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diff --git a/42074-0.txt b/42074-0.txt index c459948..41612a1 100644 --- a/42074-0.txt +++ b/42074-0.txt @@ -1,38 +1,4 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Spirit Lake Massacre, by Thomas Teakle - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Spirit Lake Massacre - -Author: Thomas Teakle - -Release Date: February 11, 2013 [EBook #42074] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE *** - - - - -Produced by sp1nd, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 42074 *** THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE @@ -10853,362 +10819,4 @@ Archaic and inconsistent spelling and punctuation retained. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Spirit Lake Massacre - -Author: Thomas Teakle - -Release Date: February 11, 2013 [EBook #42074] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE *** - - - - -Produced by sp1nd, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE - - BY - THOMAS TEAKLE - - - PUBLISHED AT IOWA CITY IOWA IN 1918 BY - THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF IOWA - - - THE TORCH PRESS - CEDAR RAPIDS - IOWA - - - - -EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION - - -The massacre of the white settlers in the region of Lake Okoboji and -Spirit Lake in 1857 by a band of Indians under the leadership of -Inkpaduta has come to be known as "The Spirit Lake Massacre", although -the tragedy was for the most part enacted on the borders of Lake -Okoboji. There seems, however, to be no substantial reason for -renaming the episode in the interest of geographical accuracy; and so -in this volume the familiar designation of "The Spirit Lake Massacre" -has been retained. - - BENJ. F. SHAMBAUGH - - OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT AND EDITOR - THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF IOWA - IOWA CITY IOWA - - - - -AUTHOR'S PREFACE - - -It is probable that no event in the history of northwestern Iowa has -aroused more popular interest than that of the Spirit Lake Massacre of -March, 1857. Not alone in northwestern Iowa but also in the adjacent -sections of Minnesota and South Dakota is the story of its events and -associated incidents well known. - -The Spirit Lake Massacre came as the culminating episode in a long -series of incidents intimately connected with the settlement of -northern and western Iowa. For years previous to 1857 the Indians of -the Siouan tribes had obstinately resisted white settlement and had -succeeded in a marked degree in retarding the movement. It may be said -with a reasonable degree of certainty that if the events of March, -1857, had not occurred the settlement of this region would have been -postponed for some years: the Massacre not only aroused the -authorities of the State of Iowa to the necessity of exerting the -force of military pressure upon the Indians to discourage or end their -forays, but it also enlisted the efforts of the Federal authorities in -the same direction. This joint interest and protection could have -only one result--the retirement of the Sioux to the region of the -Missouri and the rapid influx of white settlers. The Massacre -definitely settled the Indian question for Iowa: henceforth the red -man ceased to play any important part in the history of this -Commonwealth. - -While the following pages are, as far as practicable, based upon -primary materials, the writer acknowledges his obligation to many -other sources in the notes and references which follow the text. Since -no adequate history of the Spirit Lake Massacre can be written wholly -from primary materials, considerable reliance upon secondary sources -has been found necessary in this work. Furthermore, the writer is well -aware that he has taken a number of new positions concerning causes -and incidents of the Massacre; but in this he feels well sustained by -the preponderance of authority. - -Without the unflagging interest and the tireless enthusiasm and -encouragement of Dr. Benj. F. Shambaugh the more than four years of -research involved in this work would never have been undertaken or -carried through to its close. To many others the author also feels -himself obligated for invaluable assistance. Among these may be noted -Curator E. R. Harlan, Librarian Alice Marple, Assistant Editor Ida M. -Huntington, and Superintendent of Archives C. C. Stiles, all of the -Historical Department of Iowa. Dr. Dan E. Clark, Associate Editor in -The State Historical Society of Iowa, assisted in editing and -verifying the manuscript; and to him the author is indebted for the -index. - - THOMAS TEAKLE - - THE NORTH HIGH SCHOOL - DES MOINES IOWA - - - - - CONTENTS - - - I. THE ADVANCING FRONTIER 1 - - II. INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT 9 - - III. THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER 17 - - IV. THE GRINDSTONE WAR AND THE DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA 26 - - V. THE FRONTIER AND THE WINTER OF 1856-1857 37 - - VI. OKOBOJI AND SPRINGFIELD IN MARCH 1857 44 - - VII. THE JOURNEY EAST FOR SUPPLIES 59 - - VIII. THE INKPADUTA BAND 63 - - IX. INKPADUTA SEEKS REVENGE 72 - - X. THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT 78 - - XI. FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI 84 - - XII. THE FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 94 - - XIII. THE SECOND DAY OF THE MASSACRE 108 - - XIV. FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE 113 - - XV. NEWS OF MASSACRE REACHES SPRINGFIELD AND FORT - RIDGELY 122 - - XVI. RELIEF SENT FROM FORT RIDGELY 128 - - XVII. PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENSE AT SPRINGFIELD 132 - - XVIII. INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD 138 - - XIX. THE SETTLERS FLEE FROM SPRINGFIELD 147 - - XX. RELIEF ARRIVES FROM FORT RIDGELY 153 - - XXI. ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF AT FORT DODGE AND WEBSTER - CITY 159 - - XXII. THE MARCH FROM FORT DODGE TO MEDIUM LAKE 170 - - XXIII. FROM MEDIUM LAKE TO GRANGER'S POINT 182 - - XXIV. THE BURIAL DETAIL 192 - - XXV. RETURN OF THE RELIEF EXPEDITION 206 - - XXVI. THE DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER 215 - - XXVII. THE RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE 225 - - XXVIII. THE DEATH OF MRS. NOBLE AND THE RANSOM OF ABBIE - GARDNER 232 - - XXIX. PURSUIT AND PUNISHMENT OF INKPADUTA 245 - - XXX. THE MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA 260 - - XXXI. CHANGES OF SIXTY YEARS 269 - - NOTES AND REFERENCES 277 - - INDEX 321 - - - - -I - -THE ADVANCING FRONTIER - - -Clothed in myth and legend and held in sacred awe by the Siouan -Indian, Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake had rested in seclusion for ages -at the headwaters of the Little Sioux. To the red men these lakes had -been a sort of Mecca, second only to the red pipestone quarry to the -northwest, for the silent adoration and worship of the Spirit.[1] -Although the region had been little disturbed by the whites the Sioux -were becoming uneasy as the frontier continued its westward advance. -By the middle of the nineteenth century the meeting and clashing of -the two races became more frequent. - -This rivalry of the races was engendered by the white man's disregard -of what the Indian held as sacred: it was embittered by the unstable -policies of the government. Finally, in the early days of March, 1857, -came one of those tragic events in the long series of misguided -attempts to deal with the Indian and solve the problem of the -frontier. In this terrible tragedy in the pioneer history of -northwestern Iowa, the lives of more than forty white people were -sacrificed. The Spirit Lake Massacre was the result of an Indian -policy which has been characterized as "vacillating, full of -inconsistencies and incongruities, of experiments and failures."[2] -For the Sioux this policy had been the cause of frequent humiliation. - -It must be frankly admitted that in dealing with the Indian the whites -too often lost sight of the fact that the red man was really a human -being, seeking to have his person as well as his rights respected. To -compel the respect which his proud spirit demanded, he frequently -resorted to massacre. In fact, an Indian was open to insults and abuse -from his fellow tribesmen until he had killed a foe.[3] - -To some extent the Indian appreciated his own inferiority, and he was -expectantly on the alert to prevent being over-reached and deceived by -the whites. Suspicious by nature, he became doubly so when his -activities brought him into relation with another race. Unhappily he -was not always wrong in his suspicions of the white man's deception, -and many unpleasant border difficulties sprang from his attempts to -match deception with deception. Physically superb, he too often had -recourse to those physical means of redress that have marked the -history of the frontier with tales of tragic revenge.[4] - -Accustomed to the matching of intellects, the whites frequently -resorted to the stilted verbiage of treaties in their efforts to push -the Indian farther toward the setting sun. In these treaties the red -man found much cause for complaint--not so much in the strict wording -of the documents themselves as in the management of affairs they -induced. This too often exasperated and provoked the Indian.[5] To -him the Iowa country was a paradise. Not only was it his home and -hunting ground, but here centered much of the traditional lore of his -tribe and race. Thus Iowa was doubly dear to him and worth his most -determined effort to hold. As the wave of settlements advanced, the -Indian was induced to sell--sometimes under circumstances provoking a -strong suspicion of compulsion rather than voluntary agreement in the -transfer. He felt instinctively that he had to retire, but in his -racial pride he resented the necessity. He knew well the later -traditions of his race, in the light of which he could foresee that in -a very brief time force, which "comprises the elements of all Indian -treaties",[6] would be used to drive him from his domain. - -As tract after tract was ceded, lands that the Indian did not want -were given to him in exchange--lands devoid of good camping places and -wanting in such game as was essential to his very existence. Moreover, -the very lands the Indians prized most were the most sought for by the -whites. The qualities causing them to be prized by the one made them -desirable for the other. Thus the Indian's subsistence became so -precarious that often he was on the verge of starvation. Coupled with -this deprivation of favorite pleasure and hunting grounds was the -white man's idealistic dream of civilizing the Indian by making him -work at tilling the soil or at the various trades. This seemed to the -haughty red man a real degradation. He could die fighting, if need be; -but work he would not. His steadfast refusal to work or become -civilized could only end in banishment from the lands he valued so -highly. In view of this policy of forcing him into an involuntary -exile, one ceases to wonder that he grew discontented and rebelled -rather than submit.[7] He could not have done otherwise and retain his -pride of race. - -Forcible dispossession of his ancestral hunting ranges, however, would -not have provoked in him an overweening hatred for the white man if it -had not been so often coupled with a show of military force. The sole -purpose of such military campaigns seems to have been to frighten the -Indian in order that he might learn to be peaceful and pliant through -fear of punishment. - -These campaigns--of which the one by General Harney against the Sioux -ending in the affair of Ash Hollow on September 3, 1855, is the most -cruel example--sometimes ended not in pacification but in massacre in -which the ferocity of the white man vied with that of the Indian. -Harney had been recalled from Europe and sent into the West against -the Indians for no other purpose than that of terrifying them.[8] Such -affairs as this were most unworthy of the American soldier. Nor did -the Indian soon forget these atrocities: thereafter he seldom let an -opportunity pass which offered revenge. - -The military expeditions referred to were frequently followed by the -making of treaties providing for land cessions and the consequent -westward recession of the Indians. Moreover, these treaties, the -making of which was stoutly resisted, were usually acknowledged only -by a tribal remnant; and so they were not deemed as binding by the -widely scattered major portion of the tribe. Their provisions were not -always observed, and often blood had to flow to secure a temporary -obedience. Thus the story of the government's relations with the Sioux -became an alternation of treaties and Indian and white retaliatory -measures. A treaty was only too often accepted by the Indians as a -challenge for some shrewdly devised scheme of vengeful retaliation. - -Through a series of treaties extending from 1825 to 1851 the Indian -occupants of Iowa soil were slowly but surely dispossessed. They felt -the westward push of white migration, and were fearful of being unable -to stem it. Unluckily for themselves they fell to intertribal -quarreling, and for the moment, being off their guard, they accepted -white mediation. Thus, the two treaties of Prairie du Chien had -attempted to settle the differences between the Sioux and their -traditional enemies, the confederated Sacs and Foxes.[9] But they did -not succeed, since the line established in the first of these two -treaties was so indefinite that neither white man nor Indian could -locate it to his own satisfaction. To the Sioux their claim to -northern and western Iowa seemed assured, and they proceeded -confidently to its occupation. The Sacs and Foxes believed the same -concerning their rights in southeastern Iowa and jealously sought to -exclude all others from it. - -By the second treaty of Prairie du Chien there was established the -Neutral Ground, which only aggravated the difficulties already -existing.[10] Then, by the treaty of September 15, 1832, the eastern -portion of the Neutral Ground was designated as a reservation for the -Winnebagoes.[11] The Wahpekuta Sioux never forgot this action, which -they regarded as a violation of their proprietary rights in the -district; and from that time on they became increasingly more -difficult to deal with and more restive of restraint. Later the -Winnebagoes by two successive treaties made an absolute cession of -this land.[12] It was then opened to settlement, and the Sioux sulkily -retired westward. - -In 1832 Black Hawk, the able Sac and Fox leader, burning with revenge -for past wrongs and fearful of his waning power as a tribal leader as -well as of the steady advance of the westward moving frontier, -declared war. The conflict was brief, resulting in the defeat of Black -Hawk. By four successive treaties covering the period from 1832 to -1842 he or his people were compelled to accede to agreements which had -for their purpose the removal of the Indians to lands west of the -Missouri wholly unsuited to their needs.[13] - -Likewise the Iowas were required to surrender all claims which the -United States had recognized in former treaties as entitling them to -occupy Iowa soil.[14] With the surrender of all right or interest -which they held in the Iowa country they were in turn removed to a -reservation beyond the Missouri. Southern Iowa had not as yet been -cleared of its aboriginal inhabitants, for remnants of the -Pottawattamies, Chippewas, and Ottawas yet remained. By the treaty of -June 5 and 17, 1846, however, these Indians agreed to withdraw to -other reserves further west and south.[15] - -The withdrawal of these tribes left only the Sioux who were striving -to maintain a precarious foothold in northwestern Iowa. The steadily -advancing frontier was menacing their peace of mind, as it now became -increasingly evident that they in turn would be ejected. Two -conditions, the urgent demands of alarmed and annoyed border settlers -and the troublesome character of the Sioux themselves, determined the -Indian authorities at Washington to remove the members of these -tribes. When informed of the government's intention to remove them, -the Sioux begged to retain their lands. Notwithstanding Indian -importunities representatives of the Sissetons and Wahpetons were -cited to appear at Traverse des Sioux, Minnesota, to consider -withdrawal. Here they gloomily gathered at the time appointed. Though -outwardly ready to treat for withdrawal they did not conceal their -displeasure. On July 23, 1851, however, the treaty of Traverse des -Sioux was witnessed, by the terms of which these Indians were to -definitely withdraw from northwestern Iowa to lands on the Minnesota -River.[16] - -At the close of the conference all seemed settled. But within a brief -time the Sioux, who had not been parties to the treaty, positively -refused to abide by its provisions. Later, at Mendota, Minnesota, on -August 5, 1851, the Mdewakanton and Wahpekuta tribes, in part, -acceded to the Sisseton and Wahpeton cessions.[17] These cessions had -not been accomplished without considerable opposition: strong tribal -parties refused their consent outright and threatened trouble.[18] For -the period of nearly a decade the frontier settlements of the -northwest were not free from the alarms created by these discontented -bands. - - - - -II - -INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT - - -Unhappily the relinquishment of the Iowa country had not been free -from a strong suspicion of wrongs done the Indians. The Indians had -obstinately contested the giving up of these lands, and at no time was -a treaty of relinquishment signed that may be said to have expressed -the tribal will. These treaties of cession had instanced bad faith -toward the natives, unwarranted interference on the part of the trader -element, compulsion which at times approached intimidation in the -securing of signatures, allotment of lands to the Indians as reserves -that appeared worthless from the Indian viewpoint, undue urgency of -prospective settlers anxious to "squat" upon the vacated lands, and -the forceful effect of the presence of the military. All of these -factors had operated to secure cessions at the doubtful price of -irritating the Indian and arousing his resentment. - -Officers in administrative charge of Indian affairs, far removed from -actual contact with the Indians, too often failed to realize that -Indian treaties should be regarded with some deference to their -observance. Promises were made concerning the payment of annuities -which were long delayed in their fulfillment or never kept: to the -Indian these promises seemed to be made only to be broken--as happened -in the treaty of Traverse des Sioux. According to second chieftain -Cloudman, the Indians for five years following the making of this -treaty remained quietly upon their reserve. At the expiration of that -time, not having heard of or received any of the money promised, they -began raiding the adjacent frontiers in an effort to produce -action.[19] - -Lack of good faith in treaty matters often precipitated long periods -of bad feeling, and occasionally blood was shed before the Indians -could be convinced that faith was being kept or that agreements -entered into were in turn to be kept by them. If treaties had been -honestly and faithfully carried out in every instance it is not -unlikely that the Sioux and other Indians might have been far readier -to refrain from wrong-doing than was often the case. Altogether the -conditions on the frontier tended to create disaffection among the -Indians and a loss of respect for government promises. - -Not infrequently, as has been noted, the Indians were allotted lands -that were wholly inadequate to supply their needs. The Sioux had -outlived "the means of subsistence of the hunter state": they were -unable longer to eke out an existence exclusively through the spoils -of the chase.[20] The buffalo and larger game were rapidly -disappearing. But what was still worse, the Sioux often found upon -going to the specified reserves that their coming had been anticipated -by other hunters and the game was gone, if indeed any had ever been -there. In the presence of such conditions it was useless to appeal to -the garrison commanders--to whom such complaints seemed absurd. On the -other hand, the killing of intruders was nearly always resorted to as -a warning against marauders.[21] To live it was necessary to resist -the encroachment of others not of their kind, for barbarism demands a -wide range of untrammeled activity. Thus the Indians came to think -that "if they would have game to kill, they must kill men too."[22] - -A great deal of Indian discontent is traceable in the final analysis -to another cause: the presence upon the Indian reserve, as well as on -the white frontier, of a large number of undesirables, both red and -white. As forerunners of white settlement, many adventurous characters -found their way to the frontier posts and systematically preyed upon -the Indian. Undesirable as elements of civilization, they were equally -troublesome on the frontier. In civilized communities it was possible -to restrain them, but along the borderland this power was either -lacking or not organized. Oftentimes when these adventurers pushed -matters to an extremity, the outraged feelings of the Indian would -demand a settlement or make one. Unhappily, post commanders were often -only too willing to take up the needless quarrels of these frontier -disturbers and exact a severe and not always just settlement in their -behalf. Later when the more peaceably disposed settlers--the real -pioneers--began to arrive the Indian refused to make any distinction -between them and their more turbulent predecessors. - -Again, the National government when settling the Indians upon their -reserves took no account of the fact that there were both good and bad -Indians--that there were Indian criminals as well as Indians willing -to abide by the rules of tribal law. Both good and bad were settled -indiscriminately upon the same reserve. The seditiously disposed were -constantly creating trouble, and the Indian people as a whole incurred -the blame and displeasure arising from the misdeeds of a few. These -matters irritated those Indians who were well disposed and created an -ever-ready excuse for an attack. - -Such, in the main, had been the attitude of the government toward the -Sioux as the last of the Indian races inhabiting the Iowa country. It -had not been an altogether enlightened policy; nor had it been one -that was calculated to secure their good will. Instead, it had stirred -the Indians to wreak vengeance at every convenient opportunity. -However mistaken this policy toward the Indians had been, the attitude -toward the frontier and its white inhabitants had been no wiser and at -times scarcely as wise. Much Indian trouble and no few massacres -resulted from the loose administration of frontier affairs--more -specifically from the lack of control exercised over various -commercial interests whose chief justification for existence seemed to -have been that they might prey upon the near-by red inhabitants. The -government failed to appreciate the need for an adequate defense of -the frontier. - -Venders of whiskey and other intoxicants frequented the frontiers and -Indian villages--unmolested, oftentimes, in pushing their sales.[23] -It is true that laws had been enacted by Congress with a view to -putting an end to the liquor nuisance among the Indians; but the -effective enforcement of these measures had scarcely been attempted. -If a more than usually zealous Indian agent forbade dealers to carry -on their nefarious business within reserved grounds, they would erect -their cabins upon the ceded lands immediately adjoining the -reserves--places to which the Indians were at all times free to go. To -make matters yet worse the agent was in some cases powerless to act -even though he desired to do so. The Chippewa agent, for example, -complained that the treaty of 1855 deprived him of assistants or force -through which to punish or apprehend violators of departmental rules -and regulations.[24] - -Thus was produced that state of affairs where the Indian was being -robbed and debauched, while innocent settlers were threatened by -Indian violence during the periods of his drunken orgies. Not -infrequently the massacre of isolated settlers completed the tale of -an Indian visitation to a near-by liquor dealer's establishment. -Fortunate it was that the Sioux, "the Iroquois of the West", were slow -to take up and make their own the vices of their white neighbors.[25] - -To the activities of another type of frontiersman, the trader, Indian -wars were sometimes due. In many instances the trader was an -individual who was unable to earn an honest living among his white -neighbors further east: necessity had made of him an exile from -civilization. These traders secured the confidence and good esteem of -the Indians in various and devious ways, and the latter soon became -indebted to them. In fact their deliberate aim in most cases was to -secure upon the Indian a leverage of such a character as to render -necessary the surrender of most of the Indian's profits from the chase -or treaties. Because of the Indian's profligacy it was necessary that -he should buy on credit if he bought at all. When government payments -became due, traders were always on hand, and their books invariably -showed Indian indebtedness enough to absorb a considerable portion if -not all of the payment. The Indians kept no books as a matter of -course; and not understanding those of the traders, they could not -deny the debt. As a matter of fact, the Indians were always willing to -anticipate the next payment in order to get credit. In the face of -this situation "the poverty and misery of the Indian were continually -growing". Again, the Indian could not sue in the courts if he had so -desired. Out of such conditions trouble or bad feeling inevitably -arose.[26] - -Owing to their long residence in the Indian country and their keen -knowledge of Indian character, the traders had become "the power -behind the throne". This was especially true in treaty-making. The -Indian commissioners grew to realize the power of the traders in the -securing of treaties and were not slow to request their services. It -was to the financial interest of the traders that treaties should be -made, for thus there was insured a steady supply of money with which -the Indians could pay their debts. "The commissioners did not do much -more than feed the Indians and indicate what they wanted; the traders -did the rest."[27] Due to their influence, the government habitually -incorporated in treaties a clause providing for the compulsory payment -of the Indian debts to the traders. These debts, in some cases, were -in the aggregate equivalent to small fortunes. To prevent abuses, the -traders were to be paid out of the first cash annuities.[28] It was -not an uncommon thing to have these debts absorb even more than these -first annuities. Hence, the Indian had to wait long for his first -money. Concerning this plan the Indians were not always consulted, but -the traders expressed their satisfaction. - -In time matters grew so bad and the Indians became so rebellious that -Congress, in March, 1843, stipulated by law that no payment of Indian -debts to traders should henceforth be provided for in treaties. But -the traders were ingenious and evaded the law.[29] Matters came to a -crisis in 1853 when the Indians rebelled, claiming that by -misrepresentation in the treaties of Traverse des Sioux and Mendota in -1851 they had signed away their annuities to the traders to the amount -of two hundred thousand dollars. Investigation proved nothing.[30] As -Superintendent Cullen remarked upon this act of fraud, "it is equally -important to protect the Indians from the whites as the whites from -the Indians." It is safe to say that if the traders had been curbed in -their operations many a frontier horror might have been averted. It is -no wonder that the Indian's "untutored mind was, now and then, driven -to the distraction of savage vengeance".[31] - - - - -III - -THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER - - -While failing to protect the Indians against the traders, the -government also failed to protect the frontier in an adequate manner -against the vengeance of the Indians who had a desire to even matters. -Apparently the government failed to realize that as the frontier -expanded to the west and northwest in Iowa there was also a growing -need for protection. Many unfortunate incidents had occurred along the -border before a government surveyor by the name of Marsh, from -Dubuque, was attacked near the Des Moines River in 1849.[32] Upon the -filing of Marsh's complaint, soldiers, dispatched from Fort Snelling -in Minnesota, established Fort Clarke (later renamed Fort Dodge) on -August 23, 1850.[33] The inadequate garrison of this post, numbering -two officers and sixty-six men, was at this time practically the only -defense on the northwestern Iowa frontier.[34] Following the -establishment of this fort the predatory Sioux bands generally retired -westward ten or twenty miles.[35] - -By 1851 the last remaining Sioux lands within the limits of Iowa had -been ceded and opened to settlement. Trouble for a time seemed at an -end. Until that time the only protection against the Indians was the -"watchfulness, courage and trusty arms" of the settlers themselves, -with the nearest troops probably one hundred fifty miles away at Fort -Randall on the Missouri and Fort Snelling in Minnesota near the mouth -of the Minnesota River. Occasional rumors of Sioux activity still came -from the outlying settlements. The most definite of these came from -the valley of the Boyer more than fifty miles to the southwest of Fort -Dodge. Here a family was attacked and some of its members carried away -as prisoners. This was in October, 1852. A detachment was sent from -Fort Dodge which took and held as hostages the Indian leaders, -Inkpaduta and Umpashota. Upon the return of the prisoners, the Indians -were liberated. Other Indian incursions reported from the north -usually dissipated into mere rumors.[36] - -The apparent quietness of the Indians in this section induced General -Clarke, commanding the Sixth Military Division, to direct the -abandonment of Fort Dodge. This order, which was issued on March 30, -1853, directed the removal of the garrison to Fort Ridgely.[37] With -the abandonment of the post by Major Woods, there were left at Fort -Dodge only Major Williams, his son James B. Williams, and two -discharged soldiers. A more ill-advised order could scarcely have been -issued; for following the actual abandonment of the post on June 2, -1853, the Indians "inaugurated a reign of terror among the settlers as -far east as the Cedar river."[38] - -Many settlers in alarm began the abandonment of their homes; but many -others, having staked all in the development of their claims, decided -to remain and appeal to both the State and National governments for -protection. Appeal to the latter availed nothing. The Indian -authorities at Washington were entirely out of touch with the -situation: they were firm in the belief that the treaties of Traverse -des Sioux and Mendota had definitely settled the question of Indian -occupation in this section and that the Indians had withdrawn or had -ceased being troublesome. - -Parties of Indians frequently returned to their former hunting -grounds, and nearly as frequently committed depredations more or less -terrorizing to the widely scattered settlers along the Des Moines.[39] -Weary of making unheeded appeals to National authorities, while the -Indian depredations became more alarming, the settlers appealed to the -State officials. Major William Williams,[40] who had accompanied the -troops at the time of the founding of Fort Dodge and who had remained -after its abandonment, was authorized by Governor Hempstead to -organize a force, if necessary, to protect the frontier.[41] Little, -however, could be done in the way of organizing an adequate force on -account of the widely scattered character of the settlements. - -In a letter to Governor Grimes in 1855 Major Williams again expressed -his great anxiety for the safety of the frontier as the Indians had -become increasingly bolder. His former commission was renewed and he -was granted full power to act upon any sign of hostility. Not only -did Governor Grimes receive urgent letters from Major Williams, but -from others as well: he was beset with petitions for protection. The -Governor appears to have been wholly at a loss as to what -course to pursue, since he believed he had no power to act. He -appealed, therefore, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at -Washington--although he believed that his only reward would be an -acknowledgment of his letters with promise of action. Failing here, he -appealed to the President, but received no response. Finally, in -apparent despair, he wrote to Secretary of State George W. McCleary -that he knew not "how much credit to give to any of" the letters he -had received and in fact he had about made up his mind to disbelieve -them all.[42] As a last appeal for action, the Governor addressed a -letter to the Iowa delegation in Congress on January 3, 1855, in which -he expressed the hope that they would coöperate with him in pressing -the matter upon the attention of the proper Federal officials and in -urging badly needed relief.[43] - -Not only were the settlers near Fort Dodge alarmed, but those in -Woodbury, Monona, and Harrison counties were even more disturbed, -owing to the hostile attitude of large bands of Omahas and Otoes in -that section. Near Sergeant Bluff large bands of Sioux had gathered -and expressed their determination to remain, while nearly five hundred -Sioux were encamped in the vicinity of Fort Dodge. These Indians -amused themselves by stealing hogs, cattle, and other property of the -settlers. Fears for the safety of the settlers were increased, in view -of the fact that the National government was now preparing to chastise -the Sioux near Fort Laramie for their manifold crimes committed along -the California and Oregon trail in Nebraska and Wyoming. It was -thought this action would cause the Sioux to seek refuge east of the -Missouri and, as a matter of revenge, carry death and destruction with -them as they fled toward the Mississippi Valley frontier.[44] - -Because the Indians were becoming more threatening, appearing in -larger numbers than heretofore, and extending their depredations over -an increasingly wider territory, in the early winter of 1855 Governor -Grimes was asked to call out the militia; but he declined since he -believed he was "authorized to call out a military force only in case -of an actual insurrection or hostile invasion."[45] Nearly everyone -now anticipated bloodshed. White men, illy disposed, were reaping -large profits from the sale of whiskey; while the Indians were -"becoming devils". Hence, Governor Grimes on December 3, 1855, -addressed a letter to President Pierce urging that the Indians be -removed to their treaty reserves. - -The Governor pointedly stated that the government owed protection to -these settlers in the homes it had encouraged them to occupy. He -further stated that a post in this section would curb the Indians and -give quiet to northwestern Iowa.[46] To be sure these troubles had not -reached any great magnitude, "yet there was a continuous succession -of annoying and suspicious occurrences which kept the frontier -settlements in a state of perpetual dread and apprehension, and made -life a burden".[47] Even in the presence of this distressing condition -of affairs the military authorities of the National government did -nothing to relieve matters. No troops were sent to protect the -settlers, nor were the letters of Governor Grimes even granted -consideration. Thus there developed slowly but surely a situation -where the Indians grew sufficiently emboldened to make a general -attack.[48] - -Such a policy, characterized by a disregard not only for Indian -welfare but also for the well-being of the white frontiersmen, could -only bring unhappy consequences. It became more and more apparent that -the Indians were bent upon concerted action of some sort. Annoyances -now occurred along the whole frontier, no part of which was free from -alarm. War parties were in evidence in nearly every section, and the -attitude of the Indians became one of defiance. Not only in Woodbury, -Monona, and Harrison counties, but in Buena Vista and what are now -Humboldt, Webster, Kossuth, Palo Alto, and Sac counties the settlers -were feeling the effects of Indian enmity.[49] - -The resentment of the Indians at this time arose partly from a feeling -of jealousy toward the whites, partly from the fact that they were -retrograding, and partly from the undue influence of the American Fur -Company. - -From the start the Indians, particularly the Sioux, had been jealous -and suspicious of the whites. As time passed and the Indian observed -indications of a general and permanent occupation by the whites of the -territory which he had known as home, his jealous fears increased. The -land of his fathers, the home of his traditions, was about to pass -into the hands of another people, to the intense sorrow of the Indian. -It "was a trying ordeal" and "naturally awakened in his breast -feelings of bitter regret and jealousy."[50] His "distrust grew into -open protest as claims were staked off, cabins built, and the ground -prepared for cultivation." It seemed that the Indians had resolved not -to submit "until they had entered an armed protest against the justice -of the claim which civilization makes to all the earth."[51] - -In addition to this feeling of jealousy and distrust of the whites, -the Indians were gradually retrograding by taking unto themselves many -of the vices of the white race. This was the inevitable result of a -loose administration of the frontier which permitted it to be invaded -in many places by refugees from civilization. Although this statement -may seem to be somewhat sweeping, it is a well-known fact that among -the first to appear on the frontier there were always some men of the -reckless, rough-and-ready type whose contempt for the finer things of -civilized life made a longer residence amid such surroundings -undesirable and frequently impossible. - -Foremost among the causes of the red man's retrogression may be cited -whiskey.[52] But there were other causes, such as the treaty of 1855 -with the Chippewas, which rendered the agent powerless to control the -Indian or his seducers if he had so desired.[53] Then there were the -errors committed by people who were brought to the frontier by the -government as helpers in advancing the Indian's welfare, but who had, -through mistaken methods, produced opposite results. Again, the Indian -had been mistakenly led downward "by many years of luxurious idleness -and riotous living.... In this state of demoralization they were -gathered up and thrown together on their little Reserve, where all the -worst characters could act in concert, and where they found bloody -work for their idle hands to do."[54] The government had liberally -supplied them with tobacco, and they had never lacked money with which -to buy whiskey. Their wants had been looked after so paternally that -they had little else to do but spend their time in idleness. Craving -entertainment they soon learned to find it in a wrong way. They no -longer cared to hunt for food, since they did not need to do so. Soon -their expeditions became mere raids upon their protectors, accompanied -by unrestrained destruction committed to gratify their craving for -some form of entertainment. Thus, while the forces of retrogression -were at work the Indian was daily becoming more of a menace to the -well-disposed border settlers who viewed his changing attitude in -helpless terror. - -But most insidious of all in keeping the Indian inimical to his white -neighbors was the influence of the fur traders--especially those of -the American Fur Company. The admitted purpose of this organization -was to keep the Indian a savage hunter and at the same time to -frighten the white settlers away from the frontier in order that the -annual crop of cheaply obtained but valuable furs might not suffer -diminution. To keep the Indian in such a condition it was necessary to -prevent him from assuming too friendly an attitude toward the -whites--in order that he might the better beat back or discourage -their westward advance. There were strong suspicions that more than -one attack upon border settlers by Indians occurred because the -presence of these settlers threatened the fur-gathering preserves of -the American Fur Company. - -It would be wrong, however, to create the impression that the fur -traders operated in secret. Practically everyone knew their purpose -and methods: their purposes they openly admitted, and their methods -consisted largely in dispensing "fire water" and in selling to the -Indian on credit. The latter practice was useful, for it obligated the -Indian to serve the Company in realizing its ends. Perhaps the most -notable example of the Company's interference with plans of Indian -amelioration is to be found in the case of the Winnebagoes. Their -agent, Joseph M. Street, one of the most enlightened Indian agents the -Iowa country ever knew, had for some years been striving to improve -the condition of the Winnebagoes, but without success. He had failed, -not because his plan was impracticable, but because he came into -direct conflict with the purposes and methods of the American Fur -Company.[55] - - - - -IV - -THE GRINDSTONE WAR AND THE DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA - - -The strained relations between the whites and the Indians resulted in -unfortunate incidents which served to intensify the bad feeling -already engendered. Of these, two may be noted as especially -significant in the frontier history of northwestern Iowa. Thus, in -1854 and 1855, the so-called "Grindstone War" caused the whites to -abandon the frontier for a time and spread alarm far and near. This -incident might properly be said to have had its origin in intertribal -hatred. - -For some time a group of Winnebago families had been accustomed to -camp near Clear Lake. In this they had been encouraged by an old -Indian trader by the name of Hewett. At the same time there also -encamped among these Winnebagoes some Sac and Fox Indians who for -years, in the Iowa country, had been the greatest enemies of the -Sioux. When the latter became aware of the presence of these Sacs and -Foxes among the Winnebagoes they swooped down upon them and by mistake -scalped a Winnebago. Greatly alarmed, Hewett and his Indian friends -fled down the valley, telling their story, which appears to have -suffered somewhat from repetition as they proceeded. Within a brief -time about one hundred armed settlers collected at Masonic Grove. -According to some reports, about four hundred Sioux warriors fortified -themselves some twelve miles distant.[56] Thus matters remained during -1854 with no action from either party. - -As time passed the Sioux became bolder, until matters reached a climax -in an incident which occurred near Lime Creek. A settler, James -Dickerson by name, possessed an unusually fine rooster which was -craved by a begging band of Indians. In chasing the rooster, a young -brave upset and demolished a grindstone, and then made off with the -largest piece in continued pursuit of the fowl. Dickerson pursued the -Indian and, seizing a piece of the grindstone, knocked him to the -ground, where he lay for a time insensible. The Indians, enraged at -Dickerson's act, demanded a settlement for the injury to the brave, -making it plain that only Dickerson's best horse or one hundred -dollars in money would satisfy them. After no little parleying, in -which Mrs. Dickerson acted as mediator, the Indians were pacified when -Mrs. Dickerson had given them about six dollars in money, a number of -quilts, and many other articles of household use. - -This "grindstone incident" caused the settlers to become greatly -alarmed: men from Clear Lake, the Mason City settlement, and vicinity -organized and undertook to drive the Indians out of the country. After -a chase of some miles, the band of over twenty-five white men came in -sight of the rapidly fleeing Indians, who, realizing that they would -soon be surrounded and punished, signified a desire to settle matters. -Following an interchange of protests, the peace pipe was smoked, after -which the Indians resumed their way westward. This understanding, -however, did not allay the fears of the settlers who fled -panic-stricken to Nora Springs, abandoning for a time their claims in -the vicinity of Lime Creek and Clear Lake.[57] - -However ready the Indians may have seemed to make peace, the settlers -feared for the future; and so along the line of settlements they -spread the alarm that the Indians were on the warpath. Many appeals -were made to Governor Hempstead for aid. But when he sent Major -William Williams from Fort Dodge to investigate the charges, the Major -reported that no danger from further attacks seemed to exist. Unable -to secure State protection, the settlers armed themselves. Doubtless -the "grindstone incident" soon ceased to impress the settlers with any -permanent sense of impending danger, for it was not long before they -began to return to their deserted claims. - -But not far from the scene of this near tragedy there occurred another -incident which displays the temper not alone of the Indian but also of -the white borderer of the more troublesome type. It appears that this -tragic event grew to undue proportions mainly through the vengeful -hate of a frontiersman by the name of Lott. The incident, somewhat -trivial in itself, has been given so much prominence as a reputed -chief cause of the massacre at Okoboji that it is deemed worthy of -somewhat extended notice in this place.[58] Its connection with later -events may well be a matter of conjecture, owing to the character of -the Indians concerned. - - * * * * * - -For nearly a decade after the whites had begun to settle in -northwestern Iowa the inhabitants of that region had been obliged to -endure constant molestation from a roving band of Sisseton Sioux -Indians.[59] Though at first composed of only about five -lodges--mainly, it is said, of desperadoes and murderers--the band had -grown by the gathering of like characters, fleeing from their avenging -fellow-tribesmen, until it numbered at times nearly five hundred.[60] -The band as a whole only assembled from time to time for the purpose -of united warfare against others--particularly against isolated bands -of the Sac and Fox Indians.[61] It was known and feared from the Des -Moines westward to the Vermillion and northward to the Minnesota River -on account of its peculiarly ferocious and quarrelsome character. It -was, in short, a band of Indian outlaws. As such, it was hated and -feared by red men and white men alike. In its forays it spared neither -friend nor foe, but preyed upon both without discrimination. It -claimed no home, but roamed at will wherever its fancy might lead. - -Leadership of this band had been early acquired by one Sidominadota or -"Two Fingers". He had succeeded to the leadership of this loosely -consolidated band upon the death of Wamdisapa, an Indian of somewhat -milder disposition than his successor. Sidominadota well maintained -the savage character of the band and may be credited with the -inspiration of many vengeful and frightful deeds committed during his -brief leadership.[62] He was only nominally the head of the united -group, while really the leader of a small band seldom numbering more -than fifteen and frequently less. By all who had to deal with him, red -or white, he was looked upon with distrust. His fellow leaders -associated with him only in time of dire necessity, for they well knew -that Sidominadota would go any lengths to accomplish an end. While he -continued to make his refuge and headquarters along the Vermillion, as -did his predecessors, his favorite haunts were the headwaters of the -Des Moines and Little Sioux Rivers and the region of the Iowa -lakes.[63] - -About 1847 Sidominadota began to frequent that portion of the Des -Moines Valley where Fort Dodge now stands. It was his band that in -1849 attacked a party of surveyors in charge of a man by the name of -Marsh about three miles from the present site of Fort Dodge. Marsh and -his party had been sent from Dubuque to run a correction line across -the State. After crossing to the west side of the Des Moines River, -they were notified by Sidominadota not to proceed with their work as -this territory was Indian land. With the departure of the Indians, the -surveyors continued to run their line. In a short time the Indians -returned, destroyed the instruments and landmarks of the surveyors, -stole their horses, and drove the men back across the Des Moines.[64] -About a year later some settlers, more adventurous than their fellows, -located near the mouth of the Boone River. Sidominadota, becoming -aware of the arrival of these settlers, paid them a visit and ended by -destroying their cabins and driving the people out of the country. -This sort of behavior was continued toward every white man who -ventured into that territory until the founding of Fort Dodge in 1850. - -"Among others who had received indignities from this band was one -Henry Lott...who in 1846 settled near the mouth of Boone River in -Webster County."[65] Lott's past had been a varied one and much of it -was obscure. He boasted of New England origin, while his wife claimed -to be a daughter of an early Governor of Ohio or Pennsylvania. If, -however, we are to accept the judgment of their contemporaries the -family had degenerated.[66] Lott is almost always described as being -notoriously lawless, a horse thief, a vender of bad whiskey, a -criminal, half-civilized, a desperado, an outlaw, and a murderer.[67] -Up to the time he appeared in the valley of the Des Moines his whole -life had been one of adventure. - -His first appearance in Iowa, so far as known, was at Red Rock, Marion -County, in 1845, where he essayed the role of Indian trader while -dealing out bad whiskey to the Indians and surreptitiously stealing -their ponies. It is said that his Red Rock neighbors in 1846 -requested him to leave the neighborhood--which he did by moving on to -Pea's Point. Here his stay seems to have been brief, for during the -same year he is found located on the Des Moines River near the mouth -of the Boone, where he erected a cabin and resumed his whiskey-selling -and horse-stealing.[68] - -Lott's horse-stealing activities caused the Indians to grow -suspicious; and finally they traced the loss of five ponies directly -to him and his fellow marauders. This led to an Indian council which -decided that Lott should be driven out of the country. Accordingly he -was waited upon by Sidominadota and warned "that he was an intruder; -that he had settled on the Sioux hunting grounds"; and that he was -expected to get off at once. Lott contended that he was not an -intruder and refused to go. The Indians then began the destruction of -his property: his horses and cattle were shot, his bee-hives rifled, -and his family threatened. Lott seems to have been something of a -coward, for when the Indians began taking summary action he fled. -While the Indians were destroying or stealing his property and abusing -the helpless members of his family he, according to his own story, -crossed the river and secreted himself in the brush. Later he and his -stepson, leaving his wife and young children to the mercy of the -Indians, fled down the Des Moines River to Pea's Point, a short -distance south of the present site of Boone. - -Here Lott related his story to John Pea and others of the settlement. -Aroused by his tale, the settlers organized a relief party to return -to his cabin and if possible to punish the Indians. An appeal for more -help was sent to Elk Rapids, sixteen miles away. At this point lived -Chemeuse or "Johnny Green", a half-breed Pottawattamie and Musquakie -chief, with many of his people who traditionally hated the Sioux. The -chief with twenty-six of his men and seven settlers from Pea's Point -went to Lott's assistance. It was past the middle of December, and the -weather was intensely cold. After Lott's flight from his cabin, his -twelve-year-old son, Milton, had started in search of his father, but -when about twenty miles from his home and three miles from Boonesboro -had frozen to death.[69] The relief party, on December 18,1846, found -the dead body of the boy a short distance below the village of -Centerville. After burying the body on the spot where it was found, -the party continued on its way to Lott's cabin. When they arrived they -found that the Indians had gone. The family was safe, though suffering -and destitute as they had been robbed of everything. The wife, -however, had been so mistreated and had suffered so extremely from -exposure that she died a short time thereafter.[70] - -Vowing vengeance, Lott moved south to the settlements and built a -second cabin.[71] Here and at other points in the vicinity he remained -a few years, according to all accounts, and bided his time in true -frontier style. In the autumn of 1853 he and his stepson passed -through Fort Dodge on their way to settle at a new location. In early -November he selected a site for his cabin about thirty miles north of -Fort Dodge, in Humboldt County, at a point where a small creek joins -the Des Moines River. This creek has since been named Lott's Creek in -honor of the first white settler in that vicinity.[72] With three -barrels of bad whiskey, he re-opened trade with the Indians. And the -trade was good; for at this time there was only one cabin, other than -his own, north of Fort Dodge--the cabin of William Miller which was -located six miles from Fort Dodge. - -In January following Lott's new settling, Sidominadota and his -family--which was composed of his squaw, mother, four children, and -two orphan children--came up the Des Moines and encamped on "Bloody -Run", a short distance below the mouth of Lott's Creek. Aware of the -coming of the old chief, Lott plotted his destruction. Going to the -lodge of Sidominadota, where he perceived that he was not recognized, -Lott reported the presence of a large drove of elk feeding on the Des -Moines bottom at a point since known as the "Big Bend".[73] The -chief's family being in sore need of food, the Indian was easily -trapped by the ruse. Sidominadota, having been liberally treated to -whiskey, mounted his pony and set out for the hunt; while Lott and his -stepson followed. When a safe distance away from the Indian camp and -beyond earshot, Lott and his stepson fired upon the Indian, killing -him outright. Secreting themselves during the day, the murderers, at -the coming of darkness, disguised themselves as Indians, returned to -the lodge of the murdered Indian, raised a terrific war cry for -purposes of deception, and then surprised and killed all the members -of the family except a boy of twelve and a girl of ten years who -escaped under cover of darkness.[74] - -Completing the work of destruction, Lott returned to his own cabin, -burned it to make the whole affair appear the work of Indians, and in -the company of his stepson fled down the Des Moines Valley. Some years -later a report came back to Iowa that he had made his way to -California and had there been lynched by a vigilance committee.[75] - -Something more than a week after the murder of Sidominadota and his -family a band of Indians from a camp on the Lizard Creek, while -hunting in the vicinity of the mouth of "Bloody Run", discovered what -had taken place. They reported the fact not only to Fort Ridgely but -also to Major Williams at Fort Dodge, demanding an investigation and -the righting of the wrong as far as possible. Major Williams at once -raised a company of whites and Indians and set out in an attempt to -locate the murderers, but to no avail. The Indians were firm in their -conviction that Lott had committed the deed. A coroner's jury under -the direction of Coroner John Johns met at Homer, the county seat of -Webster County, and placed the guilt upon Lott and his stepson. But no -very great effort was or could be made by the authorities to secure -the offenders, owing to the start of ten days which they had secured. -Later they were indicted by a grand jury sitting in Des Moines, which -ended the attempt to find and punish them.[76] The Indians were highly -incensed not only at the murder itself, but at the apparent inaction -of the authorities in apprehending and punishing the murderers. - -Many reports became current as to the final disposition of the dead -chief's body after it had been taken to Homer for the inquest. These -reports only added to the embitterment of the Indians, who had -expected much from the inquest, having been told that this would -settle matters. That the inquest took somewhat the form of a farce was -due to the attitude of the prosecuting attorney of Hamilton County, -Granville Berkley, who humorously conducted the affair. - -Fearing later unpleasant results, the whites attempted to pacify the -Indians with many promises. But the Indians grew sullen and suspicious -and behaved in such a manner as to create the impression that they -might retaliate. It soon became evident that the authorities had no -intention of keeping their promises. The Indians after some -threatening seem to have disappeared.[77] One can understand how such -incidents, coupled with past grievances, "real or only imaginary", -might in the end lead to desperate deeds. - - - - -V - -THE FRONTIER AND THE WINTER OF 1856-1857 - - -With the Indians in a most unhappy and vengeful state of mind the -Traverse des Sioux Treaty lands were thrown open for settlement in -1853. For several years people had settled along the border of this -territory patiently awaiting the opening. Assurances were given the -settlers that the Sioux were all established upon their reserve -seventy miles north of Iowa's northern boundary. With these assurances -of safety, the settlers rapidly pushed to the westward of the Des -Moines River which hitherto had been the farthest limit of their -movement. - -The line of frontier settlements by 1857 extended in a semi-circle -from Sioux City to Fort Dodge as a center and thence to or near -Springfield (now Jackson) in Minnesota.[78] Only a brief time served -to destroy this line as the settlers moved westward in search of the -choicest claims. Before discussing the events which were soon to -transpire it will be well to note the outward movement of this -frontier to the northwest. The effect upon the Indians of the sudden -outward bulging of the line was little short of maddening, as they -felt themselves being swept onward by a tide they could not stem. All -of their illy concealed hatred of the whites now bade fair to be -loosed, while all past wrongs seemed about to be avenged. - -Times were now "flush" and the tide of emigration "swept across the -state with an impetus that carried everything before it."[79] During -the summer of 1855 "land-hunters, claim seekers and explorers" -steadily flowed into northwestern Iowa. At this time little more was -done by many of the settlers than to make temporary improvements, -after which they returned eastward planning to take up permanent -possession in the following summer.[80] - -The main arteries for this westward movement were the Little Sioux and -the Des Moines. From Fort Dodge the wave spread out in fan-shape to -the furthermost limits of the frontier. The lines of the movement were -in the main determined by two facts: Fort Dodge had been established -as a United States land office for the territory west and north, and -Lizard Creek made that region readily accessible to settlers. Up the -Des Moines, settlers had pushed to the point where Jackson, Minnesota, -now stands. Many had stopped at occasional points along the Des Moines -and made permanent settlements. Near the present site of Algona, in -1854, two brothers, Asa C. Call and Ambrose A. Call, made "the first -settlement on either branch of the Des Moines above the forks."[81] To -the west of Algona at Medium Lake was the "Irish Colony"--a group of -five or six families of Irish extraction from Kane County, Illinois. -This settlement has become the Emmetsburg of to-day.[82] George -Granger had staked out and settled upon a claim in Emmet County just -south of the State line, and beyond this was Springfield, Minnesota, -with six families. Thus a line of isolated settlements extended up the -Des Moines Valley from Fort Dodge to Springfield. - -To the northwest of Fort Dodge the incoming settlers moved up the -course of Lizard Creek, which they followed to its beginning. Thence -they crossed to the Little Sioux and settled near Sioux Rapids and -Peterson. Near the latter place in the midwinter of 1855-1856 had come -J. A. Kirchner and Jacob Kirchner, in company with Ambrose S. Mead. -They did nothing at this time but select claims and return to Cedar -Falls, from whence they returned in the early spring. After putting in -his crops J. A. Kirchner had returned to New York. About the time of -his departure, James Bicknell with his family and two men by the name -of Wilcox also arrived at the little settlement in Clay County. Up the -Little Sioux to the north were about six families at what became known -as Gillett's Grove.[83] In the early spring of 1856 the Hon. William -Freeborn of Red Wing, Minnesota, and others projected a settlement at -Spirit Lake. Their first attempt had not met with much success, and -they now awaited the coming of the spring of 1857 to renew the -attempt.[84] In the late summer of 1856 about forty people had settled -along the shores of Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake. - -Following the original movement up Lizard Creek and the Des Moines -River, settlers had begun pushing up the course of the Little Sioux -from the Missouri River to a later junction with those coming by way -of Lizard Creek to Sioux Rapids and beyond. This movement was marked -by an initial settlement at the present site of Smithland, Woodbury -County, in about 1851 by a group of three apostate Mormons from -Kanesville.[85] In the spring of 1856 the Milford, Massachusetts, -Emigration Company had founded a colony of about twelve families near -Pilot Rock in Cherokee County.[86] The site chosen was a little north -of the present city of Cherokee. Nearly ten miles above this point was -a second settlement. To the northeast of these, in Buena Vista County, -was the Weaver family at Barnes's Grove. Above this in O'Brien County -was H. H. Waterman, at Waterman, who could boast of being the only -white man within the confines of that county. Further up the Little -Sioux, in the southwestern corner of Clay County, were the families of -Mead, Kirchner, and Taylor.[87] - -This stretch of settlements outlined the extreme limits of the -frontier. To the west there were no settlers; while to the north and -northeast the nearest settlements were those on the Minnesota and -Watonwan rivers.[88] Although on ceded ground, all of these -settlements were in the heart of the Indian country, where the passing -of Indian bands was not uncommon. All were separated from each other -by vast stretches of prairie, and frequently the settlers of one place -were wholly unaware of the presence of any other white people in the -region. Their complete isolation from each other and consequent -helplessness in case of Indian attacks were probably best known by the -Indians who not infrequently visited them. This isolation appears the -more complete when it is recalled that the nearest railroad station in -Iowa at that time was Iowa City--over two hundred miles away. - -By 1857, therefore, the northwestern frontier may be described as -"commencing at Sioux City and extending irregularly in a northeasterly -direction, by way of Correctionville, Cherokee, Waterman, Peterson, -Sioux Rapids, Gillett's Grove and Okoboji, to Spirit Lake; thence -turning abruptly to the east by way of Estherville and Emmet to the -headwaters of the Des Moines and Blue Earth Rivers, where it extended -into Minnesota, terminating at Mankato."[89] - -Thus was the meeting-ground of the Indians and the white settlers -rather roughly demarked when the winter of 1856-1857 began. Although -the fertility of its soil had not been doubted and its great natural -beauty and attractiveness as a region of boundless prairies had never -been disputed, the northwest had acquired a reputation of climatic -extremes--of hot summers and cold winters. This partly accounted for -the fact that many settlers delayed their permanent coming to the -region until they were amply prepared for the vicissitudes of climate -which they must endure in their new homes. Glowing reports had brought -the region into general notice, and by the fall of 1856 many people -to the east were preparing to migrate to this wonderful country in the -not distant future. - -"The winter of 1856-7 set in with a fury, steadiness and severity, -which make it a land-mark in the experience of every person"[90] who -passed through it. The storms came early in November, and for weeks -northwestern Iowa witnessed nothing but a succession of terrific -blizzards, accompanied by the most intense cold. By December 1, 1856, -the snow was three feet deep on the level and from fifteen to twenty -in the ravines and other low places. Communication of settlement with -settlement was well-nigh impossible. The scattered settlers were illy -prepared for such a winter: their cabins were unfinished and generally -without floors, as all lumber had to be hauled a distance of more than -one hundred miles. Most of the settlers had planted no crops during -the preceding growing season; hence provisions were scarce and could -only be obtained by the use of snowshoes and hand sleds. Wild game was -nowhere to be had, for it had either migrated before the oncoming -storms or perished in the snow. - -As the season progressed the intensity of the cold also increased; -while heavy wind-driven snows continued to fall at frequent intervals. -The prairies became bleak and barren snow-covered wastes, lashed by -terrific winds and untenanted by man or beast. The closing of February -and the opening of March witnessed no abatement in the severity of the -winter. The snow which had been falling the whole winter long yet -remained on the ground. Indeed, the season was so prolonged that it is -said spring came only in late April, while May and June were cold. In -July great banks of snow were yet to be seen in some of the sheltered -places.[91] - -Although the white settlers suffered considerably from self-imposed -denial of food and from unsuitable houses in which to shelter -themselves, their privations could not compare with those of the -Indians. In Dakota, which was their winter home, they suffered -terribly. Their game was gone--where they did not know. Nor were they -able to follow it if they had known. As the winds swept over the -prairies of Dakota and sharply penetrated the thickets wherein they -lodged, their desperation grew apace. At last, in the closing days of -February, the intense suffering from cold and famine could be endured -no longer and they sallied forth. The course of their march spread out -to the east, the north, and the south, and took them to the white -settlements along the Iowa and Minnesota frontiers where they sought -and took both food and shelter.[92] - - - - -VI - -OKOBOJI AND SPRINGFIELD IN MARCH 1857 - - -Of the settlements made or projected in northwestern Iowa previous to -1857, those having preeminent interest in this connection were along -the shores of Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake in Dickinson County. -Although this lake region had been visited many times in the spring -and summer of 1855, no settlements had been made at that time. The -visitors had simply planned to return as soon as arrangements for -permanent occupancy could be perfected. They had been attracted -thither by the tales told by Indians and traders concerning the great -natural beauty of the region. - -For some time the lake region had been well-known to the traders and -voyageurs of the upper Mississippi Valley, and their tales concerning -it were all favorable. The French interpreter of the Lewis and Clark -expedition wrote so clearly of the region as to leave no doubt as to -his having been there. He it was who first wrote of the _Lac -D'Esprit_, mentioning it for its great natural beauty of location and -as being the chief seat of one of the Dakotan tribes. Hunters, -traders, trappers, and adventurers visited the region frequently -thereafter, but left only oral accounts as to its character and worth. -The same region was visited in the summer of 1838 by Nicollet and -John C. Fremont, who made observations as to elevation, latitude, and -longitude. It was following this official visit that white -frontiersmen began to frequent the locality. - -All reports of the region indicated it was the favored home of the -Wahpekuta Yankton Sioux. Spirit Lake especially was believed by this -tribe to be the scene of various myths and legends intimately -connected with the origin and life of the tribe. It was reputed to be -always under the watchful care of the Great Spirit whose presence -therein was clearly evidenced by the lake's turbulent waters which -were never at rest. It was this suggestion of the supernatural--a sort -of mystic veil surrounding the region--that led many people to visit -it. Some came only to view the lake and, having done so, departed to -add perhaps one more legendary tale to the volume of its romance. -Practically every visitor enlarged upon the great charms of the groves -of natural timber bordering its shores. - -But in nearly all of the accounts and tales of the region there was -persistent confusion with regard to the several bodies of water. The -Indians had always plainly distinguished at least three lakes; while -reports by white men as persistently spoke of only one. The Indians -knew of Okoboji, "the place of rest", of Minnetonka, "the great -water", and of Minnewaukon, "the lake of demons or spirits" or _Lac -D'Esprit_ or Spirit Lake as it is known to-day. It is the first of -these, Lake Okoboji, with which this narrative is primarily -concerned. Upon its borders the first permanent white settlers built -their cabins and staked their claims; and here was perpetrated the -awful tragedy which has come to be known as the Spirit Lake Massacre. - -The lakes, lying closely together as a group, occupy a large portion -of the townships of Spirit Lake, Center Grove, and Lakeville. The -northernmost and somewhat the largest of the group is Spirit Lake, -which is about ten square miles in area. The northern shore of this -lake touches upon or extends into Minnesota along practically the -whole of its course. To the south, not connected at this time, and -extending in a narrowed, almost tortuous course, stretches East -Okoboji for a distance of over six miles. At no point is East Okoboji -much over three-quarters of a mile in width. West Okoboji lies to the -west of its companion and is connected with it by a narrow strait a -few yards in width. The west lake stretches to the west and north, -circling in a segment of a circle nearly halfway back to the north and -east to Spirit Lake. In length it is about the same as the east lake, -although its width is over four times as great at one point. Issuing -from the southernmost bay of East Okoboji is the outlet stream, which -at a distance of six miles from its source effects a junction with the -main stream of the Little Sioux. - -The shores of the Okoboji lakes are in the main well wooded, while -those of Spirit Lake have only occasional clumps of trees. Along the -shores of the latter prairie and water usually meet without -interruption by bands of timber. In some respects the Okobojis -present a reasonably good reproduction of the smaller lakes of -southern New York and New England. Thus easterners felt that here -could be reproduced the familiar scenes of "back home". Although the -attractiveness of the place was widely known, no one had settled in -the region before the middle of the century. The vanguard of the -permanent settlers came on July 16, 1856, with the arrival of Rowland -Gardner and his family. - -THE LAKE REGION: THE SCENE OF THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE - -[Illustration: THE LAKE REGION: THE SCENE OF THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE] - -Rowland Gardner was a native of Connecticut, having been born in New -Haven in 1815. Here he spent his boyhood years and learned the trade -of comb-maker. Growing tired of life in New Haven he migrated to -Seneca, New York, where he resumed his trade. At the occupation of -comb-maker he had been able to accumulate some three thousand dollars, -which, for the time, was considered rather a comfortable little -fortune.[93] On March 22, 1836, he married Frances M. Smith, and four -children, Mary, Eliza, Abigail, and Rowland, were born while the -family lived at Seneca. Abigail, the youngest daughter who is to -figure so largely in the story of the Spirit Lake Massacre, was born -in 1843. Later the father abandoned the trade of comb-maker and turned -to that of sawyer. This change in occupation did not come, however, -until the family had again moved--this time to Greenwood, New York. -Again, in 1850, they removed to the near-by town of Rexville. - -But Gardner had a love for roaming that could not be satisfied by -short moves; and so it was not long before he left Rexville for Ohio. -His first stop in that State was at Edyington, where he opened a -boarding house. His next resolve was to go to the then Far West. Thus, -in the spring of 1854 he made his way with his family to Shell Rock, -Iowa.[94] Here the family spent their first winter in the West and -suffered much from the change of climate. Shell Rock, however, was -only a temporary stopping place, for Gardner had no thought of -settling short of the farthest bounds of the frontier. - -In the early spring of 1855 Gardner, in company with his son-in-law, -Harvey Luce, made a rather extensive prospecting tour to the west and -north. He seems to have decided to settle, for a time at least, at -Clear Lake; for a little later we find him and Luce with their united -families moving up the Shell Rock Valley to Nora Springs and thence -across the prairie to Clear Lake. This journey consumed the greater -portion of April and early May. Settling too late to plant crops that -season, the families could not look forward to a very comfortable -year. - -Gardner and Luce decided upon Clear Lake for the same reason that -later led them to settle at Lake Okoboji. To a New Englander -accustomed to the lakes and streams of his native parts, Clear Lake -with its waters and groves made a strong appeal--one that could not -readily be resisted. Open prairies seemed to be "the abomination of -desolation" itself. The Mason City settlement on Lime Creek was -thought of, but the natural advantages of Clear Lake outweighed any -inclination in that direction. At this time Mason City was little more -than a station on the westward trail: it consisted of only three or -four houses on the open, wind-swept prairie. - -It was while the Gardner family was living at Clear Lake that there -occurred the so-called "Grindstone War", in which indeed they were -active participants. After the scare had spent its force, Gardner -again grew uneasy; and, having heard of the attractiveness of the lake -region farther to the west along the frontier, he became anxious to -settle there. Thus, scarcely had they harvested a first crop when the -Gardners were once more en route to the westward. The small returns -from the sale of the claim at Clear Lake were invested in some oxen, -cows, and young cattle.[95] - -To the homeseeker the lake region was regarded as a "promised land". -This was largely due to its natural beauties as well as to the very -great abundance of fish in the lake waters and the plenitude of wild -game in the groves along its shores. Many claim seekers had visited -the region previous to July, 1856, but no claims had been staked out. -The Gardners found no settlers at the time of their arrival.[96] In -fact no settlers had been seen by them since leaving the claim of the -Call brothers near the present site of Algona. - -The journey from Clear Lake had been an arduous one, having been made -with ox teams hitched to heavy, cumbrous carts into which had been -loaded not only the family but the household goods and the farming -implements as well as the food supply. Thus burdened the oxen could -make only slow progress even under the most favorable conditions. -Furthermore, it seems that the Iowa plains had suffered from an -over-abundance of rain that summer: numberless quagmires were -encountered; while many streams could hardly be forded on account of -their swollen condition. Added to these conditions was the uncertainty -of the route--due to lack of knowledge of the country. Many a time it -was necessary to unload and carry articles of freight over difficult -places. Enduring these trials with the fortitude of well-tried -pioneers they steadily pushed on. Upon July 16th they came to the -southeastern shores of West Okoboji; and here they rested, for they -were at their journey's end. - -Since leaving New York the Gardner family had been augmented by a -union with the family of Harvey Luce. The latter had planned from the -first to unite his fortunes with those of the Gardners, but had been -unable to do so at the time of their leaving New York. Luce had -married Mary, the eldest of the Gardner girls; and at the time of -their arrival at Lake Okoboji, the family numbered two children, -Albert aged four and Amanda aged one.[97] The Gardner-Luce party was -thus composed of nine persons at the time of its arrival. - -Luce and Gardner did not settle at once: while the families tented, -the men spent several days in a careful survey of the lake shores and -the surrounding prairie region, the better to determine a suitable -site. Since the lake region was to be the place of their permanent -settlement they desired to make a careful selection of lands. - -In the end it was decided to build cabins upon the southeastern shore -of the west lake. The location selected was several rods southeast of -what is now Pillsbury's Point upon the high, oak-wooded ridge which -terminated in that point of land. The site was ideal. To the north and -northwest the outlook presented a sweeping view of the lake; while to -the south there was as fair a prospect of prairie land as any country -could afford. No better selection for a home could have been made. The -erection of a log cabin for the Gardners was begun at once. Fronting -south, this cabin was for its time rather pretentious, since it was -one and one-half stories high. - -The season being far too advanced for the planting of crops little -could be done besides preparing the land for the next year. This was -accomplished by breaking some of the prairie sod. In addition hay was -made as feed for the oxen and other cattle during the long winter -season. The making of the hay was largely carried through by Mrs. -Gardner and her children, including Mrs. Luce; while Gardner and Luce -pushed ahead with the building of the cabins in order to afford -protection for all as soon as possible. Shelter was also provided for -the cattle. By the time this had been done, the season was so far -advanced that, though the Luce cabin had been begun, its completion -had to be postponed until the return of favorable weather in the -coming year. Thus it came about that the Luces took up their abode -with the Gardners for the winter which was now upon them.[98] - -While out prospecting for claim sites in the two or three days -following their arrival, Luce and Gardner heard a report of fire-arms -and upon tracing it to its source found that other settlers had just -arrived in the vicinity. The camp of the new arrivals was in process -of being pitched on the shore of the west lake near the strait -connecting the two Okobojis. The party was composed of Carl and -William Granger, Bertell E. Snyder, and Dr. Isaac H. Harriott. They -had come to the lake region for the purpose of examining the country -with a view to future settlement.[99] Having completed their -reconnaissance, the members of the party were preparing to spend some -time in the neighborhood hunting and fishing. - -These newcomers came to be so well pleased with the advantages of the -region that they finally resolved to spend the winter here and -possibly make a permanent settlement. After reaching this conclusion -they constructed a cabin on Smith's Point north of the strait. These -men, moreover, were members of a townsite company which had been -founded in May, 1856, at Red Wing, Minnesota. As promoters it was -their purpose to start a town on the border of some one of the lakes -in this region. The Grangers as leading stockholders in the concern -laid claim to the point upon which the cabin was built, as well as to -all the land lying along the northern shore of the east lake. After -resolving upon permanent settlement all but William Granger decided to -remain during the coming fall and winter and engage in preparing the -townsite for prospective settlers. William Granger was the only -married man of the group, and his purpose in returning to Red Wing was -two-fold--that of advertising the townsite which had been selected and -of bringing back his family in the spring of 1857.[100] - -Although the Gardner and Luce families were the first to arrive at the -lakes, they had not long to wait before other groups began to arrive, -all of whom hurried preparations for the winter that was now not far -removed. The sound of the saw and hammer was soon heard in a number of -places along the lake shores, while signs of still greater activity in -the future grew apace. All of the newcomers located within a radius of -six miles of the Gardner cabin.[101] The nearest settlement was that -at Springfield, Minnesota, about eighteen miles to the northeast; -while to the south the nearest was at Gillett's Grove, more than forty -miles away.[102] Neither of these settlements had made any provision -for its protection against a hostile party of any kind. So far as -anyone knew no reason existed for their apparent feeling of assurance -against danger. - -So rapidly had emigration set in that by November 1, 1856, there were -six separate groups of people prepared to spend the winter in this -vicinity. The first family to arrive after the Gardners was that of -James H. Mattock, who came with his wife and five children directly -from Delaware County, Iowa. They settled south of the strait, nearly -opposite the site chosen by the party from Red Wing, and the place of -their settlement has since become locally known as Mattock's Grove. -The site was about one mile from the Gardner-Luce cabin. With the -Mattock family had also come a Robert Madison, who was about eighteen -years of age. Robert Madison had preceded the other members of his -family, who were still in Delaware County but were planning to move to -the lake region when suitable accommodations had been provided for -them by the son.[103] - -From Hampton, Franklin County, Iowa, there came in the late fall the -families of Joel Howe, Alvin Noble, and Joseph M. Thatcher. These -people had been neighbors at Hampton and had come west as a group. -They settled along the east shore of East Okoboji, some two or three -miles from the Mattock cabin. The Howe family was large, consisting of -Mr. and Mrs. Howe and six children. Jonathan, the eldest of the -children and a young man of twenty-three, remained in Hampton, since -it was planned that he should come out in the following spring or as -soon as he could procure the supplies which would be needed by the -three families in their work of pioneering. Alvin Noble, Howe's -son-in-law, brought with him his wife and one child--a two year old -son. The Thatcher family was also small, consisting of Mr. and Mrs. -Thatcher and a child about seven months of age. The Howe cabin was the -first to be erected and was also the nearest to those on West -Okoboji. When it had been completed, all hands joined in the erection -of a cabin about a mile beyond or northeast of Howe's place which was -to be jointly occupied by the Noble and Thatcher families until -further arrangements could be made. Boarding with the latter families -was Morris Markham--a sort of frontiersman from Hampton, Iowa.[104] - -Late in September came Mr. and Mrs. William Marble from Linn County, -Iowa. Having stopped temporarily on the Okoboji lakes, the Marbles -after some prospecting decided to locate on the southwest shore of -Spirit Lake--distant, in an air line, about six miles from the -Gardners and perhaps a mile less from the Howes. Their cabin was the -most isolated of all--which made it easily possible for events to -transpire upon the shores of the Okobojis without the knowledge of the -Marbles for days or even weeks.[105] - -Such was the chain of settlements of those pioneers who were to pass -the frightful winter of 1856-1857 on this isolated frontier. As winter -closed in upon them they felt reasonably secure, since Indians had -only very rarely been seen. With little or no experience of frontier -life on an American prairie, they believed their supply of provisions -to be ample for the closed season. No one anticipated an unusual -winter. During February a trapper named Joseph Harshman came to the -cabin of the Red Wing people. Being a man of genial disposition he was -encouraged to spend the remaining portion of the winter with them. -Whence he came no one knew; nor did anyone inquire concerning his -antecedents, since on the frontier such questions were regarded as -discourteous to the stranger. - -About eighteen miles to the northeast, on the Des Moines River in -Minnesota, was the newly formed settlement of Springfield. Here were -to be found by the winter of 1856-1857 about six or seven families. -The town had been platted in the summer of 1856 by three -brothers--William, George, and Charles Wood of Mankato, Minnesota. For -many years these brothers had been widely known in Minnesota and the -northwest as Indian traders. By the winter of 1856-1857 they had -concentrated their trading interests in a store in Springfield, which -made the little village the meeting and trading place of the Indians -and whites for many miles around. Indeed, Springfield was the only -settlement of note within a radius of fifty miles.[106] - -Most of the settlers comprising the Springfield, or as it was -sometimes called the "Des Moines City" settlement, had come from -northeastern Iowa. The vanguard had appeared in August, 1856, and had -located on the east side of the Des Moines River. The Wood brothers -had come somewhat earlier and had established their post on the west -side of the river, where they laid out the town which they planned to -promote. As in the region of the lakes, the cabins were widely -scattered up and down the river for seven or eight miles.[107] By the -opening of winter the settlement had about seventeen able-bodied men -and twelve adult women; but by March, 1857, the number had somewhat -increased so that the settlement had about forty-seven people in all, -living in seven or eight family groups. - -In general the cabins were centered about the home of J. B. Thomas, -who had built in the edge of the timber near the river about one and a -half miles from the Wood brothers' store. In this family were Mr. and -Mrs. Thomas and five children, the eldest of whom was a boy, Willie, -of twelve or thirteen years. About two miles from the Thomas cabin -upon the open prairie lived Joshua Stewart with his wife and three -children; while the Wheeler cabin was about three-fourths of a mile -and the John Bradshaw home nearly one and a half miles away. The Adam -P. Shiegley cabin, where he and one son lived, was the most isolated, -being far removed from all of the others. In addition, there were the -homes of Strong, Skinner, Smith, Church, and Harshman. - -In the family of Dr. E. B. N. Strong, the community surgeon, were Dr. -and Mrs. Strong, two children, and Miss Eliza Gardner, the daughter of -Rowland Gardner of the Okoboji settlement.[108] The Strongs had made -the acquaintance of the Gardners after the latter had come to the -lakes. As Mrs. Strong was not in good health Eliza Gardner had been -prevailed upon to accompany the Strongs to their new home at -Springfield. In the Church home were Mr. and Mrs. William L. Church, -two children, and Miss Drusilla Swanger, a sister of Mrs. Church. The -family of J. B. Skinner comprised, beside himself, his wife and two -children; while in the Harshman home there were also two children. -Mr. and Mrs. William Nelson had one child; while Mr. and Mrs. Robert -Smith and a second Harshman and wife were without children.[109] The -unmarried men of the community were Joseph Cheffins, Henry Tretts, -Jareb Palmer, David N. Carver, Nathaniel Frost, John Henderson, and -John Bradshaw. As the result of being badly frozen during the winter -of 1856-1857, it had been necessary for Dr. Strong to amputate both of -Henderson's legs and one of Smith's. These operations had been -performed shortly before the visit of the Indians in March, -1857.[110] - - - - -VII - -THE JOURNEY EAST FOR SUPPLIES - - -By February the unusual severity of the winter was occasioning some -alarm at the lake settlements--particularly as the stock of provisions -laid by for the winter was nearing exhaustion. In view of the deep -snow and the intense cold it seemed more than foolish to think of -attempting to make one's way even to the nearest depot of -supplies--which was Fort Dodge. The banks of snow were fifteen and -often twenty feet high and offered an almost impassable obstruction to -the use of teams. Add to this the intensity of the cold, and one can -well imagine what courage or dire necessity it must have required to -induce the traveller to set out for the purpose of making his way over -an untrodden and in many respects an unknown waste of snow. But the -food situation was such that it became increasingly evident that some -effort must soon be made to relieve a condition which might become -intolerable. Moreover, no one had had any experience in this section -which would serve as an index to indicate how long the winter season -might continue. - -Finally, it was decided that Luce and Thatcher were to return to their -former homes in the eastern section of the State in quest of the -needed food. With a sled and an ox team they set out in the early -days of February. The journey proved to be one of almost incredible -hardships: the cold was nearly unendurable, while the banks of snow so -impeded their progress that not infrequently little advance was made -as the result of a whole day's effort. In the end, however, they made -their way safely to Hampton, but only to suffer the disappointment of -learning that the settlers here could do little or nothing for them. -Compelled to go still farther, they pushed on to Shell Rock, Cedar -Falls, and Waterloo before they were able to obtain sufficient -supplies for all the people at the lakes. - -Securing at last the needed supplies, they remained at Cedar Falls for -a brief time to permit the recuperation of both their oxen and -themselves. Finally, they began preparations for the return journey -which would probably prove more trying than the one east, for now they -would be compelled to face the cutting winds and hard driven snows of -the open prairies. Although warning of the possible hardships of such -a journey was given by Luce and Thatcher, the prospects did not deter -four young men from accompanying the two settlers upon their return to -the lakes. These men were Robert Clark, a young friend of Luce from -Waterloo; Jonathan Howe, the son of Joel Howe already settled at -Okoboji; Enoch Ryan from Hampton, a son-in-law of Joel Howe; and Asa -Burtch, a brother of Mrs. Joseph M. Thatcher. - -In spite of the difficulties encountered, all went well on the return -until the party reached a point known as Shippey's near the mouth of -Cylinder Creek in Palo Alto County, about ten miles south of the -"Irish Colony". Here the overloaded and exhausted oxen were unable to -proceed any further. After some deliberation it was decided that -Burtch and Thatcher should remain at Shippey's and care for the oxen -until they had regained their strength sufficiently to allow them to -proceed upon the journey. Meanwhile, Luce, Clark, Howe, and Ryan were -to hasten onward to the lakes with the good word that succor was near -at hand. They made the trip on foot and in two days, reaching the -settlements on the evening of March 6th. Here they found all well with -the settlers who rejoiced at the prospect of relief in the near -future.[111] - -By a careful husbanding of resources and a system of mutual exchange -the settlers had been able to prevent much suffering which a lack of -care might have entailed. But the time had not elapsed without the -occasional appearance of Indians. Apparently a number of red men were -wintering in the groves near by, as it seemed unlikely that they could -have come from any great distance. They were always friendly in their -attitude toward the whites, who from time to time took occasion to -relieve their too evident suffering from cold and hunger. They had not -only been invited within the cabins to share the comfortable -firesides, but were also encouraged to share in the settlers' humble -meals if they happened to arrive at meal time. They never left a -settler's cabin empty-handed at any time. - -But as the time for the opening of spring neared it had been noted -that the Indians grew more restless and less sociable: they seemed to -avoid contact with the whites as much as possible. At the same time, -the settlers, untrained in Indian ways, saw nothing singular in their -later attitude and felt no occasion for alarm. Future developments, -however, were to show that there had been more than one occasion for -alarm. More than once the Indians had been observed to stalk each -cabin and in other ways manifest an undue interest in the settlers. -This, however, was accounted for at the time as untutored curiosity in -things new and strange. - - - - -VIII - -THE INKPADUTA BAND - - -For a number of years preceding the killing of Sidominadota another -Indian band, similar in character to that led by the murdered leader, -had roamed the country and terrorized the people between the Des -Moines and the Big Sioux rivers. Under the leadership of Inkpaduta or -"Scarlet Point", this band had frequented in particular the headwaters -of the Des Moines: they resorted to the Big Sioux and beyond only when -fleeing from punishment.[112] Their refuge beyond the Big Sioux was -with the Yanktons, whose camps along the James or Dakota River were -always an asylum for outlawed and disorderly Sioux bands. Here -Inkpaduta was free to go at any time for shelter and defense. But with -no other group was Inkpaduta able to maintain even the semblance of -friendly relations.[113] The Inkpaduta band of Indians had become -well-known either by the name of its leader or as the "Red Top" band, -from the fact that it frequently carried pennons of red cloth attached -to lance ends.[114] - -Inkpaduta, the leader of the band, was a Wahpekuta Sioux of a -villainous and unsavory reputation even among his own tribesmen, who -feared or hated him. Due to his misdeeds he had been expelled from -membership in his own _gens_ division of the Wahpekuta Sioux.[115] But -this did not serve as a lesson in proper conduct; instead it seemed -only to enrage him to the point of committing other and worse -deeds--if such were possible. Owing to his lawless disposition a -serious quarrel arose among the Wahpekutas. Originally this division -seems to have arisen out of a very marked difference in opinion as to -the proper attitude to assume toward their hereditary enemies, the Sac -and Fox Indians. One section advised a cessation of hostilities which -seemed to have resulted in the accomplishment of no purpose. Moreover, -in several of the encounters the Wahpekutas had suffered severe losses -which they had not been able to successfully recoup. - -A second division of the tribe led by Wamdisapa, or "Black Eagle", was -so quarrelsome and revengeful that it stoutly opposed any -consideration looking toward peace. Black Eagle is characterized as "a -reckless, lawless fellow, always at war" with other tribes. After the -treaties of Prairie du Chien in 1825 and 1830, he was "one of the -first" of the Sioux to violate their provisions by making war upon the -neighboring tribes. His conduct in this respect grew especially bad -after the treaty of 1830, when his attitude won for him the "ill will -of all his people", who claimed that his conduct provoked their -enemies to make many reprisals upon them. Refusing to alter his -conduct, Wamdisapa and a small group of kindred spirits were virtually -driven away from the tribe and no longer considered as its -members.[116] - -Striking out boldly across the prairies of Minnesota, the outlaws took -a course which led them south and west: they were evidently headed for -the lower James, the place of their future rendezvous. Their course -led them to the present site of Algona, where they tarried for some -time. Resuming their flight, they travelled westward, crossing the Big -Sioux. Finally, they established themselves on the Jacques or James -River in the vicinity of Spirit Lake, South Dakota.[117] After -removing to this region they were not infrequently known as the -"Santies" of the James. They seemed to have lost their identity with -the Wahpekutas. - -As this party of defection grew in numbers, differences of opinion -arose among them. After suffering disruption the band reorganized -under two leaders or chieftans--Wamdisapa and Tasagi ("His Cane"). -Under this dual leadership, they seemed for a time to prosper as never -before. But their misdeeds became so numerous that the neighboring -Sioux requested them to leave the country.[118] The dual chieftanship -was not continued beyond the lives of the original holders, since -internal jealousies and ambitions rendered it not only undesirable but -impossible. The quarrels were largely due to temperamental differences -in the leaders. Tasagi was of a mild disposition; while Wamdisapa was -noted for his quarrelsome, ferocious, and revengeful nature. - -After signing the treaty of 1836, Wamdisapa shifted his band to the -Blue Earth region. From here he conducted raids into the Iowa country -against the Sacs and Foxes, who, in retaliating, made no distinction -between the Indians of Wamdisapa and those of Tasagi on the Cannon -River. This caused much suffering among the Cannon River people; but -Wamdisapa could not be prevailed upon to discontinue his raids. In the -meantime Wamdisapa's son, Inkpaduta, had grown to manhood and -leadership. He seems to have inherited to the full the relentless -cruelty of his father. More ambitious for leadership than his father, -he planned to unite as speedily as possible the leadership which his -father had been content to share with Tasagi. - -When the consolidation of the leadership did not progress as rapidly -as Inkpaduta wished, it is said that he hastened the event by securing -the murder of Tasagi. This occurred probably in 1839.[119] As -Inkpaduta had planned so it came to pass that upon Wamdisapa's early -death the two divisions accepted in the main Inkpaduta's leadership. -At the same time a strong faction refused his leadership. Becoming -alarmed for his safety Inkpaduta fled further into the Blue Earth -country, hoping thereby to gain time for the firmer union of his loyal -followers.[120] Even so he could not tarry long since the Cannon River -Wahpekutas were on his trail. With a still smaller number of followers -he again fled--this time to northern Iowa--preferring to brave the -hatred of the Sacs and Foxes to that of his fellow Wahpekutas. - -It is thought that the incident of Tasagi's murder and the later -flights nearly broke up the band of Wamdisapa, so that it could -scarcely be said to exist. In a few years, however, through a -prolonged series of intertribal quarrels conditions had become such -that Inkpaduta was recognized as the undisputed master of the greater -and more turbulent sections of both of the original bands. By the time -of the successful realization of his plans--about 1848--Inkpaduta had -made a reputation for relentless savagery that had spread throughout -northwestern Iowa, Dakota, and Minnesota. Upon him rests the stigma of -having planned the murder not only of Tasagi but also of his own -father.[121] His band seemed to thrive upon its evil reputation: thus -it is said that "from time to time some villainous Sioux committed a -murder, or other gross crime upon some other member of the tribe, and -fled for fear of vengeance to the outlawed band of Wahpakootas for -protection."[122] - -The Inkpaduta band of Indians became, as it were, accursed. It could -call no place its home--excepting perhaps the temporary winter -rendezvous with the Spirit Lake Yanktons. Thus the members of this -band became as "Ishmaelites whose hands were against all other -men".[123] The character of its members was that of its leader, who -acted as a magnet to draw to him the worst types from the surrounding -tribes. Even according to the Indian moral code they would be classed -as toughs and criminals. Inkpaduta was universally reputed as the most -blood-thirsty Indian leader in the Northwest. Whites and Indians upon -whom his displeasure might fall feared him as death itself. The -members of his band became widely known as the renegades and outlaws -of the frontier. Spending their lives as wanderers and marauders, they -never remained long in any locality. "They went as far west as the -Missouri, as far north as the Cheyenne, as far south and east as the -Upper Des Moines, in Iowa."[124] Their life of necessity was but an -outgrowth of their villainous disposition. It has been said that their -actions grew so unbearably bad that even Sidominadota--by many -regarded as an arch fiend--left the band and went far down the course -of the Des Moines the better to escape the wrath of its leader.[125] -It was soon after this act that Sidominadota and Lott crossed paths -with the result that the Indian's life paid the forfeit. - -Many of the unpleasant incidents in frontier life from 1836 to 1857 in -Minnesota and Iowa were directly chargeable to these Bedouins of the -prairies who tarried at a "trading house but a few minutes and in -seeming fear and dread hurried away." The first exploit officially -credited to the band was the massacre of Wamundiyakapi, a Wahpekuta -chief, along with seventeen warriors on the headwaters of the Des -Moines in Murray County, Minnesota, in 1849. Prior to 1850 they had -broken up, plundered, and driven away two parties of United States -surveyors. The cabins of numerous settlers in the upper Des Moines -country had also been wantonly destroyed and they had been driven from -the country--in face of the fact that it was well known what band was -at work and where its usual rendezvous was located.[126] Settlers -along the Boyer River had also suffered outrages at its hands as late -as 1852. Major William Williams stated it as his opinion that a -general attack upon the frontier was planned to occur about 1855; but -the plans failed for some unknown reason. Inkpaduta seems to have been -much displeased thereat and attempted to take upon himself the -execution of the original plan.[127] - -The unusually strenuous life which had been led by the band was having -a telling effect upon its membership: by 1852 there were evidences of -a near dispersion. It seems that even to a criminal Indian compulsory -exile from his race was distasteful, and one by one the followers of -Inkpaduta were slipping away. To stimulate an interest in his band, -Inkpaduta appears to have settled upon a plan of making concerted -attacks upon the northwestern frontier of settlements; and he was -successful in creating in the minds of some the belief that he had -general control of no less than five or six hundred warriors operating -along the frontier in isolated bands of fifteen or twenty Indians -each. It is now positively known that such was not the case and that -at the time of its greatest prosperity the Inkpaduta band did not -number more than fifty or sixty souls. By the autumn of 1856 the group -had become so diminished in numbers that it was upon the eve of -dispersion. - -This rapid disintegration of the band could be accounted for by the -character of its leader. His arrogance was rapidly rendering followers -impossible. Inkpaduta, in 1856, was evidently between fifty and sixty -years of age. He was born, probably in 1800, on the Watonwan River in -Minnesota. For a Wahpekuta Sioux he was large, being probably more -than six feet tall and very strongly built. He was not a person of -pleasing appearance; for, coupled with the immoral character of his -life, smallpox had badly marked him. Indeed, he presented an unusually -repulsive appearance. His features were coarse; his countenance was of -brutal cast; and he was very near-sighted. His near-sightedness became -total blindness in old age, so that at the time of the battle of the -Little Big Horn he was carefully piloted about by his small grandsons -who, managing to save him from the general slaughter, succeeded in -having him safely carried into Canada in the party of Sitting -Bull.[128] - -Although his band as a whole was of bad repute, Inkpaduta stood out -above his followers on account of his hatred for the whites, his -revengeful disposition, and his nearly matchless success in war.[129] -Mrs. Sharp speaks of him as "a savage monster in human shape, fitted -only for the darkest corner in Hades."[130] "Of all the base -characters among his fellow outlaws, his nature seems to have been the -vilest, and his heart the blackest."[131] "It was only as a war chief -that he won a place in the admiration of the Indians. In civil life -they would have none of him. Except where bloodshedding was the -business in hand, they knew by sore experience he was not to be -trusted.... It is scarcely probable from all of his conduct that he -was other than he seemed, a terrible monster."[132] - -His unusual disposition was coupled with an ambition to see his people -and tribe restored once again to their wide and extensive hunting -ranges. As he witnessed the frontier expanding westward he saw his -great ambition vanish, and he was irritated beyond control. -Unspeakably immoral himself, he nevertheless hated the vices of the -whites that were slowly taking hold upon the members of his band and -race. - -He yearned to be a party to the treaties of the Wahpekutas as a chief -and to share in the annuities which resulted therefrom. The annuities, -with the exception of those of 1854 and 1856, he was permitted to -enjoy. Upon the death of Wamdisapa it appears that Inkpaduta was -definitely dropped from membership in the Wahpekutas; and so he was -not consulted regarding the disposal of the Minnesota and northwestern -Iowa lands. It was thought that he had forfeited his council rights; -but when the first payment was made he was on hand and demanded his -share--which was denied him by the agent. He then turned his attention -to the treaty-making Indians and compelled them to pay him the share -which he claimed in the annuities. Thereafter he appeared annually, -and only twice was he definitely refused. This denial was an affront -extremely hard for him to bear, for it was to him a denial of his -rights in the name and birthright of the Wahpekuta Sioux.[133] -Claiming the Yankton and Santee tribal rights he appears to have -gained an acknowledgment of them by the year 1865. - - - - -IX - -INKPADUTA SEEKS REVENGE - - -Burning with hatred for Indians and white men alike, Inkpaduta and his -band left the Fort Ridgely Agency of the Lower Sioux in the autumn of -1856. They appear to have gone westward to the Big Sioux, where they -spent some time in hunting and fishing. Their next and final move, -before entering camp for the winter, was to the Yankton camp near -Spirit Lake, South Dakota. There Inkpaduta planned to spend the winter -of 1856-1857 with his well-tried friends and protectors. Doubtless -during the fearful ordeal of that unusual season when they suffered -from cold and hunger they recalled past wrongs, which they now -credited with causing their present condition, and planned revenge -upon their persecutors.[134] - -The question has frequently been raised as to where the Inkpaduta band -of Indians really passed the winter season of 1856-1857. Some writers -have held that they remained at Loon Lake, in Minnesota; while others -have insisted that they camped among the Yanktons in Dakota. The -latter seems the more probable. Indeed, it is highly improbable that -any Indians, after having suffered, as all agree this band had -suffered during the winter in the valleys of the Des Moines and -Little Sioux, would go down the valley of the one, as they are reputed -to have done, and finding no food on the way down, as all taking this -view agree was the case, until they arrived at Smithland, would then -have doubled back upon a trail known to be barren. It is far more -probable that the band wintered in Dakota, and with the approach of -spring returned to their favorite hunting grounds. When they had been -denied food at Smithland, they at once started up the Little Sioux and -hastened to the hunting grounds of presumed plenty. One thing is -certain: at the first breaking of winter they were on the move.[135] - -It so happened that in February, 1857, there came a promise of spring, -and with this promise Inkpaduta and his band of Indians left their -winter camp. Verging upon starvation, they hastened on foot or on -horseback toward the white settlements along the Iowa frontier; and it -can truly be said of Inkpaduta that "wherever he appeared, murder and -theft marked his trail".[136] Reaching the Big Sioux, he and his -followers passed down its course and across its waters to the -beginning of the white settlements upon the Little Sioux in eastern -Woodbury County. - -At the time of arrival at these settlements the band was not -large--having, presumably, been sadly depleted by desertion or by the -severity of the winter. Apparently there were only about ten lodges in -all, comprising men, women, and children. So far as known the warriors -in February, 1857, included the following: Inkpaduta, the leader; -Roaring Cloud and Fire Cloud, the twin sons of Inkpaduta; Sacred -Plume; Old Man; Putting on Walking; Rattling, son-in-law of Inkpaduta; -Big Face; His Great Gun; Red Leg; Shifting Wind; and Tahtay-Shkope -Kah-gah, whose name does not appear to be translatable. Nothing -further need be said of the band's personnel than that they had been -well trained by Inkpaduta for the work in hand.[137] - -As the settlements were neared it doubtless seemed to the Indians that -they were approaching a land of plenty, for game which had hitherto -been seen nowhere now began to make an occasional appearance. It must -have seemed to their primitive minds that this region, their land of -plenty, had been usurped by the whites. They were eager for revenge -and prepared to carry arson, murder, and pillage the full length of -Iowa's western frontier. - -It should be borne in mind, as events rapidly follow, that the deeds -of these Indians were not by any means spontaneous or the result of -any single or isolated incident or circumstance. As an explanation of -what occurred in Iowa in the spring of 1857, there has been advanced -the theory that Inkpaduta was merely seeking revenge for the murder of -his brother, Sidominadota. This explanation has been advanced so -frequently that it has been long accepted by most people as an -undoubted fact. In all probability, however, such was not the motive -of the Indians: on the contrary the real cause must be sought in the -innate character of the band that committed the tragic deed. In fact -this unhappy incident in Iowa's pioneer history was but one of many -justly charged against this particular band of wild Bedouins of the -prairies. - -The murder of Sidominadota in all probability did not cause Inkpaduta -much concern. Moreover, it should be said at the outset that Inkpaduta -and Sidominadota were not brothers--as has so often been -claimed--since Inkpaduta was a Lower Sioux, a Wahpekuta; while -Sidominadota was an Upper Sioux, a Sisseton. Hence they could not have -been brothers. It is true that in some phases of Indian relationship -they might have been spoken of as brothers, but the conditions making -such a reference even remotely possible were not present in the case -of these two Indian leaders. Hence the theory of blood revenge can not -be accepted. Furthermore, the term "brother" with the Sioux was not -limited to blood relationship. "The tribe consists of a group of men -calling one another brother, who are husbands to a group of women -calling one another sister." To call one another brother was a common -practice and carried with it no idea of relationship as ordinarily -interpreted. - -Granting that the two were brothers, if Inkpaduta could not have -avenged the death within a year he could not have done so thereafter -according to the practice of blood revenge universally taught and -practiced among the Sioux. In religious practice and ceremonial -observance Inkpaduta was neither a heretic nor an outcast. The Sioux -have never been noted for retentive memories in matters of revenge, -but rather for their laxity. - -Inkpaduta was superior to Sidominadota in rank; hence he would not -have succeeded him and could not have taken up blood revenge as his -successor. Moreover, these two men had bitterly disagreed, and -Sidominadota had severed all relation and connection with Inkpaduta or -any of his band and had grown to be one of the bitterest and most -vindictive of enemies. Inkpaduta knew this. It is likely that -Inkpaduta would have rejoiced at the news of his enemy's death: it is -certain that the murder would not have caused him much if any concern. -"With him it was every man for himself; he never had a sentiment so -noble and dignified as that of revenge, and would not turn on his heel -to retaliate for the slaughter of his nearest friend."