unhewn boulders, like the -fortifications of Tiryns, are evidently of greater antiquity than the -carefully fitted polygonal masonry of Norba and Signia (_Fig._ 264), -where the separate stones are tooled to plane faces and sides; while the -irregular horizontal courses of unequal thickness, which form the older -Latin ramparts, precede, in point of time, the exactly jointed blocks of -the Servian walls of Rome. A more exact classification or chronological -determination is not possible. - -[Illustration: Fig. 265.--Remains of the Servian Wall upon the -Aventine.] - -Among all the remains of primitive walls in Italy, those of Rome are -naturally the most interesting. It unfortunately cannot be definitely -proved that a part of a rampart upon the western corner of the Palatine, -excavated thirty years ago from the rubbish and brick revetment of the -imperial period, appertained to the fortifications which surrounded the -city of Romulus. But this masonry, though not perhaps attributable to -the eighth century, is certainly of an early age of Roman history. It is -formed of oblong stones, exactly hewn, and laid in courses of stretchers -and headers, without the use of mortar, the careful jointing showing a -high degree of technical perfection. The better-authenticated remains of -the circuit wall of Servius Tullius are similar in character. They have -been best preserved upon the southern slope of the Aventine, east of the -Via di S. Prisca, where they attain a height of 10 m., with a length of -30 m. (_Fig._ 265.) The arrangement of the jointing, however, is not so -well considered as that in the former example, the vertical interstices -of adjoining courses being frequently continuous. - -The passage formed a small vestibule or chamber in the thickness of the -wall, which required inner and outer portals, like those of the Temple -of Janus upon the Velabrum, which, long after the ruin of the Servian -fortifications, and even down to the time of the empire, were sacredly -preserved as relics. A similar arrangement existed in Etruria even more -frequently than in the Latin cities. - -The Roman gates were so doubled as to form two passages side by -side--one for entrance, the other for exit; a comparatively narrow -opening could thus provide ample space for those moving only in the same -direction. It is not certainly known how these Roman gates were covered. -The oldest vestiges of masonry in Latium show no traces of vaulting, -while other means of accomplishing the connection have been preserved -almost intact, such as the heavy lintels upon vertical or inclined -jambs, as at Segni, Circello, Alatri, and Olevano; or the gradual -projection of the horizontal courses beyond those beneath them, as at -Arpino. The primitive houses for springs, and the so-called Mamertine -Prison, show that vaulting was not practised in Rome or the neighboring -Latin cities during the early ages; the Prison, probably built in the -time of Servius Tullius, appears to have been somewhat similar in -construction to the Greek tholos. A further example of this kind is the -chamber for a fountain in Tusculum, where the stone slabs of the ceiling -lean so as to form a sort of continuous gable. - -Rome owed more to the last fifty years of its hated kings than to the -two following centuries. From the royal period dates one of the most -important monuments of vaulted construction, the Cloaca Maxima of Rome, -built in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, and probably under the -direction of engineers from his native Etruria. To this gigantic work, -admired even in the time of the magnificent Roman empire, is undoubtedly -owing the preservation of the Eternal City, which it has secured from -the swamping that has befallen its neighboring plains. Its quarried -stones are still visible beneath the later brick arches in the vicinity -of S. Giorgio in Velabro. (_Fig._ 266.) The building of drains naturally -led to extensive works upon the banks of the river, which protected the -thickly populated city; it was forgotten that, in earlier ages, it had -often been necessary to traverse the Velabrum in boats, and that the -spring freshets had extended a sheet of water between the Palatine and -Capitoline hills. - -[Illustration: Fig. 266.--Cloaca Maxima.] - -All these structures were emphatically works of engineering; the -building of walls, gateways, drains, and vaulted roofs presented nothing -to elevate them into independent and artistic monuments of architecture. -Among the Roman temples of this period only two appear to have been of -importance for the history of art--the national shrine of Diana upon the -Aventine, and the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus; both built by the last -three kings, Tarquinius Priscus, Servius Tullius, and Tarquinius -Superbus. The first of these structures has been compared to the -Artemesion at Ephesos, the national sanctuary of the Ionians; but it -would be wrong to draw from this a conclusion in regard to the style of -the Latin temple of the same goddess, which was most probably Tuscan, as -that of the Temple of Jupiter is known to have been, from descriptions -given by ancient writers as well as from the recent excavations of -Jordan. According to Dionysios of Halicarnassos, the substructure of -this latter building--eight hundred Roman feet in circumference--was -only fifteen feet greater in length than in width; these dimensions -agree well with the proportion of five to six given by Vitruvius for the -temple architecture of the Etruscans. The cella of the Capitoline temple -was divided into three ædiculæ, another peculiarity assigned by the -Roman writer to the sacred edifices of Etruria; it had three ranges of -columns, of six each, before the cella, which provided a portico equal -in depth to half the entire length of the building. The ornamentation, -which will be treated more fully in the section upon Roman sculpture, -was wholly the work of the Etruscans. This race had, indeed, settled in -Rome between the Capitol and the Palatine, where the name of Vicus -Tuscus preserved, until late historical times, the memory of their -settlement and of the considerable part taken by them in the peopling of -ancient Rome. It is even stated by Pliny (xxxv. 12, 45, and 154) that, -for seventeen years after the expulsion of the kings--namely, until the -building of the Temple of Ceres upon the Circus--all the sanctuaries of -Rome were Etruscan; that is to say, were not only built in the Tuscan -style, which might more properly be called the ancient Italian, but were -erected by Etruscan artificers, or, at least, under the direction of -Etruscan artists. - -Even the Temple of Ceres appears to have been Tuscan in general -disposition, its cella having been triply divided and its -intercolumniations excessively great, as may be seen by the remains of a -later restoration still existing in S. Maria in Cosmedin. In this -temple, however, the influence of Greek architecture, introduced through -the Hellenic colonies of Magna Græcia, had already begun to gain ground -in the arrangement and the details, though the ancient Italian -traditions were too deeply rooted to permit it essentially to alter the -original distribution. The structure remained nearly square, being -equally divided between the portico and the cella. This is illustrated -by the Temple of Concord, erected by Camillus upon the Forum at the foot -of the Capitol in 367 B.C. The limited area, defined by the neighboring -buildings and by the steep slope of the hill against which it stood, -prevented even later restorations from elongating its plan. The extended -oblong of the Hellenic temple was naturally adopted, in place of the -heavy proportions of the Tuscan temples, as soon as the execution of the -entablature in stone rendered the excessively wide intercolumniations -impossible, and placed insurmountable difficulties in the way of the -broad front. Still, the Etruscan or ancient Italian division of the -building was retained, inasmuch as the columns were usually restricted -to a pronaos of great depth, such as is shown by the ruins of four -temples in the Forum Romanum. The Roman prostylos, as Vitruvius terms a -temple thus planned, may be regarded as the first compromise effected -between the ancient Italian and the Hellenic disposition. (_Figs._ 267 -and 271.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 267.--Temple of Fortuna Virilis.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 268.--Temple of Antoninus and Faustina.] - -The early Italian manner of abutting the undeveloped back of the -building upon the circuit wall of the temenos, or against a cliff, seems -to have long remained in practice; but, in cases where this was -impossible, the bare sides and rear of the cella appeared intolerable -when compared with the outstanding wings of the Greek peripteros. -Although, in some instances, the prostylos plan was adopted in later -ages, as in the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina (_Fig._ 268) in the -Forum, where the enclosing walls of the cella are treated with -pilasters, this was only in cases where the sanctuary was so crowded by -adjoining buildings that little else than the portico could be seen. In -completely isolated structures the desire of approaching the peripteral -effect led to the application of engaged columns to the side and rear -walls of the cella, thus attaining, in the so-called prostylos -pseudoperipteros, the highest stage of that development of sacred -architecture which was peculiar to Rome. The purely peripteral form was -naturally adopted in later times, primitive cellas being enclosed by -outstanding ranges of columns; but two fundamental peculiarities were -always retained: the pronaos always formed a deep portico, and the naos -always remained a spacious hall, the peripteral columns being fitted to -it, and made of subordinate importance. The dimensions of the cella were -thus not restricted by the pteroma, as was the case in the temples of -Greece, and especially in those of Sicily; for the chief difference -between the architectural tendencies of the Greeks and the Romans was -that the former devoted their attention almost exclusively to the -perfection of external appearance, creating monuments of unequalled -beauty, while the latter held material usefulness to be of the first -importance, assigning to technical excellence a second place, and to -artistic design but a third, thus creating imposing interiors admirably -adapted to their purposes. - -[Illustration: Fig. 269.--Engaged Tuscan Column from the Flavian -Amphitheatre] - -The details of their architecture were with the Romans purely decorative -and applied. The Doric style, which had predominated in Lower Italy and -Sicily, and must have offered the most numerous models near at hand, was -nevertheless least employed. It would be difficult to decide whether -this is to be ascribed to the similarity of the Tuscan and Doric styles, -and their derivation from a common prototype, or to the development of -the two manners of building in different directions; certain it is that -the channelled shaft was not employed, and the Doric entablature -appeared only in an attenuated and purely ornamental imitation, above -the wide intercolumniations of the ancient Italian façade. The Tuscan -(_Fig._ 269) became somewhat higher in proportion to its diameter, and -was slightly altered in detail. The epistyle was diminished to a narrow -band, and, in the smaller temples, was usually carved from one stone -with the frieze of triglyphs, thus destroying the separate importance of -these two members. The diminutive triglyphs were frequently increased in -number above the intercolumniations; the chamferings were terminated -above by a straight line, while the guttæ were lengthened and had a more -marked conical form. The proportionally small metopes were either -entirely without sculptured ornament, or were provided with rosettes, -disks, and the heads of oxen; which last were introduced as a -reminiscence of the barbaric custom, prevalent in early times, of -affixing the skulls of the sacrificed animals to the wooden entablature. -The corona was usually not inclined like this member in the Doric -cornice; the mutules lost their _guttæ_, and became simplified to plain -consoles. (_Fig._ 270.) In some instances Ionic elements were introduced -into the Doric entablature, as in the sarcophagus--now in the -Vatican--of L. Corn. Scipio Barbatus, who was consul in 298 B.C., where -an Ionic cornice surmounts the frieze of triglyphs, and Ionic spirals -decorate the lid. The Theatre of Marcellus displays a similar -combination; and, in other cases, Doric forms are entirely supplanted by -simplified Ionic members. - -[Illustration: Fig. 270.--Temple at Cori.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 271.--Temple of Fortuna Virilis.] - -Towards the end of the third century B.C. the Ionic style was generally -introduced; yet, according to the nature of Roman architecture, which -did but borrow external features from foreign nations, itself supplying -the general disposition and constructive forms, it became nothing more -than a decorative adjunct: the Grecian _style_ became a Roman _order_. -Attic Ionic influences were naturally more prevalent than those of Asia -Minor. This was particularly fortunate, because a canon of mathematical -rules early took the place of independent development, hardening the -forms into formulas. This mechanical method of design was favored by the -extended application of engaged columns and pilasters which did not -require the complete execution of the elaborate capital, while, in the -decoration of colossal buildings of several stories, the distance from -the eye rendered a simplification of the Ionic helices natural, as well -as more suitable to the coarse and porous stone employed by the Roman -builders. (_Fig._ 271.) The complicated corner capital of the Ionic -style could not, however, be avoided upon the free-standing columns of -the temple fronts, and the execution of this member must have been -exceedingly troublesome to artisans accustomed to work everything after -one model. It is therefore to be regarded as a direct consequence of -the Roman architectural system that a variety of the Ionic capitals -appeared in later times which omitted the rolls and displayed the -spirals upon all four sides. This form, as exemplified by the Temple of -Saturn upon the Clivus Capitolinus, seems to have arisen by repeating -the two outer sides of the corner capital upon those remaining. The -entablature was of great simplicity, perhaps because the comparatively -rare employment of this order left it undeveloped. - -Before the Roman had decided upon the practical but inartistic -repetition of the volutes upon all four sides--by which the nature of -the Ionic capital was destroyed, and the spiral treated in the early -Asiatic manner as mere ornament--the Corinthian capital had come into -general and popular use. It has already been explained, in the section -upon Hellenic architecture, that the Corinthian capital attained no -typical form in its native country, and could not be ranked with the -Doric and Ionic styles, being a mere variety of the Ionic capital -without any individual formation of the shaft and entablature. The -Corinthian columns of the uncompleted Temple of the Olympian Zeus at -Athens, which Sulla transported to Rome about the year 84 B.C. for the -rebuilding of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, were, if not the first -in Rome, at least those which were in later times taken by Roman -architects as typical examples of their style. The Roman architect -justly preferred the Corinthian capital because of its capacity for more -varied application, without that fatal difficulty at the corners -inherent in the Ionic style, and because of its rich effect, even when -less carefully and delicately detailed. The preference for the -Corinthian may be justifiable, but that form of Composite capital into -which it developed, by a multiplication of its ornaments and the -addition of four spirals upon the corners, must be regarded as a -debasement. (_Fig._ 273.) The fact should not be overlooked that this -arrangement of acanthus around a concave kernel best solves the problem -of the capital as a mediating member between the vertical support and -the horizontal entablature, as well as between the circular plan of the -shaft and the rectangle of the epistyle. (_Fig._ 272.) - -The leaves and tendrils of the capital were at last introduced into the -entablature, which thereby assumed a peculiar character, and permitted -the Romans, for whom the forms of Hellenic architecture were nothing -more than a decorative mask, to place the Corinthian, as an independent -order, by the side of the Ionic and the Tuscan or Doric. As the -Corinthian base had been formed by a combination of the Ionic and Attic -mouldings, the consoles of the cornice resulted from a fusion of Ionic -dentils and Doric mutules. The simplicity and slight projection of the -dentils did not suffice for the requirements of florid Roman -architecture; the horizontal mutules without guttæ, characteristic of -the later Tuscan style, consequently took their place, supported by the -spiral brackets which had been already employed as the parotides beneath -the cornices over Ionic doorways. A richly foliated ornamentation fully -harmonized these new members with the acanthus capital, and gave to the -entire cornice an independent importance and a certain lavish elegance, -soon, however, debased by the extravagance of the decorators. Continued -increase of ornament resulted in a want of attention to the general -composition--a loss which the multiplication of the details could ill -supply, especially as they were without even formal beauty. - -[Illustration: Fig. 272.