[138] - -Again, according to Siouan practice each band is absolutely separate: -one band must not concern itself with the affairs of another. War -would inevitably have followed such conduct. Although Inkpaduta was -lawless in many respects, no instance in which he broke over the -strict letter of this custom has come to light. - -Finally, the bands were so widely separated and so busily engaged in -dodging each other that "it is doubtful whether Inkpadoota ever heard -the particulars of All Over Red's murder; it is certain that he would -not have been concerned if he had." - -Thus it seems evident that Inkpaduta could not have been on a mission -of blood revenge: it seems more probable that his own character and -that of the members of his group, coupled with an overemphasized -conviction of wrongs suffered in years past, allied with the intense -suffering of the moment, had produced an outburst of savage frenzy -culminating in murder. This would seem to be more in keeping with the -known character of the Indian and in line with his known conduct. The -idea of blood revenge has made a strong appeal since it was advanced -as an explanation by Major William Williams, but it can not be made to -rest upon a foundation of known and recognized facts in connection -with the Spirit Lake Massacre.[139] - - - - -X - -THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT - - -The approach of Inkpaduta and his band to the white settlements was -unobserved--due probably to the fact that the severity of the winter -had driven into the settlement all the traders and trappers who were -commonly the purveyors of such news along the frontier. Although the -Indians appeared at Smithland on the Little Sioux in southeastern -Woodbury County unannounced, no alarm was felt since they had been -there before and seemed quite friendly. Even now they bore, outwardly -at least, every indication of friendship for the whites. Quietly and -inoffensively they begged from the settlers who, pitying their evident -starving condition, gave as liberally as they could to satisfy their -needs rather than their demands.[140] - -It seems that the Indians had been at the settlement but a brief time -when they discovered that the whites had not been able to complete the -harvesting of the past season's corn crop on account of the coming of -the early and deep snows. Much of the corn had been buried, where the -settlers had been content to leave it for husking in early spring. -Upon making this discovery the Indians with a will set about -gathering corn from the fields. Very naturally the settlers objected -and demanded that the Indians desist, which they did after some -jangling and expressions of ill feeling. They did not, however, cease -their demands for food. - -The settlers now assumed a plainly unfriendly attitude toward the -Indians, which in turn gave impetus to a change in the temper and -attitude of the Indians toward the whites. They soon became sullen and -insolent, with a manifest tendency to commit a variety of malicious -acts--probably for the purpose of trying the temper of the settlers. -Only acts of a trivial character, however, were actually committed; -and so the wiser heads in Smithland were successful in warding off for -some time any serious trouble. - -Several days after the arrival of the Indians a large drove of elk -appeared in the timber on the river bottom. This meant plenty to the -nearly famished Indians, and they at once began preparations for the -hunt in which all were to participate. When the hunt had gotten well -under way an Indian was attacked by a settler's dog which apparently -had become over zealous in the chase. The Indian retaliated by killing -the dog. Then the owner of the dog sought to even matters by -administering a rather severe beating to the Indian, at the same time -forcibly disarming him. To a young Indian brave such treatment was an -insult calling for retaliation. When the other settlers learned of -this reckless action on the part of one of their number they grew -alarmed, for they knew Indian character well enough to conclude that -the incident was not a closed one by any means. - -Meanwhile the petty pilfering and thieving by the Indians continued. -Especially annoying were the squaws who, constantly haunting the -cabins and other buildings of the settlement, would sometimes carry -away grain and hay. Occasionally a settler catching a squaw in the act -would give her a whipping--which only increased the tension of the -situation. Finally, a settlers' council was called, the result of -which was an effort to disarm the Indians as an assurance of safety. -Failing to realize the full purport of what was being done, the -Indians offered little opposition. The guns were hidden, and for a -while the settlers breathed easily. But in their alarm, they had -really taken a very unwise course. They probably thought that the -Indians would soon come forward and offer some reasonable and peaceful -settlement of any wrongs that had been committed. In this, however, -the settlers exhibited little appreciation of the character of the -Sioux Indian.[141] - -Not a little enraged, the Indians committed other depredations upon -the settlers; and it was not long before the settlers awoke to a -realization of the mistake they had made. But they soon committed a -worse blunder in seeking to correct the first. A militia company of -twenty-one men was organized among the men of Smithland and vicinity -under the leadership of Seth Smith, the founder of the settlement. -Captain Smith was selected as leader of the organization not for his -known military ability, but because he owned a "magnificent suit of -regimentals, with its quivering epaulettes, gaily bedecked cocked hat -and flashing sword." Surely these would strike terror to the souls of -the Indians. - -The party was quickly and quietly prepared for a demonstration of -military power, after which they marched to the Indian camp and there -paraded before the Indians. When the demonstration was ended, Captain -Smith demanded of the Indians that they leave at once. This seemed -impossible to the Indians, who are said to have replied that the -weather was so cold and the snows so deep up north that nothing to eat -could be secured by them in that direction. They added, however, that -they would like to go on down the river to the camps of the Omahas and -treat with them. This the whites did not seem to think would be -advisable: they evidently thought that the Indians would visit them -again upon their return to the north. When denied the privilege of -passing on to the Omahas the Indians flatly refused to leave at -all--an action that may have been due in part to the fact that not all -of the Indians were then in the camp.[142] - -The settlers, finding themselves sufficiently strong after this -demonstration of military preparedness, began a series of annoying -acts directed toward the Indians, who seemed to submit stoically to -these impositions. Finally, one morning the settlers were not a -little gratified to discover that the Indians had gone. But the joy -was only temporary; for the Indians later reappeared with -guns--possibly the very ones that had been taken from them by the -settlers. How they secured these arms was not known; but it was -evident that the reclamation of their property had a marked effect -upon their conduct. They now became defiant and openly committed theft -to satisfy their wants; for they knew that they were now better -prepared for resistance than were the whites. - -It was shortly before this time that General Harney had conducted his -march through the Indian country in Kansas and Nebraska, thence -westward into Wyoming, and back northeastward to or near Fort Pierre -in Dakota. Every Sioux knew of him and held him in a sort of -superstitious awe or dread. They thought of him as one guided and -guarded by the Almighty in his work as an avenger. Aware of the regard -with which the Sioux held Harney, it was proposed by the settlers to -use him as a means of ridding themselves of their Indian guests. -Accordingly a settler donned the soiled uniform of an army officer and -at sunset appeared in the edge of the timber on the bank of the Little -Sioux opposite the Indian camp. His appearance there was called to the -attention of the Indians, along with the suggestion that the stranger -was Harney, in all likelihood, in close pursuit of them. The ruse, it -is said, was effective: that same night the Indians fled up the river -from Smithland. As they fled it became increasingly evident that they -were thirsting for revenge. From suffering indignities themselves they -now turned to the infliction of atrocities upon whomsoever chanced to -cross their path. While the more level-headed settlers at Smithland -regretted the tricks played upon the Indians, all congratulated -themselves upon being rid of their unwelcome guests.[143] - - - - -XI - -FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI - - -After leaving Smithland the next place visited by Inkpaduta and his -band seems to have been Correctionville--a place about twenty miles up -the course of the Little Sioux. Here the Indians appear to have been -friendly at first; but they were not long in the settlement before -their begging and thieving led to opposition from the whites. Indeed, -during the later portion of their stay they used their guise of -friendship only for the purpose of securing an entrance to the cabins -of the settlers, and having been admitted helped themselves to -whatever was most convenient and best suited to their needs, such as -food, guns, and ammunition. - -The ugliness of their real character for the first time appeared in -their treatment of a settler by the name of Robert Hammond. It seems -that Hammond resisted their thieving after he had admitted them to his -cabin, with the result that he was badly beaten. This episode appears -to have started the Indians upon their fiendish career. Having left -Hammond helpless in his cabin, they turned, when some distance away, -and literally shot the cabin door off its hinges. This was done, -presumably, as a warning of what was likely to happen if they were -further interfered with. They then left the settlement and continued -their journey northward. - -As he proceeded up the course of the Little Sioux, Inkpaduta followed -the policy of sending out scouting and foraging parties into the -surrounding country. At nearly every cabin found by these parties -everything in the line of guns, food, and ammunition was either -carried off or destroyed. Not infrequently the stock of the -settler--hogs, cattle, or horses--was killed and left untouched: the -Indians seemed now to be seeking to destroy rather than to take for -their own use. - -The next settlement reached by the band was Pilot Rock in Cherokee -County. While pausing here for a brief time scouts were sent out in -all directions through the surrounding country. Very little transpired -at Pilot Rock other than the taking of food and arms. Here the Indians -found no opposition upon the part of the settlers; and when they had -satisfied themselves they left the community. - -Another settlement visited was that of the Milford Colony, which was -located a little north of the present town of Cherokee. Cattle and -hogs were shot, doors torn from their hinges, and furniture ruined. -Bedding was torn into shreds, and feather ticks were ripped open and -the contents scattered upon the prairie. Here the Indians remained for -three days; and while the settlers suffered only from fright and the -destruction of property, they were only too happy to note the red -men's preparations for leaving. - -The Indians had tarried at Milford Colony evidently for rest and -recuperation, finding here more supplies than they had encountered -elsewhere. This was doubtless due to the fact that the settlers, -having but lately come west from Milford, Massachusetts, were well -provided against possible future needs. For three days the Indians -feasted and appeared to deliberate. Upon the evening of the third day -two of the Milford pioneers returned from a business trip to Sac City. -The arrival of Parkhurst and Lebourveau seemed to arouse the Indians' -suspicion. They demanded to be told from whence the settlers had come. -Not having received the desired information they probably concluded -they were being pursued and that night left the settlement. After the -departure of the Indians, the Milford pioneers deserted the colony and -sought refuge at various places--at Ashland, at Onawa, and at -Smithland. - -As they came to isolated cabins north of this settlement the Indians -resorted to various modes of terrorizing the pioneers. At the cabin of -Lemuel Parkhurst they amused themselves for an hour or more by -striking their tomahawks into the floor and logs of the cabin, while -flourishing scalping knives about the heads of the affrighted -occupants. Mrs. Parkhurst finally pacified them by preparing a meal -which she set before them. Having consumed this meal, they proffered -the peace pipe, shook hands, and departed. - -At the cabin of James A. Brown they seemed to be seeking entertainment -rather than food. After compelling Brown to mount a hay stack, two -Indians climbed up--one armed with a rifle, the other with a -pitchfork. They amused themselves by testing the steadiness of Brown's -nerve. He was alternately lunged at by the possessor of the fork and -levelled at by the holder of the gun. After thus amusing themselves -for ten or fifteen minutes, the Indians allowed him to get down and go -to his cabin. They then went to the stable, killed an ox, and -attempted to steal a horse; but the animal was so vicious that they -finally gave up the attempt and left. These are but incidents -illustrative of the behavior of the Indians as they passed to the -north of Cherokee and up the Little Sioux.[144] - -Arriving in the northwestern corner of Buena Vista County, their -conduct became, if possible, still more vicious. Wherever they -appeared they were sullen, as contrasted with their tendency to talk -and seek entertainment at points further down the river. Waste, -violence, and cruelty now characterized their actions. At the home of -a Mr. Weaver they not only wantonly shot all his hogs and cattle, but -also roughly handled him and the members of his family. Satisfied with -this, they moved off to the northwest. - -They were next heard of at the home of H. H. Waterman in O'Brien -County. The visit to the Waterman cabin, however, seems to have been -from a scouting detachment rather than from the band as a whole. In -Waterman's own words "Seven big strapping Sioux bucks stopped at my -house; they were so tall I had to look up at them". They told him of -the Smithland affair. Although they seemed much excited, Waterman paid -little attention to their story for he recognized them as the same -Indians that had called upon him more than once before. He did, -however, become alarmed when they began stealing his property--to -which he finally objected. But they took everything they could lay -hands on; and ended by beating Waterman in the back and stringing him -up by the thumbs. Apparently satisfied, they committed no further -mischief, but departed in the direction from which they had come.[145] - -After the episode at the Waterman cabin the band concentrated at the -site of the present town of Peterson in southwestern Clay County, -where they found white settlers--at which they were apparently much -surprised. Peterson was only a short distance away from the cabins of -Weaver in Buena Vista County and Waterman in O'Brien. Here it would -seem they began in earnest the campaign of terror which was to end in -massacre at the lakes and in the attack upon Springfield. They were no -longer satisfied with thieving and pillaging; but the torturing of -people and the taking of human life now seemed to be the pronounced -bent and purpose of their raid. The mere presence of white people -seemed to infuriate them to frenzied acts, and the wonder is that the -general massacre of the settlers did not begin at Peterson rather than -at Okoboji. - -As already noted there were at Peterson by February, 1857, the -families of James Bicknell, Jacob Kirchner, and Ambrose S. Mead. -Although the news of Indian depredations had reached these families -before the coming of the Indians themselves, conditions were such that -no steps could be taken to offer resistance. The Bicknell cabin, -being located the furthest to the south and west, was reached first. -This probability had been anticipated, for by the time the Indians -arrived the inmates had fled to the shelter of the Kirchner home -across the river. At the Bicknell home everything was either taken or -destroyed. Early on the following morning the Indians crossed the -river and appeared at the Kirchner home, where were huddled closely -together for mutual protection the families of Bicknell and Jacob -Kirchner. Here the Indians repeated their atrocities, leaving only the -cabin and the lives of the settlers. - -Although the Meads have been spoken of as a part of the Peterson -settlement, they were not properly so since they were located some -little distance up the course of the stream and were nearer the open -prairie. It seems that they had not been warned of the coming of the -Indians. Mr. Mead was absent at Cedar Falls; but before going he had -arranged with a family by the name of Taylor to jointly occupy the -Mead cabin with Mrs. Mead and the children. When the Indians appeared -Mr. E. Taylor resisted their meddling in matters about the cabin. This -enraged them and they threatened to kill him unless he desisted from -objecting to their pillaging. Fearing that they might carry out the -threat, Taylor managed to elude the watchfulness of the Indians and -started south with a view to procuring help. Mrs. Mead meanwhile had -been knocked down and otherwise abused for resisting. - -The whole affair at the Mead cabin ended by the Indians attempting to -carry off the women and children as prisoners. They succeeded in -carrying away Hattie, the eldest of the Mead children, but when they -attempted to take Emma Mead, who was about ten years of age, she -resisted so strongly that they contented themselves with beating her -all the way back to her cabin home and then letting her go. The Taylor -child was kicked into the fireplace where he was fearfully burned; -while his mother and Mrs. Mead were carried away to camp. On the -following morning the prisoners were allowed to return to their home. -The Indians evidently feared pursuit or did not care to be burdened -with prisoners at this time.[146] - -Mr. Taylor made good his escape and started across the country to the -Sac City settlement for aid. After some privation, he was successful -in reaching the settlement. A relief party consisting of a company of -men under Enoch Ross as captain made the march up the Raccoon River to -Storm Lake and across country to the Mead home on the Little Sioux. Of -course the Indians were gone by this time, but the company started up -the river in pursuit. It is written by someone that a member of the -party when out on a reconnaissance, discovered the Indians, and at -once hurried back to report his discovery. Upon reaching the main -party he found an active quarrel going on among the members; and when -he reported his news the company at once disbanded and hurried home. -Other accounts have related that the Indians were pursued to within a -few miles of Spencer, when the company was stopped by a terrific -blizzard and compelled to turn back without having accomplished its -purpose of punishing the Indians.[147] - -While the Sac County relief party was forming and on its way across -the country, the Indians had moved up the river to the little group of -cabins where Sioux Rapids now stands. No damage was done at this -settlement, the band seeming to be content with asking and receiving. -Before the relief party arrived, the Indians had reached Gillett's -Grove where again they seemed disposed to create trouble. - -In the summer and fall of 1856 the Gillett brothers had settled in -what was perhaps the finest body of timber along the whole course of -the Little Sioux. Through this grove, dividing it nearly equally, -flows the Little Sioux. Each of the two brothers had built a cabin -upon his claim, one on either bank of the stream. In preparing for the -winter they thought in the main only of their need of food and -shelter: they troubled themselves little concerning an Indian -visitation, reasoning that such an event was quite unlikely as Indians -had not been seen since their arrival. Moreover, fishing in that -region was poor and game was extremely scarce. - -Great therefore was the surprise of the Gillett brothers when in the -late winter they learned of the arrival of an Indian party. Although -the cabins were well placed for purposes of shelter, the Indians -readily located them and at once paid them a visit. The red men were -well received and their wants attended to by the settlers. Seeming -well pleased they left with protestations of friendship. A few days -later a second and different group appeared, led by the same Indian -as the first. As the days passed this red man's visits became -unpleasantly frequent, but thus far no offensive attitude had been -assumed by the Indians. When, however, he began paying unwelcome -attentions to Mrs. Gillett it was decided to put an end to his coming. - -One day, after the Indian had been peculiarly annoying, Gillett -followed him and at some distance from the cabin shot him. The next -morning the brothers visited the spot where the Indian had fallen, and -finding the body beheaded it. Having committed this outrage they -became frightened and decided upon flight to save themselves from -Indian vengeance. Accordingly, they hastily packed a few belongings -and started across the country toward Fort Dodge. It was later learned -that when the Indians discovered the body of the murdered man they -destroyed as much of the Gillett property as they could lay hands -upon. The influence of this murder in provoking the terrible deeds -committed by the Indians a few days later when they reached the lakes -can not be definitely determined.[148] - -When the Gilletts fled from their homes they knew not whence they were -going except that they were seeking to escape from Indian retribution. -They finally decided to make an attempt to reach Fort Dodge, although -they realized that this would be an exceedingly difficult task since -they knew only in a general way the direction in which that station -lay. In their wanderings they finally reached the little settlement at -Sioux Rapids, where after some counselling it was decided to send -couriers to Fort Dodge for relief. Abner Bell, E. Weaver, and one of -the Wilcox brothers were chosen to make the journey. - -It was near the first of March when the men from Sioux Rapids reached -Fort Dodge with the intelligence of the Indian depredations along the -Little Sioux. At first their story was not believed; but as other -reports of Indian depredations in this region continued to come in the -people of Fort Dodge came to the conclusion that there must be some -truth in what they had been told by the men from Sioux Rapids. Then -they became alarmed as they saw evidence of some great plan of Indian -revenge against the whole of the exposed frontier. Later the story of -Bell and his fellow couriers was confirmed by reports from the -Gilletts themselves, from Christian Kirchner, and from Ambrose S. -Mead. - -An attempt was made to organize a relief party at Fort Dodge, but the -effort was soon abandoned by its promoters. The distance was greater -than seventy miles, the snow was deep, the cold intense, and the -treeless prairies were being constantly visited by terrific storms, -all of which combined to make the success of such an expedition seem -like the last thing that could be expected. Doubt was strong that such -a party would ever be able to reach its destination or offer succor to -the settlers on the frontier even though it should be fortunate enough -to reach them. It was finally decided that any attempt at relief would -probably end in a needless sacrifice of human lives. In the light of -future events it may be said that this decision was indeed a wise -one.[149] - - - - -XII - -THE FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE - - -Nothing is known of the Inkpaduta band from the time of the episode at -Gillett's Grove until its appearance at the lakes on the evening of -Saturday, March 7, 1857. From events that followed, it is inferred -that they were in a fiendish temper at the time of their arrival and -that this temper developed in intensity during their stay upon the -Okoboji shores. The Indians celebrated their arrival by holding a war -dance. Mrs. Sharp refers to this ceremony as a scalp dance; but such -it could not have been, since with the Sioux as with other Indians -such a dance is held only when scalps have been taken. It is known -positively that none had been taken up to the time of their arrival at -the lakes. - -What must have been the feelings of the settlers when the Indians, -arriving near sundown, began the celebration of the war dance of the -Sioux! As the hideous painted forms of the red men in a half squat -position, in short, quick jumps kept time to the weird accompaniment -of the dance, lifting both feet from the ground at once, the settlers -must have felt that something unusual was brewing. And when the -cadence of the dance was momentarily stopped and the sharp cutting -notes of the war whoop rent the frosty air one can scarcely imagine -that they could have remained wholly ignorant of its purpose. And yet -it is said that the settlers slept that night as they had slept before -the appearance of the band; and on the ensuing morning they went -quietly and calmly about the duties of their homes wondering, perhaps, -when the Indians would leave.[150] - -The people at the lakes had received no inkling of the events that had -been transpiring to the south, for they were isolated from all other -white settlements. They had come to this region so late and under such -circumstances that none of the settlers to the south knew they were -there. Then, too, the character of the season and the difficulties of -transportation were such that no one would think of making a journey -in that direction. To the people who had settled along the Little -Sioux relief lay in the direction from which they had come--which was -also the direction of their source of supplies. Thus it happened that -no warning of impending danger from Indian attacks was given to these -advanced settlements. Having no information concerning the conduct of -red men in the valley to the south, the settlers at the lakes did not -anticipate any unfriendly acts upon the part of the Indians who were -now in their midst. - -The Indians selected as a site for their camp a spot directly across -the trail which led from the Gardner cabin to the Mattock cabin and -from thence became the highway of communication between all of the -cabins of the settlement. Thus its location was strategic in an -attack upon the settlers. For purposes of conducting their war dance -it was necessary that the tepees should be so pitched as to surround a -hollow square. It was directly across this square that the trail ran. -Thus the Gardners were cut off from the remainder of the settlement. -That there was design in so placing the camp can not positively be -asserted; but its location did have the effect of isolating the -Gardners. - -The day before the arrival of the Indians, Luce and his three -companions had come in from Shippey's, where Thatcher and Burtch had -been left with the exhausted oxen. The evening of their arrival had -witnessed a slight moderation in the temperature which was still felt -on the morning of the seventh. Everyone had begun to feel that -possibly spring might not be far distant. - -During the absence of Luce and Thatcher it had been decided by the -people of the settlement that Gardner should undertake a trip to Fort -Dodge upon their return. Wants had arisen during their absence which -it was believed could be satisfied by going to Fort Dodge as the -nearest outpost for supplies. It was also deemed desirable to make the -trip before the breaking of winter should render the roads impassable. -Thus, when Luce and Thatcher returned with the news that relief was -near, Gardner at once began preparations to start upon his trip two -days later or on the morning of Sunday, March eighth. The purpose of -the trip was not only to secure food, but also to purchase implements -which would be needed in the spring's agricultural activities.[151] - -The morning of March eighth dawned cold but clear and bright, -forecasting for Gardner the likelihood of a pleasant first day's -journey. Having learned from the accounts of Luce something of the -condition of the prairie, Gardner arose early in order that as much as -possible of his journey might be accomplished during the first day. -Not only did Gardner himself arise early, but every member of his -family did likewise in order that each might contribute something -toward speeding him upon his journey. - -Breakfast having been prepared and placed upon the table by Mrs. -Gardner and her daughter Mrs. Luce, the members of the family were -gathering about the table when the latch of the door was lifted and a -tall Indian stepped within the cabin with protestations of hunger and -friendship. Mrs. Gardner at once prepared an additional place at the -table which the Indian was invited to occupy. The Indian accepted this -hospitality and seated himself with the family; and all were soon -engaged in partaking of the morning's meal. - -It soon developed that this Indian visitor was but a forerunner of -more who were to follow. Before the meal had been finished the door -was again opened and fourteen Indian warriors, besides women and -children, crowded into the cabin. All demanded food, the while -protesting friendship as the first comer had done. The Gardners at -once set about the satisfaction of this demand as far as possible from -their limited store. At first the Indians seemed concerned solely with -the gratification of their appetites. But when their hunger had been -appeased a member of the party suddenly became insolent. Then others -in a sullen overbearing manner demanded various things other than -food. - -The Indian who had been the first to enter the cabin now demanded that -he be given ammunition. Another demanded gun-caps; and yet another -asked for powder. Mr. Gardner, willing to appease the Indians if -possible and rid himself and family of the intruders, secured his box -of gun-caps and prepared to distribute them to all. This did not prove -to be satisfactory to one of the number who snatched the box from his -hand, appropriating all the caps for himself. Upon the wall hung the -powder-horn which another buck attempted to secure, but was prevented -from doing so by Mr. Luce who at this moment interfered. This -interference angered the Indian who drew up and leveled his gun as if -intending to shoot. But Luce was too alert for the Indian and struck -the weapon from his hand. The Indians did not seem inclined to carry -matters further and withdrew from the cabin--but in a very bad frame -of mind.[152] - -As they were slowly and sullenly withdrawing from the Gardner cabin, -Bertell E. Snyder and Dr. Harriott, from the cabin across the strait, -appeared with letters which they wished to send with Gardner to Fort -Dodge. They had been unaware of the presence of the Indian camp until -they had come to it that morning. Gardner expressed his fears of -future trouble to these men who only ridiculed the thought, refusing -to believe that there was any possibility of danger. Nevertheless, -Gardner advised that a warning be sent to the settlers urging them to -concentrate at the Gardner cabin should trouble arise. To Harriott and -Snyder this did not seem necessary: they left for home, protesting -that there was no occasion for uneasiness. Gardner, however, told them -that under the conditions then developing he did not plan to go to -Fort Dodge. - -In the meantime the Indians had not returned to their camp, but were -seen to be prowling about in the vicinity of the Gardner cabin. On -their way home Harriott and Snyder met and did some trading with a -group of the red men by whom they had been intercepted. So sure were -the two men that the Indians were friendly that they did not consider -the fact of their presence worth mentioning as they passed the Mattock -cabin. As a further indication of their confidence in the friendly -character of the red men, it is noted that in a letter written by Dr. -Harriott, presumably after his return from the Gardner cabin, he -states that Indians had camped near by but they were very friendly and -had occasioned no uneasiness among the settlers. - -At the same time the fears of the Gardners were increased by the sight -of Indians in the near-by timber and by occasional calls at the cabin -where new demands were made, many of which could not be met. Although -the Indians seemed to maintain a certain gravity of demeanor and -apparently were only seeking to gratify their physical wants, Gardner -remained firm in his conviction that trouble was brewing and that the -remaining settlers should be warned of the impending danger. After -much counselling it was decided that Luce and Clark should go at once -by a roundabout path along the lake shore to warn the other settlers -and to advise that they gather in the Mattock cabin as the one best -adapted for defense. - -Luce and Clark set out upon their mission about two o'clock in the -afternoon. They were to make their way first of all to the Mattock -cabin, since it was nearer the Indian camp. Plans decided upon by -Gardner, Luce, and Clark were also to be told to the Mattock people so -that they might have ample opportunity to prepare for the proposed -concentration of the settlers. After this they were to go as far and -as rapidly as possible on their work of warning the settlers on the -east lake before nightfall would of necessity end their mission.[153] - -The fears of the people at the Gardner cabin had been considerably -increased by the attitude of the Indians when they took their leave -shortly after noon. During the whole of the forenoon they had done no -damage to property, and their only overt act had been their behavior -within the cabin in the early morning. But they seem now to have -suffered a change of mind, for as they moved away toward their camp -they drove before them the Gardner-Luce cattle--about six in -number--shooting them as they proceeded. Apparently there was no -motive in doing this--unless, perhaps, it was the fiendish -satisfaction in the taking of life. They did not seem to want the -cattle as food, since they left them untouched. - -About mid-afternoon a number of shots were heard in the direction of -the Mattock cabin. As the afternoon wore away there came no evidence -as to the meaning of the firing. The suspense became fearful as all -manner of suggestions were offered in explanation of the shooting. -Gardner reasoned that it could not have concerned Luce and Clark since -they had had plenty of time to be further on their journey than the -cabin of Mattock. Mrs. Luce became frantic, for she had believed from -the first that her husband would never return. If the Indians should -kill any one it would surely be Luce on account of his foiling the -savages in their purpose in the morning; and in this intuition she was -right. Luce and Clark had not gone far on their mission when they were -intercepted and shot by the Indians. This fact, however, did not -develop until weeks later when their dead bodies were found along the -lake shore not a great distance from Luce's home. Thus no warning of -peril reached the Mattock family. - -For two hours time dragged on slowly and fearfully at the Gardner -home: all eyes watched either for Indians or for the return of the -messengers. Neither came. When the sun had sunk to the horizon -Gardner stepped outside to look about. Suddenly he came running back -calling that the Indians were coming. Upon entering the cabin he began -barring the door, determined after the experience of the morning not -to allow the red men to enter. Mrs. Gardner objected that they should -have faith in the good intentions of the Indians and that it was -better for one not to shed the blood of another. Yielding to her -importunities, Gardner desisted from barricading the door. The family -now awaited in terror the second coming of the Indians. - -Looking through the windows they observed nine warriors hurrying -toward them from the direction of the camp. With no more formality -than during their morning visit they again entered the cabin. One -glance sufficed to tell the frightened family that the anticipated -trouble was upon them. The first demand of the Indians was for -flour--not only for a part of what the Gardners had but for all. The -scarcity of flour had been one of the reasons for the planned trip to -Fort Dodge; and yet, at the risk of causing his family to suffer -privation, Gardner turned to the flour barrel to gratify the demands -of the Indians. As he turned a buck raised his gun to shoot. It seems -that either Mrs. Gardner or Mrs. Luce made a move to stay the act of -the Indian, but failed. Gardner fell to the floor, the third victim of -the Indian massacre at Okoboji. Having made a beginning, the Indians -no longer restrained the impulses of their savage nature. After the -killing of Gardner their stay at Okoboji became a carnival of murder. - -As soon as Gardner fell, the quest for flour was lost sight of and the -Indians turned upon the two women who had attempted to protect the -object of their rage. Mrs. Luce and Mrs. Gardner were seized and held -by several Indians while others beat them into insensibility and death -with the butts of their guns. This was but the work of a moment. -Indeed, so quickly had it been done that Abbie Gardner did not see the -act herself; in her later relations of the affair she relied wholly -upon stories related to her frequently by the Indians in their flight -following the massacre. Without pause Mr. and Mrs. Gardner and Mrs. -Luce were scalped--an act of savagery which the children were -compelled to witness. When the Indians entered the cabin, Abbie was -striving to quiet the younger child of her sister, while the other -Luce child clung to one side of her chair and at the other side -crouched Abbie's brother, Rowland Gardner, Jr. - -Having destroyed the parents, the Indians now turned to the -destruction of the children. Rowland Gardner and the two Luce children -were torn away from Abbie and beaten to death against the posts of the -door and the trunks of trees in the yard. Dropping the dead bodies -upon the ground, the Indians appeared to counsel concerning the -further disposition of the house and its only living inmate. At the -close of their deliberation Abbie was seized by one of the Indians -and, much to her surprise, was not killed but led away in the -direction of the Indian camp. Her last sight of her family showed them -strewn lifeless and bleeding about the doorstep of her home.[154] - -Before the Gardner cabin was deserted by the Indians it was completely -ransacked. Chests were broken open and their contents scattered about -the house and yard. All available food stores and clothing were -carried away to the camp. Abbie had abundant opportunity to learn this -when later about their evening camp fires bucks and squaws alike, -arrayed in the clothing of the murdered people, wildly recounted the -incidents of the day. Although she had been carried away from her home -without any provision for clothing against the winter's cold, she was -not allowed to share in the wearing of the stolen goods. Shivering -from cold and fright, she witnessed the fiendish joy with which the -events of that memorable day were told and retold by the Indians. - -As the evening wore on preparations for the scalp dance began. Soon -the rhythmic cadence of the hideous dance song started, and the scalps -of the day, elevated on the ends of long poles, could be seen swaying -back and forth marking time with the movements of the women who bore -them. At every shriek of the dancing women, the captive girl doubtless -thought her time had come. In the darkness, lighted occasionally by -the flaring of a firebrand, the distorted and hideously painted faces -of the savages swinging alternately backward and forward in the dance -must have seemed to the prisoner a veritable dance of demons. The -dance lasted far into the night, with no sleep for the child who was -momentarily expecting to fall a victim of savage fury. Toward morning -the dance ended and the savages sought a brief respite in sleep to -strengthen them for the work of the succeeding day. At the breaking of -the early dawn the Indians were again astir, making preparations for a -continuation of their bloody work.[155] - -While the inmates of the Gardner cabin were being massacred similar -events were transpiring at the home of the Mattocks. What actually -happened at this cabin is not known, since no living witnesses, other -than red men, survived to tell the tale. From the position of the -bodies when found, it is inferred that the Mattocks must have sensed -the situation; but thinking that their own home was lacking in -security had started for the cabin of Harriott, Snyder, and Granger -across the strait. Mrs. Sharp states that when the Indians brought her -to their camp, which had been moved during the day and pitched near -the Mattock home, the cabin was in flames and shrieks of human beings -were issuing from it.[156] But this could hardly have been true unless -there were persons staying at the Mattock cabin unknown to others in -the settlement, since all the people were later accounted for in the -bodies found. - -Snyder, Harriott, and Harshman apparently discovered what was -happening across the strait, and with rifles in hand came to the -rescue. This is inferred from the fact that their bodies were found in -company with those of the Mattocks. Resistance had evidently been made -by the men: it is not unlikely that they were attempting to cover the -retreat of Mrs. Mattock and her children, since they were in advance, -while Mattock, Snyder, Madison, Harshman, and Harriott were in the -rear with the gun in each case lying by the side of the dead owner. -Harriott's gun had its stock broken as if it had been used for a club -after other means of defense had been exhausted. Further evidence that -resistance was offered to the Indians is to be found in the fact that -one young Indian was badly injured, possibly by Dr. Harriott. No one, -however, was spared in the attack by the Indians at that point: the -dead bodies of eleven persons were found on the path between the two -cabins. These were later identified as Mr. and Mrs. Mattock, their -five children, Dr. Harriott, Bertell Snyder, Robert Madison, and -Joseph Harshman.[157] To make the destruction more complete, fire was -set to the Mattock cabin which was soon in ruins. - -It is said that, leaving the Gardner cabin shortly after noon, the -Indians had gone to Mattock's cabin where they wished to get some hay -with which to feed their ponies. While they were in the act of taking -the hay objection was raised. A parley over the matter seems to have -been carried on for some time before the Indians arrived at the -killing point. Mattock sent to the Red Wing cabin for help, and -Harriott, Snyder, and Harshman responded. Meanwhile the Indians -appeared to withdraw, and it was probably decided by Mattock, as a -measure of added safety, to take the members of his family to the Red -Wing cabin. They were in the act of doing so, Mrs. Mattock and the -children ahead and the men in the rear guarding the retreat, when they -were fired upon by the Indians from ambush. All were killed outright -except Harriott, who resisted and before being disposed of had badly -wounded at least one Indian.[158] In their relation of the event the -Indians spoke of all having left the cabin before it was destroyed by -fire. - -Across the strait at the Red Wing or Granger cabin, Carl Granger, who -for some reason remained at his cabin when the others crossed to the -Mattock home, was brutally slain and scalped. The Indians killed him -by splitting his head open with an ax which had evidently been taken -from the wood pile near by.[159] - -Thus the close of the first day of the massacre witnessed a toll of -twenty lives. Three groups of settlers had been wholly wiped out--with -the exception of one child who was carried away into captivity. - - - - -XIII - -THE SECOND DAY OF THE MASSACRE - - -Although the scalp dance had continued far into the small hours of the -previous night, the Indians were astir early on the morning of the -ninth of March. They were determined upon completing the fiendish work -which they had so well begun on the previous day. No council was held -so far as the only white inmate of their tepees could discern. At the -same time every Indian seemed to know where to go and what was to be -done. There was no confusion of plans or hitch in their execution at -any point. - -It was on the morning of March ninth that a portion of the Inkpaduta -band started for the Howe and Thatcher cabins which were nearly three -miles from the Indian encampment. As already noted, the settlers about -the lakes had established a sort of mutual exchange system among -themselves for the purpose of husbanding their food supplies during -the absence of Luce and Thatcher on the expedition to Waterloo and -other points in eastern Iowa. This morning Mrs. Howe discovered that -the supply of meal was so nearly exhausted that it would be necessary -to procure an additional supply from one of the neighbors. Thus it was -that on this Monday morning Howe started on what proved to be a -fateful trip to the home of either Gardner or Mattock. With his sack -thrown over his shoulder he took the path along the south shore of the -east lake. He was wholly ignorant of the recent arrival of the -Indians. - -As Howe walked briskly along he may have been revolving in his mind -possible plans for his work in the coming season; or he may have been -speculating as to when his neighbor Thatcher would return from the -trip back east. Possibly he was cherishing the hope that the -privations of the winter might have ample compensation in an abundant -harvest. Whatever his thoughts may have been as he walked along the -lake, they were soon brought to an end by the Indians, who in all -probability quickly disposed of their victim. The details of the -murder are not known; but the badly mutilated body was later found and -given burial by the Fort Dodge relief party. - -After murdering Howe the Indians stealthily hastened on to his cabin. -Here the wife and children were as unprepared for the Indians as was -the husband and father. Mrs. Howe was no doubt busy in the performance -of her Monday morning duties. Engrossed with these activities she, in -all likelihood, did not discover the approach of the red men until -they were upon her. After killing Mrs. Howe the Indians proceeded to -dispatch the remaining members of the family--a grown son and -daughter, and three younger children. It seemed obvious to the -members of the relief party, from the conditions which they found at -the Howe cabin, that there had been no resistance offered to the -Indians. No scalping was done here or at any other place after the red -men had left the Mattock cabin. Nor did the savages stop to plunder or -destroy after taking the lives of this family, but hurried on to the -next stage in their work--which consisted of dealing death to the -members of the Noble and Thatcher families. - -Arriving at the cabin of Noble and Thatcher the Indians secured -admission by professing friendship. Here they made demands which could -not be granted; and then, as at the Gardner home, they resorted to -insult. Their insolence was resisted by Noble and one Ryan--a -son-in-law of Howe who had but lately come from Hampton and was -staying with the Nobles. This was evidently what the Indians desired, -for without further provocation they shot both Ryan and Noble. The -former was killed instantly; but Noble was able to walk to the door, -where he fell dead after exclaiming "Oh, I am killed!" The two -children were then torn from their mothers and dragged by the feet out -of the house where they were dashed to death against the oak trees of -the door yard. This seems to have satisfied the Indians' desire for -human blood, for they desisted from killing Mrs. Noble and Mrs. -Thatcher. For some time the Indians busied themselves in destroying -hogs and cattle and in chasing the poultry. Finally, they returned to -the cabin where they ransacked its contents, destroying what they did -not happen to want. In the end Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher were -seized and led away as prisoners. - -Obviously the horrible work at the Howe cabin had not been completed -to the satisfaction of the Indians, since upon their return trip they -stopped and resumed the destruction of what life was still in -evidence. Here a fearful sight met the eyes of the two captive women. -Scattered about the door yard they saw the mutilated bodies of the -members of the Howe family; while Mrs. Noble found the dead body of -her mother under a bed where she had evidently crawled for the purpose -of shielding herself from further attacks after she had been terribly -beaten with a flatiron. In the yard Mrs. Noble found her thirteen year -old brother Jacob, sitting propped up against a tree. He had been -horribly beaten and evidently left for dead; but having managed to -crawl to a tree he had raised himself to a sitting posture. Although -conscious, he was unable to speak. Mrs. Noble urged him to make his -way into the house and conceal himself in the clothing of a bed and -there await rescue. The boy made the effort, but was discovered by the -Indians and killed.[160] - -Having completed their destructive work at the Howe cabin, the Indians -hastened to their own camp. When Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher were -brought into the camp, Abbie Gardner was permitted to visit them in -the tepee set aside for the latest captives. For about an hour the -three captives were permitted to talk over their experiences, after -which they were separated. Thenceforth each captive was required to -remain in a tepee wholly separated and isolated from the others. - -The captives were now subjected to training through which the Indians -evidently hoped to re-make them into real pale-faced squaws. From the -beginning they were required to paint their faces and dress their hair -as Indians. They were frequently subjected to torturing ordeals which -seemed to have no purpose other than that of noting what the reaction -would be. At times they were, as far as the captives could discern, -made ready for death so that the red men might see how they would -behave under such trying conditions. Guns and revolvers would be -loaded and with drawn triggers pointed at them as with intent to -shoot, but no shooting occurred. These feints at shooting furnished -the Indians a great deal of what appeared to be real amusement. For -days they would recite again and again the details of the massacre at -the lakes. But this treatment was only a foretaste of what was in -store for the captives. For weeks, until they were released by death -or ransom, they were to be subjected to nearly every annoyance that -the ingenuity of the Indians might invent.[161] - - - - -XIV - -FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE - - -Following the massacre little was done by the Indians except to search -the vicinity of the lakes for the homes of other settlers. And so for -a brief time scouting parties were at work; but obviously no other -cabins were found, since the parties returned empty-handed. On the -morning of Tuesday, March tenth, the camp was broken, West Okoboji was -crossed on the ice, and after a move of three miles to the northwest, -camp was again pitched in what was known as the Madison Grove. The -Indians seemed inclined to move very deliberately. This may be -accounted for by the fact that they knew they were not pursued. At the -Madison Grove they remained but one night, and at early dawn of the -eleventh they moved north to a grove beyond the cabin of William -Marble on the southwest shore of Spirit Lake. - -From Gillett's Grove the journey for the Indians had become easier -inasmuch as they had procured horses and sleds. These must have been -obtained by scouting parties while the main body was encamped at Lost -Island Lake. Since the Indians had not learned how to hitch the horses -to the sleds Abbie Gardner, Mrs. Noble, and Mrs. Thatcher now -undertook the task of teaching them how to handle horses and sleds -with the thought that travelling might be made easier. In this they -were mistaken; for no sooner had the red men learned their lessons -than the bucks took to riding while the squaws and captives were -required to walk and carry the heavy packs for the whole party. The -horses and sleds were for pleasure and not for the transportation of -freight and workers. - -So deliberate were the movements of the band that although the camp -was broken up early in the morning of Wednesday, the eleventh, it was -not pitched at the new place, which was only a few miles to the north -of Marble's cabin, until late in the afternoon of the same day. As the -Indians proceeded they made numerous side trips, partly for scouting -purposes and partly for the pursuit of game. Frequently the squaws and -captives found it necessary to pause in their march in order that the -bucks might make these side excursions. Under more favorable -conditions this would have been most welcome as a relief from fatigue, -but now each stop was anticipated as a period of intense suffering -from cold and exposure. - -As the sun approached the western horizon the Indians began to exert -themselves in quest of a suitable camping place for the night. After -no little inspection of their surroundings, they decided to camp north -of the Marble grove. In reaching this spot they had so circled the -Marble cabin that they were not seen by the Marbles; nor had the -captives seen the cabin of their white neighbors. Although the -captives could discern that a council was held that evening, they had -no means of ascertaining its purpose. - -Thursday, March twelfth, was a day of inactivity in the camp: the -Indians spent the time in gorging themselves upon what food remained -from their raids upon the larders and barnyards of the unfortunate -white settlers. Nor is the statement fully substantiated that on -Thursday a friendly Indian visited the Marbles and informed them that -the settlers to the south had all been killed a day or two previously. -Even though the suspicion of the Marbles had possibly been aroused, -the depth of the snow would have made it difficult if not impossible -for them to get out and attempt a verification of the Indian's -statement. Moreover, it does not appear that the Marbles took -precautions against possible surprise.[162] - -Upon the morning of Friday, the thirteenth, the Indians are said to -have arisen early and with great care removed from their faces the -paint which until now had indicated that they were on the warpath and -which would have served as a warning to the Marbles whom they were now -planning to visit.[163] Approaching the cabin they signalled -protestations of friendship. Upon being invited to enter they set -their guns down just without the door. This little procedure attracted -the attention of Mrs. Marble, who had never before seen an Indian -leave his gun outside the cabin. The Marbles had just risen from the -breakfast table when the Indians were seen to emerge from the timber -and approach the house. Having entered the cabin the guests asked for -food--a request which Mrs. Marble at once set about to gratify. While -she was doing so the Indians, noting Marble's gun, bantered him for a -trade. Marble accepted the banter, and soon a deal was completed for -one of the Indian guns. The outcome of the trade seemed to be a matter -of no little elation for the Indians who hilariously turned to the -food which had been placed before them. - -After eating, the Indian with whom the trade had been made proposed -that the relative worth of the guns should be determined by their -actual use and indicated a desire for target practice. Although Mrs. -Marble protested the advisability of such a contest her husband agreed -to the proposal. When a suitable wooden slab had been secured and set -up the practice shooting was begun. All went well, the Indians -appearing to enjoy the sport immensely, until the impact of the shots -caused the target to fall. The Indians indicated to Marble that he -should replace the slab. Laying down his gun, Marble stepped out from -the group. This guileless act on the part of Marble gave the Indians -their opportunity for treachery. When the white men had gone but a -short distance the Indians, as if by preconcerted action, raised their -guns, took aim at Marble, and fired. Marble instantly fell dead. - -Meanwhile, Mrs. Marble had been standing at the window watching the -target work. When she saw her husband lay down his gun and start to -replace the mark she divined that treachery would follow. And so she -left the window and started forward to warn her husband when the -volley was fired into his back. Fleeing from the cabin, Mrs. Marble -started for the timber; but she was soon overtaken and dragged back to -the scene of her husband's death and by signs told that she was to be -held as a captive. Following the shooting the cabin was pillaged and -Marble was stripped of a leather belt containing a thousand dollars in -gold which he had planned to use in improving his claim at the -earliest opportunity.[164] - -With Mrs. Marble the Indians quickly returned to camp. Again, as after -the taking of Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher, the captives, now four in -number, were permitted to meet in the same tepee, while the Indians -busied themselves in the adjustment of other matters. The meeting was -brief and once again the captives were completely isolated from each -other. That evening the events of the day were celebrated by a dance. - -The massacre of Marble was the last act in the Indian attacks upon the -white settlements at the lakes. Only four individuals had survived to -tell the story of the frightful deeds committed since the morning of -Sunday, March eighth. Of the four, only two were destined to return to -the homes of friends or relatives and relate their tales of suffering -and Indian cruelties. - -When the work of destruction of the settlements along the shores of -East Okoboji, West Okoboji, and Spirit Lake was completed with the -shooting of Marble, the total number of human lives taken reached -thirty-two. The list comprised the following persons: Robert Clark, -Rowland Gardner, Francis M. Gardner, Rowland Gardner, Jr., Carl -Granger, Joseph Harshman, Isaac H. Harriott, Joel Howe, Millie Howe, -Jonathan Howe, Sardis Howe, Alfred Howe, Jacob Howe, Philetus Howe, -Harvey Luce, Mary M. Luce, Albert Luce, Amanda Luce, William Marble, -James H. Mattock, Mary M. Mattock, Alice Mattock, Daniel Mattock, -Agnes Mattock, Jacob M. Mattock, Jackson A. Mattock, Robert Madison, -Alvin Noble, John Noble, Enoch Ryan, Bertell E. Snyder, and Dora -Thatcher.[165] - -The tale is told that, before leaving the region of the lakes, the -Indians left a record of their deeds. They are reputed to have -stripped the bark from the trunk of a large tree in the Marble grove -and upon the white surface recorded in black paint a detailed -description of their exploits. The number of cabins they had visited -was shown as six, while the largest, presumably the Mattock cabin, was -represented as in flames. The number of persons whose lives had paid -the forfeit of their visit was also to be seen--each individual being -so drawn as to show the position in which he had been left by his -murderers. An attempt was even made to distinquish white men from red -men--the white people being shown as pierced by arrows. This -pictographic reproduction of the massacre is said to have remained -clearly visible for many years after the massacre and was frequently -visited by interested or curious persons who came to the region.[166] - -Upon leaving the Marble grove, Inkpaduta and his band moved leisurely -in a northwestward direction. From the time of their departure from -this point, the lot of the captives grew steadily more difficult to -bear. The snows of winter melted under the influence of the spring sun -on occasional days and caused the prairie trails to become two or -three feet deep in slush, except on the exposed knolls which the winds -had swept free from snow. In such places an opportunity was afforded -the burden bearers to stand on reasonably solid footing. Not -infrequently they would be compelled to flounder through gullies and -ravines ten or twelve feet deep in soft, yielding snow; while an -occasional stream must be waded waist deep in icily cold water. This -made the plight of the unfortunate white women doubly hard. - -Mrs. Thatcher, who had not been in good health at the beginning of her -captivity, found the bearing of the burdens imposed upon her and the -long, wearisome marches under such conditions nearly unendurable, but -she sustained her strength with the hope that relief would come in -time. The sublimity of her faith in rescue was of great inspiration to -her companion sufferers who otherwise would soon have lost all hope. -But, despite their faith and hope, the captives daily noted that their -journey was leading them steadily farther away from the bounds of -civilization. No stop longer than over night was made by the Indians -at any point in their march for nearly two weeks, when they arrived at -Heron Lake, Minnesota, about thirty miles northwest of Spirit Lake and -seventeen miles in the same direction from Springfield, Minnesota. - -The encampments of the Indians from the time of leaving Spirit Lake -had been of the most temporary character, but upon reaching Heron Lake -preparations were made for a camp of many days duration. After -completing the camp, Inkpaduta's band at once prepared for a raid upon -the white settlements in the vicinity. The warrior members of the band -bedaubed their faces with paint, while the squaws hastened their -departure by putting the weapons in condition and aiding in various -minor ways. When all preparations had been completed, each warrior -"with rifle in hand and scalping knife in belt" sallied forth to the -taking of more human lives. The squaws and papooses were left at the -camp to guard the captives, and upon the departure of the war party -the women took every possible means of acquainting the captives with -the fact that the expedition was one against the whites. It soon -developed, from the direction taken by the party, that Springfield was -their objective point.[167] - -The food which the Indians had taken from the cabins of the massacred -settlers was now nearly exhausted. Hence, upon the departure of the -warriors there was rejoicing among the squaws who saw in the -expedition the possibility of more feasting. But what of the feelings -of the captives? Who can picture the condition of the mind of Abbie -Gardner when she realized that the Indians were bound for Springfield? -There in the home of Dr. Strong was her sister, Eliza, who except for -herself, was the only surviving member of the family that had come -into the West. In all probability Eliza was doomed to the same fate as -Abbie had seen meted out to her father, mother, relatives, and -friends. The possibility was too horrible for contemplation. The -mental anguish of the young girl became almost more than could be -endured; but the hope of some saving miracle working for the life of -her sister sustained her for the days of waiting that were to elapse -before the return of the war party. - - - - -XV - -NEWS OF THE MASSACRE REACHES SPRINGFIELD AND FORT RIDGELY - - -Morris Markham, who had followed the Okoboji settlers to the lake -region, spent the winter in trapping along the lakes and in the -marshes of the Upper Des Moines. He had brought with him a yoke of -oxen which, during the early days of the winter, had strayed away and -were thought to be somewhere in the valley of the Des Moines. But they -could not be located; and finally the effort to trace them was -abandoned. No information concerning their whereabouts had been -received until the sixth of March, when Luce brought word that the -oxen were to be found at Big Island Grove in Emmet County. On the -following morning Markham left for Big Island Grove where he -discovered and identified his property. After spending a few hours in -visiting the settlers he started upon the return trip to the cabin of -Noble and Thatcher. Owing to the state of the weather and the -conditions of travel, he did not attempt to bring the oxen back at -this time, but returned alone and on foot. - -Owing to his imperfect knowledge of the country and to the darkness -that had settled down before he had come within known territory, -Markham missed the cabin he was seeking and found himself instead at -the Gardner home. As he approached the cabin he was surprised to find -it deserted. No light could be seen nor was any sound to be heard. -Looking more closely he saw the mutilated bodies of the Gardners -scattered about the yard; and upon entering the open door of the cabin -he beheld the badly pillaged condition of the once happy home. - -It was nearly eleven o'clock on the Monday night following the attack -upon the Gardners when Markham reached the scene of desolation and -horror. Since he had been walking from early morning and had traveled -more than thirty miles he felt the need of rest and food, and so -without delay set out for the Mattock cabin. He had not gone far when -he was startled by the barking of a dog in the low brush just ahead. -Stopping and peering through the shrubs he saw directly across his -path the camp in which the Indians were then sitting in solemn council -over the events of the day. The barking of the dog for some -unexplainable reason passed wholly unheeded by the Indians who -continued in consultation over their fiendish deeds. Markham slipped -by them and hastened as rapidly as he could across the ice of the east -lake to the place he called home. - -Upon his arrival at the Howe cabin the same scene of violence, -confusion, and desolation greeted him. Sickened at the horrible sight, -cold, hungry, and exhausted he pushed on to the home of Noble and -Thatcher, hoping that there all would be well. Instead, he found only -an empty cabin and murdered friends. Afraid to pass the remainder of -the night in a cabin which had been so fearfully visited, he dragged -himself to a near-by timbered ravine where he remained until dawn. -Fearful that if he lay down he would fall asleep and freeze to -death--for the night was bitterly cold--he kept moving through a -limited section of the ravine.[168] - -With the coming of daylight Markham set out for the nearest -settlement, which was Granger's Point on the Des Moines River. With -feet already badly bruised and frozen he journeyed on to spread the -tidings of what he had discovered. Famished and half frozen, he -struggled for eighteen miles through obstacles that would have -deterred all but the most heroic. Completely exhausted from continuous -exposure for thirty-six hours, he finally reached the home of George -Granger, where he related the story of what he had seen. - -Two trappers who happened to be staying temporarily at the Granger -home started at once down the Des Moines Valley for Fort Dodge. Upon -arriving at Fort Dodge they told the tale of the terrible massacre at -the lakes, but their story was so confusing and incoherent that they -were not believed. Those who had authority refused to act upon this -recital of events; and thus it came about that the first warning of -trouble along the frontier went unheeded.[169] - -Resting for only a brief time at the Granger home, Markham accompanied -by George Granger started north to Springfield to warn that group of -settlers against the Indians who had stricken Okoboji. It had -occurred to them that the red men might also visit the Minnesota -settlement; and they hoped to reach the place before the Indians -appeared and thus prevent a repetition of the affair at the lakes. - -At Springfield these bearers of bad tidings had a wholly different -reception than that accorded the men who carried the news to Fort -Dodge. No sooner did the people at this place become aware of the -outbreak than they took measures looking toward protection from a -similar attack. The coming of Markham and Granger was indeed -fortunate, for if the information had not reached them when it did it -is not unlikely that the settlers of Springfield would have met a fate -similar to that of the people at Okoboji. - -While some of the settlers fled at once upon receipt of the news, -others remained; and a few gave their lives as the price of refusal to -believe that danger was imminent. Among these was the Indian trader -and settlement storekeeper, William Wood, who steadfastly refused to -believe that a massacre would be attempted at Springfield. His refusal -to believe that the community was in danger was doubtless due to the -fact that he had traded with the Indians for years and did not note, -in his recent dealings with them, any cause for alarm.[170] - -The thought uppermost in the minds of most members of the settlement -was to send a relief party to the lakes at once. After some -deliberation this was deemed unwise: soberer second thought convinced -them that it would be better to take measures for their own -protection. At the time there were fifteen able-bodied men and about -twelve adult women in the village.[171] This number, it was argued, -would make a reasonably efficient fighting force in case of -attack--although they realized that they would be able to resist for -only a brief time, since they were in no condition for a prolonged -defense. And so it was decided to send messengers to the United States -military authorities at Fort Ridgely for aid. - -Two young men, Joseph B. Cheffins who had come thither with the trader -William Wood, and a young German, Henry Tretts, were selected to bear -the message for help to the Lower Agency of the Sioux.[172] These men -carried with them a written statement of facts which was signed by -individuals at Springfield who personally knew the agent of the Lower -Sioux at Red Wood.[173] Cheffins and Tretts left Springfield at once, -but they were not able to reach the Lower Agency until the eighteenth. - -The trip was one of unusual privation. Owing to the exigencies of the -situation, the men had left hastily and without making adequate -preparation for the hardships of such a journey. The direct distance -between the two points was not greater than seventy miles, but owing -to difficulties encountered they had been obliged to detour and thus -the distance traveled was more than one hundred miles. Under the most -favorable conditions they made but little better than fifteen miles -per day. The trip was undertaken on foot through deep snow and for -most of the way under the disabling effects of a dazzling sun. When -the Lower Agency was reached they could scarcely see--so severely were -they suffering from snow blindness. They were also physically -exhausted, for they had traveled almost continuously with but very -little rest. After their arrival they were forced to remain in bed for -two days before they were able to begin the return journey to -Springfield.[174] - - - - -XVI - -RELIEF SENT FROM FORT RIDGELY - - -Charles E. Flandrau was at this time the agent for the Lower Sioux, -and as soon as he was informed of the situation to the south he -proceeded at once to Fort Ridgely, which was located on the Minnesota -River fourteen miles southeast of the agency. Here he immediately had -an interview with Colonel E. B. Alexander of the Tenth Infantry who -was then in command of the post. As the result of this conference, -Colonel Alexander, on the morning of the nineteenth, ordered Company D -of the Tenth Infantry, under the command of Captain Barnard E. -Bee[175] and Lieutenant Alexander Murry, to prepare for an expedition -to Springfield and if need be to Spirit Lake. So expeditiously did the -military authorities operate that at half past twelve, less than three -hours and a half after the order was issued, Captain Bee with a -company of forty-eight men was on the march to the scene of reported -trouble.[176] - -Realizing that if they wished to make any considerable progress the -company must travel by some other means than on foot, the expedition -started in sleds drawn by mules. The original intention was to strike -directly across the country in order to reach the afflicted people as -soon as possible. But this route had to be abandoned, for it was soon -found to be impracticable owing to the depth of the snow. Captain Bee -in reporting upon the march stated that he took, "by advice of -experienced guides, a long and circuitous route down the valley of the -Minnesota, as far as South Bend, for the purpose of following, as long -as possible, a beaten track." - -Concerning the difficulties encountered on the trip Captain Bee -reported that "the season was unpropitious for military operations; -the snow lay in heavy masses on the track which I was following, but -these masses were thawing and could not bear the weight of the men, -much less that of the heavy sleds with which I was compelled to -travel. - -"The narrative of a single day's march is the history of the whole: -wading through deep drifts; cutting through them with the spade and -shovel; extricating mules and sleighs from sloughs, or dragging the -latter up steep hills or over bare spaces of prairie; the men wet from -morning till night, and sleeping on the snow. Such were the obstacles -I encountered while still on the beaten track, the terminus of which -was a farm belonging to a man by the name of Slocum. From this point -to the Des Moines was an unbroken waste of snow."[177] - -The route mentioned by Captain Bee would have taken him down the -valley of the Minnesota for forty-five miles to Mankato--every mile of -which would have carried him east of his objective point, Springfield. -From Mankato, it must have been necessary to double back for -twenty-five miles following the course of the Watonwan to Madelia, a -few miles southwest of which was the farm of Isaac Slocum. This was as -far as any road could be followed, since the region beyond was a -wilderness. Indeed Slocum's was the westernmost white settlement in -that section of the country. Captain Bee was still nearly fifty miles -to the northeast of Springfield. - -At the mouth of the Little Rock River, only a few miles below Fort -Ridgely, Captain Bee secured a young half-breed guide, Joseph La -Framboise, who was reputed to know the country well. But under the -conditions then existing no guide could be expected to be infallible. -The difficulties encountered only attested too well what could be -looked forward to in the future. Agent Flandrau and his interpreter -Philander Prescott, a French Canadian voyageur, also accompanied the -party. - -According to Flandrau "the first day's march was appalling." Indeed, -at the close of this first day's struggling he was willing to call the -whole undertaking hopeless, because so "much time had elapsed since -the murders were committed, and so much more would necessarily be -consumed before the troops could possibly reach the lake, that I felt -assured that no good could result from going on".[178] On the -following day Flandrau and Prescott, with "a light sleigh and a fine -team", forged ahead to Slocum's farm in the hope of learning more -details of what had taken place at the lakes. Finding the road beyond -this point impassable they turned back. At South Bend, on March -twenty-second, they met Captain Bee's expeditionary force. Feeling the -absolute impossibility of pushing beyond Slocum's, they advised him to -turn back.[179] Although Captain Bee admitted the apparent -hopelessness of the task, his military training prompted him to reply: -"My orders are to go to Spirit Lake, and to do what I can. It is not -for me to interpret my orders, but to obey them. I shall go on until -it becomes physically impossible to proceed further. It will then be -time to turn back".[180] And so he pressed on. - -On the morning of March twenty-sixth Captain Bee and his company of -men left Slocum's for Springfield.[181] Thus it happened that on the -same morning that Inkpaduta and his party left Heron Lake, taking the -direction of Springfield, the Fort Ridgely relief party left Slocum's, -pushing toward the same point. But mark the difference in their -relative rate of progress. While Captain Bee, encumbered with the -ponderous army equipment, found progress nearly impossible, Inkpaduta, -unimpeded by equipment of any kind save rifles and scalping knives, -easily covered the distance from Heron Lake to Springfield in one -day. - - - - -XVII - -PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENSE AT SPRINGFIELD - - -Springfield had been located and platted by the Indian traders, George -and William Wood, who built their post on the west side of the Des -Moines; while the settlers who came later, mostly from Iowa, selected -claims and built cabins on the east side of the river. The cabins of -the settlers were not closely grouped, but were scattered up and down -the river valley for seven or eight miles. Owing to this isolation the -settlers could not be of much service to each other in the matter of -defense. Moreover, the difficulty of successful individual defense was -appreciated; and so at the conference which followed the arrival of -Markham and Granger, it was decided to concentrate so far as possible. - -In this conference the Wood brothers did not participate, as they -scouted even the possibility of trouble--so confident were they of the -friendliness of the Indians and of their own ability to keep them from -hostile acts. According to Jareb Palmer, the Woods believed that only -two houses had been robbed at the lakes, that the robbery had been -laid to the Indians for no good reason whatever, and that in all -likelihood it "had been done by the whites, as there had been some -difficulty at the Lake in regard to claims."[182] - -Having decided to concentrate, the Springfield settlers selected the -cabins of James B. Thomas and William T. Wheeler as the points of -defense. The Thomas cabin was distant about one and a half miles from -the Wood brothers' store, and the Wheeler cabin about three-quarters -of a mile beyond that of Thomas. Various reasons led to the selection -of these cabins, the principal of which were their size and the great -strength with which they had been built. In the end it appears that -not all of the settlers were gathered in these two cabins. The Joshua -Stewart family, consisting of Mr. Stewart, Mrs. Stewart, and three -children, were originally at the Thomas cabin; but owing to the -physical condition of Mrs. Stewart, who had been overwrought by the -fear of Indian attack, and the too crowded condition at the Thomas -home, it was necessary for the family to return to their own home. -This they did after a stay of two or three days at the Thomas -cabin.[183] The Stewart cabin was located about one-half mile from -that of Thomas. - -At the Thomas cabin there remained nineteen individuals--the major -portion of the settlement. These included Mr. and Mrs. James B. Thomas -and six children, the oldest of whom was about thirteen; Mrs. E. B. N. -Strong and two children; Mrs. William L. Church, two small children, -and a sister, Miss Drusilla Swanger; Miss Eliza Gardner, a daughter of -Rowland Gardner who was massacred at Okoboji; John Bradshaw, Morris -Markham, and David N. Carver.[184] At the Wheeler cabin were collected -Mr. and Mrs. J. B. Skinner and two children; Mr. and Mrs. William -Nelson and one child; Mr. and Mrs. Robert Smith; John Henderson; and -the little son of Adam P. Shiegley.[185] Meanwhile a number of people -had fled from the settlement as soon as the news of the massacre at -the lakes had arrived. Thus, collected in two or three groups the -Springfield settlers continued to live for several days without any -sign of the approach of hostile Indians. In time their vigil relaxed, -and at intervals a settler would leave the cabin to secure some much -needed article. At no time for many days was anyone able to note any -real cause for alarm in what was seen or heard. - -The Thomas cabin, about which most of the events centered, was located -in the edge of the timber which bordered the river. The design of the -dwelling was that of the double type, each section being about sixteen -feet square and joined by what was known in pioneer phraseology as a -"dog trot"--a narrow and somewhat open connecting passageway. One part -was used as a kitchen and a general livingroom; while the other part -was reserved as a sitting room, which on occasion served as a spare -bed-room. The one room faced the prairie; while the other looked out -upon the timber of the river. The windows had been so placed that -through them a view in all cardinal directions might be secured--which -in addition to the port-holes was deemed a wise precaution. About ten -rods from the cabin, and in the edge of the timber, was the stable, -near which were a hay rack and some stacks of hay. Beyond these was a -ravine which descended rapidly to the river.[186] Out upon the open -prairie, nearly three-fourths of a mile away, was the cabin of Adam -Shiegley. - -On the tenth day of March--before the arrival of Granger and -Markham--Jareb Palmer and Nathaniel Frost had gone to the Slocum farm -for the purpose of bringing home some supplies which had been -abandoned some time previously in the drifts a few miles from the farm -house. After an absence of nine days they returned on March -nineteenth. The first house of the settlement reached by them was the -store of the Wood brothers. Upon entering they found two strange -Indians, "each of whom had a double barrelled gun, a tommyhawk and -knife; one of them a very tall Indian was painted black; they were -very busy trading and did not seem inclined to talk much, but said -they were from Spirit Lake and that there were twenty lodges of them, -all of whom would be at Springfield in two days. They purchased a keg -of powder, some shot, lead, blankets, beads and other trinkets."[187] -When they had completed their varied purchasing, which amounted in all -to more than eighty dollars, they paid for them in gold, which act -aroused the curiosity of Frost and Palmer, as gold was an almost -unknown form of money in that region.[188] - -Before these Indians had completed their trading and departed, two -friendly Indians, Umpashota, or Smoky Moccasin, and Black Buffalo, -entered and greeted them in a cordial manner. The two groups were -soon engaged in conversation which grew excited and ended in the -abrupt departure of the strangers. On the same day, Smoky Moccasin, -for some reason that did not appear clear, moved his tepees to -Coursalle's trading post.[189] On the following day when he was -interrogated by George Wood as to what he knew of the visiting -Indians, Smoky Moccasin admitted that he had been told that "they had -raided the Spirit Lake settlements, and killed all the inmates, except -four young women prisoners without having one of their number injured -in any manner." When questioned further he "said he feared they were -lingering somewhere in the neighborhood and intended more mischief. -'At any rate' said the Moccasin, 'I am going to remain close to my -camp for awhile.'"[190] - -In spite of this evidence of Indian activity and the promise of a -visitation the Wood brothers remained unconvinced that danger lurked -near, and ridiculed the fears of the settlers on the east side of the -river. But they were not the only ones who were now doubting Markham's -story: the failure of the Indian attack to develop had caused several -of the settlers to ask why they had grown so alarmed. Among them -gradually developed a feeling that they would like to hear a version -of the story from one of their own number. Thus it transpired that -Jareb Palmer volunteered to go to the lakes if some other man would -accompany him. Markham, anxious to prove the correctness of what he -had told, expressed his willingness to make the return trip. On -Saturday morning, March twenty-first, the pair set out, carrying -supplies for a journey of two days. They planned to go first to the -Marble cabin, and if all was well there they would go on down to the -lower settlements on Okoboji. They had been instructed by the -Springfield people to return at once if they found that the Marble -cabin had been plundered and that the evidence of Indian attack was -plain. - -Having no definite route which they could follow with assurance, the -men struck out boldly to the southwest across the trackless prairie in -the general direction of the lakes. Without incident or loss of way -they reached Spirit Lake and made their way to the Marble cabin, which -was found deserted. A closer examination revealed the fact that trunks -had been broken open and the contents of the house scattered -everywhere. The body of Mr. Marble, however, was nowhere to be seen. -Signs about the cabin seemed to suggest that the place had been -visited some five days before the arrival of the men from Springfield, -although there were fresh moccasin tracks along the lake shore which -appeared to be only one day old. After examining the situation -carefully the men decided to return at once, as enough had been seen -to convince them that Indians had been there. Palmer was firmly -convinced that Markham's story was only too true. The return trip was -made during the afternoon and the early evening of the same day -without incident.[191] - - - - -XVIII - -INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD - - -The morning of March twenty-sixth dawned bright at Springfield; and -the settlers at the Thomas cabin were astir early making preparations -for the expected attack. The messengers from Spirit Lake had returned -and no one longer doubted the strong possibility that Springfield -would be visited by the Indians. While the supply of food, fire-arms, -and ammunition which they had procured was sufficient for a resistance -of some days, there was a shortage of wood. And so, on the morning of -the twenty-sixth a number of the settlers were out chopping and -hauling wood. As they carried on their preparations they hoped that -the soldiers from Fort Ridgely would soon appear bringing the needed -relief and protection. Cheffins and Tretts had been gone nearly two -weeks; surely relief could now be expected any day or hour. Happy in -the expectation that relief must be near the settlers slackened still -more the vigil which they had been keeping and became somewhat -careless. The forenoon wore away without incident, and a generous -supply of wood was accumulated which would last for several days. - -While preparations were thus going forward, Inkpaduta and his band of -red men were hastening from Heron Lake toward Springfield. The wily -Inkpaduta did not wish to make a precipitate attack, for his spies -sent out on the nineteenth had probably informed him of how the -settlers were preparing for opposition. As his party stole into the -timber along the Des Moines near the Thomas cabin, he sent scouts -forward to reconnoiter. Thus while the unsuspecting settlers were at -work the spies of Inkpaduta were stealthily lurking in the near-by -timber stalking their white brothers as they would some wild beast of -the forest. - -The settlers were unable to complete the task which they had -undertaken by noon, and as everything seemed so very favorable it was -thought advisable to continue the work without interruption. -Accordingly, they did not pause to eat the mid-day meal that had been -prepared for them, but continued working until about two o'clock in -the afternoon. They then withdrew into the cabin to eat their long -deferred dinner. While thus engaged they were startled by a cry from -Willie Thomas, who was outside at play and who now thought that Henry -Tretts was coming.[192] - -Immediately the people in the cabin rushed out hoping that the report -was true and that the messengers sent to Fort Ridgely were in fact -returning. In the distance a man was observed to be approaching. He -was clad in civilian dress and to all outward appearances bore a close -resemblance to one of the messengers. In fact, so close was the -resemblance that David Carver exclaimed, "Yes, it's Henry Tretts!" -But the words had scarcely been uttered before a volley of shots came -from hitherto unseen guns in the direction of the timber. As near as -could be determined fully a dozen guns had been discharged from the -underbrush near the stable and hay stacks. The supposed white man was -only a decoy Indian dressed in white men's clothing and sent out for -the sole purpose of drawing the settlers from the cabin. While he was -slowly approaching the cabin, Inkpaduta and his men had crept up the -ravine to the rear of the stable and posted themselves for action when -the ruse worked out as planned. - -In confusion the surprised settlers--men, women, and -children--scrambled back into the cabin. Doors and windows were closed -and barricaded, while women screamed. Bradshaw and Markham, as soon as -the doors had been secured, seized their rifles and stood ready to -shoot any Indian who might have the hardihood to show himself. The -window shutters had been fastened open on the outside thus making it -necessary to use the table to close one window; while puncheons were -torn from the floor to cover other windows and aid in rendering the -cabin bullet proof. - -Meanwhile, the Indians kept up a constant fire; but Bradshaw and -Markham kept them well in hiding by shooting at any who happened to -show themselves. While the men were busy reloading, an Indian was seen -to emerge from the brush near the stable and start for the house. -Mrs. Church hastily seized a loaded gun and, thrusting it through a -porthole, fired. After the firing the Indian was nowhere to be seen -and it was concluded that he had either been badly wounded or killed -by the shot. Three or four Indians next appeared from a hazel thicket, -but the emptying of the contents of a number of guns into their midst -caused them to disappear. All of this had taken place in four or five -minutes after the first volley fired by the Indians. In that brief -time the Indian attack had been repelled, windows shuttered from -within by temporary means, and all doors barricaded securely against a -rush attack. - -During the attack no one had had time or thought for anything except -the necessity of repelling the Indians. When a lull came it was found -that several persons had been wounded. Mr. Thomas was bleeding -profusely from a wound in his left arm where a bullet had broken a -bone. Later this wound, owing to lack of attention, became so -irritated and infected that amputation was necessary. David Carver was -suffering greatly, for a bullet or buckshot had passed through the -fleshy part of his right arm, penetrated his side, and affected his -lung; while Miss Swanger, who had been hit on the shoulder, was -suffering considerably from pain and was very weak from the loss of -blood. It was she who has been alluded to as saying that she was too -weak to fight but could pray, and so fell "upon her knees, fervently -petitioning the God of Battles to help until the fight closed."[193] -Willie Thomas, who had given the alarm, was missing and no one seemed -able to account for him until his older brother stated that after the -door had been closed he heard groaning from the doorstep. It was -presumed that the boy had been killed. At all events no one felt that -it would be wise to open the door at this juncture. It later developed -that he had been shot through the head and had probably died in a -brief time. - -There were now left in the cabin only three able-bodied men who could -be counted upon for effective defense. These men were Jareb Palmer, -John Bradshaw, and Morris Markham. Dr. Strong had gone to the Wheeler -cabin that forenoon to dress the wounds of Smith and Henderson and had -not returned at the time of the attack.[194] - -The heavy firing by the Indians did not continue for more than seven -or eight minutes when it became desultory in character. Occasionally -an Indian would be seen skulking through the edge of the timber, but -not one allowed himself to come within range of the cabin. It is -presumed that they had counted upon a complete surprise as at Okoboji -and were not supplied with the ammunition necessary to conduct a -continuous attack. The firing, however, continued until sunset. It was -later discovered that the Indians had withdrawn at this time, although -this fact was not known to the inmates of the cabin. The desultory -nature of the Indian fire had allowed the settlers to prepare, and -soon six guns were projecting from as many port-holes and covering as -many possible lines of approach. This evidence of readiness in the -cabin may have led the Indians to defer or abandon their attack.[195] - -Meanwhile, the Wood brothers were paying dearly for their misplaced -confidence in the peaceful intentions of the red men. It was -reported--but the statement has never been confirmed--that when the -firing upon the Thomas cabin began William Wood, thinking no harm -would come to him, started to cross the river with a view to -investigating the cause. When he reached the west bank of the stream, -he ran into a group of Indians who at once riddled him with bullets. -It is further asserted that a pile of brush was then collected, his -lifeless body thrown upon it, and the whole set on fire. This -conclusion is drawn from the fact that in a pile of wood ashes, not -far from the river's edge, a group of the Fort Ridgely soldiers later -found charred human bones and with them a twenty dollar gold -piece.[196] The body of George Wood was found, while that of William -Wood was never discovered--unless the charred bones indicated his -fate. Since the Wood brothers were the only persons in the settlement -who had gold coin it was thought that the remains in the ashes were -those of William Wood. - -George Wood, who had remained at the store in his brother's absence, -possibly witnessed his brother's fate and attempted to forestall a -similar one for himself by striving to reach the settlers' cabins. -But he was too late. He succeeded in reaching the river and in -crossing it, but while trying to secrete himself in the underbrush he -was seen by the Indians and shot. His body was subjected to no further -violence.[197] - -It would seem that during the afternoon, while the attack was being -made upon the Thomas cabin, Inkpaduta selected three of his band to -raid the remaining cabins or at least to investigate them for plunder -in case they should be found abandoned. It was probably this trio of -Indians who attacked and killed George and William Wood. - -The first cabin visited by the three Indians was that of Joshua -Stewart. Mr. Stewart was called to the door by one of the number and -requested to sell a hog. Some gold coins were displayed by the Indian -as evidence that the hog would be paid for when purchased. Mr. Stewart -being willing to sell, stepped back into the house to secure his cap -and coat. When he reappeared and stepped out into the yard, he was -instantly shot by the two Indians who had not appeared to be concerned -in the deal. Upon hearing the shots, Mrs. Stewart and the children ran -out of the cabin. They, too, were instantly shot down by the Indians -and their bodies horribly mutilated with knives. - -According to Captain Bee, it was here that "the savages revelled in -blood. When I visited the spot, the father lay dead on his threshold, -the mother, with one arm encircling her murdered infant, lay outside -the door, and by her side was stretched the lifeless body of a little -girl of three summers".[198] But Johnny, a lad of perhaps ten years, -eluded the Indians and made his escape. In his own relation to the -people at the Thomas cabin he stated that he hid behind a log in the -yard while the savages did their work of murder and plunder. After -they left he ran to the cabin of Robert Smith, but was frightened -away; from there he made his way to the Thomas cabin where he arrived -at dusk and was taken in by the inmates--who, however, came near -shooting him for an Indian prowler.[199] - -After completing their ghastly work at the Stewart home, the Indians -returned in the direction of the Wood store, which they probably -planned to pillage. When passing the Wheeler home, they attempted no -further molestation than to shoot an ox and empty the contents of -their guns into the cabin. One of the charges narrowly missed Mr. -Henderson who was lying helpless as the result of his recent -amputations. For some reason the Indians did not take the trouble to -determine whether any people were really occupying the house.[200] -From here the Indians appear to have gone directly to the Wood store, -where they finished their work and then departed for Heron Lake. At -the time, however, the departure of the Indians was not known to the -terrified inhabitants of the settlement. - -At the Wood store on the west side of the river guns, powder, shot, -and lead were found in reasonably large quantities and appropriated. -But this was not all; food and dry goods were also found and taken. -It is said that when they returned to Heron Lake "they had twelve -horses, heavily laden with dry goods, groceries, powder, lead, -bed-quilts, wearing apparel, provisions, etc.... Among this plunder -were several bolts of calico and red flannel. Of these, especially the -flannel, they were exceedingly proud; decorating themselves with it in -fantastic fashion. Red leggings, red shirts, red blankets, and red in -every conceivable way, was the style there, as long as it -lasted."[201] - - - - -XIX - -THE SETTLERS FLEE FROM SPRINGFIELD - - -When quiet had reigned for some little time and darkness had fallen, -there being no signs that the Indians would reopen their attack, the -inmates of the Thomas cabin began to discuss the best course to -pursue. It was the general belief that they would again be attacked if -they remained: in fact they reasoned that to remain would be to invite -an attack. But would not the soldiers from Fort Ridgely soon bring -relief? And yet they had no means of knowing whether their messengers -had ever reached that post. Having reached the fort, might not their -story have been received in the same manner in which the people of -Springfield had greeted the tale of Markham? No idea had been gained -as to the numerical strength of the Indians: although they seemed to -be about twelve in number, there was a possibility that they might be -ten or twenty times as many, and well prepared to carry the attack -through to a conclusive end. - -Some suggested flight; but there seemed to be many obstacles to such a -course. Nothing was known of the whereabouts of the Indians: they -might be lurking near the cabin awaiting the appearance of its inmates -for the purpose of picking them off as they came out. Again, they -were more than fifty miles from any adequate place of refuge; while -the nearest settlement was no less than fifteen miles away. But worst -of all the snow was deep and there was not even a known trail upon the -wintry wastes that could be followed with certainty. Moreover, there -were among them three badly wounded people whose suffering would only -be intensified by the cold and exposure incident to such a flight. And -there were children in the party: would they be able to endure such a -journey as flight would compel them to undergo? From the hardships -encountered by Markham in his trip from the lakes it was known that a -journey of fifty miles under the existing conditions of weather would -be a hard trial of endurance, even for the strongest and most rugged -person. - -In the course of the discussion someone called attention to the fact -that the Indians had driven away the Thomas horses. How were they to -move Carver who was unable to walk and Thomas who was so weak that at -best it was believed he could live but a short time? Carver was -willing to be left behind if by so doing the safety of the others -could be assured; but none of his companions were willing to consider -such a proposition. When the thought of flight was about to be -abandoned someone recalled that the Indians had not taken the Thomas -oxen. If they had not been killed, they must be safe in the stable. -Markham, who had twice before volunteered to risk his life, offered to -go to the stable, and if the oxen were there hitch them to the sled -and drive to the door.[202] Meanwhile, in the cabin preparations were -to be made for flight. - -When Markham returned to the cabin he reported that every thing seemed -to indicate that the Indians had given up the attack and left the -vicinity. He had been gone nearly half an hour, which led the people -in the cabin to fear that he too had fallen a victim of Indian lust. -And so they were overjoyed when he finally appeared at the door with -the ox-drawn sled. Feather ticks were first taken to the sled and upon -them the wounded Thomas, Carver, and Miss Swanger were placed. Around -them were packed such articles as were deemed necessary upon the -journey. - -The night sky was obscured by clouds and the darkness was intense, -which would make it possible for the fleeing settlers to elude the -watchfulness of the Indians if any happened to be lurking in the -vicinity of the cabin. About nine o'clock the nineteen frightened and -wretchedly equipped refugees left the Thomas cabin.[203] Ahead of the -oxen walked Markham, Bradshaw, and Palmer, with rifles in their hands, -ready to protect the women, children, and wounded from possible -attack. Then came the ox-drawn sled piled with feather beds, the -wounded, blankets, bed-quilts, and provisions. Upon either side and -behind the sled walked the women, carrying or leading the children. - -Progress was slow since no distinct trail could be discerned in the -darkness. Frequently they would stop and by signs and consultation -assure themselves that they were moving in the proper direction. Often -they missed the way and were compelled to alter their course. At two -o'clock in the morning, having made an advance of only five miles, -they concluded to halt and await the dawn.[204] Where they were they -did not know. Blankets and bed-quilts were spread upon the snow; and -upon these the women, children, and wounded lay down, while the men -stood guard. With the coming of day the refugees again pushed forward, -but found that they could make little headway because of the deep snow -drifts through which the men had to break a way for the oxen and sled. - -In less than an hour the party, finding further progress well-nigh -impossible, decided to halt. After some deliberation it was decided to -send Palmer ahead about ten miles to Granger's Point for help. Palmer, -having succeeded in making his way to the Point without incident, -returned with George Granger, who very willingly brought his ox team -to the rescue of the stranded settlers. A Mr. Addington also -accompanied Palmer upon the return trip. When about a mile to the -north of Granger's place a man was observed on the open prairie. -Addington jumped off the sled and started toward him. The man turned -and ran, but was soon overtaken. He was found to be Dr. Strong of -Springfield who had fled from the Wheeler cabin that same morning, -supposing that his wife and children had been killed in the attack -upon the Thomas cabin. - -In the meantime the stranded settlers, thinking they saw Indians in -pursuit, had left their wounded companions in the sled and taken to -the open prairie in flight--an effort which greatly exhausted the -women. Returning to the sled the march onward to Granger's Point was -resumed. After remaining here for two days to recuperate they -continued their journey southward toward Fort Dodge.[205] - -It will be recalled that the Wheeler cabin had received but one volley -from a group of three Indians who passed without stopping. The inmates -had doubtless heard the continuous firing in the direction of the -Thomas cabin during the afternoon and had surmised that something -serious must have happened. As all was quiet at the cabin on the -following morning, the anxiety of Mrs. Robert Smith to know what had -really transpired at the Thomas cabin overcame her fears. With the -fortitude characteristic of pioneer women, she determined to visit the -cabin as early as possible. When she arrived at the cabin she found -the body of Willie Thomas lying at the side of the doorstep. Greatly -alarmed she investigated no further, but returned at once to the -Wheeler cabin. Her hasty conclusion was that all the inmates of the -Thomas cabin had been murdered by the Indians. Thus Dr. Strong, having -heard the report of Mrs. Smith, concluded that his family had been -murdered and that his own safety was all that was left for him to -consider; and so he fled toward the settlements in Iowa. - -The flight of Dr. Strong left Mr. Skinner as the only able-bodied man -at the Wheeler house. He and the three women--Mrs. Skinner, Mrs. -Nelson, Mrs. Smith--decided to escape if possible before receiving a -second visit from the Indians. Mrs. Smith strongly protested against -the plan of leaving her husband, but he bade her go and save her own -life.[206] The problem of escape with these people was a vastly more -difficult one than with the party at the Thomas cabin, since they had -no team or other means of transportation. From the first it was -evident that the disabled men must be abandoned--a plan in which the -men themselves willingly acquiesced. - -After providing for the comfort of those who were to be left behind, -Mr. Skinner and the three women set out. Smith attempted to follow, -but was compelled to return to the cabin after again overcoming the -objections of his wife at going without him. The only individual, -other than Smith and Henderson, who could not be taken was the little -son of Adam P. Shiegley. After the departure of the grownups this boy -made his way to the home of a settler who had not been disturbed and -was there well taken care of until found by his father who later came -in search of his son. Two days later, on Sunday, March twenty-ninth, -the Wheeler party arrived at Granger's Point where they joined the -people from the Thomas cabin.[207] - - - - -XX - -RELIEF ARRIVES FROM FORT RIDGELY - - -On the morning of March twenty-sixth the relief expedition from Fort -Ridgely was laboriously seeking to make its way through nearly -impassable drifts of snow. Captain Bee had scarcely struck camp that -morning when two white men from the Des Moines River--probably Nelson -and Frost from Springfield--came in for supplies. They reported that -the Indians, to the number of thirty lodges, were encamped at -Coursalle's Grove about eight or nine miles to the north of -Springfield. Coursalle, known as "Gaboo" among the borderers and -settlers, was a half-blood Sisseton who was well-known throughout the -surrounding country as a trapper, trader, and intermediary between the -whites and the Indians. With this information Captain Bee pushed -forward with renewed energy, hoping to reach Coursalle's before the -Indians should leave. - -After encountering and overcoming nearly insurmountable obstacles of -roads and weather Captain Bee finally reached the trader's post. The -grove and its vicinity were thoroughly reconnoitered with no success -other than the rounding up of Coursalle and his family. Coursalle -grudgingly gave the information that Inkpaduta's band had in truth -wiped out not only the settlements at the southern lakes, but also -those at Springfield. From Springfield the Indians had gone to Heron -Lake, twenty-five miles to the west, and were headed for the Yankton -country on the Missouri. Further knowledge concerning their -whereabouts Coursalle said he did not have. - -Coursalle seemed so confident that the Indians were still at Heron -Lake that Captain Bee decided to pursue and punish them before going -to Springfield with his command. Having been told that only the dead -were to be found at either Spirit Lake or Springfield, he concluded -that little could be gained and perhaps everything lost if he should -hasten to the scenes of the massacres and allow the perpetrators of -the horrible deeds to escape without punishment. Hence "at retreat" -that evening he called for no less than twenty volunteers to go on an -expedition early the next morning for the purpose of punishing the -Indians. The response from the men was unanimous, and when early -morning came Captain Bee and Lieutenant Murry with the guides, -Coursalle and La Framboise, together with all the men of the command, -started out. It was expected that upon the approach of the soldiers -the Indians would probably attempt flight. To prevent their succeeding -in this, the teamsters were taken along to lead the mules, numbering -thirteen in all, to be used as mounts in the pursuit of the fleeing -Indians.[208] - -The road taken under the guidance of Coursalle led them in a direct -line across the open prairie from the trading post to the lake. This -open route was taken because it shortened the distance to fifteen -miles between the two points. The approach to the lake proved easy, -and by ten o'clock the lake had been reached and wholly surrounded by -Captain Bee's men so that it would have been difficult for any one to -have escaped unnoticed. The instructions were that when the camp and -Indians were found a single shot should be fired as a signal for the -ingathering of the troops. In about a half hour after the deploying of -the men a shot was heard in the direction taken by La Framboise. He -had found the place of their camp, but the Indians themselves had -gone. The camp gave every evidence of the destruction of the -settlements "with all its traces of plunder and rapine; books, -scissors, articles of female apparel, furs, and traps, were scattered -on the ground".[209] The guides, after examining the ashes of the camp -fire and other signs, pronounced the camp to be about three or four -days old. If such were the truth, it was plain that further pursuit -would be useless. - -There was, however, one more hope which was eagerly seized by Captain -Bee. Coursalle suggested that possibly the band had moved to another -lake about four miles to the northwestward. This lake being much -larger and its borders more heavily timbered the Indians might have -gone on to it for better concealment. Such a possibility appealed to -Captain Bee, who was not long in detailing Lieutenant Murry with ten -men and Coursalle as guide to make a dash to that point by means of -mule mounts. If signs there should prove as old as at the first lake -the members of the party were instructed to lose no time in returning, -since further pursuit would be useless. The dash was made as planned; -and signs in abundance were found, but Coursalle pronounced them to be -at least twenty-four hours old. Such being the case Lieutenant Murry -returned to the main command. - -It has been charged that Coursalle lacked good faith in that he -purposely declared the signs many hours older than they were in order -to assure the escape of the Inkpaduta band.[210] Captain Bee, however, -stated in a public letter that "Gaboo was in front of my men" and "his -whole demeanor convinced me that he had come out to fight", for his -life had been threatened by the band.[211] It was also further charged -that Mrs. Coursalle was observed wearing Mrs. Church's shawl; but this -was discredited by several competent observers. The fact remains, -however, that Captain Bee's men approached much nearer the band than -they knew--which gives color to the view that Coursalle either -practiced deception or was not wise in wood and camp lore. - -How near the troops came to the Indian band is disclosed in the -testimony of both Mrs. Sharp and Mrs. Marble who were with the Indians -as captives. They both state that at three o'clock in the afternoon -Lieutenant Murry's men reached the same place that the Indians had -left at about nine in the morning. Furthermore, the Indians were even -then within reach, being encamped on a low stretch of ground bordering -a small stream just over a slight rise of ground west of the lake. -They were so located that while the Indian lookout was able from the -treetops to see for miles around, the camp itself could not easily be -seen. - -Mrs. Sharp relates that as soon as the lookout reported the approach -of the soldiers of Lieutenant Murry, "the squaws at once extinguished -the fires by pouring on water, that the smoke might not be seen; tore -down the tents; packed their plunder; and ... one Indian was detailed -to stand guard over us, and to kill us if there was an attack. The -rest of the warriors prepared for battle.... The excitement manifested -by the Indians was for a little while intense; and although less -manifested ours was fully as great, as we were well aware that the -Indians meant all they said when they told us we were to be shot, in -case of an attack. We therefore knew that an attack would be certain -_death to us_, whatever the results might be in other respects. After -an hour and a half of this exciting suspense ... a sudden change came -to us. The soldiers, it seems, just here decided to turn back."[212] - -Upon Lieutenant Murry's return, it was decided to give up the pursuit. -This decision was based in part upon the report made by Lieutenant -Murry and Coursalle and also on the fact that the supplies were -nearly exhausted. From this point Captain Bee's command went to -Springfield. Here Smith and Henderson were found in the Wheeler cabin -where they had been left two days previously. They were in good -spirits despite their desolation. They had been visited by Mr. -Shiegley who was in search of his boy. These men related to Captain -Bee the story of events so far as they knew it, telling of the flight -of their companions in the direction of Granger's. Captain Bee at once -sent a man in search of the fugitives who were to be invited to -return. They were to be assured that the Indians were gone and that a -guard of soldiers would be stationed at Springfield for their -protection. The messenger, however, failed to overtake the refugees -and in a few days returned. Meanwhile, Captain Bee sent a detail of -twenty men under Lieutenant Murry to Spirit Lake to bury the dead. -Murry went no farther than the Marble cabin where he found and buried -Marble's body and then returned to Springfield. - -In a final adjustment of matters, Captain Bee left a detail of -twenty-eight non-commissioned officers and privates at Springfield -under Lieutenant Murry. This detail, while only temporary, remained -until April twentieth when it was relieved by a second detail which, -under Lieutenant John McNab, remained until late in the fall of 1857. -Captain Bee reported at Fort Ridgely on April eighth, after an absence -of about three weeks.[213] - - - - -XXI - -ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF AT FORT DODGE AND WEBSTER CITY - - -When the citizens of Fort Dodge and Webster City were convinced by -repeated tales of Indian horrors that assistance was needed they -organized a relief party to fend off the savage forays of the Sioux. -The trials and sufferings of this little volunteer band have few if -any parallels in the pioneer history of the Mississippi Valley. -Unprepared for such a venture as the journey proved to be, they -nevertheless met its ordeals with a courage that attests the hardihood -of the pioneers who chose the task of advancing the frontier. - -Early in November, 1856, Orlando C. Howe (a lawyer and later a -professor of law at the State University of Iowa), R. U. Wheelock, and -B. F. Parmenter, guided by a well-known and widely experienced western -trapper, Wiltfong, came from Newton, Jasper County, Iowa, to the lake -region on a land-hunting tour. They were particularly attracted by the -natural beauty of the region and before leaving staked out claims to -the southeast of Marble's place on what is now the site of the town of -Spirit Lake. Like many other prospective settlers at that time they -did not plan to remain during the winter season; and so, after -visiting for some days among the settlers on the south and east shores -of the Okobojis, they returned to Jasper County. The route homeward -led them to Loon Lake, where they are said to have found Inkpaduta's -band encamped. The band seems to have been peaceful enough at the time -of the visit; indeed, they made a rather favorable impression upon -these prospective settlers. - -Although the season had been severe Howe, Wheelock, and Parmenter -expected the usual breaking of winter during the closing week of -March, when they anticipated that travel across the prairies would be -difficult if not impossible owing to the overabundance of snow. It was -to forestall delays caused by the melting snows that they started -about the first of March for the lake region with ox wagons heavily -laden with seed, food supplies, and agricultural implements. From the -very start they made but indifferent progress owing to the deep snows -and continued intensity of the cold. Tarrying but a short time at Fort -Dodge to replenish their supplies and renew former acquaintances, they -proceeded up the west side of the Des Moines Valley to their -destination. Following the trail up this side of the valley, they -missed the two trappers who came down from Granger's Point carrying -the news of the massacre to Fort Dodge. When within two or three miles -of their destination, and somewhere to the southeast of Gar Lake, on -the evening of March fifteenth their oxen became too exhausted to -proceed further. Temporarily abandoning the load and the oxen, the men -went forward on foot to the settlements along the East Okoboji Lake. - -About midnight, after spending several hours in groping their way -through the timber along the lake, they came to the Noble and Thatcher -cabin. Failing to receive a response after repeated rapping upon the -door they pushed the door open and entered only to find everything in -confusion. Hesitating to remain for the night amid such evidences of -violence, they left at once and made their way along the trail in the -direction of the cabin of Joel Howe. At this cabin likewise on account -of the darkness they did not discover that there were dead bodies -lying in the yard. Entering they found the cabin deserted; but the -hour was so late that they decided to remain and make further -investigations on the morrow. - -The following morning they soon discovered the dead bodies in the yard -and other evidences of an Indian visit. From here they crossed the -east lake to the Mattock cabin, which they found in ashes; while the -clearing around the cabin was strewn with the bodies of the -slaughtered members of the family. They now had all the evidence -necessary to convince them that an Indian war party had visited the -settlement and wiped out the white population. Without further delay -they started for the settlements to the southeast along the Des -Moines. So anxious were they to spread the news as speedily as -possible that Parmenter remained behind to follow more slowly with -the oxen, while the other two men rushed on ahead on foot. On Saturday -evening, March twenty-first, they arrived at Fort Dodge with the news -of the Indian massacre at the lakes. So well-known was Howe in that -vicinity that no one hesitated to believe the information which he -brought of the Indian raid on the frontier.[214] - -When Howe and Wheelock had recited the story of conditions as they -found them at the lakes, it coincided so nearly with information -already brought to the community that no one could doubt the urgent -need for immediate action. And so it was resolved to hold a meeting -for the purpose of determining the course to be followed. This meeting -was called for the next afternoon (which was Sunday) in the -schoolhouse of the village. When the meeting convened practically -every able-bodied man in Fort Dodge and vicinity was present. Major -William Williams presided as chairman, and Charles B. Richards acted -as secretary.[215] Howe and Wheelock were called upon to relate their -tale of horrors at the lakes. The recital gave rise to great -excitement: the people realized their own proximity to danger. - -It was the unanimous sentiment of the meeting that immediate and -resolute action should be taken to deal with the situation. The -chairman, Major Williams, read a commission held by him from Governor -Grimes empowering him in any emergency that might arise to take such -action as seemed best in the light of existing circumstances.[216] It -was thereupon resolved that at least two companies of volunteers -should be called for and sent to the lakes to rescue the living, bury -the dead, and if possible overtake and punish the perpetrators of the -massacre. Nearly eighty men volunteered at once to join the proposed -expedition. - -Before the meeting adjourned a messenger, in the person of a Mr. -White,[217] was named to carry the news of the massacre to Homer, -Border Plains, and Webster City, and to ask the coöperation of these -communities in the recruiting of members for the expedition. To make -the plea for assistance as effective as possible, Howe was requested -to accompany the messenger to these places. The response at Webster -City was as spontaneous as at Fort Dodge. Upon the arrival of the -messengers a meeting was called in the village schoolhouse, so that -all might hear the story of the Indian outrages. Volunteers were -called for, and by nine o'clock on the morning of the twenty-third a -company of twenty-eight men had been selected to undertake the -expedition. Only young men were encouraged to volunteer, since it was -thought that the older men would not be able to undergo the trials of -the trip to and from the lakes. But when both young and old insisted -upon going a sort of selective draft was resorted to. On Monday -morning, March twenty-third, all who had volunteered were ranged in a -row and J. D. Maxwell, the county judge, was called upon to make the -selection, which he did to the satisfaction of all.[218] - -But there were problems other than the securing of volunteers to be -met and solved--such as the procuring of tents, provisions, wagons or -sleds, and teams, without which the expedition would have little hope -of success. By contributions the company was provided with a varied -collection of fire-arms, a wagon, two or three yoke of oxen, food, and -some extra clothing and blankets. Among those who gave liberally were -"W. C. and S. Willson, A. Moon, the Brewers, Charles T. Fenton, S. B. -Rosenkrans, the Funks, E. W. Saulsbury and B. S. Mason."[219] At this -time the village of Webster City could boast of but few people who -were able to provide much assistance; but each did his best and in the -end the volunteers were reasonably well outfitted for the journey. - -Departure from Webster City was delayed until one o'clock in the -afternoon of the twenty-third, owing to the difficulty of securing the -necessary equipment for the men. Even then they were not adequately -equipped. Indeed, it was impossible to foresee and prepare for the -trials to be faced on the expedition. Moreover, not one of these -people had had any experience in contending with the elements under -such conditions as then prevailed. - -The Webster City company arrived at Fort Dodge about nine o'clock in -the evening of the same day and was given a rousing welcome. No better -testimonial to the spirit and determination of the men, untrained as -they were, can be given than to say that they made the march of more -than twenty miles in eight hours over nearly impassable roads. The -snow had thawed just enough to cause it to yield readily under the -tread of the men--making the march one continuous flounder from -Webster City to Fort Dodge.[220] - -In the evening, immediately following the arrival at Fort Dodge, -officers for the company were chosen by ballot. The company as then -organized was designated as Company C and was officered as follows: -John C. Johnson, Captain; John N. Maxwell, First Lieutenant; Frank B. -Mason, Second Lieutenant; Harris Hoover, Sergeant; and A. Newton -Hathaway, Corporal. The privates were William K. Laughlin and Michael -Sweeney of the Webster City settlement; and Thomas Anderson, Thomas B. -Bonebright, James Brainard, Sherman Cassady, Patrick Conlan, Henry E. -Dalley, John Erie, Emery W. Gates, John Gates, Josiah Griffith, James -Hickey, Humphrey C. Hillock, M. W. Howland, Elias D. Kellogg, A. S. -Leonard, F. R. Moody, John Nolan (or Nowland), J. C. Pemberton, Alonzo -Richardson, Patrick Stafford, and A. K. Tullis of the country -immediately adjacent to Webster City.[221] - -Captain Johnson was not a Webster City man but came from Bach Grove. -In view of the later incidents of the trip his enlistment was somewhat -pathetic. He arrived in town, after the beginning of the meeting, -which he attended with a friend. He was so impressed by the spirit of -the occasion that he volunteered, being one of the first who expressed -a willingness to go. He at once sent word to his mother concerning -the mission upon which he was going, saying that he probably would not -see her for some time--not thinking that it might be his lot never to -return.[222] - -While news of the massacre was being carried to Homer, Webster City, -and Border Plains, the citizens of Fort Dodge and vicinity were hard -at work organizing their groups of volunteers, so that by the time the -Webster City unit had arrived they were ready for some form of united -action. Here too it was thought best to select only the younger men, -since the inclemency of the weather as well as the marching conditions -at this time would be a severe drain upon the physical endurance of -the strongest. In addition it was recognized that the young men would -not have in many instances the care of dependent families. Fully -eighty men had stepped forward in response to the call for volunteers, -and from these two companies were organized. - -Early on Monday morning each of the two companies selected officers. -Charles B. Richards, who had acted as secretary of the first general -meeting, was selected as Captain of Company A; while John F. Duncombe -was chosen to head Company B. Captain Richards at once selected -Franklin A. Stratton as First Lieutenant, L. K. Wright as Sergeant, -and Solon Mason as Corporal; while Captain Duncombe named James Linn -as First Lieutenant, Smith E. Stevens, Second Lieutenant, William N. -Koons, Sergeant, and Thomas Callagan as Corporal of Company B.[223] - -The Roster of Company A at the time of its organization on March 23rd -comprised the following privates: George W. Brizee, William E. -Burkholder, Henry Carse, ---- Chatterton, Julius Conrad, L. D. -Crawford, J. W. Dawson, William De Fore or William A. De Foe, John -Farney, William N. Ford, John Gales, William McCauley, E. Mahan, -Michael Maher, B. F. Parmenter, W. F. Porter, L. B. Ridgeway, George -P. Smith, Roderick A. Smith, Winton Smith, Owen S. Spencer, C. -Stebbins, Silas Van Cleave, D. Westerfield, and R. U. Wheelock. - -In Company B were enrolled the following: Jesse Addington, D. H. -Baker, Hiram Benjamin, Orlando Bice, R. F. Carter, Richard Carter, -Michael Cavanaugh, A. E. Crouse, John Hefley, Orlando C. Howe, D. F. -Howell, Albert S. Johnson, Michael McCarty, G. F. McClure, Robert -McCormick, John N. McFarland, A. S. Malcolm, Daniel Morrissey, Jonas -Murray, Daniel Okeson, John O'Laughlin, W. Searles, Guernsey Smith, -Reuben Whetstone, John White, Washington Williams, and William R. -Wilson.[224] - -These companies when organized were equipped in the same manner as at -Webster City--that is, by contributions from those older men who, -finding age a bar to joining the expedition, contributed whatever they -found possible "near the end of a severe winter in a frontier town one -hundred and fifty miles from any source of supply."[225] Scarcely was -there a man or woman in the little hamlet or in the surrounding -country who did not offer something--guns, ammunition, food, gloves, -wearing apparel, blankets, or other articles that might prove useful -on the journey. The equipment of arms varied from the worst -conditioned shotgun to some of the finest type of Sharps rifle to be -found on the frontier.[226] All of Monday, after the muster in, was -spent in collecting the equipment for the expedition. After some -little effort two or three ox teams and wagons were secured to haul -the food supplies, bedding, and camp equipment. A team and wagon was -allotted to each company, so that all supplies for each organization -might be kept separate and distinct. The imperfect means of -transportation permitted the taking of only limited supplies; and no -grain or forage could be taken upon which the oxen might subsist. It -was thought, strangely enough, that the cattle might be able to forage -for themselves at the various camping or stopping places along the -route. - -After the companies had been organized as separate units and the -Webster City contingent had arrived, a closer coördination of the -forces was effected. A general meeting of the three organizations was -called and the matter of coördination discussed. In the end it was -decided to organize as a battalion. Major William Williams, the only -person who had had military experience and who had been empowered by -Governor Grimes to act in such an emergency, was chosen to command the -battalion thus created. This was a recognition of the undoubted -ability and vigor of the first postmaster, first mayor, and first -citizen of Fort Dodge--especially since his age of sixty years was far -beyond that considered desirable for members of the expedition.[227] -The future proved the wisdom of the selection, for his command of the -situation had much to do with shaping the later developments more -fortunately than otherwise might have been the case. George B. Sherman -was selected as quartermaster and commissary; and in order to enable -him to better perform his duties he was detached from Company A into -which he had already been mustered. Dr. George R. Bissell of Fort -Dodge was selected as surgeon, and he proved a most worthy and helpful -member of the expedition. Thus organized, the battalion numbered at -the time of leaving Fort Dodge a total of ninety-one officers and -enlisted men. - - - - -XXII - -THE MARCH FROM FORT DODGE TO MEDIUM LAKE - - -Though somewhat delayed by inability to secure transportation, the -relief battalion from Fort Dodge and Webster City got under way about -noon on Tuesday, March twenty-fourth, within four days after receiving -the news of the massacre.[228] The first day's march did not record -much progress, as the men had advanced only about six or seven miles -when they encamped at the mouth of Beaver Creek. By this time they had -begun to realize that they were no more than raw recruits with no -knowledge or appreciation of active service. With snow nearly four -feet deep on the level, and with ravines, gulches, and low places -completely filled, they encountered from the beginning almost endless -difficulties in marching and in the transportation of supplies. Not a -man was intimately acquainted with the surrounding country. Frequently -they found themselves plunged into snow-filled creek beds where with -the oxen they floundered vainly for some time in more than fifteen or -twenty feet of drifted snow before they gained the lesser depth -beyond. The difficulties were greatly increased by the lack of -sufficient transportation facilities. - -Having halted for the night each company built a monster camp fire -around which the men gathered, each endeavoring to prepare his own -supper since neither company was provided with a cook. "It was quite -amusing to see 'the boys' mix up meal, bake 'slap jacks', fry meat, -wash dishes and act the 'housewife' generally, but 'tis said 'practice -makes perfect' and the truth of the adage was substantiated in the -case under consideration for before our return some of the boys became -quite expert in the handicraft above mentioned. - -"One of our Lieutenants--a jolly good fellow, by the way--averred that -he could throw a 'griddle-cake' out of the roof of a log cabin, which -he temporarily occupied, and while it performed divers circumgyrations -in mid-air, could run out and catch it 't'other side up' on the -spider."[229] Emery W. Gates of Company C is said to have successfully -demonstrated his ability to perform this feat while the expedition was -in camp at McKnight's Point.[230] He was later appointed cook of his -company, in which capacity he rendered most acceptable service. - -After finishing their first meal the men made ready for the night. -Each man had been provided with one blanket, and in this he rolled -himself for sleep that came to but few. Many found the pillowing of -the head upon the ground or snow not conducive to slumber, while a few -were prevented from sleeping by the heavy slumber of others. "My first -night on this expedition", says Captain Duncombe, "will never pass -from my memory. It is as vivid now as it was at the time. I, too, -slept on a snowbank and had as my next neighbor one of those horrible -snorers who could make a danger signal louder than a locomotive -whistle and more musical than a calliope in the procession of a -circus."[231] - -The morning of the twenty-fifth saw the men awake and astir early in -the preparation of a breakfast that failed to satisfy. On this second -day the line of march led them up the course of the Des Moines--the -plan being to travel upon the ice of the river in order to avoid the -dangerous pitfalls of the land. The point which they hoped to reach -was Dakota City just above the junction of the east and west forks of -the Des Moines. In attempting to use the ice as a roadway, the men -were compelled to cross and recross the river no less than fifteen or -twenty times. In the end this plan of march proved impracticable since -the ice in places was not strong enough to sustain the weight of the -men; whenever a weak place was reached it was necessary to leave the -river and struggle along over the ravines which broke the banks of the -river. - -Matters became much worse as the day developed into one of -considerable warmth. The water running down from the hillsides -collected in the depressions and turned the snow of the ravines into -slush. With dazzling brilliancy the sun shone upon the white snow, and -many of the men suffered so severely from snow-blindness as to become -practically helpless. The rays reflected from the snow also burned the -hands and faces of the men.[232] By night the battalion had covered -no more than the ten miles to Dakota City. Here they camped as best -they could. Some were able to secure places in stables, and a few were -taken into the homes; but by far the greater number were compelled to -sleep in their blankets on the open prairie. By this time some of the -men were showing evidence of exhaustion, while others were suffering a -very marked decline in spirits. - -On the march north from Dakota City the real difficulties of the -expedition developed. Beyond this point the snow was piled so high -that frequently the groves and timber along the river could not be -reached. When such conditions were encountered the command was -compelled to keep to the open prairie. This was not, however, -practicable for any considerable time on account of the cutting wind -that swept across the snow fields. Having to choose between two evils, -they elected what appeared to be the lesser and kept within the -shelter of the timber regardless of the difficulties. - -To overcome the difficulties on the third day out from Fort Dodge and -the first day north of Dakota City, it was found necessary to send the -men ahead in double files to break a road for the ox teams and wagons -which followed. By marching and counter-marching the snow was beaten -down so that it was made possible for the oxen to drag the wagons -through the deep drifts. This did not, however, always solve the -transportation problem, for even with such help the oxen were -frequently unable to move the wagons. When the oxen became stalled in -a snow bank a long rope was attached to the wagon so that all hands -could take hold and pull together with the oxen. By almost herculean -efforts the wagons were thus dragged through the drifts of snow. Often -the snow would accumulate in great piles in front of the wagons, which -caused many pauses in the march. The marching and counter-marching, -the dragging of wagons by man power, and the clearing away of snow -continued during the two days out from Dakota City. Under such -conditions the advance of the command was painfully slow. - -But the drifts were not the worst obstacle. When ravines or stream -heads were encountered in the line of march the oxen could do little -but flounder in the snow which was then four or five times as deep as -on the level ground of the prairie. They could scarcely secure a -footing, for here the soft snow had usually been converted into almost -bottomless slush. At such times the men would "wade through, stack -arms, return and unhitch the teams, and attach ropes to them and _draw -them through_"; this done, they "performed a similar operation on the -wagons".[233] It was necessary to resort to this method of advance -every mile or two. - -In the face of such conditions, it became very evident that the timber -at McKnight's Point could not be reached on scheduled time.[234] When -the companies came to appreciate more fully the difficulties before -them, Captain Duncombe, Lieutenant Maxwell, and R. U. Wheelock were -sent ahead as scouts to pick out a better road and if possible secure -a camping place near timber and water.[235] To guide the advancing -column, beacon fires were built; but these were of little or no use to -the men in the rear. The main body of marchers, wet, hungry, and -suffering acutely from the cold, toiled on until darkness made further -progress seem an impossibility. Major Williams therefore called a halt -and "put it to a vote whether we should camp where we were, or still -persist in getting to the Point. A majority voted to camp where we -were, although several preferred to keep on, fearing we would freeze -to death anyway, and that it was as well to keep moving. We were on -the bleak prairie.... We had no tents to shelter us; so, to many the -outlook was extremely forbidding, but all acquiesced in the will of -the majority."[236] - -The place selected for the camp was a high ridge from which the snow -had been blown by the winter's winds. Each company went into its own -camp. The tarpaulin covers for the wagons were removed and stretched -around the wagons so as to form a shelter from the wind. Upon the -ground under the wagons the men placed their oil-skin coats to serve -as a floor upon which to pile the bedding. Wet boots were used for -pillows. Then, huddled closely together under the wagons so that when -one turned all had to do likewise, the weary volunteers "turned in" -for the night. Being some distance from the timber they could obtain -no wood with which to kindle fires--without which the men were unable -to warm themselves, dry their clothing, or cook their food. For supper -they had nothing to eat save crackers and uncooked ham; and the same -diet made up the breakfast on the following morning.[237] - -Early Friday morning the companies continued the march toward -McKnight's Point, where they arrived about noon. Here they found -Duncombe, Wheelock, and Maxwell awaiting them. In nearly two days the -battalion had covered a distance of something over twelve miles from -Dakota City to McKnight's Point. Even at this slow rate of progress -they arrived in a thoroughly exhausted condition. - -Captain Duncombe had reached the Point the evening before in a very -benumbed condition and nearly unconscious from the exposure and -suffering occasioned by the intensity of the cold. In explaining his -condition, however, a story was later told by a member of the -expedition to the effect that as the Point was neared by the three -scouts Duncombe became exhausted and appeared to be unable to proceed. -Wheelock had with him what was thought to be a cordial, some of which -he offered to the Captain. The "cordial" proved to be laudanum, which -so affected Duncombe that had it not been for Wheelock and Maxwell, -who kept him awake and moving, he would have been overcome. When -within two miles of the Point, Maxwell started for help. Too exhausted -to walk, he lay down on the snow and rolled himself over and over till -he reached the grove; while Wheelock remained with Duncombe to keep -him awake and moving. At the grove Maxwell found a cabin in which were -Jeremiah Evans and William L. Church. Hearing Maxwell's story, they at -once set out to rescue Duncombe and Wheelock. In rolling over and over -in the snow Maxwell had made a trail which the rescuers had no trouble -in following to the suffering men. After being dragged to the cabin, -Duncombe fell asleep and could not be aroused. But by the time the -expedition arrived on the following day he had awakened and appeared -to be little or none the worse for his unusual experience.[238] - -By Saturday a number of the men were ill from exposure, but -uncomplainingly continued the trying march. Major Williams, although -the oldest man of the expeditionary force, bore his privations -extremely well, giving no evidence of exhaustion. If anything the -trials of the march had aroused in him a still stronger and sterner -fighting spirit. Some of the force, apparently bearing the trials -well, were reported as complaining. One of these men is said to have -been a veteran of the Mexican War and often made the boast that he had -been the third soldier to enter the Mexican fortress of Churubusco -when it was stormed and taken by the American forces. But now he -declared the continuance of the march "would result in the destruction -of the entire command".[239] - -Calling a meeting of the battalion, Major Williams addressed the men -upon the duties and obligations of the expedition, and he ended by -declaring: "You now understand this is not to be a holiday campaign, -and every man in the battalion who feels that he has gone far enough -is at liberty to return."[240] No one was willing to accept the offer. -It appears, however, that Daniel Okeson and John O'Laughlin, who had -been accepted under protest on account of their age, were now -discharged from Company B on account of disabilities incident to their -years. Under protest they accepted discharge and returned to Fort -Dodge. - -The battalion's ranks, however, were not depleted by these dismissals, -as Jeremiah Evans and William L. Church at once enlisted--the former -in Company B and the latter in Company C.[241] Evans had been a -settler at McKnight's Point for some time, and it was at his cabin -that the advance scouts were received and cared for. Church, whose -home was at Springfield, Minnesota, had been on a trip to Fort Dodge -for supplies and had stopped at the Evans cabin on his return up the -river on the Fort Ridgely trail. Upon his arrival he had been told of -the massacre at the lakes and also that a relief expedition was being -organized at Fort Dodge to rescue the whites who might have escaped -and to punish the Indians who had done the deed. Upon hearing this he -had resolved to await the coming of the expedition and enlist for -service. - -At McKnight's Point a halt of a half-day on Friday afternoon was taken -for purposes of recuperation. Here a number of deserted cabins -furnished shelter for the men. It was at this halt that Company C -selected Emery W. Gates as cook. Following his appointment it is said -that Gates prepared for the men one of the best meals they had ever -eaten; and they agreed that their stay here was one "grand, good -time".[242] - -Company A also celebrated, but in an entirely different manner. To -divert the minds of those who were suffering from the hardships of the -march, Captain Richards decided to hold a mock court-martial. The -victim, a man by the name of Brizee, was of course unaware of the fake -character of the affair and took the proceeding with great -seriousness. It seems that the tar box of Company A's wagon had been -lost, and for this Brizee was held responsible. The formal trial -procedure--the organization of the court, the summoning of witnesses, -the taking of testimony, and the rendering of a formal decision--was -carried through and Brizee was declared guilty. In all solemnity he -was sentenced to be shot. It is said that he was very much frightened -and most earnestly implored a pardon which was finally granted.[243] - -On the morning of Saturday, the twenty-eighth, the three companies -bade goodbye to McKnight's Point and started for Shippey's Point, -which was located on the west fork of Cylinder Creek about two miles -above the junction of the main stream with the Des Moines. Since -leaving Dakota City the expedition had followed as nearly as possible -the Fort Ridgely road up the Des Moines Valley--a route which it was -planned to continue as far as practicable. At McCormick's place about -two miles below Shippey's, they met Angus McBane, Cyrus C. Carpenter, -William P. Pollock, and Andrew Hood, who had heard of the massacre at -the Irish Colony and were hastening south to Fort Dodge to -report.[244] These men at once joined Company A. - -It was at Shippey's Point that J. M. Thatcher and Asa Burtch were -found anxiously awaiting the coming of the battalion. Thatcher was -nearly frantic over the reported fate of his family, but had been -induced by Burtch to await the coming of the relief party--in Company -B of which the two men now enlisted.[245] The load of supplies--mostly -flour, which Luce and Thatcher had been taking to the lakes from the -eastern part of the state--was confiscated for the use of the -battalion as the supplies of the party were growing uncomfortably low -and Sherman, the commissary, was becoming nervous. - -On Sunday morning the onward march was resumed with the Irish -settlement on Medium Lake as the objective point for the day. As the -expedition moved further to the north, the difficulties of the march -became greater because the snow increased in depth. From Shippey's -Point the march followed the Dragoon Trail, although no team had been -able to make its way over this road for weeks. To the tired men the -drifts seemed mountain high, while the depth of the snow in the low -places seemed fathomless. The "colony" was finally reached without -incident. - -The settlement at Medium Lake comprised about twelve or fifteen Irish -families who had come from Illinois in the fall of 1856. They had -selected claims along the Des Moines River, but had made no permanent -improvements. Instead, they had built temporary cabins in a grove at -the southwest corner of Medium Lake where they planned to spend the -winter.[246] In time this temporary settlement developed into the town -of Emmetsburg, which to the present day has retained a large -percentage of people of Irish nativity. Here also were many people who -had fled from the perils of an Indian attack and had come together for -the winter. They were found living in rudely constructed cabin -shelters or in dugouts.[247] Destitute of provisions, they were as far -as possible being supported from the slender stores of their Irish -neighbors upon whose pity they had thrown themselves. - -While here the expeditionary force was augmented by new recruits: -thereafter it comprised one hundred and twenty-five men. Since most of -these persons did not formally enlist their names do not appear upon -the official muster roll of the battalion. Not only did the companies -receive recruits at Medium Lake, but it was here that they were able -to exchange their worn out oxen for fresh teams. They were also able -to replenish somewhat their commissary department, for the new members -brought with them as much food as the settlement was able to spare. - - - - -XXIII - -FROM MEDIUM LAKE TO GRANGER'S POINT - - -On Monday morning the expedition set out very much refreshed; for the -men had not only feasted the evening before but that morning they -"butchered a cow that had been wintered on prairie hay. The beef was -not exactly porterhouse steak, but it was food for hungry men."[248] -The day's march was a hard one, and when Big Island Grove near the Mud -Lakes was reached the men were so exhausted that they threw themselves -on the ground, rolled up in their blankets, and went to sleep without -supper. - -Ex-Governor Carpenter, in relating his experiences as a member of the -expedition, says that there was after the lapse of forty-one years a -picture before him "of Capt. Charles B. Richards and Lieutenant F. A. -Stratton ... with two or three of the men, cutting wood, punching the -fire, and baking pancakes, until long after midnight; and as they -would get enough baked for a meal they would waken some tired and -hungry man and give him his supper: and the exercises in Company A -were but a sample of what was in progress in each of the -companies."[249] Thus the greater portion of the night was spent by -the solicitous officers in caring for their men. - -After leaving Medium Lake evidences of the presence of Indians were -observed from time to time. What appeared to be moccasin tracks were -frequently seen. Cattle had been killed in such a manner as to leave -no doubt that the work had been done by Indians. At Big Island Grove -many signs of Indians were found. On an island in the middle of the -lake the Indians had constructed a look-out in the tree-tops from -which they were able to see the country for miles around. Better -evidence still of the fact that their visits were recent was the -report that the campfires were still glowing, and that fishing holes -were found in the ice.[250] - -Many members of the expedition believed that the Indians, after -raiding the settlements at the lake, would cross over to the Des -Moines and proceed south on a war of extermination; and the signs at -Big Island Grove were very readily accepted as a substantiation of -this belief. It is probable, however, that this was a mistaken -conclusion. Sleepy-Eye had frequently rendezvoused at Big Island -Grove, and the arrival of the expedition may have followed closely his -departure on the spring hunting trip. It is not probable that -Inkpaduta's men went east of the lakes or south of Springfield. - -On the evening of the arrival of the expedition at Big Island Grove, -Major Williams decided that since they were evidently in the Indian -country the march should thereafter be made with more caution. -Accordingly, he called for volunteers for an advance scouting party of -ten men whose work would be to precede the main expeditionary force -and keep a sharp look-out for the near approach of Indians and to -observe, interpret, and report any signs that might be discovered. -They were to maintain an advance of perhaps three miles over the main -column. Major Williams selected as the commander of this advance guard -William L. Church, who of all the members of the expedition was the -most familiar with the country in which they were now moving, since he -had passed through it a number of times after settling at Springfield. -Those who had volunteered as his companions were Lieutenant Maxwell, -Thatcher, Hathaway, F. R. Mason, Laughlin, A. S. Johnson, De Foe, -Carpenter, and another man whose identity seems to have been forgotten -shortly after the return of the expedition to Fort Dodge.[251] - -The members of the advance guard were astir early Tuesday morning; and -while they breakfasted, rations for three days were made ready for -each man. These rations when totalled amounted to forty pounds of corn -meal and twenty pounds of wheat flour. In addition the men were -allowed each a piece of corn bread about six inches square, which was -supposed to be divided among the meals of the succeeding three days; -but a number of the men, deciding that the easiest way to carry the -bread was to eat it, immediately set about doing that very thing. The -scouting party left the main body of the expedition about six o'clock -on a beautiful winter's morning--although it was in fact the closing -day of March. Orders were given to the men to scout north, northwest, -and northeast of the route to be followed by the main body. Lieutenant -Maxwell and Laughlin, being true plainsmen, took the lead, while the -remaining eight were soon envying "the ease and celerity with which" -they "with their long legs and wiry frames, pulled through the snow -and across the snow-drifts".[252] - -The advance had made about twelve miles when the men paused on the -bare ridge of the Des Moines water-shed for the mid-day meal. Mason -was stationed as sentry, while the others ate in the sheltered lea of -the ridge. At some distance from the other members of the party, Mason -had been at his post only a short time when he saw far to the -northwest a black spot come into view. It soon became evident that the -spot was moving. The attention of the other members of the party was -called to the discovery. After sighting with their ramrods for some -minutes, they too concluded that the object was really on the move. -Furthermore it was agreed that the moving object must be a party of -Indians; and so an attack was planned. - -The squad advanced on the run to meet the party, which was probably -two miles away. But no sooner had the whites started toward the -"Indians" than the latter were observed to hold a hurried -consultation. Between the two parties was a willow-bordered creek -toward which each started for the apparent purpose of ambushing the -other. The advance guard, having reached and passed the creek first, -scaled the knoll or ridge of ground just beyond. Having reached the -crest of the swell, the expeditionists prepared to fight. The opposing -force halted and likewise seemed to prepare for defense. Before -beginning the attack, however, the arrival of Church and a second man -was awaited. When these men had come up, breathless but ready for the -fray, the order to advance was given. Suddenly Church gave a shout and -sprang forward exclaiming: "My God, there's my wife and babies!" The -"Indians" turned out to be none other than the refugees from -Springfield, Minnesota. The meeting was both dramatic and pathetic. -For days relatives and friends of the refugees had believed them -dead--victims of Indian barbarities. Now some were reunited with their -loved ones, while others received word that their kin were lying in -the snows of the lake region or had been carried away in captivity by -the Indians.[253] - -A pathetic sight, indeed, were these terrified fugitives. "In the -haste of their flight they had taken but few provisions and scanty -clothing. The women had worn out their shoes; their dresses were worn -into fringe about the ankles; the children were crying with hunger and -cold; the wounded were in a deplorable condition for want of surgical -aid. Their food was entirely exhausted; they had no means of making -fire; their blankets and clothing were wet and frozen.... The refugees -were so overcome ... that they sank down in the snow, crying and -laughing alternately, as their deliverers gathered around them."[254] -The wounded were in a terrible condition. "Mr. Thomas was traveling -with his hand dangling by the cords of his arm, having been shot -through the wrist."[255] They were "almost exhausted from the toilsome -march, lack of food, exposure to the inclement weather, and the -terrible anxiety of the previous week."[256] - -From the story of the refugees it seems that while painfully making -their way southward, and almost ready to perish from cold, starvation, -and physical exhaustion, they saw appear upon the summit of a ridge -far to the southeastward a group of men whom they, too, supposed to be -Indians. It happened that the men of the advance guard were wearing -shawls as a protection from the cold, and so they really did have the -appearance of blanket-clad Indians. The refugees were wild with terror -for they felt that their end had certainly come. There was only one -man in the party who really had the courage and was able to fight. -Loading the eight rifles which were in the possession of the party, -John Bradshaw prepared to meet the enemy single-handed, ready to -sacrifice his life if necessary in the defense of the helpless members -of the party. It is said that he stood rifle in hand until Church, -breaking from the ranks of the advance guard, ran forward shouting for -his wife and children. Not until then was it evident to the refugees -that friends rather than enemies were approaching.[257] - -Mason and Smith were chosen to carry the news back to the main body of -the expedition, which at this time was nearly eight miles to the rear. -Mason declares that he was so excited that notwithstanding his -fatigue he ran the whole distance. When the messengers were within two -miles of the expedition their coming was observed by Captains Duncombe -and Richards who rode out to meet them. Major Williams was sent for -and a consultation held. Mason, Duncombe, Richards, and Dr. Bissell -were ordered by Major Williams to push forward as rapidly as possible -to the aid of the refugees. At four o'clock in the afternoon the start -was made, and so well did the men make the return trip that the -fugitives from Springfield were reached about nine o'clock. The -advance guard and the fugitives were found in the shelter of the creek -willows over a mile from where they had been left. Camp had been -pitched--if such it could be called. Meanwhile, a storm had come up -and it was raining furiously, which only increased the sad plight of -the starving and ragged refugees who were without adequate -shelter.[258] - -When the main expeditionary body arrived about midnight strenuous -efforts were made to provide some sort of comfort for the distressed -and starving fugitives. The only semblance to a tent in the -expedition's equipment--one made of blankets patched together--was -provided them, and their wounds were dressed by Dr. Bissell. Being so -near the scene of the massacre, it was feared that even then Indians -might be in the vicinity of the camp. And so guards were placed to -prevent a surprise attack. Since the men were greatly exhausted by -the day's efforts, they were relieved of guard duty each hour. Thus -little rest came to any of the men that night. In the morning the -refugees were again fed and provided with blankets by the -expeditionary force from its already slender store. Being thus -outfitted, they were given a guard and sent on to the Irish Colony. -Mr. Church left the expedition at this point to accompany his wife and -children to Fort Dodge and Webster City. - -Learning from the fugitives the facts concerning the presence of the -Indians at Springfield, Major Williams decided to push toward that -point as rapidly as possible. When the march was resumed on the -morning following the meeting with the refugees from Springfield, the -expedition moved in the direction of Granger's Point. John Bradshaw, -Morris Markham, and Jareb Palmer did not continue with the refugees, -but enlisted as members of the expeditionary force, each hoping for a -chance to even up matters with the red men. - -The march to the Granger settlement was enlivened by a little incident -that aided much in detracting from the trying ordeal of the march. In -the morning additional precautions were taken to guard against a -surprise by Indians: a small group of men were selected by Major -Williams to scout just ahead of the main body and ascertain if Indians -might chance to be in the timber along the streams and about the -lakes. The scouts were given orders to fire their guns only in case -they found Indians. The advance had continued about three miles when -the crack of a gun was heard, followed by a number of reports in quick -succession from the timber just ahead. Immediately two men emerged -from the timber on the run. Captain Duncombe who was about a mile in -advance of his command thought the runners to be Indians, and he at -once gave chase hoping to head them off before they could enter -another grove a short distance beyond and for which they were -evidently making. Being mounted, Duncombe soon approached near enough -to recognize two of the expedition scouts. - -It was soon learned that while passing through the timber two old -hunter members of the squad chanced to see some beavers sunning -themselves on the ice. Unable to resist the first impulse, they -emptied the contents of their guns at the unsuspecting animals. The -men seen running out of the timber were only chasing some of the -animals that had not been killed by the initial volley. Meanwhile, the -whole expeditionary force had been halted, and with loaded guns put in -readiness for the attack. Some members, unable to control themselves, -did not wait for the command, but broke ranks and ran toward the -imagined Indians with guns ready for firing. After some little time -the expedition was again restored to a state of order and the march -resumed. - -Upon reaching Granger's Point that evening, they were very -inhospitably received by a man and boy who were occupying the cabin. -Little information and absolutely no assistance could be secured from -them. They reported that they had no food, withdrew into the cabin, -and barred the door. Within a brief time, however, a horseman arrived, -who proved to be a United States regular from Captain Bee's command -which had but lately arrived at Springfield. He brought the -information of Bee's arrival, of the flight of the Indians westward, -and of Bee's sending a detail to Spirit Lake to bury the dead. He -said, however, that the detail had visited only one cabin on Spirit -Lake and had there found one body which they buried. They had made no -attempt to reach the lower lakes on account of bad weather and roads -and the shortage of provisions. - -That night Major Williams called a council, and upon a review of the -facts it was decided to abandon the chase. But since the bodies of the -massacred were yet unburied, it was thought that a detail of -volunteers should proceed to the lakes on that mission.[259] - - - - -XXIV - -THE BURIAL DETAIL - - -When morning came the conclusions of the council were reported to the -command, and volunteers, not over twenty-five in number, were called -for to serve on the burial detail. The report met with a most cordial -response and the full quota of volunteers was obtained at once. Those -who signified their willingness to serve were: Captain J. C. Johnson -and Captain Charles B. Richards, Lieutenant John N. Maxwell, and -privates Henry Carse, William E. Burkholder, William Ford, H. E. -Dalley, Orlando C. Howe, George P. Smith, Owen S. Spencer, Carl -Stebbins, Silas Van Cleave, R. U. Wheelock, R. A. Smith, William A. De -Foe, B. F. Parmenter, Jesse Addington, R. McCormick, J. M. Thatcher, -William R. Wilson, William K. Laughlin, Elias D. Kellogg, and another -whose name is not known.[260] - -These men were placed by Major Williams under the immediate command of -Captain Johnson of Company C; and on the morning of April second the -detail, supplied with two days' rations, took up its march for the -lakes. From the outset their undertaking was precarious; with limited -rations the men had no assurance that they would be able to secure any -more supplies. Nevertheless, they courageously undertook the -humanitarian task with the hope that somehow the future would care for -itself. - -The burial detail was to proceed to the lakes, perform the sad task of -burying the dead, and rejoin the main command at the Irish settlement -on Medium Lake. Accompanied by two mounted men--Captain Richards and -another whose name is now lost--the detail set out upon its journey; -but at the crossing of the Des Moines, the first stream reached, the -horsemen were unable to force a passage. The men crossed safely on a -log; but the horses could not be forced to swim the channel, and after -an hour's work Captain Richards, and his companion gave up the effort -and returned to the main command.[261] - -Without incident the members of the party reached the southeastern -shore of the east lake about two o'clock in the afternoon. Making -their way to the Noble and Thatcher cabin, they found the bodies of -Enoch Ryan and Alvin Noble at the rear of the house. Each body had -been riddled with bullets. The yard and adjacent prairie were thickly -sprinkled with feathers which had come from the destroyed feather -ticks for which the Indians had had no use. The bodies were buried at -the foot of a large oak tree near the house. While some of the party -were interring the dead at this cabin, others walked on to the Howe -cabin where seven bodies were found lying about the cabin doorstep. -Among the mangled remains found in the yard Thatcher identified his -infant child. The burials at the Howe cabin were completed late in -the afternoon; but darkness prevented the men from proceeding to the -other cabins. Returning to the Thatcher cabin they there planned to -pass the night. The body of the Thatcher child was interred near the -head of a ravine not far from the Thatcher cabin. This was in keeping -with the desire of the father that his child should be buried upon his -own property. Returning to the Howe cabin the following morning, they -found the body of a boy of about thirteen years of age lying at the -side of a fallen tree in the dooryard. This apparently was Jacob, the -brother of Mrs. Noble, whom she vainly tried to get into the house. -The burial detail reported the interment of eight bodies at the Howe -cabin. - -From Howe's cabin they proceeded to the settlements on the west lake. -At this juncture the party was divided, and one section under Captain -Johnson took the lake shore trail, while a second under Lieutenant -Maxwell crossed the lake directly in line with the Mattock cabin. The -Johnson party is said to have found the body of Joel Howe near the -trail and to have buried it near the spot where it was found--a place -which was lost sight of until its alleged discovery in August, 1914, -by a young man, Lee Goodenough of Knoxville, Iowa, while attending a -Young Men's Christian Association camp.[262] At the Mattock cabin the -dead were found widely scattered through the clearing and along the -trail toward the Granger home across the strait. Every evidence of a -desperate resistance was noted. Dr. Harriott was found with his broken -rifle still grasped in his hand. Eleven bodies were collected and -buried at this place. - -Across the strait at the Granger cabin they found the body of Carl -Granger horribly mutilated, as by cutting or slashing with some sharp -instrument about the face. Near him lay his dog which had evidently -remained faithfully by him to the last. The dog's body was also -terribly mangled. - -The Gardner home was the last place to be visited. Here six bodies -were found and buried about fifty yards to the southeast of the cabin -on a spot said to have been designated by Eliza Gardner when she met -the rescue party. As yet the bodies of Luce and Clark had not been -found; indeed they were not found until the following June when they -were discovered near the outlet of the east lake. Their burial place -is not known.[263] - -By the time the work of interment was completed at the Gardner cabin, -it was late in the afternoon. The rations of the party were all but -gone; but the night was coming on, and so the party decided to remain -and camp to the north of the Gardner cabin. Fortunately Wilson's -memory came to the rescue of the party in their stress for food: he -now recalled that in the fall when a visitor at the Gardner cabin he -had seen Gardner bury a box of potatoes beneath the stove to insure -them against being frozen during the winter. Upon investigation there -was discovered nearly a bushel of the potatoes which satisfied the -hunger of the men that evening and on the following morning. - -After this potato breakfast on the morning of April fourth, sixteen of -the twenty-three men composing the detail began the return trip; while -seven of the party having interests to look after at the lakes, -decided to remain a few days longer. Those who decided to remain were -R. A. Smith, Orlando C. Howe, R. U. Wheelock, B. F. Parmenter, Asa -Burtch, J. M. Thatcher, and William R. Wilson. Howe and Wheelock -remained to make sure of their load of supplies which Parmenter had -been compelled to abandon when his two companions started ahead of him -to Fort Dodge with the news of the massacre.[264] - -It appears, however, that the split in the party is to be attributed -to something besides business demands. There was a disagreement over -the best route to be taken on the return trip. While breakfasting that -morning the discussion had arisen. The majority favored as direct a -route as possible across the open prairie to the Irish Colony. Others -of the party did not consider such a route to be safe, arguing that it -would be better to retrace the route by which they had come--which -route would lead them to Granger's Point and thence to the Irish -Colony. Meanwhile, a storm was gathering which seemed to add force to -the arguments of those in favor of a known road. - -The matter could not be settled by argument; and so, after breakfast -Captain Johnson, gave the command to fall in. "After the men had -fallen in he gave the further order, 'All who favor starting at once -across the prairie, step three paces to the front; the rest stand -fast'.... What little provision was left in camp was speedily packed -and the party made ready to depart at once."[265] Captain Johnson and -Burkholder urged united action upon the seven who stood fast; but the -appeal was unavailing, for the seven men remained steadfast in their -conviction that the course as planned was wrong. They offered to join -the party if they would take the Granger route; but Johnson and -Burkholder stood as firmly against that proposition as the seven were -opposed to their plans. Thus the two groups parted company--good -friends but each firmly convinced that the other was in the wrong. The -members of the party that left took all the food, and were allowed to -do so because those who remained behind counted upon securing their -store from the wagonload of supplies which had been left somewhere out -on the prairie. - -The men who remained set out at once to locate the wagon and bring in -the needed food. It appears that there was no difficulty in finding -the wagon with its cargo of supplies. When each man had loaded himself -with a supply, they returned as rapidly as possible for the gathering -storm had broken and snow was falling heavily. In a short time, it -became a blinding, driving whirlwind of snow. Reaching the cabin, they -laid in a supply of fuel. Being well armed, they felt no alarm at the -prospect of an Indian attack. All that could be done while the storm -raged was to await patiently its abatement. Only after two days did -the fury of the storm abate sufficiently to permit the men to leave -the cabin in safety. - -The morning of the second day after the beginning of the blizzard -dawned clear and intensely cold, although the weather had moderated -somewhat since the previous evening. The snow was frozen with a hard -crust and upon it the party from the Gardner cabin made their way -rapidly in the direction of Granger's Point. When they arrived at the -Des Moines they found the river completely frozen, which made the -crossing easy. Thus with little trouble they were again at Granger's -Point where they had left the main body five days previously. They now -procured a team and wagon, loaded their baggage, and, after resting a -day, started for the Irish settlement. At this point they found some -of the wounded from the Springfield settlement who had not been able -to proceed with the main command. Here also was Henry Carse who, as -will be seen, suffered so terribly on the night out from the Gardner -cabin. Resting a day at the Irish settlement, they resumed their -journey to Fort Dodge. What had been a small party on leaving the -Gardner cabin had more than doubled in number when the Irish colonists -were bidden goodbye. - -When Cylinder Creek was reached the party succeeded through great -effort in effecting a crossing. The undertaking required the whole of -an afternoon, but by nightfall the men succeeded in reaching Shippey's -Point two miles beyond. "From here the party proceeded on their way to -Fort Dodge, which they reached without further adventures than such as -are incident to swimming swollen streams and living on short rations, -which, in some instances, consisted of a handful of flour and a little -salt, which they mixed up with water and baked over a campfire. A few -of the party shot, dressed and broiled some muskrats and tried to make -the rest believe they considered them good eating, but that diet did -not become popular."[266] - - * * * * * - -The early part of the day upon which Captain Johnson and party left -the Gardner cabin, after the disagreement of the morning, was quite -warm, and the rapidly melting snow added greatly to the difficulties -of traveling. Being forced to wade through sloughs several feet deep -in slush the men were soon wet to the shoulders. But they plodded on -cheerfully for they were on the way home after the completion of an -arduous duty. While they were in this cheery frame of mind, the -blizzard broke upon them in all its fury about four in the afternoon. -With the storm came a rapid fall in temperature, and it was not long -before the clothes of the members of the party were frozen stiff from -feet to shoulders--rendering progress next to impossible. - -With the oncoming of the storm began the first disagreement among the -men after leaving the Gardner cabin in the morning. Again, it was a -matter of the best route to be taken. Jonas Murray, a trapper who had -volunteered as guide, claimed to be thoroughly familiar with the -country. Not all, however, were willing to accept his guidance. -Spencer and McCormick were the first to break away from his -leadership. This they did when Mud Creek was reached only about eight -or nine miles from the point of starting. Crossing far to the north of -where Murray maintained was the proper place, these men struck -directly east for the settlement which they reached within a short -time after the storm broke upon them.[267] - -The other members of the party lost much valuable time in wandering -southward along the course of Mud Creek. Finally a crossing was -effected, but much farther to the south than several thought it should -have been. Against the protests of a number, Murray continued to lead -the party still farther south. Near sunset Maxwell and Laughlin found -a township corner pit, at which they proposed to camp for the night -since they feared the loss of direction in the oncoming darkness. But -Murray, Johnson, and Burkholder, thought it best to continue and so -the party pressed on.[268] Ahead of them was a lake to the east of -which was a great stretch of uncommonly high grass which seemed to -afford good shelter. Maxwell, Laughlin, and seven others started to -walk around this lake to the east; but Johnson, Burkholder, Addington, -G. P. Smith, and Murray went around in the opposite direction. Finding -a shelter Laughlin called to Johnson's party which could then only be -dimly seen through the sedge. Apparently he was not heard, for the men -struck out toward the southeast and were not again seen before the -Irish settlement was reached. Laughlin's party decided to remain where -it was rather than attempt to follow. - -As soon as the halt was made the men tumbled down in a shivering heap -and huddled closely together to keep from freezing. In crossing -sloughs several men had removed their boots to keep them dry, while -others had cut holes in the leather in order to let the water out. -Carse had removed his boots, but found it impossible to replace them -for they were frozen stiff. He then tore his blanket into pieces and -wrapped his feet as well as he could, but even then he suffered -fearfully from the cold. Maxwell and Laughlin, realizing the danger of -freezing to death, did not permit themselves to sleep the whole night -through: they kept constantly on the move and compelled the others to -do the same. Whenever any man fell asleep the others would pick him -up, arouse him, and force him to remain awake and on the move -regardless of his objections. Some of the men begged that they be -allowed to sleep, protesting that moving about in their ice stiffened -garments was worse punishment than they could bear. Thus all night -long the awful vigil was kept. It was largely due to the tireless -watching of Maxwell and Laughlin that no one froze to death, although -the temperature that night was said to have been thirty-four degrees -below zero at points in Iowa much farther south.[269] - -The next day opened clear and cold. About eight miles to the east was -seen a grove of timber. Every man expressed himself as willing and -able to travel; and so without breakfast (for they had no food) the -party started in that direction, believing that the timber bordered -the Des Moines. Maxwell was the last to leave camp, and when about -three miles from the timber he found Carse sitting on the sunny side -of a small mound trying to pull on his frozen boots. The blanket -wrappings of his feet had already become so worn in traveling over the -ice and snow that he could go no further. Maxwell endeavored to take -Carse along with him, but every time he tried to guide him toward the -timber Carse obstinately insisted on taking the opposite direction. It -soon became evident that the man had grown delirious and that nothing -could be done with him on the open prairie. Henry E. Dalley, seeing -the difficulty, came to Maxwell's assistance. The two were able to get -Carse to the timber, by which time he was unconscious and blood was -streaming from his mouth.[270] - -Laughlin and Kellogg, who had reached the timber first, had set about -the building of a fire when it was discovered that not a member of the -party had matches. Laughlin's ingenuity, however, came to the rescue. -He had a gun and powder, and was wearing a vest with a heavy, quilted -cotton lining. Removing some of the cotton from his vest he loaded the -gun with a powder charge and rammed it down tight with cotton. He -then discharged the gun into a piece of rotten wood which, after some -attention, began blazing. Dalley soon arrived with the helpless Carse. -When the blanket wrappings were removed from Carse's feet the skin of -the soles came with them. Dalley finally succeeded in stopping the -bleeding and in reviving him. It was only a few nights before that -Carse had befriended Dalley by taking him under his own blanket. The -boy--for such he was, being less than twenty years of age--was poorly -clad and had suffered much from the trials of the expedition. His -youthful strength and courage, however, carried him safely through to -the end. Meanwhile, Kellogg had seated himself at the base of a tree -and before anyone had observed his need for attention he too had -become unconscious from exposure. Before he could be revived it was -necessary to cut his icy clothing away from his body as the only -practicable means of removing it. When this had been done he gradually -regained consciousness and seemed but little the worse for his -experience.[271] - -Laughlin and Maxwell, having attended those who were needing help and -noting that all were as comfortable as conditions would permit, -started out to cross the river with a view to locating the Irish -settlement. They found the river frozen thick enough to support them, -with the exception of a few spots over which they improvised a bridge -of poles. Making their way to the margin of the timber, they saw the -settlement in plain sight not over three miles away. Help was at once -secured which enabled them to get the disabled members of the party -across the river and to safety in the homes of the settlement. Here -they found Major Williams awaiting their coming. - -Without delay Major Williams sent men down the Des Moines to look for -Johnson and his companions. They remained out during the whole of the -day; and when they returned near dark reported that they had -discovered no trace of the men, but had found a cabin in which a good -fire was burning. The Major concluded that the men had been at the -cabin and had then gone southward, following the course of the river. -Three of the five men in the party--Smith, Addington, and Murray--came -to the settlement the following morning but could give little -information concerning Johnson and Burkholder. Smith had been the last -to see them; and his story left no doubt in the minds of most of his -hearers that the two men had perished somewhere to the west of the Des -Moines River. - -The two unfortunate men having become completely exhausted by wading -streams and sloughs had finally sat down declaring that they were -unable to go any farther. They were sheeted with ice from head to -feet. Their feet were badly frozen and, unable to walk, they insisted, -against Smith's advice, upon removing their boots. Realizing that they -could not replace the boots they cut their blankets in strips with -which to wrap their feet. At this time they were in sight of the -timber along the Des Moines River, which they were urged to exert -every effort to reach. But they were unable to rise from the ground. -"After vainly trying for a long time to get them to make another -effort to reach the timber, Smith at last realized that to save his -own life he must leave them. After going some distance he looked back -and saw them still on their knees in the snow, apparently unable to -rise. It is not likely they ever left the spot where Smith left them, -but, overcome with cold, they finally sank down and perished side by -side."[272] Nearly eleven years later two skeletons were found near -the place where Smith said he left his companions. By the guns and -powder flasks lying near them the skeletons were identified as being -those of Johnson and Burkholder.[273] - - - - -XXV - -RETURN OF THE RELIEF EXPEDITION - - -From Granger's Point the return of the main body of the command was -uneventful until the Irish settlement was reached and passed. It will -be recalled that when the burial detail was outfitted nearly all of -the scanty rations then remaining were turned over to them because of -the probable hardships which would be encountered in venturing into -the hostile lake region. Thus the main command was hard pressed in the -matter of providing itself with adequate supplies. By the end of the -first day the command had reached the cabin of an old trapper near the -shore of Mud Lake. The experiences of the first night out are -illustrative of the extremity to which members of the expedition were -driven upon their homeward journey. - -At the trapper's cabin were found the frozen carcasses of some beaver, -which it was thought could be utilized as food. But frozen beaver even -when roasted failed to satisfy the hunger of the men. Captain Richards -tells of one member of his company, George W. Brizee, who, as a result -of exposure was suffering from a severe case of toothache and very -sore feet. Finally, the pain in his feet grew easier. But "his tooth -reminded him that it needed his attention; and after lying down and -trying to sleep, frequently reiterating that he knew he should die, he -got up and went out and returned with a hind-quarter of beaver and -began to roast it over the coals; and in a half-reclining position he -spent the entire night roasting and trying to eat the tough, leathery -meat, first consigning his feet to a warmer climate, and then as his -toothache for a time attracted most of his attention, giving us a -lecture on dentistry; when his tooth was relieved for a short time he -would, with both hands holding on to the partially roasted quarter of -beaver, get hold with his teeth and try to tear off a piece! The -picture by the weird light of the fire was a striking one".[274] - -The party did not tarry long at the Irish settlement, which was -reached on the evening of the next day, since it was evident that the -settlers had barely sufficient food to keep themselves alive and would -surely suffer if the command remained for any length of time.[275] The -day of leaving Medium Lake was a cloudy one and rather warm--just such -a day as is sure to start the water running from rapidly melting snow. -Only a short distance had been traveled when rain began falling--first -as a drizzle, but by the time Cylinder Creek was reached it was a -downpour. The prairies were flooded, while Cylinder Creek was about -half a mile wide, completely covering its rather narrow bottom, which -was under from two to five feet of water, while the main channel had a -depth of fifteen to twenty feet and was from sixty to eighty feet -wide. Obviously the problem of crossing would be a serious one. -Arriving at the border of the valley about two o'clock in the -afternoon the command vainly sought a passage. Then suddenly the wind -veered sharply to the northwest and became a gale--the rain changing -into a blinding fall of snow. This was the fearful blizzard of April -fourth that overtook the Johnson party on its return from the Gardner -cabin. - -Captains Richards and Duncombe, not despairing of being able to effect -a crossing of the main channel, undertook to improvise a boat out of a -nearly new wagon box. With very little effort this wagon box was -caulked water tight with bedquilt cotton. Solon Mason and Guernsey -Smith were the men chosen to assist in getting the boat across the -channel. But the wind blew so hard that, although Richards and -Duncombe bailed water as rapidly as they could, the party scarcely -reached the opposite side of the channel before the make-believe boat -sank--the men barely saving themselves from drowning. Thus the attempt -to take all across in that manner failed.[276] Having no blankets and -unable to assist their comrades on the opposite side, there was -nothing to do but hasten on to Shippey's Point which was two or three -miles distant.[277] This point they reached about nine o'clock at -night. Here they were liberally fed, and by sitting around the fire -all night were able to dry their clothes by exposing first one side -and then the other to the fire. - -When morning came the storm had abated somewhat, and so it was decided -to return to the creek in an effort to locate the command. Mason had -not gone far when he succumbed to the cold and had to be taken back. -It seems that in crossing the Cylinder he had lost both overcoat and -cap. Upon their arrival at the east side of the bottom the men could -see nothing on the other side to indicate the presence of their -comrades. After spending some time in trying to accomplish a crossing, -they gave up the attempt and returned to Shippey's. There they -remained until about the middle of the afternoon when they again -returned to the creek. This time they were no more successful than -before. Resigned to the thought that the remainder of the command had -either perished or returned to Medium Lake, they wandered back to -Shippey's. Shortly after their return, Hoover and Howland came in and -reported that when they left the command all were safe on the west -side, though suffering considerably while waiting for the channel to -freeze. - -Early on Monday morning, while the blizzard was yet raging and the -cold was still intense, the little group at Shippey's once more -started for the creek in an effort to locate their companions. -Reaching the creek, the little group saw the men on the opposite side -making preparations to cross--the storm by this time having abated so -that a crossing might be attempted. The creek was now solidly frozen -so that the task of crossing was easy. The way to Shippey's was soon -made. Here they told the story of how they had saved themselves from -the terrors of the awful storm. - -From this story it appears that no thought of returning to the Irish -settlement had been entertained by those who had been left behind. -Major Williams and two or three others had, indeed, returned, hoping -that they would there find the burial detail and guide them to the -Cylinder Creek camp. Those at the latter place resolved to remain and -await the dying down of the storm before making any further attempt at -crossing; and they set to work to improvise a shelter. Again the -tarpaulin wagon covers were brought into use and supplemented with -blankets, which when fastened together were stretched around and over -the wagon frames and then staked down to the frozen ground. This -improvised shelter was completely closed excepting a small flap -opening on the south or lea side which served the purpose of a door. -Then with blankets and other covers a common bed was made; and into -this the party crowded, wet from head to feet. Here they remained from -Saturday night until Monday morning when a few ventured out to examine -the state of the weather.[278] Finding conditions satisfactory they -began the crossing after having tarried "_over forty hours, without -food or fire, on the open prairie, with the mercury at 32° below -zero_."[279] - -It is little wonder that when they started to make the crossing the -men had scarcely "strength enough to reach the opposite shore.... -Every man's mouth was open wide, his tongue hanging out, and in some -instances blood running from nose or mouth."[280] Governor Carpenter, -in commenting upon this terrific test of endurance notes that "since -that experience upon Cylinder Creek, I have marched with armies -engaged in actual war. During three and a half years' service, the -army with which I was connected, marched from Cairo to Chattanooga, -from Chattanooga to Atlanta, from Atlanta to the Sea, and from the Sea -through the Carolinas to Richmond.... But I never in those weary years -experienced a conflict with the elements that could be compared with -the two nights and one day on Cylinder Creek."[281] - -After refreshing themselves at Shippey's the men held a consultation -and reached the decision that henceforth the command should break up -into small details--a plan that seemed necessary on account of the -increasing difficulty of securing food. Each group was to find its way -home in the best manner it might be able to devise. Every man was -ordered to rid himself of all surplus baggage, retaining only his -blanket. Thus the expedition really came to an end with the crossing -of Cylinder Creek. But the hardships of the men were not ended; before -a number of the squads reached home they endured trials almost as -severe as those encountered before crossing the Cylinder. - -The experience of the little group which Frank R. Mason undertook to -guide is perhaps typical of the hardships of the journey south from -Shippey's. Mason had frequently been north of Fort Dodge hunting in -the timber along Lott's Creek, and for that reason he was selected by -a Webster City group to pilot them home. With his party he struck out -boldly across the prairie in a line which he thought would lead to a -clearing in the timber where he knew they would receive a hearty -welcome. As darkness came on the men began to show exhaustion; but the -looked-for timber along Lott's Creek did not appear. One of the men, -Hathaway by name, became wholly exhausted and had to be carried. -Within a short time he became delirious; and then the united efforts -of three of the party were needed to keep him under control, with only -indifferent success. Finally passing into a stupor he was more easily -managed. - -When Mason and his companions reached the timber at about eleven -o'clock the expected cabin could not be found. The men grew impatient -and at times were inclined to criticize Mason as an incompetent guide. -Having reached a slight elevation or ridge, and despairing of locating -the cabin, they prepared to spend the night. Snow was cleared away -until the bare ground was reached and upon this they threw themselves. -They had had no food since the start; indeed they had not brought any -with them, for they had expected to reach the cabin before nightfall. -When they had lain sleepless for nearly an hour, voices were heard and -out of the darkness appeared human forms.[282] The newcomers were Mr. -and Mrs. Elwood Collins who were returning from an evening spent at a -neighbor's home. - -The finding of the men is thus described by Mrs. Collins. "Husband and -I, after having stayed later than usual at a neighbor's, started for -home.... All at once the outline of dark objects appeared before -us.... I at first thought we might be upon a company of Indians! We -were too near to retreat.... I then heard groans of distress, and I -thought sobs.... We had a lantern, and as the light shone upon the -place my pity was truly stirred. There, with the snow crushed beneath -them, were eight men; some sitting, some reclining, and others lying -flat upon their backs!"[283] - -Having been piloted to the clearing the men slept that night in the -cabin loft. In the morning they breakfasted hastily and resumed their -journey to Webster City. Hathaway and Gates had to be left at the -cabin as they were not able to proceed. This day's experience was but -a repetition of the previous one. As darkness fell the men were again -exhausted, but by crawling on hands and knees they managed to reach -the cabin of a Mr. Corsau where they were taken in for the night. On -the following day they were taken by Corsau to Webster City. Thus -ended, for this Webster City group, the fearful experience of -attempting to relieve the settlers of the lake region from Indian -attacks. - -For the Fort Dodge men the task of making their way home was easier, -as it did not necessitate the crossing of as many streams--which at -this time were in flood condition. At the same time their trip was not -lacking in incidents of trial. They arranged the march from cabin to -cabin so that they might have no difficulty in procuring food, for -they, too, made no attempt to carry supplies. More than once the men -experienced trials similar to those encountered by the Mason party, -and like them they too found the place searched for before hope was -gone. Within three or four days after leaving Cylinder Creek, all -parties had straggled in--weary, worn, and wasted. They were met with -a hearty welcome from friends who had thought them in all probability -lost on the northwestern prairies. All who had volunteered in the -expedition returned home in safety, except Johnson and Burkholder who -perished in the snow. - - - - -XXVI - -THE DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER - - -From March twenty-sixth to April tenth, while the relief expedition -from Fort Dodge and Webster City was making its way painfully to and -from the scene of the massacre at the lakes, Inkpaduta and his band -continued their flight. When Lieutenant Murry's men had been sighted -by the look-out, warning of their approach was communicated through -the Indian camp. The warriors crouched among the willows along the -creek ready to spring out upon their pursuers, while the squaws and -children made hurried preparations for a hasty retreat if need be. -Meanwhile, a warrior stood guard over the helpless white captives with -orders to shoot them the moment the soldiers should attack. But -Coursalle and La Framboise, who were guiding Murry's men, declared -that the signs were so old that pursuit would be hopeless; and so the -soldiers returned to the main command. No sooner had they started on -their return than Inkpaduta fled from his temporary camp and began the -long journey to the Big Sioux, the James, and the region beyond. - -The Indians were now thoroughly alarmed at the nearness of danger, and -for two days and nights they kept up a continuous flight. No stops -were made to prepare food: if they ate at all it was while they were -on the move. Such a sustained flight would have been arduous enough -for untrained marchers under the most favorable conditions, but for -the women captives it was terrible. Not only were they compelled to -wade through snow and slush but they were burdened with loads which -might well have been regarded as too heavy for men to bear. - -Mrs. Marble states that upon leaving Heron Lake she and her associates -"were forced to carry heavy packs, and perform the degrading and -menial services in the camp ... that the pack ... consisted of two -bags of shot, each weighing twenty-five pounds, and a lot of camp -furniture, increasing the weight of the pack to 100 pounds. On top of -this heavy load ... was placed the additional weight of an Indian -urchin of some three or four years of age."[284] The papoose which she -was supposed to carry seemed to consider that it was entitled to as -many liberties and as much attention when carried by her as it would -have enjoyed if in the care of its mother. Mrs. Marble objected to -making friends with the baby, and watching her opportunity would -scratch it in the face until the Indians, hearing its cries, finally -concluded it didn't like her and took it away. - -Abbie Gardner, though but a girl, was also burdened with a -pack--though its weight was somewhat less than that carried by Mrs. -Marble. It was made up of "eight bars of lead, one pint of leadballs, -one tepee cover made of the heaviest, thickest cloth, one blanket, one -bed-comforter, one iron bar, three feet long and half an inch thick -... one gun, and one piece of wood several inches wide and four feet -long, to keep the pack in shape."[285] - -This burdening of the captives was the more objectionable to them -since the Indian men were encumbered with nothing but a gun. As a -matter of course the squaws carried packs, but they were accustomed to -such burden-bearing and knew how to save themselves from its ill -effects. Moreover, the squaws were frequently equipped with a sort of -crude snowshoe which greatly aided them in walking. The white captives -sank deep into the snow at every step. They dared not stop to rest, -for whenever they slackened their pace the Indians would level guns at -them and resort to various other devices to keep them moving. - -The food which the Indians had secured at Okoboji and Springfield -supplied them for about four weeks. Following this they made little or -no effort to secure food by hunting. If game crossed their path they -would kill it--if they could do so without much effort. But there was -no organization of hunting parties. After the confiscated supplies -were exhausted, they contented themselves with muskrat and skunk; and -as a luxury, Mrs. Sharp relates, they indulged in dog. As spring -opened they were able to secure a few ducks and geese, which seemed -very plentiful, but of which the Indians obtained only a few. Such -delicacies, however, were never shared with the captives: they were -not even allowed to assist in their preparation. - -The treatment of the horses secured at Okoboji and Springfield was -still worse. There was neither hay nor grass--little or nothing upon -which the horses might feed. Even so they were given but slight -opportunity to feed. Before the Big Sioux had been reached nearly all -of the horses taken in the raids at the lakes had died of -starvation.[286] - -Continued pursuit and ultimate capture by the soldiers seem to have -soon lost their terrors for the Indians. Although they kept constantly -on the move, progress was not very rapid--largely owing to the huge -drifts of snow over and through which they were compelled to travel. -Their first stopping-place, after nearly two weeks of uninterrupted -marching, was at the great red pipestone quarry in southwestern -Minnesota. This was but little more than one hundred miles northwest -of Heron Lake. Here they remained for a day quarrying pipestone and -fashioning pipes. A further cause for delay was the fact that the snow -was rapidly melting and travel, even for the Indians, was very -difficult. - -The Indians were now in a sacred region to which all the Sioux were -wont to make frequent journeys--a region closely associated with the -superstitions of their race. Here the footprints made by the Great -Spirit when he alighted upon the earth could be seen. It was while he -stood here that a stream of water burst forth from beneath his feet -and flowed away to nourish the plain. Here it was that the Great -Spirit fashioned a pipe and smoked: huge volumes of smoke issued forth -serving as a signal for all the tribes to assemble from far and near. -When so assembled, the Great Spirit, blowing the smoke over all, bade -them meet here always in peace even though they might be at war -elsewhere. Moreover, if they wished to receive his favor, the calumet -must be fashioned from the rock upon which he stood. Having thus -enjoined his people, the Great Spirit disappeared in a cloud. It is -said that ever afterward when the Indians met at the pipestone quarry, -they met in peace though elsewhere they might be at war.[287] - -After leaving the pipestone region so much time was consumed by the -Indians in camping that it might be said they camped more than they -marched. This is explained by the fact that they felt themselves now -wholly free from the danger of pursuit. Spring was rapidly approaching -and the smaller game was becoming more plentiful; and so they did not -feel the need of hastening to the buffalo ranges in Dakota. - -The burdens of the captives grew increasingly more difficult. Although -snow no longer impeded their march, the rains were frequent and the -rivers and creeks were flowing wide over the valleys. When it rained -they were without shelter. The streams were crossed by the Indians on -the backs of the few ponies that yet survived. But the captives had -to wade at the risk of losing their lives: they could not swim. - -Notwithstanding the hardships through which they were compelled to -pass, all but Mrs. Thatcher were faring much better than might have -been expected. Mrs. Marble, Mrs. Noble, and Abbie Gardner were willing -to appear resigned to their lot and did all that was requested of -them: they even appeared ready and willing to perform the many menial -duties which fell to their lot. With Mrs. Thatcher, however, it was -different. She had from the first rebelled at the service imposed by -her Indian captors; nor did she hesitate to show them very plainly her -frame of mind. This attitude on her part proved to be most -unfortunate. - -From the beginning of her captivity Mrs. Thatcher had been ill with -phlebitis, which before the end of two weeks had developed into -virulent blood poisoning.[288] Indeed, so serious was her condition -that for a large portion of the march she had been relieved of much of -her pack. At the pipestone quarry and on the march after leaving that -region the medicine man of the band had undertaken to treat her--and -the treatment seemed to help her. To such an extent had she been -relieved that the Indians considered her again able to bear a pack. -Thus it happened that when they arrived at the crossing of the Big -Sioux near the present village of Flandrau, Mrs. Thatcher was laden as -heavily as were the other three captives. - -This crossing had been for generations the fording place of the red -peoples in their pilgrimages to the pipestone quarry. Normally the -river at this point is wide but shallow. But "the vast amount of snow -which covered the ground that memorable winter had nearly gone, by -reason of the rapid thawing during the last few weeks, causing the -river to rise beyond all ordinary bounds, and assume majestic -proportions."[289] Throughout the greater portion of the upper course -of the Big Sioux it flows between perpendicular and continuous cliffs -of red jasper rocks peculiar to the region, but at or near this -traditional crossing place the stone cliffs were neither high nor -continuous. Moreover, at this particular time so many tree trunks had -become lodged by the spring freshets that at one point a bridge -crossing was formed. Upon this the Indians proposed to cross, instead -of attempting the more dangerous method of fording. At the prospect of -crossing the swollen stream, the captives were terrified, believing -that they would again be compelled to wade. They despaired of being -able to get across. The situation seemed quite hopeless. - -As soon as the determination to cross had been reached, an Indian -warrior--the one who had seized the box of caps from Gardner--removed -the pack from Mrs. Thatcher's back and transferred it to his own.[290] -This in itself was ominous, and Mrs. Thatcher was not slow to perceive -that some unusual disposition was to be made of her. As she was -ordered forward to the driftwood bridge she spoke to her companions, -bidding them goodbye and saying as she did so: "If any of you escape, -tell my dear husband that I wanted to live for his sake."[291] When -she had made the middle of the stream, the Indian carrying her pack -suddenly tripped her into the river. Retaining her presence of mind -she was able by desperate efforts to keep herself afloat. A number of -times she succeeded in making her way to the banks of the stream -where, grasping the roots of trees, she strove to pull herself out of -the water. But each time she was met by an Indian who clubbed her -loose and with a long pole pushed her into the main current. Finally, -as she came to shore and grasped the roots of a tree for what proved -to be the last time, an Indian who had always been peculiarly brutal -in his treatment of the captive raised his gun and shot her through -the head, killing her instantly.[292] - -Mrs. Marble relates that the death of Mrs. Thatcher "was hailed by the -Indian women with loud shouts of joy and exultation.--The feelings of -the surviving prisoners at this horrid murder, cannot be imagined. -They beheld in Mrs. Thatcher's death, the fate reserved for them, when -overpowered by fatigue, they would be unable to proceed."[293] - -The death of Mrs. Thatcher was a sad blow to the remaining captives: -it was particularly distressing to Mrs. Noble. These two women had -been lifelong friends and had married cousins. The families had come -to the frontier together, had lived in the same cabin, and had -planned to build homes as nearly together as possible. Mrs. Noble was -so depressed and so bereft of any hope that in the evening she -proposed to the other captives that they steal away to the Big Sioux -and drown themselves. Mrs Marble, however, succeeded in convincing her -that such an act would be useless. But from this time Mrs. Noble -seemed to be wholly indifferent as to her treatment or possible fate -at the hands of her captors. The captives were now made to realize as -never before the heartlessness of their captors: they lived in the -expectation that any day might see for them the end of life. - -Before them lay many days of the most wearisome travel. It is true -that walking had become easier, for spring had really come and the -trails were much improved. With spring had come also the blossoming of -the prairies; but in this there was neither charm nor beauty for the -captives as they wearily plodded on knowing not whither they were -bound. After crossing the Big Sioux the journey was continued in a -nearly direct line westward. Other bands of Sioux or Yanktons were now -frequently seen; and notwithstanding the reputation of Inkpaduta, he -and his band were usually very cordially met by other Indians. Indeed, -they were more than cordially greeted from time to time at these -chance meetings. The fact that they seemed to be known by all bands -they chanced to meet suggests that they were not strangers to the -region. The story of how they obtained their captives, which was -always told, seemed to be received with every sign of approbation. - -By May fifth Inkpaduta and his band had reached Lake M'da Chan-Pta-Ya -Tonka (Lake with a Grove of Big Trees). This body of water lies to the -east of the present town of Madison, South Dakota, at the headwaters -of Skunk Creek, and for that reason it has sometimes been called Skunk -Lake.[294] Situated about thirty miles west of Flandrau, South Dakota, -it is now known as Lake Madison. At the time it was visited by -Inkpaduta it was on the margin of the buffalo range. Hunting was now -quite the order of the day, and food became plentiful. The dressing -and preparing of skins occupied the time of the squaws. - - - - -XXVII - -THE RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE - - -In view of the events which followed the camping of the Indians at -Skunk Lake, it may be well to take note of the attempts made by the -Indian agent and by the Territory of Minnesota to rescue the captives -and punish the Indians. When the news of the massacre reached St. Paul -and other Minnesota towns it created no little excitement. The Sioux -were blamed as a nation, and this gave rise to a demand for their -punishment without just regard for the identification of the actual -perpetrators of the deed. - -Charles E. Flandrau, the agent of the Mississippi Sioux who was then -located at the agency on the Yellow Medicine, solved the problem of -the identity of the murderers to his own satisfaction, and late in -April began the publication of articles in a number of the most widely -circulated newspapers in Minnesota in which he explained to the people -of the Territory the real identity of the Indians concerned. While -doing this he was also conferring with Colonel E. B. Alexander, -commander of the Tenth United States Infantry then stationed at Fort -Ridgely, Minnesota, concerning the best course to be pursued in the -attempt to rescue the captives and apprehend the Indians. It was very -clear to both that only such a course could be adopted and followed -as would be reasonably sure to guarantee the safety of the white women -who presumably were still held in captivity by Inkpaduta's band. It -was felt by both Agent Flandrau and Colonel Alexander that the release -of the captives must be secured by resort to some means other than -force; but neither of these men was able to devise the proper means. -While they were seeking a solution of the difficulty, news was brought -of the ransoming of Mrs. Marble. - -It seems that two Indian brothers from the Yellow Medicine Agency, who -had been Christianized by the Rev. Stephen R. Riggs, had gone into the -district beyond the Big Sioux to take part in the spring hunt along -with other members of their tribe. While in the vicinity of Skunk -Lake, the brothers, Ma-kpe-ya-ka-ho-ton (Sounding Heavens) and -Se-ha-ho-ta (Gray foot) by name, sons of Spirit Walker, Chief of the -Lac qui Parle Wahpetons, heard that Inkpaduta had lately passed -through the region.[295] They were also told that his band held as -captives three white women who had been taken in a raid which they had -but lately made upon the settlements at the lakes. The first feeling -of the brothers was one of pity for the captives, since they well knew -the ferocious character of the Inkpaduta band. Discussing the matter -between themselves, they decided to visit the camp of Inkpaduta for -the purpose of securing the release of the captives. The plan met with -disapproval when it was submitted to their companions who feared the -consequences. But the brothers were so strongly convinced that they -could secure the release of at least one of the prisoners, and -possibly of all, that they refused the advice of their fellows and set -out on the trail of Inkpaduta. - -Anticipating that the release of the captives might only be secured -through ransom, the brothers had collected from their companions as -much in the way of personal belongings as could be spared. Adding this -to their own supply they thought they had sufficient property to -accomplish their purpose. Being Indians themselves, and therefore well -acquainted with the Indian attitude of mind, they did not take their -possessions with them when they went to Inkpaduta's camp to negotiate. -Instead they concealed the property in the brush on the lake shore not -far distant. At first they were not received with any show of -cordiality, for they were known to be Christian Indians: Inkpaduta -suspected them as spies, and they were constantly watched, since they -were supposed to be in direct communication with United States -soldiers. Frequently, as they would move about the camp, an alarm -would be raised that soldiers were coming.[296] - -The first night spent by the brothers in the camp was wholly taken up -with the recital of the well-worn tale of the massacre. At daybreak -the brothers broached the reason for their coming. All forenoon the -proposition was argued. Grayfoot, acting in the capacity of spokesman -of the brothers, did not hesitate to tell Inkpaduta the enormity of -the crime he had committed.[297] But Inkpaduta remained unimpressed; -and not until mid-afternoon did he give any sign of wavering. Finally -he proposed that the brothers take only one of the captives. This, he -added, would show his good faith in the matter. It was also quite -evident that this proposition was made for the purpose of getting rid -of his unwelcome and tenacious visitors as soon as possible. The price -demanded for the release of even one of the captives was so high that -there was nothing to do but accept the offer--especially since it was -clear that a longer parley was useless. The price for the one was to -be "one gun, a lot of blankets, a keg of powder, and a small supply of -Indian trinkets."[298] - -It appears that Inkpaduta did not value any one of the captives more -highly than the other, and so he was willing that the brothers should -exercise the privilege of choice. In a tepee only a short distance -away the white women were engaged in some of the menial tasks of the -afternoon. Grayfoot walked over to the tent and looked in. At first he -decided upon Mrs. Noble, being touched by her appearance of -unhappiness. But when he beckoned her to follow him from the tent, she -became angry and refused to comply. This apparently did not discourage -Grayfoot, for he turned to Mrs. Marble and repeated the signal. Mrs. -Marble, having resolved upon ready compliance with the demands of the -Indians, at once followed him from the tepee. It should be said that -there was little thought of selecting Miss Gardner for she was -regarded as relatively safe from harsh treatment by her captors on -account of her youth.[299] With Mrs. Marble, Grayfoot and Sounding -Heavens, accompanied by two of Inkpaduta's Indians, returned to the -camp upon the Big Sioux. - -Upon reaching this camp Mrs. Marble was informed by a Frenchman, who -happened to be in the camp, of the real purpose of the Indian -brothers. The brothers now hastened to the tepee of Spirit Walker at -Lac qui Parle where they arrived on May twentieth, the journey having -occupied ten days. Here Mrs. Marble was given clothing and as good -care as the means of Spirit Walker and his squaw would permit. Word -was taken in a few days to the missionaries, Riggs and Williamson, at -the upper agency that one of the Spirit Lake captives was at the tepee -of Spirit Walker. They at once hastened to the chief's lodge where -they found Mrs. Marble happily situated and somewhat reluctant to -leave her new-found and kind friends. Upon leaving the lodge she was -placed in the care of Agent Flandrau who started with her at once for -St. Paul where they arrived on May thirtieth. - -In writing of Mrs. Marble's arrival in St. Paul the _St. Paul Pioneer_ -describes her as being "about twenty-five years of age; of medium -size, and very pleasant looking. She is a native of Darke county, -Ohio, and moved to Michigan about ten years ago. She has been twice -married. Her first husband's name was Phips. After his death, she -married Mr. Marble, with whom she removed to Linn county, Iowa, and -ultimately to Spirit Lake in Dick[in]son county. Mrs. M. is in a very -destitute condition,--her husband has been murdered and as to whether -her parents are alive or not, she is ignorant. We trust those who are -blessed with a supply of this world's goods will contribute liberally -in aid of this unfortunate woman. The privations she has undergone, -and her present destitute condition commend her to the consideration -of the benevolent."[300] - -The Indian brothers in notifying Agent Flandrau of their ransom of -Mrs. Marble took occasion to remind him that they deemed the act -worthy of a somewhat liberal reward, for, quoting the language of -their letter, "it was perilous business, which we think should be -liberally rewarded. We claim for our services $500 each. We do not -want it in horses, they would be killed by jealous young men. We do -not wish it in ammunition and goods, these we should be obliged to -divide with others. The laborer is worthy of his own reward. We want -it in money, which we can make more serviceable to ourselves than it -could be in any other form. This is what we have to say."[301] - -To the agent this claim presented a problem difficult to handle, since -he could see no way in which to secure the amount demanded. At the -same time he did not for a moment consider the demand unjust--indeed -he was surprised at its reasonableness. Having no public money at his -disposal, if he met the demand it would necessarily be from private -funds of his own or from the generosity of others. His own private -funds amounted to but little more than five hundred dollars; and so -an equal amount had to be secured from other sources.[302] But where -should he go to solicit funds? When his own ingenuity failed to solve -the problem he called missionary Riggs into conference. They decided -upon a bold stroke of finance, which was nothing less than the -issuance of a Territorial bond for the amount required. This proved a -happy solution of the difficulty, and although they acted without -legal authority they issued the paper in good faith.[303] - - - - -XXVIII - -THE DEATH OF MRS. NOBLE AND THE RANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNER - - -From Mrs. Marble was obtained the information as to the whereabouts of -the other captives. Without delay Agent Flandrau and the Rev. Stephen -H. Riggs began to lay plans for their rescue. A dominant motive in -Agent Flandrau's desire to reward the brothers was to stimulate -interest in the rescue of those who remained in the hands of the -Indians. In this he was successful; for at once a number of whites and -Indians proffered their services. It was not, however, deemed -desirable that the rescue should be undertaken by any but red men. -Accordingly all whites who applied were at once rejected. - -The elimination finally left three volunteers--Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni -(sometimes called Little Paul) one of the staunchest native followers -of Rev. Riggs,[304] An-pe-tu-tok-cha (John Other Day),[305] and -Che-tan-maza. Equipped with the following outfit these Indians were -told to use it to the best advantage in securing the release of the -two remaining captives: - - Wagon and double harness $110.00 - Four horses 600.00 - Twelve three-point blankets, four blue and - eight white 56.00 - Twenty-two yards of blue squaw cloth 44.00 - Thirty-seven and a half yards of calico 5.37 - Twenty pounds of tobacco 10.00 - One sack of shot 4.00 - One dozen shirts 13.00 - Ribbon 4.75 - Fifty pounds of powder 25.00 - Corn 4.00 - Flour 10.00 - Coffee 1.50 - Sugar 1.50 - -This bill of goods totalling $889.12, was purchased by Agent Flandrau -of the traders at the Yellow Medicine Agency on credit, as he could -not from his own private funds make cash payment to that amount. Thus -equipped the Indians left the Yellow Medicine Agency on May -twenty-third bound southwestward in an effort to locate Inkpaduta and -negotiate with him for the release of his captives.[306] - -As soon as Mrs. Marble and her purchasers left the camp on Lake -Madison it was evident to Inkpaduta that it would not be long until -soldiers would again be on his trail. He felt sure that the captive's -return to civilization would result in redoubled energies to apprehend -him. Hence, as soon as his two envoys to the hunting camp on the Big -Sioux returned, he was once more on the move. He went first to Lake -Herman, which was only a short distance from Lake Madison. From Lake -Herman his course led northwestward and then up the valley of the -James or Dakota River. - -About two weeks after the breaking of camp at Lake Madison they fell -in with a band of Yanktons. In this band was a one-legged fellow, -Wanduskaihanke (End of the Snake) by name, who, having an eye for -business and having heard of the ransom of Mrs. Marble, decided to buy -the remaining captives, take them to the Missouri River forts, and -there offer them for sale. A bargain was soon struck with Inkpaduta, -who now seemed anxious to rid himself of his charges, and the transfer -of property at once took place. But for some reason not clear the -Yankton instead of continuing with his band remained with Inkpaduta's -party, which now moved directly north, headed for the Earth Lodges of -the Yanktons. Apparently the Indians under Inkpaduta paid no further -heed to the captives. - -Thus matters had stood for some days when one evening, as Mrs. Noble -and Miss Gardner were preparing for the night's rest, Roaring Cloud, a -son of Inkpaduta, entered. The captives suspected that trouble was at -hand and anxiously waited to see what form it might take. Roaring -Cloud had no sooner entered than he ordered Mrs. Noble out of the -tent. She refused to comply. Enraged, he grasped her by one arm and -with his other hand seized a stick of wood which happened to be close -by. Dragging her out of the tepee, he struck her three or four heavy -blows on the head, thus ending her life. On the following morning, as -the squaws were breaking camp, the warriors gathered about the dead -body and amused themselves by shooting arrows into it. - -That the Indians with their remaining captive now journeyed well into -the range of the buffalo is evidenced by the testimony of Mrs. Sharp -who said that they "crossed one prairie so vast and so perfectly -devoid of timber, that for days not even a hazel-brush, or a sprout -large enough for a riding-whip could be found." As they "attained the -more elevated points the scene was really sublime. Look in any -direction, and the grassy plain was bounded only by the horizon.... -The only things to be seen, except grass, were wild fowls, birds, -buffalo, and antelope. The supply of buffalo seemed almost as -limitless as the grass. This was their own realm, and they showed no -inclination to surrender it, not even to the Sioux."[307] - -Within two days after the killing of Mrs. Noble the Indians crossed -the James somewhere near the mouth of Snake Creek and encamped a short -distance to the south of the site of the present town of Ashton. Not -far removed was a permanent camp of about one hundred and ninety -lodges of Yankton Sioux. - -The arrival of the white captive created a stir in the Yankton camp. -Their great curiosity was probably due to the fact that she was the -first white person that many of them had ever seen. Her hair and skin -were examined with intense admiration. "No sooner was one company out -of the _teepe_ (sic) than others came; and so they kept it up from -morning until night, day after day".[308] The excitement over the -white captive had scarcely died away when it was renewed by the -arrival of the three Indian emissaries from the Yellow Medicine, who -came garbed in civilized attire, "coats and white shirts, with -starched bosoms."[309] They had taken up Inkpaduta's trail at Lake -Madison and had closely followed it all the way without overtaking the -band. - -Considerable time was spent in parleying for the captive, but the -Yankton owner remained firm in his refusal of the terms offered. At -the close of the second day he stated that he would have to submit the -question of sale to a tribal vote, since he lacked the power to -negotiate it himself. This brought to light the fact that there were -two parties in the tribe--one favoring immediate sale, the other -maintaining that it would be better to take the captive to the -Missouri River country. - -While these negotiations were in progress groups of Yanktons visited -Abbie Gardner. With great gusto they dwelt upon the situation that -existed in the council from time to time. Each group had its own -version as to her future disposition. "One would say that I would be -taken to the river and drowned.... Another would tell me that I would -be bound to a stake and burned, showing the manner in which I would -writhe and struggle in the flames. Another declared that I was to be -cut to pieces by inches; taking his knife and beginning at my toes, or -fingers, he would show how piece after piece was to be cut off".[310] -Finally the captive was relieved by a Yankton squaw who told her that -there was no truth in these explanations, since the council had -decided that she was to be freed by sale to the stranger Indians who -would take her back to the whites. Thus on the fifth day of the -council the party for immediate sale won, and the tribal vote -expressed a willingness to close the bargain as soon as possible. - -The price paid for the ransom of Abbie Gardner was probably "two -horses, twelve blankets, two kegs of powder, twenty pounds of tobacco, -thirty-two yards of blue squaw cloth, thirty-seven and a half yards of -calico and ribbon, and other small articles".[311] Although there is -no little disagreement as to how much was actually paid for her -ransom, it is certain that none of the many articles with which the -Indians were provided to secure the release of Mrs. Noble and Miss -Gardner were ever turned back or accounted for by the three Indians. -From this it may fairly be presumed that all were used in bringing -about the ransom. - -After the purchase price had been paid and the captive turned over to -her new care-takers, they were all urged by the Yanktons to remain and -attend a feast to be given in their honor. Abbie Gardner, however, was -anxious to make her return to civilization as speedily as possible. -She had also observed in the preparations which were being made that -roast dog was to be served at the feast, and so declined to attend, -urging upon her guides an immediate departure. In spite of her failure -to appreciate the honor of a dog feast, the Yankton chief, -Ma-to-wa-ken, ordered that the wagon be piled high with buffalo skins -and meat. So well filled was the wagon that only Miss Gardner could be -accommodated in addition to the load.[312] As a further assurance of -good will the chief sent two of his best men along as a guard. They -were to accompany the group to the Wahpeton Agency before turning -back. Evidently this was a safeguard against attack from Inkpaduta's -men, for it appears that a number of his party followed for four days -before turning back to the camp on Snake Creek.[313] - -The return trip of Abbie Gardner was strikingly different from her -forced flight, since now she was the only member of the party who rode -while all the others walked. The first adventure of the journey which -proved to her the good intentions of the Indians was at the crossing -of the James River. When the party arrived at the stream, the girl was -placed in a frail little boat not more than five or six feet in -length--just large enough for herself. In her fright she recalled the -Yankton's tales of her early killing by her purchasers. But she was -soon happily assured of their good intentions. Having placed her in -the frail boat, they attached a strong rawhide thong cable to one end. -When these preparations for crossing were completed, the Indians -divested themselves of most of their clothing, plunged into the -stream, and led or guided the canoe and its occupant safely across to -the opposite bank. From this time on the girl's confidence in her -guides grew with every evidence of their good will toward her. - -The return journey was without any unusual incident. After a week of -uninterrupted traveling, they came to a region thickly populated with -Indians, and to the great joy of Abbie Gardner there were a large -number of log houses in addition to the primitive and loathsome -tepees. She thought these were inhabited by white people when she -first sighted them, but later she discovered that such was not the -case: they were all inhabited by Indians. After two more days of -travel, she reached the home of a half-breed family who could talk -English. It was here that she learned that her guides had been sent -out by the authorities to bring her in. While they tarried here for a -day and a half Abbie made a suit for herself out of cloth furnished by -the half-breed girls at whose home she lodged.