--Corinthian Capital from the Pantheon.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 273.--Composite Capital.] - -The sacred buildings of the Romans have been considered thus at length -because offering the best opportunity for a characterization of the -orders; yet the significance of their national architecture is not to be -found in the temples, but rather in their structures for public utility -and comfort. In these the technical naturally far exceeded the artistic -element, and it is consequently in points of construction that the great -advances of the Romans appear. In these methods they were almost wholly -independent, and were by far the most important people of antiquity. -Masonry of brick and hewn stones early attained great extent and -perfection, furthered by the excellent materials at hand--the hard -Tiburtine and Travertine limestones, the tufa so easily carved, the -unequalled clay for bricks, and the famous volcanic sand and pozzuolana -which, when combined with lime, harden to the firmest stone. Vaulting -was generally introduced as early as the time of the kings, the walls -and ceiling forming an uninterrupted mass of homogeneous materials; the -vertical and horizontal members, support and covering, being blended -together without marked transition. Before this system of construction -was invented the spacious and monumental development of protected rooms -had been possible only under great limitations; without it these chief -ends of Roman architecture could not have been attained. - -The building of barrel vaults with hewn stones, as observed in the -Cloaca Maxima, was attended with certain difficulties; the great weight -of the masonry permitted a moderately large span only when immense and -cumbrous buttresses were provided. This objection was, in a great -degree, obviated by the employment of bricks, but the size of the spaces -covered was limited by the necessity of heavy supporting-walls at the -sides. The full scope of vaulted construction was not recognized until -the introduction, by the Romans, of the intersecting or cross vaults, or -the so-called groined arch. This replaced the two side walls previously -necessary to support the barrel vault, by piers upon the four corners, -at the same time opening the covered space on all four sides. The way -was thus prepared for an indefinite series of such quadrangular -compartments, or bays, covering a continuous space. A third development -of this principle, the hemispherical vault or cupola, was of more -restricted application, having been employed only for circular -buildings, or, when bisected, for apses, or semicircular additions to -the plans of rectangular temples and halls. The date of the first -appearance of the cross-vault can hardly have been earlier than the -second century B.C. - -[Illustration: Fig. 274.--Section of the Aqua Marcia Tepula and Julia, -near the Porta San Lorenzo.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 275.--Section of the Pantheon, in its Present -Condition.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 276.--Section of the Pantheon. Restoration by -Adler.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 277.--Plan of the Baths of Caracalla.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 278.--Chief Hall of the Baths of Caracalla.] - -The first secular buildings which attained monumental importance were -undoubtedly those erected for public usefulness, like the extensive -covered canals so requisite to the very existence of Rome. On the one -hand, it was necessary, by means of gigantic sewers, to drain the low -land, which was not only full of springs, but was periodically flooded -by the Tiber; on the other, to provide the metropolis with good water by -aqueducts extending to great distances. Still, it was not until the year -312 B.C., more than two centuries after the building of the Cloaca -Maxima, that the first work of this kind, the Aqua Appia, was completed, -simultaneously with the first great military road, by the famous censor -Appius Claudius Cæcus. This entirely subterranean aqueduct, eight Roman -miles long, was followed, down to the time of Diocletian, by no less -than thirteen similar constructions of increased dimensions and -magnificence. (_Fig._ 274.) Almost all extended to the mountains which -surround the Campagna, even reaching a length of forty-two Roman miles. -They provided so great a quantity of excellent water that one third part -of it would have been more than sufficient for the real necessities of -the city. Stupendous arches raised the conduits high above the ground, -while valleys and ravines were spanned by mighty works of engineering, -even rivalling the bridges upon the great military roads. The greater -part of the water thus obtained was used for the baths, which were -increased under the emperors to a measureless luxury, and provided the -chief means by which these rulers purchased the favor of the populace. -There were in Rome no less than eight hundred and fifty-six private -baths open to the use of every citizen for a certain price, besides the -great imperial structures which were free to the public. The first -founder of these free baths was Agrippa, in 25 B.C., who appears to have -followed, in their general arrangement, the type of a Greek gymnasion. -The bodily exercises of early times, by which the military power of the -State had been trained, were succeeded under the empire by a luxurious -care for physical well-being; gymnastic drill appeared unnecessary to -the sovereigns of all the known world, while the bath and the toilet -became more and more important. Thus, in the Roman baths, the spaces for -serious athletic contests, which had formed the principal part of the -Greek gymnasion, were wholly subordinated to the departments for -indolent luxury and light amusements. The primitive bathing-chambers -were enlarged to magnificent halls, which offered the greatest scope for -the development of that interior architecture which was cultivated with -such great success by the Romans. This grandeur is evident in the -imposing rotunda still remaining from the Baths of Agrippa, the -remarkable circular structure which, because of its beauty, was -transformed by Agrippa himself into a temple--the Pantheon--by the -addition of Corinthian columns. (_Figs._ 275 and 276.) The building, not -having been originally planned for an isolated position, is wholly -undeveloped upon the exterior, but its massive construction and -harmonious proportions have merited the admiration accorded to it in all -ages. From the existing remains it cannot be surely determined whether -the Baths of Nero, Titus, Trajan, and Commodus, which followed the great -creation of Agrippa, surpassed it in dimensions and magnificence; but it -is certain that this was the case with the enormous structures of -Caracalla and of Diocletian, as the entire plan of the former, with -parts of the mosaic pavements, still remains; while the main hall of the -latter, in almost perfect preservation, forms the chief part of the -Church of S. Maria degli Angeli. The principal structure was usually -surrounded by an extensive enclosure, which, in the case of the Baths of -Caracalla (_Fig._ 277), was formed upon the front (_a_) by a series of -separate cabinets. Upon the sides were segmental projections, or exedras -(_b_), with various chambers (_c_), probably intended for intellectual -entertainments, such as rhetorical and poetical dissertations, etc.; -while the rectangle was closed by a one-sided stadion, with spaces for -gymnastic purposes (_d_), and a reservoir for water (_e_). The central -building provided upon either side enormous halls for games, preparatory -to the ablutions (_g_, _p_), between them (_i_, _k_, _l_) the spaces for -the cold, tepid, and hot baths; while the adjoining smaller chambers -served as rooms for dressing and the manifold processes of the toilet. -Between this chief structure and the enclosure race-courses and -promenades, with fountains and beds of flowers, added the charms of -nature to the magnificence of architecture. The public Baths of -Alexander Severus, Decius, and Constantine appear to have been less -extended; but these were far surpassed in size by the constructions of -Diocletian, which could accommodate three thousand bathers. The Roman -buildings for the circus, the theatres, and amphitheatres were of -scarcely less importance. The extreme simplicity of the Circus Maximus -recalls the early Greek hippodrome; the slopes of the Palatine and -Aventine served as a station for the spectators, while the level ground -in the valley between formed the arena. It was not until 327 B. C. that -the barriers (_carceres_) were architecturally embellished, and even the -rebuilding of the whole by Cæsar was limited to the erection of the -lower stories of the auditorium in stone. The wooden superstructure was -not replaced by a more permanent and monumental construction until the -time of Domitian and Trajan. The general plan was adopted from the Greek -model, the peculiarities of the Roman arrangement being a low division -wall, or spina, the position of the barriers, and the moat which -surrounded the arena (_euripis_), intended to protect the lower tiers of -spectators during the combats of wild beasts. The spina, connecting the -two turning-posts (_metæ_), was ornamented with memorial columns, -altars, ædiculas, statues, obelisks, and the like; it did not follow a -direction precisely parallel to the side seats, but allowed a -considerably broader space upon the right than upon the left, so that -the many chariots here crowded together early in the race might not be -too greatly impeded. That all the competitors might have an equally -favorable position when brought into line, it was necessary that the -starting-points should be arranged in the segment of a circle, the -centre of which was a little to the right of the spina. This plan may be -recognized in the best-preserved Roman circuses, as, for instance, in -that at Bovillæ, near Albano, and that of Romulus, the son of Maxentius, -upon the Via Appia. (_Fig._ 279.) The Circus Maximus, like all the other -structures of its kind in Rome, has been entirely destroyed. - -[Illustration: Fig. 279.--Plan of the Circus of Romulus.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 280.--Scheme of the Roman Theatre, according to -Vitruvius.] - -In the earlier periods of Roman history, the theatre did not receive the -recognition and assistance of the government; and the law in force until -the end of the republic, which permitted no theatre with seats to be -constructed within the limits of the city, prevented any monumental -development in this direction. Dramatic representations, however, were -not to be suppressed after an acquaintance with the Greek drama had once -been formed. Comedy was especially popular, and Roman authors devoted -their attention to it with success. But these plays were performed only -upon festival days, and were undertaken by individuals. The creation of -the improvised stage, for transient usage, thus fell to the lot of those -politicians whose desire it was to win the favor of the populace. In the -latter days of the republic structures were reared which equalled the -extravagant magnificence of the Diadochi; the ædile M. Scaurus, for -instance, erected a gigantic theatre, to stand only a few days, which -provided seats for no less than eighty thousand spectators, the stage -being ornamented by three hundred and sixty marble columns and three -thousand bronze statues. This boundless waste was brought to an end -through the building of the first stone theatre in Rome, by Pompey, who, -notwithstanding his great political power, could succeed in silencing -the objections made by the conservative party against this innovation -only by the pretence that the stone seats were the steps of a temple, -which he erected upon the summit of the _cavea_. This first permanent -structure was succeeded during the reign of Augustus by two other -theatres, those of Marcellus and of Balbus; the first could seat but a -quarter as many spectators as did the theatre of Pompey--namely, twenty -thousand--while that of Balbus provided places for only eleven thousand -six hundred. In later imperial times even this capacity was found too -great. The theatre lost much of its attraction after the Roman people -had once seen blood flow in the arena. Yet in all the Roman empire there -was scarcely a city of importance where a stone theatre was not erected -during the reign of Augustus; even small towns like Tusculum, where the -remains are particularly well preserved, boasted of these monuments. The -characteristic differences between the Roman theatre and the Greek, its -prototype, were that the orchestra did not exceed a semicircle, the -front of the stage (A A) being so advanced as to form its diameter, -which thus brought the actors nearer to the spectators. (_Fig._ 280.) -The open half of the circle was not, as in Greece, reserved for the -evolutions of the chorus, but was occupied by the senators and the -higher classes of citizens, who brought thither their own seats. The -auditorium, which, with the orchestra, had been restricted to a -semicircle, assumed a peculiar form upon the exterior, the entire -building standing in a plain, and only rarely, as in Tusculum, occupying -a natural slope. With the introduction of vaulting, massive foundations -of masonry were rendered unnecessary. Barrel vaults were placed one -above another, terminating upon the exterior in a series of arcades, the -decorative features of Roman architecture being usually so applied that -the lower story displayed engaged Tuscan columns, the second Ionic, and -the third Corinthian pilasters, with their respective entablatures. This -treatment of the exterior is shown in the best preservation by the -remaining amphitheatres; but vestiges of theatres may still be seen -sufficient to serve as illustrations, like that of Marcellus (_Fig._ -281), and those at Orange in Southern France, at Aspendos in Asia Minor, -etc. - -[Illustration: Fig. 281.--Theatre of Marcellus, Rome.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 282.--Plan of the Flavian Amphitheatre.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 283.