[314] The next stop was -at the Yellow Medicine mission on the confines of civilization. Here -the girl was given into the temporary care of the missionaries, Dr. -and Mrs. Thomas S. Williamson. The date of her arrival at this point -was on or about the tenth day of June. Her joy was altogether -unbounded when she found herself once more lodged in the home of a -person of her own race; for she now fully realized that her -deliverance was actual and not a fanciful dream. - - * * * * * - -While this expedition was being successfully carried out, Agent -Flandrau had gone to St. Paul with Mrs. Marble, whom he tells us he -took thither in his own wagon. As soon as they arrived Mrs. Marble was -turned over to a Mrs. Long, the wife of Steve Long, proprietor of the -Fuller House then located at the northeast corner of Jackson and -Seventh Streets. Mrs. Long was instructed to outfit her in the most -becoming and "effective widow's weeds obtainable in the market".[315] -When this had been satisfactorily accomplished, Mrs. Marble was -presented to the people at a public meeting or reception in the hotel. -Before the reception came to a close over one thousand dollars had -been contributed toward her future support. This was turned over to -Governor Medary to be used in whatever manner the Governor thought -best. Mrs. Marble was detained in St. Paul for only a brief time, due -to her great desire to return to her friends and relatives in the -East. At the time of her leaving, Governor Medary gave her two hundred -and fifty dollars of the money contributed and placed the remainder in -a St. Paul bank. Later the bank failed and nothing could be realized -on the deposit.[316] - - * * * * * - -At the time of Abbie Gardner's arrival at the Yellow Medicine station, -the annuity Indians were in revolt because of the non-payment of -annuities then due. These annuities were being held up until the -Indians would agree to coöperate in apprehending Inkpaduta and his -band. A massacre seemed imminent at any moment; but within two days -after her arrival the Indians tentatively agreed to coöperate and all -became peaceful. The return of quiet among the Indians enabled a -certain Mr. Robinson to join in the trip to St. Paul. The journey was -by means of a team and a cumbersome lumber wagon which, owing to the -almost unbroken roads, did not permit of either rapid or comfortable -travel. Sunday, or the day following their start, was spent at -Redwood, Lower Agency, just above Fort Ridgely. Word was carried in -advance to Captain Bee, who at this time was in command at the post. -Upon the receipt of the news the Captain at once sent his horse and -buggy with the urgent request that the girl return with his orderly to -spend Sunday at the post with his family. But her Indian rescuers were -suspicious of an attempt to deprive them of their reward and would not -consent to her going unless they accompanied her. Of course such an -arrangement could not be made, and so the acceptance of Captain Bee's -kind invitation was impossible. - -Since Abbie Gardner could not spend Sunday at the fort, the officers, -Captain Bee and Lieutenant Murry, resolved to express their admiration -for the girl's fortitude and courage in another way. Previous to her -arrival at the post on the following day, these officers solicited -from the soldiers a purse containing several dollars in gold, which -with a gold ring were presented to her upon her arrival. The -presentation was made by Mrs. Bee on behalf of the contributors to the -fund. Lieutenant Murry presented her, as a personal testimonial of his -regard for her wonderful bravery, an elegant shawl and a dress -pattern of the finest cloth that could be obtained at the post -trader's store.[317] - -From Fort Ridgely the rescue party followed the cross country trail to -Traverse des Sioux, then the head of navigation on the Minnesota -River. Here they embarked on a steamer; and on June 22nd they reached -Shakopee where a large crowd awaited their coming. Again Abbie Gardner -was presented with a purse of money amounting to some thirty dollars. -The news of her coming had preceded her down the river to St. Paul, -and when she arrived there on the evening of the same day she was -again met by a large number of people. Accompanied by her rescuers and -the Yankton messenger, she was hurried to a carriage and taken to the -Fuller House. The landlady, the same who had cared for Mrs. Marble, -immediately took her in charge with the same purpose in view as on the -previous occasion--that of making her presentable for a public -reception. - -Previous to her arrival it had been arranged that Abbie Gardner should -be formally and publicly turned over to the Governor by her rescuers. -Thus, at ten o'clock on the morning of Tuesday, June twenty-third, in -the public receiving room of the Fuller House the ceremony took place -in the presence of a large number of ladies and gentlemen who were -specially invited to be present. There was much speechmaking, in which -Governor Medary, Agent Flandrau, Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, and -An-pe-tu-tok-cha took the prominent parts. Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni reminded -Governor Medary of the great regard in which his people held the -whites and how on account of their desire to manifest this respect he -and his companions had been willing to undertake the perilous -mission--which they really believed at the outset might prove to be a -fatal undertaking. An-pe-tu-tok-cha followed his companion with a -relation of the salient features of the journey to and from the -Yankton camp and with a description of the difficulties met and -overcome in the council while the negotiation for the captive's ransom -was pending. - -Governor Medary in reply cautioned the Indians against fraternizing or -holding any form of communication with the lawless elements of the -plains Indians; and he assured them that the great service they had -rendered would be rewarded in a proper manner, and that an account of -their mission would be sent to the Great Father at Washington as soon -as possible.[318] - -At the close of the ceremony Agent Flandrau presented Abbie Gardner -with a magnificent Indian war bonnet--the gift of the Yankton chief, -Ma-to-wa-ken, from whom she had been purchased. The bonnet had been -entrusted to the keeping of Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni with instructions to -have it presented to the girl when she should be safely delivered to -their White Father, the Governor. Following these formalities an -elaborate state dinner was served in honor of the released captive and -her rescuers. - -On the following day, which was June twenty-fourth, Abbie Gardner, -under the escort of Governor Medary and accompanied by a certain L. P. -Lee, embarked on the steamer "Galena" for Iowa, for the purpose of -finding her sister Eliza, who had been so fortunate as to escape the -massacres at Okoboji and Springfield. Governor Medary accompanied her -as far as Dubuque. In case the sister could not be located, he -proposed to take Abbie to Columbus, Ohio, and adopt her into his own -family.[319] From Dubuque Mr. Lee conducted Miss Gardner to Fort Dodge -where she was left in the care of Major William Williams, who promised -to have her taken as soon as possible to the home of her sister. It -seems that Eliza Gardner had married William R. Wilson of Company B of -the Fort Dodge relief expedition and was then living at Hampton, Iowa. - -At Hampton anxiously awaiting the captive's return was not only her -sister, but also Mr. Thatcher who was hoping that he might yet hear -something favorable concerning Mrs. Thatcher. To Abbie Gardner fell -the sad duty of conveying to him the last words spoken by Mrs. -Thatcher as she started to cross what turned out to be a river of -death.[320] - - - - -XXIX - -PURSUIT AND PUNISHMENT OF INKPADUTA - - -Immediately after the departure of Abbie Gardner, Agent Flandrau and -her rescuers returned to the Yellow Medicine Agency. Here Agent -Flandrau proceeded to make a settlement with the Indians who had so -well demonstrated their good faith. Without difficulty the matter was -adjusted upon the basis of a four hundred dollar cash payment to each -or a total of twelve hundred dollars.[321] The legislature of -Minnesota Territory had acted in the matter while these Indians were -on their mission; and the payment was now made on behalf of Governor -Medary. - -By the first of May sentiment had begun to crystallize in favor of -some form of action by the Territorial legislature looking toward the -rescue of the captives. Before such action could be taken, Mrs. Marble -was brought in. This only increased the interest in the welfare of -those yet remaining in the hands of the Indians somewhere on the -Dakota plains. An insistent popular demand arose for immediate action; -and this demand was met by an appropriation of ten thousand -dollars.[322] But the news of this action had not reached Agent -Flandrau at the time he sent his Indians to the rescue. The Territory -willingly honored all obligations contracted by him for the purpose -of the ransom, even paying the principal and interest upon the -ingeniously contrived but extra-legal bond. In securing the release of -Abbie Gardner and Mrs. Marble somewhat more than three thousand -dollars were expended out of the ten thousand appropriated.[323] - -As soon as Agent Flandrau had outfitted his Indians and had seen them -off on their journey for the rescue of Mrs. Noble and Abbie Gardner, -he went to Fort Ridgely to confer with Colonel Alexander as to the -best plan of operating against Inkpaduta. In any event the plan was to -be put in operation only on receipt of word that the captives were -safe from further harm. Colonel Alexander was very enthusiastic over -the suggested punishment of Inkpaduta's band, and he signified his -willingness to detail no less than five companies to proceed to the -Skunk Lake region and close in upon the Indian outlaws from as many -directions. This plan it was believed would, destroy all possibility -of escape. But before arrangements had been fully matured, Colonel -Alexander was ordered by the War Department to get his forces under -way immediately and unite with those under General Albert Sidney -Johnston who was marching west to quell the Mormon disturbances in -Utah. Unfortunately the successor to Colonel Alexander had but little -interest in the matter, and Agent Flandrau's scheme had to be given -up, at least for a time. - -Following quickly upon the order received by Colonel Alexander was one -sent by the Secretary of the Interior to Agent Flandrau "to -investigate and report the facts in the case, and the measures"[324] -which in his judgment would be most effective in ferreting out and -punishing the marauders. This order somewhat irritated the agent as he -had already reported fully upon the facts and had suggested the best -measures to be taken in dealing with the outlaws. In commenting upon -this incident the agent wrote some years later that he "had become so -thoroughly convinced of the imbecility of a military administration, -which clothed and equipped its troops exactly in the same manner for -duty in the tropical climate of Florida, and the frigid region of -Minnesota, that I took advantage of the invitation, to lay before the -authorities some of my notions as to what was the proper thing to -do".[325] - -Agent Flandrau does not appear to have considered the request for a -report as being urgent, since he sent no reply until August -twenty-seventh, nearly two months later. In the report he took -occasion to suggest a remedy for the causes of the failure of Captain -Bee's detail to capture Inkpaduta's band before it made the attack on -Springfield. As has already been stated the slow progress of the -detail was not alone due to the depth of the snow, but also to the -unwieldly character of the men's equipment. Concerning this situation -the agent observed that "the ordinary means of transportation in the -army is, as you well know, by heavy wagons drawn by mules. In the -winter these wagons are placed upon sleds, and where there are roads -for them to go upon, they can do well enough. But, as I have before -said, it will be very seldom if ever, that troops will be called upon -to act in a country where there are roads of any kind made in the -snow, consequently these sleds and mules are useless." In lieu of this -sort of equipment, he recommended that troops, to be effective in -winter, should be equipped with snowshoes. In concluding he asked that -men be placed on the frontier "who will at all times and under all -circumstances, be _superior_ to the enemy they have to contend with, -and I would have no fear of a recurrence of the difficulties of last -spring".[326] - -The annuities due the Sioux Indians in accordance with the treaties of -Traverse des Sioux and Mendota were customarily paid them at the upper -and lower agencies during the closing week in June of each year. Upon -such occasions the Indians flocked to these points by the thousands -from Minnesota and Dakota. They came prepared to celebrate; and this -they commonly did for several days both before and after the payment -was made. It was not alone the annuity Indians who assembled, but the -undesirable whites of the frontier also came to pick up whatever money -might be obtainable. At this particular time--late in June, 1857--in -addition to about six thousand annuity Indians, many such desperate -characters had gathered at the agencies and may be considered -responsible for much that happened. - -When all had gathered in at the two agencies, the Superintendent of -Indian Affairs, W. J. Cullen, called a conference at the Upper Agency. -This council, attended by representatives from all bands of the Upper -Sioux and a few from the lower tribes, was addressed by Superintendent -Cullen. He told them plainly that they would be held responsible for -the conduct of the lawless characters of their nation, and that in -view of this responsibility they should without delay devise some -means of apprehending Inkpaduta. Leaving them to deliberate and report -later, he proceeded to the Lower Agency, where he called a like -council of the Mdewakanton and Wahpekuta bands to meet on July -twelfth. At this meeting he made the same demands as at the Upper -Agency and with like result. - -Within a brief time Cullen received deputations from both branches of -the Sioux informing him that they neither could nor would comply with -his demands unless United States soldiers were sent with them. He -communicated the demand to Major Sherman, then commanding at Fort -Ridgely, who replied that soldiers could not be furnished for such an -undertaking since there was not a sufficient number then at the post -to make it advisable to spare any; and "the policy of sending soldiers -to co-operate with Indians ... would only expose troops to treachery -on the part of the Indians." Then, too, "a body of Indians on an -expedition of that kind would rely on troops to do the work of -capturing and killing ... in case they should have an engagement with -the party they were seeking".[327] - -Admitting the soundness of this answer Superintendent Cullen informed -the Indian envoys that United States troops could not be furnished for -such a purpose, and he stated that unless the Indians decided to -undertake such an expedition alone and unaided, other measures than -those already taken would be resorted to from necessity. No further -action coming from the Indians, Superintendent Cullen determined to -withhold the annuities.[328] - -On the thirteenth the Indians again declined to go in pursuit of -Inkpaduta without the aid of United States troops. On the fourteenth -they began consolidating their bands and it became evident to all that -trouble was afoot. Matters were growing more critical every day. The -whites became alarmed and began to leave their farms. Many fled to the -post or left the country altogether. The situation reached a climax on -the evening of the fifteenth when a Sisseton, without provocation, -stabbed a soldier of Major Sherman's command. The Indian escaped and -fled to the Sisseton camp where he was received and protected. This -incident evidenced the determination of these Indians to protect -rather than punish law-breakers.[329] - -The crisis was made more acute by the demand for the release of the -Indian to the military authorities. Major Sherman made the demand and -was refused. The officer sent by him was received "with two hundred of -their guns pointed towards him". Delivery of the culprit was, however, -promised for the next morning. At that time "they came down from their -lodges, numbering about twenty-five hundred warriors, all armed and -painted, evidently prepared for fight. Many surrounded and came into -the camp; they asked a council".[330] They were told that their -request could not be granted until they surrendered the culprit and -laid their guns aside. By deceit they then sought to draw out the -Indian agents and army officers one by one to talk, with the intention -of killing them when they had been drawn into a council. In this plan -they were frustrated, and on the following day they surrendered the -culprit. The Indians were probably emboldened by the panic which then -existed throughout the whole of southern and western Minnesota. They -construed the situation as "an open confession of cowardice, fear and -weakness" upon the part of the Indian and military authorities, and -they were ready to flout both at any opportunity.[331] - -At this time Little Crow appeared and tendered his best offices in -quieting the disturbance and expelling the malcontents. While these -rebellious proceedings were taking place at the Upper Agency, he had -been at the Redwood Agency. Owing to his intercession and influence, -the Indians at the Lower Agency sent word within a day or two that -they were willing to undertake the pursuit and punishment of -Inkpaduta. In this resolve they were also joined by the Sissetons. -Because of Little Crow's undoubted influence in bringing his tribesmen -to terms, it was decided to place him in command of the expedition if -such an appointment was acceptable to its members--which proved to be -the case. But the Indians were in no condition to embark on such an -expedition, since they were without food or supplies of any kind. Upon -their assurance of good faith in the prosecution of the expedition -they were promised the needed supplies. - -Thus equipped the Indian expedition started in pursuit of Inkpaduta on -the nineteenth day of July. To hold them to the faithful performance -of their promise, Superintendent Cullen sent his interpreter, Joseph -Campbell, and six half-breeds along to report upon operations. One -hundred and six warriors under Little Crow made up the personnel of -the company, in addition to Campbell and the half-breeds.[332] The -membership came from the whole Sioux nation represented at the -agencies, being recruited from the seventeen bands of the Upper Sioux -and the eight bands of the Lower Sioux. - -After an absence of sixteen days the Little Crow expeditionary force -returned to the Upper Agency on the fourth of August. They reported -that on July twenty-eighth, on arriving at Skunk Lake, they found six -lodges of Inkpaduta's people. These were divided into two encampments -of three lodges each, about three miles apart. Prior to the arrival of -the expedition the lodges were deserted by their occupants who fled to -the Big Drift Wood Lake, twenty miles away. They had evidently fled to -this lake for the better protection it would afford, owing to the rank -growth of reeds in its shallow waters. When the pursuers came up with -the fleeing Indians fighting began at once, but it had continued only -a half hour when darkness put an end to the conflict. In the morning -three prisoners were taken, two squaws and a boy, and three men were -found killed and one wounded. Of those killed one was identified as -Mak-pi-a-pe-ta or Fire Cloud, a twin son of Inkpaduta. It was also -learned from the captives that a defection had arisen in Inkpaduta's -band, as a result of which Inkpaduta and a few followers had broken -away and gone to the Snake Creek camp of the Yanktons. Not feeling -strong enough to make demands upon a camp of over a thousand Yankton -friends of Inkpaduta the expedition had returned to report.[333] - -But Superintendent Cullen was not satisfied with what had been done -and he plainly spoke his mind. His insistence irritated not only -Little Crow, but other leaders of the Sioux at both agencies. Cullen, -however, was determined and he called a council of the Sissetons and -Wahpetons at the Upper Agency on August tenth. The Indian -representatives were sullen and Superintendent Cullen was tactless, -with the result that many sharp replies were exchanged to the -disadvantage of both parties. Wahpuja Wicasta accused the -Superintendent of being dissatisfied because they, the Indians, had -failed to bring back a piece of Inkpaduta that he, Superintendent -Cullen, might taste of it and thus pronounce upon its genuineness and -prove their good faith in the pursuit of the outlaw.[334] -Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, representing the soldier lodge which had been -formed, spoke bitterly concerning the wrongs done the Indians and -accused Superintendent Cullen of breaking faith in his relations with -the soldiers and in his failure to reward the efforts which they had -honestly put forth.[335] Superintendent Cullen failed to accomplish -his purpose and in the end had to admit the need for action upon the -part of the military arm of the government. Such action he now -recommended, as well as the payment of the annuities long overdue. It -is a reflection upon the effectiveness of the military to note that no -further action was taken to punish the outlaw and his band. - -For a few years Inkpaduta was lost sight of. Apparently he had ceased -his activities along the frontier. For five years he remained in -seclusion. In the summer of 1862 a portion of the band appeared at the -Yellow Medicine Agency, hoping to share in the annuities of that year. -Agent Galbraith, hearing of their presence, sent Lieutenant T. J. -Sheehan with a few soldiers to drive them away from the agency. But -their friends had warned them; and when the detail surrounded the camp -to the south of Lake Benton the Indians were gone. The trail was -followed for some distance, but it suddenly ended leaving not a trace -of its continuance. - -It must not be supposed, however, that Inkpaduta contented himself -with a life of complete inactivity. He is presumed to have joined with -Little Crow in a plan for the expulsion of all whites from the Dakota -country which was to culminate in the massacres of 1862. During the -progress of this revolt his presence was several times reported, and -toward its close he is said to have gone westward and united with the -Santees of the Missouri. In a few years he succeeded in uniting this -tribe with the Yanktons and then secured the leadership. - -But he had now grown too old to be aggressive, and so his leadership -was more nominal than real. According to Holcombe "Inkpadoota's last -appearance in an historical scene was at the Custer massacre, in the -Little Big Horn, in Eastern Montana, in June, 1876. On the morning of -the day that General Custer made his ill-fated ride upon the Indian -camp, Inkpadoota, then seventy-five years old, and stone blind, was -sitting on the banks of the Little Big Horn ... with two of his -grandsons, and the three were fishing in the stream. The little boys -were the first to see Major Reno's command as it came riding up the -valley to hold the Indians on the south, while Custer should come upon -them from the north. They ran as fast as they could encumbered with -their blind and decrepit grandsire, and gave the alarm in time for -Gall and Grass to come down and drive back Reno, and then hasten back -and exterminate Custer and his force. At this time, and for ten years -before, Inkpadoota had been blind, and no longer regarded as a leader -of any body, for he could not walk without a guide. He and his two -surviving sons fled with Sitting Bull to Canada, finally locating at -the Canadian Red Pipestone Quarry, in Southwestern Manitoba. Here, in -1894, Dr. Charles Eastman, the well-known Indian authority, found the -descendants of Inkpadoota.... However, the bloody-minded old savage -himself had died miserably some years before".[336] Thus ended the -life of an implacable foe of the white race, who for nearly forty -years had terrorized the northwestern frontier from the Mississippi -River in Iowa to the far away Rockies of Canada. - -Of the original band but little more remains to be said. While the -excitement was at its highest in the closing days of June, 1857, -incident to the non-payment of the annuities, Agent Flandrau, then at -the Lower Agency, received a note from Sam Brown, a trader on the -Yellow Medicine. The note brought the information that Inkpaduta and -several of his band were then at the Upper Agency. The agent -immediately sent a messenger to Fort Ridgely requesting help. He was -given a detachment of fifteen men under Lieutenant Murry. While these -troops were on the way from Fort Ridgely to the Redwood Agency, Agent -Flandrau recruited a volunteer force of perhaps twenty-five men to -assist in the operations against Inkpaduta. Among these volunteers was -the well-known scout and interpreter, Joseph Campbell, who was almost -an indispensable adjunct of any such expedition. When these -preparations had been completed, the Indian messenger was sent back to -the Upper Agency with the request that a guide be sent out to meet and -lead them to the outlaw's camp. - -At dusk the united forces started for the Yellow Medicine. About -midway between the two agencies there was a high mound or butte which -overlooked the whole of the surrounding country for miles. The trail -being followed was that of the Sioux and according to their custom it -passed over the summit of the elevation. When the party had reached -the summit they found An-pe-tu-tok-cha or Other Day who had been sent -by Brown to guide them to the camp. When found he was quietly sitting -by the side of the trail, engaged in his favorite pastime of smoking. -Upon being accosted he gave not the slightest evidence of recognition -or interest. When he finally replied to questions put to him he -admitted that a few of Inkpaduta's Indians were near the Yellow -Medicine, up the river about five miles, and numbered perhaps six -lodges. Further than this he either did not have, or did not care to -give, information. When questioned as to methods of attack he declared -the best plan would be to "charge down on the camp, and when they see -the soldiers, they will know who they are after, and any of -_Ink-pa-du-ta's_ people that are there, will run or show fight, the -rest will remain passive."[337] This plan, after being confirmed by -Campbell as best, was adopted. - -With Other Day as guide, the march was resumed. The party reached the -river, about one mile below the camp, just at dawn. The camp was -pitched on a plateau or open prairie about a quarter of a mile from -the river. To reach the shelter of the river it would be necessary for -one fleeing from the camp to pass across the open space and go down a -precipitous descent of about fifty feet. When within a half mile of -the camp, a charge was ordered by Lieutenant Murry. Nearly -simultaneously with this command an Indian, leading a squaw, ran from -one of the lodges toward the river. Other Day at once called out that -there was the man, and rifles instantly cracked. Obviously the -fugitive was not hit, for he safely made the shelter of the brush -along the river in the face of a continued fire. - -In his hurried flight the Indian was not unarmed, for he carried a -double-barreled shot-gun. This fact made it extremely dangerous to go -into the brush after him or even to attempt a reconnaissance. That he -intended to defend himself was evident, for as soon as he reached the -shelter of the brush he began firing on the attacking party. Each shot -from him was greeted with a volley from the soldiers, which soon put -an end to his firing. When found the body of the man was riddled with -bullets. Upon investigation the individual proved to be none other -than Roaring Cloud, son of Inkpaduta, the Indian who had so -atrociously attacked and murdered Mrs. Noble. - -The squaw whom he led at the beginning of his dash for the river was -taken prisoner in the hope that she might assist in identifying the -Indian who had been killed, as well as give information about other -inhabitants of the camp. Taking her prisoner, however, proved most -unfortunate, for it produced a great commotion at the Upper Agency -which only added fuel to the excitement over the deferred annuities. -On the return it was necessary to pass through the camps of over -seven thousand Indians. According to Agent Flandrau "the excitement -among them was terrible. The squaw kept up a howling such as a squaw -in distress only can make. The Indians swarmed about us, guns in hand, -and scowled upon us in the most threatening manner.... I then began to -realize the desperate temerity of the enterprise. Our salvation was -simply the moral force of the government that was behind us. We -reached the Agency buildings in safety, and took possession of a log -house, where we remained several days in a state of sleepless anxiety, -until relieved by Major Sherman with the famous old Buena Vista -battery.... We felt ... like the man who was chased by a bear, and -finally seized his paws around a tree; he wanted somebody _to help him -let go_."[338] With the coming of the battery the Indians became -quiet. - - - - -XXX - -THE MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA - - -From what has preceded one might conclude that Minnesota Territory -alone was sufficiently interested in the welfare of the captives and -the punishment of the marauders to take official action relative -thereto. Although such was not the case, it is true that Minnesota -Territory through its legislative body was the first to take official -notice of the situation and attempt a remedy. To be sure the Governors -of Iowa had for several years been insistent in making demands upon -the Federal government for the protection of the northwestern -frontier; but nothing was accomplished. Both the Iowa legislature and -Congress remained obdurate. - -The delay on the part of Iowa was in large part due to the belief that -the frontier troubles demanded action by the Federal authorities -rather than by the State.[339] After the presentation of numerous -petitions and following considerable debate, the Thirty-fifth Congress -enacted a relief measure on June 14, 1858, by which the sum of twenty -thousand dollars was appropriated "for defraying the expenses of the -several expeditions against Ink-pa-du-tah's band, and in the search, -ransom, and recovery of the female captives taken by said band in -eighteen hundred and fifty-seven".[340] This fund was to be expended -under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, who in turn -designated the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, W. J. Cullen of St. -Paul, Minnesota, as the disbursing agent of the Department. - -Under the provisions of this act claims aggregating $7180.36 were -presented by Iowans to Superintendent Cullen.[341] Upon the submission -of required proof and the auditing of claims submitted, Superintendent -Cullen recommended a payment of $3156.36 to apply on supplies -furnished the Iowa relief expedition, and $1657.00 for services -rendered by individual members of the expedition, making a total of -$4813.36.[342] These claims were duly certified to the Secretary of -the Interior, and the auditors of the Department, after eight months -of examination of proof, advised the payment of $3628.43--a cut of -$1184.93 from the Superintendent's recommendations.[343] - -The act of the Thirty-fifth Congress was later supplemented by a -second and a third act by the Thirty-sixth Congress under dates of -June 19 and 21, 1860--the first[344] of which set aside $16,679.90, -and the second[345] $18,988.84 for the further reimbursement of the -State. These measures were further supplemented during the same -Congress by an act, under date of March 2, 1861, indemnifying the -"citizens of Iowa and Minnesota for the destruction of property at or -near Spirit Lake by Ink-pa-du-tah's band of Sioux Indians", to the -amount of $9,640.74.[346] By these acts the Federal government had set -aside a total of $65,308.48 to indemnify the citizens of Iowa and -Minnesota for lives lost, property destroyed, and expenses incurred in -connection with the rescue of the captives and the punishment of the -outlaws. Further than this Congress refused to act, the consensus of -opinion in Congress being that the States concerned should supply any -further needed relief. - -Almost two years after Congress had officially recognized the need of -the State for assistance in handling the Indian frontier problem, the -Iowa legislature took action. On March 12, 1860, a bill was enacted -into law whereby "the sum of three thousand dollars, or so much -thereof as shall be necessary" was appropriated for the aid of those -members of the relief expedition who had drawn largely upon their -private means to finance the undertaking, but who had not been -afforded the expected relief by the Federal government. - -Under the provisions of this act the Governor was made the auditor of -all claims presented in accordance with its provisions. He was -directed to secure copies of all claims filed with the Federal -government and, when satisfied by the evidence submitted that such as -were yet unpaid were just, he might issue an order upon the Treasurer -of State to pay the claims.[347] This law was supplemented on March -twenty-second by a second act looking toward the relief of persons -specifically named in the law,[348] although no additional funds for -such purpose were provided. Under the provisions of these acts there -was disbursed under order of the Governor a total of $1126.02, which -was distributed among eighty-two claimants.[349] - -Before the matter had been finally closed the strife between North and -South eliminated from the public mind an interest in all things save -the momentous struggle then in progress. Thus it happened that the -Spirit Lake Massacre and the relief expeditions were lost from view -for more than a generation. But there was one individual with an -abiding interest who for thirty years cherished the hope of -commemorating in some way the heroic struggles of that little group of -men who went from Webster City in March, 1857, to relieve the settlers -at the lakes. In the summer of 1887 Charles Aldrich, long a resident -of Webster City, proposed placing a brass tablet in some suitable -place in that city in memory of Company C of the relief expedition. -The decision was quickly reached to place the memorial in the Hamilton -County court house and to ask the board of supervisors to appropriate -three hundred dollars to meet the expense. A petition was circulated -in the city and throughout the county requesting such action. Owing to -the good will and work of Charles T. Fenton, president of the board, -the petition was granted and a committee was appointed to secure and -place the memorial.[350] - -August twelfth was the date set for the unveiling and dedication of -the tablet. Mr. Aldrich planned an elaborate program which was to be -given in the court room of the newly erected building; but more than -two thousand people attended the ceremony, and so the exercises were -held on the lawn in front of the court house. Brief addresses were -made by Governor William Larrabee, ex-Governor C. C. Carpenter, Mayor -McMurray, Captains Richards and Duncombe, Lieutenant John N. Maxwell, -Privates William Laughlin and Michael Sweeney, and Mr. Charles -Aldrich. The speeches were so planned as to offer a complete review of -the attempt to carry relief to the settlers at Spirit Lake and Lake -Okoboji. The tablet consisted of "a slab of Champlain marble, upon -which is artistically mounted a plate of polished brass containing the -names of the Hamilton county members of the expedition and a number of -other suitable inscriptions."[351] Thus did Hamilton County place "in -a position of honor in the Hamilton County court house a lasting -attestation to the patriotic spirit of appreciation which animates her -citizens."[352] - -Encouraged by the response in his home county, Mr. Aldrich set about -the stimulation of sentiment in the State at large favoring the -erection by the State of some fitting memorial to those pioneers whose -lives were sacrificed in March, 1857. This proved a long drawn out and -arduous task. The public had all but forgotten the incident; memories -had to be refreshed, and a desire for commemoration aroused. This -proved too great an undertaking for one person, and so Mr. Aldrich -turned to the legislative body of the State. Here he obtained only an -indifferent response. But with the awakening in Hamilton County the -interest in the project spread; and when the Twenty-fifth General -Assembly convened in January, 1894, it became evident that favorable -action might be hoped for. - -By far the most active and efficient work was done by Mrs. Abbie -Gardner Sharp, who came to Des Moines at the very beginning of the -session and remained until near its close. In her efforts to secure -action she was most ably seconded by Senator A. B. Funk of Spirit -Lake. On January twenty-ninth a bill was simultaneously introduced in -the Senate and House of Representatives, providing for the proper -interment of the remains of the victims of the massacre and the -erection of a suitable commemorative monument.[353] The bill carried -an appropriation of five thousand dollars which was to be expended -under the supervision of a commission of five persons appointed by the -Governor. Suitable grounds were to be selected near the scene of the -massacre. These grounds were to "be purchased, reinterments made and -monument erected before the 4th day of July, 1895."[354] So well had -the matter been canvassed among the members of the legislature that -there were but few negative votes on the measure. The bill was -approved by the Governor on March 30th, and went into effect on April -4, 1894. - -On April tenth Governor Frank D. Jackson appointed as members of the -commission Hon. J. F. Duncombe and ex-Governor C. C. Carpenter of Fort -Dodge, Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp of Okoboji, Hon. R. A. Smith of -Spirit Lake, and Charles Aldrich of Des Moines. Within a short time -the commission met at Fort Dodge and later at the Gardner cabin on -Lake Okoboji. The commission effected an organization by selecting -ex-Governor Carpenter as chairman and Mrs. Sharp as secretary. They -quickly decided on the selection of the lot adjacent to and south of -the Gardner cabin. This site was immediately presented to the State by -its owners, the Okoboji South Beach Company. On June 20, 1894, the P. -N. Peterson Granite Company of St. Paul, Minnesota, was awarded the -contract for the erection of the memorial. The specifications provided -that the monument should be "a shaft 55 feet high above the -foundation, in alternate blocks of rough and polished Minnesota -granite, with a die 6 × 6 feet, upon which should be placed four -bronze tablets--for the sum of $4,500. The inscriptions placed upon -the tablets may be described as follows: On the east, the list of -murdered settlers; on the west, a complete roster of the relief -expedition commanded by Major William Williams; on the south, -historical memoranda relating to the loss of Capt. J. C. Johnson and -Private W. E. Burkholder, the list of settlers who escaped from -Springfield (now Jackson), Minn., etc.; and on the north, the coat of -arms of Iowa, with these words: 'Erected by order of the 25th General -Assembly of the State of Iowa.'"[355] - -So diligently did the contracting company apply itself in the erection -of the memorial that early in March, 1895, four months before the -expiration of its contract, the monument was ready for inspection. On -March 14, 1895, the commission met at Okoboji and inspected and -accepted the work. Upon July twenty-eighth over five thousand people -came by wagon and excursion train, from a radius of over fifty miles, -to witness the formal dedication of the memorial and its presentation -to the State. The gathering was significant in that it marked the -opening of a new era in the appropriate marking of historic sites not -only in Iowa but in the Middle West. In the words of the Hon. R. A. -Smith, it was "meet and fitting that to the pioneer the same as the -soldier should be accorded the meed of praise and recognition ... a -just, though long delayed, tribute to the memory of the brave and -hardy, though unpretentious and unpretending, band of settlers who -sacrificed their lives in their attempts to build them homes on this -then far away northwestern frontier."[356] - -Upon the platform were seated ex-Governor C. C. Carpenter and Hon. R. -A. Smith, members of the relief expedition; Mrs. I. A. Thomas, Rev. -Valentine C. Thomas, and Jareb Palmer, who fortunately escaped the -massacre at Springfield; Judge Charles E. Flandrau, the Indian agent -who made possible the project to rescue Abbie Gardner, and Chetanmaza, -the Siouan Indian whose intrepidity secured her release; Mrs. Abbie -Gardner Sharp a survivor of the massacre at Okoboji; and various State -officials. The memorial was presented to the State by ex-Governor C. -C. Carpenter upon behalf of the commission under whose direction it -had been erected, and was accepted for the State by Lieutenant -Governor Warren S. Dungan and Hon. W. S. Richards. - -Thus the people of Iowa, through their law-making body, paid a fitting -though somewhat tardy tribute to the memory of the pioneers who, -imbued with the true American spirit of progress, were willing to -brave the hardships of the frontier that those who came later might -share the blessings of a richer civilization. In the words of one of -the speakers of the occasion, "Let us hope that this awakening is not -ephemeral or temporary.... The story told by this memorial shaft is -but a faint expression of the toils endured, the dangers braved and -the sacrifices made by the unfortunate victims whose remains lie -buried here".[357] The memorial "not only commemorates the great -tragedy which crimsoned the waters of these lakes, but it will keep -alive the memory of a species of American character which will soon -become extinct. As we look away to the west, we are impressed that -there is no longer an American frontier; and when the frontier shall -have faded away, the pioneer will live only in history, and in the -monuments which will preserve his memory."[358] - - - - -XXXI - -CHANGES OF SIXTY YEARS - - -When one looks back over the sixty years that have elapsed since -Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni delivered his bitter invective against white -infidelity at the Upper Agency on the Yellow Medicine, one can only -wonder at the transformation which has been wrought in what was -popularly known east of the Alleghenies as the Great American Desert. -In sixty years the frontier has moved steadily westward until to-day -it is gone not alone from the Mississippi Valley but from the American -continent. What was a vast expanse of prairie in 1857 has become a -country of prosperous homes. - -Where then not a town was to be found to-day may be seen numerous -large cities throbbing with industrial life, while towns and villages -dot the landscape everywhere. Loneliness and desolation have given way -to that condition where man's habitation is found at every turn. In -sixty years this area has changed from the frontier of civilization to -the very center of its arts and industries. In a country where Indians -were met with by the thousands in 1857, one may now travel for days -across the plains without catching a glimpse of a red man. The Indian -has all but gone from a land where he once roamed free and -uncontrolled. - -Similarly time has dealt with the people of a different race who -played major or minor parts in the tragedy at Spirit Lake and -Springfield in 1857. Indeed, time has not always dealt kindly with -them, and in more than one instance they have suffered much from its -ravages. No one who survived the terrible experience of March, 1857, -on the borders of the northwestern lakes was able to regain title to -the claims of murdered relatives. The Gardner, Thatcher, and Marble -claims were all preëmpted by the settlers of 1858 without regard to -their former holders. Those preëmpting were perhaps acting within -their legal rights; but the first comers, under the customs of the -frontier, were entitled to the claims which they had staked out. - -So widely have the survivors of the events of 1857 scattered that -to-day but one individual, Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp, remains at or -near the scene of the massacre. While living with her sister Eliza at -Hampton, Iowa, Miss Abbie Gardner became acquainted with Casville -Sharp, a young relative of the Noble and Thatcher families. On August -16, 1857, they were married. About a year after the marriage, Mr. and -Mrs. Sharp visited the scene of the tragedy at Okoboji in the hope of -securing some settlement for the Gardner claim. Although a small -amount was paid Mrs. Sharp by J. S. Prescott who had preëmpted the -claim, the sum was only nominal and in no sense an adequate -compensation for the property lost. - -Mrs. Sharp continued to live in Iowa; but not until 1891 did she -regain the site of her childhood home at Okoboji. At that time a -company interested in the promotion of the Okobojis as a pleasure -resort acquired title to some thirteen acres of land at Pillsbury's -Point, West Okoboji. This area included the Gardner cabin. The -syndicate at once plotted the land for sale as sites for summer -cottages. Out of the proceeds derived from the sale of her history of -the massacre, Mrs. Sharp acquired the lot upon which stands the -original log cabin home--the scene of the massacre.[359] The summer -tourist at Okoboji may yet (in 1918) enter the original log cabin and -learn from Mrs. Sharp the story of her captivity and rescue. - -Mrs. Marble, the only other survivor of the massacre at Lake Okoboji -and Spirit Lake, likewise found her husband's claim preëmpted upon her -return. Less fortunate than Mrs. Sharp, she was unable to secure any -compensation. For some years she was lost to the knowledge of her Iowa -and Minnesota friends. At length, in the early eighties, she was -located at Sidell, Napa County, California. Meanwhile, she had married -a Mr. Silbaugh. Since then little information has been obtained -concerning her, other than that of her death a number of years -ago.[360] Thus Mrs. Sharp is now the sole survivor of the massacre at -the lakes. - -With the survivors of the Springfield massacre it has been different. -All who survived were able to regain their claims, since they returned -within a brief time to the scene of the massacre and before their -holdings had been preëmpted by settlers in the rush of 1857-1858. In -1913 occurred the death of Mrs. Irene A. Thomas whose cabin was made -the rendezvous of the settlers at Springfield, and whose son Willie -was the first known victim of the Indian attack. Her husband, it will -be recalled, had one arm so badly shattered as to necessitate -amputation upon reaching Fort Dodge. A remaining son, Valentine C. -Thomas, who was a young boy at the time of the massacre, later served -as a minister in Marshalltown, Iowa, where he died in August, 1915. -Mrs. Eliza Gardner McGowan was at that time still living in Fort -Wayne, Indiana. It will be recalled that following the return of the -relief expedition to Fort Dodge she married William R. Wilson, a -member of the expedition. For many years Mr. and Mrs. Wilson lived at -Hampton and Mason City, Iowa. Some time after Mr. Wilson's death, Mrs. -Wilson married a Mr. McGowan and removed to Fort Wayne. - -It may be remembered that Johnnie Stewart escaped by hiding in the -dooryard of his home while the members of his family were being -ruthlessly slaughtered by the Indians. After the Indians left he -crawled to the Thomas cabin, which he reached at dusk, was recognized -and taken in. In 1915 he was living at Byron, Minnesota; and, from the -latest information obtained he is still living at that place. There -also survives a Mrs. Gillespie of Blaine, Washington, who at the time -of the Springfield attack was Miss Drusilla Swanger, sister of Mrs. -William L. Church. - -As we of another generation seek recreation at Okoboji, let us pause -in retrospection. Let us, "when we contemplate the dangers braved, the -hardships and privations endured, and the final suffering and -sacrifice which fell to the lot of the victims whose dust and ashes -have been gathered together and interred in this historic spot", be -conscious that we are paying "a deserved tribute to courage and -self-denial, endurance and self-sacrifice".[361] - - - - -NOTES AND REFERENCES - - -CHAPTER I - -[1] See Richman's _John Brown Among the Quakers, and Other Sketches_, -p. 203. - -[2] _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. III, Doc. No. -1, p. 411. - -[3] Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484. - -[4] Judge Charles E. Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. 483. - -[5] Rev. Moses N. Adams's _The Sioux Outbreak in the Year 1862_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. IX, p. 432. - -[6] "The inferior power knows perfectly well that, if it does not -accept the terms, it will ultimately be forced out of its domains, -and it accepts. This comprises the elements of all Indian -treaties."--Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. 483. - -[7] Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484. - -[8] The massacre at Ash Hollow, often mentioned as a cause of the -massacre at Okoboji, was the culmination of a campaign of terror -planned by Gen. Harney against the Oglala and Brulé Sioux. The line of -march was Fort Leavenworth, Fort Kearney, Fort Laramie, and Fort -Pierre. At Ash Hollow near the Blue River and about four miles from -the left bank of the North Platte he found Little Thunder's band of -the Brulé Sioux. When his cavalry had surrounded the Indians, he -planned an advance with his infantry. Little Thunder desired a -council. Gen. Harney refused, saying that he had come to fight. As -Harney advanced, he motioned the Indians to run. They did so and ran -directly into Harney's cavalry. Finding themselves trapped, they -fought savagely to the end. "The battle of Ash Hollow was little more -than a massacre of the Brulés.... Though hailed as a great victory ... -the battle of Ash Hollow was a ... disgrace to the officer who planned -and executed it. The Indians were trapped and knew it ... and the -massacre which ensued was as needless and as barbarous as any -which the Dakotas have at any time visited upon the white -people."--Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 224, 225. See also -_General Harney_ in the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. I, -pp. 107, 108; Beam's _Reminiscences of Early Days in Nebraska_ in the -_Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society_, -Vol. III, pp. 301, 302; _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 34th -Congress, Vol. I, Pt. II, Doc. No. 1, pp. 49-51. - -[9] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions in the United States_ in the -_Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part -II, pp. 710-712, 726; Kappler's _Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, -Vol. II, pp. 250-255, 305-310. - -[10] See references in note 9 above. - -[11] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 736; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, p. 346. - -[12] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 737. - -[13] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, pp. 736, 737, 762, 763, 766-768, -778, 779; Kappler's _Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. -349, 474-477, 495, 546-549. - -[14] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, pp. 768, 772; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. 500, 518. - -[15] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 778; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. 557-560. - -[16] In exchange for all lands claimed by the Sioux in northwestern -Iowa and southwestern Minnesota they were granted a reservation as -follows: "all that tract of country on either side of the Minnesota -River, from the western boundary of the lands herein ceded, east, to -the Tchay-tam-bay River on the north, and to Yellow Medicine River -on the south side, to extend, on each side, a distance of not -less than 10 miles from the general course of said river; the -boundaries of said tract to be marked out by as straight lines as -practicable".--Kappler's _Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. -II, p. 590; Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. -112, 113. - -[17] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 784; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. 591-593. - -[18] "It was with great reluctance that the Sioux Indians consented to -surrender this favorite hunting and camping ground to the whites, as -they did by the treaty of 1851."--Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. -288. - - -CHAPTER II - -[19] The Indian Chief Jagmani said of this treaty: "The Indians sold -their lands at Traverse des Sioux. I say what we were told. For fifty -years they were to be paid $50,000 per annum. We were also promised -$300,000 that we have not seen."--Bryant and Murch's _A History of the -Great Massacre by the Sioux Indians, in Minnesota_, pp. 34, 35. See -_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 401. - -[20] _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. III, Doc. -No. 1, p. 414. - -[21] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. -377. - -[22] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. -376. - -[23] "At Crow-wing [Minnesota] there are no less than five whiskey -shops, and [they] are only five miles from this agency. Five whiskey -shops and not half a dozen habitations beside!"--_Senate Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 339, 340, 342. See the -_Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce_ in the _Roster and -Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 890; _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 136. - -[24] This treaty "did away with all the employés ... whereas, before, -the agent had a force to assist him in finding, destroying, and -preventing the introduction of whiskey; now, he is entirely -alone."--_Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 342. - -[25] _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, -p. 338. - -[26] Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. -106, 107. - -[27] Murray's _Recollections of Early Territorial Days and -Legislation_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. XII, p. 120. - -[28] Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. -107. - -[29] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the _South -Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 210. - -[30] Thomas Hughes, in his article on _The Treaty of Traverse des -Sioux in 1851_, says concerning this: "The Indians, however, -repudiated this agreement, and asserted that it was a base fraud, -that, as they were told and believed at the time, the paper they -signed was represented to be only another copy of the treaty, and that -they did not discover its real import, and the trick played upon them, -until long afterward."--_Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 114. - -[31] Address of Greenleaf Clark on _The Life and Influence of Judge -Flandrau_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 774; Daniels's _Reminiscences of Little Crow_ in -the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. -519. - - -CHAPTER III - -[32] C. C. Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 150; _Senate Executive Documents_, 1st -Session, 31st Congress, Vol. II, pp. 235, 242, 243. - -[33] This fort was established by Brevet Major Samuel Woods, Sixth -Infantry, with Company E of the same, from Ft. Snelling, Minnesota. It -was established by General Orders No. 19, War Department, Adjutant -General's Office, of May 31, 1850. Major Woods and men were detailed -by Orders No. 22, 6th Military District, St. Louis, Missouri, July 14, -1850. Major Woods and men arrived on the site August 23, 1850. See -_Fort Dodge, Iowa_, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. IV, -pp. 534, 535; Jacob Van der Zee's _Forts in the Iowa Country_ in _The -Iowa Journal of History and Politics_, Vol. XII, pp. 197-199. - -[34] _Fort Dodge, Iowa_, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. -IV, p. 535. - -[35] Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 27; -Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 288. - -[36] Samuel J. Albright's _First Organized Government of Dakota_ in -the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. -139; Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 288. - -[37] Fort Clarke, by General Orders No. 34, Army Headquarters, on June -25, 1851, had been changed in name to Fort Dodge. By Order No. 9, -Sixth Military Department Headquarters, St. Louis, Missouri, on March -30, 1853, the abandonment of Fort Dodge was ordered. By the same -order, Major Woods was directed to establish the new post.--See _Fort -Dodge, Iowa_, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. IV, pp. -536, 537; Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, pp. 148, 149; Van der Zee's _Forts in the -Iowa Country_ in _The Iowa Journal of History and Politics_, Vol. XII, -p. 199. - -[38] Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 26. - -[39] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151. - -[40] While Major Woods' detail was on its way from Fort Snelling en -route to the future site of Fort Dodge it was joined on the Iowa River -by Major Williams who became later the post sutler and was destined to -play a large part in the history of northwestern Iowa. This was in -1850.--Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 147. - -[41] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151; letter from William Williams to -Governor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the Public Archives, Des -Moines, Iowa. - -[42] Letters from Governor Grimes to Secretary of State, George W. -McCleary, February 14, November 5, and December 1, 1855, and to -Congressman S. R. Curtis, February 28, 1855, in the Public Archives, -Des Moines, Iowa. - -[43] Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Delegation, -January 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. II, pp. -627-630. - -[44] Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Delegation, -January 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. II, p. -629. - -[45] Letter of Governor Grimes to Congressman S. R. Curtis, February -28, 1855, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[46] Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce, December 3, 1855, -in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 135-137; _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890. - -[47] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa_ for -1898, p. 59. - -[48] "He [Secretary of State in Iowa, Geo. W. McCleary] also writes me -that these Indians are manifestly making preparations for war, and -have been and are now making great efforts to induce all the -Mississippi River Sioux to unite with them in hostilities upon the -whites. I hear from various sources that several runners have been -sent by the Sioux west of the Missouri river, to those in this State, -and in Minnesota, with war belts, urging the latter to make common -cause with them. The result of all this is a great state of alarm -along the whole frontier."--Letter of Governor Grimes to President -Pierce, December 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. -III, p. 136. Charles Aldrich in an editorial in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 566, remarked that "Had the earnest -appeals of Gov. Grimes been heeded, the Spirit Lake Massacre would not -have occurred." - -[49] The notable depredations charged to Indian outlawry at this time -were in Buena Vista County where whole settlements were routed; at -Dakota City in Humboldt County; near Algona and Bancroft in Kossuth -County. In fact both the spring and summer of 1855 and 1856 were never -free from depredations somewhere. For further information consult _The -Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record -of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890; Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's -Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 272. - -[50] Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. -117. - -[51] Albright's _The First Organized Government of Dakota_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. 138. - -[52] "It is a matter of history that whiskey is, and has been since -the advent of white men in this country, the 'bane of the Indians,' -and that there is scarcely a tribe or an individual Indian but that -would at times give all his possessions for whiskey. When under its -influence he knows not what he does. All of the depredations committed -by them upon the whites; all murders among themselves; or personal -injuries inflicted by them upon each other, are perpetrated while -under the influence of that destructive bane, or to revenge acts done -while laboring under intoxication ... men will wonder why the agent -will let whiskey go into the Indian country, as has been heretofore -reported, '_without let or hindrance_.' The same men, being in the -Indian country ostensibly, solely for the good of the 'poor Indian,' -will pass an Indian with a five or ten gallon keg on his back, and not -attempt to destroy it; knowing at the same time that he has an equal -authority for so doing as the agent, and just as much money furnished -for expenses of prosecutions."--_Report of D. B. Herriman, Chippewa -Agent_, September 15, 1857, in _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th -Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 341, 342. - -[53] See note 29 above, and _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th -Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 342. - -[54] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, -pp. 378, 379. - -[55] Ida M. Street's _A Chapter of Indian History_ in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 601, 602. - - -CHAPTER IV - -[56] Petition of R. B. Clark, et al, to Governor Hempstead, July 6, -1854, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; Report of Major -William Williams to Governor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the -Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[57] Mrs. Abbie Gardner-Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1885 edition), pp. 24-31; Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas -County, Iowa,_ pp. 28, 29. - -[58] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 298; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. -I, p. 292; Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland -Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 272; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the -Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. XII, p. 268. - -[59] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 281. - -[60] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, pp. 281, 282; N. H. Winchell's -_Aborigines of Minnesota_, p. 551. - -[61] Other Indian chieftains who were leaders of the consolidated -bands and who were to play a prominent part in later Indian history -were Titonka, Ishtahabah or Young Sleepy Eyes, Umpashotah, Wahkonsa, -and Kasominee. - -The great battles of Iowa's inter-tribal Indian history were fought -during the period of the supremacy of these leaders. These battles -were mostly fought along the Des Moines, Skunk, Iowa, and Cedar -rivers. The most notable were: Mud Lake, southeast of the present site -of Webster City, against the Musquakies; a terrific contest with the -Sac and Fox near Adel; a second contest quite as sanguinary with the -same Indians about six miles north of the present city of Algona in -1852; a second battle with the Musquakies in April, 1852, near Clear -Lake; and one on the banks of the Lizard, in which the Sioux, -victorious, ended their long contest with the Sac and Fox. It was in -the Algona battle that the "lingering remnants of two great nations -who had for more than two hundred years waged unrelenting warfare -against each other had their last and final struggle."--Smith's -_History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 25. Also Fulton's _Red Men of -Iowa_, pp. 282-287; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 288, 289. - -[62] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 29; Hoover's -_Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, -p. 15; Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John Brown among the -Quakers_, p. 208. - -[63] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 29. - -[64] See note 32 above. - -[65] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 29. The date of -settlement here is frequently stated as 1847. - -[66] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -Collections of the _Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 264. - -[67] For statements concerning the character of Henry Lott see Hubbard -and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 222; -Lucas's _The Milton Lott Tragedy_, pp. 1-10; Hughes's _Causes and -Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 264-268; _The Spirit Lake -Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa -Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 890; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 289; -etc. - -[68] Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 28. - -[69] The Madrid (Iowa) Historical Society, on December 18, 1905, the -fifty-ninth anniversary of the boy's death, placed an iron marker upon -his grave which had but lately been identified.--Lucas's _The Milton -Lott Tragedy_, p. 8. - -[70] The death of Mrs. Lott is said to have been the first white death -in what is now Webster County.--Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 296. - -[71] This cabin was in Dallas County, about five miles southwest of -Madrid. Here Lott lived until the autumn of 1847.--Lucas's _The Milton -Lott Tragedy_, p. 5. - -[72] To be definite, the cabin of Lott was in Section 16, Township 93, -Range 28 West, very near the west line of the section.--Fulton's _Red -Men of Iowa_, p. 297. - -[73] Stories as to the ruse used differ, but all now quite generally -accept the elk incident. At the same time the assertion has been made -that the incident never happened, but that Lott found at the lodge of -Sidominadota silverware stolen from him in 1847, and committed murder -forthwith. - -[74] Some writers concerning this incident aver that both the girl and -boy escaped unharmed while others more romantically mention the boy as -left for dead, while the girl escaping unharmed in the darkness later -returned to the rescue of her brother. The boy, whose name was -Joshpaduta, was later taken charge of by a white family named Carter -who gave him a home. The boy would often leave and be gone for many -days when he would again return. He is said, just before the Spirit -Lake Massacre, to have warned these people of the impending trouble -and then to have disappeared. He never returned, and the presumption -is that he became a member of that band or was killed by them for -telling.--Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, -p. 28; Gue 's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 291; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 30. - -[75] See Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, pp. 293-299; Flickinger's -_Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 28; Ingham's -_Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 271; -Smith's _History of Dickinson County_, Iowa, pp. 29, 31; Gue's -_History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 289-292. - -[76] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, pp. 298, 299; Flickinger's _Pioneer -History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 28; Lucas's _The Milton Lott -Tragedy_, p. 7; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta -Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. XII, p. 268. - -[77] Another report declared that the prosecuting attorney of Hamilton -County had nailed the head above the entrance to his home in Homer. -Note what is said in Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas -County, Iowa_, p. 28; Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the -_Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 271; Hughes's _Causes and Results of -the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota -Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 268, 269. - - -CHAPTER V - -[78] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 56. - -[79] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 56. - -[80] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151. - -[81] Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. -IV, p. 272. - -[82] The _Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892. - -[83] Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 292; Fulton's _Red Men of -Iowa_, pp. 300, 301; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ -in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; -Gillespie and Steele's _History of Clay County, Iowa_, pp. 55, 56. - -[84] See note 83 above and also Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit -Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 43; _House Executive Documents_, 1st -Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 357. - -[85] A. Warner and Company's _History of the Counties of Woodbury and -Plymouth_, Iowa, p. 295. - -[86] W. S. Dunbar and Company's _Biographical History of Cherokee -County, Iowa_, pp. 233-238. - -[87] Wegerslev and Walpole's _Past and Present of Buena Vista County, -Iowa_, pp. 37, 38; Perkins's _History of O'Brien County, Iowa_, pp. -10, 11. - -[88] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 388. - -[89] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 56. - -[90] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152. - -[91] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 270. - -[92] For further reading concerning the character of the winter of -1856-1857 see Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, -Vol. III, p. 223; Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John -Brown among the Quakers_, pp. 210-212; J. F. Duncombe's _The Spirit -Lake Relief Expedition of 1857_ in the _Proceedings of the Pioneer -Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for 1898_, p. 38; _The Spirit Lake -Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa -Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152; Hughes's _Causes -and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 270; Carpenter's _The -Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, pp. 19, 20. - - -CHAPTER VI - -[93] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 7; Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 7. - -[94] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 8-14; Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, pp. -7, 8. - -[95] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 14-35. - -[96] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 11; Carpenter's -_The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 17; -Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. -36. - -[97] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 36-38. - -[98] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 43, 44; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ -in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 891. - -[99] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 42, 43. - -[100] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 271; -Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. -42-45; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland -Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 19; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. -891. - -[101] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 44; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in -the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 891, 892. - -[102] Neill's _The History of Minnesota_, p. 621; Mrs. Abigail Gardner -Sharp in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 32. - -[103] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 44, 45; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the -_Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 17; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and -Relief_ _Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, -Vol. VI, p. 891; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta -Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. XII, p. 270. - -[104] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 11; Carpenter's -_The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, pp. 17, -18; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 891; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 45, 46. - -[105] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 46. - -[106] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 48. - -[107] Jareb Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_, July 23, 1857; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the -Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 272, 273. - -[108] Dr. Strong had gone from Fort Dodge to Okoboji with the thought -of locating there, but had finally decided upon Springfield. Eliza -Gardner had been induced to spend the winter with the Strong family at -Springfield. - -[109] Jareb Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hoover's _Tragedy of -Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20. - -[110] Jareb Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - - -CHAPTER VII - -[111] Some authors give only three, Robert Clark, Enoch Ryan, and -Jonathan Howe, as accompanying them upon their return. There seems -good evidence to support the claim that Asa Burtch also made the -return trip. See _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in -the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. -Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 51; -Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 64; Carpenter's _The -Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 19. - - -CHAPTER VIII - -[112] In spite of their villainous character the Sioux pitied the -apparent misfortunes of the Inkpaduta band and explained their -unhappy lot as follows: "Long ago some chiefs and principal men of the -Iowas returned from Canada to Prairie du Chien in the winter, and -attempted to pass through the Dakota territory to their own country. -They were kindly received and hospitably entertained by the Wabashaw -band, who sent messengers to the Wahpekutas, then encamped at Dry -Wood, requesting them to receive the Iowas in a friendly manner and to -aid them in their journey. The Wahpekutas returned a favorable answer -and prepared a feast for the Iowas, but killed them all while they -were eating it." Thereafter, these Wahpekutas were very unfortunate, -many were killed, and the band nearly perished. Their wickedness on -this particular occasion was held to account for all their calamities -of the future. In this connection read Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in -Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota -Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 425. - -[113] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 14. - -[114] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 264. - -[115] The term _gens_, as here used, implies descent in the male line. -It is also well in this connection to recall the fact that the Sioux -were in no sense a nation but acted as bands, each band being entirely -separate, distinct, and independent from any other.--See Dorsey's -_Siouan Sociology_ in the _Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of -American Ethnology_, p. 213 ff. - -[116] Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John Brown among the -Quakers_, pp. 207, 208; Hodge's _Handbook of the American Indians_, -Pt. II, pp. 891, 902; Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux -Indians_ in the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. -215, 216; _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, -Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 359. - -[117] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 359; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in -the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 887. - -[118] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 204, 216. - -[119] _Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 389; Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. -II, p. 220. - -[120] Following the murder of Tasagi, Inkpaduta either through choice -or fear became an exile from the band of Tasagi. His flight to the -band of his father had automatically made him one. Doane Robinson in -his _Sioux Indian Courts_ in the _South Dakota Historical -Collections_, Vol. V, pp. 404, 405, thus describes how a Wahpekuta -became an exile: - -"If the offense was peculiarly repellent to the better sentiment of -the camp the court might insist upon the summary infliction of the -sentence imposed. This might be the death penalty, exile or whipping; -or it might be the destruction of the tepee and other property of the -convict.... For some offenses a convict was exiled from the camp, -given an old tepee and a blanket, but no arms, and was allowed to make -a living if he could. Sometimes he would go off and join some other -band, but such conduct was not considered good form and he usually set -up his establishment on some small hill near the home camp and made -the best of the situation. If he conducted himself properly he was -usually soon forgiven and restored to his rights in the community. If -he went off to another people he lost all standing among the Sioux and -was thereafter treated as an outlaw and a renegade. The entire band of -Inkpaduta, once the terror of the Dakota frontier, was composed of -these outlaws." It was Inkpaduta's flight to his father's band at this -time that lost, for him, all standing with the followers of Tasagi. -See also Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 343, 344. - -[121] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 220. - -[122] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 221. - -[123] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 217. - -[124] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 220. - -[125] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 217-222. - -[126] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 221, 222; Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in -the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 209. - -[127] Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 272. - -[128] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 267, 268; _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. VI, p. 226. - -[129] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 56, 57. - -[130] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 57. It is to be regretted that much of Mrs. Sharp's -characterization of the Sioux evidences an animus and a tendency to -emphasize the bad rather than the good traits. The following from page -57 of her book is evidently unfair: "No other tribe of aborigines has -ever exhibited more savage ferocity or so appalled and sickened the -soul of humanity by wholesale slaughtering of the white race as has -the Sioux". - -[131] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 223. - -[132] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 346, 347. - -[133] Hodge's _Hand Book of the American Indians_, Pt. II, pp. 891, -902; _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 110, 111; -_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, pp. 359, 389; Mrs. Sharp's _Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), -pp. 54-56. - - -CHAPTER IX - -[134] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 223. - -[135] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; Fulton's -_Red Men of Iowa_, p. 301; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, -Iowa_, p. 53; Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, -Vol. III, p. 223. - -[136] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 344. - -[137] The strength of the band was not great. Originally it is said to -have numbered one hundred fifty lodges, but this estimate appears to -be too high. At the time it started up the Little Sioux from Smithland -it probably numbered not more than fifteen lodges at the highest -estimate. Its depletion was due to dissatisfaction in the band and to -the fact that the band did not draw annuities which caused many to -drop out and return to the Agency in order to secure them. See Mrs. -Sharp's _Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 56; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 248; _House -Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. -359; Hodge's _Handbook of American Indians_, Pt. II, p. 891. - -[138] Powell's _On Kinship and the Tribe_ in the _Third Annual Report -of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. xxxviii; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 223. - -[139] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 223. - -For further support of the view that Sidominadota's death was not a -cause as here set forth see J. W. Powell's _Kinship and the Tribe_ in -the preface to the _Third Annual Report of the Bureau of American -Ethnology_, pp. xxxviii-xl; _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 32nd -Congress, Vol. III, Doc. No. 1, p. 280; Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux -in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 389; Dorsey's _Siouan -Sociology_ in the _Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American -Ethnology_, pp. 213-218. - - -CHAPTER X - -[140] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 53; -Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 29. - -[141] Flandrau's _Inkpaduta Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 388; Mrs. Sharp's -_Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 60; _House Executive -Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 358, 389; -_Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. III, p. 146; _The -Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record -of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892. - -[142] A. Warner and Company's _History of the Counties of Woodbury and -Plymouth, Iowa_, pp. 305, 306. - -[143] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 55; Fulton's -_Red Men of Iowa_, p. 303. - - -CHAPTER XI - -[144] W. S. Dunbar and Company's _Biographical History of Cherokee -County, Iowa_, p. 242; Fulton's _The Red Men of Iowa_, p. 303. - -[145] Peck and Montzheimer's _Past and Present of O'Brien and Osceola -Counties, Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 38. - -[146] Gillespie and Steele's _History of Clay County, Iowa_, pp. 56, -57; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), -p. 61; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 56. - -[147] William H. Hart's _History of Sac County, Iowa_, p. 38; -Gillespie and Steele's _History of Clay County, Iowa_, p. 57. - -[148] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 58-61. - -[149] John F. Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 38; Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 493, 494. - - -CHAPTER XII - -[150] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, -pp. 436, 437. - -[151] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. Sharp's _Spirit -Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 63, 64; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 65. - -[152] Concerning the events at the Gardner cabin we must, of -necessity, rely upon the statements of Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp who -remained the only living witness of the scene. See Mrs. Sharp's -_History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 63-65. - -[153] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 65, 66; -Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. -IV, p. 21; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 297, 298; Mrs. Sharp's -_History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 65-67. - -[154] Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John Brown among the -Quakers_, pp. 214-216; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 67-71; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake -Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 21. - -[155] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, -pp. 437, 438. - -[156] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 73. - -[157] See Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 73, where the statement is made that five men, two women, -and four children were killed at the Mattock cabin. - -[158] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 271, -272. - -But there is a third view as to the outcome of the conflict at the -Mattock cabin. This version is sponsored by Major William Williams who -was a member of the relief expedition sent from Fort Dodge. Major -Williams believed that the Indians purposely concealed their losses. -In his report to Governor Grimes, made upon his return to Fort Dodge -under date of April 12th, he stated that "the number of Indians killed -or wounded must be from fifteen to twenty."--(Gue's _History of Iowa_, -Vol. I, p. 299.) This estimate would seem to be entirely too high. -Only under exceptionally favorable conditions would it have been -possible for five men, suffering every possible handicap, to have -killed or wounded so many concealed enemies. Again, there were in all -probability not more than fifteen or twenty warriors in the party of -the red men. The loss or crippling of such a number would have meant -practical annihilation. Later when the party was encountered in its -flight from the scene of the massacre, various individuals who had the -opportunity of recognizing the individual members of the band reported -them to be the same in membership as at the beginning of the raid at -Smithland. Thus the statement of Major Williams could not have been -accurate. Mrs. Sharp speaks of only one Indian as being injured and of -no deaths--which is more probable. - -[159] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 74. - - -CHAPTER XIII - -[160] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 894; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 76-78; Smith's -_History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 68, 69; Gue's _History of -Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 300, 301 - -Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher in later relations of the massacre spoke -of their children as having been killed at their own cabin. If such -were the facts then their dead bodies must have been carried to the -Howe home; for there they were found by the members of the rescue -party rather than at the place of death. This fact has led to the -statement that five small Howe children were killed in addition to -Sardis and Jonathan. There were, however, only three smaller children -in the Howe family--Alfred, Jacob, and Philetus. - -[161] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 78-80; Neill's _History of Minnesota_, pp. 622, 623. - - -CHAPTER XIV - -[162] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 81, 82. - -[163] Agnes C. Laut's _Heroines of Spirit Lake_ in _Outing Magazine_, -Vol. LI, p. 692. - -[164] Gue in his _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 301, 302, says that -Marble fired first at the target, and when he went out to see what had -been the result of his shot the Indians fired on him; while Carpenter -in his article on _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 22, states that when Marble's gun became empty and he was -defenseless he was shot. - -[165] This is the list as it appears on the east tablet of the State -Memorial near the Gardner cabin with the exception of the omission of -the names of those not killed at the lakes but who were massacred in -the vicinity of Springfield, Minnesota.--_The Spirit Lake Massacre and -Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. -VI, p. 920. - -[166] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 83, 84; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ -in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895. - -R. A. Smith, in his _History of Dickinson County_, appears skeptical -concerning the real character or meaning of this attempt at Indian -pictographic writing, and in commenting upon it notes that "many of -the writers who have mentioned this incident have made more of it than -the facts would warrant. The three or four published accounts which -have been given to the public agree in stating that the picture record -gave the position and number of victims correctly, and also -represented those killed as being pierced with arrows. Now this is -mainly fiction. The first discovery of the tree on which the -hieroglyphics were delineated was by a party consisting of O. C. Howe, -R. U. Wheelock and the writer sometime in May.... It was a white ash -tree standing a little way to the southeast of the door of the Marble -cabin.... The rough outside bark had been hewed off for a distance of -some twelve or fifteen inches up and down the tree. Upon the smoothed -surface thus made were the representations. The number of cabins (six) -was correctly given, the largest of which was represented as being in -flames. There were also representations of human figures and with the -help of the imagination it was possible to distinguish which were -meant for the whites and which the Indians. There were not over ten or -a dozen all told, and except for the hint contained in the cabins, the -largest one being in flames, we could not have figured any meaning out -of it. This talk of the victims being pierced with arrows and their -number and position given, is all nonsense. Mr. Howe and the writer -spent some time studying it, and, while they came to the conclusion -that it would convey a definite meaning to those understanding it, -they could not make much out of it." - -[167] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 93; _Hamilton Freeman_, July 13, 1857; _The Spirit Lake -Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa -Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895. - - -CHAPTER XV - -[168] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1902 edition), pp. 85-87; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. -895; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 72, 73. - -[169] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 73, 74. - -[170] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895; Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 225; Hughes's _Causes and -Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 272; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 85-89; Carpenter's -_The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 23. - -[171] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 225. - -[172] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 226. - -[173] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 389, -390. - -[174] Daniels's _Reminiscences of Little Crow_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 519; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 237; -Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 390. - - -CHAPTER XVI - -[175] This was the Barnard E. Bee who was later to win fame as a -general of the South during the Civil War. During that conflict, he it -was who fastened the sobriquet of "Stonewall" upon the Confederate -General Thomas E. Jackson in his now famous charge to his men--"For -God's sake stand, men. Stand like Jackson's brigade, on your right, -there they stand like a stone wall." Bee was killed in an attempt to -hold his brigade in line of battle against a murderous fire in the -first battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.--Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 238; Heitman's -_Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army_, Vol. -I, p. 205. - -[176] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 237; Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 390; -report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, 1st -Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 350. - -[177] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, No. 2, p. 350. - -[178] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 390, -391. - -[179] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 273; -_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 358. - -[180] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 391. - -[181] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 351. - - -CHAPTER XVII - -[182] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[183] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 226, 230; Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[184] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20; Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian -Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[185] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 234; Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[186] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[187] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[188] The gold with which they paid for their purchases was presumably -a portion of that which was taken from Marble's body.--See Hubbard -and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 227. - -[189] The Moccasin's camp had been about six miles up the river to the -north of Springfield, while the trading post here referred to was nine -miles distant. Coursalle, or "Joe Gaboo", was a well-known half-blood -Sisseton Sioux. At all times Indians in small numbers were grouped -about him; they were always friendly.--Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 226. - -[190] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 227, 228. - -[191] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 228. - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -[192] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1902 edition), pp. 94, 95; Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three -Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 229. See also a different version in Palmer's -_Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), July 30, 1857. - -[193] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 229, 230; Laut's _Heroines of Spirit Lake_ in the _Outing -Magazine_, Vol. LI, p. 692; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 94-99. - -[194] Dr. Strong has been considerably maligned as one who upon the -first alarm had become so terrified that he summarily fled south, -leaving his wife and children to the mercies of an Indian attack. For -a more charitable view see Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian -Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857. - -[195] For somewhat varying accounts of the attack upon the Thomas -cabin see Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Carpenter's _The -Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, pp. 23-25; -Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 304, 305; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 94-99; Hughes's -_Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 275, 276; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, pp. 229, 230; -_The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and -Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 898, 899. - -[196] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 230. - -[197] For the attack upon the Wood brothers see Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 230; Hughes's _Causes and -Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 275; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 99, 100. - -[198] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 147. - -[199] All of the particulars of the events which happened at the -Stewart home we owe to the relation of Johnny. He was later adopted -into the home of Major William Williams at Fort Dodge and in 1915 was -living in Byron, Minnesota, and at that time was one of the four -living survivors of the raid. Read accounts in Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, pp. 230, 231; Palmer's -_Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), July 30, 1857; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. -305; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 100, 101. - -[200] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 232; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 107. - -[201] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 148, 149. For Mrs. Marble's impressions see an article -from the _St. Paul Pioneer_, May 31, 1857, republished in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - - -CHAPTER XIX - -[202] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Mrs. Sharp's -_History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 102-104. - -[203] Charles Aldrich in an address at the unveiling of a -commemorative tablet in the Hamilton County Court House in Webster -City, Iowa, on August 12, 1887, states that they started about -midnight. It does not seem, however, that such a late hour could have -been possible under the circumstances.--See the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 548. - -[204] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857. - -[205] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 233. For a -wholly different view of Dr. Strong see Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. -I, pp. 307, 308. - -[206] One version of the flight of these refugees tells us that Smith -and Henderson were not, at first, left behind but were taken for some -distance on hand sleds. This proved impracticable and the men were -abandoned. Miss Agnes C. Laut has this plainly in mind when she refers -to Mrs. Smith as the "one dame, who abandoned an injured husband on a -hand sleigh" and hence does not need to "be preserved as a heroine of -the West." This, however, is unfair to Mrs. Smith.--See Miss Laut's -_Heroines of Spirit Lake_ in the _Outing Magazine_, Vol. LI, p. 692. - -[207] For varied versions of the flight of the Wheeler refugees see -Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. -109, 110; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 307, 308; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 234. - - -CHAPTER XX - -[208] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 239. - -[209] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, Doc. No. 2, p. 146. - -[210] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 160-162. - -[211] Quoted from the _St. Paul Pioneer and Democrat_ for May 16, -1857, in Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 240. - -[212] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 158-160. - -[213] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 241, 242. - - -CHAPTER XXI - -[214] For information concerning the journey and findings of Howe, -Wheelock, and Parmenter see _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. -895, 896; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 125, 126; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, -pp. 49, 74, 75; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland -Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 26; Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas -County, Iowa_, p. 35; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 311. - -[215] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_, at the placing of a -memorial tablet in the Hamilton County Court House, in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 509. - -[216] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 26; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 525; Smith's _History of Dickinson -County, Iowa_, p. 75. - -[217] _Letter from Sergt. Harris Hoover_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 551; Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 16. - -[218] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, p. 16. - -[219] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 526. - -[220] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - -[221] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 932-937; _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 71. See also the west tablet on the State -Memorial Monument near the Gardner cabin, Arnold's Park, Okoboji, -Iowa. - -[222] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 525, 526; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. -897. - -[223] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922, 923, -928; Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 495. - -[224] The roster as here given is that found in the _Roster and Record -of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922-932, and is also to be found on -the west tablet of the Memorial Monument at Arnold's Park, Okoboji, -Iowa. Harris Hoover in his _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), August 20, 1857, differs somewhat. - -[225] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 510. - -[226] _Mr. Duncombe's Address_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 495. - -[227] Hoover in his _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton -Freeman_ (Webster City), August 20, 1857, speaks of Major Williams as -"afflicted with rheumatism, and the frost of 70 winters whitening his -brow" as resolutely setting "forward at our head." This Major Williams -resented and took occasion to reply in the succeeding issue of the -_Freeman_ that "I can't agree to be made so old. I was 60 last -December [1856], and never have I been afflicted with rheumatism in my -life.... I don't wish to be considered so old." - - -CHAPTER XXII - -[228] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 526. - -[229] Hoover's _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), August 20, 1857; _Address of Capt. Charles B. -Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 510, -511. - -[230] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542; Hoover's -_Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), -August 20, 1857. - -[231] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 496. - -[232] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 510. - -[233] Hoover's _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), August 20, 1857. See also Duncombe's _Spirit Lake -Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 496; -_Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 527; _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 538. - -[234] McKnight's Point was on the West Fork of the Des Moines, on the -Fort Ridgely road, about two miles to the southeast of the mouth of -Bridge Creek.--See map in Parker's _Iowa As It Is_, 1857. - -[235] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, p. 17; Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 497. - -[236] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539. - -[237] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539. - -[238] For this incident see Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 498, 499; Hoover's _The -Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, -pp. 17, 18. - -[239] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 499. - -[240] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 27. - -[241] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 929, 934. - -[242] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - -[243] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 500. - -[244] For the enlistments of these individuals see the _Roster and -Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 924, 925, 926. - -[245] In the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 929 -and 931, it is stated that Thatcher and Burtch enlisted either at Fort -Dodge on March twenty-third or at Shippey's on March twenty-eighth. -The latter place and date seem far more probable than do the former. - -[246] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - -[247] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -[248] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 527. - -[249] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 483. - -[250] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 500; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 527; _The Narrative of -W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. -542. - -[251] There seems to have been some disagreement as to who had charge -of the advance guard. For the view taken by the present writer see -Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 80. - -[252] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 532, 533; Carpenter's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ -in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 484. - -[253] For an account of the discovery of the Springfield fugitives see -that of _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 532, 533. - -[254] A quotation from Carpenter in Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, -p. 314. - -[255] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 533; Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, -Iowa_, p. 82. - -[256] _A Paper by Charles Aldrich_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 548. - -[257] _A Paper by Charles Aldrich_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 548. - -[258] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 533. - -[259] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 513; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 528; Duncombe's _Spirit -Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. -502-504. - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -[260] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922-937; -Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 84. - -[261] _Address of Captain Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 515; Smith's _History of Dickinson -County, Iowa_, p. 84. - -[262] The reputed finding of the body of Joel Howe may well be -questioned. The evidence presented tends to show that the headless -skeleton found by Mr. Goodenough could not have been that of Howe. Of -the party that took the trail route to the Mattock cabin from Howe's, -H. E. Dalley is the only one who in late years has survived, and in -fact he was about the only one of the Johnson party who survived the -fearful storm of the fourth and was able to give a coherent tale of -what they had done. The leader of the party and its second most active -member both were lost in the storm. Mr. Dalley in relating the facts -of the burial of Howe has always maintained that Howe's body, complete -and not headless, was found but not buried at the same spot. Instead -the party carried the body to the Mattock place where it was interred. -He has ever sturdily maintained that this act of the party is the most -vivid recollection of the whole experience. Lieutenant Maxwell has -also maintained that the body was not headless when found. There is a -discrepancy between the number of bodies disinterred in the vicinity -of the Mattock cabin and the number of people reported to have been -killed there. - -The place and conditions under which the skeleton was found also lend -an air of controversy. The skeleton is said to have been found about -eighteen inches deep under a cow-path and at the head of a small -ravine worn back about thirty feet from the lake shore. In soil -conditions as they exist at the lakes, such a ravine would not have -been the result of years of work, as is implied, but would have been -the work of a freshet. That the wearing back was the result of the -work of years is implied in the statement that "Turning at the head of -this recession is a cattle path." Here the inference is plain that the -cattle for years had turned to avoid the ravine. Once started, the -spring freshets and summer rains would have rapidly worn the ravine -back to a greater distance than thirty feet. All those stating that -the body was buried where found say it was buried upon the summit of a -bluff. The conclusion is evident that a thirty foot backward recession -of a ravine would hardly have occurred in the face of a bluff. By its -finders the body is said to have been buried only about eighteen -inches deep. With the eroding effects of a cattle path would it have -been still that depth below the surface after a lapse of nearly a half -century? One would think that such could hardly be. For discovery and -interment of the remains of Joel Howe, see _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. XI, pp. 551-553. - -[263] There will probably always be more or less controversy as to the -number of bodies found and buried. The present writer has sought to be -conservative in accepting evidence. See Smith's _A History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 88, 89; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 539, 540; _The -Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 543; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1902 edition), p. 74. - -[264] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 90; _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922-937. - -[265] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 90. - -[266] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 91-94. - -[267] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 544. - -[268] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 98, 99; -_Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 530; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544. - -[269] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 995, 996; _Narrative of W. -L. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544; -_Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 531. - -[270] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 531; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544. - -[271] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 544, 545. - -[272] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 531, 532; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 544, 545; Gue's -_History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 317. - -[273] Captain Johnson had come to Bach Grove on the Boone River Troy -Township, Wright County, from Pennsylvania. Mention has been made of -the manner of his enlistment. Upon his failure to return, his mother -disposed of the claim and returned to Pennsylvania. When the bodies -were found, Angus McBane of Fort Dodge took charge of the remains and -sent them to his mother for burial. The remains of Burkholder were -taken charge of by his brother-in-law, Governor C. C. Carpenter. They -were given a military funeral at Fort Dodge, conducted by Major -Williams. All the members of Company C that could be brought together -at that time attended.--_A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 541. - - -CHAPTER XXV - -[274] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 516. - -[275] Captain Richards speaks of their attempt to secure supplies at -the settlement upon their return as follows: "The settlers at the -Colony were on short rations and could spare nothing. We decided to -buy a steer and kill for the party, but we had no money and the owner -refused to sell without pay. We offered to give the personal -obligation of all the officers, and assured him the State would pay a -good price; but this was not satisfactory. We therefore decided to -take one _vi et armis_, and detailed several men to kill and dress the -steer. They were met by men, women and children, armed with pitchforks -to resist the sacrifice, and not being able to convince them either of -the necessity of the case or that they would get pay for the steer, I -ordered Lieut. Stratton and a squad of men with loaded guns to go and -take the steer; when ... the hostile party retired."