--Section of the Auditorium of the Flavian -Amphitheatre.] - -Imposing as the architectural appearance of the Roman theatre was, -magnificently and suitably as it was planned, it could never attain -great national, and consequently historical, importance, because tragedy -was never popular and comedy never political. The warlike and bloody -scenes presented by the mortal combats of gladiators and wild beasts had -a far greater attraction for a people who, by nature, felt more -reverence for Mars than for the Muses. It was long, however, before -these exhibitions were provided with especial arenas. After the -introduction of the gladiatorial contests by Marcus and Decius Brutus, -in 264 B.C., upon the occasion of funeral games, the prisoners of war -had fought together upon the Forum; and the slaughter of powerful -animals, inaugurated under Metellus by the killing of elephants taken -from the Carthaginians in 252 B.C., and continued under Æmilius Paullus -by the sacrifice of deserters to beasts of prey, had taken place in the -Circus. But this could not have been well suited to the purpose, as its -limited width was impeded by the spina, and its side barriers could not -have offered sufficient protection to the spectators from the desperate -attempts of the infuriated animals to escape. As early as 59 B.C., Caius -Curio had surprised the Roman people with two wooden theatres, built -back to back, and arranged so as to turn bodily upon their axes after -the conclusion of the scenic performances, so that the two auditories -faced one another, and left between them an arena for the succeeding -combats of gladiators. It is not certain whether this was the original -of the amphitheatre, or whether the oval plan arose from simply giving -broader proportions to that form of stadion, like the one at Aphrodisias -in Caria, which was terminated by a semicircle at each end. But it is -scarcely to be doubted that the wooden Theatrum Venatorium of Cæsar had -the disposition which was repeated, with but few alterations, in the -stone amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus, built during the reign of -Augustus, and in those of wood erected by Augustus, Tiberius, and Nero. -By the time of the Flavians it was recognized that no gift was so -acceptable to the Roman populace as the provision of a magnificent place -fitted for these inhuman games, and thus arose that most gigantic -edifice of all ages--the Colosseum. (_Figs._ 282 and 283.) Even -provincial towns like Reggio, Pompeii, Herculaneum, Albanum, Tusculum, -Sutri, Pola, Verona, Nismes, Treves, Constantine, etc., were provided -with edifices of this kind, fully as important in proportion to the -number of their inhabitants. - -The mausoleums and monuments erected in honor of prominent citizens -constitute an important class in the architectural history of Rome. In -early times a tumulus form, similar to that of the Etruscan tombs, seems -to have predominated. The older monuments in the vicinity of Rome were -thus constructed. A tumulus, the lower cylinder of which appears to have -been elevated upon a square substructure decorated with Tuscan -pilasters, may be assumed to have existed above the remarkable -sepulchral labyrinth of the Scipios, outside the Porta Appia, and within -the present Porta S. Sebastiano. In course of time the circular drum of -masonry increased, while the original cone was diminished to a pointed -roof; the magnificent tombs of Cæcilia Metella, the wife of Crassus, and -of the Plautii upon the Via Appia and Via Tiburtina, show it as already -preponderating. The tumulus of Augustus upon the Via Flaminia, at -present within the Porta del Popolo, displays a cylinder of 24 m. in -diameter, decorated by thirteen niches once provided with statues; while -the cone of earth above, which was archaistic agreeably to the -affectation of Augustus, was planted with cyprus-trees and terminated by -a colossal image of the imperial builder. Even more gigantic was the -mausoleum built by Hadrian, the lower portion of which now forms the -substructure of the Castle of S. Angelo. It was once surmounted by a -second smaller cylinder bearing a conical roof. When the area at -disposal was too limited for the adoption of so extended a base, the -monument rose, like a tower, to a great height, in successive stories of -decreasing dimensions, with or without columns, as in the fine example -of St. Remy in Southern France. The endless rows of tombs upon the Via -Appia vary from simple piers and subterranean burial-chambers (called -_columbaria_, from the thousands of niches for funeral urns resembling -the nests of doves) to colossal mausoleums. The remains of bulwarks -prove that many of these elevations were utilized for mediæval -fortresses. Even foreign forms were employed; the so-called Tomb of the -Horatii at Albano resembles that of Porsena, while the Egyptian pyramid -is reproduced in the mausoleum of C. Cestius near the Porta di S. Paolo. -The conformation of the land presented but little opportunity for the -execution of rock-cut tombs with a front carved in the cliff; but one -remarkable example has been preserved upon the Lake of Albano, called, -from the twelve fasces introduced in its decoration, the Tomb of the -Consuls. In the mountainous provinces of the East these sepulchres were -more common, as, for instance, in Petra, where numbers of façades hewn -in the rock, with a kind of decorative temple-like architecture, betray -magnificence rather than good taste. (_Fig._ 284.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 284.--Façade and Section of a Rock-cut Tomb at -Petra.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 285.--Triumphal Arch of Titus.] - -The monuments commemorative of individuals do not, as in Greece, deserve -to be treated in the section upon sculpture; in Rome the architectural -pedestal was more important than the statuesque carving, and, indeed, -the image was frequently supplanted altogether by inscriptions. Statues -were often placed upon columns. These were often provided with -characteristic decorations--as is the case with the prows of vessels -upon the shaft of Duilius, erected in 260 B.C.--and were often of -gigantic dimensions, thus withdrawing the figures upon their summits -from close inspection. The most sumptuous example of these monuments is -presented by Trajan’s Column, the base of which contained the -sarcophagus of that emperor. The surface of the shaft was either covered -with reliefs of many figures which, like the interior staircase, -ascended spirally upward, as upon the Columns of Trajan and of Marcus -Aurelius, or were merely treated with architectural forms like the -granite column of Antoninus Pius, the relief upon the pedestal of which -is given below. (_Fig._ 304.) There are similar shafts, dating from the -Roman occupation, at Cussi in France, at Alexandria, Constantinople, and -Ancyra. In all these works the portrait was far exceeded in importance -by the monument; sculpture was rendered subordinate to architecture. -This was the case in a still greater degree in the triumphal and -commemorative arches. As the equestrian statues and quadrigas have -disappeared from all the works of this kind now preserved, it might -easily be forgotten that these figures were in reality the principal -part of the composition, and the arches beneath them little else than -pedestals placed above the streets, and consequently provided with -passages. Festive portals constructed of light timbers and decorated for -gala-days doubtless afforded the prototype for these works. Triumphal -arches were comparatively rare in the time of the republic, but very -common under the emperors. They express the nature of Roman art better, -perhaps, than any other class of structures: the mass of masonry, -encased in columns and entablatures which were merely ornamental -features without constructive functions; the reliefs of small figures -crowded together as in a chronicle; the numerous decorative statues -above the columns as well as upon the top; the extended inscriptions -upon the attic above the arches, which thus formed, in a more restricted -sense, the pedestal of the crowning group--these all express -characteristic tendencies, and present the best example of the solid but -ostentatious construction which predominated in Roman architecture, -subordinating ideal beauty to the temporary purpose. Augustus, Trajan, -and Hadrian were the chief builders of these monuments, which have -remained in all the provinces of Rome: at Benevento, Ancona, Rimini, -Susa, and Aosta in Italy; at St. Remy, Orange, Besançon, Cavaillon, and -Rheims in France; at Alcantara, Merida, Bara, and Caparra in Spain; at -Theveste and El Casr in Africa, etc. There are four of these arches in -Rome--two with a single passage (those of Drusus and of Titus [_Fig._ -285]), and two (those of Septimius Severus [_Fig._ 286] and of -Constantine) with additional openings on either side. The Arch of -Constantine surpasses its known predecessors in beauty of composition -and proportion only because it was patterned after an arch of Trajan, -and even built with the same materials. This arch is at once the -memorial of one of the most important victories recorded by history, the -battle near the Milvian Bridge, and of that unexampled poverty of -artistic invention, or rather want of productive energy, which -characterized all Roman intellectual life after the time of Constantine. - -[Illustration: Fig. 286.--Triumphal Arch of Septimius Severus.] - -The so-called Janus portals were erected above the streets and squares -of Rome, much in the same manner as the triumphal arches. They were -commonly simple, like the three Jani upon the Forum Romanum, but were -increased at street-crossings to extensive quadrifrontes, or structures -presenting the same face upon all four sides. The former bore two-faced -Jani upon their summits, the latter a four-faced combination like that -upon some figures of Hermes--an image well adapted to represent the -watcher over the crowded thoroughfares. The Janus Quadrifrons upon the -Forum Boarium (_Fig._ 263) is, with exception of the attic, particularly -well preserved; it was richly ornamented by the statues of deities, no -less than thirty-two niches being provided upon its walls. - -[Illustration: Fig. 287.--Section.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 288.--Plan of the Primitive Roman Basilica. -Restoration by Reber.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 289.--Plan of the Basilica of Maxentius.] - -The buildings which surrounded the public squares corresponded in lavish -magnificence to the altars, statues, dedicatory columns, and triumphal -arches. Broad colonnades with shops formed the enclosure, interrupted by -temples, and courts of justice, or curias, which can have differed but -little in external appearance from the sacred edifices. Most important -among these public buildings were the basilicas, which, in name, -purpose, and form, were derived from Greek prototypes. As halls of -justice and places for commercial traffic, they may be regarded as -covered extensions of the open squares. Several of these buildings, -erected during the imperial epoch, are known by considerable remains, -but they deviate so greatly in disposition as to have no plan in common -beyond that of a hall surrounded by narrow aisles. The oldest Roman -structure of this kind, the Basilica Porcia built by Cato in 185 B.C., -was of an oblong shape, abutting with one of its ends upon the Forum, -while the other was enlarged by a small exedra, or apse. (_Figs._ 287 -and 288.) The chief space was surrounded upon all four sides by -two-storied aisles, the central hall, however, not rising above them, as -in the Christian basilica, this being difficult of construction because -of the slightness of the shafts, and not necessary for the introduction -of light. A portico with a flat roof was erected above the entrance, -enlivening the bare and extended front wall. Thus the Basilica Porcia -did not differ in principle from the early Christian church, and the -similarity appears also in the other basilicas of the Roman republic, -all of which had their front upon the smaller side. In the courts of the -imperial epoch, however, this primitive type was treated with great -freedom, and nothing remained of the original arrangement but a large -central hall surrounded by a double passage of arcades upon piers, -without columns and without an apse. The normal basilica, described by -Vitruvius, with two-storied side aisles, faced with its greatest length -upon the public square, and had an apse; the basilica at Fanum, built by -the Roman writer, was similarly arranged upon the facade, but a -clere-story supported upon gigantic columns rose above the lateral -passages. These passages opened, from the end opposite the entrance, -into an adjoining temple, the pronaos of which served as the tribune of -the forensic court. The basilica at Pompeii, of which the narrow side -was the front, had no apse, while the Basilica Ulpia had great exedras -upon both ends, with the entrance portal upon the longer side. The -Basilica of Maxentius (_Fig._ 289), which was completed by Constantine, -was an exception in every respect, being entirely vaulted, and having -two apses upon adjoining sides opposite to the two chief entrances. The -whole formed one of the most remarkable and important halls of -antiquity, with the consideration of which the history of Roman -architecture may well be terminated. The original type of the basilica -was wholly neglected by later architects, who treated the problem of a -forensic hall without restrictions, utilizing the accidental formations -of the ground, while endeavoring to combine suitability and the display -of ingenious constructions with magnificent novelties of their own -invention. - -[Illustration: Fig. 290.--Section.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 291.--Plan of the House of Pansa in Pompeii.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 292.--Flavian Palace. - -A. Tablinum; B. Lavarium; C. Basilica; D. Atrium; E. Dining-hall -(Œcus); F. Nymphæum.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 293.--Court of the Palace of Diocletian at -Spalatro.] - -The Roman dwelling-house was, in the earliest ages, identical with that -of Etruria, and, indeed, of all Central Italy. Although related to -Hellenic prototypes, the peculiarly Italian atrium, without columnar -supports for the roof, remained in use even after the general -introduction of the Greek peristyle. At Pompeii a combination of these -two varieties of court is met with, the front space being a simple -atrium, and that further within a peristyle. Each enclosure was -surrounded by chambers. (_Figs._ 290 and 291.) The mosaic and painted -decoration of the floors and walls will be treated in a later section. -The small chambers were lighted only through doors opening from the -inner courts, and did not share in the architectural importance -assigned to the larger halls, which, in the last years of the republic -and in the imperial period, transformed the houses of the wealthy into -veritable palaces. With the luxury of the table, the magnificence of the -dining-room was increased; and, with the growing taste for literature -and art, extensive libraries and galleries of pictures became prominent -features. Many of the forms adopted for this palatial architecture -appear to have been derived from the later Greeks; the designation of -halls, as those of Egypt and of Kyzicos, employed by Vitruvius, pointing -to the sovereignties of the Diadochi. This enlargement of extensive -rooms by columns was, however, in a great degree supplanted by vaulting, -in which case the columns were introduced merely as decorative members. -Much attention was devoted to a lavish enrichment of these rooms, the -shafts being colored marble monoliths, the lacunæ of the vaulted -ceilings overlaid with bronze or richly gilded, and the capitals being -sometimes formed of solid metal. One of the halls in these palatial -residences, the private basilica, though it may not have been universal, -deserves especial consideration because of its great importance in later -times. Such courts of justice are mentioned by writers of the Augustan -age as forming part of the dwellings of men of condition, “because in -their houses councils were held upon public and private matters, and -civil cases decided.” These halls were naturally modelled in a great -degree after the public basilicas upon the forums, such as the Porcian, -Æmilian, Sempronian, and Opimian basilicas, which had been built during -the republic; but they appear, when compared with the primitive type of -the Roman basilica, to have differed fundamentally in two respects. In -the first place, the hall, being surrounded by the chambers of the -dwelling, could not be provided with windows like the free-standing, -forensic basilicas, and a clerestory rising above the adjoining rooms -was consequently adopted. This rendered necessary a second modification. -To impose a heavy wall of masonry, besides the timbered ceiling and -roof, upon a double story of columns must have seemed inadmissible to -the Roman taste for substantial construction. The aisles upon the front -and rear were consequently given up, the columns and galleries remaining -upon the sides only, the massive masonry of the enclosure thus receiving -the thrust of the clere-story wall, and greatly increasing its -stability. (_Fig._ 292.) This loss of continuity could have been of no -great disadvantage in the private basilica, as it did not serve, like -the free-standing public structures, for traffic and promenades, as -well as for sessions of justice. The galleries over the side aisles were -frequently omitted, and it appears to have been in these halls that the -connection of columns by arches, in the place of lintels, was first -introduced. Such archivolts are first known by examples built during the -reign of Diocletian, as at Spalatro (_Fig._ 293); but they soon came -into general usage, their practical advantages outweighing the want of -æsthetic fitness inherent in such curved entablatures. It was from these -private basilicas that the first Christian churches were architecturally -developed. The believers had assembled, during the imperial ages, in the -houses of wealthy converts; and as these halls of justice had been used -for religious services during times of persecution, it is not strange -that, after the recognition of Christianity by the Roman government, -their arrangement and even their name should have been retained. - -[Illustration: Fig. 294.--Fragment of the Cista Prænestina.] - - * * * * * - -In Roman architecture were found great intelligence in the solution of -the constructive problems involved in the enclosing of large spaces, -great independence in the development of technical perfection, and a -masterly conformity to the purpose of the structure; but Roman -sculpture, although of very extended application, had less independence -and significance. The Romans, originally too practical to provide a -place for the beautiful beside the useful, first gave decided admission -to this art when the political growth of the world’s metropolis had -reached the acme of its power; and even then they transferred the -question of sculpture to foreign artists in their employ. In the earlier -republican period, their practice of this art was scarcely worthy of -mention; in the time of the kings, or, at least, until the year 170 of -the city, sculpture seems not to have existed in Rome, or only to have -been employed in the ornamentation of utensils like the Cista Prænestina -(_Fig._ 294) with Phœnician-Etruscan anthemions and figures of -animals riveted on. If these may be considered rather as a direct -importation from Etruria and the neighboring Grecian and Phoenician -colonies than as their own work, it may be said that the Romans of this -period had no images of the gods. - -[Illustration: Fig. 295.--Janus Bifrons upon an Ancient Roman Coin.] - -The first work of statuary which appears to have been exhibited in Rome -was by an Etruscan, Volcanius, or Volca, from Veii. This was the -colossal Jupiter sitting upon a throne, ordered by Tarquinius Priscus -for the Capitoline Temple. Formed of terra-cotta, the face colored red, -and wearing upon the head a chaplet of oak-leaves--originally, perhaps, -of bronze, but afterwards of gold--it appears, with the exception of the -head, to have been but slightly modelled, as it was covered with an -embroidered garment. A Hercules within, and the quadriga upon the gable -of the same temple, both also of terra-cotta, are ascribed to this -artist. The chariot was, in 296 B.C., replaced by a bronze, which ninety -years later was gilded. - -Even from the beginning the tone of Roman sculpture was affected by -Grecian as well as by Etruscan influences. The image in the Temple of -Diana built by Servius Tullius upon the Aventine was a xoanon--a rude -puppet of wood imitated from the Artemis of Massalia (Marseilles)--a -work after the manner of the Ephesian Artemis, and consequently still -undeveloped, and, at the best, Daidalian. Two generations later a more -advanced Hellenic style obtained, when, in 493 B.C., two Greeks of Lower -Italy, Gorgasos and Damophilos, decorated the Temple of Ceres with -paintings and figures of terra-cotta. Eight years later, these were -followed by the three divinities of the temple--Ceres, Liber, and -Libera--which were the first bronze statues in Rome. But, at the same -time with the work of the Grecian artists, and as if to prevent a -decided Hellenic preponderance, the wooden image of Juno Regina was -brought from Veii to Rome; and this cannot have been without effect upon -the figures of Fortuna Muliebris, consecrated four or five years later, -in 487 or 486 B.C. In the epoch next following, rife with civil wars and -misfortunes of every kind, the pursuit of art seems to have languished, -and its necessities to have been met chiefly by booty from the conquered -cities of Etruria, though many of the subjects were Roman, like the -Janus Geminus, copies of which have been preserved upon coins. (_Fig._ -295.) Of this period are the Vertumnus and the Lavinian Penates, and -especially the first portrait statues of heroes like those of the -Ephesian Hermodorus, the interpreter among the lawgivers of the -Decemvirate, in 450 B.C.; of Ahala and L. Minucius, as protectors from -usurpation, in 439 B.C.; and of the four ambassadors murdered by the -Fidenates, in 438 B.C. - -Art first became more active when, at the close of the Samnite war, in -288 B.C., the Roman authority began to make itself felt in the Grecian -towns of Lower Italy. Then originated the rich sculptured ornaments of -the Forum--the statues in honor of Mænius, Camillus, Tremulus, and -Duilius, and also of the Greeks Pythagoras and Alkibiades, commanded by -the oracle; further, as shown by Detlefsen to be probable, portraits of -the Sibyls, and of Attus Navius, Horatius Cocles, M. Scævola, and -Porsena, falsely attributed to earlier times. The Capitol was decorated -by statues of the seven kings, and of Tatius and Brutus; and the Via -Sacra, besides those of Romulus and Tatius, with an equestrian statue of -Clœlia. Nothing remains of these works, which were almost exclusively -of bronze, and only one sacred figure gives any illustration of their -technicalities and style--the Wolf--now preserved in the Capitol. -Although the two sucking children are lost, it is probably the one -consecrated by Ogulnius under the Ruminal fig-tree, in 295 B.C. (_Fig._ -260.) Without doubt, the characteristics of this period were more -Italian, or, according to the usual term, Etruscan, than Greek; and, in -considering the sculptures generally, the predominant influence in the -portrait-statues may be ascribed to the Etruscans, and, in those of a -devotional character, to the Greeks, since it was from the Greeks that -the Romans chiefly borrowed this type. - -[Illustration: Fig. 296.--Statue of Isis. (Museum of Naples.)] - -Two other works preserved from the third century B.C., and designated in -the inscription as by Roman artists, show plainly the conflict of the -two tendencies. The first of these is the celebrated Cista of Ficoroni, -made in Rome, with the inscription of Novius Plautius engraved in the -ancient character, found near Palestrina (the ancient Præneste), and now -in the Kircherian Museum in Rome. Its chief feature, an episode from the -legend of the Argonauts, represented in _sgraffito_ upon the vessel, is -so purely Greek that it might be regarded as imported ware were it not -for the accessories--the bulla, bracelet, and shoes--which point to -Italy, perhaps to Lower Italy. According to Mommsen, Plautius was from -Campania. The handle and feet, on the contrary, are entirely Etruscan, -and exhibit quite a different tendency. Though the name of the artist -and the dedicatory inscription are placed upon the handle, they cannot -relate to these castings, which are of quite ordinary manufacture, but -rather to the engraving, Plautius having obtained the vessel ready-made -in Rome, where he worked. The second of these works, nearly -contemporary with the other, is a small head of Medusa, in high-relief, -with the artist’s name upon it, C. Ovius, from the Tribus Aufentina. In -this the two factors, Grecian and ancient Italian, which formerly stood -side by side, appear to blend, and thus to perfect what must be -designated as the specifically Roman style. - -But at the close of the second Punic war, about 200 B.C., began the -extensive importation of statues, first from the Grecian cities of -Italy, afterwards from Greece proper. It has been related how Rome, in -150 B.C., became the central point of Grecian activity in art, and the -seat of that renaissance which followed the past stages of Hellenic -artistic development in reversed succession. As the Roman deities had -become throughout almost identical with those of the Greeks, and as the -statuary that ornamented the squares, streets, gardens, baths, -fountains, houses, and villas were either Grecian spoil or copied from -celebrated Hellenic originals, there remained for the peculiarly Roman -art, as it had arisen from the combination of Etruscan and Hellenic -elements, only a comparatively small field. - -[Illustration: Fig. 297.--Relief of Mithras. (In the Louvre.)] - -The Grecian stamp was given, so far as might be, even to those deities, -such as Juno Lanuvina, who, on account of their decided individuality, -could not be exchanged with those of the Greeks, nor with the gods -borrowed from the Oriental mythology. This did not, indeed, flourish in -the West until the late times of Hellenism, two centuries B.C., and -appeared, for the most part, still later in Rome, as shown by the -worship of Isis, and the frequent statues of that goddess (_Fig._ 296) -and of Harpocrates, and by the Persian homage to Mithras, with its -sacrifice of bulls. (_Fig._ 297.) It was the same with the uncommonly -numerous Roman personifications and allegories, the individual type of -which was, as a rule, quite commonplace and without expression, the -intention of the artist being recognizable only by attributes. A draped -female figure, such as the Flora or Pudicitia, might be a Concordia, -Constantia, or Fides; a Pax, Libertas, or Securitas; a Virtus, Justitia, -or Æquitas; a Salus, Pietas, or Annona--according to what was placed in -the hand, upon the head, or at the feet; the age, garments, or position -being rarely taken into consideration. With the male representations the -difference in regard to nudity and manner of clothing (_Figs._ 298 and -299) was greater, and the interchange of related deities facilitated, as -in the use of Hermes for Bonus Eventus. In personifications the -character, garments, and attributes were doubtless more marked. To the -most celebrated works of this kind belong the figures of the fourteen -nations conquered by Pompey in the Porticus ad Nationes. These were -executed by Coponius, the only distinguished sculptor certainly known -with a Roman name. We may, perhaps, consider these as analogous to the -Germania Devicta (Thusnelda) in Florence, but probably, after the manner -of representations of Asiatic cities upon the base of Puteolani, they -were more varied and less cold than the mere allegories of abstract -ideas. Generally, in carrying out these conceptions, individuality of -characterization in the figure or the action was not attempted, a -certain common correctness, grace, and superficial beauty being held to -suffice. - -[Illustration: Fig. 298.--Vertumnus (Silvanus). (In Berlin.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 299.--Relief of Bonus Eventus. (British Museum.)] - -[Illustration: Fig. 300.--Statue of Augustus. (In the Vatican.)] - -In portraiture, the Roman sculpture developed far more speciality and -meaning. The early tendency of ancient Italian art towards the -individual has already been described, and it may easily be understood -that, in the line of portraiture, this had an important influence, even -after Hellenic art had completely established itself upon the Tiber. In -this province it best served its purpose. Still, it is evident that the -vacant, external individualization peculiar to the primitive works of -Etruria and Rome, such as the wax masks of their ancestors, required -improvement by greater expression of life and character, for which -Lysippos, in portrait-sculpture, had so decidedly opened the way. By the -combination of these two elements, the portraits became the most -successful works of Roman sculpture. The Hellenic tendency to idealize -prevailed in those statues which presented the person heroically--as -Achilles, for instance--or were rendered divine by attributes of Zeus, -or Apollo, Juno, Ceres, Venus, and others. The figure was then usually -nude, and was only so far imitated from life as to give to the head the -true features, with a certain transfiguration. This treatment, -exemplified in many of the statues of Antinous, had prevailed in -Hellenic art since the time of Lysippos, the great master of -portrait-sculpture. The native Italian tendency, on the contrary, had -sway in the so-called “iconic” statues; in those, namely, in which the -personal and human character was carried out. In these the clothing was -given with more detail and significance; as, for example, in the figures -of the emperors wearing the toga (_statuæ togatæ_), or the presidents of -the senate. Others are represented as high-priests, with the drapery -drawn over the back of the head; others (_statuæ thoracatæ_) as -field-officers, in coats of mail, as, among many examples, in the -celebrated Augustus of the Vatican, found, in 1863, before the Porta del -Popolo. (_Fig._ 300.) In these the action generally chosen seems to have -been that of address to the senate or to the army. Equestrian statues -belonged chiefly to the _thoracatæ_, though they appear also in -conception like Achilles, nude, or clothed only with the himation. As -they were all of bronze, few remain; so that the Marcus Aurelius upon -the Capitoline, notwithstanding its hardness and other faults, is the -most celebrated, and has become the standard for countless modern -statues. The figures upon chariots, on the contrary, and especially -those which ornamented the triumphal arches, were, for the most part, -_togatæ_. The mention of triumphal groups with six pairs of horses, or -of elephants, shows to what extreme of tastelessness Roman art had -become debased in the time of the emperors. The better works of this -class are most suitably represented by the four bronze horses, falsely -ascribed to Lysippos, which were brought by the Venetians from -Constantinople in 1204, and which have been placed over the portal of -St. Mark’s Church in Venice. Iconic female statues are distinguished by -careful imitation of garments falling in rich folds, and, even in the -early times, by exaggerated head-dresses, which gave them the appearance -of fashion-plates. Noble ladies, sitting comfortably, and with dignity, -in arm-chairs, are among the most successful of Roman works. Yet there -is in all these portrait-statues, especially in the usual oratorical -gestures, a typical character as little to be mistaken as is the -softening influence of Hellenic idealism in most of the heads. Without -injuring the individuality, it increases the beauty and heroic elevation -of the entire figure. Not unfrequently, however, instead of inner -significance, we find merely richness of drapery and detailed -accessories, particularly in reliefs upon coats of mail, etc. - -[Illustration: Fig. 301.