--_Address of -Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 517. - -[276] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Proceedings of the_ -_Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for 1898_, p. 45; _Address of -Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, pp. 518, 519. - -[277] Captain Richards is quoted as follows in Gue's _History of -Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 318, concerning the attempt to cross at this -point:--"The wind was now blowing a terrific gale and the cold was -intense, so that our wet clothing was frozen stiff upon us.... When -help and material for a raft came, so strong and cold was the wind, -and so swift the current, filled with floating ice, that all of our -efforts to build a raft failed. It was now dark and still growing -colder, and the roar of the blinding storm so great that we could no -longer hold communication with our companions on the other side. We -were benumbed with cold, utterly exhausted, and three miles from the -nearest cabin. We were powerless to aid our comrades, and could only -try to save ourselves. It was a terrible walk in the face of the -terrific blizzard, our clothes frozen, our feet freezing, and our -strength gone." - -[278] _Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 486, 487. - -[279] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, p. 24. - -[280] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 535. - -[281] _Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 487. - -[282] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 535, 536. - -[283] _Letter from Mrs. Collins_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 549. - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -[284] Republished article from the _St. Paul Pioneer_ of May 31, 1857, -in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[285] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 150. - -[286] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 151-156, 168. - -[287] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 168-171. This stone is more familiarly known in -mineralogy as catlinite--being so named from George Catlin, the noted -traveler, who first studied it. See Hodge's _Handbook of American -Indians_, Vol. I, pp. 217-219. - -[288] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 152, 153. - -[289] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 172. - -[290] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 237. - -[291] Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 322; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 175. - -[292] Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 323; Robinson's _A History -of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the _South Dakota Historical -Collections_, Vol. II, p. 237; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit -Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 175, 176. - -[293] Republished article from the _St. Paul Pioneer_, of May 31, -1857, in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[294] B. M. Smith and A. J. Hill's _Map of the Ceded Part of Dakota -Territory_, 1861. - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -[295] _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 392-394; Robinson's _A -History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the _South Dakota -Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 238. - -[296] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 238. - -[297] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 238. - -[298] Republished article from _St. Paul Pioneer_, of May 31, 1857, in -the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[299] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 238, 239. - -[300] Republished article from _St. Paul Pioneer_, of May 31, 1857, in -the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[301] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 394. - -[302] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 395. - -[303] The text of this bond appears in Flandrau's _Ink-pa-du-ta -Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. III, pp. 395, 396. - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -[304] Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni was at this time the President of the Rev. -Riggs' Hazelwood Republic. This Republic was a rather unique attempt -at self-government upon the part of Christianized Indians of the -Yellow Medicine Agency under the guidance of the Rev. Mr. Riggs. It -was "a respectable community of young men who had cut off their hair -and exchanged the dress of the Dakotas for that of the white man.... -They elected their president and other officers for two years, and -were recognized by the Indian agent as a separate band of the -Sioux."--Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. -II, pp. 254-257. - -[305] John Other Day won his title to fame in the annals of Minnesota -by the part he took in the terrible Sioux Massacre of 1862. Certainly -nothing else is needed to prove the worth of a Christian Indian than -this act of his. The whites and Christian Indian refugees were in -deadly peril of massacre at the Yellow Medicine Agency when to "John -Other Day ... was entrusted the agency people and the refugees ... -sixty-two souls in all, and as the ... revelry still came up from the -stores on the bottom ... he moved off to the east with his white -friends, crossed the Minnesota and skillfully covering the trail bore -them away to safety ... without rest or delay he hurried back to the -scene of the massacre to save more lives and assist in bringing the -miscreants to justice."--Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux -Indians_ in the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. -278, 279. - -[306] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 396. - -[307] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 216-221, 224, 225. Mrs. Noble seems to have been killed -in the southeastern corner of what is now Spink County, South Dakota. - -[308] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 231, 232. - -[309] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 236. - -[310] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 238, 239. - -[311] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 241. See also Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of -1857_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. -III, p. 398. - -[312] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 35. - -[313] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 36. - -[314] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 249. - -Concerning this costume Mrs. Sharp has since remarked that "the style -and fit might not have been approved by Worth, but it was _worth_ -everything to me." - -[315] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 399. - -[316] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 399. - -[317] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 257. - -[318] For these speeches see Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_, pp. 37-41; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 260-265. - -[319] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 43. - -[320] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 268, 269; Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. -44. - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -[321] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 400. - -[322] Flandrau's The _Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 397. - -[323] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 42. - -[324] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 401. - -[325] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 401. - -[326] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 401, -402. - -[327] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 367. - -[328] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, pp. 362, 363. - -[329] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 368. - -[330] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 368. - -[331] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 254. - -[332] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, pp. 369, 370, 375. - -[333] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, pp. 373, 374, 375-379. - -[334] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 398. - -[335] This speech is one of the very few well-known oratorical efforts -of a Siouan leader and as such it is here appended: "The soldiers have -appointed me to speak for them. The man who killed white people did -not belong to us, and we did not expect to be called to account for -the people of another band. We have always tried to do as our Great -Father tells us. One of our young men brought in a captive woman. I -went out and brought the other. The soldiers came up here, and our -young men assisted to kill one of Ink-pa-du-tah's sons at this place. -Then you (Superintendent Cullen) spoke about our soldiers going after -the rest. Wakea Ska (White Lodge) said he would go, and the rest of us -followed. The lower Indians did not get up the war party for you; it -was our Indians, the Wahpeton and Sisiton. The soldiers here say that -they were told by you that a thousand dollars would be paid for -killing each of the murderers. Their Great Father does not expect to -do these things without money, and I suppose that it is for that that -the special agent is come up. We wish the men who went out paid for -what they have done. Three men are killed as we know. I am not a chief -among the Indians. The white people have declared me a chief, and I -suppose I am able to do something. We have nothing to eat, and our -families are hungry. If we go out again we must have some money before -we go. This is what the soldiers have wished me to say.... All of us -want our money now very much. We have never seen our Great Father, but -have heard a great deal from him, and have always tried to do as he -has told us. A man of another band has done wrong, and we are to -suffer for it. Our old women and children are hungry for this. I have -seen ten thousand dollars sent to pay for our going out. I wish the -soldiers were paid for it. I suppose our Great Father has more money -than this."--_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, -Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 399. - -[336] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 267, 268; _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 344, -345, Vol. VI, p. 226. - -[337] Flandrau's The _Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. -402-404. - -[338] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. -404-406. - - -CHAPTER XXX - -[339] Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to the Iowa Delegation in -Congress, January 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. II, pp. 627-630; Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to President -Franklin Pierce in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. -135-137. - -[340] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. II, Ch. 163, p. 363, 1st -Session, 35th Congress, June 14, 1858. - -[341] _Copies of Claims Submitted_ in Auditor's office, in the Public -Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; _Statement from the Office of the Northern -Superintendent of Indian Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota_, in the Public -Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[342] _Statement from Office of Northern Superintendent of Indian -Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota_, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, -Iowa. - -[343] Letter to Governor Lowe from Superintendent W. J. Cullen, August -12, 1859, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[344] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. 12, Ch. 157, p. 58, 1st -Session, 36th Congress, June 19, 1860. - -[345] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. 12, Ch. 163, p. 68, 1st -Session, 36th Congress, June 21, 1860. - -[346] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. 12, Ch. 72, p. 203, 2nd -Session, 36th Congress, March 2, 1861. - -[347] _Laws of Iowa_, 1860, pp. 26, 27. - -[348] _Laws of Iowa_, 1860, pp. 36, 37. - -[349] _Claims and Vouchers Filed with Governor of Iowa_ in Auditor's -Office, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -As late as January, 1870, in his first biennial message to the -legislature, Governor Merrill stated that the State had recently -received from the Federal government the "sum of $18,117 to reimburse -outlay for the defense of the northern border of the State, subsequent -to the massacre at Spirit Lake in 1857."--Shambaugh's _Messages and -Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa_, Vol. III, p. 263. - -[350] _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 481. - -[351] _A Worthy Tribute_ in the _Fort Dodge Messenger_, Vol. 23, No. -39, August 18, 1887. - -[352] _A Worthy Tribute_ in the _Fort Dodge Messenger_, Vol. 23, No. -39, August, 18, 1887. - -[353] S. F. 115 was introduced by Senator A. B. Funk of Spirit Lake, -and H. F. 230 by Representative J. G. Myerly of Estherville. Senator -Funk's measure was later substituted in the House for the House -measure, upon motion of Representative Myerly.--_Senate Journal_, -1894, pp. 85, 178, 335, 585, 697; _House Journal_, 1894, pp. 124, 504, -577, 765. - -[354] _Laws of Iowa_, 1894, pp. 116, 117. - -[355] _Report of the Okoboji and Spirit Lake Monument Commission_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 552, 553. - -[356] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 572, 574, -575. - -[357] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 576. - -[358] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 579. - -It should also be noted that on April 9, 1913, there was approved a -law which declared that "on and after the passage of this act, the -survivors of the Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857 ... shall -receive a monthly pension of $20.00 per month, during the lifetime of -each such survivor".--_Laws of Iowa_, 1913, p. 362. - -Under the provisions of this law there was paid out of the State -treasury the sum of $2,189.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, -1914, and $4,677.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, -1916.--_Report of the Treasurer of State_, 1914, p. 21, 1916, p. 21. - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -[359] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 274-282, 340. - -[360] Judge Charles E. Flandrau in _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. -399, has this to say of Mrs. Marble after leaving St. Paul, Minnesota: -"The bank [where her money had been placed] failed, and that was the -end of Mrs. Marble so far as I know, except that I heard that she -exhibited herself at the East, in the role of the rescued captive, and -the very last information I had of her, was, that she went up in a -balloon at New Orleans. I leave to future historians the solution of -the problem, whether she ever came down again?" - -[361] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 576. - - - - -INDEX - - - Addington, Jesse, 150, 167, 192, 200, 204 - - Adel, Indian battle near, 284 - - Aldrich, Charles, memorial secured through efforts of, 263, 264; - reference to, 264, 266; - agitation by, for monument at lakes, 264, 265; - statement by, 301, 302 - - Alexander, E. B., expedition sent out by, 128; - desire of, to secure rescue of captives, 225, 226; - plans of, for punishment of Inkpaduta, 246 - - Algona, first settlement near, 38; - reference to, 49, 65; - Indian depredations near, 282; - Indian battle near, 284 - - Allegheny Mountains, 269 - - Allotment of land, 9, 10 - - American Fur Company, undue influence of, 22, 24, 25 - - Ammunition, demand of Indians for, 98 - - Anderson, Thomas, 165 - - Annuities, failure to fulfil promises concerning, 9, 10; - payment of traders out of, 15; - sharing of Inkpaduta in, 71; - trouble over, 240, 241, 248-251, 256; - desire of Inkpaduta to share in, 254; - reference to, 279, 293 - - An-pe-tu-tok-cha, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239; - speech by, 242, 243; - expedition guided by, 257 - - Army, method of transportation in, 247, 248 - - Ash Hollow, massacre at, 4, 277, 278 - - Ashland, 86 - - Ashton (South Dakota), 235 - - - Bach Grove, 165, 309 - - Baker, D. H., 167 - - Bancroft, Indian depredations near, 282 - - Barnes's Grove, 40 - - Beaver, shooting of, 190; - attempt of men to eat, 206, 207 - - Beaver Creek, 170 - - Bee, Barnard E., relief expedition under, 128-131; - determination of, to make expedition, 131; - activities of expedition under, 153-158; - reference to, 191; - Abbie Gardner honored by, 241; - reason for failure of, to capture Inkpaduta, 247; - service of, in Civil War, 298 - - Bell, Abner, 93 - - Benjamin, Hiram, 167 - - Berkley, Granville, 36 - - Bice, Orlando, 167 - - Bicknell, James, 39, 88; - robbing of home of, 89 - - Big Bend, 34 - - Big Drift Wood Lake, 252 - - Big Face, 74 - - Big Island Grove, 122; - relief expedition at, 182, 183; - evidence of Indians at, 183 - - Big Sioux River, 63, 65, 72, 73, 215, 218, 220, 223, 226, 229, 233; - difficulty in crossing, 221; - killing of Mrs. Thatcher while crossing, 221, 222 - - Bissell, George R., 169, 188 - - Black Buffalo, 135 - - Black Eagle, 64 (see Wamdisapa) - - Black Hawk, defeat of, 6 - - Blaine (Washington), 273 - - Blizzard, 197, 198; - experiences of members of burial detail during, 199-202; - experiences of members of relief expedition during, 208-211, 310 - - Blood revenge, practice of, among Sioux, 75-77 - - "Bloody Run", 34, 35 - - Blue Earth River, 41, 65, 66 - - Blue River, 277 - - Bonebright, 165 - - Boone, 32 - - Boone River, 31, 309; - Lott's trading house on, 31, 32 - - Boonesboro, 33 - - Border Plains, news of massacre carried to, 163; - reference to, 166 - - Boyer River, 18; - depredations along, 68, 69 - - Bradshaw, John, 57, 58, 134, 140, 142, 149, 187, 189 - - Brainard, James, 165 - - Brewer family, 164 - - Brizee, George W., 167, 206; - mock court-martial of, 179 - - Brown, James A., visit of Indians at cabin of, 86, 87 - - Brown, Sam, 256, 257 - - Brulé Sioux Indians, campaign against, 277, 278 - - Buena Vista County, alarm in, 22; - settlement in, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 87; - reference to, 88; - Indian depredations in, 282 - - Buffalo, disappearance of, 10; - reference to, 235 - - Bull Run, battle of, 298 - - Burdens, size of, carried by captives, 216, 217 - - Burial detail, activities of, 192-205 - - Burkholder, William E., 167, 192, 197, 200, 214, 266; - death of, by freezing, 204, 205; - burial of body of, 309 - - Burtch, Asa, 60, 61, 96, 180, 196, 289, 305 - - Byron (Minnesota), 272, 301 - - - Cabin, erection of, by Gardner, 51 - - California, 35 - - California trail, 21 - - Call, Ambrose A., 38, 49 - - Call, Asa C, 38, 49 - - Callagan, Thomas, 166 - - Calumets, making of, 219 - - Camp fires, 171 - - Campbell, Joseph, 252, 256, 257 - - Canada, 70, 256, 290; - flight of Inkpaduta to, 255 - - Cannon River, 66 - - Captives, treatment of, by Indians, 119-121; - experiences of among Indians, 215-224; - difficulty of, in crossing stream, 219, 220; - plans for rescue of, 226, 245; - sale of, 234 - - Carpenter, Cyrus C, 180, 184, 264, 265, 266, 267, 309; - statement by, 182, 210, 211 - - Carse, Henry, 167, 192, 198; - sufferings of, 201, 202, 203 - - Carter, Richard, 167 - - Carter, R. F., 167 - - Carter family, 285 - - Carver, David N., 58, 134, 140, 148, 149; - wounding of, 141 - - Cassady, Sherman, 165 - - Catlin, George, 311 - - Cattle, shelter for, 51; - killing of, 85, 87, 101, 183 - - Cavanagh, Michael, 167 - - Cedar Falls, 39, 60, 89 - - Cedar River, 18 - - Center Grove Township, 46 - - Centerville, 33 - - Chatterton, Mr., 167 - - Cheffins, Joseph B., 58, 138; - news of massacre carried to agency by, 126, 127 - - Chemeuse, 33 - - Cherokee, settlement near, 40; - reference to, 41, 85, 87 - - Cherokee County, settlement in, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 85 - - Che-tan-maza, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239; - reference to, 267 - - Cheyenne River, 68 - - Chippewa Indians, treaty with, 7; - reference to, 13, 24 - - Christian Indians, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231; - reference to, 312 - - Church, William L., 57, 177, 178, 184, 187, 189, 273 - - Church, Mrs. William L., 133, 156; - Indian shot by, 141 - - Churubusco, 177 - - Civil War, service of Bee in, 298 - - Clark, Robert, 60, 61, 100, 101, 118, 289; - attempt of, to warn settlers, 100; - burial of body of, 195 - - Clarke, Newman S., 18 - - Clay County, settlements in, 39, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 88-93 - - Clear Lake, Grindstone War near, 26-28; - Gardner at, 48, 49; - Indian battle near, 284 - - Cloudman, statement by, 10 - - Collins, Mrs. Elwood, statement by, 212, 213 - - Columbus (Ohio), 244 - - Commissary, 169 - - Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 20 - - Company A (Relief Expedition), officers of, 166; - members of, 167; - mock court-martial by, 179; - recruits for, 180; - night camp of, 182 - - Company B (Relief Expedition), officers of, 166; - members of, 167; - discharge of members of, 178; - recruits for, 180 - - Company C (Relief Expedition), officers and members of, 165; - recruits for, 178; - celebration by, 179; - memorial to, at Webster City, 263, 264; - reference to, 309 - - Congress, appeal to Iowa delegation in, 20; - appropriations by, for relief of Spirit Lake sufferers, 260-263 - - Conlan, Patrick, 165 - - Connecticut, 47 - - Conrad, Julius, 167 - - Corn, picking of, by Indians, 78, 79 - - Correctionville, 41; - Inkpaduta's band at, 84, 85 - - Corsau, Mr. 213 - - Coursalle, Mr., information given by, 153, 154; - service of, as guide, 154-156; - reference to, 158, 215, 300 - - Coursalle, Mrs. 156 - - Coursalle's Grove, 153 - - Coursalle's trading post, 136 - - Court-martial, 179 - - Courts, inability of Indians to sue in, 14 - - Crawford, L. D., 167 - - Credit, giving of, to Indians, 25 - - Crouse, A. E., 167 - - Crow Wing (Minnesota), 279 - - Cullen, W. J., statement by, 15, 16; - efforts of, to secure expedition of Indians, 248-252; - difficulties of, with Indians, 253, 254; - reference to, 261 - - Custer massacre, Inkpaduta at, 255 - - Cylinder Creek, 61, 179, 198, 209, 210, 214; - rise in, 207; - camp on, 210, 211; - breaking up of expedition after crossing, 211 - - - Dakota City, march of relief expedition to, 172, 173; - reference to, 174, 176, 179; - Indian depredations at, 282 - - Dakota River, 63, 234 - - Dakota Territory, sufferings of Indians in, 43, 67, 73, 82, 219, - 245, 248, 291 - - Dallas County, 285 - - Dalley, Henry E., 165, 192, 202, 203, 307 - - Darke County (Ohio), 229 - - Dawson, J. W., 167 - - Debts, payment of, to traders, 14-16 - - Defense, preparations for, at Springfield, 132-137 - - De Fore, William, 167 - - De Foe, William A., 167, 184, 192 - - Delaware County, 54 - - Des Moines, 36, 265 - - Des Moines City, 56 - - Des Moines River, 17, 19, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 37, 41, 56, 63, 68, - 73, 122, 124, 129, 132, 139, 153, 161, 179 181, 183, 185, 193, - 198, 202, 205; - settlements along, 38, 39; - march of relief expedition up, 172 - - Des Moines Valley, 35, 160, 179; - settlements in, 39 - - Dickerson, James, trouble of, with Indians, 27 - - Dickerson, Mrs. James, 27 - - Dickinson County, early visitors in, 44; - reference to, 229 - - Dog, eating of, by Indians, 217, 237, 238 - - Dragoon Trail, 180 - - Dry Wood, 290 - - Dubuque, 17, 30, 244 - - Duncombe, John F., 166, 171, 174, 176, 188, 190, 208, 264, 265; - laudanum taken by, 176, 177 - - Dungan, Warren S., 268 - - - Earth Lodges, 234 - - East Okoboji Lake, 46, 161 - - Eastman, Charles, 255 - - Edyington (Ohio), 48 - - Elk, hunting of, by Indians, 79 - - Elk Rapids, 33 - - Emmet, 41 - - Emmet County, 39, 122 - - Emmetsburg, beginning of, 38, 39, 181 - - End of the Snake, captives purchased by, 234 - - Erie, John 165 - - Estherville, 41 - - Europe, 4 - - Evans, Jeremiah, 177, 178 - - Exile, method of becoming, 291 - - - Farney, John, 167 - - Fenton, Charles T., 164, 263 - - Fire, method of starting, 202, 203 - - Fire Cloud, 74; - killing of, 253 - - Flandrau, Charles E., news of massacre carried to Fort Ridgely by, - 128; - account of expedition by, 130, 131; - activities of, upon receipt of news of massacre, 225, 226; - reference to, 229, 242, 243, 259, 267, 317; - Indians paid by, for ransom of Mrs. Marble, 230, 231; - efforts of, to secure release of captives, 232, 233; - Mrs. Marble taken to St. Paul by, 239, 240; - payment of Indians secured by, 245; - payment of bond issued by, 245, 246; - plans of, for punishment of Inkpaduta, 246; - investigation and report by, 247, 248; - expedition against Indians raised by, 256-259 - - Flandrau (South Dakota), 220, 224 - - Florida, 247 - - Flour, demand of Indians for, 102; - confiscation of, 180 - - Food, journey east to secure, 59-61; - giving of, to Indians, 97, 98, 116; - lack of, among Indians, 217, 218 - - Ford, William N., 167, 192 - - Fort Clarke, establishment of, 17; - change of name of, 281 - - Fort Dodge (military post), establishment of, 17, 280, 281; - reference to, 18, 19; - abandonment of, 18; - naming of, 281 - - Fort Dodge (town), alarm near, 20; - reference to, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 37, 39, 59, 99, 102, 125, 151, - 159, 160, 178, 180, 184, 189, 196, 211, 215, 244, 266, 272, - 295, 301, 305, 309; - company raised at, 35; - settlements northwest of, 38; - news of depredations taken to, 92, 93; - attempt to organize relief party at, 93; - plan of Gardner to make trip to, 96, 97; - news of massacre carried to, 124; - organization of relief expedition at, 159-169; - arrival of Howe and Wheelock at, 162; - arrival of Webster City company at, 164, 165; - departure of relief expedition from, 170; - return of part of men to, 199; - return of members of relief expedition to, 213, 214 - - Fort Kearney, 277 - - Fort Laramie, 21, 277 - - Fort Leavenworth, 277 - - Fort Pierre, 82, 277 - - Fort Randall, 18 - - Fort Ridgely, establishment of, 18; - reference to, 35, 72, 130, 138, 139, 143, 147, 158, 178, 179, - 225, 241, 242, 246, 249, 256; - news of massacre carried to, 122-127; - sending of relief expedition from, 128-131; - arrival of relief expedition from, 153-158 - - Fort Snelling, 17, 18, 280, 281 - - Fort Wayne (Indiana), 272 - - Franklin County, 54 - - Freeborn, William, 39 - - Fremont, John C., 45 - - Frontier, advance of, 1-8; - disreputable elements on, 11, 23; - failure of government to protect, 12; - lack of protection on, 17-25; - settlements on, in 1857, 37-41; - winter of 1856-1857 on, 42, 43; - plan for attacks on, 69, 74; - efforts to secure protection of, 260; - tribute to services of pioneers on, 268; - disappearance of, 269 - - Frost, Nathaniel, 58, 153; - trip of, to Slocum's farm, 135 - - Fuller House, 240, 242 - - Funk, A. B., 265, 316 - - Funk family, 164 - - - Gaboo, Joe, 153, 156, 300 - - Galbraith, Agent, 254 - - "Galena" (steamboat), 244 - - Gales, John, 167 - - Game, disappearance of, 10, 11, 42 - - Gar Lake, 160 - - Gardner, Abbie, 47, 103, 113, 121, 228, 234, 245, 246, 267; - taking of, as captive, 103, 104; - early experiences of, in captivity, 111, 112; - burden borne by, 216, 217; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220; - history of ransom of, 232-244; - price paid for ransom of, 237; - journey of, from Yellow Medicine to St. Paul, 240-242; - ceremony in honor of, 242, 243; - war bonnet presented to, 243; - return of, to friends in Iowa, 244; - marriage of, 270 - (see Sharp, Mrs. Abbie Gardner) - - Gardner, Eliza, 47, 57, 121, 133, 195, 244, 270 - - Gardner, Francis M., 118 - - Gardner, Mary, 47; - marriage of, 50 - - Gardner, Rowland, migrations of, 47-50; - arrival of, at Lake Okoboji, 50; - settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 50-53; - reference to, 57, 118, 133; - camp of Indians near cabin of, 95, 96; - plan of, for trip to Fort Dodge, 96, 97; - first visit of Indians to cabin of, 97, 98; - fears of, 99, 100; - killing of cattle of, 101; - suspense in cabin of, 101; - desire of, to resist Indians, 102; - massacre at cabin of, 102-104; - pillaging of cabin of, 104; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 195; - burial party at cabin of, 195, 196; - monument near cabin of, 266; - preëmpting of claim of, 270 - - Gardner, Rowland, Jr., 47, 118; - killing of, 103 - - Gardner, Mrs. Rowland, 51, 97; - unwillingness of, to resist Indians, 102; - effort of, to prevent murder, 102; - killing of, 103 - - Gates, Emery W., 165, 171, 213; - meal cooked by, 179 - - Gates, John, 165 - - Gens, meaning of, 290 - - Gillespie, Mrs., 273 - - Gillett brothers, visit of Indians to, 91, 92; - Indian killed by, 92; - flight of, 92 - - Gillett, Mrs. 92 - - Gillett's Grove, settlement at, 39; - reference to, 41, 53, 94, 113; - Inkpaduta's band at, 91, 92 - - Goodenough, Lee, 194, 307 - - Governor, 262, 263, 265 - - Government (see United States government) - - Granger, Carl, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53; - reference to, 105, 118; - killing of, 107; - burial of body of, 195 - - Granger, George, settlement of, 39; - journey of, to Springfield, 124, 125; - reference to, 132, 135, 150 - - Granger, William, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53 - - Granger's Point, news of massacre carried to, 124; - reference to, 150, 151, 152, 158, 160, 189, 196, 206; - march of relief expedition to, 182-191; - arrival of relief expedition at, 190, 191; - return of men to, 198 - - Gray Foot, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - Great American Desert, 269 - - Green, Johnny, 33 - - Greenwood (New York), 47 - - Griffith, Josiah, 165 - - Grimes, James W., 19, 162, 168, 282, 295; - efforts of, to secure frontier protection, 20; - refusal of, to call out militia, 21; - letter to Pierce from, 21, 22 - - Grindstone War, events of, 26-28; - reference to, 49 - - Gun-caps, giving of, to Indians, 98 - - Guns, taking of, from Indians, 80; - re-taking of, by Indians, 82 - - - Hamilton County, 36, 265, 286; - memorial in court house of, 263, 264 - - Hammond, Robert, treatment of, by Indians, 84 - - Hampton, 54, 55, 60, 110, 244, 270, 272 - - Harney, General, campaign of, 4, 82; - attitude of Sioux toward, 82; - massacre of Indians by troops under, 277, 278 - - Harriott, Isaac H., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53; - reference to, 98, 99, 105, 118; - killing of, 106, 107; - burial of body of, 195 - - Harrison County, alarm in, 20, 22 - - Harshman, Joseph, 55, 105, 118; - killing of, 106, 107 - - Harshman, Mr., 57, 58 - - Hathaway, A. Newton, 165, 184, 212, 213 - - Hay, making of, 51 - - Hazelwood Republic, 312 - - Hefley, John, 167 - - Hempstead, Stephen, 19, 28 - - Henderson, John, 58, 134, 142, 145, 158, 302; - abandonment of, 152 - - Heron Lake, journey of Inkpaduta's band to, 113-121; - arrival of Indians at, 120; - reference to, 131, 139, 145, 146, 216, 218; - journey of expedition to, 154, 155 - - Hewett, Mr. 26 - - Hickey, James, 165 - - Hillock, Humphrey C., 165 - - His Great Gun, 74 - - Hogs, killing of, 85, 87 - - Holcombe, Mr., statement by, 255 - - Homer, inquest at, 35, 36; - news of massacre carried to, 163; - reference to, 166, 286 - - Hood, Andrew, 180 - - Hoover, Harris, 165, 209 - - Horses, killing of, 85; - use of, by Indians, 113, 114; - treatment of, by Indians, 218 - - Howe, Alfred, 118, 296 - - Howe, Jacob, 111, 118, 296; - burial of body of, 194 - - Howe, Joel, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 54, 55; - reference to, 60, 118; - killing of, 109; - massacre at cabin of, 109, 110; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 193, 194; - burial of body of, 194; - finding of body of, 307, 308 - - Howe, Mrs. Joel, 108; - killing of, 109 - - Howe, Jonathan, 54, 60, 61, 118, 289, 296 - - Howe, Millie, 118 - - Howe, Orlando C., visit of, to lake region, 159, 160; - return of, to Jasper County, 160; - second trip of, to lakes, 160, 161; - massacre discovered by, 160, 161; - news taken to Fort Dodge by, 161, 162; - reference to, 167, 192, 196, 297 - - Howe, Philetus, 118, 296 - - Howe, Sardis, 118, 296 - - Howell, D. F., 167 - - Howland, M. W., 165, 209 - - Hughes, Thomas, 280 - - Humboldt County, alarm in, 22; - Lott's cabin in, 34; - Indian depredations in, 282 - - - Illinois, 181 - - Indian agent, activities of, in behalf of captives, 225, 226, - 229, 230, 231 - - Indian agents, lack of power on part of, 13, 24 - - Indians, attitude of, toward whites, 2, 3; - refusal of, to work, 3, 4; - military expeditions against, 4; - title to Iowa soil ceded by, 5-8; - wrongs done to, 9-16; - criminals among, 12; - liquor traffic among, 13; - power of traders over, 13-16, 24, 25; - reasons for resentment of, 22-25; - outlaw band of, 29, 63-71; - feeling of, after murder of Sidominadota, 36; - attitude of, toward advancing frontier, 37, 38; - sufferings of, during winter of 1856-1857, 43; - feeding of, by settlers, 61, 62; - treatment of captives by, 112, 119-121, 215-224; - preparations for defense against, 132-137; - attack on Springfield by, 138-146; - flight of settlers from, 147-152; - nearness of troops to camp of, 156, 157; - evidence of presence of, 183; - fugitives mistaken for, 185, 186; - guard against surprise by, 189; - attitude of, toward pipestone quarry, 218, 219; - trouble with, over annuities, 240, 241, 248-251; - plan for campaign against, 246; - disappearance of, 269, 270; - depredations by, 282; - effect of whiskey on, 283; - record of massacre made by, 297 - (see also Sioux Indians, Sac and Fox Indians, etc.) - - Inkpaduta, 18, 131, 160, 183; - description of band under, 63-71; - expulsion of, from gens, 63, 64; - ambitions of, 66, 71; - murders by, 66, 67; - evil reputation of, 67, 68; - depredations by band under, 68, 69; - disintegration of band under, 69, 70; - description of, 69, 70; - character of, 70, 71; - plan of, to secure revenge, 72-77; - movements of band under, 72-74; - members of band under, 73, 74; - reasons for desire of, for revenge, 74-77; - relations between Sidominadota and, 75, 76; - actions of band under, at Smithland, 78-83; - depredations by, between Smithland and Lake Okoboji, 84-93; - first day of massacre by band under, 94-107; - second day of massacre by band under, 108-112; - massacre of Marble by Indians under, 113-118; - activities of Indians under, at Heron Lake, 120, 121; - attack on Springfield by, 138-146; - pursuit of, by Captain Bee, 154-157; - nearness of troops to Indians under, 156, 157; - pursuit of, abandoned, 157, 158; - treatment of captives by Indians under, 215-224; - plans for rescue of captives held by, 226; - ransom of Mrs. Marble from band under, 226-231; - moving of camp by, 233, 234; - sale of captives by, 234; - efforts to punish, 245-259; - pursuit of, by Indians, 252, 253; - killing of son of, 253, 258; - defection in band under, 253; - end of efforts to punish, 254; - later life of, 254-256; - death of, 256; - last expedition against Indians under, 256-259; - appropriations for expeditions against, 260-263; - explanation of condition of Indians under, 290; - exile of, 291; - number of Indians under, 293 - - Iowa, attitude of Indians toward, 3; - extinguishment of Indian title to soil of, 5-8; - lack of frontier protection in, 17-25; - winter of 1856-1857 in, 42, 43; - reference to, 43, 67, 256, 278; - Inkpaduta's band in, 68, 69; - return of Abbie Gardner to, 244; - memorial tributes of, to persons involved in massacre, 260-268; - amount received by, for Spirit Lake Relief Expedition, 261-263; - appropriation by legislature of, 262; - Indian warfare in, 284 - - Iowa City, 41 - - Iowa Indians, removal of, from Iowa, 6; - murder of, by Sioux, 290 - - Iowa River, 281 - - Irish Colony, 38, 61, 180, 193, 196, 198, 201, 206, 207, 210, 309; - march of relief expedition to, 180; - relief expedition at, 181; - refugees sent to, 189; - reaching of, by burial party, 203, 204 - - Ishtahabah, 284 - - - Jackson, Frank D., 265 - - Jackson, Thomas E., sobriquet of, 298 - - Jackson (Minnesota), 37, 266; - settlement at, 38 - - Jacques River (see James River) - - Jagmani, 279 - - James River, 63, 215, 234, 235, 238; - rendezvous of Indians on, 65 - - Jasper County, 159, 160 - - John Other Day, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239; - expedition guided by, 257; - services of, at time of massacre of 1862, 312 - - Johns, John, 35 - - Johnson, Albert S., 167, 184 - - Johnson, John C., 165, 192, 194, 200, 214, 266, 307, 309; - enlistment of, 165, 166; - burial detail commanded by, 192; - division in party under, 196, 197; - sufferings of party under command of, 199-205; - efforts to find, 204; - death of, by freezing, 204, 205 - - Johnston, Albert Sidney, 246 - - Joshpaduta, story concerning, 285, 286 - - - Kane County (Illinois), 38 - - Kanesville, 40 - - Kansas, 82 - - Kasominee, 284 - - Kellogg, Elias D., 165, 192, 202, 203 - - Kirchner, Christian, 93 - - Kirchner, J. A., 39, 40 - - Kirchner, Jacob, 39, 40, 88; - ill-treatment of family of, by Indians, 89 - - Koons, William N., 166 - - Kossuth County, alarm in, 22; - Indian depredations in, 282 - - Knoxville, 194 - - - Lac D'Esprit, 44 - - Lac qui Parle, 229 - - La Framboise, Joseph, 130, 154, 155, 215 - - Lake Benton, 254 - - Lake Herman, 233 - - Lake Madison, 224, 233, 234, 236 - - Lake M'da Chan-Pta-Ya Tonka, 224 - - Lake Okoboji, attitude of Indians toward, 1; - settlement at, 39; - reference to, 41, 88, 137, 142; - early visitors at, 44; - early accounts of, 44, 45; - description of, 46, 47; - arrival of Gardner at, 47, 50; - settlement on shores of, 50-56; - first day of massacre at, 94-107; - second day of massacre at, 108-112; - visit of Howe to, 159, 160; - monument at, 266-268 - - Lake with a Grove of Big Trees, 224 - - Lakeville Township, 46 - - Land, cession of, by Indians, 4-8; - allotment of, to Indians, 9, 10 - - Land office, 38 - - Larrabee, William, 264 - - Laughlin, William K., 165, 184, 185, 192, 200, 201, 264; - men kept awake by, 201, 202; - fire started by, 202, 203; - crossing of river effected by, 203, 204 - - Laut, Agnes C., 302 - - Lebourveau, Mr., 86 - - Lee, L. P., Abbie Gardner escorted by, 244 - - Leonard, A. S., 165 - - Lewis and Clark expedition, 44 - - Lime Creek, 27, 28, 48 - - Linn, James, 166 - - Linn County, 55, 229 - - Liquor-dealers, activities of, among Indians, 13 - - Little Big Horn, battle of, 70, 255 - - Little Crow, disturbance quieted by, 251; - placing of, in command of expedition, 251, 252; - expedition under, 252, 253; - uprising under, 254, 255 - - Little Paul, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239 - - Little Rock River, 130 - - Little Sioux River, 1, 30, 38, 46, 73, 78, 82, 84, 85, 87, 90, - 91, 93, 95, 293; - settlements along, 39, 40 - - Little Thunder, 277 - - Live stock, killing of, 85 - - Lizard Creek, 35, 38, 40, 284; - settlements along, 39 - - Loon Lake, 72, 160 - - Long, Steve, 240 - - Long, Mrs. Steve, 240 - - Lost Island Lake, 113 - - Lott, Henry, character of, 31; - whiskey traffic carried on by, 31, 32; - attack of Indians upon, 32, 33; - murder of Sidominadota by, 34-36; - reference to, 68; - location of cabin of, 285 - - Lott, Mrs. Henry, 285 - - Lott, Milton, death of, 33; - marker on grave of, 285 - - Lott's Creek, 34, 211, 212 - - Luce, Albert, 50, 118 - - Luce, Amanda, 50, 118 - - Luce, Harvey, 48, 61, 97, 100, 101, 108, 118, 122, 180; - family of, 50; - settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 50-53; - journey of, east for supplies, 59-61; - return of, to Lake Okoboji, 96; - attempt of, to warn settlers, 100; - killing of cattle of, 101; - burial of body of, 195 - - Luce, Mrs. Harvey, 51, 97; - effort of, to prevent murder, 102; - killing of, 103 - - Luce, Mary M., 118 - - Luce children, killing of, 103 - - - McBane, Angus, 180, 309 - - McCarty, Michael, 167 - - McCauley, William, 167 - - McCleary, George W., 20, 282 - - McClure, G. F., 167 - - McCormick, Robert, 167, 180, 192, 200 - - McFarland, John N., 167 - - McGowan, Eliza Gardner, 272 - - McKnight's Point, 171, 174, 175; - relief expedition at, 176-179; - departure of relief expedition from, 179 - - McMurray, Mayor, 264 - - McNab, John, 158 - - Madelia (Minnesota), 130 - - Madison, Robert, 54, 118; - killing of, 106, 107 - - Madison (South Dakota), 224 - - Madison Grove, Indians at, 113 - - Madrid, 285 - - Madrid Historical Society, 285 - - Mahan, E., 167 - - Maher, Michael, 167 - - Ma-kpe-ya-ka-ho-ton, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - Mak-pi-a-pe-ta, killing of, 253 - - Malcolm, A. S., 167 - - Manitoba, Inkpaduta in, 255 - - Mankato (Minnesota), 41, 56, 129 - - Marble, William, settlement of, at Spirit Lake, 55; - massacre of, 113-118, 296; - taking of money from body of, 117; - reference to, 118; - visit of Markham and Palmer to cabin of, 137; - burial of body of, 158; - preëmpting of claim of, 270 - - Marble, Mrs. William, 115, 116, 156, 222, 223, 233, 234, 242, - 245, 246; - taking of, as captive, 117; - burden borne by, 216; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220; - history of ransom of, 225-231; - information secured from, 232; - reception of, at St. Paul, 239, 240; - later life of, 271, 317 - - Marion County, 31 - - Markham, Morris, 55, 132, 134, 135, 140, 142, 147, 148, 149, 189; - discovery of massacre by, 122-124; - news carried to Springfield by, 124, 125; - doubt concerning story of, 136; - proof of story of, 136, 137; - oxen secured by, 148, 149 - - Marsh, James M., attack on, 17, 30, 31 - - Marshalltown, 272 - - Massacre of 1862, services of John Other Day during, 312 - - Mason, B. S., 164 - - Mason, Frank R., 165, 184, 185, 187, 188; - experiences of party guided by, 211-213 - - Mason, Solon, 166, 208, 209 - - Mason City, 27, 48, 49, 272 - - Masonic Grove, 27 - - Ma-to-wa-ken, 238, 243 - - Mattock, Agnes, 118 - - Mattock, Alice, 118 - - Mattock, Daniel, 118 - - Mattock, Jackson A., 118 - - Mattock, Jacob M., 118 - - Mattock, James H., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 53, 54; - camp of Indians near cabin of, 95, 96; - reference to, 99, 118, 123; - plan to concentrate at cabin of, 100; - failure of warning to reach, 101; - massacre at cabin of, 105-107, 295; - killing of, 106, 107; - burning of cabin of, 106; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 194, 195 - - Mattock, Mrs. James H., killing of, 106, 107 - - Mattock, Mary M., 118 - - Mattock children, killing of, 106 - - Mattock's Grove, 54 - - Maxwell, J. D., 163 - - Maxwell, John N., 165, 175, 176, 184, 185, 192, 194, 200, 202, - 264, 307; - effort of, to secure aid, 176, 177; - men kept awake by, 201, 202; - crossing of river effected by, 203, 204 - - Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, speech by, 242, 243, 253, 254; - reference to, 269, 312 - - Mdewakanton Sioux Indians, treaty made by, 7, 8; - council with, 249 - - Mead, Ambrose S., 39, 40, 88, 93; - ill treatment of family of, by Indians, 89, 90 - - Mead, Mrs. Ambrose S., 89; - captivity of, 90 - - Mead, Emma, 90 - - Mead, Hattie, 90 - - Medary, Governor, 240, 245; - speech by, 242, 243; - Abbie Gardner escorted by, 244 - - Medium Lake, settlement at, 38, 181; - march of relief expedition to, 170-181; - relief expedition at, 181; - departure of relief expedition from, 182; - reference to, 183, 193, 207, 209 - - Mendota (Minnesota), treaty made at, 7, 8, 15, 19; - annuities under treaty of, 248 - - Merrill, Governor, 316 - - Mexican War, 177 - - Michigan, 229 - - Milford (Massachusetts), 86 - - Milford Colony, 40; - Inkpaduta's band at, 85, 86 - - Milford Emigration Company, 40 - - Military administration, attitude of Flandrau toward, 247 - - Military campaigns, purpose of, 4 - - Militia, refusal of Grimes to call out, 21 - - Militia company, organization of, at Smithland, 80, 81 - - Miller, William, 34 - - Minnesota, 18, 37, 41, 43, 46, 56, 65, 67, 70, 218, 245, 247, - 248, 251, 278, 312; - Inkpaduta's band in, 68; - excitement in, at news of massacre, 225; - efforts of, to punish Indians, 260; - reimbursement of, by Federal government, 261-263 - - Minnesota River, 7, 18, 29, 40, 128, 129, 242, 278, 312 - - Minnetonka, 45 - - Minnewaukon, 45 - - Mississippi River, 256 - - Mississippi Valley, 21; - changes in, 269, 270 - - Missouri River, 6, 18, 21, 40, 68, 154, 234, 236, 255 - - Monona County, alarm in, 20, 22 - - Montana, 255 - - Monument, agitation for, 264, 265; - law providing for, 265; - commission to secure erection of, 265, 266; - erection of, 266; - dedication of, 267, 268 - - Moody, F. R., 165 - - Moon, A., 164 - - Mormons, 40; - expedition against, 246 - - Morrissey, Daniel, 167 - - Mud Creek, crossing of, 200 - - Mud Lake, 182, 206; - Indian battle at, 284 - - Murray, Jonas, 167, 204; - party guided by, 200 - - Murray County (Minnesota), 68 - - Murry, Alexander, relief expedition under, 128-131; - reference to, 154, 156, 157, 215, 256, 258; - activities of troops under, 158; - gift of, to Abbie Gardner, 241, 242 - - Musquakie Indians, 33; - warfare between Sioux and, 284 - (see also Sac and Fox Indians) - - Myerly, J. G., 316, 317 - - - Nebraska, 21, 82 - - Nelson, William, 58, 134, 153 - - Nelson, Mrs. William, 134, 152 - - Neutral Ground, establishment and disposal of, 5, 6 - - New England, lakes in, 47 - - New Haven (Connecticut), 47 - - New Orleans, 317 - - New York, 39, 50; - lakes in, 47 - - Newton, 159 - - Nicollet, J. N., map made by, 45 - - Noble, Alvin, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 54, 55; - massacre at cabin of, 110, 111; - reference to, 118, 122; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123, 124, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 193 - - Noble, Mrs. Alvin, taking of, as captive, 111; - early experience of, in captivity, 111, 112; - reference to, 113, 117, 194, 222, 237, 246, 258, 296; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220, 223; - attempt at ransom of, 228; - death of, 234, 235, 313 - - Noble, John, 118 - - Nolan, John, 165 - - Nora Springs, 28, 48 - - North Platte River, 277 - - Northwestern frontier, efforts to secure protection of, 260 - - Northwestern Iowa, character of, 41, 42 - - Nowland, John, 165 - - - O'Brien County, first settler in, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 87, 88; - reference to, 88 - - Oglala Sioux Indians, campaign against, 277, 278 - - Ohio, 31; - Gardner in, 48 - - Okeson, Daniel, 167; - discharge of, 178 - - Okoboji, Lake (see Lake Okoboji) - - Okoboji South Beach Company, 266 - - O'Laughlin, John, 167; - discharge of, 178 - - Old Man, 74 - - Omaha Indians, 20, 81 - - Onawa, 86 - - Oregon trail, 21 - - Other Day (see John Other Day) - - Oto Indians, 20 - - Ottawa Indians, treaty with, 7 - - Oxen, difficulty of transportation by means of, 170, 173, 174 - - - Palmer, Jareb, 58, 132, 142, 149, 189, 267; - trip of, to Slocum's farm, 135; - journey of, to lakes, 136, 137; - aid secured by, 150 - - Palo Alto County, alarm in, 22; - reference to, 61 - - Parkhurst, Lemuel, cabin of, visited by Indians, 86 - - Parkhurst, Mrs. Lemuel, 86 - - Parmenter, B. F., visit of, to lake region, 159, 160; - return of, to Jasper County, 160; - second trip of, to lakes, 160, 161; - massacre discovered by, 160, 161; - oxen left in charge of, 161, 162; - reference to, 167, 192, 196 - - Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239 - - Pea, Henry, 32 - - Pea's Point, 32; - relief party from, 33 - - Pemberton, J. C, 165 - - Pennsylvania, 31, 309 - - Pension, 317 - - Peterson, settlement near, 39; - reference to, 41; - Inkpaduta's band at, 88-91 - - Peterson Granite Company, 266 - - Phips, Mr., 229 - - Pierce, Franklin, 21 - - Pillsbury's Point, Gardner cabin on, 51, 271 - - Pilot Rock, settlement near, 40; - Inkpaduta's band at, 85 - - Pioneers, attitude of Indians toward, 11, 12; - tribute to memory of, 268 - - Pipestone quarry, Inkpaduta's band at, 218; - attitude of Indians toward, 218, 219 - - Pollock, William P., 180 - - Porter, W. F., 167 - - Pottawattamie Indians, treaty with, 6, 7; - reference to, 33 - - Powder, demand of Indians for, 98 - - Prairie, difficulty of travel on, 173; - hardships of camping on, 175, 176; - flooding of, by rain, 207; - blizzard on, 210 - - Prairie du Chien, treaties made at, 5; - violation of treaties made at, 64; - reference to, 290 - - Prescott, J. S., 270 - - Prescott, Philander, 130 - - President of United States, 20 - - Provisions, securing of, 164 - - Putting on Walking, 74 - - - Quartermaster, 169 - - - Raccoon River, 90 - - Railroad, terminus of, 41 - - Rations, issuing of, 184 - - Rattling, 74 - - Ravines, difficulty in crossing, 172, 173, 174 - - Red Leg, 74 - - Red Pipestone Quarry, Inkpaduta at, 255 - - Red Rock, 31 - - "Red Top" band of Indians, 63 - - Red Wing (Minnesota), 39, 52, 53, 54, 106, 107 - - Redwood Agency, news of massacre carried to, 126, 127; - reference to, 241, 251, 256 - - Refugees, rescue of, 186-189 - - Relief expedition, sending of, from Fort Ridgely, 128-131; - arrival of, at Springfield, 153-158; - organization of, at Fort Dodge and Webster City, 159-169; - march of, to Medium Lake, 170-181; - march of, from Medium Lake to Granger's Point, 182-191; - activities of burial detail sent out by, 192-205; - death of members of, 204, 205; - return of, to Fort Dodge and Webster City, 206-214; - money received for expenses of, 261-263; - experiences of, in blizzard, 310; - pension for survivors of, 317 - - Relief party, failure of, 90, 91; - attempt to organize, 93 - - Reno, Major, 255 - - Revenge, plan of Inkpaduta to secure, 72-77 - - Rexville (New York), 47, 48 - - Richards, Charles B., 162, 166, 179, 182, 188, 192, 193, 208, 264; - story by, 206, 207; - statement by, 309 - - Richards, W. S., 268 - - Richardson, Alonzo, 165 - - Ridgeway, L. B., 167 - - Riggs, Stephen R., 226, 229, 231, 312; - efforts of, to secure release of captives, 232 - - Roaring Cloud, 73, 74; - murder of Mrs. Noble by, 234; - killing of, 258 - - Robinson, Mr., 241 - - Rosenkrans, S. B., 164 - - Ross, Enoch, relief party under, 90, 91 - - Ryan, Enoch, 60, 61, 118, 289; - killing of, 110; - burial of body of, 193 - - - Sac and Fox Indians, treaties made by, 5, 6; - reference to, 26, 29, 64, 65, 66; - warfare between Sioux and, 284 - - Sac City, 86; - relief party from, 90, 91 - - Sac County, alarm in, 22 - - Sacred Plume, 74 - - St. Paul, excitement in, at news of massacre, 225; - arrival of Mrs. Marble in, 229, 230; - Mrs. Marble at, 239, 240; - journey of Abbie Gardner to, 241, 242; - ceremony in honor of Abbie Gardner at, 242, 243; - reference to, 317 - - Santee Sioux Indians, 65, 71, 255 - - Saulsbury, E. W., 164 - - Scalp dance, 94, 108; - description of, 104, 105 - - "Scarlet Point", 63 - (see Inkpaduta) - - Scouting party, activities of, 183-186, 189, 190 - - Searles, W., 167 - - Secretary of Interior, order by, 246, 247, 261 - - Se-ha-ho-ta, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - Seneca (New York), 47 - - Sergeant Bluff, 20 - - Settlements, advance of, 3; - line of, in 1857, 37-41 - - Settlers, desire of, for Indian lands, 9; - attitude of Indians toward, 11, 12; - failure of government to protect, 12, 17-25; - cause of massacre of, 13; - abandonment of homes by, 18, 19; - alarm among, 20, 21, 22, 28; - attacks on, instigated by traders, 25; - depredations among, 31, 68, 69, 78-83, 84-93; - advance of, to northwest, 37, 38, 41, 42; - isolation of, 40, 41; - difficulties of, during winter of 1856-1857, 42, 43; - arrival of, at lakes, 50-56; - names of, at Springfield, 56-58; - Indians fed by, 61, 62; - flight of, from Springfield, 147-152; - preempting of claims by, 270 - - Shakopee (Minnesota), 242 - - Sharp, Mrs. Abbie Gardner, 70, 94, 105, 156, 157, 217, 235, 265, - 266, 267; - efforts of, to secure monument, 265; - later life of, 270, 271; - characterization of Sioux by, 292 - (see also Gardner, Abbie) - - Sharp, Casville, marriage of Abbie Gardner and, 270 - - Sheehan, T. J., 254 - - Shell Rock, Gardner at, 48; - reference to, 60 - - Shell Rock Valley, 48 - - Sherman, George B., 169, 180 - - Sherman, Major, 249, 250, 259 - - Shiegley, Adam P., 57, 134, 135, 152, 158 - - Shifting Wind, 74 - - Shippey's Point, 61, 96, 199, 305; - march of relief expedition to, 179, 180; - members of relief expedition at, 208, 209; - breaking up of expedition at, 211 - - Sidell (California), 271 - - Sidominadota, depredations by band under, 29-31; - attack of, on Lott, 32; - murder of, 34, 285; - murder of family of, 34-36; - reference to, 63; - flight of, from Inkpaduta, 68; - relation of murder of, to Spirit Lake Massacre, 74-77 - - Silbaugh, Mr., 271 - - Sioux City, 37, 41 - - Sioux Indians, Mecca of, 1; - government dealings with, 1-8; - campaign of Harney against, 4; - treaties between Sacs and Foxes and, 5, 6; - wrongs done to, 9-16; - government attitude toward, 12; - retirement of, 17; - depredations by, 17-25; - attitude of, toward whites, 22, 23; - retrogression of, 23, 24; - trouble with, near Clear Lake, 26-28; - attack of, on Lott, 32; - sufferings of, during winter of 1856-1857, 43; - outlaw band of, 63-71; - relationship among, 75; - practice of blood revenge among, 75-77; - attitude of, toward Harney, 82; - scalp dance of, 94; - attitude of, toward pipestone quarry, 218, 219; - receptions of Inkpaduta's band by, 223; - demand for punishment of, 225; - trouble over payment of annuities to, 248-251; - expedition of, against Inkpaduta, 252, 253; - difficulties of Cullen with, 253, 254; - excitement among, 258, 259; - reservation given to, 278; - conspiracy among, 282; - warfare between Sacs and Foxes and, 284; - Inkpaduta pitied by, 289, 290; - method of becoming exile among, 291; - characterization of, 292 - (see also Wahpekuta Sioux, Yankton Sioux, etc.) - - Sioux outbreak, Inkpaduta in, 254, 255 - - Sioux Rapids, settlements near, 39; - reference to, 40, 41, 91, 92, 93 - - Sisseton Sioux Indians, treaty made by, 7, 8; - depredations by, 29-31; - reference to, 75, 251; - council with, 253 - - Sitting Bull, 70, 255 - - Skinner, J. B., 57, 134, 152 - - Skinner, Mrs. J. B., 134, 152 - - Skunk Creek, 224 - - Skunk Lake, 224, 225, 226, 246, 252 - - Sleds, use of, by Indians, 113, 114; - use of, by settlers in flight, 149; - transportation in army by means of, 247 - - Sleepy-Eye, rendezvous of, 183 - - Slocum, Isaac, farm of, 129, 130, 131, 135 - - Smith, Frances M., 47 - - Smith, George P., 167, 192, 200, 204, 205 - - Smith, Guernsey, 167, 208 - - Smith, Mr., 187 - - Smith, Robert, 58, 134, 142, 145, 158, 302; - abandonment of, 152 - - Smith, Mrs. Robert, 134, 151, 152, 302 - - Smith, Roderick A., 167, 192, 196, 266, 267, 297 - - Smith, Seth, 81 - - Smith, Winton, 167 - - Smith's Point, cabin on, 52 - - Smithland, settlement at, 40; - reference to, 73, 84, 86, 293; - actions of Inkpaduta's band at, 78-88 - - Smoky Moccasin, news given by, 135, 136; - reference to, 300 - - Snake Creek, 235, 238, 253 - - Snow, depth of, 42, 43, 59, 170; - difficulties in marching through, 173, 174, 247 - - Snow-blindness, 172 - - Snowshoes, use of, recommended, 248 - - Snyder, Bertell E., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53; - reference to, 98, 99, 105, 118; - killing of, 106, 107 - - Soldiers, fear of, by Indians, 215, 233; - desire of Indians to be accompanied by, 249, 250 - - Sounding Heavens, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - South Bend (Minnesota), 129, 131 - - Spencer, Owen S., 167, 192, 200 - - Spencer, 90 - - Spink County (South Dakota), 313 - - Spirit Lake, attitude of Indians toward, 1; - settlement at, 39; - reference to, 41, 120, 128, 131, 135, 136, 154, 159, 191, 229; - early visitors to, 44; - early accounts of, 44, 45; - description of, 46, 47; - settlement of Marble on shore of, 55; - massacre on shore of, 113-118; - journey of Palmer and Markham to, 137; - journey of troops to, 158 - - Spirit Lake (South Dakota), 65, 72 - - Spirit Lake Massacre, cause of, 1, 2; - scene of, 46; - relation of murder of Sidominadota to, 74-77; - first day of, 94-107; - second day of, 108-112; - pictographic representation of, 118, 119, 297; - discovery of, by Markham, 122-124; - news of, carried to Springfield and Fort Ridgely, 122-127; - discovery of, by Howe and others, 159-161; - burial of victims of, 192-195; - memorial tributes to persons involved in, 260-268; - later lives of survivors of, 270, 271; - warning of, 286 - - Spirit Lake Relief Expedition (see Relief expedition) - - Spirit Lake Township, 46 - - Spirit Walker, 226; - Mrs. Marble at tepee of, 229 - - Springfield (Minnesota), 37, 53, 88, 120, 121, 129, 130, 131, 154, - 178, 183, 189, 191, 198, 247, 266, 270, 300; - settlers at, 39, 56-58; - news of massacre carried to, 122-126; - effect of news of massacre upon settlers at, 125, 126; - relief expedition to, 128-131; - preparations for defense at, 132-137; - attack on, 138-146; - flight of settlers from, 147-152; - arrival of relief expedition at, 153-158; - guard left at, 158; - rescue of fugitives from, 186-189; - careers of survivors of massacre at, 272, 273 - - Stafford, Patrick, 165 - - Stebbins, Carl, 167, 192 - - Stevens, Smith E., 166 - - Stewart, Johnny, escape of, 145; - reference to, 272, 301 - - Stewart, Joshua, 57, 133; - killing of, 144 - - Stewart, Mrs. Joshua, 133; - killing of, 144, 145 - - Stewart children, killing of, 144, 145 - - "Stonewall" Jackson, origin of name, 298 - - Storm Lake, 90 - - Stratton, Franklin A., 166, 182, 309 - - Streams, difficulty of captives in crossing, 219, 220 - - Street, Joseph M., 25 - - Strong, E. B. N., 57, 121, 142, 300; - flight of, 150, 151, 152 - - Strong, Mrs. E. B. N., 133 - - Supplies, journey east for, 59-61; - plan of Gardner to secure, 96, 97; - confiscation of, 180 - - Surgeon, 169 - - Surveyors, attack made on, 17, 30, 31, 68 - - Swanger, Drusilla, 57, 133, 149, 273; - wounding of, 141 - - Sweeney, Michael, 165, 264 - - - Tahtay-Shkope Kah-gah, 74 - - Target practice, desire of Indians for, 116 - - Tasagi, quarrels between Wamdisapa and, 65, 66; - murder of, 66, 67; - reference to, 291 - - Taylor, E., 40; - ill-treatment of family of, by Indians, 89; - escape of, 89, 90 - - Taylor, Mrs. E., captivity of, 90 - - Tchay-tam-bay River, 278 - - Tenth United States Infantry, 225 - - Tents, securing of, 164 - - Territorial bond, issuance of, 231; - payment of, 246 - - Thatcher, Dora, 118 - - Thatcher, Joseph M., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 54, 55; - journey of, east for supplies, 59-61; - reference to, 61, 96, 108, 122, 180, 184, 192, 196, 244, 305; - massacre at cabin of, 110, 111; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123, 124, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 193; - preëmpting of claim of, 270 - - Thatcher, Mrs. Joseph M., 60, 113, 117, 244, 296; - taking of, as captive, 111; - early experiences of, in captivity, 111, 112; - illness of, 119, 220; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220; - killing of, 221, 222 - - Thomas, Mrs. Irene A., 267, 272 - - Thomas, James B., 57, 148, 149, 187; - concentration of settlers at cabin of, 133; - names of settlers in cabin of, 133, 134; - description of cabin of, 134, 135; - attack on cabin of, 139-143; - wounding of, 141; - flight of settlers from cabin of, 149-151 - - Thomas, Mrs. James B., 133 - - Thomas, Valentine C., 267, 272 - - Thomas, Willie, 57, 139, 151, 272; - killing of, 142 - - Timber, travel in shelter of, 173 - - Titonka, 284 - - Townsite, plan to lay out, 52 - - Traders, 9, 44; - power of, over Indians, 13-16, 24, 25 - - Transportation, method of, in army, 247, 248 - - Traverse des Sioux (Minnesota), treaty made at, 7, 15, 19, 37, 279; - failure to carry out treaty made at, 10; - reference to, 242; - annuities under treaty of, 248 - - Treaties, making of, with Indians, 2-8; - wrongs done in making of, 9-11; - influence of traders in making of, 15 - - Tretts, Henry, 58, 138, 139, 140; - news of massacre carried to agency by, 126 - - Tullis, A. K., 165 - - "Two Fingers" (see Sidominadota) - - - Umpashota, 18, 135, 136, 284 - - United States government, dealings of, with Sioux Indians, 1-8; - attitude of, toward Sioux, 12; - failure of, to protect frontier, 12, 17-25 - - Utah, expedition to, 246 - - - Van Cleave, Silas, 167, 192 - - Vermillion River, 29, 30 - - Voyageurs, 44 - - - Wabashaw's band, 290 - - Wagons, transportation by means of, 247 - - Wahkonsa, 284 - - Wahpekuta Sioux Indians, 6, 65, 75, 249; - treaty made by, 7, 8; - attitude of, toward Spirit Lake, 45; - position of Inkpaduta among, 63, 64; - division among, 64; - pursuit of Inkpaduta by, 66; - massacre of, 68; - Inkpaduta dropped from membership in, 71; - murder of Iowas by, 290; - method of becoming exile among, 291 - - Wahpeton Agency, 238 - - Wahpeton Sioux Indians, treaty made by, 7, 8; - reference to, 226; - council with, 253 - - Wahpuja Wicasta, 253 - - Wamdisapa, 30, 71; - outlaw band led by, 64-67 - - Wamundiyakapi, massacre of, 68 - - Wanduskaihanke, captives purchased by, 234 - - War dance, 94 - - Waterloo, 60, 108 - - Waterman, H. H., 40, 88; - ill treatment of, by Indians, 87, 88 - - Waterman (town), 40, 41 - - Watonwan River, 40, 70, 130 - - Weaver, E., ill treatment of, by Indians, 87; - reference to, 93 - - Weaver family, settlement of, 40 - - Webster City, 159, 166, 170, 189, 211, 215, 284, 302; - news of massacre carried to, 163; - organization of relief expedition at, 163-166; - return of members of relief expedition to, 213; - memorial to members of relief expedition from, 263, 264 - - Webster County, alarm in, 22; - reference to, 31, 35, 285 - - West Okoboji Lake, 46, 113; - arrival of Gardner family at, 50 - - Westerfield, D., 167 - - Wheeler, William T., 57; - concentration at cabin of, 133; - name of settlers at cabin of, 134; - shots fired into cabin of, 145; - flight of settlers from cabin of, 151, 152 - - Wheelock, R. U., visit of, to lake region, 159, 160; - return of, to Jasper County, 160; - second trip of, to lakes, 160, 161; - massacre discovered by, 160, 161; - news taken to Fort Dodge by, 161, 162; - reference to, 167, 175, 176, 177, 192, 196, 297 - - Whetstone, Reuben, 167 - - Whiskey, effect of, on Indians, 23, 283; - traffic in, 279 - - Whiskey-sellers, activities of, among Indians, 13; - profits made by, 21 - - White, John, 167 - - White, Mr. 163 - - Whites, advance of, into Indian country, 1-8; - attitude of Sioux Indians toward, 22, 23; - hatred of, by Inkpaduta, 70, 71 - - Wilcox, Mr., 39, 93 - - Williams, James B., 18 - - Williams, Washington, 167 - - Williams, William, 18, 19, 20, 28, 35, 69, 77, 175, 183, 184, 188, - 189, 191, 192, 204, 210, 244, 266, 281, 301, 309; - meeting presided over by, 162; - commission held by, 162; - choice of, to command expedition, 168, 169; - strength and determination of, 177; - report by, 295; - age of, 304 - - Williamson, Thomas S., 229, 239 - - Williamson, Mrs. Thomas S., 239 - - Willson, S., 164 - - Willson, W. C., 164 - - Wilson, William R., 167, 192, 195, 196, 244, 272 - - Wiltfong, 159 - - Winnebago Indians, reservation given to, 6; - reference to, 25, 26 - - Winter, army transportation in, 247, 248 - - Winter of 1856-1857, character of, 42, 43; - sufferings of Indians during, 72, 73 - - Wood, Charles, 56 - - Wood, George, 56, 132, 136; - refusal of, to believe in danger, 132, 133, 136; - killing of, 143, 144 - - Wood, William, 56, 126, 132; - refusal of, to believe in danger, 125, 132, 133, 136; - killing of, 143, 144 - - Wood brothers, store kept by, 57; - Indians at store of, 135, 136; - pillaging of store of, 145, 146 - - Woodbury County, alarm in, 20, 22; - settlement in, 40; - reference to, 73, 78 - - Woods, Samuel, 18, 281; - Fort Dodge established by, 280, 281 - - Wright, L. K., 166 - - Wright County, 309 - - Wyoming, 21, 82 - - - Yankton Sioux Indians, 63, 71, 154, 234, 253, 255; - refuge of Inkpaduta among, 67, 72; - reception of Inkpaduta's band by, 223; - attitude of, toward captive, 235, 236 - - Yellow Medicine Agency, 226, 233, 245, 254, 312 - - Yellow Medicine mission, 239 - - Yellow Medicine River, 225, 236, 256, 257, 269, 278 - - Young Men's Christian Association, 194 - - Young Sleepy Eyes, 284 - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - -Archaic and inconsistent spelling and punctuation retained. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Spirit Lake Massacre, by Thomas Teakle - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE *** - -***** This file should be named 42074-8.txt or 42074-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/0/7/42074/ - -Produced by sp1nd, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Spirit Lake Massacre - -Author: Thomas Teakle - -Release Date: February 11, 2013 [EBook #42074] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE *** - - - - -Produced by sp1nd, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 42074 ***</div> <div class="figcenter"> <img src="images/cover.jpg" width="400" height="625" alt="" /> @@ -12005,383 +11967,6 @@ the solution of the problem, whether she ever came down again?”</p></div> <p>Archaic and inconsistent spelling and punctuation retained.</p> </div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Spirit Lake Massacre, by Thomas Teakle - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE *** - -***** This file should be named 42074-h.htm or 42074-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/0/7/42074/ - -Produced by sp1nd, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Spirit Lake Massacre - -Author: Thomas Teakle - -Release Date: February 11, 2013 [EBook #42074] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE *** - - - - -Produced by sp1nd, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE - - BY - THOMAS TEAKLE - - - PUBLISHED AT IOWA CITY IOWA IN 1918 BY - THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF IOWA - - - THE TORCH PRESS - CEDAR RAPIDS - IOWA - - - - -EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION - - -The massacre of the white settlers in the region of Lake Okoboji and -Spirit Lake in 1857 by a band of Indians under the leadership of -Inkpaduta has come to be known as "The Spirit Lake Massacre", although -the tragedy was for the most part enacted on the borders of Lake -Okoboji. There seems, however, to be no substantial reason for -renaming the episode in the interest of geographical accuracy; and so -in this volume the familiar designation of "The Spirit Lake Massacre" -has been retained. - - BENJ. F. SHAMBAUGH - - OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT AND EDITOR - THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF IOWA - IOWA CITY IOWA - - - - -AUTHOR'S PREFACE - - -It is probable that no event in the history of northwestern Iowa has -aroused more popular interest than that of the Spirit Lake Massacre of -March, 1857. Not alone in northwestern Iowa but also in the adjacent -sections of Minnesota and South Dakota is the story of its events and -associated incidents well known. - -The Spirit Lake Massacre came as the culminating episode in a long -series of incidents intimately connected with the settlement of -northern and western Iowa. For years previous to 1857 the Indians of -the Siouan tribes had obstinately resisted white settlement and had -succeeded in a marked degree in retarding the movement. It may be said -with a reasonable degree of certainty that if the events of March, -1857, had not occurred the settlement of this region would have been -postponed for some years: the Massacre not only aroused the -authorities of the State of Iowa to the necessity of exerting the -force of military pressure upon the Indians to discourage or end their -forays, but it also enlisted the efforts of the Federal authorities in -the same direction. This joint interest and protection could have -only one result--the retirement of the Sioux to the region of the -Missouri and the rapid influx of white settlers. The Massacre -definitely settled the Indian question for Iowa: henceforth the red -man ceased to play any important part in the history of this -Commonwealth. - -While the following pages are, as far as practicable, based upon -primary materials, the writer acknowledges his obligation to many -other sources in the notes and references which follow the text. Since -no adequate history of the Spirit Lake Massacre can be written wholly -from primary materials, considerable reliance upon secondary sources -has been found necessary in this work. Furthermore, the writer is well -aware that he has taken a number of new positions concerning causes -and incidents of the Massacre; but in this he feels well sustained by -the preponderance of authority. - -Without the unflagging interest and the tireless enthusiasm and -encouragement of Dr. Benj. F. Shambaugh the more than four years of -research involved in this work would never have been undertaken or -carried through to its close. To many others the author also feels -himself obligated for invaluable assistance. Among these may be noted -Curator E. R. Harlan, Librarian Alice Marple, Assistant Editor Ida M. -Huntington, and Superintendent of Archives C. C. Stiles, all of the -Historical Department of Iowa. Dr. Dan E. Clark, Associate Editor in -The State Historical Society of Iowa, assisted in editing and -verifying the manuscript; and to him the author is indebted for the -index. - - THOMAS TEAKLE - - THE NORTH HIGH SCHOOL - DES MOINES IOWA - - - - - CONTENTS - - - I. THE ADVANCING FRONTIER 1 - - II. INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT 9 - - III. THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER 17 - - IV. THE GRINDSTONE WAR AND THE DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA 26 - - V. THE FRONTIER AND THE WINTER OF 1856-1857 37 - - VI. OKOBOJI AND SPRINGFIELD IN MARCH 1857 44 - - VII. THE JOURNEY EAST FOR SUPPLIES 59 - - VIII. THE INKPADUTA BAND 63 - - IX. INKPADUTA SEEKS REVENGE 72 - - X. THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT 78 - - XI. FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI 84 - - XII. THE FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 94 - - XIII. THE SECOND DAY OF THE MASSACRE 108 - - XIV. FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE 113 - - XV. NEWS OF MASSACRE REACHES SPRINGFIELD AND FORT - RIDGELY 122 - - XVI. RELIEF SENT FROM FORT RIDGELY 128 - - XVII. PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENSE AT SPRINGFIELD 132 - - XVIII. INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD 138 - - XIX. THE SETTLERS FLEE FROM SPRINGFIELD 147 - - XX. RELIEF ARRIVES FROM FORT RIDGELY 153 - - XXI. ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF AT FORT DODGE AND WEBSTER - CITY 159 - - XXII. THE MARCH FROM FORT DODGE TO MEDIUM LAKE 170 - - XXIII. FROM MEDIUM LAKE TO GRANGER'S POINT 182 - - XXIV. THE BURIAL DETAIL 192 - - XXV. RETURN OF THE RELIEF EXPEDITION 206 - - XXVI. THE DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER 215 - - XXVII. THE RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE 225 - - XXVIII. THE DEATH OF MRS. NOBLE AND THE RANSOM OF ABBIE - GARDNER 232 - - XXIX. PURSUIT AND PUNISHMENT OF INKPADUTA 245 - - XXX. THE MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA 260 - - XXXI. CHANGES OF SIXTY YEARS 269 - - NOTES AND REFERENCES 277 - - INDEX 321 - - - - -I - -THE ADVANCING FRONTIER - - -Clothed in myth and legend and held in sacred awe by the Siouan -Indian, Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake had rested in seclusion for ages -at the headwaters of the Little Sioux. To the red men these lakes had -been a sort of Mecca, second only to the red pipestone quarry to the -northwest, for the silent adoration and worship of the Spirit.[1] -Although the region had been little disturbed by the whites the Sioux -were becoming uneasy as the frontier continued its westward advance. -By the middle of the nineteenth century the meeting and clashing of -the two races became more frequent. - -This rivalry of the races was engendered by the white man's disregard -of what the Indian held as sacred: it was embittered by the unstable -policies of the government. Finally, in the early days of March, 1857, -came one of those tragic events in the long series of misguided -attempts to deal with the Indian and solve the problem of the -frontier. In this terrible tragedy in the pioneer history of -northwestern Iowa, the lives of more than forty white people were -sacrificed. The Spirit Lake Massacre was the result of an Indian -policy which has been characterized as "vacillating, full of -inconsistencies and incongruities, of experiments and failures."[2] -For the Sioux this policy had been the cause of frequent humiliation. - -It must be frankly admitted that in dealing with the Indian the whites -too often lost sight of the fact that the red man was really a human -being, seeking to have his person as well as his rights respected. To -compel the respect which his proud spirit demanded, he frequently -resorted to massacre. In fact, an Indian was open to insults and abuse -from his fellow tribesmen until he had killed a foe.[3] - -To some extent the Indian appreciated his own inferiority, and he was -expectantly on the alert to prevent being over-reached and deceived by -the whites. Suspicious by nature, he became doubly so when his -activities brought him into relation with another race. Unhappily he -was not always wrong in his suspicions of the white man's deception, -and many unpleasant border difficulties sprang from his attempts to -match deception with deception. Physically superb, he too often had -recourse to those physical means of redress that have marked the -history of the frontier with tales of tragic revenge.[4] - -Accustomed to the matching of intellects, the whites frequently -resorted to the stilted verbiage of treaties in their efforts to push -the Indian farther toward the setting sun. In these treaties the red -man found much cause for complaint--not so much in the strict wording -of the documents themselves as in the management of affairs they -induced. This too often exasperated and provoked the Indian.[5] To -him the Iowa country was a paradise. Not only was it his home and -hunting ground, but here centered much of the traditional lore of his -tribe and race. Thus Iowa was doubly dear to him and worth his most -determined effort to hold. As the wave of settlements advanced, the -Indian was induced to sell--sometimes under circumstances provoking a -strong suspicion of compulsion rather than voluntary agreement in the -transfer. He felt instinctively that he had to retire, but in his -racial pride he resented the necessity. He knew well the later -traditions of his race, in the light of which he could foresee that in -a very brief time force, which "comprises the elements of all Indian -treaties",[6] would be used to drive him from his domain. - -As tract after tract was ceded, lands that the Indian did not want -were given to him in exchange--lands devoid of good camping places and -wanting in such game as was essential to his very existence. Moreover, -the very lands the Indians prized most were the most sought for by the -whites. The qualities causing them to be prized by the one made them -desirable for the other. Thus the Indian's subsistence became so -precarious that often he was on the verge of starvation. Coupled with -this deprivation of favorite pleasure and hunting grounds was the -white man's idealistic dream of civilizing the Indian by making him -work at tilling the soil or at the various trades. This seemed to the -haughty red man a real degradation. He could die fighting, if need be; -but work he would not. His steadfast refusal to work or become -civilized could only end in banishment from the lands he valued so -highly. In view of this policy of forcing him into an involuntary -exile, one ceases to wonder that he grew discontented and rebelled -rather than submit.[7] He could not have done otherwise and retain his -pride of race. - -Forcible dispossession of his ancestral hunting ranges, however, would -not have provoked in him an overweening hatred for the white man if it -had not been so often coupled with a show of military force. The sole -purpose of such military campaigns seems to have been to frighten the -Indian in order that he might learn to be peaceful and pliant through -fear of punishment. - -These campaigns--of which the one by General Harney against the Sioux -ending in the affair of Ash Hollow on September 3, 1855, is the most -cruel example--sometimes ended not in pacification but in massacre in -which the ferocity of the white man vied with that of the Indian. -Harney had been recalled from Europe and sent into the West against -the Indians for no other purpose than that of terrifying them.[8] Such -affairs as this were most unworthy of the American soldier. Nor did -the Indian soon forget these atrocities: thereafter he seldom let an -opportunity pass which offered revenge. - -The military expeditions referred to were frequently followed by the -making of treaties providing for land cessions and the consequent -westward recession of the Indians. Moreover, these treaties, the -making of which was stoutly resisted, were usually acknowledged only -by a tribal remnant; and so they were not deemed as binding by the -widely scattered major portion of the tribe. Their provisions were not -always observed, and often blood had to flow to secure a temporary -obedience. Thus the story of the government's relations with the Sioux -became an alternation of treaties and Indian and white retaliatory -measures. A treaty was only too often accepted by the Indians as a -challenge for some shrewdly devised scheme of vengeful retaliation. - -Through a series of treaties extending from 1825 to 1851 the Indian -occupants of Iowa soil were slowly but surely dispossessed. They felt -the westward push of white migration, and were fearful of being unable -to stem it. Unluckily for themselves they fell to intertribal -quarreling, and for the moment, being off their guard, they accepted -white mediation. Thus, the two treaties of Prairie du Chien had -attempted to settle the differences between the Sioux and their -traditional enemies, the confederated Sacs and Foxes.[9] But they did -not succeed, since the line established in the first of these two -treaties was so indefinite that neither white man nor Indian could -locate it to his own satisfaction. To the Sioux their claim to -northern and western Iowa seemed assured, and they proceeded -confidently to its occupation. The Sacs and Foxes believed the same -concerning their rights in southeastern Iowa and jealously sought to -exclude all others from it. - -By the second treaty of Prairie du Chien there was established the -Neutral Ground, which only aggravated the difficulties already -existing.[10] Then, by the treaty of September 15, 1832, the eastern -portion of the Neutral Ground was designated as a reservation for the -Winnebagoes.[11] The Wahpekuta Sioux never forgot this action, which -they regarded as a violation of their proprietary rights in the -district; and from that time on they became increasingly more -difficult to deal with and more restive of restraint. Later the -Winnebagoes by two successive treaties made an absolute cession of -this land.[12] It was then opened to settlement, and the Sioux sulkily -retired westward. - -In 1832 Black Hawk, the able Sac and Fox leader, burning with revenge -for past wrongs and fearful of his waning power as a tribal leader as -well as of the steady advance of the westward moving frontier, -declared war. The conflict was brief, resulting in the defeat of Black -Hawk. By four successive treaties covering the period from 1832 to -1842 he or his people were compelled to accede to agreements which had -for their purpose the removal of the Indians to lands west of the -Missouri wholly unsuited to their needs.[13] - -Likewise the Iowas were required to surrender all claims which the -United States had recognized in former treaties as entitling them to -occupy Iowa soil.[14] With the surrender of all right or interest -which they held in the Iowa country they were in turn removed to a -reservation beyond the Missouri. Southern Iowa had not as yet been -cleared of its aboriginal inhabitants, for remnants of the -Pottawattamies, Chippewas, and Ottawas yet remained. By the treaty of -June 5 and 17, 1846, however, these Indians agreed to withdraw to -other reserves further west and south.[15] - -The withdrawal of these tribes left only the Sioux who were striving -to maintain a precarious foothold in northwestern Iowa. The steadily -advancing frontier was menacing their peace of mind, as it now became -increasingly evident that they in turn would be ejected. Two -conditions, the urgent demands of alarmed and annoyed border settlers -and the troublesome character of the Sioux themselves, determined the -Indian authorities at Washington to remove the members of these -tribes. When informed of the government's intention to remove them, -the Sioux begged to retain their lands. Notwithstanding Indian -importunities representatives of the Sissetons and Wahpetons were -cited to appear at Traverse des Sioux, Minnesota, to consider -withdrawal. Here they gloomily gathered at the time appointed. Though -outwardly ready to treat for withdrawal they did not conceal their -displeasure. On July 23, 1851, however, the treaty of Traverse des -Sioux was witnessed, by the terms of which these Indians were to -definitely withdraw from northwestern Iowa to lands on the Minnesota -River.[16] - -At the close of the conference all seemed settled. But within a brief -time the Sioux, who had not been parties to the treaty, positively -refused to abide by its provisions. Later, at Mendota, Minnesota, on -August 5, 1851, the Mdewakanton and Wahpekuta tribes, in part, -acceded to the Sisseton and Wahpeton cessions.[17] These cessions had -not been accomplished without considerable opposition: strong tribal -parties refused their consent outright and threatened trouble.[18] For -the period of nearly a decade the frontier settlements of the -northwest were not free from the alarms created by these discontented -bands. - - - - -II - -INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT - - -Unhappily the relinquishment of the Iowa country had not been free -from a strong suspicion of wrongs done the Indians. The Indians had -obstinately contested the giving up of these lands, and at no time was -a treaty of relinquishment signed that may be said to have expressed -the tribal will. These treaties of cession had instanced bad faith -toward the natives, unwarranted interference on the part of the trader -element, compulsion which at times approached intimidation in the -securing of signatures, allotment of lands to the Indians as reserves -that appeared worthless from the Indian viewpoint, undue urgency of -prospective settlers anxious to "squat" upon the vacated lands, and -the forceful effect of the presence of the military. All of these -factors had operated to secure cessions at the doubtful price of -irritating the Indian and arousing his resentment. - -Officers in administrative charge of Indian affairs, far removed from -actual contact with the Indians, too often failed to realize that -Indian treaties should be regarded with some deference to their -observance. Promises were made concerning the payment of annuities -which were long delayed in their fulfillment or never kept: to the -Indian these promises seemed to be made only to be broken--as happened -in the treaty of Traverse des Sioux. According to second chieftain -Cloudman, the Indians for five years following the making of this -treaty remained quietly upon their reserve. At the expiration of that -time, not having heard of or received any of the money promised, they -began raiding the adjacent frontiers in an effort to produce -action.[19] - -Lack of good faith in treaty matters often precipitated long periods -of bad feeling, and occasionally blood was shed before the Indians -could be convinced that faith was being kept or that agreements -entered into were in turn to be kept by them. If treaties had been -honestly and faithfully carried out in every instance it is not -unlikely that the Sioux and other Indians might have been far readier -to refrain from wrong-doing than was often the case. Altogether the -conditions on the frontier tended to create disaffection among the -Indians and a loss of respect for government promises. - -Not infrequently, as has been noted, the Indians were allotted lands -that were wholly inadequate to supply their needs. The Sioux had -outlived "the means of subsistence of the hunter state": they were -unable longer to eke out an existence exclusively through the spoils -of the chase.[20] The buffalo and larger game were rapidly -disappearing. But what was still worse, the Sioux often found upon -going to the specified reserves that their coming had been anticipated -by other hunters and the game was gone, if indeed any had ever been -there. In the presence of such conditions it was useless to appeal to -the garrison commanders--to whom such complaints seemed absurd. On the -other hand, the killing of intruders was nearly always resorted to as -a warning against marauders.[21] To live it was necessary to resist -the encroachment of others not of their kind, for barbarism demands a -wide range of untrammeled activity. Thus the Indians came to think -that "if they would have game to kill, they must kill men too."[22] - -A great deal of Indian discontent is traceable in the final analysis -to another cause: the presence upon the Indian reserve, as well as on -the white frontier, of a large number of undesirables, both red and -white. As forerunners of white settlement, many adventurous characters -found their way to the frontier posts and systematically preyed upon -the Indian. Undesirable as elements of civilization, they were equally -troublesome on the frontier. In civilized communities it was possible -to restrain them, but along the borderland this power was either -lacking or not organized. Oftentimes when these adventurers pushed -matters to an extremity, the outraged feelings of the Indian would -demand a settlement or make one. Unhappily, post commanders were often -only too willing to take up the needless quarrels of these frontier -disturbers and exact a severe and not always just settlement in their -behalf. Later when the more peaceably disposed settlers--the real -pioneers--began to arrive the Indian refused to make any distinction -between them and their more turbulent predecessors. - -Again, the National government when settling the Indians upon their -reserves took no account of the fact that there were both good and bad -Indians--that there were Indian criminals as well as Indians willing -to abide by the rules of tribal law. Both good and bad were settled -indiscriminately upon the same reserve. The seditiously disposed were -constantly creating trouble, and the Indian people as a whole incurred -the blame and displeasure arising from the misdeeds of a few. These -matters irritated those Indians who were well disposed and created an -ever-ready excuse for an attack. - -Such, in the main, had been the attitude of the government toward the -Sioux as the last of the Indian races inhabiting the Iowa country. It -had not been an altogether enlightened policy; nor had it been one -that was calculated to secure their good will. Instead, it had stirred -the Indians to wreak vengeance at every convenient opportunity. -However mistaken this policy toward the Indians had been, the attitude -toward the frontier and its white inhabitants had been no wiser and at -times scarcely as wise. Much Indian trouble and no few massacres -resulted from the loose administration of frontier affairs--more -specifically from the lack of control exercised over various -commercial interests whose chief justification for existence seemed to -have been that they might prey upon the near-by red inhabitants. The -government failed to appreciate the need for an adequate defense of -the frontier. - -Venders of whiskey and other intoxicants frequented the frontiers and -Indian villages--unmolested, oftentimes, in pushing their sales.[23] -It is true that laws had been enacted by Congress with a view to -putting an end to the liquor nuisance among the Indians; but the -effective enforcement of these measures had scarcely been attempted. -If a more than usually zealous Indian agent forbade dealers to carry -on their nefarious business within reserved grounds, they would erect -their cabins upon the ceded lands immediately adjoining the -reserves--places to which the Indians were at all times free to go. To -make matters yet worse the agent was in some cases powerless to act -even though he desired to do so. The Chippewa agent, for example, -complained that the treaty of 1855 deprived him of assistants or force -through which to punish or apprehend violators of departmental rules -and regulations.[24] - -Thus was produced that state of affairs where the Indian was being -robbed and debauched, while innocent settlers were threatened by -Indian violence during the periods of his drunken orgies. Not -infrequently the massacre of isolated settlers completed the tale of -an Indian visitation to a near-by liquor dealer's establishment. -Fortunate it was that the Sioux, "the Iroquois of the West", were slow -to take up and make their own the vices of their white neighbors.[25] - -To the activities of another type of frontiersman, the trader, Indian -wars were sometimes due. In many instances the trader was an -individual who was unable to earn an honest living among his white -neighbors further east: necessity had made of him an exile from -civilization. These traders secured the confidence and good esteem of -the Indians in various and devious ways, and the latter soon became -indebted to them. In fact their deliberate aim in most cases was to -secure upon the Indian a leverage of such a character as to render -necessary the surrender of most of the Indian's profits from the chase -or treaties. Because of the Indian's profligacy it was necessary that -he should buy on credit if he bought at all. When government payments -became due, traders were always on hand, and their books invariably -showed Indian indebtedness enough to absorb a considerable portion if -not all of the payment. The Indians kept no books as a matter of -course; and not understanding those of the traders, they could not -deny the debt. As a matter of fact, the Indians were always willing to -anticipate the next payment in order to get credit. In the face of -this situation "the poverty and misery of the Indian were continually -growing". Again, the Indian could not sue in the courts if he had so -desired. Out of such conditions trouble or bad feeling inevitably -arose.[26] - -Owing to their long residence in the Indian country and their keen -knowledge of Indian character, the traders had become "the power -behind the throne". This was especially true in treaty-making. The -Indian commissioners grew to realize the power of the traders in the -securing of treaties and were not slow to request their services. It -was to the financial interest of the traders that treaties should be -made, for thus there was insured a steady supply of money with which -the Indians could pay their debts. "The commissioners did not do much -more than feed the Indians and indicate what they wanted; the traders -did the rest."[27] Due to their influence, the government habitually -incorporated in treaties a clause providing for the compulsory payment -of the Indian debts to the traders. These debts, in some cases, were -in the aggregate equivalent to small fortunes. To prevent abuses, the -traders were to be paid out of the first cash annuities.[28] It was -not an uncommon thing to have these debts absorb even more than these -first annuities. Hence, the Indian had to wait long for his first -money. Concerning this plan the Indians were not always consulted, but -the traders expressed their satisfaction. - -In time matters grew so bad and the Indians became so rebellious that -Congress, in March, 1843, stipulated by law that no payment of Indian -debts to traders should henceforth be provided for in treaties. But -the traders were ingenious and evaded the law.[29] Matters came to a -crisis in 1853 when the Indians rebelled, claiming that by -misrepresentation in the treaties of Traverse des Sioux and Mendota in -1851 they had signed away their annuities to the traders to the amount -of two hundred thousand dollars. Investigation proved nothing.[30] As -Superintendent Cullen remarked upon this act of fraud, "it is equally -important to protect the Indians from the whites as the whites from -the Indians." It is safe to say that if the traders had been curbed in -their operations many a frontier horror might have been averted. It is -no wonder that the Indian's "untutored mind was, now and then, driven -to the distraction of savage vengeance".[31] - - - - -III - -THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER - - -While failing to protect the Indians against the traders, the -government also failed to protect the frontier in an adequate manner -against the vengeance of the Indians who had a desire to even matters. -Apparently the government failed to realize that as the frontier -expanded to the west and northwest in Iowa there was also a growing -need for protection. Many unfortunate incidents had occurred along the -border before a government surveyor by the name of Marsh, from -Dubuque, was attacked near the Des Moines River in 1849.[32] Upon the -filing of Marsh's complaint, soldiers, dispatched from Fort Snelling -in Minnesota, established Fort Clarke (later renamed Fort Dodge) on -August 23, 1850.[33] The inadequate garrison of this post, numbering -two officers and sixty-six men, was at this time practically the only -defense on the northwestern Iowa frontier.[34] Following the -establishment of this fort the predatory Sioux bands generally retired -westward ten or twenty miles.[35] - -By 1851 the last remaining Sioux lands within the limits of Iowa had -been ceded and opened to settlement. Trouble for a time seemed at an -end. Until that time the only protection against the Indians was the -"watchfulness, courage and trusty arms" of the settlers themselves, -with the nearest troops probably one hundred fifty miles away at Fort -Randall on the Missouri and Fort Snelling in Minnesota near the mouth -of the Minnesota River. Occasional rumors of Sioux activity still came -from the outlying settlements. The most definite of these came from -the valley of the Boyer more than fifty miles to the southwest of Fort -Dodge. Here a family was attacked and some of its members carried away -as prisoners. This was in October, 1852. A detachment was sent from -Fort Dodge which took and held as hostages the Indian leaders, -Inkpaduta and Umpashota. Upon the return of the prisoners, the Indians -were liberated. Other Indian incursions reported from the north -usually dissipated into mere rumors.[36] - -The apparent quietness of the Indians in this section induced General -Clarke, commanding the Sixth Military Division, to direct the -abandonment of Fort Dodge. This order, which was issued on March 30, -1853, directed the removal of the garrison to Fort Ridgely.[37] With -the abandonment of the post by Major Woods, there were left at Fort -Dodge only Major Williams, his son James B. Williams, and two -discharged soldiers. A more ill-advised order could scarcely have been -issued; for following the actual abandonment of the post on June 2, -1853, the Indians "inaugurated a reign of terror among the settlers as -far east as the Cedar river."[38] - -Many settlers in alarm began the abandonment of their homes; but many -others, having staked all in the development of their claims, decided -to remain and appeal to both the State and National governments for -protection. Appeal to the latter availed nothing. The Indian -authorities at Washington were entirely out of touch with the -situation: they were firm in the belief that the treaties of Traverse -des Sioux and Mendota had definitely settled the question of Indian -occupation in this section and that the Indians had withdrawn or had -ceased being troublesome. - -Parties of Indians frequently returned to their former hunting -grounds, and nearly as frequently committed depredations more or less -terrorizing to the widely scattered settlers along the Des Moines.[39] -Weary of making unheeded appeals to National authorities, while the -Indian depredations became more alarming, the settlers appealed to the -State officials. Major William Williams,[40] who had accompanied the -troops at the time of the founding of Fort Dodge and who had remained -after its abandonment, was authorized by Governor Hempstead to -organize a force, if necessary, to protect the frontier.[41] Little, -however, could be done in the way of organizing an adequate force on -account of the widely scattered character of the settlements. - -In a letter to Governor Grimes in 1855 Major Williams again expressed -his great anxiety for the safety of the frontier as the Indians had -become increasingly bolder. His former commission was renewed and he -was granted full power to act upon any sign of hostility. Not only -did Governor Grimes receive urgent letters from Major Williams, but -from others as well: he was beset with petitions for protection. The -Governor appears to have been wholly at a loss as to what -course to pursue, since he believed he had no power to act. He -appealed, therefore, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at -Washington--although he believed that his only reward would be an -acknowledgment of his letters with promise of action. Failing here, he -appealed to the President, but received no response. Finally, in -apparent despair, he wrote to Secretary of State George W. McCleary -that he knew not "how much credit to give to any of" the letters he -had received and in fact he had about made up his mind to disbelieve -them all.[42] As a last appeal for action, the Governor addressed a -letter to the Iowa delegation in Congress on January 3, 1855, in which -he expressed the hope that they would cooeperate with him in pressing -the matter upon the attention of the proper Federal officials and in -urging badly needed relief.[43] - -Not only were the settlers near Fort Dodge alarmed, but those in -Woodbury, Monona, and Harrison counties were even more disturbed, -owing to the hostile attitude of large bands of Omahas and Otoes in -that section. Near Sergeant Bluff large bands of Sioux had gathered -and expressed their determination to remain, while nearly five hundred -Sioux were encamped in the vicinity of Fort Dodge. These Indians -amused themselves by stealing hogs, cattle, and other property of the -settlers. Fears for the safety of the settlers were increased, in view -of the fact that the National government was now preparing to chastise -the Sioux near Fort Laramie for their manifold crimes committed along -the California and Oregon trail in Nebraska and Wyoming. It was -thought this action would cause the Sioux to seek refuge east of the -Missouri and, as a matter of revenge, carry death and destruction with -them as they fled toward the Mississippi Valley frontier.[44] - -Because the Indians were becoming more threatening, appearing in -larger numbers than heretofore, and extending their depredations over -an increasingly wider territory, in the early winter of 1855 Governor -Grimes was asked to call out the militia; but he declined since he -believed he was "authorized to call out a military force only in case -of an actual insurrection or hostile invasion."[45] Nearly everyone -now anticipated bloodshed. White men, illy disposed, were reaping -large profits from the sale of whiskey; while the Indians were -"becoming devils". Hence, Governor Grimes on December 3, 1855, -addressed a letter to President Pierce urging that the Indians be -removed to their treaty reserves. - -The Governor pointedly stated that the government owed protection to -these settlers in the homes it had encouraged them to occupy. He -further stated that a post in this section would curb the Indians and -give quiet to northwestern Iowa.[46] To be sure these troubles had not -reached any great magnitude, "yet there was a continuous succession -of annoying and suspicious occurrences which kept the frontier -settlements in a state of perpetual dread and apprehension, and made -life a burden".[47] Even in the presence of this distressing condition -of affairs the military authorities of the National government did -nothing to relieve matters. No troops were sent to protect the -settlers, nor were the letters of Governor Grimes even granted -consideration. Thus there developed slowly but surely a situation -where the Indians grew sufficiently emboldened to make a general -attack.[48] - -Such a policy, characterized by a disregard not only for Indian -welfare but also for the well-being of the white frontiersmen, could -only bring unhappy consequences. It became more and more apparent that -the Indians were bent upon concerted action of some sort. Annoyances -now occurred along the whole frontier, no part of which was free from -alarm. War parties were in evidence in nearly every section, and the -attitude of the Indians became one of defiance. Not only in Woodbury, -Monona, and Harrison counties, but in Buena Vista and what are now -Humboldt, Webster, Kossuth, Palo Alto, and Sac counties the settlers -were feeling the effects of Indian enmity.[49] - -The resentment of the Indians at this time arose partly from a feeling -of jealousy toward the whites, partly from the fact that they were -retrograding, and partly from the undue influence of the American Fur -Company. - -From the start the Indians, particularly the Sioux, had been jealous -and suspicious of the whites. As time passed and the Indian observed -indications of a general and permanent occupation by the whites of the -territory which he had known as home, his jealous fears increased. The -land of his fathers, the home of his traditions, was about to pass -into the hands of another people, to the intense sorrow of the Indian. -It "was a trying ordeal" and "naturally awakened in his breast -feelings of bitter regret and jealousy."[50] His "distrust grew into -open protest as claims were staked off, cabins built, and the ground -prepared for cultivation." It seemed that the Indians had resolved not -to submit "until they had entered an armed protest against the justice -of the claim which civilization makes to all the earth."[51] - -In addition to this feeling of jealousy and distrust of the whites, -the Indians were gradually retrograding by taking unto themselves many -of the vices of the white race. This was the inevitable result of a -loose administration of the frontier which permitted it to be invaded -in many places by refugees from civilization. Although this statement -may seem to be somewhat sweeping, it is a well-known fact that among -the first to appear on the frontier there were always some men of the -reckless, rough-and-ready type whose contempt for the finer things of -civilized life made a longer residence amid such surroundings -undesirable and frequently impossible. - -Foremost among the causes of the red man's retrogression may be cited -whiskey.[52] But there were other causes, such as the treaty of 1855 -with the Chippewas, which rendered the agent powerless to control the -Indian or his seducers if he had so desired.[53] Then there were the -errors committed by people who were brought to the frontier by the -government as helpers in advancing the Indian's welfare, but who had, -through mistaken methods, produced opposite results. Again, the Indian -had been mistakenly led downward "by many years of luxurious idleness -and riotous living.... In this state of demoralization they were -gathered up and thrown together on their little Reserve, where all the -worst characters could act in concert, and where they found bloody -work for their idle hands to do."[54] The government had liberally -supplied them with tobacco, and they had never lacked money with which -to buy whiskey. Their wants had been looked after so paternally that -they had little else to do but spend their time in idleness. Craving -entertainment they soon learned to find it in a wrong way. They no -longer cared to hunt for food, since they did not need to do so. Soon -their expeditions became mere raids upon their protectors, accompanied -by unrestrained destruction committed to gratify their craving for -some form of entertainment. Thus, while the forces of retrogression -were at work the Indian was daily becoming more of a menace to the -well-disposed border settlers who viewed his changing attitude in -helpless terror. - -But most insidious of all in keeping the Indian inimical to his white -neighbors was the influence of the fur traders--especially those of -the American Fur Company. The admitted purpose of this organization -was to keep the Indian a savage hunter and at the same time to -frighten the white settlers away from the frontier in order that the -annual crop of cheaply obtained but valuable furs might not suffer -diminution. To keep the Indian in such a condition it was necessary to -prevent him from assuming too friendly an attitude toward the -whites--in order that he might the better beat back or discourage -their westward advance. There were strong suspicions that more than -one attack upon border settlers by Indians occurred because the -presence of these settlers threatened the fur-gathering preserves of -the American Fur Company. - -It would be wrong, however, to create the impression that the fur -traders operated in secret. Practically everyone knew their purpose -and methods: their purposes they openly admitted, and their methods -consisted largely in dispensing "fire water" and in selling to the -Indian on credit. The latter practice was useful, for it obligated the -Indian to serve the Company in realizing its ends. Perhaps the most -notable example of the Company's interference with plans of Indian -amelioration is to be found in the case of the Winnebagoes. Their -agent, Joseph M. Street, one of the most enlightened Indian agents the -Iowa country ever knew, had for some years been striving to improve -the condition of the Winnebagoes, but without success. He had failed, -not because his plan was impracticable, but because he came into -direct conflict with the purposes and methods of the American Fur -Company.[55] - - - - -IV - -THE GRINDSTONE WAR AND THE DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA - - -The strained relations between the whites and the Indians resulted in -unfortunate incidents which served to intensify the bad feeling -already engendered. Of these, two may be noted as especially -significant in the frontier history of northwestern Iowa. Thus, in -1854 and 1855, the so-called "Grindstone War" caused the whites to -abandon the frontier for a time and spread alarm far and near. This -incident might properly be said to have had its origin in intertribal -hatred. - -For some time a group of Winnebago families had been accustomed to -camp near Clear Lake. In this they had been encouraged by an old -Indian trader by the name of Hewett. At the same time there also -encamped among these Winnebagoes some Sac and Fox Indians who for -years, in the Iowa country, had been the greatest enemies of the -Sioux. When the latter became aware of the presence of these Sacs and -Foxes among the Winnebagoes they swooped down upon them and by mistake -scalped a Winnebago. Greatly alarmed, Hewett and his Indian friends -fled down the valley, telling their story, which appears to have -suffered somewhat from repetition as they proceeded. Within a brief -time about one hundred armed settlers collected at Masonic Grove. -According to some reports, about four hundred Sioux warriors fortified -themselves some twelve miles distant.[56] Thus matters remained during -1854 with no action from either party. - -As time passed the Sioux became bolder, until matters reached a climax -in an incident which occurred near Lime Creek. A settler, James -Dickerson by name, possessed an unusually fine rooster which was -craved by a begging band of Indians. In chasing the rooster, a young -brave upset and demolished a grindstone, and then made off with the -largest piece in continued pursuit of the fowl. Dickerson pursued the -Indian and, seizing a piece of the grindstone, knocked him to the -ground, where he lay for a time insensible. The Indians, enraged at -Dickerson's act, demanded a settlement for the injury to the brave, -making it plain that only Dickerson's best horse or one hundred -dollars in money would satisfy them. After no little parleying, in -which Mrs. Dickerson acted as mediator, the Indians were pacified when -Mrs. Dickerson had given them about six dollars in money, a number of -quilts, and many other articles of household use. - -This "grindstone incident" caused the settlers to become greatly -alarmed: men from Clear Lake, the Mason City settlement, and vicinity -organized and undertook to drive the Indians out of the country. After -a chase of some miles, the band of over twenty-five white men came in -sight of the rapidly fleeing Indians, who, realizing that they would -soon be surrounded and punished, signified a desire to settle matters. -Following an interchange of protests, the peace pipe was smoked, after -which the Indians resumed their way westward. This understanding, -however, did not allay the fears of the settlers who fled -panic-stricken to Nora Springs, abandoning for a time their claims in -the vicinity of Lime Creek and Clear Lake.[57] - -However ready the Indians may have seemed to make peace, the settlers -feared for the future; and so along the line of settlements they -spread the alarm that the Indians were on the warpath. Many appeals -were made to Governor Hempstead for aid. But when he sent Major -William Williams from Fort Dodge to investigate the charges, the Major -reported that no danger from further attacks seemed to exist. Unable -to secure State protection, the settlers armed themselves. Doubtless -the "grindstone incident" soon ceased to impress the settlers with any -permanent sense of impending danger, for it was not long before they -began to return to their deserted claims. - -But not far from the scene of this near tragedy there occurred another -incident which displays the temper not alone of the Indian but also of -the white borderer of the more troublesome type. It appears that this -tragic event grew to undue proportions mainly through the vengeful -hate of a frontiersman by the name of Lott. The incident, somewhat -trivial in itself, has been given so much prominence as a reputed -chief cause of the massacre at Okoboji that it is deemed worthy of -somewhat extended notice in this place.[58] Its connection with later -events may well be a matter of conjecture, owing to the character of -the Indians concerned. - - * * * * * - -For nearly a decade after the whites had begun to settle in -northwestern Iowa the inhabitants of that region had been obliged to -endure constant molestation from a roving band of Sisseton Sioux -Indians.[59] Though at first composed of only about five -lodges--mainly, it is said, of desperadoes and murderers--the band had -grown by the gathering of like characters, fleeing from their avenging -fellow-tribesmen, until it numbered at times nearly five hundred.[60] -The band as a whole only assembled from time to time for the purpose -of united warfare against others--particularly against isolated bands -of the Sac and Fox Indians.[61] It was known and feared from the Des -Moines westward to the Vermillion and northward to the Minnesota River -on account of its peculiarly ferocious and quarrelsome character. It -was, in short, a band of Indian outlaws. As such, it was hated and -feared by red men and white men alike. In its forays it spared neither -friend nor foe, but preyed upon both without discrimination. It -claimed no home, but roamed at will wherever its fancy might lead. - -Leadership of this band had been early acquired by one Sidominadota or -"Two Fingers". He had succeeded to the leadership of this loosely -consolidated band upon the death of Wamdisapa, an Indian of somewhat -milder disposition than his successor. Sidominadota well maintained -the savage character of the band and may be credited with the -inspiration of many vengeful and frightful deeds committed during his -brief leadership.[62] He was only nominally the head of the united -group, while really the leader of a small band seldom numbering more -than fifteen and frequently less. By all who had to deal with him, red -or white, he was looked upon with distrust. His fellow leaders -associated with him only in time of dire necessity, for they well knew -that Sidominadota would go any lengths to accomplish an end. While he -continued to make his refuge and headquarters along the Vermillion, as -did his predecessors, his favorite haunts were the headwaters of the -Des Moines and Little Sioux Rivers and the region of the Iowa -lakes.[63] - -About 1847 Sidominadota began to frequent that portion of the Des -Moines Valley where Fort Dodge now stands. It was his band that in -1849 attacked a party of surveyors in charge of a man by the name of -Marsh about three miles from the present site of Fort Dodge. Marsh and -his party had been sent from Dubuque to run a correction line across -the State. After crossing to the west side of the Des Moines River, -they were notified by Sidominadota not to proceed with their work as -this territory was Indian land. With the departure of the Indians, the -surveyors continued to run their line. In a short time the Indians -returned, destroyed the instruments and landmarks of the surveyors, -stole their horses, and drove the men back across the Des Moines.[64] -About a year later some settlers, more adventurous than their fellows, -located near the mouth of the Boone River. Sidominadota, becoming -aware of the arrival of these settlers, paid them a visit and ended by -destroying their cabins and driving the people out of the country. -This sort of behavior was continued toward every white man who -ventured into that territory until the founding of Fort Dodge in 1850. - -"Among others who had received indignities from this band was one -Henry Lott...who in 1846 settled near the mouth of Boone River in -Webster County."[65] Lott's past had been a varied one and much of it -was obscure. He boasted of New England origin, while his wife claimed -to be a daughter of an early Governor of Ohio or Pennsylvania. If, -however, we are to accept the judgment of their contemporaries the -family had degenerated.[66] Lott is almost always described as being -notoriously lawless, a horse thief, a vender of bad whiskey, a -criminal, half-civilized, a desperado, an outlaw, and a murderer.[67] -Up to the time he appeared in the valley of the Des Moines his whole -life had been one of adventure. - -His first appearance in Iowa, so far as known, was at Red Rock, Marion -County, in 1845, where he essayed the role of Indian trader while -dealing out bad whiskey to the Indians and surreptitiously stealing -their ponies. It is said that his Red Rock neighbors in 1846 -requested him to leave the neighborhood--which he did by moving on to -Pea's Point. Here his stay seems to have been brief, for during the -same year he is found located on the Des Moines River near the mouth -of the Boone, where he erected a cabin and resumed his whiskey-selling -and horse-stealing.