--Equestrian Statue of Nonius Balbus, Jun. -(Sculptor unknown.)] - -The same combination of native Italian tendency with Hellenic -enlightenment, found in portrait-sculpture, is shown in the reliefs -which thereby became specifically Roman. These appear to have been very -numerous, as it pleased this people to leave few vacant surfaces upon -their monuments, which were not only ornamented, but literally covered -with reliefs and inscriptions. Thus sculpture became as much a written -chronicle as a decoration. In limited spaces, such as pedestals and -capitals, and the key-stones of arches, it became merely ornamental; the -subjects of the ornamentation, in keeping with the style, being chiefly -allegorical, such as Victories bearing trophies, the Seasons, etc. Upon -large surfaces sculpture completely took the nature of chronicles and -inscriptions, and thus were developed the truly Roman historical reliefs -in connection with inscriptions. - -These, in accordance with the Italian view of art in general, rested -almost entirely upon a realistic foundation. Mythology disappeared, and -allegory alone still exercised a small influence; as, for example, the -Genius of Immortality bearing upward a deified emperor, Roma with the -triumphal quadriga, Victory upon a shield perpetuating the memory of -conquest; while personifications of cities or rivers, and even of -swamps, indicated the locality of the action, or Jupiter Pluvius -signified the coming of the saving rain. After the Antonines, the events -are related with simple truth to nature, as a mere chronicle, without -any idealization at all. The subjects of Roman reliefs are distinguished -from the Grecian only by the Greeks having substituted, whenever -possible, mythological for human or common events; and there was no less -difference in the artistic treatment. The Greek never lost sight of that -conventional law in sculptural reliefs by which the figures are -conceived in a situation to give the most pleasing outline. The whole -procession of persons, one behind the other, excluding all effect of -foreshortening and perspective, was displayed upon a surface, and -developed, so far as the figure would permit, in harmonious unity, and, -whether represented sitting on horseback, or on foot, occupying the same -space in regard to height and in regard to the depth of relief. It -resulted that the design was arranged in reference to two planes -only--the original surface of the stone, which disappeared with the work -(except in the highest points), and the common background. Roman -sculpture, on the other hand, freed itself from all such laws of style. -The profile position no longer predominated, and the figures in the -mutilated remnants, where the details are lost, appear like formless -masses, which, in the Hellenic system, would have been impossible. The -outline loses its significance, and the figures are arranged with such -disregard of the surface upon which they are placed that they rather -resemble portions of statues. The projection from the background also -varies, many parts, particularly the head and arms, standing entirely -disengaged. In the arrangement of several figures, one behind another, -against a landscape or architectural background, an attempt was made to -distinguish the forms in front from those behind by higher or lower -relief, with something of the effect of perspective. (_Fig._ 302.) From -this ensued a confusion of lines and a want of clearness, atmospheric -effect not assisting in sculpture, as in painting, to separate the -farther object from the nearer, and thus to define the distance. This -crowding was still more objectionable when, besides being grouped one -behind another, the figures were placed one over another, representing -the scene as if from a bird’s-eye view. - -It thus happened that Roman sculpture in relief was characterized rather -by a realistic and picturesque tendency than by well-conventionalized -composition. But the forms remained Hellenic, at least so far as the -circumstances represented in Grecian examples would permit. When, -however, a river was to be represented, for which the Greeks always -placed a local deity as symbol, or when the besieging of towns, castles, -or bridges was given, the Romans approached more nearly to the -conception of Oriental nations. As the subject was of more importance -than the composition, the deed than the artistic illustration, a certain -common and formal correctness sufficed--an artistic handwriting, so to -speak, which might be easily read. Their work might be termed an -unconscious translation from the Assyrian or Egyptian into the Roman -language. - -[Illustration: Fig. 302.--Relief from the Arch of Titus in Rome.] - -It does not appear that the sculpture of historical reliefs was -developed much before the time of the Empire; at least, not more of -these remain than of the Roman portrait-statues that can be imputed to a -more remote period. Historic sculpture was best exhibited in triumphal -monuments. To this class belong the two world-renowned columns of Trajan -and of Marcus Aurelius. With more than five thousand figures and over -two hundred scenes, they are among the most magnificent sculptural -representations of all times. Upon these ascending spiral reliefs are -unrolled the chronicles of the Dacian and Marcomannic wars. The main -events are recognizable throughout, and the barbaric tribes may be -distinguished by their costumes, arms, and physiognomy; so that if -written history were wanting, the reliefs upon Trajan’s Column would be -an important source of information in regard to the biography of this -emperor and Roman imperial history. Vigorous in treatment and skilful in -drawing as it must be admitted that they are, still their artistic -value, from want of style in composition, is very small. - -[Illustration: Fig. 303.--Relief of Trajan, from the Arch of Constantine -in Rome.] - -The oblong tablets of relief upon the triumphal arches occupy a somewhat -more favorable position, because the frame led to a more formal, and the -duplication to a more harmonious, composition. The reliefs upon the Arch -of Titus, particularly those on the sides of the two large passages, -notwithstanding the ignorance which they betray, are of far higher -importance in art; and the same may be said of the reliefs upon the -monuments of Hadrian and Trajan. (_Fig._ 303.) How far the graces of -form and order, inherited from the Greeks and hitherto prevalent, had -disappeared even in the time of the Antonines, and given place to a -formal and vacant hardness, is shown by the relief upon the pedestal of -the lost statue of Antoninus Pius. (_Fig._ 304.) This represents the -apotheosis of Antoninus and Faustina, who appear seated upon the back of -a stiff, floating Genius of Immortality, in the weakest of compositions, -while cold and all-controlling Allegory places by the side of Roma a -personification of the Campus Martius, recognizable by the attribute of -the obelisk which was erected there by Augustus. - -[Illustration: Fig. 304.--Relief upon the Pedestal of the Column of -Antoninus Pius.] - -Roman sculpture reached its highest point under Hadrian. This emperor -filled all spaces with sculpture, as Trajan covered them with -inscriptions commemorating his restorations, acquiring thus, in later -times, the nickname of the “Lichen.” Even the golden house of Nero was, -in this respect, surpassed by the Villa of Hadrian at Tibur, where it -pleased him to reproduce all the wonderful works of architecture and of -sculpture which he had noticed in his extended travels through the Roman -world. After the death of Hadrian, however, who, as an enthusiastic -admirer of Greek art, naturally directed the artistic industry of his -time to the best possible reproductions of the highest products of -Hellenic art, the Romans began to follow the works of the later ages. -The lower they placed their aim, and the farther they were removed from -the original source of inspiration the more rapid was their decline. - -Ideal art degenerated into increasing formalism, carelessness, weakness -of sentiment, and shallowness, though still retaining much that was -good, because the originals, though copied and recopied, still dated -back to the best periods. Portraiture naturally retained more -independence; but this also would have been stifled by the enormous -requirements, even if the declining art had possessed fresh vigor. To -understand this excessive demand, it is only necessary to bear in mind -the rapid succession of emperors after Antoninus, with the consequent -changing of imperial statues in all the cities of the Roman empire. With -the Antonines expired the ideal element in sculptural portraits; and -prosaic realism, as it had existed in ancient Italian art, obtained -exclusive mastery. Anxious struggles after external likeness in small -and inartistic details, like wrinkles, and abnormities such as the curly -and frizzled hair of the Antonines, and of L. Verus, with locks like -porous pumice-stone, took the place of the lost ideal--remarkable -examples, which failed to preserve the lifelike expression. Within a -century art had altogether lost the capacity for characterization, even -in portraiture; and the numerous busts of the later empire can hardly be -distinguished one from another. They are mostly portraits of emperors, -empresses, and princes, whose heads are stiffened and hardened into a -common type. Previously, with a change of the sovereign, they had -altered the heads of the Achilleic and iconic imperial statues; but it -now sufficed merely to vary the inscription, and, at most, the -accessories. But it was not difficult to change the face also, since it -pleased them, in making busts, to combine marbles of different hues, so -as to realize the local colors. Thus the mask was of simple white, the -hair of dark marble, the garments of red, green, and gray marble or -granite, and even the band for the forehead and the clasp for the toga -were of a suitable hue. In the heads of ladies this disagreeable -polychromy had the advantage that, upon the portrait of the same -sovereign, not only the mask, but the wig, could be altered, which, -according to the fashion of the day, might be blond, red, or dark, with -any desired mode of dressing the hair. - -Carving in relief, after the Antonines, suffered a similar decline. The -sculptures upon the Column of Marcus Aurelius, in comparison with those -of Trajan’s Column, notwithstanding their unmistakable dependence upon -the older example, show the want of energy, of appreciation of form, of -variety, and of technical ability which characterizes the loss of -creative power, and the mere reproduction of models. The reliefs of the -Arch of Marcus Aurelius, once upon the Corso at Rome, now in the palace -of the Capitol, betray the same vacuity of expression and hardness of -form, in comparison with the illustrations from the life of Trajan upon -the Arch of Constantine; even when compared with the sculptures upon the -pedestal of the Column of Antoninus Pius, a decline is visible from the -time of the older to the younger Antoninus. But even these are superior -to the reliefs upon the Arch of Septimius Severus, erected in 201 B.C., -which, in the main parts, have a fourfold division, in order to gain -space for the utmost possible number of representations. From the nature -of the design, the spiral reliefs upon the columns of Trajan and of -Marcus Aurelius exhibited such parallel rows, one above another; but -here the same method is employed upon a plane surface, although it -crowds the subject to such an extent that the figures become -insignificant and, at a little distance, indistinct. In these four lines -are given scenes of war, not, apparently, so much to celebrate combat -and victory in general as to register especial facts, battles fought -with various weapons, sieges, capitulations, and the transport of booty. -Though many of the details were vigorous, the forms in general tolerably -correct, and the technical ability considerable, yet the composition -appears barbaric, the grouping awkward, and the filling of the given -space, the composition, and the artistic construction altogether -unfortunate. - -After Septimius Severus, statuesque art degenerated into mere -stone-cutting; the portraits are unrecognizable, the reliefs without -expression or effect, except, as in Egyptian art, from the number of -figures and accessories. In religious sculptures, finally reduced to -bungling artisan work, the last spark of Hellenic tradition died out in -continued weak copies. In historical reliefs the impulse to create -perished with the artistic ability. When large monumental constructions -were required, the material was frequently drawn from the works of -former emperors; and even in triumphal memorials, like the Arch of -Constantine, there was no hesitation in inserting reliefs unmistakably -celebrating the deeds of Trajan, or installing statues connected with -his conquests upon the Danube, the builders contenting themselves with -filling out what was lacking, as in the case of the Victories upon the -pedestals of the columns (_Fig._ 305), and the narrow frieze of reliefs -over the side passages. The figures err greatly in proportions: dumpy, -formless, and awkward, appearing incapable of motion, they already -exemplify that perfect rigidity which, in the following centuries, was -to hold sculpture in bondage. Even where the nature of the -representations permitted the influence of the old models, the decline -of technical ability is striking, as may be seen by comparing these -figures with the Victories upon the pedestals of the Arch of Septimius -Severus, which, though superficial, are not without a certain style. The -folds, for example, look like the holes and lines of the wood-worm; they -are simple stripes cut into the garment, without movement or purpose, -hard, rough, and hasty, as is the entire treatment. - -[Illustration: Fig. 305.--Victory, from the Arch of Constantine.] - - * * * * * - -If in Roman art the province of architecture is the most important, and -that of sculpture the most richly represented, that of painting is the -most charming. In this, as in sculpture, the decorative character -predominated. Traces of that monumental art which creates for itself, -and for its own sake, are found only in works of the earlier time, and -even then in few and isolated instances. Even more than sculpture, -painting appears dependent and imitative, vacillating in the first five -centuries between the influence of ancient Italy and of Greece; later, -in close subjection to the latter, as developed in the Hellenistic -period after Alexander. - -The earliest notice of monumental painting in Rome relates to the -decoration of the temples of Ceres, Liber, and Libera by the Greek -artists of Lower Italy, Gorgasos and Damophilos, in 493 B.C., of which -mention has already been made. Although they made use of four colors, -their method was that of the time before Polygnotos, and their work was -little distinguished from the older painting upon vases, such as those -of Ergotimos and Clitias in Florence, the surfaces within the outlines -being treated in color, without gradation of light or shade. It may -therefore be concluded that, in the two chief temples of the last period -of the kings, colored ornament, whether upon the plaster itself, or upon -a revetment of terra-cotta slabs, as in the tomb at Cære (_Fig._ 262), -was as little wanting as in the temples and tombs of Etruria. It may be -judged that in Rome this was specifically Etruscan, since Pliny refers -to the ornamentation of the Temple of Ceres only because in this Grecian -artists first appear to have taken part, while before “everything in the -Roman temple had been Etruscan.” Much as we may be inclined to regard -the primitive art of Etruria as dependent upon that of Greece, the -difference must have been considerable; and the Grecian wall-paintings -in the Temple of Ceres must have been held in great estimation, since, -according to Pliny, they were protected when the temple was restored, -being removed from the walls with great care, framed upon tablets, and -replaced. - -It can scarcely be doubted that these wall-paintings opened the way to -Hellenic influence, although a guild of Etruscan artists for a long time -worked by the side of the Greeks in Rome, for purposes of ordinary -decoration. If, according to Pliny, “art came early to be honored in -Rome,” and even patricians did not hesitate to devote themselves to it, -it would seem that this must have been brought about through Grecian -methods. Fabius Pictor, whose wall-paintings, according to Dionysios of -Halicarnassos, were carefully drawn, of a fresh, agreeable color, and -composed in a grand historical style, acquired his sobriquet and his -great fame by his paintings in the Temple of Salus, executed in the year -304 B.C. His rank in regard to drawing may be exemplified by the -wonderful _sgraffiti_ of the Cista of Novius Plautius in Rome, although -the latter, having flourished half a century later, may take a somewhat -higher rank. The paintings of the tragic poet Pacuvius, from 220 to 130 -B.C., were still more advanced. Among these a picture, probably upon a -panel, in the Temple of Hercules in the Forum Boarium, was very -celebrated; and it may be assumed that, in order to obtain renown, the -artist adopted with success the technical refinements of the period of -the Diadochi. The aged artist, before his death, must have witnessed the -extensive robberies which brought to the metropolis, besides the -sculptural works, the most distinguished pictures of Greece, it having -happened in his prime that the Athenian painter and philosopher -Metrodoros was called to Rome by Æmilius Paulus--as a philosopher to -educate his children, and as an artist to illustrate his triumphs. -Metrodoros, who, in his artistic and scholarly versatility, had written -a book upon architecture, gave assistance even in the construction of -triumphal arches. Still, Æmilius Paulus may well have wished to glorify -his deeds by historical paintings, as had been customary with the -conquerors for a century. In 293 B.C., M. Valerius Maximus Messala had -placed a battle-scene in the Curia Hostilia, illustrating his victory -over the Carthaginians and Hiero of Syracuse--an example which was -followed by L. Scipio, in 190 B.C., with a representation of his success -at Magnesia over Antiochus of Syria. These, however, must be regarded -less as works of art than as realistic delineations of the events, -analogous to the Roman historical reliefs in the time of the Empire; at -least, great importance was given to details in the picture representing -the Conquest of Carthage which L. Hostilius Mancinus, in 146 B.C., -exhibited upon the Forum and explained to the people, and which -especially showed the Roman preparations for a siege. Such works, the -background of which was probably treated more or less as a landscape, -like the topographical representations of earlier antiquity, must have -been similar in conception and composition to the Assyrian reliefs that -represent battles and sieges, and to the pictures of the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries of the Christian era. - -In the notices of these panel-paintings there are no names of artists to -assist in their classification; but it may be concluded that Metrodoros -was encouraged in this work, and Serapion, in 100 B.C., really -distinguished himself in such historical scenes. The artists of -importance in the last century of the republic, like Sopolis, Dionysios, -and their pupil Antiochus Gabinius, found themselves forced into -portraiture; the specialty of Iaia, or Laia, of Kyzicos was the painting -of women upon ivory, and Arellius portrayed his mistresses as goddesses. -But in the beginning of the empire, tablet-painting seems to have been -entirely abandoned, being supplanted by a new decorative tendency which -again, in quite an unmonumental manner, led back to mural painting. - -[Illustration: Fig. 306.--Wall-painting, from the Aurea Domus of Nero.] - -It is clear from the term “Pinacotheca,” applied to certain halls in the -city palaces, that the eagerness for collecting among the Roman emperors -and nobles extended as well to the paintings of Greece as to the -statues. In sculpture copies were substituted when originals were -wanting, but this seems to have been rarely the case with -panel-paintings. As the statues were employed for decoration, -originality in these was not so important; but with paintings preserved -in cabinets, genuineness was more imperative. Painting upon panels, -however, became less frequent when pictures came to be imitated upon -the wall itself and brought into harmony with the remainder of the mural -ornamentation, as, according to Helbig, was customary, particularly in -Alexandria, even in the time of the Diadochi. This is shown, not only by -the new discoveries among the buildings of Tiberius upon the Palatine, -but also in the frescos of those subterranean baths of Titus which may -be regarded as part of the ruins of the Golden House of Nero. (_Fig._ -306.) Ornaments, garlands, and architectural designs divide the walls -into many spaces, within which groups or single figures (_Fig._ 307), -often dancing or floating, are placed directly against a ground of -intense color, sometimes black--the paintings of Campania showing -unsurpassed lightness and charm in the lines. (_Fig._ 308.) - -[Illustration: Fig. 307.--Ceres. Pompeian Wall-painting.] - -Sometimes they are ornamented with imitations of framed panel-pictures, -mostly containing mythological groups, and scenes in small genre. To -these was generally given a background of landscape, so that the figures -represented were little more than picturesque accessories; and this -custom seems to have led, perhaps even in the Hellenistic period, to -true landscape-painting. (_Fig._ 309.) According to Pliny, Ludius, or -Studius, introduced this style in the time of Augustus, of which, -besides those of Campania, the frieze decorations of the newly -discovered house of Tiberius upon the Palatine give the best -representations, and form an illustrated commentary upon the -descriptions of the works of Ludius. These are characterized as showing -“villas and halls, artificial gardens, hedges, woods, hills, -water-basins, tombs, rivers, shores, in as great a variety as could be -desired;” besides “figures sitting at ease, mariners, and those who, -riding upon donkeys or in wagons, look after their farms; fishermen, -snarers of birds, hunters, and vine-dressers; also swampy passages -before beautiful villas, and women borne by men who stagger under the -burden, and other witty things of this nature; finally, views of -seaports, everything charming and suitable;” that is to say, of a -certain facility and shallowness. The aim was to give an open and -cheerful effect, and this could be attained without correct and -naturalistic method or unity of idea; on the contrary a fantastic -unreality, and even impossibility, was its chief charm, like the -painting upon Japanese lacquered wares. - -[Illustration: Fig. 308.--Wall-painting from Herculaneum.] - -[Illustration: Fig. 309.--Landscape-painting from Pompeii.] - -The case was similar with architectural ornamentation, another branch of -Roman decorative painting, generally known under the name of the -Pompeian style. (_Fig._ 310.) Even in the time of Augustus, Vitruvius -complains of a blind seeking after scenic effect, which, in disdain of -all constructive laws, and in a manner quite impossible, piled heavy -gables and upper stories upon reed-like columns of no supporting power. -His blame, however, seems unjustifiable. That architectural painting -which aims at illusion should be condemned as worthless; but this is not -the case with that which, after the analogy of conventional -landscape-painting, renounces all semblance of reality and assiduously -avoids all illusion. Spaces may be apparently extended by an -architectural painting which, not deceptively, but poetically, opens the -narrow walls of small rooms, and carries the eye dreamily through a wide -perspective. Hence the fresh and by no means realistic colors, which, -tapestry-like, are not intended to deceive, but to ornament and please. -They bear witness to the deep feeling for polychromy, inherited from -Hellenic, or at least Hellenistic, predecessors, which was -characteristic of the Romans even after their decline. What delight must -there have been in a work so extended, and yet free from all slavish -copying! Not only Amulius, who, by compulsion, painted the Golden House -of Nero, and was celebrated by Pliny for his valuable and finely colored -pictures, but countless other artists were everywhere busily employed in -covering the walls with paintings and ornaments--a work now intrusted to -common decorators. In the time of Nero the activity in ornamental -painting, judged by the discoveries among the ruined cities of Campania, -must have been greater than has ever been known at any other period. - -[Illustration: Fig. 310.--Wall-painting of Decorative Architecture, -Pompeii.] - -In the consideration of Hellenic painting, mention has been made of the -origin of floor-decorations in mosaic by Sosos at the royal court of -Pergamon. By this is only meant mosaic painting with illusory effects, -as practised by him; imitations of tapestry patterns and merely -ornamental mosaic-work must have been older. His drinking-doves in the -“unswept hall” appear to have continued a favorite subject, judging from -three well-known imitations; one of which, found upon the Aventine, now -in the Museum of the Lateran, bears the inscription of the artist -Heraclitos. Though the names of other workers in mosaic are known, they -as little deserve mention here as do the numerous vase-painters, their -mosaic being almost wholly a technical process; its very laboriousness -rendered a truly artistic activity almost impossible. Unfortunately, no -name is attached to the most important work of this kind, over four -meters long and two wide, apparently representing an Alexandrian -battle-scene. This is also the best-preserved historical painting of -antiquity, but it is related rather to the Grecian types than to the -Roman battle-pieces above mentioned. The greater part of the well-known -mosaics, being from Herculaneum and Pompeii, may be referred to the time -of Nero; but those of Præneste with the Egyptianized conventional -landscapes may date back to the time of Sulla, while the extensive -example with figures of athletes from the Baths of Caracalla--now in the -Lateran--belongs to the time of that emperor. Many others, however, -especially those discovered in the distant provinces, are of later -times. Vigorous as are some of the representations of landscapes and of -animals among them, it is not to be denied that, as Semper says, mosaic -oversteps its boundary in going beyond the patterns of woven tapestry, -and trying to make us forget that it is outstretched like a level floor -upon which we would walk without hindrance. - -“It would be difficult, connectedly, to pursue the history of ancient -painting later than the eruption of Vesuvius, which, in the year 79 -A.D., by a wonderful fortune, preserved for the later world the artistic -treasures of three cities of Campania--Herculaneum, Pompeii, and -Stabiæ--and, at the same time, cost the life of Pliny, whom we have to -thank for the greatest completeness of written description.” Thus Brunn -rightly concludes his “History of the Grecian Painters,” for the works -of succeeding generations, even when names of artists are attached, do -not deserve to be called art, being nothing more than hasty and crude -decorations; such, for example, are the servants’ rooms in the Vigna -Nussiner, upon the southern slope of the Palatine, which, in recent -times, have acquired some celebrity by the careless scratches of the -slaves found upon their walls. The most important illustrations that -have been preserved of the shallowness and roughness of this lingering -art are in the tombs; and with these in painting, with the basilica in -architecture, and the sarcophagi in sculpture, the boundaries of the -antique and of the Christian era flow into each other, and are scarcely -distinguishable. When Christianity arose from the sepulchre, it allied -itself in monumental art to that stage of debasement which painting had -reached in the heathen and the Christian catacombs of the fourth -century; indeed, art continued still to decline through ages, until the -Northern races and the life of the common people breathed into it the -spirit of a new life. - - - - -GLOSSARY. - - -It has been the translator’s endeavor to avoid technical terms wherever -this was possible without detracting from exactness of expression. Of -those which it has proved necessary to introduce into the present -History, it is intended in this glossary to define neither words in -common usage, like basilica, battlement, column, etc., nor those -designations of infrequent occurrence which should be interpreted -whenever employed, like the Greek and Latin names of the many divisions -of the ancient theatre, bath, and gymnasion. A few of the former--as, -for instance, the too often interchanged _channel_, _flute_, and -_reed_--have, however, been given for the sake of discrimination. In -these cases, and in the case of some other words which are often -employed in senses too widely extended to allow of their being used -without qualification in careful architectural descriptions, it has been -attempted to make some advance towards precision of usage. - -=Ab´acus= (Gr. ἄβαξ-ακος. Lat. _abax_ and _abacus_, a slab. Possibly in -its architectural signification from βαστάζω, to lift up, to bear). The -plinth which forms the upper part of the capital--supporting the -entablature by bearing the lower surface of the epistyle beam. The -abacus is the crowning member of the capital, as the capital is of the -column. In the Doric style it is thick and of square plan, in the -Corinthian order thin and curved upon the sides. - -=Acrote´rion=, pl. acroteria (Gr. from ἄκρος, outermost). -The ornaments, such as statues or anthemion shields, placed upon the -angles of the gable--whether of the outer corners or of the apex. The -term is also applied to the pedestals of these ornaments. - -=Ag´onal=, adj. (from Gr. ἀγών, festive gathering, -especially an assembly met to see games; also the place of contest -itself). Pertaining to a festive destination. The word _agones_ is used -for the arena itself by Grote. (For the hypothetical distinction between -agonal temples and those consecrated alone to the worship of a deity, -introduced by Boetticher, see p. 214.) - -=Ag´ora= (Gr. an assemblage of the people; hence, the place where such -meetings were commonly held). A public square or marketplace. Synonymous -with the more familiar Latin _forum_. - -=Amphiprosty´los=, adj. amphip´rostyle (from Gr. ἀμφί, on -both sides; πρό, in front of; and στῦλος, -column). A term applied to a temple having a columned portico at the -rear (epinaos), as well as at the front (pronaos), but without lateral -columns. - -=An´nulet= (Lat. _annulus_, or, according to the best manuscripts, -_anulus_, ring, terminated by Ital. diminutive). A small fillet -encircling the base of the Doric echinos. The number of annulets is -commonly three. - -=An´ta=, pl. antæ (Lat.). Terminations similar to pilasters upon the ends -of the lateral walls of the cella, in pronaos and epinaos. Though a -corresponding member, the anta is in form but little allied to the -column, because its individual function is so different. - -=An´tefix= (from Lat. _ante_, before, and _fixus_, fixed). An upright -ornament like a small shield, placed above the corona when the gutter is -omitted, to hide the end of the jointing tile ridge. - -=Anthe´mion= (Gr. patterned with flowers, from ἀνθέω, to -blossom). The so-called palmetto or honeysuckle ornament, employed on -acroteria and antefixes, and also as a continuous decoration on bands, -gutters, etc., and the necking of some Ionic capitals. - -=In an´tis= (Lat.). The simplest variety of temple plan, so called by -Vitruvius because the pronaos or portico is formed by the projection of -the side walls, terminated by antæ, between which stand columns. - -=Apoph´yge= (Gr. escape; from ἀπό, from, and φεύγω, to flee. In its -technical employment, of the same significance as the Fr. _congé_ and -Ger. _Ablauf_). The hollow, or scotia, beneath the Doric echinos, the -juncture between shaft and capital, occurring in archaic examples of the -style, and relinquished with its advance. - -=Ar´ris= (Lat. _arista_, beard of an ear of grain, bone of a fish. Old Fr. -_areste_). The sharp edge formed by two surfaces meeting at an exterior -angle. Particularly the ridge between the hollows of Doric channellings. - -=As´tragal= (Gr. ἀστράγαλος, knuckle-bone, one of the -vertebræ of the neck, the bone of the ankle-joint). A roundlet moulding -carved into the form of beads; employed on the Ionic capital, and to -separate the projecting faces of the epistyle and coffering beams. - -=Atlas=, pl. Atlan´tes (Gr. the fabled upholder of the heavens). Figures -of male human beings, generally of colossal size, carved either in the -full or half round, and employed in the place of columns or pilasters to -support an entablature. - -=A´trium= (Lat.; from Gr. αἰθρία, open sky?). The chief -space of the Roman dwelling-house; an inner court usually surrounded by -columns. - -=At´tica= (from Gr. ἀττικός, pertaining to Attica). The -upright portion of a building above the main cornice. - - -=Bar´biton= (Gr.). An ancient Greek musical instrument of many strings, -resembling a lyre. - - -=Caryat´id=, pl. caryat´ides (Gr. pl. priestesses of Artemis at Caryæ in -Laconia, the connection of which with the architectural support has not -as yet been satisfactorily explained). Figures of female human beings -employed in the place of columns to support an entablature. - -=Cel´la= (Lat.; from _celare_, to hide). All that portion of the temple -structure within the walls. The term cella is comprehensive, including -pronaos, naos, and, if such there be, opisthodomos and epinaos. - -=Cham´fer= (Fr. _chamfrein_, Old Engl. _chanfer_). A slope or small splay -formed by cutting off the edges of an angle. - -=Chan´nel= (a modification of canal, from Lat. _canna_, reed). A curved -furrow, immediately adjoining its repetition, and separated from it only -by an arris, as in the Doric column. - -=Chorag´ic= (Gr. χοραγικός or χορηγικός, from χορός, chorus, and ἄγω, to -lead). Pertaining to, or in honor of, a choregos, _i. e._ one who -superintended a musical or theatrical entertainment among the Greeks, -and provided a chorus at his own expense. - -=Chryselephan´tine= (Gr. χρυσελεφάντινος, from -χρυσός, gold, and ἔλεφας, ivory). A -kind of sculpture in gold and ivory overlaying a wooden kernel--the -drapery and ornaments being of the former, the exposed flesh of the -latter, material. - -=Clere´-story= (Fr. _clair-étage_, _claire-voie_, from _clair_, light). -That portion of a central aisle which is so raised above the surrounding -parts of the building as to permit the illumination of the interior -through windows in its side walls. - -=Coilanaglyph´ic= (from Gr. κοίλος, hollow, and γλυφή, carving). That -species of carving in relief in which no part of the figure represented -projects beyond the surrounding plane, the relief being effected by -deeply incising the outlines. - -=Cor´nice= (Gr. κορωνίς, Lat. coronis, terminating curved -line; flourish with the pen at the end of a book). The uppermost -division of the entablature--the representative of the roof--consisting -of projecting mouldings and blocks, usually divisible into bed-moulding, -corona, and gutter. Hence, in general usage, any moulded projection -which crowns and terminates the part upon which it is employed. - -=Coro´na= (Lat. crown). The chief member of the cornice, directly beneath -the gutter, by its great projection and rectilinear faces forming the -drip. - -=Crepido´ma= (Gr. from κρηπίς-ιδος, boot). The entire -foundation of the temple, including the stereobate, the stylobate, and -the remaining steps. - -=Cy´ma= (Gr. wave). A moulding composed of two distinct curves. The Doric -cyma is commonly called the beak-moulding, the Lesbian cyma the _cyma -reversa_. - -=Den´til= (Lat. _denticulus_, from _dens_, _dentis_, tooth). Small -rectangular blocks in the bed-moulding of a cornice, originally -representing the ends of the slats which formed the ceiling. - -=Diad´ochi= (Gr. successors, from διαδέχομαι, to -receive from another), a term applied to the successors of Alexander. - -=Diminution.