[68] - -Lott's horse-stealing activities caused the Indians to grow -suspicious; and finally they traced the loss of five ponies directly -to him and his fellow marauders. This led to an Indian council which -decided that Lott should be driven out of the country. Accordingly he -was waited upon by Sidominadota and warned "that he was an intruder; -that he had settled on the Sioux hunting grounds"; and that he was -expected to get off at once. Lott contended that he was not an -intruder and refused to go. The Indians then began the destruction of -his property: his horses and cattle were shot, his bee-hives rifled, -and his family threatened. Lott seems to have been something of a -coward, for when the Indians began taking summary action he fled. -While the Indians were destroying or stealing his property and abusing -the helpless members of his family he, according to his own story, -crossed the river and secreted himself in the brush. Later he and his -stepson, leaving his wife and young children to the mercy of the -Indians, fled down the Des Moines River to Pea's Point, a short -distance south of the present site of Boone. - -Here Lott related his story to John Pea and others of the settlement. -Aroused by his tale, the settlers organized a relief party to return -to his cabin and if possible to punish the Indians. An appeal for more -help was sent to Elk Rapids, sixteen miles away. At this point lived -Chemeuse or "Johnny Green", a half-breed Pottawattamie and Musquakie -chief, with many of his people who traditionally hated the Sioux. The -chief with twenty-six of his men and seven settlers from Pea's Point -went to Lott's assistance. It was past the middle of December, and the -weather was intensely cold. After Lott's flight from his cabin, his -twelve-year-old son, Milton, had started in search of his father, but -when about twenty miles from his home and three miles from Boonesboro -had frozen to death.[69] The relief party, on December 18,1846, found -the dead body of the boy a short distance below the village of -Centerville. After burying the body on the spot where it was found, -the party continued on its way to Lott's cabin. When they arrived they -found that the Indians had gone. The family was safe, though suffering -and destitute as they had been robbed of everything. The wife, -however, had been so mistreated and had suffered so extremely from -exposure that she died a short time thereafter.[70] - -Vowing vengeance, Lott moved south to the settlements and built a -second cabin.[71] Here and at other points in the vicinity he remained -a few years, according to all accounts, and bided his time in true -frontier style. In the autumn of 1853 he and his stepson passed -through Fort Dodge on their way to settle at a new location. In early -November he selected a site for his cabin about thirty miles north of -Fort Dodge, in Humboldt County, at a point where a small creek joins -the Des Moines River. This creek has since been named Lott's Creek in -honor of the first white settler in that vicinity.[72] With three -barrels of bad whiskey, he re-opened trade with the Indians. And the -trade was good; for at this time there was only one cabin, other than -his own, north of Fort Dodge--the cabin of William Miller which was -located six miles from Fort Dodge. - -In January following Lott's new settling, Sidominadota and his -family--which was composed of his squaw, mother, four children, and -two orphan children--came up the Des Moines and encamped on "Bloody -Run", a short distance below the mouth of Lott's Creek. Aware of the -coming of the old chief, Lott plotted his destruction. Going to the -lodge of Sidominadota, where he perceived that he was not recognized, -Lott reported the presence of a large drove of elk feeding on the Des -Moines bottom at a point since known as the "Big Bend".[73] The -chief's family being in sore need of food, the Indian was easily -trapped by the ruse. Sidominadota, having been liberally treated to -whiskey, mounted his pony and set out for the hunt; while Lott and his -stepson followed. When a safe distance away from the Indian camp and -beyond earshot, Lott and his stepson fired upon the Indian, killing -him outright. Secreting themselves during the day, the murderers, at -the coming of darkness, disguised themselves as Indians, returned to -the lodge of the murdered Indian, raised a terrific war cry for -purposes of deception, and then surprised and killed all the members -of the family except a boy of twelve and a girl of ten years who -escaped under cover of darkness.[74] - -Completing the work of destruction, Lott returned to his own cabin, -burned it to make the whole affair appear the work of Indians, and in -the company of his stepson fled down the Des Moines Valley. Some years -later a report came back to Iowa that he had made his way to -California and had there been lynched by a vigilance committee.[75] - -Something more than a week after the murder of Sidominadota and his -family a band of Indians from a camp on the Lizard Creek, while -hunting in the vicinity of the mouth of "Bloody Run", discovered what -had taken place. They reported the fact not only to Fort Ridgely but -also to Major Williams at Fort Dodge, demanding an investigation and -the righting of the wrong as far as possible. Major Williams at once -raised a company of whites and Indians and set out in an attempt to -locate the murderers, but to no avail. The Indians were firm in their -conviction that Lott had committed the deed. A coroner's jury under -the direction of Coroner John Johns met at Homer, the county seat of -Webster County, and placed the guilt upon Lott and his stepson. But no -very great effort was or could be made by the authorities to secure -the offenders, owing to the start of ten days which they had secured. -Later they were indicted by a grand jury sitting in Des Moines, which -ended the attempt to find and punish them.[76] The Indians were highly -incensed not only at the murder itself, but at the apparent inaction -of the authorities in apprehending and punishing the murderers. - -Many reports became current as to the final disposition of the dead -chief's body after it had been taken to Homer for the inquest. These -reports only added to the embitterment of the Indians, who had -expected much from the inquest, having been told that this would -settle matters. That the inquest took somewhat the form of a farce was -due to the attitude of the prosecuting attorney of Hamilton County, -Granville Berkley, who humorously conducted the affair. - -Fearing later unpleasant results, the whites attempted to pacify the -Indians with many promises. But the Indians grew sullen and suspicious -and behaved in such a manner as to create the impression that they -might retaliate. It soon became evident that the authorities had no -intention of keeping their promises. The Indians after some -threatening seem to have disappeared.[77] One can understand how such -incidents, coupled with past grievances, "real or only imaginary", -might in the end lead to desperate deeds. - - - - -V - -THE FRONTIER AND THE WINTER OF 1856-1857 - - -With the Indians in a most unhappy and vengeful state of mind the -Traverse des Sioux Treaty lands were thrown open for settlement in -1853. For several years people had settled along the border of this -territory patiently awaiting the opening. Assurances were given the -settlers that the Sioux were all established upon their reserve -seventy miles north of Iowa's northern boundary. With these assurances -of safety, the settlers rapidly pushed to the westward of the Des -Moines River which hitherto had been the farthest limit of their -movement. - -The line of frontier settlements by 1857 extended in a semi-circle -from Sioux City to Fort Dodge as a center and thence to or near -Springfield (now Jackson) in Minnesota.[78] Only a brief time served -to destroy this line as the settlers moved westward in search of the -choicest claims. Before discussing the events which were soon to -transpire it will be well to note the outward movement of this -frontier to the northwest. The effect upon the Indians of the sudden -outward bulging of the line was little short of maddening, as they -felt themselves being swept onward by a tide they could not stem. All -of their illy concealed hatred of the whites now bade fair to be -loosed, while all past wrongs seemed about to be avenged. - -Times were now "flush" and the tide of emigration "swept across the -state with an impetus that carried everything before it."[79] During -the summer of 1855 "land-hunters, claim seekers and explorers" -steadily flowed into northwestern Iowa. At this time little more was -done by many of the settlers than to make temporary improvements, -after which they returned eastward planning to take up permanent -possession in the following summer.[80] - -The main arteries for this westward movement were the Little Sioux and -the Des Moines. From Fort Dodge the wave spread out in fan-shape to -the furthermost limits of the frontier. The lines of the movement were -in the main determined by two facts: Fort Dodge had been established -as a United States land office for the territory west and north, and -Lizard Creek made that region readily accessible to settlers. Up the -Des Moines, settlers had pushed to the point where Jackson, Minnesota, -now stands. Many had stopped at occasional points along the Des Moines -and made permanent settlements. Near the present site of Algona, in -1854, two brothers, Asa C. Call and Ambrose A. Call, made "the first -settlement on either branch of the Des Moines above the forks."[81] To -the west of Algona at Medium Lake was the "Irish Colony"--a group of -five or six families of Irish extraction from Kane County, Illinois. -This settlement has become the Emmetsburg of to-day.[82] George -Granger had staked out and settled upon a claim in Emmet County just -south of the State line, and beyond this was Springfield, Minnesota, -with six families. Thus a line of isolated settlements extended up the -Des Moines Valley from Fort Dodge to Springfield. - -To the northwest of Fort Dodge the incoming settlers moved up the -course of Lizard Creek, which they followed to its beginning. Thence -they crossed to the Little Sioux and settled near Sioux Rapids and -Peterson. Near the latter place in the midwinter of 1855-1856 had come -J. A. Kirchner and Jacob Kirchner, in company with Ambrose S. Mead. -They did nothing at this time but select claims and return to Cedar -Falls, from whence they returned in the early spring. After putting in -his crops J. A. Kirchner had returned to New York. About the time of -his departure, James Bicknell with his family and two men by the name -of Wilcox also arrived at the little settlement in Clay County. Up the -Little Sioux to the north were about six families at what became known -as Gillett's Grove.[83] In the early spring of 1856 the Hon. William -Freeborn of Red Wing, Minnesota, and others projected a settlement at -Spirit Lake. Their first attempt had not met with much success, and -they now awaited the coming of the spring of 1857 to renew the -attempt.[84] In the late summer of 1856 about forty people had settled -along the shores of Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake. - -Following the original movement up Lizard Creek and the Des Moines -River, settlers had begun pushing up the course of the Little Sioux -from the Missouri River to a later junction with those coming by way -of Lizard Creek to Sioux Rapids and beyond. This movement was marked -by an initial settlement at the present site of Smithland, Woodbury -County, in about 1851 by a group of three apostate Mormons from -Kanesville.[85] In the spring of 1856 the Milford, Massachusetts, -Emigration Company had founded a colony of about twelve families near -Pilot Rock in Cherokee County.[86] The site chosen was a little north -of the present city of Cherokee. Nearly ten miles above this point was -a second settlement. To the northeast of these, in Buena Vista County, -was the Weaver family at Barnes's Grove. Above this in O'Brien County -was H. H. Waterman, at Waterman, who could boast of being the only -white man within the confines of that county. Further up the Little -Sioux, in the southwestern corner of Clay County, were the families of -Mead, Kirchner, and Taylor.[87] - -This stretch of settlements outlined the extreme limits of the -frontier. To the west there were no settlers; while to the north and -northeast the nearest settlements were those on the Minnesota and -Watonwan rivers.[88] Although on ceded ground, all of these -settlements were in the heart of the Indian country, where the passing -of Indian bands was not uncommon. All were separated from each other -by vast stretches of prairie, and frequently the settlers of one place -were wholly unaware of the presence of any other white people in the -region. Their complete isolation from each other and consequent -helplessness in case of Indian attacks were probably best known by the -Indians who not infrequently visited them. This isolation appears the -more complete when it is recalled that the nearest railroad station in -Iowa at that time was Iowa City--over two hundred miles away. - -By 1857, therefore, the northwestern frontier may be described as -"commencing at Sioux City and extending irregularly in a northeasterly -direction, by way of Correctionville, Cherokee, Waterman, Peterson, -Sioux Rapids, Gillett's Grove and Okoboji, to Spirit Lake; thence -turning abruptly to the east by way of Estherville and Emmet to the -headwaters of the Des Moines and Blue Earth Rivers, where it extended -into Minnesota, terminating at Mankato."[89] - -Thus was the meeting-ground of the Indians and the white settlers -rather roughly demarked when the winter of 1856-1857 began. Although -the fertility of its soil had not been doubted and its great natural -beauty and attractiveness as a region of boundless prairies had never -been disputed, the northwest had acquired a reputation of climatic -extremes--of hot summers and cold winters. This partly accounted for -the fact that many settlers delayed their permanent coming to the -region until they were amply prepared for the vicissitudes of climate -which they must endure in their new homes. Glowing reports had brought -the region into general notice, and by the fall of 1856 many people -to the east were preparing to migrate to this wonderful country in the -not distant future. - -"The winter of 1856-7 set in with a fury, steadiness and severity, -which make it a land-mark in the experience of every person"[90] who -passed through it. The storms came early in November, and for weeks -northwestern Iowa witnessed nothing but a succession of terrific -blizzards, accompanied by the most intense cold. By December 1, 1856, -the snow was three feet deep on the level and from fifteen to twenty -in the ravines and other low places. Communication of settlement with -settlement was well-nigh impossible. The scattered settlers were illy -prepared for such a winter: their cabins were unfinished and generally -without floors, as all lumber had to be hauled a distance of more than -one hundred miles. Most of the settlers had planted no crops during -the preceding growing season; hence provisions were scarce and could -only be obtained by the use of snowshoes and hand sleds. Wild game was -nowhere to be had, for it had either migrated before the oncoming -storms or perished in the snow. - -As the season progressed the intensity of the cold also increased; -while heavy wind-driven snows continued to fall at frequent intervals. -The prairies became bleak and barren snow-covered wastes, lashed by -terrific winds and untenanted by man or beast. The closing of February -and the opening of March witnessed no abatement in the severity of the -winter. The snow which had been falling the whole winter long yet -remained on the ground. Indeed, the season was so prolonged that it is -said spring came only in late April, while May and June were cold. In -July great banks of snow were yet to be seen in some of the sheltered -places.[91] - -Although the white settlers suffered considerably from self-imposed -denial of food and from unsuitable houses in which to shelter -themselves, their privations could not compare with those of the -Indians. In Dakota, which was their winter home, they suffered -terribly. Their game was gone--where they did not know. Nor were they -able to follow it if they had known. As the winds swept over the -prairies of Dakota and sharply penetrated the thickets wherein they -lodged, their desperation grew apace. At last, in the closing days of -February, the intense suffering from cold and famine could be endured -no longer and they sallied forth. The course of their march spread out -to the east, the north, and the south, and took them to the white -settlements along the Iowa and Minnesota frontiers where they sought -and took both food and shelter.[92] - - - - -VI - -OKOBOJI AND SPRINGFIELD IN MARCH 1857 - - -Of the settlements made or projected in northwestern Iowa previous to -1857, those having preeminent interest in this connection were along -the shores of Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake in Dickinson County. -Although this lake region had been visited many times in the spring -and summer of 1855, no settlements had been made at that time. The -visitors had simply planned to return as soon as arrangements for -permanent occupancy could be perfected. They had been attracted -thither by the tales told by Indians and traders concerning the great -natural beauty of the region. - -For some time the lake region had been well-known to the traders and -voyageurs of the upper Mississippi Valley, and their tales concerning -it were all favorable. The French interpreter of the Lewis and Clark -expedition wrote so clearly of the region as to leave no doubt as to -his having been there. He it was who first wrote of the _Lac -D'Esprit_, mentioning it for its great natural beauty of location and -as being the chief seat of one of the Dakotan tribes. Hunters, -traders, trappers, and adventurers visited the region frequently -thereafter, but left only oral accounts as to its character and worth. -The same region was visited in the summer of 1838 by Nicollet and -John C. Fremont, who made observations as to elevation, latitude, and -longitude. It was following this official visit that white -frontiersmen began to frequent the locality. - -All reports of the region indicated it was the favored home of the -Wahpekuta Yankton Sioux. Spirit Lake especially was believed by this -tribe to be the scene of various myths and legends intimately -connected with the origin and life of the tribe. It was reputed to be -always under the watchful care of the Great Spirit whose presence -therein was clearly evidenced by the lake's turbulent waters which -were never at rest. It was this suggestion of the supernatural--a sort -of mystic veil surrounding the region--that led many people to visit -it. Some came only to view the lake and, having done so, departed to -add perhaps one more legendary tale to the volume of its romance. -Practically every visitor enlarged upon the great charms of the groves -of natural timber bordering its shores. - -But in nearly all of the accounts and tales of the region there was -persistent confusion with regard to the several bodies of water. The -Indians had always plainly distinguished at least three lakes; while -reports by white men as persistently spoke of only one. The Indians -knew of Okoboji, "the place of rest", of Minnetonka, "the great -water", and of Minnewaukon, "the lake of demons or spirits" or _Lac -D'Esprit_ or Spirit Lake as it is known to-day. It is the first of -these, Lake Okoboji, with which this narrative is primarily -concerned. Upon its borders the first permanent white settlers built -their cabins and staked their claims; and here was perpetrated the -awful tragedy which has come to be known as the Spirit Lake Massacre. - -The lakes, lying closely together as a group, occupy a large portion -of the townships of Spirit Lake, Center Grove, and Lakeville. The -northernmost and somewhat the largest of the group is Spirit Lake, -which is about ten square miles in area. The northern shore of this -lake touches upon or extends into Minnesota along practically the -whole of its course. To the south, not connected at this time, and -extending in a narrowed, almost tortuous course, stretches East -Okoboji for a distance of over six miles. At no point is East Okoboji -much over three-quarters of a mile in width. West Okoboji lies to the -west of its companion and is connected with it by a narrow strait a -few yards in width. The west lake stretches to the west and north, -circling in a segment of a circle nearly halfway back to the north and -east to Spirit Lake. In length it is about the same as the east lake, -although its width is over four times as great at one point. Issuing -from the southernmost bay of East Okoboji is the outlet stream, which -at a distance of six miles from its source effects a junction with the -main stream of the Little Sioux. - -The shores of the Okoboji lakes are in the main well wooded, while -those of Spirit Lake have only occasional clumps of trees. Along the -shores of the latter prairie and water usually meet without -interruption by bands of timber. In some respects the Okobojis -present a reasonably good reproduction of the smaller lakes of -southern New York and New England. Thus easterners felt that here -could be reproduced the familiar scenes of "back home". Although the -attractiveness of the place was widely known, no one had settled in -the region before the middle of the century. The vanguard of the -permanent settlers came on July 16, 1856, with the arrival of Rowland -Gardner and his family. - -THE LAKE REGION: THE SCENE OF THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE - -[Illustration: THE LAKE REGION: THE SCENE OF THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE] - -Rowland Gardner was a native of Connecticut, having been born in New -Haven in 1815. Here he spent his boyhood years and learned the trade -of comb-maker. Growing tired of life in New Haven he migrated to -Seneca, New York, where he resumed his trade. At the occupation of -comb-maker he had been able to accumulate some three thousand dollars, -which, for the time, was considered rather a comfortable little -fortune.[93] On March 22, 1836, he married Frances M. Smith, and four -children, Mary, Eliza, Abigail, and Rowland, were born while the -family lived at Seneca. Abigail, the youngest daughter who is to -figure so largely in the story of the Spirit Lake Massacre, was born -in 1843. Later the father abandoned the trade of comb-maker and turned -to that of sawyer. This change in occupation did not come, however, -until the family had again moved--this time to Greenwood, New York. -Again, in 1850, they removed to the near-by town of Rexville. - -But Gardner had a love for roaming that could not be satisfied by -short moves; and so it was not long before he left Rexville for Ohio. -His first stop in that State was at Edyington, where he opened a -boarding house. His next resolve was to go to the then Far West. Thus, -in the spring of 1854 he made his way with his family to Shell Rock, -Iowa.[94] Here the family spent their first winter in the West and -suffered much from the change of climate. Shell Rock, however, was -only a temporary stopping place, for Gardner had no thought of -settling short of the farthest bounds of the frontier. - -In the early spring of 1855 Gardner, in company with his son-in-law, -Harvey Luce, made a rather extensive prospecting tour to the west and -north. He seems to have decided to settle, for a time at least, at -Clear Lake; for a little later we find him and Luce with their united -families moving up the Shell Rock Valley to Nora Springs and thence -across the prairie to Clear Lake. This journey consumed the greater -portion of April and early May. Settling too late to plant crops that -season, the families could not look forward to a very comfortable -year. - -Gardner and Luce decided upon Clear Lake for the same reason that -later led them to settle at Lake Okoboji. To a New Englander -accustomed to the lakes and streams of his native parts, Clear Lake -with its waters and groves made a strong appeal--one that could not -readily be resisted. Open prairies seemed to be "the abomination of -desolation" itself. The Mason City settlement on Lime Creek was -thought of, but the natural advantages of Clear Lake outweighed any -inclination in that direction. At this time Mason City was little more -than a station on the westward trail: it consisted of only three or -four houses on the open, wind-swept prairie. - -It was while the Gardner family was living at Clear Lake that there -occurred the so-called "Grindstone War", in which indeed they were -active participants. After the scare had spent its force, Gardner -again grew uneasy; and, having heard of the attractiveness of the lake -region farther to the west along the frontier, he became anxious to -settle there. Thus, scarcely had they harvested a first crop when the -Gardners were once more en route to the westward. The small returns -from the sale of the claim at Clear Lake were invested in some oxen, -cows, and young cattle.[95] - -To the homeseeker the lake region was regarded as a "promised land". -This was largely due to its natural beauties as well as to the very -great abundance of fish in the lake waters and the plenitude of wild -game in the groves along its shores. Many claim seekers had visited -the region previous to July, 1856, but no claims had been staked out. -The Gardners found no settlers at the time of their arrival.[96] In -fact no settlers had been seen by them since leaving the claim of the -Call brothers near the present site of Algona. - -The journey from Clear Lake had been an arduous one, having been made -with ox teams hitched to heavy, cumbrous carts into which had been -loaded not only the family but the household goods and the farming -implements as well as the food supply. Thus burdened the oxen could -make only slow progress even under the most favorable conditions. -Furthermore, it seems that the Iowa plains had suffered from an -over-abundance of rain that summer: numberless quagmires were -encountered; while many streams could hardly be forded on account of -their swollen condition. Added to these conditions was the uncertainty -of the route--due to lack of knowledge of the country. Many a time it -was necessary to unload and carry articles of freight over difficult -places. Enduring these trials with the fortitude of well-tried -pioneers they steadily pushed on. Upon July 16th they came to the -southeastern shores of West Okoboji; and here they rested, for they -were at their journey's end. - -Since leaving New York the Gardner family had been augmented by a -union with the family of Harvey Luce. The latter had planned from the -first to unite his fortunes with those of the Gardners, but had been -unable to do so at the time of their leaving New York. Luce had -married Mary, the eldest of the Gardner girls; and at the time of -their arrival at Lake Okoboji, the family numbered two children, -Albert aged four and Amanda aged one.[97] The Gardner-Luce party was -thus composed of nine persons at the time of its arrival. - -Luce and Gardner did not settle at once: while the families tented, -the men spent several days in a careful survey of the lake shores and -the surrounding prairie region, the better to determine a suitable -site. Since the lake region was to be the place of their permanent -settlement they desired to make a careful selection of lands. - -In the end it was decided to build cabins upon the southeastern shore -of the west lake. The location selected was several rods southeast of -what is now Pillsbury's Point upon the high, oak-wooded ridge which -terminated in that point of land. The site was ideal. To the north and -northwest the outlook presented a sweeping view of the lake; while to -the south there was as fair a prospect of prairie land as any country -could afford. No better selection for a home could have been made. The -erection of a log cabin for the Gardners was begun at once. Fronting -south, this cabin was for its time rather pretentious, since it was -one and one-half stories high. - -The season being far too advanced for the planting of crops little -could be done besides preparing the land for the next year. This was -accomplished by breaking some of the prairie sod. In addition hay was -made as feed for the oxen and other cattle during the long winter -season. The making of the hay was largely carried through by Mrs. -Gardner and her children, including Mrs. Luce; while Gardner and Luce -pushed ahead with the building of the cabins in order to afford -protection for all as soon as possible. Shelter was also provided for -the cattle. By the time this had been done, the season was so far -advanced that, though the Luce cabin had been begun, its completion -had to be postponed until the return of favorable weather in the -coming year. Thus it came about that the Luces took up their abode -with the Gardners for the winter which was now upon them.[98] - -While out prospecting for claim sites in the two or three days -following their arrival, Luce and Gardner heard a report of fire-arms -and upon tracing it to its source found that other settlers had just -arrived in the vicinity. The camp of the new arrivals was in process -of being pitched on the shore of the west lake near the strait -connecting the two Okobojis. The party was composed of Carl and -William Granger, Bertell E. Snyder, and Dr. Isaac H. Harriott. They -had come to the lake region for the purpose of examining the country -with a view to future settlement.[99] Having completed their -reconnaissance, the members of the party were preparing to spend some -time in the neighborhood hunting and fishing. - -These newcomers came to be so well pleased with the advantages of the -region that they finally resolved to spend the winter here and -possibly make a permanent settlement. After reaching this conclusion -they constructed a cabin on Smith's Point north of the strait. These -men, moreover, were members of a townsite company which had been -founded in May, 1856, at Red Wing, Minnesota. As promoters it was -their purpose to start a town on the border of some one of the lakes -in this region. The Grangers as leading stockholders in the concern -laid claim to the point upon which the cabin was built, as well as to -all the land lying along the northern shore of the east lake. After -resolving upon permanent settlement all but William Granger decided to -remain during the coming fall and winter and engage in preparing the -townsite for prospective settlers. William Granger was the only -married man of the group, and his purpose in returning to Red Wing was -two-fold--that of advertising the townsite which had been selected and -of bringing back his family in the spring of 1857.[100] - -Although the Gardner and Luce families were the first to arrive at the -lakes, they had not long to wait before other groups began to arrive, -all of whom hurried preparations for the winter that was now not far -removed. The sound of the saw and hammer was soon heard in a number of -places along the lake shores, while signs of still greater activity in -the future grew apace. All of the newcomers located within a radius of -six miles of the Gardner cabin.[101] The nearest settlement was that -at Springfield, Minnesota, about eighteen miles to the northeast; -while to the south the nearest was at Gillett's Grove, more than forty -miles away.[102] Neither of these settlements had made any provision -for its protection against a hostile party of any kind. So far as -anyone knew no reason existed for their apparent feeling of assurance -against danger. - -So rapidly had emigration set in that by November 1, 1856, there were -six separate groups of people prepared to spend the winter in this -vicinity. The first family to arrive after the Gardners was that of -James H. Mattock, who came with his wife and five children directly -from Delaware County, Iowa. They settled south of the strait, nearly -opposite the site chosen by the party from Red Wing, and the place of -their settlement has since become locally known as Mattock's Grove. -The site was about one mile from the Gardner-Luce cabin. With the -Mattock family had also come a Robert Madison, who was about eighteen -years of age. Robert Madison had preceded the other members of his -family, who were still in Delaware County but were planning to move to -the lake region when suitable accommodations had been provided for -them by the son.[103] - -From Hampton, Franklin County, Iowa, there came in the late fall the -families of Joel Howe, Alvin Noble, and Joseph M. Thatcher. These -people had been neighbors at Hampton and had come west as a group. -They settled along the east shore of East Okoboji, some two or three -miles from the Mattock cabin. The Howe family was large, consisting of -Mr. and Mrs. Howe and six children. Jonathan, the eldest of the -children and a young man of twenty-three, remained in Hampton, since -it was planned that he should come out in the following spring or as -soon as he could procure the supplies which would be needed by the -three families in their work of pioneering. Alvin Noble, Howe's -son-in-law, brought with him his wife and one child--a two year old -son. The Thatcher family was also small, consisting of Mr. and Mrs. -Thatcher and a child about seven months of age. The Howe cabin was the -first to be erected and was also the nearest to those on West -Okoboji. When it had been completed, all hands joined in the erection -of a cabin about a mile beyond or northeast of Howe's place which was -to be jointly occupied by the Noble and Thatcher families until -further arrangements could be made. Boarding with the latter families -was Morris Markham--a sort of frontiersman from Hampton, Iowa.[104] - -Late in September came Mr. and Mrs. William Marble from Linn County, -Iowa. Having stopped temporarily on the Okoboji lakes, the Marbles -after some prospecting decided to locate on the southwest shore of -Spirit Lake--distant, in an air line, about six miles from the -Gardners and perhaps a mile less from the Howes. Their cabin was the -most isolated of all--which made it easily possible for events to -transpire upon the shores of the Okobojis without the knowledge of the -Marbles for days or even weeks.[105] - -Such was the chain of settlements of those pioneers who were to pass -the frightful winter of 1856-1857 on this isolated frontier. As winter -closed in upon them they felt reasonably secure, since Indians had -only very rarely been seen. With little or no experience of frontier -life on an American prairie, they believed their supply of provisions -to be ample for the closed season. No one anticipated an unusual -winter. During February a trapper named Joseph Harshman came to the -cabin of the Red Wing people. Being a man of genial disposition he was -encouraged to spend the remaining portion of the winter with them. -Whence he came no one knew; nor did anyone inquire concerning his -antecedents, since on the frontier such questions were regarded as -discourteous to the stranger. - -About eighteen miles to the northeast, on the Des Moines River in -Minnesota, was the newly formed settlement of Springfield. Here were -to be found by the winter of 1856-1857 about six or seven families. -The town had been platted in the summer of 1856 by three -brothers--William, George, and Charles Wood of Mankato, Minnesota. For -many years these brothers had been widely known in Minnesota and the -northwest as Indian traders. By the winter of 1856-1857 they had -concentrated their trading interests in a store in Springfield, which -made the little village the meeting and trading place of the Indians -and whites for many miles around. Indeed, Springfield was the only -settlement of note within a radius of fifty miles.[106] - -Most of the settlers comprising the Springfield, or as it was -sometimes called the "Des Moines City" settlement, had come from -northeastern Iowa. The vanguard had appeared in August, 1856, and had -located on the east side of the Des Moines River. The Wood brothers -had come somewhat earlier and had established their post on the west -side of the river, where they laid out the town which they planned to -promote. As in the region of the lakes, the cabins were widely -scattered up and down the river for seven or eight miles.[107] By the -opening of winter the settlement had about seventeen able-bodied men -and twelve adult women; but by March, 1857, the number had somewhat -increased so that the settlement had about forty-seven people in all, -living in seven or eight family groups. - -In general the cabins were centered about the home of J. B. Thomas, -who had built in the edge of the timber near the river about one and a -half miles from the Wood brothers' store. In this family were Mr. and -Mrs. Thomas and five children, the eldest of whom was a boy, Willie, -of twelve or thirteen years. About two miles from the Thomas cabin -upon the open prairie lived Joshua Stewart with his wife and three -children; while the Wheeler cabin was about three-fourths of a mile -and the John Bradshaw home nearly one and a half miles away. The Adam -P. Shiegley cabin, where he and one son lived, was the most isolated, -being far removed from all of the others. In addition, there were the -homes of Strong, Skinner, Smith, Church, and Harshman. - -In the family of Dr. E. B. N. Strong, the community surgeon, were Dr. -and Mrs. Strong, two children, and Miss Eliza Gardner, the daughter of -Rowland Gardner of the Okoboji settlement.[108] The Strongs had made -the acquaintance of the Gardners after the latter had come to the -lakes. As Mrs. Strong was not in good health Eliza Gardner had been -prevailed upon to accompany the Strongs to their new home at -Springfield. In the Church home were Mr. and Mrs. William L. Church, -two children, and Miss Drusilla Swanger, a sister of Mrs. Church. The -family of J. B. Skinner comprised, beside himself, his wife and two -children; while in the Harshman home there were also two children. -Mr. and Mrs. William Nelson had one child; while Mr. and Mrs. Robert -Smith and a second Harshman and wife were without children.[109] The -unmarried men of the community were Joseph Cheffins, Henry Tretts, -Jareb Palmer, David N. Carver, Nathaniel Frost, John Henderson, and -John Bradshaw. As the result of being badly frozen during the winter -of 1856-1857, it had been necessary for Dr. Strong to amputate both of -Henderson's legs and one of Smith's. These operations had been -performed shortly before the visit of the Indians in March, -1857.[110] - - - - -VII - -THE JOURNEY EAST FOR SUPPLIES - - -By February the unusual severity of the winter was occasioning some -alarm at the lake settlements--particularly as the stock of provisions -laid by for the winter was nearing exhaustion. In view of the deep -snow and the intense cold it seemed more than foolish to think of -attempting to make one's way even to the nearest depot of -supplies--which was Fort Dodge. The banks of snow were fifteen and -often twenty feet high and offered an almost impassable obstruction to -the use of teams. Add to this the intensity of the cold, and one can -well imagine what courage or dire necessity it must have required to -induce the traveller to set out for the purpose of making his way over -an untrodden and in many respects an unknown waste of snow. But the -food situation was such that it became increasingly evident that some -effort must soon be made to relieve a condition which might become -intolerable. Moreover, no one had had any experience in this section -which would serve as an index to indicate how long the winter season -might continue. - -Finally, it was decided that Luce and Thatcher were to return to their -former homes in the eastern section of the State in quest of the -needed food. With a sled and an ox team they set out in the early -days of February. The journey proved to be one of almost incredible -hardships: the cold was nearly unendurable, while the banks of snow so -impeded their progress that not infrequently little advance was made -as the result of a whole day's effort. In the end, however, they made -their way safely to Hampton, but only to suffer the disappointment of -learning that the settlers here could do little or nothing for them. -Compelled to go still farther, they pushed on to Shell Rock, Cedar -Falls, and Waterloo before they were able to obtain sufficient -supplies for all the people at the lakes. - -Securing at last the needed supplies, they remained at Cedar Falls for -a brief time to permit the recuperation of both their oxen and -themselves. Finally, they began preparations for the return journey -which would probably prove more trying than the one east, for now they -would be compelled to face the cutting winds and hard driven snows of -the open prairies. Although warning of the possible hardships of such -a journey was given by Luce and Thatcher, the prospects did not deter -four young men from accompanying the two settlers upon their return to -the lakes. These men were Robert Clark, a young friend of Luce from -Waterloo; Jonathan Howe, the son of Joel Howe already settled at -Okoboji; Enoch Ryan from Hampton, a son-in-law of Joel Howe; and Asa -Burtch, a brother of Mrs. Joseph M. Thatcher. - -In spite of the difficulties encountered, all went well on the return -until the party reached a point known as Shippey's near the mouth of -Cylinder Creek in Palo Alto County, about ten miles south of the -"Irish Colony". Here the overloaded and exhausted oxen were unable to -proceed any further. After some deliberation it was decided that -Burtch and Thatcher should remain at Shippey's and care for the oxen -until they had regained their strength sufficiently to allow them to -proceed upon the journey. Meanwhile, Luce, Clark, Howe, and Ryan were -to hasten onward to the lakes with the good word that succor was near -at hand. They made the trip on foot and in two days, reaching the -settlements on the evening of March 6th. Here they found all well with -the settlers who rejoiced at the prospect of relief in the near -future.[111] - -By a careful husbanding of resources and a system of mutual exchange -the settlers had been able to prevent much suffering which a lack of -care might have entailed. But the time had not elapsed without the -occasional appearance of Indians. Apparently a number of red men were -wintering in the groves near by, as it seemed unlikely that they could -have come from any great distance. They were always friendly in their -attitude toward the whites, who from time to time took occasion to -relieve their too evident suffering from cold and hunger. They had not -only been invited within the cabins to share the comfortable -firesides, but were also encouraged to share in the settlers' humble -meals if they happened to arrive at meal time. They never left a -settler's cabin empty-handed at any time. - -But as the time for the opening of spring neared it had been noted -that the Indians grew more restless and less sociable: they seemed to -avoid contact with the whites as much as possible. At the same time, -the settlers, untrained in Indian ways, saw nothing singular in their -later attitude and felt no occasion for alarm. Future developments, -however, were to show that there had been more than one occasion for -alarm. More than once the Indians had been observed to stalk each -cabin and in other ways manifest an undue interest in the settlers. -This, however, was accounted for at the time as untutored curiosity in -things new and strange. - - - - -VIII - -THE INKPADUTA BAND - - -For a number of years preceding the killing of Sidominadota another -Indian band, similar in character to that led by the murdered leader, -had roamed the country and terrorized the people between the Des -Moines and the Big Sioux rivers. Under the leadership of Inkpaduta or -"Scarlet Point", this band had frequented in particular the headwaters -of the Des Moines: they resorted to the Big Sioux and beyond only when -fleeing from punishment.[112] Their refuge beyond the Big Sioux was -with the Yanktons, whose camps along the James or Dakota River were -always an asylum for outlawed and disorderly Sioux bands. Here -Inkpaduta was free to go at any time for shelter and defense. But with -no other group was Inkpaduta able to maintain even the semblance of -friendly relations.[113] The Inkpaduta band of Indians had become -well-known either by the name of its leader or as the "Red Top" band, -from the fact that it frequently carried pennons of red cloth attached -to lance ends.[114] - -Inkpaduta, the leader of the band, was a Wahpekuta Sioux of a -villainous and unsavory reputation even among his own tribesmen, who -feared or hated him. Due to his misdeeds he had been expelled from -membership in his own _gens_ division of the Wahpekuta Sioux.[115] But -this did not serve as a lesson in proper conduct; instead it seemed -only to enrage him to the point of committing other and worse -deeds--if such were possible. Owing to his lawless disposition a -serious quarrel arose among the Wahpekutas. Originally this division -seems to have arisen out of a very marked difference in opinion as to -the proper attitude to assume toward their hereditary enemies, the Sac -and Fox Indians. One section advised a cessation of hostilities which -seemed to have resulted in the accomplishment of no purpose. Moreover, -in several of the encounters the Wahpekutas had suffered severe losses -which they had not been able to successfully recoup. - -A second division of the tribe led by Wamdisapa, or "Black Eagle", was -so quarrelsome and revengeful that it stoutly opposed any -consideration looking toward peace. Black Eagle is characterized as "a -reckless, lawless fellow, always at war" with other tribes. After the -treaties of Prairie du Chien in 1825 and 1830, he was "one of the -first" of the Sioux to violate their provisions by making war upon the -neighboring tribes. His conduct in this respect grew especially bad -after the treaty of 1830, when his attitude won for him the "ill will -of all his people", who claimed that his conduct provoked their -enemies to make many reprisals upon them. Refusing to alter his -conduct, Wamdisapa and a small group of kindred spirits were virtually -driven away from the tribe and no longer considered as its -members.[116] - -Striking out boldly across the prairies of Minnesota, the outlaws took -a course which led them south and west: they were evidently headed for -the lower James, the place of their future rendezvous. Their course -led them to the present site of Algona, where they tarried for some -time. Resuming their flight, they travelled westward, crossing the Big -Sioux. Finally, they established themselves on the Jacques or James -River in the vicinity of Spirit Lake, South Dakota.[117] After -removing to this region they were not infrequently known as the -"Santies" of the James. They seemed to have lost their identity with -the Wahpekutas. - -As this party of defection grew in numbers, differences of opinion -arose among them. After suffering disruption the band reorganized -under two leaders or chieftans--Wamdisapa and Tasagi ("His Cane"). -Under this dual leadership, they seemed for a time to prosper as never -before. But their misdeeds became so numerous that the neighboring -Sioux requested them to leave the country.[118] The dual chieftanship -was not continued beyond the lives of the original holders, since -internal jealousies and ambitions rendered it not only undesirable but -impossible. The quarrels were largely due to temperamental differences -in the leaders. Tasagi was of a mild disposition; while Wamdisapa was -noted for his quarrelsome, ferocious, and revengeful nature. - -After signing the treaty of 1836, Wamdisapa shifted his band to the -Blue Earth region. From here he conducted raids into the Iowa country -against the Sacs and Foxes, who, in retaliating, made no distinction -between the Indians of Wamdisapa and those of Tasagi on the Cannon -River. This caused much suffering among the Cannon River people; but -Wamdisapa could not be prevailed upon to discontinue his raids. In the -meantime Wamdisapa's son, Inkpaduta, had grown to manhood and -leadership. He seems to have inherited to the full the relentless -cruelty of his father. More ambitious for leadership than his father, -he planned to unite as speedily as possible the leadership which his -father had been content to share with Tasagi. - -When the consolidation of the leadership did not progress as rapidly -as Inkpaduta wished, it is said that he hastened the event by securing -the murder of Tasagi. This occurred probably in 1839.[119] As -Inkpaduta had planned so it came to pass that upon Wamdisapa's early -death the two divisions accepted in the main Inkpaduta's leadership. -At the same time a strong faction refused his leadership. Becoming -alarmed for his safety Inkpaduta fled further into the Blue Earth -country, hoping thereby to gain time for the firmer union of his loyal -followers.[120] Even so he could not tarry long since the Cannon River -Wahpekutas were on his trail. With a still smaller number of followers -he again fled--this time to northern Iowa--preferring to brave the -hatred of the Sacs and Foxes to that of his fellow Wahpekutas. - -It is thought that the incident of Tasagi's murder and the later -flights nearly broke up the band of Wamdisapa, so that it could -scarcely be said to exist. In a few years, however, through a -prolonged series of intertribal quarrels conditions had become such -that Inkpaduta was recognized as the undisputed master of the greater -and more turbulent sections of both of the original bands. By the time -of the successful realization of his plans--about 1848--Inkpaduta had -made a reputation for relentless savagery that had spread throughout -northwestern Iowa, Dakota, and Minnesota. Upon him rests the stigma of -having planned the murder not only of Tasagi but also of his own -father.[121] His band seemed to thrive upon its evil reputation: thus -it is said that "from time to time some villainous Sioux committed a -murder, or other gross crime upon some other member of the tribe, and -fled for fear of vengeance to the outlawed band of Wahpakootas for -protection."[122] - -The Inkpaduta band of Indians became, as it were, accursed. It could -call no place its home--excepting perhaps the temporary winter -rendezvous with the Spirit Lake Yanktons. Thus the members of this -band became as "Ishmaelites whose hands were against all other -men".[123] The character of its members was that of its leader, who -acted as a magnet to draw to him the worst types from the surrounding -tribes. Even according to the Indian moral code they would be classed -as toughs and criminals. Inkpaduta was universally reputed as the most -blood-thirsty Indian leader in the Northwest. Whites and Indians upon -whom his displeasure might fall feared him as death itself. The -members of his band became widely known as the renegades and outlaws -of the frontier. Spending their lives as wanderers and marauders, they -never remained long in any locality. "They went as far west as the -Missouri, as far north as the Cheyenne, as far south and east as the -Upper Des Moines, in Iowa."[124] Their life of necessity was but an -outgrowth of their villainous disposition. It has been said that their -actions grew so unbearably bad that even Sidominadota--by many -regarded as an arch fiend--left the band and went far down the course -of the Des Moines the better to escape the wrath of its leader.[125] -It was soon after this act that Sidominadota and Lott crossed paths -with the result that the Indian's life paid the forfeit. - -Many of the unpleasant incidents in frontier life from 1836 to 1857 in -Minnesota and Iowa were directly chargeable to these Bedouins of the -prairies who tarried at a "trading house but a few minutes and in -seeming fear and dread hurried away." The first exploit officially -credited to the band was the massacre of Wamundiyakapi, a Wahpekuta -chief, along with seventeen warriors on the headwaters of the Des -Moines in Murray County, Minnesota, in 1849. Prior to 1850 they had -broken up, plundered, and driven away two parties of United States -surveyors. The cabins of numerous settlers in the upper Des Moines -country had also been wantonly destroyed and they had been driven from -the country--in face of the fact that it was well known what band was -at work and where its usual rendezvous was located.[126] Settlers -along the Boyer River had also suffered outrages at its hands as late -as 1852. Major William Williams stated it as his opinion that a -general attack upon the frontier was planned to occur about 1855; but -the plans failed for some unknown reason. Inkpaduta seems to have been -much displeased thereat and attempted to take upon himself the -execution of the original plan.[127] - -The unusually strenuous life which had been led by the band was having -a telling effect upon its membership: by 1852 there were evidences of -a near dispersion. It seems that even to a criminal Indian compulsory -exile from his race was distasteful, and one by one the followers of -Inkpaduta were slipping away. To stimulate an interest in his band, -Inkpaduta appears to have settled upon a plan of making concerted -attacks upon the northwestern frontier of settlements; and he was -successful in creating in the minds of some the belief that he had -general control of no less than five or six hundred warriors operating -along the frontier in isolated bands of fifteen or twenty Indians -each. It is now positively known that such was not the case and that -at the time of its greatest prosperity the Inkpaduta band did not -number more than fifty or sixty souls. By the autumn of 1856 the group -had become so diminished in numbers that it was upon the eve of -dispersion. - -This rapid disintegration of the band could be accounted for by the -character of its leader. His arrogance was rapidly rendering followers -impossible. Inkpaduta, in 1856, was evidently between fifty and sixty -years of age. He was born, probably in 1800, on the Watonwan River in -Minnesota. For a Wahpekuta Sioux he was large, being probably more -than six feet tall and very strongly built. He was not a person of -pleasing appearance; for, coupled with the immoral character of his -life, smallpox had badly marked him. Indeed, he presented an unusually -repulsive appearance. His features were coarse; his countenance was of -brutal cast; and he was very near-sighted. His near-sightedness became -total blindness in old age, so that at the time of the battle of the -Little Big Horn he was carefully piloted about by his small grandsons -who, managing to save him from the general slaughter, succeeded in -having him safely carried into Canada in the party of Sitting -Bull.[128] - -Although his band as a whole was of bad repute, Inkpaduta stood out -above his followers on account of his hatred for the whites, his -revengeful disposition, and his nearly matchless success in war.[129] -Mrs. Sharp speaks of him as "a savage monster in human shape, fitted -only for the darkest corner in Hades."[130] "Of all the base -characters among his fellow outlaws, his nature seems to have been the -vilest, and his heart the blackest."[131] "It was only as a war chief -that he won a place in the admiration of the Indians. In civil life -they would have none of him. Except where bloodshedding was the -business in hand, they knew by sore experience he was not to be -trusted.... It is scarcely probable from all of his conduct that he -was other than he seemed, a terrible monster."[132] - -His unusual disposition was coupled with an ambition to see his people -and tribe restored once again to their wide and extensive hunting -ranges. As he witnessed the frontier expanding westward he saw his -great ambition vanish, and he was irritated beyond control. -Unspeakably immoral himself, he nevertheless hated the vices of the -whites that were slowly taking hold upon the members of his band and -race. - -He yearned to be a party to the treaties of the Wahpekutas as a chief -and to share in the annuities which resulted therefrom. The annuities, -with the exception of those of 1854 and 1856, he was permitted to -enjoy. Upon the death of Wamdisapa it appears that Inkpaduta was -definitely dropped from membership in the Wahpekutas; and so he was -not consulted regarding the disposal of the Minnesota and northwestern -Iowa lands. It was thought that he had forfeited his council rights; -but when the first payment was made he was on hand and demanded his -share--which was denied him by the agent. He then turned his attention -to the treaty-making Indians and compelled them to pay him the share -which he claimed in the annuities. Thereafter he appeared annually, -and only twice was he definitely refused. This denial was an affront -extremely hard for him to bear, for it was to him a denial of his -rights in the name and birthright of the Wahpekuta Sioux.[133] -Claiming the Yankton and Santee tribal rights he appears to have -gained an acknowledgment of them by the year 1865. - - - - -IX - -INKPADUTA SEEKS REVENGE - - -Burning with hatred for Indians and white men alike, Inkpaduta and his -band left the Fort Ridgely Agency of the Lower Sioux in the autumn of -1856. They appear to have gone westward to the Big Sioux, where they -spent some time in hunting and fishing. Their next and final move, -before entering camp for the winter, was to the Yankton camp near -Spirit Lake, South Dakota. There Inkpaduta planned to spend the winter -of 1856-1857 with his well-tried friends and protectors. Doubtless -during the fearful ordeal of that unusual season when they suffered -from cold and hunger they recalled past wrongs, which they now -credited with causing their present condition, and planned revenge -upon their persecutors.[134] - -The question has frequently been raised as to where the Inkpaduta band -of Indians really passed the winter season of 1856-1857. Some writers -have held that they remained at Loon Lake, in Minnesota; while others -have insisted that they camped among the Yanktons in Dakota. The -latter seems the more probable. Indeed, it is highly improbable that -any Indians, after having suffered, as all agree this band had -suffered during the winter in the valleys of the Des Moines and -Little Sioux, would go down the valley of the one, as they are reputed -to have done, and finding no food on the way down, as all taking this -view agree was the case, until they arrived at Smithland, would then -have doubled back upon a trail known to be barren. It is far more -probable that the band wintered in Dakota, and with the approach of -spring returned to their favorite hunting grounds. When they had been -denied food at Smithland, they at once started up the Little Sioux and -hastened to the hunting grounds of presumed plenty. One thing is -certain: at the first breaking of winter they were on the move.[135] - -It so happened that in February, 1857, there came a promise of spring, -and with this promise Inkpaduta and his band of Indians left their -winter camp. Verging upon starvation, they hastened on foot or on -horseback toward the white settlements along the Iowa frontier; and it -can truly be said of Inkpaduta that "wherever he appeared, murder and -theft marked his trail".[136] Reaching the Big Sioux, he and his -followers passed down its course and across its waters to the -beginning of the white settlements upon the Little Sioux in eastern -Woodbury County. - -At the time of arrival at these settlements the band was not -large--having, presumably, been sadly depleted by desertion or by the -severity of the winter. Apparently there were only about ten lodges in -all, comprising men, women, and children. So far as known the warriors -in February, 1857, included the following: Inkpaduta, the leader; -Roaring Cloud and Fire Cloud, the twin sons of Inkpaduta; Sacred -Plume; Old Man; Putting on Walking; Rattling, son-in-law of Inkpaduta; -Big Face; His Great Gun; Red Leg; Shifting Wind; and Tahtay-Shkope -Kah-gah, whose name does not appear to be translatable. Nothing -further need be said of the band's personnel than that they had been -well trained by Inkpaduta for the work in hand.[137] - -As the settlements were neared it doubtless seemed to the Indians that -they were approaching a land of plenty, for game which had hitherto -been seen nowhere now began to make an occasional appearance. It must -have seemed to their primitive minds that this region, their land of -plenty, had been usurped by the whites. They were eager for revenge -and prepared to carry arson, murder, and pillage the full length of -Iowa's western frontier. - -It should be borne in mind, as events rapidly follow, that the deeds -of these Indians were not by any means spontaneous or the result of -any single or isolated incident or circumstance. As an explanation of -what occurred in Iowa in the spring of 1857, there has been advanced -the theory that Inkpaduta was merely seeking revenge for the murder of -his brother, Sidominadota. This explanation has been advanced so -frequently that it has been long accepted by most people as an -undoubted fact. In all probability, however, such was not the motive -of the Indians: on the contrary the real cause must be sought in the -innate character of the band that committed the tragic deed. In fact -this unhappy incident in Iowa's pioneer history was but one of many -justly charged against this particular band of wild Bedouins of the -prairies. - -The murder of Sidominadota in all probability did not cause Inkpaduta -much concern. Moreover, it should be said at the outset that Inkpaduta -and Sidominadota were not brothers--as has so often been -claimed--since Inkpaduta was a Lower Sioux, a Wahpekuta; while -Sidominadota was an Upper Sioux, a Sisseton. Hence they could not have -been brothers. It is true that in some phases of Indian relationship -they might have been spoken of as brothers, but the conditions making -such a reference even remotely possible were not present in the case -of these two Indian leaders. Hence the theory of blood revenge can not -be accepted. Furthermore, the term "brother" with the Sioux was not -limited to blood relationship. "The tribe consists of a group of men -calling one another brother, who are husbands to a group of women -calling one another sister." To call one another brother was a common -practice and carried with it no idea of relationship as ordinarily -interpreted. - -Granting that the two were brothers, if Inkpaduta could not have -avenged the death within a year he could not have done so thereafter -according to the practice of blood revenge universally taught and -practiced among the Sioux. In religious practice and ceremonial -observance Inkpaduta was neither a heretic nor an outcast. The Sioux -have never been noted for retentive memories in matters of revenge, -but rather for their laxity. - -Inkpaduta was superior to Sidominadota in rank; hence he would not -have succeeded him and could not have taken up blood revenge as his -successor. Moreover, these two men had bitterly disagreed, and -Sidominadota had severed all relation and connection with Inkpaduta or -any of his band and had grown to be one of the bitterest and most -vindictive of enemies. Inkpaduta knew this. It is likely that -Inkpaduta would have rejoiced at the news of his enemy's death: it is -certain that the murder would not have caused him much if any concern. -"With him it was every man for himself; he never had a sentiment so -noble and dignified as that of revenge, and would not turn on his heel -to retaliate for the slaughter of his nearest friend."[138] - -Again, according to Siouan practice each band is absolutely separate: -one band must not concern itself with the affairs of another. War -would inevitably have followed such conduct. Although Inkpaduta was -lawless in many respects, no instance in which he broke over the -strict letter of this custom has come to light. - -Finally, the bands were so widely separated and so busily engaged in -dodging each other that "it is doubtful whether Inkpadoota ever heard -the particulars of All Over Red's murder; it is certain that he would -not have been concerned if he had." - -Thus it seems evident that Inkpaduta could not have been on a mission -of blood revenge: it seems more probable that his own character and -that of the members of his group, coupled with an overemphasized -conviction of wrongs suffered in years past, allied with the intense -suffering of the moment, had produced an outburst of savage frenzy -culminating in murder. This would seem to be more in keeping with the -known character of the Indian and in line with his known conduct. The -idea of blood revenge has made a strong appeal since it was advanced -as an explanation by Major William Williams, but it can not be made to -rest upon a foundation of known and recognized facts in connection -with the Spirit Lake Massacre.[139] - - - - -X - -THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT - - -The approach of Inkpaduta and his band to the white settlements was -unobserved--due probably to the fact that the severity of the winter -had driven into the settlement all the traders and trappers who were -commonly the purveyors of such news along the frontier. Although the -Indians appeared at Smithland on the Little Sioux in southeastern -Woodbury County unannounced, no alarm was felt since they had been -there before and seemed quite friendly. Even now they bore, outwardly -at least, every indication of friendship for the whites. Quietly and -inoffensively they begged from the settlers who, pitying their evident -starving condition, gave as liberally as they could to satisfy their -needs rather than their demands.[140] - -It seems that the Indians had been at the settlement but a brief time -when they discovered that the whites had not been able to complete the -harvesting of the past season's corn crop on account of the coming of -the early and deep snows. Much of the corn had been buried, where the -settlers had been content to leave it for husking in early spring. -Upon making this discovery the Indians with a will set about -gathering corn from the fields. Very naturally the settlers objected -and demanded that the Indians desist, which they did after some -jangling and expressions of ill feeling. They did not, however, cease -their demands for food. - -The settlers now assumed a plainly unfriendly attitude toward the -Indians, which in turn gave impetus to a change in the temper and -attitude of the Indians toward the whites. They soon became sullen and -insolent, with a manifest tendency to commit a variety of malicious -acts--probably for the purpose of trying the temper of the settlers. -Only acts of a trivial character, however, were actually committed; -and so the wiser heads in Smithland were successful in warding off for -some time any serious trouble. - -Several days after the arrival of the Indians a large drove of elk -appeared in the timber on the river bottom. This meant plenty to the -nearly famished Indians, and they at once began preparations for the -hunt in which all were to participate. When the hunt had gotten well -under way an Indian was attacked by a settler's dog which apparently -had become over zealous in the chase. The Indian retaliated by killing -the dog. Then the owner of the dog sought to even matters by -administering a rather severe beating to the Indian, at the same time -forcibly disarming him. To a young Indian brave such treatment was an -insult calling for retaliation. When the other settlers learned of -this reckless action on the part of one of their number they grew -alarmed, for they knew Indian character well enough to conclude that -the incident was not a closed one by any means. - -Meanwhile the petty pilfering and thieving by the Indians continued. -Especially annoying were the squaws who, constantly haunting the -cabins and other buildings of the settlement, would sometimes carry -away grain and hay. Occasionally a settler catching a squaw in the act -would give her a whipping--which only increased the tension of the -situation. Finally, a settlers' council was called, the result of -which was an effort to disarm the Indians as an assurance of safety. -Failing to realize the full purport of what was being done, the -Indians offered little opposition. The guns were hidden, and for a -while the settlers breathed easily. But in their alarm, they had -really taken a very unwise course. They probably thought that the -Indians would soon come forward and offer some reasonable and peaceful -settlement of any wrongs that had been committed. In this, however, -the settlers exhibited little appreciation of the character of the -Sioux Indian.[141] - -Not a little enraged, the Indians committed other depredations upon -the settlers; and it was not long before the settlers awoke to a -realization of the mistake they had made. But they soon committed a -worse blunder in seeking to correct the first. A militia company of -twenty-one men was organized among the men of Smithland and vicinity -under the leadership of Seth Smith, the founder of the settlement. -Captain Smith was selected as leader of the organization not for his -known military ability, but because he owned a "magnificent suit of -regimentals, with its quivering epaulettes, gaily bedecked cocked hat -and flashing sword." Surely these would strike terror to the souls of -the Indians. - -The party was quickly and quietly prepared for a demonstration of -military power, after which they marched to the Indian camp and there -paraded before the Indians. When the demonstration was ended, Captain -Smith demanded of the Indians that they leave at once. This seemed -impossible to the Indians, who are said to have replied that the -weather was so cold and the snows so deep up north that nothing to eat -could be secured by them in that direction. They added, however, that -they would like to go on down the river to the camps of the Omahas and -treat with them. This the whites did not seem to think would be -advisable: they evidently thought that the Indians would visit them -again upon their return to the north. When denied the privilege of -passing on to the Omahas the Indians flatly refused to leave at -all--an action that may have been due in part to the fact that not all -of the Indians were then in the camp.[142] - -The settlers, finding themselves sufficiently strong after this -demonstration of military preparedness, began a series of annoying -acts directed toward the Indians, who seemed to submit stoically to -these impositions. Finally, one morning the settlers were not a -little gratified to discover that the Indians had gone. But the joy -was only temporary; for the Indians later reappeared with -guns--possibly the very ones that had been taken from them by the -settlers. How they secured these arms was not known; but it was -evident that the reclamation of their property had a marked effect -upon their conduct. They now became defiant and openly committed theft -to satisfy their wants; for they knew that they were now better -prepared for resistance than were the whites. - -It was shortly before this time that General Harney had conducted his -march through the Indian country in Kansas and Nebraska, thence -westward into Wyoming, and back northeastward to or near Fort Pierre -in Dakota. Every Sioux knew of him and held him in a sort of -superstitious awe or dread. They thought of him as one guided and -guarded by the Almighty in his work as an avenger. Aware of the regard -with which the Sioux held Harney, it was proposed by the settlers to -use him as a means of ridding themselves of their Indian guests. -Accordingly a settler donned the soiled uniform of an army officer and -at sunset appeared in the edge of the timber on the bank of the Little -Sioux opposite the Indian camp. His appearance there was called to the -attention of the Indians, along with the suggestion that the stranger -was Harney, in all likelihood, in close pursuit of them. The ruse, it -is said, was effective: that same night the Indians fled up the river -from Smithland. As they fled it became increasingly evident that they -were thirsting for revenge. From suffering indignities themselves they -now turned to the infliction of atrocities upon whomsoever chanced to -cross their path. While the more level-headed settlers at Smithland -regretted the tricks played upon the Indians, all congratulated -themselves upon being rid of their unwelcome guests.[143] - - - - -XI - -FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI - - -After leaving Smithland the next place visited by Inkpaduta and his -band seems to have been Correctionville--a place about twenty miles up -the course of the Little Sioux. Here the Indians appear to have been -friendly at first; but they were not long in the settlement before -their begging and thieving led to opposition from the whites. Indeed, -during the later portion of their stay they used their guise of -friendship only for the purpose of securing an entrance to the cabins -of the settlers, and having been admitted helped themselves to -whatever was most convenient and best suited to their needs, such as -food, guns, and ammunition. - -The ugliness of their real character for the first time appeared in -their treatment of a settler by the name of Robert Hammond. It seems -that Hammond resisted their thieving after he had admitted them to his -cabin, with the result that he was badly beaten. This episode appears -to have started the Indians upon their fiendish career. Having left -Hammond helpless in his cabin, they turned, when some distance away, -and literally shot the cabin door off its hinges. This was done, -presumably, as a warning of what was likely to happen if they were -further interfered with. They then left the settlement and continued -their journey northward. - -As he proceeded up the course of the Little Sioux, Inkpaduta followed -the policy of sending out scouting and foraging parties into the -surrounding country. At nearly every cabin found by these parties -everything in the line of guns, food, and ammunition was either -carried off or destroyed. Not infrequently the stock of the -settler--hogs, cattle, or horses--was killed and left untouched: the -Indians seemed now to be seeking to destroy rather than to take for -their own use. - -The next settlement reached by the band was Pilot Rock in Cherokee -County. While pausing here for a brief time scouts were sent out in -all directions through the surrounding country. Very little transpired -at Pilot Rock other than the taking of food and arms. Here the Indians -found no opposition upon the part of the settlers; and when they had -satisfied themselves they left the community. - -Another settlement visited was that of the Milford Colony, which was -located a little north of the present town of Cherokee. Cattle and -hogs were shot, doors torn from their hinges, and furniture ruined. -Bedding was torn into shreds, and feather ticks were ripped open and -the contents scattered upon the prairie. Here the Indians remained for -three days; and while the settlers suffered only from fright and the -destruction of property, they were only too happy to note the red -men's preparations for leaving. - -The Indians had tarried at Milford Colony evidently for rest and -recuperation, finding here more supplies than they had encountered -elsewhere. This was doubtless due to the fact that the settlers, -having but lately come west from Milford, Massachusetts, were well -provided against possible future needs. For three days the Indians -feasted and appeared to deliberate. Upon the evening of the third day -two of the Milford pioneers returned from a business trip to Sac City. -The arrival of Parkhurst and Lebourveau seemed to arouse the Indians' -suspicion. They demanded to be told from whence the settlers had come. -Not having received the desired information they probably concluded -they were being pursued and that night left the settlement. After the -departure of the Indians, the Milford pioneers deserted the colony and -sought refuge at various places--at Ashland, at Onawa, and at -Smithland. - -As they came to isolated cabins north of this settlement the Indians -resorted to various modes of terrorizing the pioneers. At the cabin of -Lemuel Parkhurst they amused themselves for an hour or more by -striking their tomahawks into the floor and logs of the cabin, while -flourishing scalping knives about the heads of the affrighted -occupants. Mrs. Parkhurst finally pacified them by preparing a meal -which she set before them. Having consumed this meal, they proffered -the peace pipe, shook hands, and departed. - -At the cabin of James A. Brown they seemed to be seeking entertainment -rather than food. After compelling Brown to mount a hay stack, two -Indians climbed up--one armed with a rifle, the other with a -pitchfork. They amused themselves by testing the steadiness of Brown's -nerve. He was alternately lunged at by the possessor of the fork and -levelled at by the holder of the gun. After thus amusing themselves -for ten or fifteen minutes, the Indians allowed him to get down and go -to his cabin. They then went to the stable, killed an ox, and -attempted to steal a horse; but the animal was so vicious that they -finally gave up the attempt and left. These are but incidents -illustrative of the behavior of the Indians as they passed to the -north of Cherokee and up the Little Sioux.[144] - -Arriving in the northwestern corner of Buena Vista County, their -conduct became, if possible, still more vicious. Wherever they -appeared they were sullen, as contrasted with their tendency to talk -and seek entertainment at points further down the river. Waste, -violence, and cruelty now characterized their actions. At the home of -a Mr. Weaver they not only wantonly shot all his hogs and cattle, but -also roughly handled him and the members of his family. Satisfied with -this, they moved off to the northwest. - -They were next heard of at the home of H. H. Waterman in O'Brien -County. The visit to the Waterman cabin, however, seems to have been -from a scouting detachment rather than from the band as a whole. In -Waterman's own words "Seven big strapping Sioux bucks stopped at my -house; they were so tall I had to look up at them". They told him of -the Smithland affair. Although they seemed much excited, Waterman paid -little attention to their story for he recognized them as the same -Indians that had called upon him more than once before. He did, -however, become alarmed when they began stealing his property--to -which he finally objected. But they took everything they could lay -hands on; and ended by beating Waterman in the back and stringing him -up by the thumbs. Apparently satisfied, they committed no further -mischief, but departed in the direction from which they had come.[145] - -After the episode at the Waterman cabin the band concentrated at the -site of the present town of Peterson in southwestern Clay County, -where they found white settlers--at which they were apparently much -surprised. Peterson was only a short distance away from the cabins of -Weaver in Buena Vista County and Waterman in O'Brien. Here it would -seem they began in earnest the campaign of terror which was to end in -massacre at the lakes and in the attack upon Springfield. They were no -longer satisfied with thieving and pillaging; but the torturing of -people and the taking of human life now seemed to be the pronounced -bent and purpose of their raid. The mere presence of white people -seemed to infuriate them to frenzied acts, and the wonder is that the -general massacre of the settlers did not begin at Peterson rather than -at Okoboji. - -As already noted there were at Peterson by February, 1857, the -families of James Bicknell, Jacob Kirchner, and Ambrose S. Mead. -Although the news of Indian depredations had reached these families -before the coming of the Indians themselves, conditions were such that -no steps could be taken to offer resistance. The Bicknell cabin, -being located the furthest to the south and west, was reached first. -This probability had been anticipated, for by the time the Indians -arrived the inmates had fled to the shelter of the Kirchner home -across the river. At the Bicknell home everything was either taken or -destroyed. Early on the following morning the Indians crossed the -river and appeared at the Kirchner home, where were huddled closely -together for mutual protection the families of Bicknell and Jacob -Kirchner. Here the Indians repeated their atrocities, leaving only the -cabin and the lives of the settlers. - -Although the Meads have been spoken of as a part of the Peterson -settlement, they were not properly so since they were located some -little distance up the course of the stream and were nearer the open -prairie. It seems that they had not been warned of the coming of the -Indians. Mr. Mead was absent at Cedar Falls; but before going he had -arranged with a family by the name of Taylor to jointly occupy the -Mead cabin with Mrs. Mead and the children. When the Indians appeared -Mr. E. Taylor resisted their meddling in matters about the cabin. This -enraged them and they threatened to kill him unless he desisted from -objecting to their pillaging. Fearing that they might carry out the -threat, Taylor managed to elude the watchfulness of the Indians and -started south with a view to procuring help. Mrs. Mead meanwhile had -been knocked down and otherwise abused for resisting. - -The whole affair at the Mead cabin ended by the Indians attempting to -carry off the women and children as prisoners. They succeeded in -carrying away Hattie, the eldest of the Mead children, but when they -attempted to take Emma Mead, who was about ten years of age, she -resisted so strongly that they contented themselves with beating her -all the way back to her cabin home and then letting her go. The Taylor -child was kicked into the fireplace where he was fearfully burned; -while his mother and Mrs. Mead were carried away to camp. On the -following morning the prisoners were allowed to return to their home. -The Indians evidently feared pursuit or did not care to be burdened -with prisoners at this time.[146] - -Mr. Taylor made good his escape and started across the country to the -Sac City settlement for aid. After some privation, he was successful -in reaching the settlement. A relief party consisting of a company of -men under Enoch Ross as captain made the march up the Raccoon River to -Storm Lake and across country to the Mead home on the Little Sioux. Of -course the Indians were gone by this time, but the company started up -the river in pursuit. It is written by someone that a member of the -party when out on a reconnaissance, discovered the Indians, and at -once hurried back to report his discovery. Upon reaching the main -party he found an active quarrel going on among the members; and when -he reported his news the company at once disbanded and hurried home. -Other accounts have related that the Indians were pursued to within a -few miles of Spencer, when the company was stopped by a terrific -blizzard and compelled to turn back without having accomplished its -purpose of punishing the Indians.[147] - -While the Sac County relief party was forming and on its way across -the country, the Indians had moved up the river to the little group of -cabins where Sioux Rapids now stands. No damage was done at this -settlement, the band seeming to be content with asking and receiving. -Before the relief party arrived, the Indians had reached Gillett's -Grove where again they seemed disposed to create trouble. - -In the summer and fall of 1856 the Gillett brothers had settled in -what was perhaps the finest body of timber along the whole course of -the Little Sioux. Through this grove, dividing it nearly equally, -flows the Little Sioux. Each of the two brothers had built a cabin -upon his claim, one on either bank of the stream. In preparing for the -winter they thought in the main only of their need of food and -shelter: they troubled themselves little concerning an Indian -visitation, reasoning that such an event was quite unlikely as Indians -had not been seen since their arrival. Moreover, fishing in that -region was poor and game was extremely scarce. - -Great therefore was the surprise of the Gillett brothers when in the -late winter they learned of the arrival of an Indian party. Although -the cabins were well placed for purposes of shelter, the Indians -readily located them and at once paid them a visit. The red men were -well received and their wants attended to by the settlers. Seeming -well pleased they left with protestations of friendship. A few days -later a second and different group appeared, led by the same Indian -as the first. As the days passed this red man's visits became -unpleasantly frequent, but thus far no offensive attitude had been -assumed by the Indians. When, however, he began paying unwelcome -attentions to Mrs. Gillett it was decided to put an end to his coming. - -One day, after the Indian had been peculiarly annoying, Gillett -followed him and at some distance from the cabin shot him. The next -morning the brothers visited the spot where the Indian had fallen, and -finding the body beheaded it. Having committed this outrage they -became frightened and decided upon flight to save themselves from -Indian vengeance. Accordingly, they hastily packed a few belongings -and started across the country toward Fort Dodge. It was later learned -that when the Indians discovered the body of the murdered man they -destroyed as much of the Gillett property as they could lay hands -upon. The influence of this murder in provoking the terrible deeds -committed by the Indians a few days later when they reached the lakes -can not be definitely determined.[148] - -When the Gilletts fled from their homes they knew not whence they were -going except that they were seeking to escape from Indian retribution. -They finally decided to make an attempt to reach Fort Dodge, although -they realized that this would be an exceedingly difficult task since -they knew only in a general way the direction in which that station -lay. In their wanderings they finally reached the little settlement at -Sioux Rapids, where after some counselling it was decided to send -couriers to Fort Dodge for relief. Abner Bell, E. Weaver, and one of -the Wilcox brothers were chosen to make the journey. - -It was near the first of March when the men from Sioux Rapids reached -Fort Dodge with the intelligence of the Indian depredations along the -Little Sioux. At first their story was not believed; but as other -reports of Indian depredations in this region continued to come in the -people of Fort Dodge came to the conclusion that there must be some -truth in what they had been told by the men from Sioux Rapids. Then -they became alarmed as they saw evidence of some great plan of Indian -revenge against the whole of the exposed frontier. Later the story of -Bell and his fellow couriers was confirmed by reports from the -Gilletts themselves, from Christian Kirchner, and from Ambrose S. -Mead. - -An attempt was made to organize a relief party at Fort Dodge, but the -effort was soon abandoned by its promoters. The distance was greater -than seventy miles, the snow was deep, the cold intense, and the -treeless prairies were being constantly visited by terrific storms, -all of which combined to make the success of such an expedition seem -like the last thing that could be expected. Doubt was strong that such -a party would ever be able to reach its destination or offer succor to -the settlers on the frontier even though it should be fortunate enough -to reach them. It was finally decided that any attempt at relief would -probably end in a needless sacrifice of human lives. In the light of -future events it may be said that this decision was indeed a wise -one.[149] - - - - -XII - -THE FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE - - -Nothing is known of the Inkpaduta band from the time of the episode at -Gillett's Grove until its appearance at the lakes on the evening of -Saturday, March 7, 1857. From events that followed, it is inferred -that they were in a fiendish temper at the time of their arrival and -that this temper developed in intensity during their stay upon the -Okoboji shores. The Indians celebrated their arrival by holding a war -dance. Mrs. Sharp refers to this ceremony as a scalp dance; but such -it could not have been, since with the Sioux as with other Indians -such a dance is held only when scalps have been taken. It is known -positively that none had been taken up to the time of their arrival at -the lakes. - -What must have been the feelings of the settlers when the Indians, -arriving near sundown, began the celebration of the war dance of the -Sioux! As the hideous painted forms of the red men in a half squat -position, in short, quick jumps kept time to the weird accompaniment -of the dance, lifting both feet from the ground at once, the settlers -must have felt that something unusual was brewing. And when the -cadence of the dance was momentarily stopped and the sharp cutting -notes of the war whoop rent the frosty air one can scarcely imagine -that they could have remained wholly ignorant of its purpose. And yet -it is said that the settlers slept that night as they had slept before -the appearance of the band; and on the ensuing morning they went -quietly and calmly about the duties of their homes wondering, perhaps, -when the Indians would leave.[150] - -The people at the lakes had received no inkling of the events that had -been transpiring to the south, for they were isolated from all other -white settlements. They had come to this region so late and under such -circumstances that none of the settlers to the south knew they were -there. Then, too, the character of the season and the difficulties of -transportation were such that no one would think of making a journey -in that direction. To the people who had settled along the Little -Sioux relief lay in the direction from which they had come--which was -also the direction of their source of supplies. Thus it happened that -no warning of impending danger from Indian attacks was given to these -advanced settlements. Having no information concerning the conduct of -red men in the valley to the south, the settlers at the lakes did not -anticipate any unfriendly acts upon the part of the Indians who were -now in their midst. - -The Indians selected as a site for their camp a spot directly across -the trail which led from the Gardner cabin to the Mattock cabin and -from thence became the highway of communication between all of the -cabins of the settlement. Thus its location was strategic in an -attack upon the settlers. For purposes of conducting their war dance -it was necessary that the tepees should be so pitched as to surround a -hollow square. It was directly across this square that the trail ran. -Thus the Gardners were cut off from the remainder of the settlement. -That there was design in so placing the camp can not positively be -asserted; but its location did have the effect of isolating the -Gardners. - -The day before the arrival of the Indians, Luce and his three -companions had come in from Shippey's, where Thatcher and Burtch had -been left with the exhausted oxen. The evening of their arrival had -witnessed a slight moderation in the temperature which was still felt -on the morning of the seventh. Everyone had begun to feel that -possibly spring might not be far distant. - -During the absence of Luce and Thatcher it had been decided by the -people of the settlement that Gardner should undertake a trip to Fort -Dodge upon their return. Wants had arisen during their absence which -it was believed could be satisfied by going to Fort Dodge as the -nearest outpost for supplies. It was also deemed desirable to make the -trip before the breaking of winter should render the roads impassable. -Thus, when Luce and Thatcher returned with the news that relief was -near, Gardner at once began preparations to start upon his trip two -days later or on the morning of Sunday, March eighth. The purpose of -the trip was not only to secure food, but also to purchase implements -which would be needed in the spring's agricultural activities.[151] - -The morning of March eighth dawned cold but clear and bright, -forecasting for Gardner the likelihood of a pleasant first day's -journey. Having learned from the accounts of Luce something of the -condition of the prairie, Gardner arose early in order that as much as -possible of his journey might be accomplished during the first day. -Not only did Gardner himself arise early, but every member of his -family did likewise in order that each might contribute something -toward speeding him upon his journey. - -Breakfast having been prepared and placed upon the table by Mrs. -Gardner and her daughter Mrs. Luce, the members of the family were -gathering about the table when the latch of the door was lifted and a -tall Indian stepped within the cabin with protestations of hunger and -friendship. Mrs. Gardner at once prepared an additional place at the -table which the Indian was invited to occupy. The Indian accepted this -hospitality and seated himself with the family; and all were soon -engaged in partaking of the morning's meal. - -It soon developed that this Indian visitor was but a forerunner of -more who were to follow. Before the meal had been finished the door -was again opened and fourteen Indian warriors, besides women and -children, crowded into the cabin. All demanded food, the while -protesting friendship as the first comer had done. The Gardners at -once set about the satisfaction of this demand as far as possible from -their limited store. At first the Indians seemed concerned solely with -the gratification of their appetites. But when their hunger had been -appeased a member of the party suddenly became insolent. Then others -in a sullen overbearing manner demanded various things other than -food. - -The Indian who had been the first to enter the cabin now demanded that -he be given ammunition. Another demanded gun-caps; and yet another -asked for powder. Mr. Gardner, willing to appease the Indians if -possible and rid himself and family of the intruders, secured his box -of gun-caps and prepared to distribute them to all. This did not prove -to be satisfactory to one of the number who snatched the box from his -hand, appropriating all the caps for himself. Upon the wall hung the -powder-horn which another buck attempted to secure, but was prevented -from doing so by Mr. Luce who at this moment interfered. This -interference angered the Indian who drew up and leveled his gun as if -intending to shoot. But Luce was too alert for the Indian and struck -the weapon from his hand. The Indians did not seem inclined to carry -matters further and withdrew from the cabin--but in a very bad frame -of mind.[152] - -As they were slowly and sullenly withdrawing from the Gardner cabin, -Bertell E. Snyder and Dr. Harriott, from the cabin across the strait, -appeared with letters which they wished to send with Gardner to Fort -Dodge. They had been unaware of the presence of the Indian camp until -they had come to it that morning. Gardner expressed his fears of -future trouble to these men who only ridiculed the thought, refusing -to believe that there was any possibility of danger. Nevertheless, -Gardner advised that a warning be sent to the settlers urging them to -concentrate at the Gardner cabin should trouble arise. To Harriott and -Snyder this did not seem necessary: they left for home, protesting -that there was no occasion for uneasiness. Gardner, however, told them -that under the conditions then developing he did not plan to go to -Fort Dodge. - -In the meantime the Indians had not returned to their camp, but were -seen to be prowling about in the vicinity of the Gardner cabin. On -their way home Harriott and Snyder met and did some trading with a -group of the red men by whom they had been intercepted. So sure were -the two men that the Indians were friendly that they did not consider -the fact of their presence worth mentioning as they passed the Mattock -cabin. As a further indication of their confidence in the friendly -character of the red men, it is noted that in a letter written by Dr. -Harriott, presumably after his return from the Gardner cabin, he -states that Indians had camped near by but they were very friendly and -had occasioned no uneasiness among the settlers. - -At the same time the fears of the Gardners were increased by the sight -of Indians in the near-by timber and by occasional calls at the cabin -where new demands were made, many of which could not be met. Although -the Indians seemed to maintain a certain gravity of demeanor and -apparently were only seeking to gratify their physical wants, Gardner -remained firm in his conviction that trouble was brewing and that the -remaining settlers should be warned of the impending danger. After -much counselling it was decided that Luce and Clark should go at once -by a roundabout path along the lake shore to warn the other settlers -and to advise that they gather in the Mattock cabin as the one best -adapted for defense. - -Luce and Clark set out upon their mission about two o'clock in the -afternoon. They were to make their way first of all to the Mattock -cabin, since it was nearer the Indian camp. Plans decided upon by -Gardner, Luce, and Clark were also to be told to the Mattock people so -that they might have ample opportunity to prepare for the proposed -concentration of the settlers. After this they were to go as far and -as rapidly as possible on their work of warning the settlers on the -east lake before nightfall would of necessity end their mission.[153] - -The fears of the people at the Gardner cabin had been considerably -increased by the attitude of the Indians when they took their leave -shortly after noon. During the whole of the forenoon they had done no -damage to property, and their only overt act had been their behavior -within the cabin in the early morning. But they seem now to have -suffered a change of mind, for as they moved away toward their camp -they drove before them the Gardner-Luce cattle--about six in -number--shooting them as they proceeded. Apparently there was no -motive in doing this--unless, perhaps, it was the fiendish -satisfaction in the taking of life. They did not seem to want the -cattle as food, since they left them untouched. - -About mid-afternoon a number of shots were heard in the direction of -the Mattock cabin. As the afternoon wore away there came no evidence -as to the meaning of the firing. The suspense became fearful as all -manner of suggestions were offered in explanation of the shooting. -Gardner reasoned that it could not have concerned Luce and Clark since -they had had plenty of time to be further on their journey than the -cabin of Mattock. Mrs. Luce became frantic, for she had believed from -the first that her husband would never return. If the Indians should -kill any one it would surely be Luce on account of his foiling the -savages in their purpose in the morning; and in this intuition she was -right. Luce and Clark had not gone far on their mission when they were -intercepted and shot by the Indians. This fact, however, did not -develop until weeks later when their dead bodies were found along the -lake shore not a great distance from Luce's home. Thus no warning of -peril reached the Mattock family. - -For two hours time dragged on slowly and fearfully at the Gardner -home: all eyes watched either for Indians or for the return of the -messengers. Neither came. When the sun had sunk to the horizon -Gardner stepped outside to look about. Suddenly he came running back -calling that the Indians were coming. Upon entering the cabin he began -barring the door, determined after the experience of the morning not -to allow the red men to enter. Mrs. Gardner objected that they should -have faith in the good intentions of the Indians and that it was -better for one not to shed the blood of another. Yielding to her -importunities, Gardner desisted from barricading the door. The family -now awaited in terror the second coming of the Indians. - -Looking through the windows they observed nine warriors hurrying -toward them from the direction of the camp. With no more formality -than during their morning visit they again entered the cabin. One -glance sufficed to tell the frightened family that the anticipated -trouble was upon them. The first demand of the Indians was for -flour--not only for a part of what the Gardners had but for all. The -scarcity of flour had been one of the reasons for the planned trip to -Fort Dodge; and yet, at the risk of causing his family to suffer -privation, Gardner turned to the flour barrel to gratify the demands -of the Indians. As he turned a buck raised his gun to shoot. It seems -that either Mrs. Gardner or Mrs. Luce made a move to stay the act of -the Indian, but failed. Gardner fell to the floor, the third victim of -the Indian massacre at Okoboji. Having made a beginning, the Indians -no longer restrained the impulses of their savage nature. After the -killing of Gardner their stay at Okoboji became a carnival of murder. - -As soon as Gardner fell, the quest for flour was lost sight of and the -Indians turned upon the two women who had attempted to protect the -object of their rage. Mrs. Luce and Mrs. Gardner were seized and held -by several Indians while others beat them into insensibility and death -with the butts of their guns. This was but the work of a moment. -Indeed, so quickly had it been done that Abbie Gardner did not see the -act herself; in her later relations of the affair she relied wholly -upon stories related to her frequently by the Indians in their flight -following the massacre. Without pause Mr. and Mrs. Gardner and Mrs. -Luce were scalped--an act of savagery which the children were -compelled to witness. When the Indians entered the cabin, Abbie was -striving to quiet the younger child of her sister, while the other -Luce child clung to one side of her chair and at the other side -crouched Abbie's brother, Rowland Gardner, Jr. - -Having destroyed the parents, the Indians now turned to the -destruction of the children. Rowland Gardner and the two Luce children -were torn away from Abbie and beaten to death against the posts of the -door and the trunks of trees in the yard. Dropping the dead bodies -upon the ground, the Indians appeared to counsel concerning the -further disposition of the house and its only living inmate. At the -close of their deliberation Abbie was seized by one of the Indians -and, much to her surprise, was not killed but led away in the -direction of the Indian camp. Her last sight of her family showed them -strewn lifeless and bleeding about the doorstep of her home.[154] - -Before the Gardner cabin was deserted by the Indians it was completely -ransacked. Chests were broken open and their contents scattered about -the house and yard. All available food stores and clothing were -carried away to the camp. Abbie had abundant opportunity to learn this -when later about their evening camp fires bucks and squaws alike, -arrayed in the clothing of the murdered people, wildly recounted the -incidents of the day. Although she had been carried away from her home -without any provision for clothing against the winter's cold, she was -not allowed to share in the wearing of the stolen goods. Shivering -from cold and fright, she witnessed the fiendish joy with which the -events of that memorable day were told and retold by the Indians. - -As the evening wore on preparations for the scalp dance began. Soon -the rhythmic cadence of the hideous dance song started, and the scalps -of the day, elevated on the ends of long poles, could be seen swaying -back and forth marking time with the movements of the women who bore -them. At every shriek of the dancing women, the captive girl doubtless -thought her time had come. In the darkness, lighted occasionally by -the flaring of a firebrand, the distorted and hideously painted faces -of the savages swinging alternately backward and forward in the dance -must have seemed to the prisoner a veritable dance of demons. The -dance lasted far into the night, with no sleep for the child who was -momentarily expecting to fall a victim of savage fury. Toward morning -the dance ended and the savages sought a brief respite in sleep to -strengthen them for the work of the succeeding day. At the breaking of -the early dawn the Indians were again astir, making preparations for a -continuation of their bloody work.[155] - -While the inmates of the Gardner cabin were being massacred similar -events were transpiring at the home of the Mattocks. What actually -happened at this cabin is not known, since no living witnesses, other -than red men, survived to tell the tale. From the position of the -bodies when found, it is inferred that the Mattocks must have sensed -the situation; but thinking that their own home was lacking in -security had started for the cabin of Harriott, Snyder, and Granger -across the strait. Mrs. Sharp states that when the Indians brought her -to their camp, which had been moved during the day and pitched near -the Mattock home, the cabin was in flames and shrieks of human beings -were issuing from it.[156] But this could hardly have been true unless -there were persons staying at the Mattock cabin unknown to others in -the settlement, since all the people were later accounted for in the -bodies found. - -Snyder, Harriott, and Harshman apparently discovered what was -happening across the strait, and with rifles in hand came to the -rescue. This is inferred from the fact that their bodies were found in -company with those of the Mattocks. Resistance had evidently been made -by the men: it is not unlikely that they were attempting to cover the -retreat of Mrs. Mattock and her children, since they were in advance, -while Mattock, Snyder, Madison, Harshman, and Harriott were in the -rear with the gun in each case lying by the side of the dead owner. -Harriott's gun had its stock broken as if it had been used for a club -after other means of defense had been exhausted. Further evidence that -resistance was offered to the Indians is to be found in the fact that -one young Indian was badly injured, possibly by Dr. Harriott. No one, -however, was spared in the attack by the Indians at that point: the -dead bodies of eleven persons were found on the path between the two -cabins. These were later identified as Mr. and Mrs. Mattock, their -five children, Dr. Harriott, Bertell Snyder, Robert Madison, and -Joseph Harshman.[157] To make the destruction more complete, fire was -set to the Mattock cabin which was soon in ruins. - -It is said that, leaving the Gardner cabin shortly after noon, the -Indians had gone to Mattock's cabin where they wished to get some hay -with which to feed their ponies. While they were in the act of taking -the hay objection was raised. A parley over the matter seems to have -been carried on for some time before the Indians arrived at the -killing point. Mattock sent to the Red Wing cabin for help, and -Harriott, Snyder, and Harshman responded. Meanwhile the Indians -appeared to withdraw, and it was probably decided by Mattock, as a -measure of added safety, to take the members of his family to the Red -Wing cabin. They were in the act of doing so, Mrs. Mattock and the -children ahead and the men in the rear guarding the retreat, when they -were fired upon by the Indians from ambush. All were killed outright -except Harriott, who resisted and before being disposed of had badly -wounded at least one Indian.[158] In their relation of the event the -Indians spoke of all having left the cabin before it was destroyed by -fire. - -Across the strait at the Red Wing or Granger cabin, Carl Granger, who -for some reason remained at his cabin when the others crossed to the -Mattock home, was brutally slain and scalped. The Indians killed him -by splitting his head open with an ax which had evidently been taken -from the wood pile near by.[159] - -Thus the close of the first day of the massacre witnessed a toll of -twenty lives. Three groups of settlers had been wholly wiped out--with -the exception of one child who was carried away into captivity. - - - - -XIII - -THE SECOND DAY OF THE MASSACRE - - -Although the scalp dance had continued far into the small hours of the -previous night, the Indians were astir early on the morning of the -ninth of March. They were determined upon completing the fiendish work -which they had so well begun on the previous day. No council was held -so far as the only white inmate of their tepees could discern. At the -same time every Indian seemed to know where to go and what was to be -done. There was no confusion of plans or hitch in their execution at -any point. - -It was on the morning of March ninth that a portion of the Inkpaduta -band started for the Howe and Thatcher cabins which were nearly three -miles from the Indian encampment. As already noted, the settlers about -the lakes had established a sort of mutual exchange system among -themselves for the purpose of husbanding their food supplies during -the absence of Luce and Thatcher on the expedition to Waterloo and -other points in eastern Iowa. This morning Mrs. Howe discovered that -the supply of meal was so nearly exhausted that it would be necessary -to procure an additional supply from one of the neighbors. Thus it was -that on this Monday morning Howe started on what proved to be a -fateful trip to the home of either Gardner or Mattock. With his sack -thrown over his shoulder he took the path along the south shore of the -east lake. He was wholly ignorant of the recent arrival of the -Indians. - -As Howe walked briskly along he may have been revolving in his mind -possible plans for his work in the coming season; or he may have been -speculating as to when his neighbor Thatcher would return from the -trip back east. Possibly he was cherishing the hope that the -privations of the winter might have ample compensation in an abundant -harvest. Whatever his thoughts may have been as he walked along the -lake, they were soon brought to an end by the Indians, who in all -probability quickly disposed of their victim. The details of the -murder are not known; but the badly mutilated body was later found and -given burial by the Fort Dodge relief party. - -After murdering Howe the Indians stealthily hastened on to his cabin. -Here the wife and children were as unprepared for the Indians as was -the husband and father. Mrs. Howe was no doubt busy in the performance -of her Monday morning duties. Engrossed with these activities she, in -all likelihood, did not discover the approach of the red men until -they were upon her. After killing Mrs. Howe the Indians proceeded to -dispatch the remaining members of the family--a grown son and -daughter, and three younger children. It seemed obvious to the -members of the relief party, from the conditions which they found at -the Howe cabin, that there had been no resistance offered to the -Indians. No scalping was done here or at any other place after the red -men had left the Mattock cabin. Nor did the savages stop to plunder or -destroy after taking the lives of this family, but hurried on to the -next stage in their work--which consisted of dealing death to the -members of the Noble and Thatcher families. - -Arriving at the cabin of Noble and Thatcher the Indians secured -admission by professing friendship. Here they made demands which could -not be granted; and then, as at the Gardner home, they resorted to -insult. Their insolence was resisted by Noble and one Ryan--a -son-in-law of Howe who had but lately come from Hampton and was -staying with the Nobles. This was evidently what the Indians desired, -for without further provocation they shot both Ryan and Noble. The -former was killed instantly; but Noble was able to walk to the door, -where he fell dead after exclaiming "Oh, I am killed!" The two -children were then torn from their mothers and dragged by the feet out -of the house where they were dashed to death against the oak trees of -the door yard. This seems to have satisfied the Indians' desire for -human blood, for they desisted from killing Mrs. Noble and Mrs. -Thatcher. For some time the Indians busied themselves in destroying -hogs and cattle and in chasing the poultry. Finally, they returned to -the cabin where they ransacked its contents, destroying what they did -not happen to want. In the end Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher were -seized and led away as prisoners. - -Obviously the horrible work at the Howe cabin had not been completed -to the satisfaction of the Indians, since upon their return trip they -stopped and resumed the destruction of what life was still in -evidence. Here a fearful sight met the eyes of the two captive women. -Scattered about the door yard they saw the mutilated bodies of the -members of the Howe family; while Mrs. Noble found the dead body of -her mother under a bed where she had evidently crawled for the purpose -of shielding herself from further attacks after she had been terribly -beaten with a flatiron. In the yard Mrs. Noble found her thirteen year -old brother Jacob, sitting propped up against a tree. He had been -horribly beaten and evidently left for dead; but having managed to -crawl to a tree he had raised himself to a sitting posture. Although -conscious, he was unable to speak. Mrs. Noble urged him to make his -way into the house and conceal himself in the clothing of a bed and -there await rescue. The boy made the effort, but was discovered by the -Indians and killed.[160] - -Having completed their destructive work at the Howe cabin, the Indians -hastened to their own camp. When Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher were -brought into the camp, Abbie Gardner was permitted to visit them in -the tepee set aside for the latest captives. For about an hour the -three captives were permitted to talk over their experiences, after -which they were separated. Thenceforth each captive was required to -remain in a tepee wholly separated and isolated from the others. - -The captives were now subjected to training through which the Indians -evidently hoped to re-make them into real pale-faced squaws. From the -beginning they were required to paint their faces and dress their hair -as Indians. They were frequently subjected to torturing ordeals which -seemed to have no purpose other than that of noting what the reaction -would be. At times they were, as far as the captives could discern, -made ready for death so that the red men might see how they would -behave under such trying conditions. Guns and revolvers would be -loaded and with drawn triggers pointed at them as with intent to -shoot, but no shooting occurred. These feints at shooting furnished -the Indians a great deal of what appeared to be real amusement. For -days they would recite again and again the details of the massacre at -the lakes. But this treatment was only a foretaste of what was in -store for the captives. For weeks, until they were released by death -or ransom, they were to be subjected to nearly every annoyance that -the ingenuity of the Indians might invent.