= In architectural usage, the continued contraction of the -diameter of the shaft as it ascends. - -=Dip´teros=, adj. dip´teral (from Gr. δίς, double, and -πτερόν, wing). That variety of a temple plan which has -two ranges of columns entirely surrounding the cella. - -=Dro´mos= (Gr. course). A road; particularly applied to the -entrance-passages to subterranean treasure-houses. - - -=Echi´nos=, pl. echi´ni (Gr. hedgehog, so called from the resemblance of -the member to the shell of the sea-urchin). The curved and projecting -moulding which supports the abacus in the Doric capital. - -=Egg-and-dart moulding.= Term applied to the well-known carving of the -roundel common in the Ionic style. - -=Empais´tic= (Gr. ἐμπαιστική; from ἐν, in, -and παίω, to stamp). Stamped and embossed work of metal; -also sheets of metal applied or inlaid. - -=Entab´lature= (Lat. _intabulamentum_; from _tabula_, board, table). In -the Greek styles the whole of the structure above the columns, excepting -the gable. The entablature consists of three members: the epistyle, or -architrave, joining the columns and taking the place of the wall; the -frieze, standing before, and in the Doric style imitating, the ceiling -and its beams; and the terminal cornice, the representative of the ends -of the roof rafters. - -=En´tasis= (Gr.; from ἐντείνω, to bend a bow). The -swelling of the column towards its middle, the object of which is to -counteract an optical delusion causing the diminished shaft, when formed -with absolutely straight lines, to appear hollowed in the centre. - -=Epina´os= (formed by analogy with pronaos; from Gr. ἐπί, -after, behind, and ναός, naos). The open vestibule behind -the naos. - -=Ep´istyle= (Gr. ἐπιστύλιον; from ἐπί, -after, upon, and στῦλος, column). The lower member of -the entablature, the representative of the wall, consisting, as the name -imports, of beams laid horizontally upon the capitals of the columns. -The epistyle is commonly spoken of by its Roman name, architrave. - - -=Fascine´= (Lat. _fascina_; from _fascis_, bundle). A bundle of long, thin -sticks employed in military engineering for filling ditches, raising -parapets, etc. - -=Fil´let= (Fr. _filet_, thread; from Lat. _filum_). A ribbon; a narrow, -flat band used in the separation of one moulding from another. -Especially the ridge between the flutes of the Ionic shaft. - -=Flute.= In architectural usage, a curved and usually semicircular furrow, -separated from its repetition by a narrow fillet, as in the Ionic -column. So called from its similarity to the musical instrument. - -=Frieze= (Ital. _freggio_, adorned?). The second member of the -entablature. When enriched by carvings of men or animals in relief, as -is common in the Ionic style, and as occurs upon the cella wall of the -Doric Parthenon, the frieze is in classic architecture called -_zophoros_. - - -=Gar´goyle= (Fr. _gargouille_; from _gargouiller_, to dabble, to paddle). -A carved waterspout projecting from the gutter. - -=Gymna´sion= (Gr.; from γυμνός, naked). Originally an open -space, but in later times extensive courts and buildings, devoted to -mental as well as bodily instruction and exercises. - - -=He´lix=, pl. hel´ices (Gr. anything twisted or spiral; from ἑλίσσω, to -turn around). A spiral, particularly the volutes of the Ionic capital -and the corner leaves and tendrils of the Corinthian. - -=Hexasty´los=, adj. hex´astyle (from Gr. ἕξ, six, and στῦλος, column). A -building, particularly a temple, upon the front of which are six -columns. - -=Hip´podrome= (Gr. ἱππόδρομος; from ἵππος, horse, and δρόμος, way). A -course prepared for the races of horses and chariots. - -=Hypæ´thron=, adj. hypæ´thral (Lat. _hypæthrus_; from Gr. ὑπό, under, -and αἰθήρ, clear sky). Term applied to a temple supposed by some writers -on Greek architecture to have been lighted from above, by an orifice -through roof and ceiling. - -=Hyper´oön= (Gr.). The upper stories of a house; particularly the -galleries above the side-aisles in the interior of the Greek temple. - -=Hyp´ostyle= (Gr. ὑπόστυλον; from ὑπό, -under, and στῦλος, column). A space, with or without -lateral enclosure, the ceiling of which rests upon columns. - - -=Inci´sion.= In architectural usage, the deep groove which separates the -necking of the column from the upper drum of the shaft beneath. At times -repeated to emphasize this separation. - -=Intercolumnia´tion= (from Lat. _inter_, between, and _columna_, column). -The open space between two columns, measured at the base. The measures -are often taken from centre to centre of the columns. - - -=Lacu´na=, pl. _lacunæ_ (Lat.; from Gr. λάκος, pit, -originally anything hollow). A sunken panel in the under surface of any -constructive feature, particularly of a horizontal ceiling. - -=Log´gia= (Ital.; from Lat. _locus_, place). A covered space enclosed by -walls, but with one or, in exceptional instances, two sides entirely -open to the air. - -=Lychni´tes= (Gr. λυχνίτης λίθος; from λύχνος, light). A variety of -fine-grained marble from the island of Paros, probably so called because -quarried by torchlight. - - -=Met´ope= (Gr.; from μετά, between, and ὀπή, -opening). Originally the orifice between the beam-ends of the Doric -ceiling; hence, in later times, the stones which were employed to close -these openings. The nearly square slabs between the triglyphs. - -=Monop´teros= (from Gr. μόνος, alone, single, and πτερόν, wing). A -circular structure of outstanding columns, commonly without a cella -enclosed by walls. - -=Mu´tule= (Lat. _mutulus_). A projection upon the soffit of the Doric -corona, which originally marked the position of the rafter-ends beneath -the sheathing. - - -=Na´os= (Gr.). The innermost chamber of the Greek temple. - -=Neck´ing.= In architectural usage, the space, if such be separated, -between the top of the shaft and the projecting members of the capital. -In the Doric style, for instance, the continuation of the channellings -above the incision or incisions to the annulets of the echinos, -including the hypophyge, when this occurs. - - -=Octosty´los=, adj. oc´tostyle (from Gr. ὀκτώ, eight, and -στῦλος, column). A building, particularly a temple, upon -the front of which are eight columns. - -=Odei´on= (Gr.; from ᾠδή, song). A hall, similar to a modern -theatre, devoted to the production of the lyric works of poets and -musicians. - -=Ogive´= (Fr.). The pointed arch. - -=Opisthod´omos= (Gr. from ὄπισθε, behind, and δόμος, house). An enclosed -chamber in a temple, entered from the epinaos, commonly employed to -contain the treasure of the temple or of the state. - - -=Palais´tra= (Gr.; from παλαιστής, wrestler). A -building or enclosure devoted to wrestling, boxing, and kindred -gymnastic exercises; commonly, also, containing baths. - -=Perip´teros=, adj. perip´teral (Gr.; from περί, around, and -πτερόν, wing). A temple entirely surrounded by columns. - -=Per´istyle=, noun and adj. (from Gr. περί, around, and -στῦλος, column). A term applied to a secular building, -or a court, which is entirely or for the greater part surrounded by a -colonnade. - -=Pisé= (Fr.; from _piser_, to build with stamped clay). A species of -tenacious clayey earth, employed for walls and pavement by being rammed -down. - -=Plinth= (Lat. _plinthus_, from Gr. πλίνθος, tile). Any -rectangular and projecting member of considerable size. A narrow and -long plinth is a fillet. - -=Po´ros= (Gr.). A light, coarse tufa-limestone almost exclusively employed -during the earliest ages of Greek architecture. - -=Prona´os= (Gr.; from πρό, before, and ναός). -The open vestibule before the naos. - -=Propylæ´on=, pl. propylæ´a (Gr.; from πρό, before, and -πύλη, gate). The portal structure before the entrance to a -Greek temenos. - -=Prosty´los=, adj. pro´style (from Gr. πρό, before, and -στῦλος, column). That variety of temple plan in which -the projecting wall and pilasters of the temple in antis have been -transformed to corner columns, thus altering the pronaos from a loggia -to an open portico. - -=Pseudodip´teros= (pseudo from Gr. ψευδής, false; -dipteros, see above). A temple planned upon the dipteral arrangement, in -which the inner rank of columns surrounding the cella is wanting. - -=Pseudoperip´teros= (pseudo from Gr. ψευδής, false; -peripteros, see above). A temple in which the columns surrounding the -cella are engaged upon a continuous enclosure wall, as in the great -temple of Acragas (Agrigentum). - -=Ptero´ma= (Gr.; from πτερόν, wing). The passage -surrounding the cella of a peripteral temple. - -=Py´lon= (Gr.; from πύλη, gate). The towers of truncated -pyramidal form on either side of the gateways of Egyptian temples. - - -=Quirk.= In architectural usage, a moulding formed by a sharp turn in a -continuous line. - - -=Reed.= In architectural usage, a small convex moulding applied to a -regular surface and frequently repeated. The term is commonly employed -for the ornamentation of columns by reversed channels or flutes. - -=Reg´ula= (Lat. any straight piece of wood, a ruler). The short band, -corresponding to the triglyph, beneath the tænia moulding which crowns -the epistyle; the listel. Originally determined by the slat of wood -which strengthened the wall-plate at the point of its perforation by the -trunnels. - -=Revet´ment=, vb. to revete (Fr. _revêtement_, from _revêtir_, to clothe). -A facing of metal, stone, or wood encasing a kernel--usually of some -less firm or sightly material. - -=Round´el=, dim. roundlet. A moulding of semicircular profile. - - -=Scamil´lus= (Lat. little bench, foot-stool). A slight projection, cut by -means of a joggle, upon a constructive feature in such a manner as to -prevent its adjacent edges from touching and possibly chipping those of -the next block. A scamillus thus creates the incision between the upper -drum of the shaft and the necking of the Doric capital, and is also -occasionally inserted between the top of the abacus and the soffit of -the epistyle. - -=Sco´tia= (Gr. darkness). A hollow curved moulding, so called from the -deep line of shadow which it casts. - -=Soc´le= (Lat. _socculus_, dim. of _soccus_, low shoe, slipper). The low, -plain foundation of a pedestal or building. - -=Sof´fit= (Ital. _soffitta_; from Lat. _suffigere_, to fasten beneath). -The under side of any part of a building, particularly of lintels, -epistyles, and coronas. - -=Sphyrel´aton= (Gr.; from σφῦρα, hammer, and ἐλαύνω], to drive). -Metal-work beaten to the shape of a carved kernel by a hammer. - -=Spi´na= (Lat.; from Gr. σπινός, lean, thin). The barrier -dividing the race-course longitudinally into two tracks. - -=Sta´dion= (Gr.; from στάδιος, standing firm). A -race-course of fixed dimensions, whence a measure of length, 600 Greek -feet. - -=Ste´le= (Gr.). An upright stone employed as a monument. - -=Ste´reobate= (Gr. στερεοβάτης; from στερεός, firm, solid, and βάσις, -base). The substructure of rough masonry beneath a temple. - -=Sto´a= (Gr.). An extended colonnade, usually adjoining a public place, -and affording protection against the heat of the sun. - -=Sty´lobate= (Gr. στυλοβάτης; from στῦλος, column, and βαστάζω, to light -up, support). The uppermost step of the peripteros, which forms a -continuous base beneath the columns. - - -=Tæ´nia= (Gr. ribbon). The continuous fillet which crowns the epistyle, -representative of the wall-plate of the original timbered Doric -construction. - -=Ta´lus= (Lat. ankle). The slope or angle of inclination of the sides of a -wall. - -=Taraxip´pos= (Gr. adj. frightening the horses). An altar upon the -turning-point of the Greek race-course. - -=Tel´amon= (Gr. bearer). In architectural usage of the same significance -as Atlas, which see above. - -=Tem´enos= (Gr.; from τέμνω, to cut, to draw a line). A -piece of land marked off from common usages and dedicated to a deity. -The sacred enclosure around the temple. - -=Tetrasty´los=, adj. tet´rastyle (from Gr. τέτρα, four, and -στῦλος, column). A building, particularly a temple, upon -the front of which are four columns. - -=Thal´amos= (Gr.). Term applied by Homer to inner rooms or chambers, -especially those of women. In the usage of Xenophon a store-room. - -=Tho´los= (Gr.). A chamber of circular plan, generally subterranean, -approaching in interior form that of a pointed vault. - -=Tore= (Lat. _torus_, swelling, protuberance). A large roundel moulding. - -=Trac´ery.= A patterning of thin bars, usually of stone, in a window or -other opening. - -=Tri´glyph= (Gr. τρίγλυφος; from τρί, -three, and γλυφή, carving, because of the three slats -originally chamfered). The most prominent member of the Doric frieze, -originally significant of the ends of the ceiling beams. A rectangular -tablet slightly projecting beyond the face of the metopes, with which it -alternates, and emphasized by vertical grooves and chamfers. - -=Trun´nel= (allied etymologically to tree-nail and trunnion). A wooden pin -or peg. Carved in stone beneath the regulas and mutules of the Doric -entablature, the trunnels mark the position of these primitive -constructive features. In form they are commonly the frustum of a cone. - -=Tym´panon= (Gr. drum). The triangular space enclosed by the inclined -mouldings of the gable and the horizontal cornice of the entablature -beneath. - - -=Vela´rium= (Lat.). The great curtain, or awning, extended above the -auditories of the Roman theatre and amphitheatre to protect the -spectators from the sun and rain. - -=Volute´= (Lat. _voluta_; from _volvere_, to roll). A spiral scroll. The -term is particularly employed for such features in the Ionic and -Corinthian capitals. - - -=Xo´anon=, pl. xoana (Gr.; from ξέω, to work in wood by -scraping). A rude and primitive image carved in wood; particularly -antique statues of the deities. - - - -=Zoph´oros= (Gr.; from ζῶον, being, figure, and φέρω, to bear). A -continuous frieze, sculptured in relief with the forms of human beings -and animals. - - - - -INDEX. - - -(The names of places are in common print, those of artists in italics.) - -Abou-Roash, 12. - -Abousere, 3, 11. - -Abou-Sharein, 50-52, 54. - -_Achermos_, 280. - -Ackercuf, 50. - -Acragas, 219, 220, 222, 253. - -Ægina, 222, 224, 282, 293-296, 298, 303. - -Æsernia, 414. - -_Aetion_, 384. - -_Agasias_, 361, 362. - -_Agatharchos_, 370. - -_Ageladas_, 299, 304. - -_Agesandros_, 351. - -_Aglaophon_, 368. - -_Agoracritos_, 316, 317. - -Agrae, 257. - -Agrigentum. See Acragas. - -Aizanis, 260. - -Alabanda, 260. - -Alatrium (Alatri), 414, 416. - -Albanum (Albano), 390, 436, 437. - -_Alcamenes_, 317-319. - -Alcantara, 439. - -Alexandria, 256, 261, 346, 438. - -_Alexandros_, 338. - -Algiers, 185. - -Alopeke, 322. - -Alsium, 399. - -_Alxenor_, 290. - -Alyzia, 343. - -Ambrakia, 281, 346. - -_Amphicrates_, 297. - -Amphipolis, 375. - -Amphissa, 279. - -Amran-ibn-Ali, 57. - -Amrith, 133, 135-137, 141, 149. - -_Amulius_, 470. - -Amyclæ, 179, 184, 276, 277. - -_Amyclaios_, 299. - -Ancona, 439. - -Ancyra, 438. - -_Androsthenes_, 318. - -_Angelion_, 286. - -Antaradus, 133. - -_Antenor_, 297, 298. - -_Antigonos_, 347. - -Antioch, 261, 346. - -_Antiochos_, 363. - -_Antiochos Gabinius_, 466. - -Antiphillos, 166, 168. - -_Antiphilos_, 384, 386. - -Antium, 414. - -Aosta, 439. - -_Apelles_, 379-382. - -Aphrodisias, 240, 257, 366, 436. - -Apiolæ, 414. - -_Apollodoros_, sculptor, 360; - painter, 370. - -_Apollonios_, 353, 362, 363. - -Aradus, 133. - -Arbola, 62. - -Ardea, 414. - -_Archias_, 262. - -_Archimedes_, 262. - -_Arellius_, 466. - -Argos, 186, 276, 281, 282, 298, 299, 303. - -Aricia, 291, 414. - -_Aridikes_, 367. - -_Aristeas_, 366. - -_Aristiæos_, 377. - -_Aristides_, 377. - -_Aristocles_, 287, 298, 299. - -_Aristogeiton_, 327. - -_Aristolaos_, 376. - -_Aristomedon_, 299. - -_Aristomedos_, 299. - -_Aristophon_, 370. - -_Arkesilaos_, 366. - -Arpinum, 414. - -_Arrhachion_, 289. - -_Asclepiodoros_, 380, 384. - -Asoka, 132. - -Aspendos, 433. - -Assos, 216, 286, 288. - -Assur, 62. - -_Athanadoros_, 351. - -_Athenis_, 280, 281, 291, 365. - -Athens, 191, 221-227, 241-245, 248, 249, 253, 260, - 276, 289, 293, 298, 303, 346, 377, 378. - -Aufidena, 414. - -Aurunca, 414. - - -Babil, 58. - -Babylon, 50, 53, 58, 59, 81, 82. - -Bagdad, 57. - -Balaneia, 133. - -Baphio, 184. - -Bara, 439. - -Bassæ, 227, 236, 241, 247, 249. - -_Bathycles_, 277. - -Beni-hassan, 14-18. - -Besançon, 439. - -Beyrout, 133. - -Biban-el-Moluk, 22. - -Bi-Sueton, 128. - -Boghaz-kieni, 173. - -_Boidas_, 344. - -Bolymnos, 199. - -Bors-Nimrud, 57-59. - -Borsippa, 55-57. - -Boulac, 41. - -_Boutades_, 278. - -Boupalos, 281, 291, 365. - -Bovillæ, 431. - -_Bryaxis_, 251, 333. - -Byblus, 133, 148. - -Byrsa, 162. - - -Cadacchio, 216. - -Ca-dimirra, 53. - -Cære, 391, 392, 406, 409. - -Cairo, 4. - -Calah, 61, 62. - -_Calamis_, 293, 299, 301, 318. - -_Calates_, 386. - -_Callicles_, 386. - -_Callimachos_, 246, 322, 386. - -_Calliphon_, 370. - -_Calliteles_, 295. - -_Callon_, 286, 293, 299. - -Calydon, 191. - -_Canachos_, 286, 298. - -Caparra, 439. - -Capua, 339, 359. - -Carnac, 24-28. - -Carnek, 133. - -Carpentras, 439. - -Carthage, 139, 159, 162. - -Casr, 57. - -Castel d’Asso, 394. - -Caunos, 383. - -Cavaillon, 439. - -Cervetri, 392, 394. - -_Chares_, 344, 351. - -_Charmides_, 304. - -_Chersiphron_, 238. - -_Chionis_, 299. - -Chios, 279-281. - -Chiusi, 390, 401, 403, 411. - -Circello, 416. - -Cirta, 253. - -Claros, 240. - -_Cleanthes_, 367. - -_Clearchos_, 282. - -_Cleomenes_, 363. - -Cleonæ, 281, 367. - -_Clitias_, 277, 464. - -Clusium, 390, 408. - -Cnidos, 239, 248, 260, 334. - -Cochome, 3. - -Colophon, 240. - -_Colotes_, 317. - -Constantina, 253, 436. - -Constantinople, 438. - -_Coponius_, 452. - -Cora, 414. - -Corfu, 216. - -Corinth, 218, 278, 289, 298, 299. - -Corkyra. See Corfu. - -Corneto, 392, 398. - -Corsabad, 60, 66, 73, 76, 78, 79, 280. - -Cos, 334. - -_Cossutius_, 249. - -Coyundjic, 60, 61, 66, 68, 70, 74-76, 78. - -_Craton_, 367. - -_Cresilas_, 321. - -Crete, 160, 170, 266. - -_Critios_, 297. - -Ctesiphon, 58, 131. - -Cures, 414. - -Cussi, 438, 439. - -Cyprus, 96, 139, 150, 159, 162, 267, 321. - - -_Dactylæ_, 266. - -_Daidalos_, 267, 268. - -_Damophilos_, 449, 464. - -_Damophon_, 327. - -_Daphnis_, 238. - -Darabgerd, 118. - -Dashour, 3, 10, 11. - -_Deinocrates_, 261, 344. - -Delos, 191, 193, 229, 260, 280. - -_Demetrios_, 322. - -_Dionysios_, 299, 363, 370, 466. - -_Diopos_, 401. - -_Dipoinos_, 281, 282, 298. - -Dium, 342. - -_Diyllos_, 299. - -Dodona, 192. - -_Dontas_, 282. - -_Donycleidas_, 282. - -Dur-Sargina, 60. - - -Ecetræ, 414. - -_Ecphantos_, 367. - -Elateia, 363. - -El-Cab, 30. - -El-Casr, 439. - -Eleusis, 228. - -Eleutheræ, 299. - -Elis, 222, 254, 299. - -_Endoios_, 297, 365. - -Enhydra, 133. - -Ephesos, 237, 256, 279, 361, 371, 375. - -Epidauros, 186, 260. - -Erbil, 62. - -Erech, 50. - -_Ergotimos_, 277, 464. - -Eubœa, 193. - -_Eucheir_, 401. - -_Eugrammos_, 401. - -_Eumaros_, 367. - -_Eupalamos_, 267. - -_Euphranor_, 340, 377, 378. - -_Eupompos_, 375. - -_Euthycrates_, 344. - -_Eutychides_, 344. - -Eyuk, 173. - - -_Fabius Pictor_, 464. - -Falerii, 388, 389. - -Fanum, 442. - -Fayoum, 4, 34, 35. - -Ferentinum, 414. - -Firuz-Abad, 118, 131. - -Florence, 227. - - -Gabr-Hiram, 133. - -Gineh, 141. - -Girsheh, 30. - -_Gitiades_, 299. - -Gizeh, 3, 4-6, 13, 17, 42. - -Glanum, 253. - -_Glaucos_, 279, 299. - -_Glycon_, 343, 362. - -_Gorgasos_, 449, 464. - -Goshen, 143. - -Gozo, 163. - - -Halicarnassos, 250-252. - -Haram-el-Sherif, 147. - -_Hegias_, 297, 304. - -_Hegylos_, 282. - -Heraclea, 371. - -_Heraclitos_, 471. - -Herculaneum, 436, 471. - -_Hermogenes_, 240. - -Hierapolis, 256. - -Hillah, 57. - -Hit, 49. - -Hovara, 12. - -_Huram_, 148. - -_Hypatodoros_, 327. - - -_Iaia_, 466. - -_Icmalios_, 269. - -_Ictinos_, 225. - -Illahoun, 12. - -_Illecles_, 238. - -_Isogonos_, 347. - -Istakr, 100. - -Ithaca, 177, 178, 184. - - -Jebeil, 133, 136, 138. - -Jerusalem, 139, 147-157. - -Jumjuma, 57. - - -Kalwadha, 50. - -Kenchreæ, 186. - -_Kephisodotos_: the elder, 329; - the younger, 338. - -Kileh-Shergat, 75. - -_Kimon_, 367. - -Kisr-Sargon, 57, 60, 62-66, 73, 79, 152. - -Kiutahija, 171. - -_Kypselos_, 276. - -Kyrene, 185. - -Kythnos, 374. - -Kyzicos, 261. - - -Lacedæmonia, 282. - -Laconia, 187. - -_Laia_, 466. - -Laodikeia, 260. - -Latium, 416. - -Lavinium, 414. - -Lemnos, 305, 317. - -_Leochares_, 251, 331, 333. - -Lessa, 187. - -_Libon_, 222. - -Lindos, 344. - -Lisht, 12. - -_Ludius_, 467. - -Luxor, 24, 25. - -_Lykios_, 320. - -_Lysippos_, 341, 345, 450, 453. - -_Lysistratos_, 342. - - -Magnesia, 240, 272, 277. - -Malta, 163. - -Mantinea, 243, 260. - -Marathus, 133, 135. - -Marseilles. See Massalia. - -Mashnaka, 135, 141, 142, 150. - -Massalia, 449. - -Medinet-Abou, 25, 34. - -Medinet-el-Fayoum, 24. - -Medullia, 414. - -Megalopolis, 260. - -Megara, 287. - -_Melanthios_, 376, 380. - -_Melas_, 280. - -Melos, 260. - -Memphis, 3, 5, 12, 42. - -Mende, 317. - -_Menelaos_, 364. - -Menidi, 179, 183. - -Merida, 439. - -Meroe, 12. - -Messene, 327, 357. - -_Metagenes_, 238. - -Metapontion, 216, 217. - -_Metrodoros_, 465, 466. - -Meydoun, 10, 12. - -_Mickiades_, 280. - -_Micon_, 368, 369. - -Miletos, 238, 247, 285, 288, 298. - -_Mnesicles_, 226. - -Mœris, 10. - -Moriah, 147. - -Mosul, 59, 60. - -Mt. Barkal, 12. - -Mt. Ocha, 193, 194. - -Mudjelibeh, 57, 58, 83. - -Mugheir, 50, 52, 54, 80. - -Murgab, 100, 119. - -Mykenæ, 179-185, 188, 189, 192, 198, 273-276, 280. - -Mylassa, 250. - -Myra, 165, 167, 260. - -_Myron_, 299, 301, 303, 320. - -Mys, 305. - - -Naksh-i-Rustam, 120, 121. - -Naxos, 288, 290. - -Nebbi-Jonas, 61. - -Nemea, 211. - -_Nesiotes_, 297. - -_Nicomachos_, 377. - -Nicomedia, 346. - -_Nicophanes_, 376. - -_Nicopolis_, 375. - -Niffer, 50. - -_Nikias_, 378. - -Nimrud, 57-60, 66, 67, 69, 71, 75, 77, 78, 85, 87. - -Nineveh, 53, 59, 61, 62, 80, 84, 95, 140. - -Nipur, 50, 53. - -Norba, 414, 415. - -Norchia, 394-397. - -Norma, 414. - -_Novius Plautius_, 450. - -Nubia, 12, 40. - -Nus, 14. - - -Olevano, 414, 416. - -Olympia, 209, 222, 223, 258, 276, 278, 282, 307, - 308, 317, 319, 335, 336, 386. - -_Onatas_, 293, 295, 297. - -Orange, 433, 439. - -Orchomenos, 179, 184, 287, 288. - -Ortygia, 218, 221. - -Otricoli, 309. - -_Ovius_, 451. - - -_Pacuvius_, 465. - -Pæstum, 206, 223, 229, 255. - -_Paionios_, architect, 238. - -_Paionios_, sculptor, 317, 319. - -_Palamaon_, 268. - -Palestrina, 450. - -Palma, 291. - -Paltus, 133. - -_Pamphilos_, 375, 382. - -_Panainos_, 368, 369. - -Paphos, 160. - -_Papias_, 366. - -Paros, 317. - -_Parrhasios_, 305, 371, 373, 374. - -Pasargadæ, 100, 103, 118, 120, 123. - -_Pasiteles_, 364. - -Patara, 260. - -_Pausias_, 376. - -_Pauson_, 370. - -_Peiræicos_, 386. - -Pergamon, 261, 346-350, 353, 356, 358, 362. - -Persepolis, 100-102, 107, 117, 120, 122, 123. - -Perugia, 286, 400, 404. - -Pessinus, 240. - -Petra, 437, 438. - -Pharsalos, 179. - -_Pheidias_, 225, 299, 304-322. - -Phellos, 167. - -Pheneos, 185. - -Phigalia, 190, 227, 287, 321. - -Philæ, 30, 47, 105, 135. - -_Phileas_, 279. - -_Philocles_, 367. - -Phokis, 363. - -_Phycomachos_, 347. - -Piraios, 255. - -Plataia, 305, 368. - -Pola, 436. - -Politorium, 414. - -_Polycleitos_, 299, 323, 328. - -_Polycles_, 363. - -_Polydoros_, 351. - -_Polygnotos_, 254, 368-370, 383. - -Pompeii, 436, 442, 444, 468, 471. - -Præneste, 414, 450, 471. - -_Praxias_, 318. - -_Praxiteles_, 300, 330, 332-336, 338, 340. - -Priene, 238. - -_Protogenes_, 383, 384. - -_Pythagoras_, 299, 301. - -_Pythios_, 238, 251. - - -Redesie, 30. - -Reggio, 436. - -Reson, 62. - -Rhamnous, 228, 330. - -Rhegion, 282, 299, 301, 303. - -Rheims, 438. - -Rhodes, 267, 344, 351, 353, 356, 358, 362, 363. - -_Rhoicos_, 279. - -Rimini, 439. - -Ruad, 133, 148. - - -Saccara, 9. - -Saida, 133, 138, 141, 149. - -Saint-Remi, 253, 437, 439. - -Samos, 141, 190, 238, 260, 280. - -Sarbistan, 131, 171. - -Sardinia, 163. - -Sardis, 174. - -Satricum, 414. - -_Satyros_, 251. - -Sauiet-el-Meytin, 16. - -_Saurias_, 367. - -Scaptia, 414. - -_Scopas_, 251, 330-333. - -Scythopolis, 148. - -Segesta, 211, 222, 259, 260. - -Segni, 414, 416. - -Seid-el-Ar, 172. - -Selamiyeh, 62. - -Seleucia, 58, 131, 346. - -Selinous, 216, 218, 222, 283, 288, 290, 327. - -_Serapion_, 466. - -Serpul-Zohab, 121. - -Side, 260. - -Sidon, 133, 138. - -Signia, 414, 415. - -Sikyon, 243, 276, 281, 282, 298, 299, 303, 322, 340, 375-378. - -_Silanion_, 340, 341. - -Siloam, 152. - -Silsilis, 30. - -Sipylos, 173, 272. - -Sivrihissar, 171. - -_Skyllis_, 281, 282, 298. - -_Smilis_, 282. - -Smyrna, 173. - -_Socrates_, 299. - -Soleb, 27. - -Sopolis, 466. - -Sora, 414. - -_Sosibios_, 365. - -_Sosos_, 386, 470. - -Spalatro, 447. - -Sparta, 183, 255, 260, 282, 287, 299. - -Stabiæ, 471. - -_Stephanos_, 364. - -Stoura, 193. - -_Stratonicos_, 347. - -_Studius_, 467. - -_Styppax_, 321. - -Sunion, 228. - -Sur, 133, 138. - -Sura, 50. - -Susa, Italy, 439. - -Susa, Persia, 100. - -Sutri, 436. - -Syracuse, 217, 260, 262. - - -Tak-i-Gero, 132. - -Tarention, 242, 243, 249. - -_Tauriscos_, 353. - -Tauromenium, 260. - -_Tectaios_, 286. - -_Telchinœ_, 266. - -_Telecles_, 260, 279. - -Telenæ, 414. - -_Telephanes_, 367. - -Telmissos, 260. - -Tel-Sifr, 50. - -Tenea, 267, 287, 288. - -Teos, 240. - -Thabarieh, 146. - -Thasos, 289, 368. - -Thebes, Egypt, 22, 47. - -Thebes, Greece, 191, 298, 299, 375, 377. - -_Theocles_, 282. - -_Theodoros_, 238, 260, 279, 280. - -_Theon_, 386. - -Thera, 287, 288. - -Thespeia, 368. - -Thessalonica, 255. - -Theveste, 439. - -Thoricos, 254. - -Tibur, 414. - -_Timanthes_, 374, 375. - -_Timarchides_, 363. - -_Timarchos_, 338. - -_Timocles_, 363. - -_Timomachos_, 385. - -_Timotheos_, 251, 333. - -Tiryns, 187, 188, 192. - -Todi, 408. - -Tortosa, 133. - -Tourah, 11. - -Tralles, 353. - -Treves, 436. - -Troezen, 199. - -Troy, 185, 191, 267, 268. - -Tusculum, 414, 433, 436. - -Tyndaris, 260. - -Tyre, 133, 138, 140. - - -Um-el-Auamid, 133, 138, 145. - -Ur, 48, 50, 53, 80. - - -Veii, 388, 391, 401, 448. - -Velabro, 416. - -Venice, 450. - -Verulæ, 414. - -Viterbo, 394. - -_Volca_ (_Vulcanius_), 401, 448. - -Volsinii, 405. - -Volterra, 408. - -Vulci, 390, 401, 406, 407. - - -Warka, 50, 52, 54, 80. - - -Xanthos, 167, 170, 252, 288, 339. - -_Xenaios_, 261. - - -_Zeuxis_, 371-374. - - -THE END. - - -VALUABLE AND INTERESTING WORKS -FOR -STUDENTS OF ANCIENT AND MODERN ART. - - -=> HARPER & BROTHERS _will send any of the following works by mail, -postage prepaid, to any part of the United States or Canada, on receipt -of the price_. - -=> _For a full list of works published by_ HARPER & BROTHERS, _see_ -HARPER’S ENLARGED CATALOGUE, _360 pp., 8vo, which will be sent by mail, -postage prepaid, on receipt of Ten Cents_. - -=History of Mediæval Art.= - -By Dr. FRANZ VON REBER, Author of “A History of Ancient Art,” &c. -Translated and Augmented by JOSEPH THACHER CLARKE. Profusely -Illustrated. 8vo, Cloth, $5 00. - -=History of Ancient Art.= - -By Dr. FRANZ VON REBER, Director of the Bavarian Royal and State -Galleries of Paintings, Professor in the University and Polytechnic of -Munich. Revised by the Author, and Translated and Augmented by JOSEPH -THACHER CLARKE. With 308 Illustrations, and a Glossary of Technical -Terms. 8vo, Cloth, $3 50. - -=Ilios.= - -Ilios, the City and Country of the Trojans. The results of Researches -and Discoveries on the Site of Troy and throughout the Troad in the -years 1871-’72-’73-’78-’79. Including an Autobiography of the Author. By -Dr. HENRY SCHLIEMANN, F.S.A. With a Preface, Appendices, and Notes by -Professors RUDOLF VIRCHOW, MAX MÜLLER, A. H. SAYCE, J. P. MAHAFFY, H. -BRUGSCH-BEV, P. ASCHERSON, M. A. POSTOLACCAS, M. E. BURNOUF, Mr. F. -CALVERT, and Mr. A. J. DUFFIELD. With Illustrations representing nearly -2000 Types of the Objects found in the Excavations of the Seven Cities -on the Site of Ilios. Maps, Plans, and Illustrations. Imperial 8vo, -Cloth, $12 00; Half Morocco, $15 00. - -=Troja.= - -Troja. Results of the Latest Researches and Discoveries on the Site of -Homer’s Troy, and in the Heroic Tumuli and other Sites, made in the year -1882, and a Narrative of a Journey in the Troad in 1881. By Dr. HENRY -SCHLIEMANN, F.S.A. Preface by Professor A. H. SAYCE. With 150 Wood-cuts -and 4 Maps and Plans. pp. xl., 434. 8vo, Cloth, $7 50; Half Morocco, $10 -00. - -=A History of Wood-Engraving.= - -By G. E. WOODBERRY. With Numerous Illustrations. 8vo, Cloth, $3 50. - -=South Kensington.= - -Travels in South Kensington. With Notes on Decorative Art and -Architecture in England. By MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY. Illustrated. 8vo, -Cloth, $2 50. - -=The Land and the Book.= - -By WILLIAM M. THOMSON, D.D. In Three Volumes. Copiously Illustrated. -Square 8vo, Ornamental Cloth, $6 00; Sheep, $7 00; Half Morocco, $8 50; -Full Morocco, Gilt Edges, $10 00 per Volume. 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With -Illustrations. 12mo, Cloth, $2 00. - -=Fresh Discoveries at Nineveh and Babylon.= - -Fresh Discoveries at Nineveh and Babylon; with Travels in Armenia, -Kurdistan, and the Desert: being the Result of a Second Expedition -undertaken for the Trustees of the British Museum. By AUSTEN HENRY -LAYARD, M.P. With all the Maps and Illustrations in the English Edition. -8vo, Cloth, $4 00; Half Calf, $6 25. - -=From Egypt to Palestine,= - -Through Sinai, the Wilderness, and the South Country. By _S. C. -Bartlett_, D.D., LL.D. Illustrated. 8vo, Cloth, $3 50. - -=The North Americans of Antiquity.= - -Their Origin, Migrations, and Type of Civilization Considered. By JOHN -T. SHORT. Illustrated. 8vo, Cloth, $3 00. - -=The Ceramic Art:= - -A Compendium of the History and Manufacture of Pottery and Porcelain. By -JENNIE J. YOUNG. Illustrated. 8vo, Cloth, $5 00. - -=The China Hunters Club.= - -By the Youngest Member. Illustrated. 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Edited and -Compiled by TOM TAYLOR. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $3 00. - - * * * * * - -Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: - -referred to the first dynasty of Manetho=> referred to as the first -dynasty of Manetho {pg 3} - -The greatest diference=> The greatest difference {pg 5} - -Mesopotomia=> Mesopotamia {pg 78} - -sepaated by sharp arrises=> separated by sharp arrises {pg 104} - -who had caused Deionocrates=> who had caused Deinocrates {pg 261} - -impression of a pantomine=> impression of a pantomime {pg 295} - -Temple of Apollo at Phigalea=> Temple of Apollo at Phigalia {pg 321} - -Benihassan, 14-18.=> Beni-hassan, 14-18. {pg 479} - -_Skyllis_, 251, 330-333.=> _Skyllis_, 281, 282, 298. {pg 481} - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[A] The measurements in the text are the mean of the results attained by -the French academicians in 1799, and by Colonel Howard Vyse in 1837. The -recent measurements of Mr. Thomas Inglis make the north side 231.64 m., -the south 231.49 m., the east and west sides alike 231.19 m., or an -average of 231.38 m. - -[B] According to Piazzi Smyth. - -[C] The fellow of this monolith, known as Cleopatra’s Needle, until -recently stood at Alexandria, whither it had been moved from Heliopolis; -but having been presented by the late Khedive to the city of New York, -it has been shipped across the Atlantic, and erected in the Central Park -of that city. - -[D] _Discoveries_, p. 444. - -[E] _Nineveh and Babylon_, p. 508. - -[F] “Geschichte der Baukunst im Alterthum.” Franz Reber. Leipzig, -1864-1866. - -[G] The modern hypothetical distinction between agonal, or festal, -temples and those used only for worship is now generally regarded as -erroneous; while the existence of a so-called hypæthron--an opening -supposed to have existed in the roof and ceiling of the naos for the -admission of daylight--is inadmissible from the point of view both of -design and of structure. - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's History of Ancient Art, by Franz von Reber - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF ANCIENT ART *** - -***** This file should be named 42082-0.txt or 42082-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/0/8/42082/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images available at The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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