[161] - - - - -XIV - -FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE - - -Following the massacre little was done by the Indians except to search -the vicinity of the lakes for the homes of other settlers. And so for -a brief time scouting parties were at work; but obviously no other -cabins were found, since the parties returned empty-handed. On the -morning of Tuesday, March tenth, the camp was broken, West Okoboji was -crossed on the ice, and after a move of three miles to the northwest, -camp was again pitched in what was known as the Madison Grove. The -Indians seemed inclined to move very deliberately. This may be -accounted for by the fact that they knew they were not pursued. At the -Madison Grove they remained but one night, and at early dawn of the -eleventh they moved north to a grove beyond the cabin of William -Marble on the southwest shore of Spirit Lake. - -From Gillett's Grove the journey for the Indians had become easier -inasmuch as they had procured horses and sleds. These must have been -obtained by scouting parties while the main body was encamped at Lost -Island Lake. Since the Indians had not learned how to hitch the horses -to the sleds Abbie Gardner, Mrs. Noble, and Mrs. Thatcher now -undertook the task of teaching them how to handle horses and sleds -with the thought that travelling might be made easier. In this they -were mistaken; for no sooner had the red men learned their lessons -than the bucks took to riding while the squaws and captives were -required to walk and carry the heavy packs for the whole party. The -horses and sleds were for pleasure and not for the transportation of -freight and workers. - -So deliberate were the movements of the band that although the camp -was broken up early in the morning of Wednesday, the eleventh, it was -not pitched at the new place, which was only a few miles to the north -of Marble's cabin, until late in the afternoon of the same day. As the -Indians proceeded they made numerous side trips, partly for scouting -purposes and partly for the pursuit of game. Frequently the squaws and -captives found it necessary to pause in their march in order that the -bucks might make these side excursions. Under more favorable -conditions this would have been most welcome as a relief from fatigue, -but now each stop was anticipated as a period of intense suffering -from cold and exposure. - -As the sun approached the western horizon the Indians began to exert -themselves in quest of a suitable camping place for the night. After -no little inspection of their surroundings, they decided to camp north -of the Marble grove. In reaching this spot they had so circled the -Marble cabin that they were not seen by the Marbles; nor had the -captives seen the cabin of their white neighbors. Although the -captives could discern that a council was held that evening, they had -no means of ascertaining its purpose. - -Thursday, March twelfth, was a day of inactivity in the camp: the -Indians spent the time in gorging themselves upon what food remained -from their raids upon the larders and barnyards of the unfortunate -white settlers. Nor is the statement fully substantiated that on -Thursday a friendly Indian visited the Marbles and informed them that -the settlers to the south had all been killed a day or two previously. -Even though the suspicion of the Marbles had possibly been aroused, -the depth of the snow would have made it difficult if not impossible -for them to get out and attempt a verification of the Indian's -statement. Moreover, it does not appear that the Marbles took -precautions against possible surprise.[162] - -Upon the morning of Friday, the thirteenth, the Indians are said to -have arisen early and with great care removed from their faces the -paint which until now had indicated that they were on the warpath and -which would have served as a warning to the Marbles whom they were now -planning to visit.[163] Approaching the cabin they signalled -protestations of friendship. Upon being invited to enter they set -their guns down just without the door. This little procedure attracted -the attention of Mrs. Marble, who had never before seen an Indian -leave his gun outside the cabin. The Marbles had just risen from the -breakfast table when the Indians were seen to emerge from the timber -and approach the house. Having entered the cabin the guests asked for -food--a request which Mrs. Marble at once set about to gratify. While -she was doing so the Indians, noting Marble's gun, bantered him for a -trade. Marble accepted the banter, and soon a deal was completed for -one of the Indian guns. The outcome of the trade seemed to be a matter -of no little elation for the Indians who hilariously turned to the -food which had been placed before them. - -After eating, the Indian with whom the trade had been made proposed -that the relative worth of the guns should be determined by their -actual use and indicated a desire for target practice. Although Mrs. -Marble protested the advisability of such a contest her husband agreed -to the proposal. When a suitable wooden slab had been secured and set -up the practice shooting was begun. All went well, the Indians -appearing to enjoy the sport immensely, until the impact of the shots -caused the target to fall. The Indians indicated to Marble that he -should replace the slab. Laying down his gun, Marble stepped out from -the group. This guileless act on the part of Marble gave the Indians -their opportunity for treachery. When the white men had gone but a -short distance the Indians, as if by preconcerted action, raised their -guns, took aim at Marble, and fired. Marble instantly fell dead. - -Meanwhile, Mrs. Marble had been standing at the window watching the -target work. When she saw her husband lay down his gun and start to -replace the mark she divined that treachery would follow. And so she -left the window and started forward to warn her husband when the -volley was fired into his back. Fleeing from the cabin, Mrs. Marble -started for the timber; but she was soon overtaken and dragged back to -the scene of her husband's death and by signs told that she was to be -held as a captive. Following the shooting the cabin was pillaged and -Marble was stripped of a leather belt containing a thousand dollars in -gold which he had planned to use in improving his claim at the -earliest opportunity.[164] - -With Mrs. Marble the Indians quickly returned to camp. Again, as after -the taking of Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher, the captives, now four in -number, were permitted to meet in the same tepee, while the Indians -busied themselves in the adjustment of other matters. The meeting was -brief and once again the captives were completely isolated from each -other. That evening the events of the day were celebrated by a dance. - -The massacre of Marble was the last act in the Indian attacks upon the -white settlements at the lakes. Only four individuals had survived to -tell the story of the frightful deeds committed since the morning of -Sunday, March eighth. Of the four, only two were destined to return to -the homes of friends or relatives and relate their tales of suffering -and Indian cruelties. - -When the work of destruction of the settlements along the shores of -East Okoboji, West Okoboji, and Spirit Lake was completed with the -shooting of Marble, the total number of human lives taken reached -thirty-two. The list comprised the following persons: Robert Clark, -Rowland Gardner, Francis M. Gardner, Rowland Gardner, Jr., Carl -Granger, Joseph Harshman, Isaac H. Harriott, Joel Howe, Millie Howe, -Jonathan Howe, Sardis Howe, Alfred Howe, Jacob Howe, Philetus Howe, -Harvey Luce, Mary M. Luce, Albert Luce, Amanda Luce, William Marble, -James H. Mattock, Mary M. Mattock, Alice Mattock, Daniel Mattock, -Agnes Mattock, Jacob M. Mattock, Jackson A. Mattock, Robert Madison, -Alvin Noble, John Noble, Enoch Ryan, Bertell E. Snyder, and Dora -Thatcher.[165] - -The tale is told that, before leaving the region of the lakes, the -Indians left a record of their deeds. They are reputed to have -stripped the bark from the trunk of a large tree in the Marble grove -and upon the white surface recorded in black paint a detailed -description of their exploits. The number of cabins they had visited -was shown as six, while the largest, presumably the Mattock cabin, was -represented as in flames. The number of persons whose lives had paid -the forfeit of their visit was also to be seen--each individual being -so drawn as to show the position in which he had been left by his -murderers. An attempt was even made to distinquish white men from red -men--the white people being shown as pierced by arrows. This -pictographic reproduction of the massacre is said to have remained -clearly visible for many years after the massacre and was frequently -visited by interested or curious persons who came to the region.[166] - -Upon leaving the Marble grove, Inkpaduta and his band moved leisurely -in a northwestward direction. From the time of their departure from -this point, the lot of the captives grew steadily more difficult to -bear. The snows of winter melted under the influence of the spring sun -on occasional days and caused the prairie trails to become two or -three feet deep in slush, except on the exposed knolls which the winds -had swept free from snow. In such places an opportunity was afforded -the burden bearers to stand on reasonably solid footing. Not -infrequently they would be compelled to flounder through gullies and -ravines ten or twelve feet deep in soft, yielding snow; while an -occasional stream must be waded waist deep in icily cold water. This -made the plight of the unfortunate white women doubly hard. - -Mrs. Thatcher, who had not been in good health at the beginning of her -captivity, found the bearing of the burdens imposed upon her and the -long, wearisome marches under such conditions nearly unendurable, but -she sustained her strength with the hope that relief would come in -time. The sublimity of her faith in rescue was of great inspiration to -her companion sufferers who otherwise would soon have lost all hope. -But, despite their faith and hope, the captives daily noted that their -journey was leading them steadily farther away from the bounds of -civilization. No stop longer than over night was made by the Indians -at any point in their march for nearly two weeks, when they arrived at -Heron Lake, Minnesota, about thirty miles northwest of Spirit Lake and -seventeen miles in the same direction from Springfield, Minnesota. - -The encampments of the Indians from the time of leaving Spirit Lake -had been of the most temporary character, but upon reaching Heron Lake -preparations were made for a camp of many days duration. After -completing the camp, Inkpaduta's band at once prepared for a raid upon -the white settlements in the vicinity. The warrior members of the band -bedaubed their faces with paint, while the squaws hastened their -departure by putting the weapons in condition and aiding in various -minor ways. When all preparations had been completed, each warrior -"with rifle in hand and scalping knife in belt" sallied forth to the -taking of more human lives. The squaws and papooses were left at the -camp to guard the captives, and upon the departure of the war party -the women took every possible means of acquainting the captives with -the fact that the expedition was one against the whites. It soon -developed, from the direction taken by the party, that Springfield was -their objective point.[167] - -The food which the Indians had taken from the cabins of the massacred -settlers was now nearly exhausted. Hence, upon the departure of the -warriors there was rejoicing among the squaws who saw in the -expedition the possibility of more feasting. But what of the feelings -of the captives? Who can picture the condition of the mind of Abbie -Gardner when she realized that the Indians were bound for Springfield? -There in the home of Dr. Strong was her sister, Eliza, who except for -herself, was the only surviving member of the family that had come -into the West. In all probability Eliza was doomed to the same fate as -Abbie had seen meted out to her father, mother, relatives, and -friends. The possibility was too horrible for contemplation. The -mental anguish of the young girl became almost more than could be -endured; but the hope of some saving miracle working for the life of -her sister sustained her for the days of waiting that were to elapse -before the return of the war party. - - - - -XV - -NEWS OF THE MASSACRE REACHES SPRINGFIELD AND FORT RIDGELY - - -Morris Markham, who had followed the Okoboji settlers to the lake -region, spent the winter in trapping along the lakes and in the -marshes of the Upper Des Moines. He had brought with him a yoke of -oxen which, during the early days of the winter, had strayed away and -were thought to be somewhere in the valley of the Des Moines. But they -could not be located; and finally the effort to trace them was -abandoned. No information concerning their whereabouts had been -received until the sixth of March, when Luce brought word that the -oxen were to be found at Big Island Grove in Emmet County. On the -following morning Markham left for Big Island Grove where he -discovered and identified his property. After spending a few hours in -visiting the settlers he started upon the return trip to the cabin of -Noble and Thatcher. Owing to the state of the weather and the -conditions of travel, he did not attempt to bring the oxen back at -this time, but returned alone and on foot. - -Owing to his imperfect knowledge of the country and to the darkness -that had settled down before he had come within known territory, -Markham missed the cabin he was seeking and found himself instead at -the Gardner home. As he approached the cabin he was surprised to find -it deserted. No light could be seen nor was any sound to be heard. -Looking more closely he saw the mutilated bodies of the Gardners -scattered about the yard; and upon entering the open door of the cabin -he beheld the badly pillaged condition of the once happy home. - -It was nearly eleven o'clock on the Monday night following the attack -upon the Gardners when Markham reached the scene of desolation and -horror. Since he had been walking from early morning and had traveled -more than thirty miles he felt the need of rest and food, and so -without delay set out for the Mattock cabin. He had not gone far when -he was startled by the barking of a dog in the low brush just ahead. -Stopping and peering through the shrubs he saw directly across his -path the camp in which the Indians were then sitting in solemn council -over the events of the day. The barking of the dog for some -unexplainable reason passed wholly unheeded by the Indians who -continued in consultation over their fiendish deeds. Markham slipped -by them and hastened as rapidly as he could across the ice of the east -lake to the place he called home. - -Upon his arrival at the Howe cabin the same scene of violence, -confusion, and desolation greeted him. Sickened at the horrible sight, -cold, hungry, and exhausted he pushed on to the home of Noble and -Thatcher, hoping that there all would be well. Instead, he found only -an empty cabin and murdered friends. Afraid to pass the remainder of -the night in a cabin which had been so fearfully visited, he dragged -himself to a near-by timbered ravine where he remained until dawn. -Fearful that if he lay down he would fall asleep and freeze to -death--for the night was bitterly cold--he kept moving through a -limited section of the ravine.[168] - -With the coming of daylight Markham set out for the nearest -settlement, which was Granger's Point on the Des Moines River. With -feet already badly bruised and frozen he journeyed on to spread the -tidings of what he had discovered. Famished and half frozen, he -struggled for eighteen miles through obstacles that would have -deterred all but the most heroic. Completely exhausted from continuous -exposure for thirty-six hours, he finally reached the home of George -Granger, where he related the story of what he had seen. - -Two trappers who happened to be staying temporarily at the Granger -home started at once down the Des Moines Valley for Fort Dodge. Upon -arriving at Fort Dodge they told the tale of the terrible massacre at -the lakes, but their story was so confusing and incoherent that they -were not believed. Those who had authority refused to act upon this -recital of events; and thus it came about that the first warning of -trouble along the frontier went unheeded.[169] - -Resting for only a brief time at the Granger home, Markham accompanied -by George Granger started north to Springfield to warn that group of -settlers against the Indians who had stricken Okoboji. It had -occurred to them that the red men might also visit the Minnesota -settlement; and they hoped to reach the place before the Indians -appeared and thus prevent a repetition of the affair at the lakes. - -At Springfield these bearers of bad tidings had a wholly different -reception than that accorded the men who carried the news to Fort -Dodge. No sooner did the people at this place become aware of the -outbreak than they took measures looking toward protection from a -similar attack. The coming of Markham and Granger was indeed -fortunate, for if the information had not reached them when it did it -is not unlikely that the settlers of Springfield would have met a fate -similar to that of the people at Okoboji. - -While some of the settlers fled at once upon receipt of the news, -others remained; and a few gave their lives as the price of refusal to -believe that danger was imminent. Among these was the Indian trader -and settlement storekeeper, William Wood, who steadfastly refused to -believe that a massacre would be attempted at Springfield. His refusal -to believe that the community was in danger was doubtless due to the -fact that he had traded with the Indians for years and did not note, -in his recent dealings with them, any cause for alarm.[170] - -The thought uppermost in the minds of most members of the settlement -was to send a relief party to the lakes at once. After some -deliberation this was deemed unwise: soberer second thought convinced -them that it would be better to take measures for their own -protection. At the time there were fifteen able-bodied men and about -twelve adult women in the village.[171] This number, it was argued, -would make a reasonably efficient fighting force in case of -attack--although they realized that they would be able to resist for -only a brief time, since they were in no condition for a prolonged -defense. And so it was decided to send messengers to the United States -military authorities at Fort Ridgely for aid. - -Two young men, Joseph B. Cheffins who had come thither with the trader -William Wood, and a young German, Henry Tretts, were selected to bear -the message for help to the Lower Agency of the Sioux.[172] These men -carried with them a written statement of facts which was signed by -individuals at Springfield who personally knew the agent of the Lower -Sioux at Red Wood.[173] Cheffins and Tretts left Springfield at once, -but they were not able to reach the Lower Agency until the eighteenth. - -The trip was one of unusual privation. Owing to the exigencies of the -situation, the men had left hastily and without making adequate -preparation for the hardships of such a journey. The direct distance -between the two points was not greater than seventy miles, but owing -to difficulties encountered they had been obliged to detour and thus -the distance traveled was more than one hundred miles. Under the most -favorable conditions they made but little better than fifteen miles -per day. The trip was undertaken on foot through deep snow and for -most of the way under the disabling effects of a dazzling sun. When -the Lower Agency was reached they could scarcely see--so severely were -they suffering from snow blindness. They were also physically -exhausted, for they had traveled almost continuously with but very -little rest. After their arrival they were forced to remain in bed for -two days before they were able to begin the return journey to -Springfield.[174] - - - - -XVI - -RELIEF SENT FROM FORT RIDGELY - - -Charles E. Flandrau was at this time the agent for the Lower Sioux, -and as soon as he was informed of the situation to the south he -proceeded at once to Fort Ridgely, which was located on the Minnesota -River fourteen miles southeast of the agency. Here he immediately had -an interview with Colonel E. B. Alexander of the Tenth Infantry who -was then in command of the post. As the result of this conference, -Colonel Alexander, on the morning of the nineteenth, ordered Company D -of the Tenth Infantry, under the command of Captain Barnard E. -Bee[175] and Lieutenant Alexander Murry, to prepare for an expedition -to Springfield and if need be to Spirit Lake. So expeditiously did the -military authorities operate that at half past twelve, less than three -hours and a half after the order was issued, Captain Bee with a -company of forty-eight men was on the march to the scene of reported -trouble.[176] - -Realizing that if they wished to make any considerable progress the -company must travel by some other means than on foot, the expedition -started in sleds drawn by mules. The original intention was to strike -directly across the country in order to reach the afflicted people as -soon as possible. But this route had to be abandoned, for it was soon -found to be impracticable owing to the depth of the snow. Captain Bee -in reporting upon the march stated that he took, "by advice of -experienced guides, a long and circuitous route down the valley of the -Minnesota, as far as South Bend, for the purpose of following, as long -as possible, a beaten track." - -Concerning the difficulties encountered on the trip Captain Bee -reported that "the season was unpropitious for military operations; -the snow lay in heavy masses on the track which I was following, but -these masses were thawing and could not bear the weight of the men, -much less that of the heavy sleds with which I was compelled to -travel. - -"The narrative of a single day's march is the history of the whole: -wading through deep drifts; cutting through them with the spade and -shovel; extricating mules and sleighs from sloughs, or dragging the -latter up steep hills or over bare spaces of prairie; the men wet from -morning till night, and sleeping on the snow. Such were the obstacles -I encountered while still on the beaten track, the terminus of which -was a farm belonging to a man by the name of Slocum. From this point -to the Des Moines was an unbroken waste of snow."[177] - -The route mentioned by Captain Bee would have taken him down the -valley of the Minnesota for forty-five miles to Mankato--every mile of -which would have carried him east of his objective point, Springfield. -From Mankato, it must have been necessary to double back for -twenty-five miles following the course of the Watonwan to Madelia, a -few miles southwest of which was the farm of Isaac Slocum. This was as -far as any road could be followed, since the region beyond was a -wilderness. Indeed Slocum's was the westernmost white settlement in -that section of the country. Captain Bee was still nearly fifty miles -to the northeast of Springfield. - -At the mouth of the Little Rock River, only a few miles below Fort -Ridgely, Captain Bee secured a young half-breed guide, Joseph La -Framboise, who was reputed to know the country well. But under the -conditions then existing no guide could be expected to be infallible. -The difficulties encountered only attested too well what could be -looked forward to in the future. Agent Flandrau and his interpreter -Philander Prescott, a French Canadian voyageur, also accompanied the -party. - -According to Flandrau "the first day's march was appalling." Indeed, -at the close of this first day's struggling he was willing to call the -whole undertaking hopeless, because so "much time had elapsed since -the murders were committed, and so much more would necessarily be -consumed before the troops could possibly reach the lake, that I felt -assured that no good could result from going on".[178] On the -following day Flandrau and Prescott, with "a light sleigh and a fine -team", forged ahead to Slocum's farm in the hope of learning more -details of what had taken place at the lakes. Finding the road beyond -this point impassable they turned back. At South Bend, on March -twenty-second, they met Captain Bee's expeditionary force. Feeling the -absolute impossibility of pushing beyond Slocum's, they advised him to -turn back.[179] Although Captain Bee admitted the apparent -hopelessness of the task, his military training prompted him to reply: -"My orders are to go to Spirit Lake, and to do what I can. It is not -for me to interpret my orders, but to obey them. I shall go on until -it becomes physically impossible to proceed further. It will then be -time to turn back".[180] And so he pressed on. - -On the morning of March twenty-sixth Captain Bee and his company of -men left Slocum's for Springfield.[181] Thus it happened that on the -same morning that Inkpaduta and his party left Heron Lake, taking the -direction of Springfield, the Fort Ridgely relief party left Slocum's, -pushing toward the same point. But mark the difference in their -relative rate of progress. While Captain Bee, encumbered with the -ponderous army equipment, found progress nearly impossible, Inkpaduta, -unimpeded by equipment of any kind save rifles and scalping knives, -easily covered the distance from Heron Lake to Springfield in one -day. - - - - -XVII - -PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENSE AT SPRINGFIELD - - -Springfield had been located and platted by the Indian traders, George -and William Wood, who built their post on the west side of the Des -Moines; while the settlers who came later, mostly from Iowa, selected -claims and built cabins on the east side of the river. The cabins of -the settlers were not closely grouped, but were scattered up and down -the river valley for seven or eight miles. Owing to this isolation the -settlers could not be of much service to each other in the matter of -defense. Moreover, the difficulty of successful individual defense was -appreciated; and so at the conference which followed the arrival of -Markham and Granger, it was decided to concentrate so far as possible. - -In this conference the Wood brothers did not participate, as they -scouted even the possibility of trouble--so confident were they of the -friendliness of the Indians and of their own ability to keep them from -hostile acts. According to Jareb Palmer, the Woods believed that only -two houses had been robbed at the lakes, that the robbery had been -laid to the Indians for no good reason whatever, and that in all -likelihood it "had been done by the whites, as there had been some -difficulty at the Lake in regard to claims."[182] - -Having decided to concentrate, the Springfield settlers selected the -cabins of James B. Thomas and William T. Wheeler as the points of -defense. The Thomas cabin was distant about one and a half miles from -the Wood brothers' store, and the Wheeler cabin about three-quarters -of a mile beyond that of Thomas. Various reasons led to the selection -of these cabins, the principal of which were their size and the great -strength with which they had been built. In the end it appears that -not all of the settlers were gathered in these two cabins. The Joshua -Stewart family, consisting of Mr. Stewart, Mrs. Stewart, and three -children, were originally at the Thomas cabin; but owing to the -physical condition of Mrs. Stewart, who had been overwrought by the -fear of Indian attack, and the too crowded condition at the Thomas -home, it was necessary for the family to return to their own home. -This they did after a stay of two or three days at the Thomas -cabin.[183] The Stewart cabin was located about one-half mile from -that of Thomas. - -At the Thomas cabin there remained nineteen individuals--the major -portion of the settlement. These included Mr. and Mrs. James B. Thomas -and six children, the oldest of whom was about thirteen; Mrs. E. B. N. -Strong and two children; Mrs. William L. Church, two small children, -and a sister, Miss Drusilla Swanger; Miss Eliza Gardner, a daughter of -Rowland Gardner who was massacred at Okoboji; John Bradshaw, Morris -Markham, and David N. Carver.[184] At the Wheeler cabin were collected -Mr. and Mrs. J. B. Skinner and two children; Mr. and Mrs. William -Nelson and one child; Mr. and Mrs. Robert Smith; John Henderson; and -the little son of Adam P. Shiegley.[185] Meanwhile a number of people -had fled from the settlement as soon as the news of the massacre at -the lakes had arrived. Thus, collected in two or three groups the -Springfield settlers continued to live for several days without any -sign of the approach of hostile Indians. In time their vigil relaxed, -and at intervals a settler would leave the cabin to secure some much -needed article. At no time for many days was anyone able to note any -real cause for alarm in what was seen or heard. - -The Thomas cabin, about which most of the events centered, was located -in the edge of the timber which bordered the river. The design of the -dwelling was that of the double type, each section being about sixteen -feet square and joined by what was known in pioneer phraseology as a -"dog trot"--a narrow and somewhat open connecting passageway. One part -was used as a kitchen and a general livingroom; while the other part -was reserved as a sitting room, which on occasion served as a spare -bed-room. The one room faced the prairie; while the other looked out -upon the timber of the river. The windows had been so placed that -through them a view in all cardinal directions might be secured--which -in addition to the port-holes was deemed a wise precaution. About ten -rods from the cabin, and in the edge of the timber, was the stable, -near which were a hay rack and some stacks of hay. Beyond these was a -ravine which descended rapidly to the river.[186] Out upon the open -prairie, nearly three-fourths of a mile away, was the cabin of Adam -Shiegley. - -On the tenth day of March--before the arrival of Granger and -Markham--Jareb Palmer and Nathaniel Frost had gone to the Slocum farm -for the purpose of bringing home some supplies which had been -abandoned some time previously in the drifts a few miles from the farm -house. After an absence of nine days they returned on March -nineteenth. The first house of the settlement reached by them was the -store of the Wood brothers. Upon entering they found two strange -Indians, "each of whom had a double barrelled gun, a tommyhawk and -knife; one of them a very tall Indian was painted black; they were -very busy trading and did not seem inclined to talk much, but said -they were from Spirit Lake and that there were twenty lodges of them, -all of whom would be at Springfield in two days. They purchased a keg -of powder, some shot, lead, blankets, beads and other trinkets."[187] -When they had completed their varied purchasing, which amounted in all -to more than eighty dollars, they paid for them in gold, which act -aroused the curiosity of Frost and Palmer, as gold was an almost -unknown form of money in that region.[188] - -Before these Indians had completed their trading and departed, two -friendly Indians, Umpashota, or Smoky Moccasin, and Black Buffalo, -entered and greeted them in a cordial manner. The two groups were -soon engaged in conversation which grew excited and ended in the -abrupt departure of the strangers. On the same day, Smoky Moccasin, -for some reason that did not appear clear, moved his tepees to -Coursalle's trading post.[189] On the following day when he was -interrogated by George Wood as to what he knew of the visiting -Indians, Smoky Moccasin admitted that he had been told that "they had -raided the Spirit Lake settlements, and killed all the inmates, except -four young women prisoners without having one of their number injured -in any manner." When questioned further he "said he feared they were -lingering somewhere in the neighborhood and intended more mischief. -'At any rate' said the Moccasin, 'I am going to remain close to my -camp for awhile.'"[190] - -In spite of this evidence of Indian activity and the promise of a -visitation the Wood brothers remained unconvinced that danger lurked -near, and ridiculed the fears of the settlers on the east side of the -river. But they were not the only ones who were now doubting Markham's -story: the failure of the Indian attack to develop had caused several -of the settlers to ask why they had grown so alarmed. Among them -gradually developed a feeling that they would like to hear a version -of the story from one of their own number. Thus it transpired that -Jareb Palmer volunteered to go to the lakes if some other man would -accompany him. Markham, anxious to prove the correctness of what he -had told, expressed his willingness to make the return trip. On -Saturday morning, March twenty-first, the pair set out, carrying -supplies for a journey of two days. They planned to go first to the -Marble cabin, and if all was well there they would go on down to the -lower settlements on Okoboji. They had been instructed by the -Springfield people to return at once if they found that the Marble -cabin had been plundered and that the evidence of Indian attack was -plain. - -Having no definite route which they could follow with assurance, the -men struck out boldly to the southwest across the trackless prairie in -the general direction of the lakes. Without incident or loss of way -they reached Spirit Lake and made their way to the Marble cabin, which -was found deserted. A closer examination revealed the fact that trunks -had been broken open and the contents of the house scattered -everywhere. The body of Mr. Marble, however, was nowhere to be seen. -Signs about the cabin seemed to suggest that the place had been -visited some five days before the arrival of the men from Springfield, -although there were fresh moccasin tracks along the lake shore which -appeared to be only one day old. After examining the situation -carefully the men decided to return at once, as enough had been seen -to convince them that Indians had been there. Palmer was firmly -convinced that Markham's story was only too true. The return trip was -made during the afternoon and the early evening of the same day -without incident.[191] - - - - -XVIII - -INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD - - -The morning of March twenty-sixth dawned bright at Springfield; and -the settlers at the Thomas cabin were astir early making preparations -for the expected attack. The messengers from Spirit Lake had returned -and no one longer doubted the strong possibility that Springfield -would be visited by the Indians. While the supply of food, fire-arms, -and ammunition which they had procured was sufficient for a resistance -of some days, there was a shortage of wood. And so, on the morning of -the twenty-sixth a number of the settlers were out chopping and -hauling wood. As they carried on their preparations they hoped that -the soldiers from Fort Ridgely would soon appear bringing the needed -relief and protection. Cheffins and Tretts had been gone nearly two -weeks; surely relief could now be expected any day or hour. Happy in -the expectation that relief must be near the settlers slackened still -more the vigil which they had been keeping and became somewhat -careless. The forenoon wore away without incident, and a generous -supply of wood was accumulated which would last for several days. - -While preparations were thus going forward, Inkpaduta and his band of -red men were hastening from Heron Lake toward Springfield. The wily -Inkpaduta did not wish to make a precipitate attack, for his spies -sent out on the nineteenth had probably informed him of how the -settlers were preparing for opposition. As his party stole into the -timber along the Des Moines near the Thomas cabin, he sent scouts -forward to reconnoiter. Thus while the unsuspecting settlers were at -work the spies of Inkpaduta were stealthily lurking in the near-by -timber stalking their white brothers as they would some wild beast of -the forest. - -The settlers were unable to complete the task which they had -undertaken by noon, and as everything seemed so very favorable it was -thought advisable to continue the work without interruption. -Accordingly, they did not pause to eat the mid-day meal that had been -prepared for them, but continued working until about two o'clock in -the afternoon. They then withdrew into the cabin to eat their long -deferred dinner. While thus engaged they were startled by a cry from -Willie Thomas, who was outside at play and who now thought that Henry -Tretts was coming.[192] - -Immediately the people in the cabin rushed out hoping that the report -was true and that the messengers sent to Fort Ridgely were in fact -returning. In the distance a man was observed to be approaching. He -was clad in civilian dress and to all outward appearances bore a close -resemblance to one of the messengers. In fact, so close was the -resemblance that David Carver exclaimed, "Yes, it's Henry Tretts!" -But the words had scarcely been uttered before a volley of shots came -from hitherto unseen guns in the direction of the timber. As near as -could be determined fully a dozen guns had been discharged from the -underbrush near the stable and hay stacks. The supposed white man was -only a decoy Indian dressed in white men's clothing and sent out for -the sole purpose of drawing the settlers from the cabin. While he was -slowly approaching the cabin, Inkpaduta and his men had crept up the -ravine to the rear of the stable and posted themselves for action when -the ruse worked out as planned. - -In confusion the surprised settlers--men, women, and -children--scrambled back into the cabin. Doors and windows were closed -and barricaded, while women screamed. Bradshaw and Markham, as soon as -the doors had been secured, seized their rifles and stood ready to -shoot any Indian who might have the hardihood to show himself. The -window shutters had been fastened open on the outside thus making it -necessary to use the table to close one window; while puncheons were -torn from the floor to cover other windows and aid in rendering the -cabin bullet proof. - -Meanwhile, the Indians kept up a constant fire; but Bradshaw and -Markham kept them well in hiding by shooting at any who happened to -show themselves. While the men were busy reloading, an Indian was seen -to emerge from the brush near the stable and start for the house. -Mrs. Church hastily seized a loaded gun and, thrusting it through a -porthole, fired. After the firing the Indian was nowhere to be seen -and it was concluded that he had either been badly wounded or killed -by the shot. Three or four Indians next appeared from a hazel thicket, -but the emptying of the contents of a number of guns into their midst -caused them to disappear. All of this had taken place in four or five -minutes after the first volley fired by the Indians. In that brief -time the Indian attack had been repelled, windows shuttered from -within by temporary means, and all doors barricaded securely against a -rush attack. - -During the attack no one had had time or thought for anything except -the necessity of repelling the Indians. When a lull came it was found -that several persons had been wounded. Mr. Thomas was bleeding -profusely from a wound in his left arm where a bullet had broken a -bone. Later this wound, owing to lack of attention, became so -irritated and infected that amputation was necessary. David Carver was -suffering greatly, for a bullet or buckshot had passed through the -fleshy part of his right arm, penetrated his side, and affected his -lung; while Miss Swanger, who had been hit on the shoulder, was -suffering considerably from pain and was very weak from the loss of -blood. It was she who has been alluded to as saying that she was too -weak to fight but could pray, and so fell "upon her knees, fervently -petitioning the God of Battles to help until the fight closed."[193] -Willie Thomas, who had given the alarm, was missing and no one seemed -able to account for him until his older brother stated that after the -door had been closed he heard groaning from the doorstep. It was -presumed that the boy had been killed. At all events no one felt that -it would be wise to open the door at this juncture. It later developed -that he had been shot through the head and had probably died in a -brief time. - -There were now left in the cabin only three able-bodied men who could -be counted upon for effective defense. These men were Jareb Palmer, -John Bradshaw, and Morris Markham. Dr. Strong had gone to the Wheeler -cabin that forenoon to dress the wounds of Smith and Henderson and had -not returned at the time of the attack.[194] - -The heavy firing by the Indians did not continue for more than seven -or eight minutes when it became desultory in character. Occasionally -an Indian would be seen skulking through the edge of the timber, but -not one allowed himself to come within range of the cabin. It is -presumed that they had counted upon a complete surprise as at Okoboji -and were not supplied with the ammunition necessary to conduct a -continuous attack. The firing, however, continued until sunset. It was -later discovered that the Indians had withdrawn at this time, although -this fact was not known to the inmates of the cabin. The desultory -nature of the Indian fire had allowed the settlers to prepare, and -soon six guns were projecting from as many port-holes and covering as -many possible lines of approach. This evidence of readiness in the -cabin may have led the Indians to defer or abandon their attack.[195] - -Meanwhile, the Wood brothers were paying dearly for their misplaced -confidence in the peaceful intentions of the red men. It was -reported--but the statement has never been confirmed--that when the -firing upon the Thomas cabin began William Wood, thinking no harm -would come to him, started to cross the river with a view to -investigating the cause. When he reached the west bank of the stream, -he ran into a group of Indians who at once riddled him with bullets. -It is further asserted that a pile of brush was then collected, his -lifeless body thrown upon it, and the whole set on fire. This -conclusion is drawn from the fact that in a pile of wood ashes, not -far from the river's edge, a group of the Fort Ridgely soldiers later -found charred human bones and with them a twenty dollar gold -piece.[196] The body of George Wood was found, while that of William -Wood was never discovered--unless the charred bones indicated his -fate. Since the Wood brothers were the only persons in the settlement -who had gold coin it was thought that the remains in the ashes were -those of William Wood. - -George Wood, who had remained at the store in his brother's absence, -possibly witnessed his brother's fate and attempted to forestall a -similar one for himself by striving to reach the settlers' cabins. -But he was too late. He succeeded in reaching the river and in -crossing it, but while trying to secrete himself in the underbrush he -was seen by the Indians and shot. His body was subjected to no further -violence.[197] - -It would seem that during the afternoon, while the attack was being -made upon the Thomas cabin, Inkpaduta selected three of his band to -raid the remaining cabins or at least to investigate them for plunder -in case they should be found abandoned. It was probably this trio of -Indians who attacked and killed George and William Wood. - -The first cabin visited by the three Indians was that of Joshua -Stewart. Mr. Stewart was called to the door by one of the number and -requested to sell a hog. Some gold coins were displayed by the Indian -as evidence that the hog would be paid for when purchased. Mr. Stewart -being willing to sell, stepped back into the house to secure his cap -and coat. When he reappeared and stepped out into the yard, he was -instantly shot by the two Indians who had not appeared to be concerned -in the deal. Upon hearing the shots, Mrs. Stewart and the children ran -out of the cabin. They, too, were instantly shot down by the Indians -and their bodies horribly mutilated with knives. - -According to Captain Bee, it was here that "the savages revelled in -blood. When I visited the spot, the father lay dead on his threshold, -the mother, with one arm encircling her murdered infant, lay outside -the door, and by her side was stretched the lifeless body of a little -girl of three summers".[198] But Johnny, a lad of perhaps ten years, -eluded the Indians and made his escape. In his own relation to the -people at the Thomas cabin he stated that he hid behind a log in the -yard while the savages did their work of murder and plunder. After -they left he ran to the cabin of Robert Smith, but was frightened -away; from there he made his way to the Thomas cabin where he arrived -at dusk and was taken in by the inmates--who, however, came near -shooting him for an Indian prowler.[199] - -After completing their ghastly work at the Stewart home, the Indians -returned in the direction of the Wood store, which they probably -planned to pillage. When passing the Wheeler home, they attempted no -further molestation than to shoot an ox and empty the contents of -their guns into the cabin. One of the charges narrowly missed Mr. -Henderson who was lying helpless as the result of his recent -amputations. For some reason the Indians did not take the trouble to -determine whether any people were really occupying the house.[200] -From here the Indians appear to have gone directly to the Wood store, -where they finished their work and then departed for Heron Lake. At -the time, however, the departure of the Indians was not known to the -terrified inhabitants of the settlement. - -At the Wood store on the west side of the river guns, powder, shot, -and lead were found in reasonably large quantities and appropriated. -But this was not all; food and dry goods were also found and taken. -It is said that when they returned to Heron Lake "they had twelve -horses, heavily laden with dry goods, groceries, powder, lead, -bed-quilts, wearing apparel, provisions, etc.... Among this plunder -were several bolts of calico and red flannel. Of these, especially the -flannel, they were exceedingly proud; decorating themselves with it in -fantastic fashion. Red leggings, red shirts, red blankets, and red in -every conceivable way, was the style there, as long as it -lasted."[201] - - - - -XIX - -THE SETTLERS FLEE FROM SPRINGFIELD - - -When quiet had reigned for some little time and darkness had fallen, -there being no signs that the Indians would reopen their attack, the -inmates of the Thomas cabin began to discuss the best course to -pursue. It was the general belief that they would again be attacked if -they remained: in fact they reasoned that to remain would be to invite -an attack. But would not the soldiers from Fort Ridgely soon bring -relief? And yet they had no means of knowing whether their messengers -had ever reached that post. Having reached the fort, might not their -story have been received in the same manner in which the people of -Springfield had greeted the tale of Markham? No idea had been gained -as to the numerical strength of the Indians: although they seemed to -be about twelve in number, there was a possibility that they might be -ten or twenty times as many, and well prepared to carry the attack -through to a conclusive end. - -Some suggested flight; but there seemed to be many obstacles to such a -course. Nothing was known of the whereabouts of the Indians: they -might be lurking near the cabin awaiting the appearance of its inmates -for the purpose of picking them off as they came out. Again, they -were more than fifty miles from any adequate place of refuge; while -the nearest settlement was no less than fifteen miles away. But worst -of all the snow was deep and there was not even a known trail upon the -wintry wastes that could be followed with certainty. Moreover, there -were among them three badly wounded people whose suffering would only -be intensified by the cold and exposure incident to such a flight. And -there were children in the party: would they be able to endure such a -journey as flight would compel them to undergo? From the hardships -encountered by Markham in his trip from the lakes it was known that a -journey of fifty miles under the existing conditions of weather would -be a hard trial of endurance, even for the strongest and most rugged -person. - -In the course of the discussion someone called attention to the fact -that the Indians had driven away the Thomas horses. How were they to -move Carver who was unable to walk and Thomas who was so weak that at -best it was believed he could live but a short time? Carver was -willing to be left behind if by so doing the safety of the others -could be assured; but none of his companions were willing to consider -such a proposition. When the thought of flight was about to be -abandoned someone recalled that the Indians had not taken the Thomas -oxen. If they had not been killed, they must be safe in the stable. -Markham, who had twice before volunteered to risk his life, offered to -go to the stable, and if the oxen were there hitch them to the sled -and drive to the door.[202] Meanwhile, in the cabin preparations were -to be made for flight. - -When Markham returned to the cabin he reported that every thing seemed -to indicate that the Indians had given up the attack and left the -vicinity. He had been gone nearly half an hour, which led the people -in the cabin to fear that he too had fallen a victim of Indian lust. -And so they were overjoyed when he finally appeared at the door with -the ox-drawn sled. Feather ticks were first taken to the sled and upon -them the wounded Thomas, Carver, and Miss Swanger were placed. Around -them were packed such articles as were deemed necessary upon the -journey. - -The night sky was obscured by clouds and the darkness was intense, -which would make it possible for the fleeing settlers to elude the -watchfulness of the Indians if any happened to be lurking in the -vicinity of the cabin. About nine o'clock the nineteen frightened and -wretchedly equipped refugees left the Thomas cabin.[203] Ahead of the -oxen walked Markham, Bradshaw, and Palmer, with rifles in their hands, -ready to protect the women, children, and wounded from possible -attack. Then came the ox-drawn sled piled with feather beds, the -wounded, blankets, bed-quilts, and provisions. Upon either side and -behind the sled walked the women, carrying or leading the children. - -Progress was slow since no distinct trail could be discerned in the -darkness. Frequently they would stop and by signs and consultation -assure themselves that they were moving in the proper direction. Often -they missed the way and were compelled to alter their course. At two -o'clock in the morning, having made an advance of only five miles, -they concluded to halt and await the dawn.[204] Where they were they -did not know. Blankets and bed-quilts were spread upon the snow; and -upon these the women, children, and wounded lay down, while the men -stood guard. With the coming of day the refugees again pushed forward, -but found that they could make little headway because of the deep snow -drifts through which the men had to break a way for the oxen and sled. - -In less than an hour the party, finding further progress well-nigh -impossible, decided to halt. After some deliberation it was decided to -send Palmer ahead about ten miles to Granger's Point for help. Palmer, -having succeeded in making his way to the Point without incident, -returned with George Granger, who very willingly brought his ox team -to the rescue of the stranded settlers. A Mr. Addington also -accompanied Palmer upon the return trip. When about a mile to the -north of Granger's place a man was observed on the open prairie. -Addington jumped off the sled and started toward him. The man turned -and ran, but was soon overtaken. He was found to be Dr. Strong of -Springfield who had fled from the Wheeler cabin that same morning, -supposing that his wife and children had been killed in the attack -upon the Thomas cabin. - -In the meantime the stranded settlers, thinking they saw Indians in -pursuit, had left their wounded companions in the sled and taken to -the open prairie in flight--an effort which greatly exhausted the -women. Returning to the sled the march onward to Granger's Point was -resumed. After remaining here for two days to recuperate they -continued their journey southward toward Fort Dodge.[205] - -It will be recalled that the Wheeler cabin had received but one volley -from a group of three Indians who passed without stopping. The inmates -had doubtless heard the continuous firing in the direction of the -Thomas cabin during the afternoon and had surmised that something -serious must have happened. As all was quiet at the cabin on the -following morning, the anxiety of Mrs. Robert Smith to know what had -really transpired at the Thomas cabin overcame her fears. With the -fortitude characteristic of pioneer women, she determined to visit the -cabin as early as possible. When she arrived at the cabin she found -the body of Willie Thomas lying at the side of the doorstep. Greatly -alarmed she investigated no further, but returned at once to the -Wheeler cabin. Her hasty conclusion was that all the inmates of the -Thomas cabin had been murdered by the Indians. Thus Dr. Strong, having -heard the report of Mrs. Smith, concluded that his family had been -murdered and that his own safety was all that was left for him to -consider; and so he fled toward the settlements in Iowa. - -The flight of Dr. Strong left Mr. Skinner as the only able-bodied man -at the Wheeler house. He and the three women--Mrs. Skinner, Mrs. -Nelson, Mrs. Smith--decided to escape if possible before receiving a -second visit from the Indians. Mrs. Smith strongly protested against -the plan of leaving her husband, but he bade her go and save her own -life.[206] The problem of escape with these people was a vastly more -difficult one than with the party at the Thomas cabin, since they had -no team or other means of transportation. From the first it was -evident that the disabled men must be abandoned--a plan in which the -men themselves willingly acquiesced. - -After providing for the comfort of those who were to be left behind, -Mr. Skinner and the three women set out. Smith attempted to follow, -but was compelled to return to the cabin after again overcoming the -objections of his wife at going without him. The only individual, -other than Smith and Henderson, who could not be taken was the little -son of Adam P. Shiegley. After the departure of the grownups this boy -made his way to the home of a settler who had not been disturbed and -was there well taken care of until found by his father who later came -in search of his son. Two days later, on Sunday, March twenty-ninth, -the Wheeler party arrived at Granger's Point where they joined the -people from the Thomas cabin.[207] - - - - -XX - -RELIEF ARRIVES FROM FORT RIDGELY - - -On the morning of March twenty-sixth the relief expedition from Fort -Ridgely was laboriously seeking to make its way through nearly -impassable drifts of snow. Captain Bee had scarcely struck camp that -morning when two white men from the Des Moines River--probably Nelson -and Frost from Springfield--came in for supplies. They reported that -the Indians, to the number of thirty lodges, were encamped at -Coursalle's Grove about eight or nine miles to the north of -Springfield. Coursalle, known as "Gaboo" among the borderers and -settlers, was a half-blood Sisseton who was well-known throughout the -surrounding country as a trapper, trader, and intermediary between the -whites and the Indians. With this information Captain Bee pushed -forward with renewed energy, hoping to reach Coursalle's before the -Indians should leave. - -After encountering and overcoming nearly insurmountable obstacles of -roads and weather Captain Bee finally reached the trader's post. The -grove and its vicinity were thoroughly reconnoitered with no success -other than the rounding up of Coursalle and his family. Coursalle -grudgingly gave the information that Inkpaduta's band had in truth -wiped out not only the settlements at the southern lakes, but also -those at Springfield. From Springfield the Indians had gone to Heron -Lake, twenty-five miles to the west, and were headed for the Yankton -country on the Missouri. Further knowledge concerning their -whereabouts Coursalle said he did not have. - -Coursalle seemed so confident that the Indians were still at Heron -Lake that Captain Bee decided to pursue and punish them before going -to Springfield with his command. Having been told that only the dead -were to be found at either Spirit Lake or Springfield, he concluded -that little could be gained and perhaps everything lost if he should -hasten to the scenes of the massacres and allow the perpetrators of -the horrible deeds to escape without punishment. Hence "at retreat" -that evening he called for no less than twenty volunteers to go on an -expedition early the next morning for the purpose of punishing the -Indians. The response from the men was unanimous, and when early -morning came Captain Bee and Lieutenant Murry with the guides, -Coursalle and La Framboise, together with all the men of the command, -started out. It was expected that upon the approach of the soldiers -the Indians would probably attempt flight. To prevent their succeeding -in this, the teamsters were taken along to lead the mules, numbering -thirteen in all, to be used as mounts in the pursuit of the fleeing -Indians.[208] - -The road taken under the guidance of Coursalle led them in a direct -line across the open prairie from the trading post to the lake. This -open route was taken because it shortened the distance to fifteen -miles between the two points. The approach to the lake proved easy, -and by ten o'clock the lake had been reached and wholly surrounded by -Captain Bee's men so that it would have been difficult for any one to -have escaped unnoticed. The instructions were that when the camp and -Indians were found a single shot should be fired as a signal for the -ingathering of the troops. In about a half hour after the deploying of -the men a shot was heard in the direction taken by La Framboise. He -had found the place of their camp, but the Indians themselves had -gone. The camp gave every evidence of the destruction of the -settlements "with all its traces of plunder and rapine; books, -scissors, articles of female apparel, furs, and traps, were scattered -on the ground".[209] The guides, after examining the ashes of the camp -fire and other signs, pronounced the camp to be about three or four -days old. If such were the truth, it was plain that further pursuit -would be useless. - -There was, however, one more hope which was eagerly seized by Captain -Bee. Coursalle suggested that possibly the band had moved to another -lake about four miles to the northwestward. This lake being much -larger and its borders more heavily timbered the Indians might have -gone on to it for better concealment. Such a possibility appealed to -Captain Bee, who was not long in detailing Lieutenant Murry with ten -men and Coursalle as guide to make a dash to that point by means of -mule mounts. If signs there should prove as old as at the first lake -the members of the party were instructed to lose no time in returning, -since further pursuit would be useless. The dash was made as planned; -and signs in abundance were found, but Coursalle pronounced them to be -at least twenty-four hours old. Such being the case Lieutenant Murry -returned to the main command. - -It has been charged that Coursalle lacked good faith in that he -purposely declared the signs many hours older than they were in order -to assure the escape of the Inkpaduta band.[210] Captain Bee, however, -stated in a public letter that "Gaboo was in front of my men" and "his -whole demeanor convinced me that he had come out to fight", for his -life had been threatened by the band.[211] It was also further charged -that Mrs. Coursalle was observed wearing Mrs. Church's shawl; but this -was discredited by several competent observers. The fact remains, -however, that Captain Bee's men approached much nearer the band than -they knew--which gives color to the view that Coursalle either -practiced deception or was not wise in wood and camp lore. - -How near the troops came to the Indian band is disclosed in the -testimony of both Mrs. Sharp and Mrs. Marble who were with the Indians -as captives. They both state that at three o'clock in the afternoon -Lieutenant Murry's men reached the same place that the Indians had -left at about nine in the morning. Furthermore, the Indians were even -then within reach, being encamped on a low stretch of ground bordering -a small stream just over a slight rise of ground west of the lake. -They were so located that while the Indian lookout was able from the -treetops to see for miles around, the camp itself could not easily be -seen. - -Mrs. Sharp relates that as soon as the lookout reported the approach -of the soldiers of Lieutenant Murry, "the squaws at once extinguished -the fires by pouring on water, that the smoke might not be seen; tore -down the tents; packed their plunder; and ... one Indian was detailed -to stand guard over us, and to kill us if there was an attack. The -rest of the warriors prepared for battle.... The excitement manifested -by the Indians was for a little while intense; and although less -manifested ours was fully as great, as we were well aware that the -Indians meant all they said when they told us we were to be shot, in -case of an attack. We therefore knew that an attack would be certain -_death to us_, whatever the results might be in other respects. After -an hour and a half of this exciting suspense ... a sudden change came -to us. The soldiers, it seems, just here decided to turn back."[212] - -Upon Lieutenant Murry's return, it was decided to give up the pursuit. -This decision was based in part upon the report made by Lieutenant -Murry and Coursalle and also on the fact that the supplies were -nearly exhausted. From this point Captain Bee's command went to -Springfield. Here Smith and Henderson were found in the Wheeler cabin -where they had been left two days previously. They were in good -spirits despite their desolation. They had been visited by Mr. -Shiegley who was in search of his boy. These men related to Captain -Bee the story of events so far as they knew it, telling of the flight -of their companions in the direction of Granger's. Captain Bee at once -sent a man in search of the fugitives who were to be invited to -return. They were to be assured that the Indians were gone and that a -guard of soldiers would be stationed at Springfield for their -protection. The messenger, however, failed to overtake the refugees -and in a few days returned. Meanwhile, Captain Bee sent a detail of -twenty men under Lieutenant Murry to Spirit Lake to bury the dead. -Murry went no farther than the Marble cabin where he found and buried -Marble's body and then returned to Springfield. - -In a final adjustment of matters, Captain Bee left a detail of -twenty-eight non-commissioned officers and privates at Springfield -under Lieutenant Murry. This detail, while only temporary, remained -until April twentieth when it was relieved by a second detail which, -under Lieutenant John McNab, remained until late in the fall of 1857. -Captain Bee reported at Fort Ridgely on April eighth, after an absence -of about three weeks.[213] - - - - -XXI - -ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF AT FORT DODGE AND WEBSTER CITY - - -When the citizens of Fort Dodge and Webster City were convinced by -repeated tales of Indian horrors that assistance was needed they -organized a relief party to fend off the savage forays of the Sioux. -The trials and sufferings of this little volunteer band have few if -any parallels in the pioneer history of the Mississippi Valley. -Unprepared for such a venture as the journey proved to be, they -nevertheless met its ordeals with a courage that attests the hardihood -of the pioneers who chose the task of advancing the frontier. - -Early in November, 1856, Orlando C. Howe (a lawyer and later a -professor of law at the State University of Iowa), R. U. Wheelock, and -B. F. Parmenter, guided by a well-known and widely experienced western -trapper, Wiltfong, came from Newton, Jasper County, Iowa, to the lake -region on a land-hunting tour. They were particularly attracted by the -natural beauty of the region and before leaving staked out claims to -the southeast of Marble's place on what is now the site of the town of -Spirit Lake. Like many other prospective settlers at that time they -did not plan to remain during the winter season; and so, after -visiting for some days among the settlers on the south and east shores -of the Okobojis, they returned to Jasper County. The route homeward -led them to Loon Lake, where they are said to have found Inkpaduta's -band encamped. The band seems to have been peaceful enough at the time -of the visit; indeed, they made a rather favorable impression upon -these prospective settlers. - -Although the season had been severe Howe, Wheelock, and Parmenter -expected the usual breaking of winter during the closing week of -March, when they anticipated that travel across the prairies would be -difficult if not impossible owing to the overabundance of snow. It was -to forestall delays caused by the melting snows that they started -about the first of March for the lake region with ox wagons heavily -laden with seed, food supplies, and agricultural implements. From the -very start they made but indifferent progress owing to the deep snows -and continued intensity of the cold. Tarrying but a short time at Fort -Dodge to replenish their supplies and renew former acquaintances, they -proceeded up the west side of the Des Moines Valley to their -destination. Following the trail up this side of the valley, they -missed the two trappers who came down from Granger's Point carrying -the news of the massacre to Fort Dodge. When within two or three miles -of their destination, and somewhere to the southeast of Gar Lake, on -the evening of March fifteenth their oxen became too exhausted to -proceed further. Temporarily abandoning the load and the oxen, the men -went forward on foot to the settlements along the East Okoboji Lake. - -About midnight, after spending several hours in groping their way -through the timber along the lake, they came to the Noble and Thatcher -cabin. Failing to receive a response after repeated rapping upon the -door they pushed the door open and entered only to find everything in -confusion. Hesitating to remain for the night amid such evidences of -violence, they left at once and made their way along the trail in the -direction of the cabin of Joel Howe. At this cabin likewise on account -of the darkness they did not discover that there were dead bodies -lying in the yard. Entering they found the cabin deserted; but the -hour was so late that they decided to remain and make further -investigations on the morrow. - -The following morning they soon discovered the dead bodies in the yard -and other evidences of an Indian visit. From here they crossed the -east lake to the Mattock cabin, which they found in ashes; while the -clearing around the cabin was strewn with the bodies of the -slaughtered members of the family. They now had all the evidence -necessary to convince them that an Indian war party had visited the -settlement and wiped out the white population. Without further delay -they started for the settlements to the southeast along the Des -Moines. So anxious were they to spread the news as speedily as -possible that Parmenter remained behind to follow more slowly with -the oxen, while the other two men rushed on ahead on foot. On Saturday -evening, March twenty-first, they arrived at Fort Dodge with the news -of the Indian massacre at the lakes. So well-known was Howe in that -vicinity that no one hesitated to believe the information which he -brought of the Indian raid on the frontier.[214] - -When Howe and Wheelock had recited the story of conditions as they -found them at the lakes, it coincided so nearly with information -already brought to the community that no one could doubt the urgent -need for immediate action. And so it was resolved to hold a meeting -for the purpose of determining the course to be followed. This meeting -was called for the next afternoon (which was Sunday) in the -schoolhouse of the village. When the meeting convened practically -every able-bodied man in Fort Dodge and vicinity was present. Major -William Williams presided as chairman, and Charles B. Richards acted -as secretary.[215] Howe and Wheelock were called upon to relate their -tale of horrors at the lakes. The recital gave rise to great -excitement: the people realized their own proximity to danger. - -It was the unanimous sentiment of the meeting that immediate and -resolute action should be taken to deal with the situation. The -chairman, Major Williams, read a commission held by him from Governor -Grimes empowering him in any emergency that might arise to take such -action as seemed best in the light of existing circumstances.[216] It -was thereupon resolved that at least two companies of volunteers -should be called for and sent to the lakes to rescue the living, bury -the dead, and if possible overtake and punish the perpetrators of the -massacre. Nearly eighty men volunteered at once to join the proposed -expedition. - -Before the meeting adjourned a messenger, in the person of a Mr. -White,[217] was named to carry the news of the massacre to Homer, -Border Plains, and Webster City, and to ask the cooeperation of these -communities in the recruiting of members for the expedition. To make -the plea for assistance as effective as possible, Howe was requested -to accompany the messenger to these places. The response at Webster -City was as spontaneous as at Fort Dodge. Upon the arrival of the -messengers a meeting was called in the village schoolhouse, so that -all might hear the story of the Indian outrages. Volunteers were -called for, and by nine o'clock on the morning of the twenty-third a -company of twenty-eight men had been selected to undertake the -expedition. Only young men were encouraged to volunteer, since it was -thought that the older men would not be able to undergo the trials of -the trip to and from the lakes. But when both young and old insisted -upon going a sort of selective draft was resorted to. On Monday -morning, March twenty-third, all who had volunteered were ranged in a -row and J. D. Maxwell, the county judge, was called upon to make the -selection, which he did to the satisfaction of all.[218] - -But there were problems other than the securing of volunteers to be -met and solved--such as the procuring of tents, provisions, wagons or -sleds, and teams, without which the expedition would have little hope -of success. By contributions the company was provided with a varied -collection of fire-arms, a wagon, two or three yoke of oxen, food, and -some extra clothing and blankets. Among those who gave liberally were -"W. C. and S. Willson, A. Moon, the Brewers, Charles T. Fenton, S. B. -Rosenkrans, the Funks, E. W. Saulsbury and B. S. Mason."[219] At this -time the village of Webster City could boast of but few people who -were able to provide much assistance; but each did his best and in the -end the volunteers were reasonably well outfitted for the journey. - -Departure from Webster City was delayed until one o'clock in the -afternoon of the twenty-third, owing to the difficulty of securing the -necessary equipment for the men. Even then they were not adequately -equipped. Indeed, it was impossible to foresee and prepare for the -trials to be faced on the expedition. Moreover, not one of these -people had had any experience in contending with the elements under -such conditions as then prevailed. - -The Webster City company arrived at Fort Dodge about nine o'clock in -the evening of the same day and was given a rousing welcome. No better -testimonial to the spirit and determination of the men, untrained as -they were, can be given than to say that they made the march of more -than twenty miles in eight hours over nearly impassable roads. The -snow had thawed just enough to cause it to yield readily under the -tread of the men--making the march one continuous flounder from -Webster City to Fort Dodge.[220] - -In the evening, immediately following the arrival at Fort Dodge, -officers for the company were chosen by ballot. The company as then -organized was designated as Company C and was officered as follows: -John C. Johnson, Captain; John N. Maxwell, First Lieutenant; Frank B. -Mason, Second Lieutenant; Harris Hoover, Sergeant; and A. Newton -Hathaway, Corporal. The privates were William K. Laughlin and Michael -Sweeney of the Webster City settlement; and Thomas Anderson, Thomas B. -Bonebright, James Brainard, Sherman Cassady, Patrick Conlan, Henry E. -Dalley, John Erie, Emery W. Gates, John Gates, Josiah Griffith, James -Hickey, Humphrey C. Hillock, M. W. Howland, Elias D. Kellogg, A. S. -Leonard, F. R. Moody, John Nolan (or Nowland), J. C. Pemberton, Alonzo -Richardson, Patrick Stafford, and A. K. Tullis of the country -immediately adjacent to Webster City.[221] - -Captain Johnson was not a Webster City man but came from Bach Grove. -In view of the later incidents of the trip his enlistment was somewhat -pathetic. He arrived in town, after the beginning of the meeting, -which he attended with a friend. He was so impressed by the spirit of -the occasion that he volunteered, being one of the first who expressed -a willingness to go. He at once sent word to his mother concerning -the mission upon which he was going, saying that he probably would not -see her for some time--not thinking that it might be his lot never to -return.[222] - -While news of the massacre was being carried to Homer, Webster City, -and Border Plains, the citizens of Fort Dodge and vicinity were hard -at work organizing their groups of volunteers, so that by the time the -Webster City unit had arrived they were ready for some form of united -action. Here too it was thought best to select only the younger men, -since the inclemency of the weather as well as the marching conditions -at this time would be a severe drain upon the physical endurance of -the strongest. In addition it was recognized that the young men would -not have in many instances the care of dependent families. Fully -eighty men had stepped forward in response to the call for volunteers, -and from these two companies were organized. - -Early on Monday morning each of the two companies selected officers. -Charles B. Richards, who had acted as secretary of the first general -meeting, was selected as Captain of Company A; while John F. Duncombe -was chosen to head Company B. Captain Richards at once selected -Franklin A. Stratton as First Lieutenant, L. K. Wright as Sergeant, -and Solon Mason as Corporal; while Captain Duncombe named James Linn -as First Lieutenant, Smith E. Stevens, Second Lieutenant, William N. -Koons, Sergeant, and Thomas Callagan as Corporal of Company B.[223] - -The Roster of Company A at the time of its organization on March 23rd -comprised the following privates: George W. Brizee, William E. -Burkholder, Henry Carse, ---- Chatterton, Julius Conrad, L. D. -Crawford, J. W. Dawson, William De Fore or William A. De Foe, John -Farney, William N. Ford, John Gales, William McCauley, E. Mahan, -Michael Maher, B. F. Parmenter, W. F. Porter, L. B. Ridgeway, George -P. Smith, Roderick A. Smith, Winton Smith, Owen S. Spencer, C. -Stebbins, Silas Van Cleave, D. Westerfield, and R. U. Wheelock. - -In Company B were enrolled the following: Jesse Addington, D. H. -Baker, Hiram Benjamin, Orlando Bice, R. F. Carter, Richard Carter, -Michael Cavanaugh, A. E. Crouse, John Hefley, Orlando C. Howe, D. F. -Howell, Albert S. Johnson, Michael McCarty, G. F. McClure, Robert -McCormick, John N. McFarland, A. S. Malcolm, Daniel Morrissey, Jonas -Murray, Daniel Okeson, John O'Laughlin, W. Searles, Guernsey Smith, -Reuben Whetstone, John White, Washington Williams, and William R. -Wilson.[224] - -These companies when organized were equipped in the same manner as at -Webster City--that is, by contributions from those older men who, -finding age a bar to joining the expedition, contributed whatever they -found possible "near the end of a severe winter in a frontier town one -hundred and fifty miles from any source of supply."[225] Scarcely was -there a man or woman in the little hamlet or in the surrounding -country who did not offer something--guns, ammunition, food, gloves, -wearing apparel, blankets, or other articles that might prove useful -on the journey. The equipment of arms varied from the worst -conditioned shotgun to some of the finest type of Sharps rifle to be -found on the frontier.[226] All of Monday, after the muster in, was -spent in collecting the equipment for the expedition. After some -little effort two or three ox teams and wagons were secured to haul -the food supplies, bedding, and camp equipment. A team and wagon was -allotted to each company, so that all supplies for each organization -might be kept separate and distinct. The imperfect means of -transportation permitted the taking of only limited supplies; and no -grain or forage could be taken upon which the oxen might subsist. It -was thought, strangely enough, that the cattle might be able to forage -for themselves at the various camping or stopping places along the -route. - -After the companies had been organized as separate units and the -Webster City contingent had arrived, a closer cooerdination of the -forces was effected. A general meeting of the three organizations was -called and the matter of cooerdination discussed. In the end it was -decided to organize as a battalion. Major William Williams, the only -person who had had military experience and who had been empowered by -Governor Grimes to act in such an emergency, was chosen to command the -battalion thus created. This was a recognition of the undoubted -ability and vigor of the first postmaster, first mayor, and first -citizen of Fort Dodge--especially since his age of sixty years was far -beyond that considered desirable for members of the expedition.[227] -The future proved the wisdom of the selection, for his command of the -situation had much to do with shaping the later developments more -fortunately than otherwise might have been the case. George B. Sherman -was selected as quartermaster and commissary; and in order to enable -him to better perform his duties he was detached from Company A into -which he had already been mustered. Dr. George R. Bissell of Fort -Dodge was selected as surgeon, and he proved a most worthy and helpful -member of the expedition. Thus organized, the battalion numbered at -the time of leaving Fort Dodge a total of ninety-one officers and -enlisted men. - - - - -XXII - -THE MARCH FROM FORT DODGE TO MEDIUM LAKE - - -Though somewhat delayed by inability to secure transportation, the -relief battalion from Fort Dodge and Webster City got under way about -noon on Tuesday, March twenty-fourth, within four days after receiving -the news of the massacre.[228] The first day's march did not record -much progress, as the men had advanced only about six or seven miles -when they encamped at the mouth of Beaver Creek. By this time they had -begun to realize that they were no more than raw recruits with no -knowledge or appreciation of active service. With snow nearly four -feet deep on the level, and with ravines, gulches, and low places -completely filled, they encountered from the beginning almost endless -difficulties in marching and in the transportation of supplies. Not a -man was intimately acquainted with the surrounding country. Frequently -they found themselves plunged into snow-filled creek beds where with -the oxen they floundered vainly for some time in more than fifteen or -twenty feet of drifted snow before they gained the lesser depth -beyond. The difficulties were greatly increased by the lack of -sufficient transportation facilities. - -Having halted for the night each company built a monster camp fire -around which the men gathered, each endeavoring to prepare his own -supper since neither company was provided with a cook. "It was quite -amusing to see 'the boys' mix up meal, bake 'slap jacks', fry meat, -wash dishes and act the 'housewife' generally, but 'tis said 'practice -makes perfect' and the truth of the adage was substantiated in the -case under consideration for before our return some of the boys became -quite expert in the handicraft above mentioned. - -"One of our Lieutenants--a jolly good fellow, by the way--averred that -he could throw a 'griddle-cake' out of the roof of a log cabin, which -he temporarily occupied, and while it performed divers circumgyrations -in mid-air, could run out and catch it 't'other side up' on the -spider."[229] Emery W. Gates of Company C is said to have successfully -demonstrated his ability to perform this feat while the expedition was -in camp at McKnight's Point.[230] He was later appointed cook of his -company, in which capacity he rendered most acceptable service. - -After finishing their first meal the men made ready for the night. -Each man had been provided with one blanket, and in this he rolled -himself for sleep that came to but few. Many found the pillowing of -the head upon the ground or snow not conducive to slumber, while a few -were prevented from sleeping by the heavy slumber of others. "My first -night on this expedition", says Captain Duncombe, "will never pass -from my memory. It is as vivid now as it was at the time. I, too, -slept on a snowbank and had as my next neighbor one of those horrible -snorers who could make a danger signal louder than a locomotive -whistle and more musical than a calliope in the procession of a -circus."[231] - -The morning of the twenty-fifth saw the men awake and astir early in -the preparation of a breakfast that failed to satisfy. On this second -day the line of march led them up the course of the Des Moines--the -plan being to travel upon the ice of the river in order to avoid the -dangerous pitfalls of the land. The point which they hoped to reach -was Dakota City just above the junction of the east and west forks of -the Des Moines. In attempting to use the ice as a roadway, the men -were compelled to cross and recross the river no less than fifteen or -twenty times. In the end this plan of march proved impracticable since -the ice in places was not strong enough to sustain the weight of the -men; whenever a weak place was reached it was necessary to leave the -river and struggle along over the ravines which broke the banks of the -river. - -Matters became much worse as the day developed into one of -considerable warmth. The water running down from the hillsides -collected in the depressions and turned the snow of the ravines into -slush. With dazzling brilliancy the sun shone upon the white snow, and -many of the men suffered so severely from snow-blindness as to become -practically helpless. The rays reflected from the snow also burned the -hands and faces of the men.[232] By night the battalion had covered -no more than the ten miles to Dakota City. Here they camped as best -they could. Some were able to secure places in stables, and a few were -taken into the homes; but by far the greater number were compelled to -sleep in their blankets on the open prairie. By this time some of the -men were showing evidence of exhaustion, while others were suffering a -very marked decline in spirits. - -On the march north from Dakota City the real difficulties of the -expedition developed. Beyond this point the snow was piled so high -that frequently the groves and timber along the river could not be -reached. When such conditions were encountered the command was -compelled to keep to the open prairie. This was not, however, -practicable for any considerable time on account of the cutting wind -that swept across the snow fields. Having to choose between two evils, -they elected what appeared to be the lesser and kept within the -shelter of the timber regardless of the difficulties. - -To overcome the difficulties on the third day out from Fort Dodge and -the first day north of Dakota City, it was found necessary to send the -men ahead in double files to break a road for the ox teams and wagons -which followed. By marching and counter-marching the snow was beaten -down so that it was made possible for the oxen to drag the wagons -through the deep drifts. This did not, however, always solve the -transportation problem, for even with such help the oxen were -frequently unable to move the wagons. When the oxen became stalled in -a snow bank a long rope was attached to the wagon so that all hands -could take hold and pull together with the oxen. By almost herculean -efforts the wagons were thus dragged through the drifts of snow. Often -the snow would accumulate in great piles in front of the wagons, which -caused many pauses in the march. The marching and counter-marching, -the dragging of wagons by man power, and the clearing away of snow -continued during the two days out from Dakota City. Under such -conditions the advance of the command was painfully slow. - -But the drifts were not the worst obstacle. When ravines or stream -heads were encountered in the line of march the oxen could do little -but flounder in the snow which was then four or five times as deep as -on the level ground of the prairie. They could scarcely secure a -footing, for here the soft snow had usually been converted into almost -bottomless slush. At such times the men would "wade through, stack -arms, return and unhitch the teams, and attach ropes to them and _draw -them through_"; this done, they "performed a similar operation on the -wagons".[233] It was necessary to resort to this method of advance -every mile or two. - -In the face of such conditions, it became very evident that the timber -at McKnight's Point could not be reached on scheduled time.[234] When -the companies came to appreciate more fully the difficulties before -them, Captain Duncombe, Lieutenant Maxwell, and R. U. Wheelock were -sent ahead as scouts to pick out a better road and if possible secure -a camping place near timber and water.[235] To guide the advancing -column, beacon fires were built; but these were of little or no use to -the men in the rear. The main body of marchers, wet, hungry, and -suffering acutely from the cold, toiled on until darkness made further -progress seem an impossibility. Major Williams therefore called a halt -and "put it to a vote whether we should camp where we were, or still -persist in getting to the Point. A majority voted to camp where we -were, although several preferred to keep on, fearing we would freeze -to death anyway, and that it was as well to keep moving. We were on -the bleak prairie.... We had no tents to shelter us; so, to many the -outlook was extremely forbidding, but all acquiesced in the will of -the majority."[236] - -The place selected for the camp was a high ridge from which the snow -had been blown by the winter's winds. Each company went into its own -camp. The tarpaulin covers for the wagons were removed and stretched -around the wagons so as to form a shelter from the wind. Upon the -ground under the wagons the men placed their oil-skin coats to serve -as a floor upon which to pile the bedding. Wet boots were used for -pillows. Then, huddled closely together under the wagons so that when -one turned all had to do likewise, the weary volunteers "turned in" -for the night. Being some distance from the timber they could obtain -no wood with which to kindle fires--without which the men were unable -to warm themselves, dry their clothing, or cook their food. For supper -they had nothing to eat save crackers and uncooked ham; and the same -diet made up the breakfast on the following morning.[237] - -Early Friday morning the companies continued the march toward -McKnight's Point, where they arrived about noon. Here they found -Duncombe, Wheelock, and Maxwell awaiting them. In nearly two days the -battalion had covered a distance of something over twelve miles from -Dakota City to McKnight's Point. Even at this slow rate of progress -they arrived in a thoroughly exhausted condition. - -Captain Duncombe had reached the Point the evening before in a very -benumbed condition and nearly unconscious from the exposure and -suffering occasioned by the intensity of the cold. In explaining his -condition, however, a story was later told by a member of the -expedition to the effect that as the Point was neared by the three -scouts Duncombe became exhausted and appeared to be unable to proceed. -Wheelock had with him what was thought to be a cordial, some of which -he offered to the Captain. The "cordial" proved to be laudanum, which -so affected Duncombe that had it not been for Wheelock and Maxwell, -who kept him awake and moving, he would have been overcome. When -within two miles of the Point, Maxwell started for help. Too exhausted -to walk, he lay down on the snow and rolled himself over and over till -he reached the grove; while Wheelock remained with Duncombe to keep -him awake and moving. At the grove Maxwell found a cabin in which were -Jeremiah Evans and William L. Church. Hearing Maxwell's story, they at -once set out to rescue Duncombe and Wheelock. In rolling over and over -in the snow Maxwell had made a trail which the rescuers had no trouble -in following to the suffering men. After being dragged to the cabin, -Duncombe fell asleep and could not be aroused. But by the time the -expedition arrived on the following day he had awakened and appeared -to be little or none the worse for his unusual experience.[238] - -By Saturday a number of the men were ill from exposure, but -uncomplainingly continued the trying march. Major Williams, although -the oldest man of the expeditionary force, bore his privations -extremely well, giving no evidence of exhaustion. If anything the -trials of the march had aroused in him a still stronger and sterner -fighting spirit. Some of the force, apparently bearing the trials -well, were reported as complaining. One of these men is said to have -been a veteran of the Mexican War and often made the boast that he had -been the third soldier to enter the Mexican fortress of Churubusco -when it was stormed and taken by the American forces. But now he -declared the continuance of the march "would result in the destruction -of the entire command".[239] - -Calling a meeting of the battalion, Major Williams addressed the men -upon the duties and obligations of the expedition, and he ended by -declaring: "You now understand this is not to be a holiday campaign, -and every man in the battalion who feels that he has gone far enough -is at liberty to return."[240] No one was willing to accept the offer. -It appears, however, that Daniel Okeson and John O'Laughlin, who had -been accepted under protest on account of their age, were now -discharged from Company B on account of disabilities incident to their -years. Under protest they accepted discharge and returned to Fort -Dodge. - -The battalion's ranks, however, were not depleted by these dismissals, -as Jeremiah Evans and William L. Church at once enlisted--the former -in Company B and the latter in Company C.[241] Evans had been a -settler at McKnight's Point for some time, and it was at his cabin -that the advance scouts were received and cared for. Church, whose -home was at Springfield, Minnesota, had been on a trip to Fort Dodge -for supplies and had stopped at the Evans cabin on his return up the -river on the Fort Ridgely trail. Upon his arrival he had been told of -the massacre at the lakes and also that a relief expedition was being -organized at Fort Dodge to rescue the whites who might have escaped -and to punish the Indians who had done the deed. Upon hearing this he -had resolved to await the coming of the expedition and enlist for -service. - -At McKnight's Point a halt of a half-day on Friday afternoon was taken -for purposes of recuperation. Here a number of deserted cabins -furnished shelter for the men. It was at this halt that Company C -selected Emery W. Gates as cook. Following his appointment it is said -that Gates prepared for the men one of the best meals they had ever -eaten; and they agreed that their stay here was one "grand, good -time".[242] - -Company A also celebrated, but in an entirely different manner. To -divert the minds of those who were suffering from the hardships of the -march, Captain Richards decided to hold a mock court-martial. The -victim, a man by the name of Brizee, was of course unaware of the fake -character of the affair and took the proceeding with great -seriousness. It seems that the tar box of Company A's wagon had been -lost, and for this Brizee was held responsible. The formal trial -procedure--the organization of the court, the summoning of witnesses, -the taking of testimony, and the rendering of a formal decision--was -carried through and Brizee was declared guilty. In all solemnity he -was sentenced to be shot. It is said that he was very much frightened -and most earnestly implored a pardon which was finally granted.[243] - -On the morning of Saturday, the twenty-eighth, the three companies -bade goodbye to McKnight's Point and started for Shippey's Point, -which was located on the west fork of Cylinder Creek about two miles -above the junction of the main stream with the Des Moines. Since -leaving Dakota City the expedition had followed as nearly as possible -the Fort Ridgely road up the Des Moines Valley--a route which it was -planned to continue as far as practicable. At McCormick's place about -two miles below Shippey's, they met Angus McBane, Cyrus C. Carpenter, -William P. Pollock, and Andrew Hood, who had heard of the massacre at -the Irish Colony and were hastening south to Fort Dodge to -report.[244] These men at once joined Company A. - -It was at Shippey's Point that J. M. Thatcher and Asa Burtch were -found anxiously awaiting the coming of the battalion. Thatcher was -nearly frantic over the reported fate of his family, but had been -induced by Burtch to await the coming of the relief party--in Company -B of which the two men now enlisted.[245] The load of supplies--mostly -flour, which Luce and Thatcher had been taking to the lakes from the -eastern part of the state--was confiscated for the use of the -battalion as the supplies of the party were growing uncomfortably low -and Sherman, the commissary, was becoming nervous. - -On Sunday morning the onward march was resumed with the Irish -settlement on Medium Lake as the objective point for the day. As the -expedition moved further to the north, the difficulties of the march -became greater because the snow increased in depth. From Shippey's -Point the march followed the Dragoon Trail, although no team had been -able to make its way over this road for weeks. To the tired men the -drifts seemed mountain high, while the depth of the snow in the low -places seemed fathomless. The "colony" was finally reached without -incident. - -The settlement at Medium Lake comprised about twelve or fifteen Irish -families who had come from Illinois in the fall of 1856. They had -selected claims along the Des Moines River, but had made no permanent -improvements. Instead, they had built temporary cabins in a grove at -the southwest corner of Medium Lake where they planned to spend the -winter.[246] In time this temporary settlement developed into the town -of Emmetsburg, which to the present day has retained a large -percentage of people of Irish nativity. Here also were many people who -had fled from the perils of an Indian attack and had come together for -the winter. They were found living in rudely constructed cabin -shelters or in dugouts.[247] Destitute of provisions, they were as far -as possible being supported from the slender stores of their Irish -neighbors upon whose pity they had thrown themselves. - -While here the expeditionary force was augmented by new recruits: -thereafter it comprised one hundred and twenty-five men. Since most of -these persons did not formally enlist their names do not appear upon -the official muster roll of the battalion. Not only did the companies -receive recruits at Medium Lake, but it was here that they were able -to exchange their worn out oxen for fresh teams. They were also able -to replenish somewhat their commissary department, for the new members -brought with them as much food as the settlement was able to spare. - - - - -XXIII - -FROM MEDIUM LAKE TO GRANGER'S POINT - - -On Monday morning the expedition set out very much refreshed; for the -men had not only feasted the evening before but that morning they -"butchered a cow that had been wintered on prairie hay. The beef was -not exactly porterhouse steak, but it was food for hungry men."[248] -The day's march was a hard one, and when Big Island Grove near the Mud -Lakes was reached the men were so exhausted that they threw themselves -on the ground, rolled up in their blankets, and went to sleep without -supper. - -Ex-Governor Carpenter, in relating his experiences as a member of the -expedition, says that there was after the lapse of forty-one years a -picture before him "of Capt. Charles B. Richards and Lieutenant F. A. -Stratton ... with two or three of the men, cutting wood, punching the -fire, and baking pancakes, until long after midnight; and as they -would get enough baked for a meal they would waken some tired and -hungry man and give him his supper: and the exercises in Company A -were but a sample of what was in progress in each of the -companies."[249] Thus the greater portion of the night was spent by -the solicitous officers in caring for their men. - -After leaving Medium Lake evidences of the presence of Indians were -observed from time to time. What appeared to be moccasin tracks were -frequently seen. Cattle had been killed in such a manner as to leave -no doubt that the work had been done by Indians. At Big Island Grove -many signs of Indians were found. On an island in the middle of the -lake the Indians had constructed a look-out in the tree-tops from -which they were able to see the country for miles around. Better -evidence still of the fact that their visits were recent was the -report that the campfires were still glowing, and that fishing holes -were found in the ice.[250] - -Many members of the expedition believed that the Indians, after -raiding the settlements at the lake, would cross over to the Des -Moines and proceed south on a war of extermination; and the signs at -Big Island Grove were very readily accepted as a substantiation of -this belief. It is probable, however, that this was a mistaken -conclusion. Sleepy-Eye had frequently rendezvoused at Big Island -Grove, and the arrival of the expedition may have followed closely his -departure on the spring hunting trip. It is not probable that -Inkpaduta's men went east of the lakes or south of Springfield. - -On the evening of the arrival of the expedition at Big Island Grove, -Major Williams decided that since they were evidently in the Indian -country the march should thereafter be made with more caution. -Accordingly, he called for volunteers for an advance scouting party of -ten men whose work would be to precede the main expeditionary force -and keep a sharp look-out for the near approach of Indians and to -observe, interpret, and report any signs that might be discovered. -They were to maintain an advance of perhaps three miles over the main -column. Major Williams selected as the commander of this advance guard -William L. Church, who of all the members of the expedition was the -most familiar with the country in which they were now moving, since he -had passed through it a number of times after settling at Springfield. -Those who had volunteered as his companions were Lieutenant Maxwell, -Thatcher, Hathaway, F. R. Mason, Laughlin, A. S. Johnson, De Foe, -Carpenter, and another man whose identity seems to have been forgotten -shortly after the return of the expedition to Fort Dodge.[251] - -The members of the advance guard were astir early Tuesday morning; and -while they breakfasted, rations for three days were made ready for -each man. These rations when totalled amounted to forty pounds of corn -meal and twenty pounds of wheat flour. In addition the men were -allowed each a piece of corn bread about six inches square, which was -supposed to be divided among the meals of the succeeding three days; -but a number of the men, deciding that the easiest way to carry the -bread was to eat it, immediately set about doing that very thing. The -scouting party left the main body of the expedition about six o'clock -on a beautiful winter's morning--although it was in fact the closing -day of March. Orders were given to the men to scout north, northwest, -and northeast of the route to be followed by the main body. Lieutenant -Maxwell and Laughlin, being true plainsmen, took the lead, while the -remaining eight were soon envying "the ease and celerity with which" -they "with their long legs and wiry frames, pulled through the snow -and across the snow-drifts".[252] - -The advance had made about twelve miles when the men paused on the -bare ridge of the Des Moines water-shed for the mid-day meal. Mason -was stationed as sentry, while the others ate in the sheltered lea of -the ridge. At some distance from the other members of the party, Mason -had been at his post only a short time when he saw far to the -northwest a black spot come into view. It soon became evident that the -spot was moving. The attention of the other members of the party was -called to the discovery. After sighting with their ramrods for some -minutes, they too concluded that the object was really on the move. -Furthermore it was agreed that the moving object must be a party of -Indians; and so an attack was planned. - -The squad advanced on the run to meet the party, which was probably -two miles away. But no sooner had the whites started toward the -"Indians" than the latter were observed to hold a hurried -consultation. Between the two parties was a willow-bordered creek -toward which each started for the apparent purpose of ambushing the -other. The advance guard, having reached and passed the creek first, -scaled the knoll or ridge of ground just beyond. Having reached the -crest of the swell, the expeditionists prepared to fight. The opposing -force halted and likewise seemed to prepare for defense. Before -beginning the attack, however, the arrival of Church and a second man -was awaited. When these men had come up, breathless but ready for the -fray, the order to advance was given. Suddenly Church gave a shout and -sprang forward exclaiming: "My God, there's my wife and babies!" The -"Indians" turned out to be none other than the refugees from -Springfield, Minnesota. The meeting was both dramatic and pathetic. -For days relatives and friends of the refugees had believed them -dead--victims of Indian barbarities. Now some were reunited with their -loved ones, while others received word that their kin were lying in -the snows of the lake region or had been carried away in captivity by -the Indians.[253] - -A pathetic sight, indeed, were these terrified fugitives. "In the -haste of their flight they had taken but few provisions and scanty -clothing. The women had worn out their shoes; their dresses were worn -into fringe about the ankles; the children were crying with hunger and -cold; the wounded were in a deplorable condition for want of surgical -aid. Their food was entirely exhausted; they had no means of making -fire; their blankets and clothing were wet and frozen.... The refugees -were so overcome ... that they sank down in the snow, crying and -laughing alternately, as their deliverers gathered around them."[254] -The wounded were in a terrible condition. "Mr. Thomas was traveling -with his hand dangling by the cords of his arm, having been shot -through the wrist."[255] They were "almost exhausted from the toilsome -march, lack of food, exposure to the inclement weather, and the -terrible anxiety of the previous week."[256] - -From the story of the refugees it seems that while painfully making -their way southward, and almost ready to perish from cold, starvation, -and physical exhaustion, they saw appear upon the summit of a ridge -far to the southeastward a group of men whom they, too, supposed to be -Indians. It happened that the men of the advance guard were wearing -shawls as a protection from the cold, and so they really did have the -appearance of blanket-clad Indians. The refugees were wild with terror -for they felt that their end had certainly come. There was only one -man in the party who really had the courage and was able to fight. -Loading the eight rifles which were in the possession of the party, -John Bradshaw prepared to meet the enemy single-handed, ready to -sacrifice his life if necessary in the defense of the helpless members -of the party. It is said that he stood rifle in hand until Church, -breaking from the ranks of the advance guard, ran forward shouting for -his wife and children. Not until then was it evident to the refugees -that friends rather than enemies were approaching.[257] - -Mason and Smith were chosen to carry the news back to the main body of -the expedition, which at this time was nearly eight miles to the rear. -Mason declares that he was so excited that notwithstanding his -fatigue he ran the whole distance. When the messengers were within two -miles of the expedition their coming was observed by Captains Duncombe -and Richards who rode out to meet them. Major Williams was sent for -and a consultation held. Mason, Duncombe, Richards, and Dr. Bissell -were ordered by Major Williams to push forward as rapidly as possible -to the aid of the refugees. At four o'clock in the afternoon the start -was made, and so well did the men make the return trip that the -fugitives from Springfield were reached about nine o'clock. The -advance guard and the fugitives were found in the shelter of the creek -willows over a mile from where they had been left. Camp had been -pitched--if such it could be called. Meanwhile, a storm had come up -and it was raining furiously, which only increased the sad plight of -the starving and ragged refugees who were without adequate -shelter.[258] - -When the main expeditionary body arrived about midnight strenuous -efforts were made to provide some sort of comfort for the distressed -and starving fugitives. The only semblance to a tent in the -expedition's equipment--one made of blankets patched together--was -provided them, and their wounds were dressed by Dr. Bissell. Being so -near the scene of the massacre, it was feared that even then Indians -might be in the vicinity of the camp. And so guards were placed to -prevent a surprise attack. Since the men were greatly exhausted by -the day's efforts, they were relieved of guard duty each hour. Thus -little rest came to any of the men that night. In the morning the -refugees were again fed and provided with blankets by the -expeditionary force from its already slender store. Being thus -outfitted, they were given a guard and sent on to the Irish Colony. -Mr. Church left the expedition at this point to accompany his wife and -children to Fort Dodge and Webster City. - -Learning from the fugitives the facts concerning the presence of the -Indians at Springfield, Major Williams decided to push toward that -point as rapidly as possible. When the march was resumed on the -morning following the meeting with the refugees from Springfield, the -expedition moved in the direction of Granger's Point. John Bradshaw, -Morris Markham, and Jareb Palmer did not continue with the refugees, -but enlisted as members of the expeditionary force, each hoping for a -chance to even up matters with the red men. - -The march to the Granger settlement was enlivened by a little incident -that aided much in detracting from the trying ordeal of the march. In -the morning additional precautions were taken to guard against a -surprise by Indians: a small group of men were selected by Major -Williams to scout just ahead of the main body and ascertain if Indians -might chance to be in the timber along the streams and about the -lakes. The scouts were given orders to fire their guns only in case -they found Indians. The advance had continued about three miles when -the crack of a gun was heard, followed by a number of reports in quick -succession from the timber just ahead. Immediately two men emerged -from the timber on the run. Captain Duncombe who was about a mile in -advance of his command thought the runners to be Indians, and he at -once gave chase hoping to head them off before they could enter -another grove a short distance beyond and for which they were -evidently making. Being mounted, Duncombe soon approached near enough -to recognize two of the expedition scouts. - -It was soon learned that while passing through the timber two old -hunter members of the squad chanced to see some beavers sunning -themselves on the ice. Unable to resist the first impulse, they -emptied the contents of their guns at the unsuspecting animals. The -men seen running out of the timber were only chasing some of the -animals that had not been killed by the initial volley. Meanwhile, the -whole expeditionary force had been halted, and with loaded guns put in -readiness for the attack. Some members, unable to control themselves, -did not wait for the command, but broke ranks and ran toward the -imagined Indians with guns ready for firing. After some little time -the expedition was again restored to a state of order and the march -resumed. - -Upon reaching Granger's Point that evening, they were very -inhospitably received by a man and boy who were occupying the cabin. -Little information and absolutely no assistance could be secured from -them. They reported that they had no food, withdrew into the cabin, -and barred the door. Within a brief time, however, a horseman arrived, -who proved to be a United States regular from Captain Bee's command -which had but lately arrived at Springfield. He brought the -information of Bee's arrival, of the flight of the Indians westward, -and of Bee's sending a detail to Spirit Lake to bury the dead. He -said, however, that the detail had visited only one cabin on Spirit -Lake and had there found one body which they buried. They had made no -attempt to reach the lower lakes on account of bad weather and roads -and the shortage of provisions. - -That night Major Williams called a council, and upon a review of the -facts it was decided to abandon the chase. But since the bodies of the -massacred were yet unburied, it was thought that a detail of -volunteers should proceed to the lakes on that mission.[259] - - - - -XXIV - -THE BURIAL DETAIL - - -When morning came the conclusions of the council were reported to the -command, and volunteers, not over twenty-five in number, were called -for to serve on the burial detail. The report met with a most cordial -response and the full quota of volunteers was obtained at once. Those -who signified their willingness to serve were: Captain J. C. Johnson -and Captain Charles B. Richards, Lieutenant John N. Maxwell, and -privates Henry Carse, William E. Burkholder, William Ford, H. E. -Dalley, Orlando C. Howe, George P. Smith, Owen S. Spencer, Carl -Stebbins, Silas Van Cleave, R. U. Wheelock, R. A. Smith, William A. De -Foe, B. F. Parmenter, Jesse Addington, R. McCormick, J. M. Thatcher, -William R. Wilson, William K. Laughlin, Elias D. Kellogg, and another -whose name is not known.[260] - -These men were placed by Major Williams under the immediate command of -Captain Johnson of Company C; and on the morning of April second the -detail, supplied with two days' rations, took up its march for the -lakes. From the outset their undertaking was precarious; with limited -rations the men had no assurance that they would be able to secure any -more supplies. Nevertheless, they courageously undertook the -humanitarian task with the hope that somehow the future would care for -itself. - -The burial detail was to proceed to the lakes, perform the sad task of -burying the dead, and rejoin the main command at the Irish settlement -on Medium Lake. Accompanied by two mounted men--Captain Richards and -another whose name is now lost--the detail set out upon its journey; -but at the crossing of the Des Moines, the first stream reached, the -horsemen were unable to force a passage. The men crossed safely on a -log; but the horses could not be forced to swim the channel, and after -an hour's work Captain Richards, and his companion gave up the effort -and returned to the main command.[261] - -Without incident the members of the party reached the southeastern -shore of the east lake about two o'clock in the afternoon. Making -their way to the Noble and Thatcher cabin, they found the bodies of -Enoch Ryan and Alvin Noble at the rear of the house. Each body had -been riddled with bullets. The yard and adjacent prairie were thickly -sprinkled with feathers which had come from the destroyed feather -ticks for which the Indians had had no use. The bodies were buried at -the foot of a large oak tree near the house. While some of the party -were interring the dead at this cabin, others walked on to the Howe -cabin where seven bodies were found lying about the cabin doorstep. -Among the mangled remains found in the yard Thatcher identified his -infant child. The burials at the Howe cabin were completed late in -the afternoon; but darkness prevented the men from proceeding to the -other cabins. Returning to the Thatcher cabin they there planned to -pass the night. The body of the Thatcher child was interred near the -head of a ravine not far from the Thatcher cabin. This was in keeping -with the desire of the father that his child should be buried upon his -own property. Returning to the Howe cabin the following morning, they -found the body of a boy of about thirteen years of age lying at the -side of a fallen tree in the dooryard. This apparently was Jacob, the -brother of Mrs. Noble, whom she vainly tried to get into the house. -The burial detail reported the interment of eight bodies at the Howe -cabin. - -From Howe's cabin they proceeded to the settlements on the west lake. -At this juncture the party was divided, and one section under Captain -Johnson took the lake shore trail, while a second under Lieutenant -Maxwell crossed the lake directly in line with the Mattock cabin. The -Johnson party is said to have found the body of Joel Howe near the -trail and to have buried it near the spot where it was found--a place -which was lost sight of until its alleged discovery in August, 1914, -by a young man, Lee Goodenough of Knoxville, Iowa, while attending a -Young Men's Christian Association camp.[262] At the Mattock cabin the -dead were found widely scattered through the clearing and along the -trail toward the Granger home across the strait. Every evidence of a -desperate resistance was noted. Dr. Harriott was found with his broken -rifle still grasped in his hand. Eleven bodies were collected and -buried at this place. - -Across the strait at the Granger cabin they found the body of Carl -Granger horribly mutilated, as by cutting or slashing with some sharp -instrument about the face. Near him lay his dog which had evidently -remained faithfully by him to the last. The dog's body was also -terribly mangled. - -The Gardner home was the last place to be visited. Here six bodies -were found and buried about fifty yards to the southeast of the cabin -on a spot said to have been designated by Eliza Gardner when she met -the rescue party. As yet the bodies of Luce and Clark had not been -found; indeed they were not found until the following June when they -were discovered near the outlet of the east lake. Their burial place -is not known.[263] - -By the time the work of interment was completed at the Gardner cabin, -it was late in the afternoon. The rations of the party were all but -gone; but the night was coming on, and so the party decided to remain -and camp to the north of the Gardner cabin. Fortunately Wilson's -memory came to the rescue of the party in their stress for food: he -now recalled that in the fall when a visitor at the Gardner cabin he -had seen Gardner bury a box of potatoes beneath the stove to insure -them against being frozen during the winter. Upon investigation there -was discovered nearly a bushel of the potatoes which satisfied the -hunger of the men that evening and on the following morning. - -After this potato breakfast on the morning of April fourth, sixteen of -the twenty-three men composing the detail began the return trip; while -seven of the party having interests to look after at the lakes, -decided to remain a few days longer. Those who decided to remain were -R. A. Smith, Orlando C. Howe, R. U. Wheelock, B. F. Parmenter, Asa -Burtch, J. M. Thatcher, and William R. Wilson. Howe and Wheelock -remained to make sure of their load of supplies which Parmenter had -been compelled to abandon when his two companions started ahead of him -to Fort Dodge with the news of the massacre.[264] - -It appears, however, that the split in the party is to be attributed -to something besides business demands. There was a disagreement over -the best route to be taken on the return trip. While breakfasting that -morning the discussion had arisen. The majority favored as direct a -route as possible across the open prairie to the Irish Colony. Others -of the party did not consider such a route to be safe, arguing that it -would be better to retrace the route by which they had come--which -route would lead them to Granger's Point and thence to the Irish -Colony. Meanwhile, a storm was gathering which seemed to add force to -the arguments of those in favor of a known road. - -The matter could not be settled by argument; and so, after breakfast -Captain Johnson, gave the command to fall in. "After the men had -fallen in he gave the further order, 'All who favor starting at once -across the prairie, step three paces to the front; the rest stand -fast'.... What little provision was left in camp was speedily packed -and the party made ready to depart at once."[265] Captain Johnson and -Burkholder urged united action upon the seven who stood fast; but the -appeal was unavailing, for the seven men remained steadfast in their -conviction that the course as planned was wrong. They offered to join -the party if they would take the Granger route; but Johnson and -Burkholder stood as firmly against that proposition as the seven were -opposed to their plans. Thus the two groups parted company--good -friends but each firmly convinced that the other was in the wrong. The -members of the party that left took all the food, and were allowed to -do so because those who remained behind counted upon securing their -store from the wagonload of supplies which had been left somewhere out -on the prairie. - -The men who remained set out at once to locate the wagon and bring in -the needed food. It appears that there was no difficulty in finding -the wagon with its cargo of supplies. When each man had loaded himself -with a supply, they returned as rapidly as possible for the gathering -storm had broken and snow was falling heavily. In a short time, it -became a blinding, driving whirlwind of snow. Reaching the cabin, they -laid in a supply of fuel. Being well armed, they felt no alarm at the -prospect of an Indian attack. All that could be done while the storm -raged was to await patiently its abatement. Only after two days did -the fury of the storm abate sufficiently to permit the men to leave -the cabin in safety. - -The morning of the second day after the beginning of the blizzard -dawned clear and intensely cold, although the weather had moderated -somewhat since the previous evening. The snow was frozen with a hard -crust and upon it the party from the Gardner cabin made their way -rapidly in the direction of Granger's Point. When they arrived at the -Des Moines they found the river completely frozen, which made the -crossing easy. Thus with little trouble they were again at Granger's -Point where they had left the main body five days previously. They now -procured a team and wagon, loaded their baggage, and, after resting a -day, started for the Irish settlement. At this point they found some -of the wounded from the Springfield settlement who had not been able -to proceed with the main command. Here also was Henry Carse who, as -will be seen, suffered so terribly on the night out from the Gardner -cabin. Resting a day at the Irish settlement, they resumed their -journey to Fort Dodge. What had been a small party on leaving the -Gardner cabin had more than doubled in number when the Irish colonists -were bidden goodbye. - -When Cylinder Creek was reached the party succeeded through great -effort in effecting a crossing. The undertaking required the whole of -an afternoon, but by nightfall the men succeeded in reaching Shippey's -Point two miles beyond. "From here the party proceeded on their way to -Fort Dodge, which they reached without further adventures than such as -are incident to swimming swollen streams and living on short rations, -which, in some instances, consisted of a handful of flour and a little -salt, which they mixed up with water and baked over a campfire. A few -of the party shot, dressed and broiled some muskrats and tried to make -the rest believe they considered them good eating, but that diet did -not become popular."[266] - - * * * * * - -The early part of the day upon which Captain Johnson and party left -the Gardner cabin, after the disagreement of the morning, was quite -warm, and the rapidly melting snow added greatly to the difficulties -of traveling. Being forced to wade through sloughs several feet deep -in slush the men were soon wet to the shoulders. But they plodded on -cheerfully for they were on the way home after the completion of an -arduous duty. While they were in this cheery frame of mind, the -blizzard broke upon them in all its fury about four in the afternoon. -With the storm came a rapid fall in temperature, and it was not long -before the clothes of the members of the party were frozen stiff from -feet to shoulders--rendering progress next to impossible. - -With the oncoming of the storm began the first disagreement among the -men after leaving the Gardner cabin in the morning. Again, it was a -matter of the best route to be taken. Jonas Murray, a trapper who had -volunteered as guide, claimed to be thoroughly familiar with the -country. Not all, however, were willing to accept his guidance. -Spencer and McCormick were the first to break away from his -leadership. This they did when Mud Creek was reached only about eight -or nine miles from the point of starting. Crossing far to the north of -where Murray maintained was the proper place, these men struck -directly east for the settlement which they reached within a short -time after the storm broke upon them.[267] - -The other members of the party lost much valuable time in wandering -southward along the course of Mud Creek. Finally a crossing was -effected, but much farther to the south than several thought it should -have been. Against the protests of a number, Murray continued to lead -the party still farther south. Near sunset Maxwell and Laughlin found -a township corner pit, at which they proposed to camp for the night -since they feared the loss of direction in the oncoming darkness. But -Murray, Johnson, and Burkholder, thought it best to continue and so -the party pressed on.[268] Ahead of them was a lake to the east of -which was a great stretch of uncommonly high grass which seemed to -afford good shelter. Maxwell, Laughlin, and seven others started to -walk around this lake to the east; but Johnson, Burkholder, Addington, -G. P. Smith, and Murray went around in the opposite direction. Finding -a shelter Laughlin called to Johnson's party which could then only be -dimly seen through the sedge. Apparently he was not heard, for the men -struck out toward the southeast and were not again seen before the -Irish settlement was reached. Laughlin's party decided to remain where -it was rather than attempt to follow. - -As soon as the halt was made the men tumbled down in a shivering heap -and huddled closely together to keep from freezing. In crossing -sloughs several men had removed their boots to keep them dry, while -others had cut holes in the leather in order to let the water out. -Carse had removed his boots, but found it impossible to replace them -for they were frozen stiff. He then tore his blanket into pieces and -wrapped his feet as well as he could, but even then he suffered -fearfully from the cold. Maxwell and Laughlin, realizing the danger of -freezing to death, did not permit themselves to sleep the whole night -through: they kept constantly on the move and compelled the others to -do the same. Whenever any man fell asleep the others would pick him -up, arouse him, and force him to remain awake and on the move -regardless of his objections. Some of the men begged that they be -allowed to sleep, protesting that moving about in their ice stiffened -garments was worse punishment than they could bear. Thus all night -long the awful vigil was kept. It was largely due to the tireless -watching of Maxwell and Laughlin that no one froze to death, although -the temperature that night was said to have been thirty-four degrees -below zero at points in Iowa much farther south.[269] - -The next day opened clear and cold. About eight miles to the east was -seen a grove of timber. Every man expressed himself as willing and -able to travel; and so without breakfast (for they had no food) the -party started in that direction, believing that the timber bordered -the Des Moines. Maxwell was the last to leave camp, and when about -three miles from the timber he found Carse sitting on the sunny side -of a small mound trying to pull on his frozen boots. The blanket -wrappings of his feet had already become so worn in traveling over the -ice and snow that he could go no further. Maxwell endeavored to take -Carse along with him, but every time he tried to guide him toward the -timber Carse obstinately insisted on taking the opposite direction. It -soon became evident that the man had grown delirious and that nothing -could be done with him on the open prairie. Henry E. Dalley, seeing -the difficulty, came to Maxwell's assistance. The two were able to get -Carse to the timber, by which time he was unconscious and blood was -streaming from his mouth.[270] - -Laughlin and Kellogg, who had reached the timber first, had set about -the building of a fire when it was discovered that not a member of the -party had matches. Laughlin's ingenuity, however, came to the rescue. -He had a gun and powder, and was wearing a vest with a heavy, quilted -cotton lining. Removing some of the cotton from his vest he loaded the -gun with a powder charge and rammed it down tight with cotton. He -then discharged the gun into a piece of rotten wood which, after some -attention, began blazing. Dalley soon arrived with the helpless Carse. -When the blanket wrappings were removed from Carse's feet the skin of -the soles came with them. Dalley finally succeeded in stopping the -bleeding and in reviving him. It was only a few nights before that -Carse had befriended Dalley by taking him under his own blanket. The -boy--for such he was, being less than twenty years of age--was poorly -clad and had suffered much from the trials of the expedition. His -youthful strength and courage, however, carried him safely through to -the end. Meanwhile, Kellogg had seated himself at the base of a tree -and before anyone had observed his need for attention he too had -become unconscious from exposure. Before he could be revived it was -necessary to cut his icy clothing away from his body as the only -practicable means of removing it. When this had been done he gradually -regained consciousness and seemed but little the worse for his -experience.[271] - -Laughlin and Maxwell, having attended those who were needing help and -noting that all were as comfortable as conditions would permit, -started out to cross the river with a view to locating the Irish -settlement. They found the river frozen thick enough to support them, -with the exception of a few spots over which they improvised a bridge -of poles. Making their way to the margin of the timber, they saw the -settlement in plain sight not over three miles away. Help was at once -secured which enabled them to get the disabled members of the party -across the river and to safety in the homes of the settlement. Here -they found Major Williams awaiting their coming. - -Without delay Major Williams sent men down the Des Moines to look for -Johnson and his companions. They remained out during the whole of the -day; and when they returned near dark reported that they had -discovered no trace of the men, but had found a cabin in which a good -fire was burning. The Major concluded that the men had been at the -cabin and had then gone southward, following the course of the river. -Three of the five men in the party--Smith, Addington, and Murray--came -to the settlement the following morning but could give little -information concerning Johnson and Burkholder. Smith had been the last -to see them; and his story left no doubt in the minds of most of his -hearers that the two men had perished somewhere to the west of the Des -Moines River. - -The two unfortunate men having become completely exhausted by wading -streams and sloughs had finally sat down declaring that they were -unable to go any farther. They were sheeted with ice from head to -feet. Their feet were badly frozen and, unable to walk, they insisted, -against Smith's advice, upon removing their boots. Realizing that they -could not replace the boots they cut their blankets in strips with -which to wrap their feet. At this time they were in sight of the -timber along the Des Moines River, which they were urged to exert -every effort to reach. But they were unable to rise from the ground. -"After vainly trying for a long time to get them to make another -effort to reach the timber, Smith at last realized that to save his -own life he must leave them. After going some distance he looked back -and saw them still on their knees in the snow, apparently unable to -rise. It is not likely they ever left the spot where Smith left them, -but, overcome with cold, they finally sank down and perished side by -side."[272] Nearly eleven years later two skeletons were found near -the place where Smith said he left his companions. By the guns and -powder flasks lying near them the skeletons were identified as being -those of Johnson and Burkholder.[273] - - - - -XXV - -RETURN OF THE RELIEF EXPEDITION - - -From Granger's Point the return of the main body of the command was -uneventful until the Irish settlement was reached and passed. It will -be recalled that when the burial detail was outfitted nearly all of -the scanty rations then remaining were turned over to them because of -the probable hardships which would be encountered in venturing into -the hostile lake region. Thus the main command was hard pressed in the -matter of providing itself with adequate supplies. By the end of the -first day the command had reached the cabin of an old trapper near the -shore of Mud Lake. The experiences of the first night out are -illustrative of the extremity to which members of the expedition were -driven upon their homeward journey. - -At the trapper's cabin were found the frozen carcasses of some beaver, -which it was thought could be utilized as food. But frozen beaver even -when roasted failed to satisfy the hunger of the men. Captain Richards -tells of one member of his company, George W. Brizee, who, as a result -of exposure was suffering from a severe case of toothache and very -sore feet. Finally, the pain in his feet grew easier. But "his tooth -reminded him that it needed his attention; and after lying down and -trying to sleep, frequently reiterating that he knew he should die, he -got up and went out and returned with a hind-quarter of beaver and -began to roast it over the coals; and in a half-reclining position he -spent the entire night roasting and trying to eat the tough, leathery -meat, first consigning his feet to a warmer climate, and then as his -toothache for a time attracted most of his attention, giving us a -lecture on dentistry; when his tooth was relieved for a short time he -would, with both hands holding on to the partially roasted quarter of -beaver, get hold with his teeth and try to tear off a piece! The -picture by the weird light of the fire was a striking one".[274] - -The party did not tarry long at the Irish settlement, which was -reached on the evening of the next day, since it was evident that the -settlers had barely sufficient food to keep themselves alive and would -surely suffer if the command remained for any length of time.[275] The -day of leaving Medium Lake was a cloudy one and rather warm--just such -a day as is sure to start the water running from rapidly melting snow. -Only a short distance had been traveled when rain began falling--first -as a drizzle, but by the time Cylinder Creek was reached it was a -downpour. The prairies were flooded, while Cylinder Creek was about -half a mile wide, completely covering its rather narrow bottom, which -was under from two to five feet of water, while the main channel had a -depth of fifteen to twenty feet and was from sixty to eighty feet -wide. Obviously the problem of crossing would be a serious one. -Arriving at the border of the valley about two o'clock in the -afternoon the command vainly sought a passage. Then suddenly the wind -veered sharply to the northwest and became a gale--the rain changing -into a blinding fall of snow. This was the fearful blizzard of April -fourth that overtook the Johnson party on its return from the Gardner -cabin. - -Captains Richards and Duncombe, not despairing of being able to effect -a crossing of the main channel, undertook to improvise a boat out of a -nearly new wagon box. With very little effort this wagon box was -caulked water tight with bedquilt cotton. Solon Mason and Guernsey -Smith were the men chosen to assist in getting the boat across the -channel. But the wind blew so hard that, although Richards and -Duncombe bailed water as rapidly as they could, the party scarcely -reached the opposite side of the channel before the make-believe boat -sank--the men barely saving themselves from drowning. Thus the attempt -to take all across in that manner failed.[276] Having no blankets and -unable to assist their comrades on the opposite side, there was -nothing to do but hasten on to Shippey's Point which was two or three -miles distant.[277] This point they reached about nine o'clock at -night. Here they were liberally fed, and by sitting around the fire -all night were able to dry their clothes by exposing first one side -and then the other to the fire. - -When morning came the storm had abated somewhat, and so it was decided -to return to the creek in an effort to locate the command. Mason had -not gone far when he succumbed to the cold and had to be taken back. -It seems that in crossing the Cylinder he had lost both overcoat and -cap. Upon their arrival at the east side of the bottom the men could -see nothing on the other side to indicate the presence of their -comrades. After spending some time in trying to accomplish a crossing, -they gave up the attempt and returned to Shippey's. There they -remained until about the middle of the afternoon when they again -returned to the creek. This time they were no more successful than -before. Resigned to the thought that the remainder of the command had -either perished or returned to Medium Lake, they wandered back to -Shippey's. Shortly after their return, Hoover and Howland came in and -reported that when they left the command all were safe on the west -side, though suffering considerably while waiting for the channel to -freeze. - -Early on Monday morning, while the blizzard was yet raging and the -cold was still intense, the little group at Shippey's once more -started for the creek in an effort to locate their companions. -Reaching the creek, the little group saw the men on the opposite side -making preparations to cross--the storm by this time having abated so -that a crossing might be attempted. The creek was now solidly frozen -so that the task of crossing was easy. The way to Shippey's was soon -made. Here they told the story of how they had saved themselves from -the terrors of the awful storm. - -From this story it appears that no thought of returning to the Irish -settlement had been entertained by those who had been left behind. -Major Williams and two or three others had, indeed, returned, hoping -that they would there find the burial detail and guide them to the -Cylinder Creek camp. Those at the latter place resolved to remain and -await the dying down of the storm before making any further attempt at -crossing; and they set to work to improvise a shelter. Again the -tarpaulin wagon covers were brought into use and supplemented with -blankets, which when fastened together were stretched around and over -the wagon frames and then staked down to the frozen ground. This -improvised shelter was completely closed excepting a small flap -opening on the south or lea side which served the purpose of a door. -Then with blankets and other covers a common bed was made; and into -this the party crowded, wet from head to feet. Here they remained from -Saturday night until Monday morning when a few ventured out to examine -the state of the weather.[278] Finding conditions satisfactory they -began the crossing after having tarried "_over forty hours, without -food or fire, on the open prairie, with the mercury at 32 deg. below -zero_."[279] - -It is little wonder that when they started to make the crossing the -men had scarcely "strength enough to reach the opposite shore.... -Every man's mouth was open wide, his tongue hanging out, and in some -instances blood running from nose or mouth."[280] Governor Carpenter, -in commenting upon this terrific test of endurance notes that "since -that experience upon Cylinder Creek, I have marched with armies -engaged in actual war. During three and a half years' service, the -army with which I was connected, marched from Cairo to Chattanooga, -from Chattanooga to Atlanta, from Atlanta to the Sea, and from the Sea -through the Carolinas to Richmond.... But I never in those weary years -experienced a conflict with the elements that could be compared with -the two nights and one day on Cylinder Creek."[281] - -After refreshing themselves at Shippey's the men held a consultation -and reached the decision that henceforth the command should break up -into small details--a plan that seemed necessary on account of the -increasing difficulty of securing food. Each group was to find its way -home in the best manner it might be able to devise. Every man was -ordered to rid himself of all surplus baggage, retaining only his -blanket. Thus the expedition really came to an end with the crossing -of Cylinder Creek. But the hardships of the men were not ended; before -a number of the squads reached home they endured trials almost as -severe as those encountered before crossing the Cylinder. - -The experience of the little group which Frank R. Mason undertook to -guide is perhaps typical of the hardships of the journey south from -Shippey's. Mason had frequently been north of Fort Dodge hunting in -the timber along Lott's Creek, and for that reason he was selected by -a Webster City group to pilot them home. With his party he struck out -boldly across the prairie in a line which he thought would lead to a -clearing in the timber where he knew they would receive a hearty -welcome. As darkness came on the men began to show exhaustion; but the -looked-for timber along Lott's Creek did not appear. One of the men, -Hathaway by name, became wholly exhausted and had to be carried. -Within a short time he became delirious; and then the united efforts -of three of the party were needed to keep him under control, with only -indifferent success. Finally passing into a stupor he was more easily -managed. - -When Mason and his companions reached the timber at about eleven -o'clock the expected cabin could not be found. The men grew impatient -and at times were inclined to criticize Mason as an incompetent guide. -Having reached a slight elevation or ridge, and despairing of locating -the cabin, they prepared to spend the night. Snow was cleared away -until the bare ground was reached and upon this they threw themselves. -They had had no food since the start; indeed they had not brought any -with them, for they had expected to reach the cabin before nightfall. -When they had lain sleepless for nearly an hour, voices were heard and -out of the darkness appeared human forms.[282] The newcomers were Mr. -and Mrs. Elwood Collins who were returning from an evening spent at a -neighbor's home. - -The finding of the men is thus described by Mrs. Collins. "Husband and -I, after having stayed later than usual at a neighbor's, started for -home.... All at once the outline of dark objects appeared before -us.... I at first thought we might be upon a company of Indians! We -were too near to retreat.... I then heard groans of distress, and I -thought sobs.... We had a lantern, and as the light shone upon the -place my pity was truly stirred. There, with the snow crushed beneath -them, were eight men; some sitting, some reclining, and others lying -flat upon their backs!"[283] - -Having been piloted to the clearing the men slept that night in the -cabin loft. In the morning they breakfasted hastily and resumed their -journey to Webster City. Hathaway and Gates had to be left at the -cabin as they were not able to proceed. This day's experience was but -a repetition of the previous one. As darkness fell the men were again -exhausted, but by crawling on hands and knees they managed to reach -the cabin of a Mr. Corsau where they were taken in for the night. On -the following day they were taken by Corsau to Webster City. Thus -ended, for this Webster City group, the fearful experience of -attempting to relieve the settlers of the lake region from Indian -attacks. - -For the Fort Dodge men the task of making their way home was easier, -as it did not necessitate the crossing of as many streams--which at -this time were in flood condition. At the same time their trip was not -lacking in incidents of trial. They arranged the march from cabin to -cabin so that they might have no difficulty in procuring food, for -they, too, made no attempt to carry supplies. More than once the men -experienced trials similar to those encountered by the Mason party, -and like them they too found the place searched for before hope was -gone. Within three or four days after leaving Cylinder Creek, all -parties had straggled in--weary, worn, and wasted. They were met with -a hearty welcome from friends who had thought them in all probability -lost on the northwestern prairies. All who had volunteered in the -expedition returned home in safety, except Johnson and Burkholder who -perished in the snow. - - - - -XXVI - -THE DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER - - -From March twenty-sixth to April tenth, while the relief expedition -from Fort Dodge and Webster City was making its way painfully to and -from the scene of the massacre at the lakes, Inkpaduta and his band -continued their flight. When Lieutenant Murry's men had been sighted -by the look-out, warning of their approach was communicated through -the Indian camp. The warriors crouched among the willows along the -creek ready to spring out upon their pursuers, while the squaws and -children made hurried preparations for a hasty retreat if need be. -Meanwhile, a warrior stood guard over the helpless white captives with -orders to shoot them the moment the soldiers should attack. But -Coursalle and La Framboise, who were guiding Murry's men, declared -that the signs were so old that pursuit would be hopeless; and so the -soldiers returned to the main command. No sooner had they started on -their return than Inkpaduta fled from his temporary camp and began the -long journey to the Big Sioux, the James, and the region beyond. - -The Indians were now thoroughly alarmed at the nearness of danger, and -for two days and nights they kept up a continuous flight. No stops -were made to prepare food: if they ate at all it was while they were -on the move. Such a sustained flight would have been arduous enough -for untrained marchers under the most favorable conditions, but for -the women captives it was terrible. Not only were they compelled to -wade through snow and slush but they were burdened with loads which -might well have been regarded as too heavy for men to bear. - -Mrs. Marble states that upon leaving Heron Lake she and her associates -"were forced to carry heavy packs, and perform the degrading and -menial services in the camp ... that the pack ... consisted of two -bags of shot, each weighing twenty-five pounds, and a lot of camp -furniture, increasing the weight of the pack to 100 pounds. On top of -this heavy load ... was placed the additional weight of an Indian -urchin of some three or four years of age."[284] The papoose which she -was supposed to carry seemed to consider that it was entitled to as -many liberties and as much attention when carried by her as it would -have enjoyed if in the care of its mother. Mrs. Marble objected to -making friends with the baby, and watching her opportunity would -scratch it in the face until the Indians, hearing its cries, finally -concluded it didn't like her and took it away. - -Abbie Gardner, though but a girl, was also burdened with a -pack--though its weight was somewhat less than that carried by Mrs. -Marble. It was made up of "eight bars of lead, one pint of leadballs, -one tepee cover made of the heaviest, thickest cloth, one blanket, one -bed-comforter, one iron bar, three feet long and half an inch thick -... one gun, and one piece of wood several inches wide and four feet -long, to keep the pack in shape."[285] - -This burdening of the captives was the more objectionable to them -since the Indian men were encumbered with nothing but a gun. As a -matter of course the squaws carried packs, but they were accustomed to -such burden-bearing and knew how to save themselves from its ill -effects. Moreover, the squaws were frequently equipped with a sort of -crude snowshoe which greatly aided them in walking. The white captives -sank deep into the snow at every step. They dared not stop to rest, -for whenever they slackened their pace the Indians would level guns at -them and resort to various other devices to keep them moving. - -The food which the Indians had secured at Okoboji and Springfield -supplied them for about four weeks. Following this they made little or -no effort to secure food by hunting. If game crossed their path they -would kill it--if they could do so without much effort. But there was -no organization of hunting parties. After the confiscated supplies -were exhausted, they contented themselves with muskrat and skunk; and -as a luxury, Mrs. Sharp relates, they indulged in dog. As spring -opened they were able to secure a few ducks and geese, which seemed -very plentiful, but of which the Indians obtained only a few. Such -delicacies, however, were never shared with the captives: they were -not even allowed to assist in their preparation. - -The treatment of the horses secured at Okoboji and Springfield was -still worse. There was neither hay nor grass--little or nothing upon -which the horses might feed. Even so they were given but slight -opportunity to feed. Before the Big Sioux had been reached nearly all -of the horses taken in the raids at the lakes had died of -starvation.[286] - -Continued pursuit and ultimate capture by the soldiers seem to have -soon lost their terrors for the Indians. Although they kept constantly -on the move, progress was not very rapid--largely owing to the huge -drifts of snow over and through which they were compelled to travel. -Their first stopping-place, after nearly two weeks of uninterrupted -marching, was at the great red pipestone quarry in southwestern -Minnesota. This was but little more than one hundred miles northwest -of Heron Lake. Here they remained for a day quarrying pipestone and -fashioning pipes. A further cause for delay was the fact that the snow -was rapidly melting and travel, even for the Indians, was very -difficult. - -The Indians were now in a sacred region to which all the Sioux were -wont to make frequent journeys--a region closely associated with the -superstitions of their race. Here the footprints made by the Great -Spirit when he alighted upon the earth could be seen. It was while he -stood here that a stream of water burst forth from beneath his feet -and flowed away to nourish the plain. Here it was that the Great -Spirit fashioned a pipe and smoked: huge volumes of smoke issued forth -serving as a signal for all the tribes to assemble from far and near. -When so assembled, the Great Spirit, blowing the smoke over all, bade -them meet here always in peace even though they might be at war -elsewhere. Moreover, if they wished to receive his favor, the calumet -must be fashioned from the rock upon which he stood. Having thus -enjoined his people, the Great Spirit disappeared in a cloud. It is -said that ever afterward when the Indians met at the pipestone quarry, -they met in peace though elsewhere they might be at war.[287] - -After leaving the pipestone region so much time was consumed by the -Indians in camping that it might be said they camped more than they -marched. This is explained by the fact that they felt themselves now -wholly free from the danger of pursuit. Spring was rapidly approaching -and the smaller game was becoming more plentiful; and so they did not -feel the need of hastening to the buffalo ranges in Dakota. - -The burdens of the captives grew increasingly more difficult. Although -snow no longer impeded their march, the rains were frequent and the -rivers and creeks were flowing wide over the valleys. When it rained -they were without shelter. The streams were crossed by the Indians on -the backs of the few ponies that yet survived. But the captives had -to wade at the risk of losing their lives: they could not swim. - -Notwithstanding the hardships through which they were compelled to -pass, all but Mrs. Thatcher were faring much better than might have -been expected. Mrs. Marble, Mrs. Noble, and Abbie Gardner were willing -to appear resigned to their lot and did all that was requested of -them: they even appeared ready and willing to perform the many menial -duties which fell to their lot. With Mrs. Thatcher, however, it was -different. She had from the first rebelled at the service imposed by -her Indian captors; nor did she hesitate to show them very plainly her -frame of mind. This attitude on her part proved to be most -unfortunate. - -From the beginning of her captivity Mrs. Thatcher had been ill with -phlebitis, which before the end of two weeks had developed into -virulent blood poisoning.[288] Indeed, so serious was her condition -that for a large portion of the march she had been relieved of much of -her pack. At the pipestone quarry and on the march after leaving that -region the medicine man of the band had undertaken to treat her--and -the treatment seemed to help her. To such an extent had she been -relieved that the Indians considered her again able to bear a pack. -Thus it happened that when they arrived at the crossing of the Big -Sioux near the present village of Flandrau, Mrs. Thatcher was laden as -heavily as were the other three captives. - -This crossing had been for generations the fording place of the red -peoples in their pilgrimages to the pipestone quarry. Normally the -river at this point is wide but shallow. But "the vast amount of snow -which covered the ground that memorable winter had nearly gone, by -reason of the rapid thawing during the last few weeks, causing the -river to rise beyond all ordinary bounds, and assume majestic -proportions."[289] Throughout the greater portion of the upper course -of the Big Sioux it flows between perpendicular and continuous cliffs -of red jasper rocks peculiar to the region, but at or near this -traditional crossing place the stone cliffs were neither high nor -continuous. Moreover, at this particular time so many tree trunks had -become lodged by the spring freshets that at one point a bridge -crossing was formed. Upon this the Indians proposed to cross, instead -of attempting the more dangerous method of fording. At the prospect of -crossing the swollen stream, the captives were terrified, believing -that they would again be compelled to wade. They despaired of being -able to get across. The situation seemed quite hopeless. - -As soon as the determination to cross had been reached, an Indian -warrior--the one who had seized the box of caps from Gardner--removed -the pack from Mrs. Thatcher's back and transferred it to his own.[290] -This in itself was ominous, and Mrs. Thatcher was not slow to perceive -that some unusual disposition was to be made of her. As she was -ordered forward to the driftwood bridge she spoke to her companions, -bidding them goodbye and saying as she did so: "If any of you escape, -tell my dear husband that I wanted to live for his sake."[291] When -she had made the middle of the stream, the Indian carrying her pack -suddenly tripped her into the river. Retaining her presence of mind -she was able by desperate efforts to keep herself afloat. A number of -times she succeeded in making her way to the banks of the stream -where, grasping the roots of trees, she strove to pull herself out of -the water. But each time she was met by an Indian who clubbed her -loose and with a long pole pushed her into the main current. Finally, -as she came to shore and grasped the roots of a tree for what proved -to be the last time, an Indian who had always been peculiarly brutal -in his treatment of the captive raised his gun and shot her through -the head, killing her instantly.[292] - -Mrs. Marble relates that the death of Mrs. Thatcher "was hailed by the -Indian women with loud shouts of joy and exultation.--The feelings of -the surviving prisoners at this horrid murder, cannot be imagined. -They beheld in Mrs. Thatcher's death, the fate reserved for them, when -overpowered by fatigue, they would be unable to proceed."[293] - -The death of Mrs. Thatcher was a sad blow to the remaining captives: -it was particularly distressing to Mrs. Noble. These two women had -been lifelong friends and had married cousins. The families had come -to the frontier together, had lived in the same cabin, and had -planned to build homes as nearly together as possible. Mrs. Noble was -so depressed and so bereft of any hope that in the evening she -proposed to the other captives that they steal away to the Big Sioux -and drown themselves. Mrs Marble, however, succeeded in convincing her -that such an act would be useless. But from this time Mrs. Noble -seemed to be wholly indifferent as to her treatment or possible fate -at the hands of her captors. The captives were now made to realize as -never before the heartlessness of their captors: they lived in the -expectation that any day might see for them the end of life. - -Before them lay many days of the most wearisome travel. It is true -that walking had become easier, for spring had really come and the -trails were much improved. With spring had come also the blossoming of -the prairies; but in this there was neither charm nor beauty for the -captives as they wearily plodded on knowing not whither they were -bound. After crossing the Big Sioux the journey was continued in a -nearly direct line westward. Other bands of Sioux or Yanktons were now -frequently seen; and notwithstanding the reputation of Inkpaduta, he -and his band were usually very cordially met by other Indians. Indeed, -they were more than cordially greeted from time to time at these -chance meetings. The fact that they seemed to be known by all bands -they chanced to meet suggests that they were not strangers to the -region. The story of how they obtained their captives, which was -always told, seemed to be received with every sign of approbation. - -By May fifth Inkpaduta and his band had reached Lake M'da Chan-Pta-Ya -Tonka (Lake with a Grove of Big Trees). This body of water lies to the -east of the present town of Madison, South Dakota, at the headwaters -of Skunk Creek, and for that reason it has sometimes been called Skunk -Lake.[294] Situated about thirty miles west of Flandrau, South Dakota, -it is now known as Lake Madison. At the time it was visited by -Inkpaduta it was on the margin of the buffalo range. Hunting was now -quite the order of the day, and food became plentiful. The dressing -and preparing of skins occupied the time of the squaws. - - - - -XXVII - -THE RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE - - -In view of the events which followed the camping of the Indians at -Skunk Lake, it may be well to take note of the attempts made by the -Indian agent and by the Territory of Minnesota to rescue the captives -and punish the Indians. When the news of the massacre reached St. Paul -and other Minnesota towns it created no little excitement. The Sioux -were blamed as a nation, and this gave rise to a demand for their -punishment without just regard for the identification of the actual -perpetrators of the deed. - -Charles E. Flandrau, the agent of the Mississippi Sioux who was then -located at the agency on the Yellow Medicine, solved the problem of -the identity of the murderers to his own satisfaction, and late in -April began the publication of articles in a number of the most widely -circulated newspapers in Minnesota in which he explained to the people -of the Territory the real identity of the Indians concerned. While -doing this he was also conferring with Colonel E. B. Alexander, -commander of the Tenth United States Infantry then stationed at Fort -Ridgely, Minnesota, concerning the best course to be pursued in the -attempt to rescue the captives and apprehend the Indians. It was very -clear to both that only such a course could be adopted and followed -as would be reasonably sure to guarantee the safety of the white women -who presumably were still held in captivity by Inkpaduta's band. It -was felt by both Agent Flandrau and Colonel Alexander that the release -of the captives must be secured by resort to some means other than -force; but neither of these men was able to devise the proper means. -While they were seeking a solution of the difficulty, news was brought -of the ransoming of Mrs. Marble. - -It seems that two Indian brothers from the Yellow Medicine Agency, who -had been Christianized by the Rev. Stephen R. Riggs, had gone into the -district beyond the Big Sioux to take part in the spring hunt along -with other members of their tribe. While in the vicinity of Skunk -Lake, the brothers, Ma-kpe-ya-ka-ho-ton (Sounding Heavens) and -Se-ha-ho-ta (Gray foot) by name, sons of Spirit Walker, Chief of the -Lac qui Parle Wahpetons, heard that Inkpaduta had lately passed -through the region.[295] They were also told that his band held as -captives three white women who had been taken in a raid which they had -but lately made upon the settlements at the lakes. The first feeling -of the brothers was one of pity for the captives, since they well knew -the ferocious character of the Inkpaduta band. Discussing the matter -between themselves, they decided to visit the camp of Inkpaduta for -the purpose of securing the release of the captives. The plan met with -disapproval when it was submitted to their companions who feared the -consequences. But the brothers were so strongly convinced that they -could secure the release of at least one of the prisoners, and -possibly of all, that they refused the advice of their fellows and set -out on the trail of Inkpaduta. - -Anticipating that the release of the captives might only be secured -through ransom, the brothers had collected from their companions as -much in the way of personal belongings as could be spared. Adding this -to their own supply they thought they had sufficient property to -accomplish their purpose. Being Indians themselves, and therefore well -acquainted with the Indian attitude of mind, they did not take their -possessions with them when they went to Inkpaduta's camp to negotiate. -Instead they concealed the property in the brush on the lake shore not -far distant. At first they were not received with any show of -cordiality, for they were known to be Christian Indians: Inkpaduta -suspected them as spies, and they were constantly watched, since they -were supposed to be in direct communication with United States -soldiers. Frequently, as they would move about the camp, an alarm -would be raised that soldiers were coming.[296] - -The first night spent by the brothers in the camp was wholly taken up -with the recital of the well-worn tale of the massacre. At daybreak -the brothers broached the reason for their coming. All forenoon the -proposition was argued. Grayfoot, acting in the capacity of spokesman -of the brothers, did not hesitate to tell Inkpaduta the enormity of -the crime he had committed.[297] But Inkpaduta remained unimpressed; -and not until mid-afternoon did he give any sign of wavering. Finally -he proposed that the brothers take only one of the captives. This, he -added, would show his good faith in the matter. It was also quite -evident that this proposition was made for the purpose of getting rid -of his unwelcome and tenacious visitors as soon as possible. The price -demanded for the release of even one of the captives was so high that -there was nothing to do but accept the offer--especially since it was -clear that a longer parley was useless. The price for the one was to -be "one gun, a lot of blankets, a keg of powder, and a small supply of -Indian trinkets."[298] - -It appears that Inkpaduta did not value any one of the captives more -highly than the other, and so he was willing that the brothers should -exercise the privilege of choice. In a tepee only a short distance -away the white women were engaged in some of the menial tasks of the -afternoon. Grayfoot walked over to the tent and looked in. At first he -decided upon Mrs. Noble, being touched by her appearance of -unhappiness. But when he beckoned her to follow him from the tent, she -became angry and refused to comply. This apparently did not discourage -Grayfoot, for he turned to Mrs. Marble and repeated the signal. Mrs. -Marble, having resolved upon ready compliance with the demands of the -Indians, at once followed him from the tepee. It should be said that -there was little thought of selecting Miss Gardner for she was -regarded as relatively safe from harsh treatment by her captors on -account of her youth.[299] With Mrs. Marble, Grayfoot and Sounding -Heavens, accompanied by two of Inkpaduta's Indians, returned to the -camp upon the Big Sioux. - -Upon reaching this camp Mrs. Marble was informed by a Frenchman, who -happened to be in the camp, of the real purpose of the Indian -brothers. The brothers now hastened to the tepee of Spirit Walker at -Lac qui Parle where they arrived on May twentieth, the journey having -occupied ten days. Here Mrs. Marble was given clothing and as good -care as the means of Spirit Walker and his squaw would permit. Word -was taken in a few days to the missionaries, Riggs and Williamson, at -the upper agency that one of the Spirit Lake captives was at the tepee -of Spirit Walker. They at once hastened to the chief's lodge where -they found Mrs. Marble happily situated and somewhat reluctant to -leave her new-found and kind friends. Upon leaving the lodge she was -placed in the care of Agent Flandrau who started with her at once for -St. Paul where they arrived on May thirtieth. - -In writing of Mrs. Marble's arrival in St. Paul the _St. Paul Pioneer_ -describes her as being "about twenty-five years of age; of medium -size, and very pleasant looking. She is a native of Darke county, -Ohio, and moved to Michigan about ten years ago. She has been twice -married. Her first husband's name was Phips. After his death, she -married Mr. Marble, with whom she removed to Linn county, Iowa, and -ultimately to Spirit Lake in Dick[in]son county. Mrs. M. is in a very -destitute condition,--her husband has been murdered and as to whether -her parents are alive or not, she is ignorant. We trust those who are -blessed with a supply of this world's goods will contribute liberally -in aid of this unfortunate woman. The privations she has undergone, -and her present destitute condition commend her to the consideration -of the benevolent."[300] - -The Indian brothers in notifying Agent Flandrau of their ransom of -Mrs. Marble took occasion to remind him that they deemed the act -worthy of a somewhat liberal reward, for, quoting the language of -their letter, "it was perilous business, which we think should be -liberally rewarded. We claim for our services $500 each. We do not -want it in horses, they would be killed by jealous young men. We do -not wish it in ammunition and goods, these we should be obliged to -divide with others. The laborer is worthy of his own reward. We want -it in money, which we can make more serviceable to ourselves than it -could be in any other form. This is what we have to say."[301] - -To the agent this claim presented a problem difficult to handle, since -he could see no way in which to secure the amount demanded. At the -same time he did not for a moment consider the demand unjust--indeed -he was surprised at its reasonableness. Having no public money at his -disposal, if he met the demand it would necessarily be from private -funds of his own or from the generosity of others. His own private -funds amounted to but little more than five hundred dollars; and so -an equal amount had to be secured from other sources.[302] But where -should he go to solicit funds? When his own ingenuity failed to solve -the problem he called missionary Riggs into conference. They decided -upon a bold stroke of finance, which was nothing less than the -issuance of a Territorial bond for the amount required. This proved a -happy solution of the difficulty, and although they acted without -legal authority they issued the paper in good faith.[303] - - - - -XXVIII - -THE DEATH OF MRS. NOBLE AND THE RANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNER - - -From Mrs. Marble was obtained the information as to the whereabouts of -the other captives. Without delay Agent Flandrau and the Rev. Stephen -H. Riggs began to lay plans for their rescue. A dominant motive in -Agent Flandrau's desire to reward the brothers was to stimulate -interest in the rescue of those who remained in the hands of the -Indians. In this he was successful; for at once a number of whites and -Indians proffered their services. It was not, however, deemed -desirable that the rescue should be undertaken by any but red men. -Accordingly all whites who applied were at once rejected. - -The elimination finally left three volunteers--Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni -(sometimes called Little Paul) one of the staunchest native followers -of Rev. Riggs,[304] An-pe-tu-tok-cha (John Other Day),[305] and -Che-tan-maza. Equipped with the following outfit these Indians were -told to use it to the best advantage in securing the release of the -two remaining captives: - - Wagon and double harness $110.00 - Four horses 600.00 - Twelve three-point blankets, four blue and - eight white 56.00 - Twenty-two yards of blue squaw cloth 44.00 - Thirty-seven and a half yards of calico 5.37 - Twenty pounds of tobacco 10.00 - One sack of shot 4.00 - One dozen shirts 13.00 - Ribbon 4.75 - Fifty pounds of powder 25.00 - Corn 4.00 - Flour 10.00 - Coffee 1.50 - Sugar 1.50 - -This bill of goods totalling $889.12, was purchased by Agent Flandrau -of the traders at the Yellow Medicine Agency on credit, as he could -not from his own private funds make cash payment to that amount. Thus -equipped the Indians left the Yellow Medicine Agency on May -twenty-third bound southwestward in an effort to locate Inkpaduta and -negotiate with him for the release of his captives.[306] - -As soon as Mrs. Marble and her purchasers left the camp on Lake -Madison it was evident to Inkpaduta that it would not be long until -soldiers would again be on his trail. He felt sure that the captive's -return to civilization would result in redoubled energies to apprehend -him. Hence, as soon as his two envoys to the hunting camp on the Big -Sioux returned, he was once more on the move. He went first to Lake -Herman, which was only a short distance from Lake Madison. From Lake -Herman his course led northwestward and then up the valley of the -James or Dakota River. - -About two weeks after the breaking of camp at Lake Madison they fell -in with a band of Yanktons. In this band was a one-legged fellow, -Wanduskaihanke (End of the Snake) by name, who, having an eye for -business and having heard of the ransom of Mrs. Marble, decided to buy -the remaining captives, take them to the Missouri River forts, and -there offer them for sale. A bargain was soon struck with Inkpaduta, -who now seemed anxious to rid himself of his charges, and the transfer -of property at once took place. But for some reason not clear the -Yankton instead of continuing with his band remained with Inkpaduta's -party, which now moved directly north, headed for the Earth Lodges of -the Yanktons. Apparently the Indians under Inkpaduta paid no further -heed to the captives. - -Thus matters had stood for some days when one evening, as Mrs. Noble -and Miss Gardner were preparing for the night's rest, Roaring Cloud, a -son of Inkpaduta, entered. The captives suspected that trouble was at -hand and anxiously waited to see what form it might take. Roaring -Cloud had no sooner entered than he ordered Mrs. Noble out of the -tent. She refused to comply. Enraged, he grasped her by one arm and -with his other hand seized a stick of wood which happened to be close -by. Dragging her out of the tepee, he struck her three or four heavy -blows on the head, thus ending her life. On the following morning, as -the squaws were breaking camp, the warriors gathered about the dead -body and amused themselves by shooting arrows into it. - -That the Indians with their remaining captive now journeyed well into -the range of the buffalo is evidenced by the testimony of Mrs. Sharp -who said that they "crossed one prairie so vast and so perfectly -devoid of timber, that for days not even a hazel-brush, or a sprout -large enough for a riding-whip could be found." As they "attained the -more elevated points the scene was really sublime. Look in any -direction, and the grassy plain was bounded only by the horizon.... -The only things to be seen, except grass, were wild fowls, birds, -buffalo, and antelope. The supply of buffalo seemed almost as -limitless as the grass. This was their own realm, and they showed no -inclination to surrender it, not even to the Sioux."[307] - -Within two days after the killing of Mrs. Noble the Indians crossed -the James somewhere near the mouth of Snake Creek and encamped a short -distance to the south of the site of the present town of Ashton. Not -far removed was a permanent camp of about one hundred and ninety -lodges of Yankton Sioux. - -The arrival of the white captive created a stir in the Yankton camp. -Their great curiosity was probably due to the fact that she was the -first white person that many of them had ever seen. Her hair and skin -were examined with intense admiration. "No sooner was one company out -of the _teepe_ (sic) than others came; and so they kept it up from -morning until night, day after day".[308] The excitement over the -white captive had scarcely died away when it was renewed by the -arrival of the three Indian emissaries from the Yellow Medicine, who -came garbed in civilized attire, "coats and white shirts, with -starched bosoms."[309] They had taken up Inkpaduta's trail at Lake -Madison and had closely followed it all the way without overtaking the -band. - -Considerable time was spent in parleying for the captive, but the -Yankton owner remained firm in his refusal of the terms offered. At -the close of the second day he stated that he would have to submit the -question of sale to a tribal vote, since he lacked the power to -negotiate it himself. This brought to light the fact that there were -two parties in the tribe--one favoring immediate sale, the other -maintaining that it would be better to take the captive to the -Missouri River country. - -While these negotiations were in progress groups of Yanktons visited -Abbie Gardner. With great gusto they dwelt upon the situation that -existed in the council from time to time. Each group had its own -version as to her future disposition. "One would say that I would be -taken to the river and drowned.... Another would tell me that I would -be bound to a stake and burned, showing the manner in which I would -writhe and struggle in the flames. Another declared that I was to be -cut to pieces by inches; taking his knife and beginning at my toes, or -fingers, he would show how piece after piece was to be cut off".[310] -Finally the captive was relieved by a Yankton squaw who told her that -there was no truth in these explanations, since the council had -decided that she was to be freed by sale to the stranger Indians who -would take her back to the whites. Thus on the fifth day of the -council the party for immediate sale won, and the tribal vote -expressed a willingness to close the bargain as soon as possible. - -The price paid for the ransom of Abbie Gardner was probably "two -horses, twelve blankets, two kegs of powder, twenty pounds of tobacco, -thirty-two yards of blue squaw cloth, thirty-seven and a half yards of -calico and ribbon, and other small articles".[311] Although there is -no little disagreement as to how much was actually paid for her -ransom, it is certain that none of the many articles with which the -Indians were provided to secure the release of Mrs. Noble and Miss -Gardner were ever turned back or accounted for by the three Indians. -From this it may fairly be presumed that all were used in bringing -about the ransom. - -After the purchase price had been paid and the captive turned over to -her new care-takers, they were all urged by the Yanktons to remain and -attend a feast to be given in their honor. Abbie Gardner, however, was -anxious to make her return to civilization as speedily as possible. -She had also observed in the preparations which were being made that -roast dog was to be served at the feast, and so declined to attend, -urging upon her guides an immediate departure. In spite of her failure -to appreciate the honor of a dog feast, the Yankton chief, -Ma-to-wa-ken, ordered that the wagon be piled high with buffalo skins -and meat. So well filled was the wagon that only Miss Gardner could be -accommodated in addition to the load.[312] As a further assurance of -good will the chief sent two of his best men along as a guard. They -were to accompany the group to the Wahpeton Agency before turning -back. Evidently this was a safeguard against attack from Inkpaduta's -men, for it appears that a number of his party followed for four days -before turning back to the camp on Snake Creek.[313] - -The return trip of Abbie Gardner was strikingly different from her -forced flight, since now she was the only member of the party who rode -while all the others walked. The first adventure of the journey which -proved to her the good intentions of the Indians was at the crossing -of the James River. When the party arrived at the stream, the girl was -placed in a frail little boat not more than five or six feet in -length--just large enough for herself. In her fright she recalled the -Yankton's tales of her early killing by her purchasers. But she was -soon happily assured of their good intentions. Having placed her in -the frail boat, they attached a strong rawhide thong cable to one end. -When these preparations for crossing were completed, the Indians -divested themselves of most of their clothing, plunged into the -stream, and led or guided the canoe and its occupant safely across to -the opposite bank. From this time on the girl's confidence in her -guides grew with every evidence of their good will toward her. - -The return journey was without any unusual incident. After a week of -uninterrupted traveling, they came to a region thickly populated with -Indians, and to the great joy of Abbie Gardner there were a large -number of log houses in addition to the primitive and loathsome -tepees. She thought these were inhabited by white people when she -first sighted them, but later she discovered that such was not the -case: they were all inhabited by Indians. After two more days of -travel, she reached the home of a half-breed family who could talk -English. It was here that she learned that her guides had been sent -out by the authorities to bring her in. While they tarried here for a -day and a half Abbie made a suit for herself out of cloth furnished by -the half-breed girls at whose home she lodged.[314] The next stop was -at the Yellow Medicine mission on the confines of civilization. Here -the girl was given into the temporary care of the missionaries, Dr. -and Mrs. Thomas S. Williamson. The date of her arrival at this point -was on or about the tenth day of June. Her joy was altogether -unbounded when she found herself once more lodged in the home of a -person of her own race; for she now fully realized that her -deliverance was actual and not a fanciful dream. - - * * * * * - -While this expedition was being successfully carried out, Agent -Flandrau had gone to St. Paul with Mrs. Marble, whom he tells us he -took thither in his own wagon. As soon as they arrived Mrs. Marble was -turned over to a Mrs. Long, the wife of Steve Long, proprietor of the -Fuller House then located at the northeast corner of Jackson and -Seventh Streets. Mrs. Long was instructed to outfit her in the most -becoming and "effective widow's weeds obtainable in the market".[315] -When this had been satisfactorily accomplished, Mrs. Marble was -presented to the people at a public meeting or reception in the hotel. -Before the reception came to a close over one thousand dollars had -been contributed toward her future support. This was turned over to -Governor Medary to be used in whatever manner the Governor thought -best. Mrs. Marble was detained in St. Paul for only a brief time, due -to her great desire to return to her friends and relatives in the -East. At the time of her leaving, Governor Medary gave her two hundred -and fifty dollars of the money contributed and placed the remainder in -a St. Paul bank. Later the bank failed and nothing could be realized -on the deposit.[316] - - * * * * * - -At the time of Abbie Gardner's arrival at the Yellow Medicine station, -the annuity Indians were in revolt because of the non-payment of -annuities then due. These annuities were being held up until the -Indians would agree to cooeperate in apprehending Inkpaduta and his -band. A massacre seemed imminent at any moment; but within two days -after her arrival the Indians tentatively agreed to cooeperate and all -became peaceful. The return of quiet among the Indians enabled a -certain Mr. Robinson to join in the trip to St. Paul. The journey was -by means of a team and a cumbersome lumber wagon which, owing to the -almost unbroken roads, did not permit of either rapid or comfortable -travel. Sunday, or the day following their start, was spent at -Redwood, Lower Agency, just above Fort Ridgely. Word was carried in -advance to Captain Bee, who at this time was in command at the post. -Upon the receipt of the news the Captain at once sent his horse and -buggy with the urgent request that the girl return with his orderly to -spend Sunday at the post with his family. But her Indian rescuers were -suspicious of an attempt to deprive them of their reward and would not -consent to her going unless they accompanied her. Of course such an -arrangement could not be made, and so the acceptance of Captain Bee's -kind invitation was impossible. - -Since Abbie Gardner could not spend Sunday at the fort, the officers, -Captain Bee and Lieutenant Murry, resolved to express their admiration -for the girl's fortitude and courage in another way. Previous to her -arrival at the post on the following day, these officers solicited -from the soldiers a purse containing several dollars in gold, which -with a gold ring were presented to her upon her arrival. The -presentation was made by Mrs. Bee on behalf of the contributors to the -fund. Lieutenant Murry presented her, as a personal testimonial of his -regard for her wonderful bravery, an elegant shawl and a dress -pattern of the finest cloth that could be obtained at the post -trader's store.[317] - -From Fort Ridgely the rescue party followed the cross country trail to -Traverse des Sioux, then the head of navigation on the Minnesota -River. Here they embarked on a steamer; and on June 22nd they reached -Shakopee where a large crowd awaited their coming. Again Abbie Gardner -was presented with a purse of money amounting to some thirty dollars. -The news of her coming had preceded her down the river to St. Paul, -and when she arrived there on the evening of the same day she was -again met by a large number of people. Accompanied by her rescuers and -the Yankton messenger, she was hurried to a carriage and taken to the -Fuller House. The landlady, the same who had cared for Mrs. Marble, -immediately took her in charge with the same purpose in view as on the -previous occasion--that of making her presentable for a public -reception. - -Previous to her arrival it had been arranged that Abbie Gardner should -be formally and publicly turned over to the Governor by her rescuers. -Thus, at ten o'clock on the morning of Tuesday, June twenty-third, in -the public receiving room of the Fuller House the ceremony took place -in the presence of a large number of ladies and gentlemen who were -specially invited to be present. There was much speechmaking, in which -Governor Medary, Agent Flandrau, Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, and -An-pe-tu-tok-cha took the prominent parts. Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni reminded -Governor Medary of the great regard in which his people held the -whites and how on account of their desire to manifest this respect he -and his companions had been willing to undertake the perilous -mission--which they really believed at the outset might prove to be a -fatal undertaking. An-pe-tu-tok-cha followed his companion with a -relation of the salient features of the journey to and from the -Yankton camp and with a description of the difficulties met and -overcome in the council while the negotiation for the captive's ransom -was pending. - -Governor Medary in reply cautioned the Indians against fraternizing or -holding any form of communication with the lawless elements of the -plains Indians; and he assured them that the great service they had -rendered would be rewarded in a proper manner, and that an account of -their mission would be sent to the Great Father at Washington as soon -as possible.[318] - -At the close of the ceremony Agent Flandrau presented Abbie Gardner -with a magnificent Indian war bonnet--the gift of the Yankton chief, -Ma-to-wa-ken, from whom she had been purchased. The bonnet had been -entrusted to the keeping of Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni with instructions to -have it presented to the girl when she should be safely delivered to -their White Father, the Governor. Following these formalities an -elaborate state dinner was served in honor of the released captive and -her rescuers. - -On the following day, which was June twenty-fourth, Abbie Gardner, -under the escort of Governor Medary and accompanied by a certain L. P. -Lee, embarked on the steamer "Galena" for Iowa, for the purpose of -finding her sister Eliza, who had been so fortunate as to escape the -massacres at Okoboji and Springfield. Governor Medary accompanied her -as far as Dubuque. In case the sister could not be located, he -proposed to take Abbie to Columbus, Ohio, and adopt her into his own -family.[319] From Dubuque Mr. Lee conducted Miss Gardner to Fort Dodge -where she was left in the care of Major William Williams, who promised -to have her taken as soon as possible to the home of her sister. It -seems that Eliza Gardner had married William R. Wilson of Company B of -the Fort Dodge relief expedition and was then living at Hampton, Iowa. - -At Hampton anxiously awaiting the captive's return was not only her -sister, but also Mr. Thatcher who was hoping that he might yet hear -something favorable concerning Mrs. Thatcher. To Abbie Gardner fell -the sad duty of conveying to him the last words spoken by Mrs. -Thatcher as she started to cross what turned out to be a river of -death.[320] - - - - -XXIX - -PURSUIT AND PUNISHMENT OF INKPADUTA - - -Immediately after the departure of Abbie Gardner, Agent Flandrau and -her rescuers returned to the Yellow Medicine Agency. Here Agent -Flandrau proceeded to make a settlement with the Indians who had so -well demonstrated their good faith. Without difficulty the matter was -adjusted upon the basis of a four hundred dollar cash payment to each -or a total of twelve hundred dollars.[321] The legislature of -Minnesota Territory had acted in the matter while these Indians were -on their mission; and the payment was now made on behalf of Governor -Medary. - -By the first of May sentiment had begun to crystallize in favor of -some form of action by the Territorial legislature looking toward the -rescue of the captives. Before such action could be taken, Mrs. Marble -was brought in. This only increased the interest in the welfare of -those yet remaining in the hands of the Indians somewhere on the -Dakota plains. An insistent popular demand arose for immediate action; -and this demand was met by an appropriation of ten thousand -dollars.[322] But the news of this action had not reached Agent -Flandrau at the time he sent his Indians to the rescue. The Territory -willingly honored all obligations contracted by him for the purpose -of the ransom, even paying the principal and interest upon the -ingeniously contrived but extra-legal bond. In securing the release of -Abbie Gardner and Mrs. Marble somewhat more than three thousand -dollars were expended out of the ten thousand appropriated.[323] - -As soon as Agent Flandrau had outfitted his Indians and had seen them -off on their journey for the rescue of Mrs. Noble and Abbie Gardner, -he went to Fort Ridgely to confer with Colonel Alexander as to the -best plan of operating against Inkpaduta. In any event the plan was to -be put in operation only on receipt of word that the captives were -safe from further harm. Colonel Alexander was very enthusiastic over -the suggested punishment of Inkpaduta's band, and he signified his -willingness to detail no less than five companies to proceed to the -Skunk Lake region and close in upon the Indian outlaws from as many -directions. This plan it was believed would, destroy all possibility -of escape. But before arrangements had been fully matured, Colonel -Alexander was ordered by the War Department to get his forces under -way immediately and unite with those under General Albert Sidney -Johnston who was marching west to quell the Mormon disturbances in -Utah. Unfortunately the successor to Colonel Alexander had but little -interest in the matter, and Agent Flandrau's scheme had to be given -up, at least for a time. - -Following quickly upon the order received by Colonel Alexander was one -sent by the Secretary of the Interior to Agent Flandrau "to -investigate and report the facts in the case, and the measures"[324] -which in his judgment would be most effective in ferreting out and -punishing the marauders. This order somewhat irritated the agent as he -had already reported fully upon the facts and had suggested the best -measures to be taken in dealing with the outlaws. In commenting upon -this incident the agent wrote some years later that he "had become so -thoroughly convinced of the imbecility of a military administration, -which clothed and equipped its troops exactly in the same manner for -duty in the tropical climate of Florida, and the frigid region of -Minnesota, that I took advantage of the invitation, to lay before the -authorities some of my notions as to what was the proper thing to -do".[325] - -Agent Flandrau does not appear to have considered the request for a -report as being urgent, since he sent no reply until August -twenty-seventh, nearly two months later. In the report he took -occasion to suggest a remedy for the causes of the failure of Captain -Bee's detail to capture Inkpaduta's band before it made the attack on -Springfield. As has already been stated the slow progress of the -detail was not alone due to the depth of the snow, but also to the -unwieldly character of the men's equipment. Concerning this situation -the agent observed that "the ordinary means of transportation in the -army is, as you well know, by heavy wagons drawn by mules. In the -winter these wagons are placed upon sleds, and where there are roads -for them to go upon, they can do well enough. But, as I have before -said, it will be very seldom if ever, that troops will be called upon -to act in a country where there are roads of any kind made in the -snow, consequently these sleds and mules are useless." In lieu of this -sort of equipment, he recommended that troops, to be effective in -winter, should be equipped with snowshoes. In concluding he asked that -men be placed on the frontier "who will at all times and under all -circumstances, be _superior_ to the enemy they have to contend with, -and I would have no fear of a recurrence of the difficulties of last -spring".[326] - -The annuities due the Sioux Indians in accordance with the treaties of -Traverse des Sioux and Mendota were customarily paid them at the upper -and lower agencies during the closing week in June of each year. Upon -such occasions the Indians flocked to these points by the thousands -from Minnesota and Dakota. They came prepared to celebrate; and this -they commonly did for several days both before and after the payment -was made. It was not alone the annuity Indians who assembled, but the -undesirable whites of the frontier also came to pick up whatever money -might be obtainable. At this particular time--late in June, 1857--in -addition to about six thousand annuity Indians, many such desperate -characters had gathered at the agencies and may be considered -responsible for much that happened. - -When all had gathered in at the two agencies, the Superintendent of -Indian Affairs, W. J. Cullen, called a conference at the Upper Agency. -This council, attended by representatives from all bands of the Upper -Sioux and a few from the lower tribes, was addressed by Superintendent -Cullen. He told them plainly that they would be held responsible for -the conduct of the lawless characters of their nation, and that in -view of this responsibility they should without delay devise some -means of apprehending Inkpaduta. Leaving them to deliberate and report -later, he proceeded to the Lower Agency, where he called a like -council of the Mdewakanton and Wahpekuta bands to meet on July -twelfth. At this meeting he made the same demands as at the Upper -Agency and with like result. - -Within a brief time Cullen received deputations from both branches of -the Sioux informing him that they neither could nor would comply with -his demands unless United States soldiers were sent with them. He -communicated the demand to Major Sherman, then commanding at Fort -Ridgely, who replied that soldiers could not be furnished for such an -undertaking since there was not a sufficient number then at the post -to make it advisable to spare any; and "the policy of sending soldiers -to co-operate with Indians ... would only expose troops to treachery -on the part of the Indians." Then, too, "a body of Indians on an -expedition of that kind would rely on troops to do the work of -capturing and killing ... in case they should have an engagement with -the party they were seeking".[327] - -Admitting the soundness of this answer Superintendent Cullen informed -the Indian envoys that United States troops could not be furnished for -such a purpose, and he stated that unless the Indians decided to -undertake such an expedition alone and unaided, other measures than -those already taken would be resorted to from necessity. No further -action coming from the Indians, Superintendent Cullen determined to -withhold the annuities.[328] - -On the thirteenth the Indians again declined to go in pursuit of -Inkpaduta without the aid of United States troops. On the fourteenth -they began consolidating their bands and it became evident to all that -trouble was afoot. Matters were growing more critical every day. The -whites became alarmed and began to leave their farms. Many fled to the -post or left the country altogether. The situation reached a climax on -the evening of the fifteenth when a Sisseton, without provocation, -stabbed a soldier of Major Sherman's command. The Indian escaped and -fled to the Sisseton camp where he was received and protected. This -incident evidenced the determination of these Indians to protect -rather than punish law-breakers.[329] - -The crisis was made more acute by the demand for the release of the -Indian to the military authorities. Major Sherman made the demand and -was refused. The officer sent by him was received "with two hundred of -their guns pointed towards him". Delivery of the culprit was, however, -promised for the next morning. At that time "they came down from their -lodges, numbering about twenty-five hundred warriors, all armed and -painted, evidently prepared for fight. Many surrounded and came into -the camp; they asked a council".[330] They were told that their -request could not be granted until they surrendered the culprit and -laid their guns aside. By deceit they then sought to draw out the -Indian agents and army officers one by one to talk, with the intention -of killing them when they had been drawn into a council. In this plan -they were frustrated, and on the following day they surrendered the -culprit. The Indians were probably emboldened by the panic which then -existed throughout the whole of southern and western Minnesota. They -construed the situation as "an open confession of cowardice, fear and -weakness" upon the part of the Indian and military authorities, and -they were ready to flout both at any opportunity.[331] - -At this time Little Crow appeared and tendered his best offices in -quieting the disturbance and expelling the malcontents. While these -rebellious proceedings were taking place at the Upper Agency, he had -been at the Redwood Agency. Owing to his intercession and influence, -the Indians at the Lower Agency sent word within a day or two that -they were willing to undertake the pursuit and punishment of -Inkpaduta. In this resolve they were also joined by the Sissetons. -Because of Little Crow's undoubted influence in bringing his tribesmen -to terms, it was decided to place him in command of the expedition if -such an appointment was acceptable to its members--which proved to be -the case. But the Indians were in no condition to embark on such an -expedition, since they were without food or supplies of any kind. Upon -their assurance of good faith in the prosecution of the expedition -they were promised the needed supplies. - -Thus equipped the Indian expedition started in pursuit of Inkpaduta on -the nineteenth day of July. To hold them to the faithful performance -of their promise, Superintendent Cullen sent his interpreter, Joseph -Campbell, and six half-breeds along to report upon operations. One -hundred and six warriors under Little Crow made up the personnel of -the company, in addition to Campbell and the half-breeds.[332] The -membership came from the whole Sioux nation represented at the -agencies, being recruited from the seventeen bands of the Upper Sioux -and the eight bands of the Lower Sioux. - -After an absence of sixteen days the Little Crow expeditionary force -returned to the Upper Agency on the fourth of August. They reported -that on July twenty-eighth, on arriving at Skunk Lake, they found six -lodges of Inkpaduta's people. These were divided into two encampments -of three lodges each, about three miles apart. Prior to the arrival of -the expedition the lodges were deserted by their occupants who fled to -the Big Drift Wood Lake, twenty miles away. They had evidently fled to -this lake for the better protection it would afford, owing to the rank -growth of reeds in its shallow waters. When the pursuers came up with -the fleeing Indians fighting began at once, but it had continued only -a half hour when darkness put an end to the conflict. In the morning -three prisoners were taken, two squaws and a boy, and three men were -found killed and one wounded. Of those killed one was identified as -Mak-pi-a-pe-ta or Fire Cloud, a twin son of Inkpaduta. It was also -learned from the captives that a defection had arisen in Inkpaduta's -band, as a result of which Inkpaduta and a few followers had broken -away and gone to the Snake Creek camp of the Yanktons. Not feeling -strong enough to make demands upon a camp of over a thousand Yankton -friends of Inkpaduta the expedition had returned to report.[333] - -But Superintendent Cullen was not satisfied with what had been done -and he plainly spoke his mind. His insistence irritated not only -Little Crow, but other leaders of the Sioux at both agencies. Cullen, -however, was determined and he called a council of the Sissetons and -Wahpetons at the Upper Agency on August tenth. The Indian -representatives were sullen and Superintendent Cullen was tactless, -with the result that many sharp replies were exchanged to the -disadvantage of both parties. Wahpuja Wicasta accused the -Superintendent of being dissatisfied because they, the Indians, had -failed to bring back a piece of Inkpaduta that he, Superintendent -Cullen, might taste of it and thus pronounce upon its genuineness and -prove their good faith in the pursuit of the outlaw.[334] -Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, representing the soldier lodge which had been -formed, spoke bitterly concerning the wrongs done the Indians and -accused Superintendent Cullen of breaking faith in his relations with -the soldiers and in his failure to reward the efforts which they had -honestly put forth.[335] Superintendent Cullen failed to accomplish -his purpose and in the end had to admit the need for action upon the -part of the military arm of the government. Such action he now -recommended, as well as the payment of the annuities long overdue. It -is a reflection upon the effectiveness of the military to note that no -further action was taken to punish the outlaw and his band. - -For a few years Inkpaduta was lost sight of. Apparently he had ceased -his activities along the frontier. For five years he remained in -seclusion. In the summer of 1862 a portion of the band appeared at the -Yellow Medicine Agency, hoping to share in the annuities of that year. -Agent Galbraith, hearing of their presence, sent Lieutenant T. J. -Sheehan with a few soldiers to drive them away from the agency. But -their friends had warned them; and when the detail surrounded the camp -to the south of Lake Benton the Indians were gone. The trail was -followed for some distance, but it suddenly ended leaving not a trace -of its continuance. - -It must not be supposed, however, that Inkpaduta contented himself -with a life of complete inactivity. He is presumed to have joined with -Little Crow in a plan for the expulsion of all whites from the Dakota -country which was to culminate in the massacres of 1862. During the -progress of this revolt his presence was several times reported, and -toward its close he is said to have gone westward and united with the -Santees of the Missouri. In a few years he succeeded in uniting this -tribe with the Yanktons and then secured the leadership. - -But he had now grown too old to be aggressive, and so his leadership -was more nominal than real. According to Holcombe "Inkpadoota's last -appearance in an historical scene was at the Custer massacre, in the -Little Big Horn, in Eastern Montana, in June, 1876. On the morning of -the day that General Custer made his ill-fated ride upon the Indian -camp, Inkpadoota, then seventy-five years old, and stone blind, was -sitting on the banks of the Little Big Horn ... with two of his -grandsons, and the three were fishing in the stream. The little boys -were the first to see Major Reno's command as it came riding up the -valley to hold the Indians on the south, while Custer should come upon -them from the north. They ran as fast as they could encumbered with -their blind and decrepit grandsire, and gave the alarm in time for -Gall and Grass to come down and drive back Reno, and then hasten back -and exterminate Custer and his force. At this time, and for ten years -before, Inkpadoota had been blind, and no longer regarded as a leader -of any body, for he could not walk without a guide. He and his two -surviving sons fled with Sitting Bull to Canada, finally locating at -the Canadian Red Pipestone Quarry, in Southwestern Manitoba. Here, in -1894, Dr. Charles Eastman, the well-known Indian authority, found the -descendants of Inkpadoota.... However, the bloody-minded old savage -himself had died miserably some years before".[336] Thus ended the -life of an implacable foe of the white race, who for nearly forty -years had terrorized the northwestern frontier from the Mississippi -River in Iowa to the far away Rockies of Canada. - -Of the original band but little more remains to be said. While the -excitement was at its highest in the closing days of June, 1857, -incident to the non-payment of the annuities, Agent Flandrau, then at -the Lower Agency, received a note from Sam Brown, a trader on the -Yellow Medicine. The note brought the information that Inkpaduta and -several of his band were then at the Upper Agency. The agent -immediately sent a messenger to Fort Ridgely requesting help. He was -given a detachment of fifteen men under Lieutenant Murry. While these -troops were on the way from Fort Ridgely to the Redwood Agency, Agent -Flandrau recruited a volunteer force of perhaps twenty-five men to -assist in the operations against Inkpaduta. Among these volunteers was -the well-known scout and interpreter, Joseph Campbell, who was almost -an indispensable adjunct of any such expedition. When these -preparations had been completed, the Indian messenger was sent back to -the Upper Agency with the request that a guide be sent out to meet and -lead them to the outlaw's camp. - -At dusk the united forces started for the Yellow Medicine. About -midway between the two agencies there was a high mound or butte which -overlooked the whole of the surrounding country for miles. The trail -being followed was that of the Sioux and according to their custom it -passed over the summit of the elevation. When the party had reached -the summit they found An-pe-tu-tok-cha or Other Day who had been sent -by Brown to guide them to the camp. When found he was quietly sitting -by the side of the trail, engaged in his favorite pastime of smoking. -Upon being accosted he gave not the slightest evidence of recognition -or interest. When he finally replied to questions put to him he -admitted that a few of Inkpaduta's Indians were near the Yellow -Medicine, up the river about five miles, and numbered perhaps six -lodges. Further than this he either did not have, or did not care to -give, information. When questioned as to methods of attack he declared -the best plan would be to "charge down on the camp, and when they see -the soldiers, they will know who they are after, and any of -_Ink-pa-du-ta's_ people that are there, will run or show fight, the -rest will remain passive."[337] This plan, after being confirmed by -Campbell as best, was adopted. - -With Other Day as guide, the march was resumed. The party reached the -river, about one mile below the camp, just at dawn. The camp was -pitched on a plateau or open prairie about a quarter of a mile from -the river. To reach the shelter of the river it would be necessary for -one fleeing from the camp to pass across the open space and go down a -precipitous descent of about fifty feet. When within a half mile of -the camp, a charge was ordered by Lieutenant Murry. Nearly -simultaneously with this command an Indian, leading a squaw, ran from -one of the lodges toward the river. Other Day at once called out that -there was the man, and rifles instantly cracked. Obviously the -fugitive was not hit, for he safely made the shelter of the brush -along the river in the face of a continued fire. - -In his hurried flight the Indian was not unarmed, for he carried a -double-barreled shot-gun. This fact made it extremely dangerous to go -into the brush after him or even to attempt a reconnaissance. That he -intended to defend himself was evident, for as soon as he reached the -shelter of the brush he began firing on the attacking party. Each shot -from him was greeted with a volley from the soldiers, which soon put -an end to his firing. When found the body of the man was riddled with -bullets. Upon investigation the individual proved to be none other -than Roaring Cloud, son of Inkpaduta, the Indian who had so -atrociously attacked and murdered Mrs. Noble. - -The squaw whom he led at the beginning of his dash for the river was -taken prisoner in the hope that she might assist in identifying the -Indian who had been killed, as well as give information about other -inhabitants of the camp. Taking her prisoner, however, proved most -unfortunate, for it produced a great commotion at the Upper Agency -which only added fuel to the excitement over the deferred annuities. -On the return it was necessary to pass through the camps of over -seven thousand Indians. According to Agent Flandrau "the excitement -among them was terrible. The squaw kept up a howling such as a squaw -in distress only can make. The Indians swarmed about us, guns in hand, -and scowled upon us in the most threatening manner.... I then began to -realize the desperate temerity of the enterprise. Our salvation was -simply the moral force of the government that was behind us. We -reached the Agency buildings in safety, and took possession of a log -house, where we remained several days in a state of sleepless anxiety, -until relieved by Major Sherman with the famous old Buena Vista -battery.... We felt ... like the man who was chased by a bear, and -finally seized his paws around a tree; he wanted somebody _to help him -let go_."[338] With the coming of the battery the Indians became -quiet. - - - - -XXX - -THE MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA - - -From what has preceded one might conclude that Minnesota Territory -alone was sufficiently interested in the welfare of the captives and -the punishment of the marauders to take official action relative -thereto. Although such was not the case, it is true that Minnesota -Territory through its legislative body was the first to take official -notice of the situation and attempt a remedy. To be sure the Governors -of Iowa had for several years been insistent in making demands upon -the Federal government for the protection of the northwestern -frontier; but nothing was accomplished. Both the Iowa legislature and -Congress remained obdurate. - -The delay on the part of Iowa was in large part due to the belief that -the frontier troubles demanded action by the Federal authorities -rather than by the State.[339] After the presentation of numerous -petitions and following considerable debate, the Thirty-fifth Congress -enacted a relief measure on June 14, 1858, by which the sum of twenty -thousand dollars was appropriated "for defraying the expenses of the -several expeditions against Ink-pa-du-tah's band, and in the search, -ransom, and recovery of the female captives taken by said band in -eighteen hundred and fifty-seven".[340] This fund was to be expended -under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, who in turn -designated the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, W. J. Cullen of St. -Paul, Minnesota, as the disbursing agent of the Department. - -Under the provisions of this act claims aggregating $7180.36 were -presented by Iowans to Superintendent Cullen.[341] Upon the submission -of required proof and the auditing of claims submitted, Superintendent -Cullen recommended a payment of $3156.36 to apply on supplies -furnished the Iowa relief expedition, and $1657.00 for services -rendered by individual members of the expedition, making a total of -$4813.36.[342] These claims were duly certified to the Secretary of -the Interior, and the auditors of the Department, after eight months -of examination of proof, advised the payment of $3628.43--a cut of -$1184.93 from the Superintendent's recommendations.[343] - -The act of the Thirty-fifth Congress was later supplemented by a -second and a third act by the Thirty-sixth Congress under dates of -June 19 and 21, 1860--the first[344] of which set aside $16,679.90, -and the second[345] $18,988.84 for the further reimbursement of the -State. These measures were further supplemented during the same -Congress by an act, under date of March 2, 1861, indemnifying the -"citizens of Iowa and Minnesota for the destruction of property at or -near Spirit Lake by Ink-pa-du-tah's band of Sioux Indians", to the -amount of $9,640.74.[346] By these acts the Federal government had set -aside a total of $65,308.48 to indemnify the citizens of Iowa and -Minnesota for lives lost, property destroyed, and expenses incurred in -connection with the rescue of the captives and the punishment of the -outlaws. Further than this Congress refused to act, the consensus of -opinion in Congress being that the States concerned should supply any -further needed relief. - -Almost two years after Congress had officially recognized the need of -the State for assistance in handling the Indian frontier problem, the -Iowa legislature took action. On March 12, 1860, a bill was enacted -into law whereby "the sum of three thousand dollars, or so much -thereof as shall be necessary" was appropriated for the aid of those -members of the relief expedition who had drawn largely upon their -private means to finance the undertaking, but who had not been -afforded the expected relief by the Federal government. - -Under the provisions of this act the Governor was made the auditor of -all claims presented in accordance with its provisions. He was -directed to secure copies of all claims filed with the Federal -government and, when satisfied by the evidence submitted that such as -were yet unpaid were just, he might issue an order upon the Treasurer -of State to pay the claims.[347] This law was supplemented on March -twenty-second by a second act looking toward the relief of persons -specifically named in the law,[348] although no additional funds for -such purpose were provided. Under the provisions of these acts there -was disbursed under order of the Governor a total of $1126.02, which -was distributed among eighty-two claimants.[349] - -Before the matter had been finally closed the strife between North and -South eliminated from the public mind an interest in all things save -the momentous struggle then in progress. Thus it happened that the -Spirit Lake Massacre and the relief expeditions were lost from view -for more than a generation. But there was one individual with an -abiding interest who for thirty years cherished the hope of -commemorating in some way the heroic struggles of that little group of -men who went from Webster City in March, 1857, to relieve the settlers -at the lakes. In the summer of 1887 Charles Aldrich, long a resident -of Webster City, proposed placing a brass tablet in some suitable -place in that city in memory of Company C of the relief expedition. -The decision was quickly reached to place the memorial in the Hamilton -County court house and to ask the board of supervisors to appropriate -three hundred dollars to meet the expense. A petition was circulated -in the city and throughout the county requesting such action. Owing to -the good will and work of Charles T. Fenton, president of the board, -the petition was granted and a committee was appointed to secure and -place the memorial.[350] - -August twelfth was the date set for the unveiling and dedication of -the tablet. Mr. Aldrich planned an elaborate program which was to be -given in the court room of the newly erected building; but more than -two thousand people attended the ceremony, and so the exercises were -held on the lawn in front of the court house. Brief addresses were -made by Governor William Larrabee, ex-Governor C. C. Carpenter, Mayor -McMurray, Captains Richards and Duncombe, Lieutenant John N. Maxwell, -Privates William Laughlin and Michael Sweeney, and Mr. Charles -Aldrich. The speeches were so planned as to offer a complete review of -the attempt to carry relief to the settlers at Spirit Lake and Lake -Okoboji. The tablet consisted of "a slab of Champlain marble, upon -which is artistically mounted a plate of polished brass containing the -names of the Hamilton county members of the expedition and a number of -other suitable inscriptions."[351] Thus did Hamilton County place "in -a position of honor in the Hamilton County court house a lasting -attestation to the patriotic spirit of appreciation which animates her -citizens."[352] - -Encouraged by the response in his home county, Mr. Aldrich set about -the stimulation of sentiment in the State at large favoring the -erection by the State of some fitting memorial to those pioneers whose -lives were sacrificed in March, 1857. This proved a long drawn out and -arduous task. The public had all but forgotten the incident; memories -had to be refreshed, and a desire for commemoration aroused. This -proved too great an undertaking for one person, and so Mr. Aldrich -turned to the legislative body of the State. Here he obtained only an -indifferent response. But with the awakening in Hamilton County the -interest in the project spread; and when the Twenty-fifth General -Assembly convened in January, 1894, it became evident that favorable -action might be hoped for. - -By far the most active and efficient work was done by Mrs. Abbie -Gardner Sharp, who came to Des Moines at the very beginning of the -session and remained until near its close. In her efforts to secure -action she was most ably seconded by Senator A. B. Funk of Spirit -Lake. On January twenty-ninth a bill was simultaneously introduced in -the Senate and House of Representatives, providing for the proper -interment of the remains of the victims of the massacre and the -erection of a suitable commemorative monument.[353] The bill carried -an appropriation of five thousand dollars which was to be expended -under the supervision of a commission of five persons appointed by the -Governor. Suitable grounds were to be selected near the scene of the -massacre. These grounds were to "be purchased, reinterments made and -monument erected before the 4th day of July, 1895."[354] So well had -the matter been canvassed among the members of the legislature that -there were but few negative votes on the measure. The bill was -approved by the Governor on March 30th, and went into effect on April -4, 1894. - -On April tenth Governor Frank D. Jackson appointed as members of the -commission Hon. J. F. Duncombe and ex-Governor C. C. Carpenter of Fort -Dodge, Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp of Okoboji, Hon. R. A. Smith of -Spirit Lake, and Charles Aldrich of Des Moines. Within a short time -the commission met at Fort Dodge and later at the Gardner cabin on -Lake Okoboji. The commission effected an organization by selecting -ex-Governor Carpenter as chairman and Mrs. Sharp as secretary. They -quickly decided on the selection of the lot adjacent to and south of -the Gardner cabin. This site was immediately presented to the State by -its owners, the Okoboji South Beach Company. On June 20, 1894, the P. -N. Peterson Granite Company of St. Paul, Minnesota, was awarded the -contract for the erection of the memorial. The specifications provided -that the monument should be "a shaft 55 feet high above the -foundation, in alternate blocks of rough and polished Minnesota -granite, with a die 6 x 6 feet, upon which should be placed four -bronze tablets--for the sum of $4,500. The inscriptions placed upon -the tablets may be described as follows: On the east, the list of -murdered settlers; on the west, a complete roster of the relief -expedition commanded by Major William Williams; on the south, -historical memoranda relating to the loss of Capt. J. C. Johnson and -Private W. E. Burkholder, the list of settlers who escaped from -Springfield (now Jackson), Minn., etc.; and on the north, the coat of -arms of Iowa, with these words: 'Erected by order of the 25th General -Assembly of the State of Iowa.'"[355] - -So diligently did the contracting company apply itself in the erection -of the memorial that early in March, 1895, four months before the -expiration of its contract, the monument was ready for inspection. On -March 14, 1895, the commission met at Okoboji and inspected and -accepted the work. Upon July twenty-eighth over five thousand people -came by wagon and excursion train, from a radius of over fifty miles, -to witness the formal dedication of the memorial and its presentation -to the State. The gathering was significant in that it marked the -opening of a new era in the appropriate marking of historic sites not -only in Iowa but in the Middle West. In the words of the Hon. R. A. -Smith, it was "meet and fitting that to the pioneer the same as the -soldier should be accorded the meed of praise and recognition ... a -just, though long delayed, tribute to the memory of the brave and -hardy, though unpretentious and unpretending, band of settlers who -sacrificed their lives in their attempts to build them homes on this -then far away northwestern frontier."[356] - -Upon the platform were seated ex-Governor C. C. Carpenter and Hon. R. -A. Smith, members of the relief expedition; Mrs. I. A. Thomas, Rev. -Valentine C. Thomas, and Jareb Palmer, who fortunately escaped the -massacre at Springfield; Judge Charles E. Flandrau, the Indian agent -who made possible the project to rescue Abbie Gardner, and Chetanmaza, -the Siouan Indian whose intrepidity secured her release; Mrs. Abbie -Gardner Sharp a survivor of the massacre at Okoboji; and various State -officials. The memorial was presented to the State by ex-Governor C. -C. Carpenter upon behalf of the commission under whose direction it -had been erected, and was accepted for the State by Lieutenant -Governor Warren S. Dungan and Hon. W. S. Richards. - -Thus the people of Iowa, through their law-making body, paid a fitting -though somewhat tardy tribute to the memory of the pioneers who, -imbued with the true American spirit of progress, were willing to -brave the hardships of the frontier that those who came later might -share the blessings of a richer civilization. In the words of one of -the speakers of the occasion, "Let us hope that this awakening is not -ephemeral or temporary.... The story told by this memorial shaft is -but a faint expression of the toils endured, the dangers braved and -the sacrifices made by the unfortunate victims whose remains lie -buried here".[357] The memorial "not only commemorates the great -tragedy which crimsoned the waters of these lakes, but it will keep -alive the memory of a species of American character which will soon -become extinct. As we look away to the west, we are impressed that -there is no longer an American frontier; and when the frontier shall -have faded away, the pioneer will live only in history, and in the -monuments which will preserve his memory."[358] - - - - -XXXI - -CHANGES OF SIXTY YEARS - - -When one looks back over the sixty years that have elapsed since -Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni delivered his bitter invective against white -infidelity at the Upper Agency on the Yellow Medicine, one can only -wonder at the transformation which has been wrought in what was -popularly known east of the Alleghenies as the Great American Desert. -In sixty years the frontier has moved steadily westward until to-day -it is gone not alone from the Mississippi Valley but from the American -continent. What was a vast expanse of prairie in 1857 has become a -country of prosperous homes. - -Where then not a town was to be found to-day may be seen numerous -large cities throbbing with industrial life, while towns and villages -dot the landscape everywhere. Loneliness and desolation have given way -to that condition where man's habitation is found at every turn. In -sixty years this area has changed from the frontier of civilization to -the very center of its arts and industries. In a country where Indians -were met with by the thousands in 1857, one may now travel for days -across the plains without catching a glimpse of a red man. The Indian -has all but gone from a land where he once roamed free and -uncontrolled. - -Similarly time has dealt with the people of a different race who -played major or minor parts in the tragedy at Spirit Lake and -Springfield in 1857. Indeed, time has not always dealt kindly with -them, and in more than one instance they have suffered much from its -ravages. No one who survived the terrible experience of March, 1857, -on the borders of the northwestern lakes was able to regain title to -the claims of murdered relatives. The Gardner, Thatcher, and Marble -claims were all preempted by the settlers of 1858 without regard to -their former holders. Those preempting were perhaps acting within -their legal rights; but the first comers, under the customs of the -frontier, were entitled to the claims which they had staked out. - -So widely have the survivors of the events of 1857 scattered that -to-day but one individual, Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp, remains at or -near the scene of the massacre. While living with her sister Eliza at -Hampton, Iowa, Miss Abbie Gardner became acquainted with Casville -Sharp, a young relative of the Noble and Thatcher families. On August -16, 1857, they were married. About a year after the marriage, Mr. and -Mrs. Sharp visited the scene of the tragedy at Okoboji in the hope of -securing some settlement for the Gardner claim. Although a small -amount was paid Mrs. Sharp by J. S. Prescott who had preempted the -claim, the sum was only nominal and in no sense an adequate -compensation for the property lost. - -Mrs. Sharp continued to live in Iowa; but not until 1891 did she -regain the site of her childhood home at Okoboji. At that time a -company interested in the promotion of the Okobojis as a pleasure -resort acquired title to some thirteen acres of land at Pillsbury's -Point, West Okoboji. This area included the Gardner cabin. The -syndicate at once plotted the land for sale as sites for summer -cottages. Out of the proceeds derived from the sale of her history of -the massacre, Mrs. Sharp acquired the lot upon which stands the -original log cabin home--the scene of the massacre.[359] The summer -tourist at Okoboji may yet (in 1918) enter the original log cabin and -learn from Mrs. Sharp the story of her captivity and rescue. - -Mrs. Marble, the only other survivor of the massacre at Lake Okoboji -and Spirit Lake, likewise found her husband's claim preempted upon her -return. Less fortunate than Mrs. Sharp, she was unable to secure any -compensation. For some years she was lost to the knowledge of her Iowa -and Minnesota friends. At length, in the early eighties, she was -located at Sidell, Napa County, California. Meanwhile, she had married -a Mr. Silbaugh. Since then little information has been obtained -concerning her, other than that of her death a number of years -ago.[360] Thus Mrs. Sharp is now the sole survivor of the massacre at -the lakes. - -With the survivors of the Springfield massacre it has been different. -All who survived were able to regain their claims, since they returned -within a brief time to the scene of the massacre and before their -holdings had been preempted by settlers in the rush of 1857-1858. In -1913 occurred the death of Mrs. Irene A. Thomas whose cabin was made -the rendezvous of the settlers at Springfield, and whose son Willie -was the first known victim of the Indian attack. Her husband, it will -be recalled, had one arm so badly shattered as to necessitate -amputation upon reaching Fort Dodge. A remaining son, Valentine C. -Thomas, who was a young boy at the time of the massacre, later served -as a minister in Marshalltown, Iowa, where he died in August, 1915. -Mrs. Eliza Gardner McGowan was at that time still living in Fort -Wayne, Indiana. It will be recalled that following the return of the -relief expedition to Fort Dodge she married William R. Wilson, a -member of the expedition. For many years Mr. and Mrs. Wilson lived at -Hampton and Mason City, Iowa. Some time after Mr. Wilson's death, Mrs. -Wilson married a Mr. McGowan and removed to Fort Wayne. - -It may be remembered that Johnnie Stewart escaped by hiding in the -dooryard of his home while the members of his family were being -ruthlessly slaughtered by the Indians. After the Indians left he -crawled to the Thomas cabin, which he reached at dusk, was recognized -and taken in. In 1915 he was living at Byron, Minnesota; and, from the -latest information obtained he is still living at that place. There -also survives a Mrs. Gillespie of Blaine, Washington, who at the time -of the Springfield attack was Miss Drusilla Swanger, sister of Mrs. -William L. Church. - -As we of another generation seek recreation at Okoboji, let us pause -in retrospection. Let us, "when we contemplate the dangers braved, the -hardships and privations endured, and the final suffering and -sacrifice which fell to the lot of the victims whose dust and ashes -have been gathered together and interred in this historic spot", be -conscious that we are paying "a deserved tribute to courage and -self-denial, endurance and self-sacrifice".[361] - - - - -NOTES AND REFERENCES - - -CHAPTER I - -[1] See Richman's _John Brown Among the Quakers, and Other Sketches_, -p. 203. - -[2] _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. III, Doc. No. -1, p. 411. - -[3] Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484. - -[4] Judge Charles E. Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. 483. - -[5] Rev. Moses N. Adams's _The Sioux Outbreak in the Year 1862_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. IX, p. 432. - -[6] "The inferior power knows perfectly well that, if it does not -accept the terms, it will ultimately be forced out of its domains, -and it accepts. This comprises the elements of all Indian -treaties."--Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. 483. - -[7] Flandrau's _State-Building in the West_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484. - -[8] The massacre at Ash Hollow, often mentioned as a cause of the -massacre at Okoboji, was the culmination of a campaign of terror -planned by Gen. Harney against the Oglala and Brule Sioux. The line of -march was Fort Leavenworth, Fort Kearney, Fort Laramie, and Fort -Pierre. At Ash Hollow near the Blue River and about four miles from -the left bank of the North Platte he found Little Thunder's band of -the Brule Sioux. When his cavalry had surrounded the Indians, he -planned an advance with his infantry. Little Thunder desired a -council. Gen. Harney refused, saying that he had come to fight. As -Harney advanced, he motioned the Indians to run. They did so and ran -directly into Harney's cavalry. Finding themselves trapped, they -fought savagely to the end. "The battle of Ash Hollow was little more -than a massacre of the Brules.... Though hailed as a great victory ... -the battle of Ash Hollow was a ... disgrace to the officer who planned -and executed it. The Indians were trapped and knew it ... and the -massacre which ensued was as needless and as barbarous as any -which the Dakotas have at any time visited upon the white -people."--Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 224, 225. See also -_General Harney_ in the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. I, -pp. 107, 108; Beam's _Reminiscences of Early Days in Nebraska_ in the -_Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society_, -Vol. III, pp. 301, 302; _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 34th -Congress, Vol. I, Pt. II, Doc. No. 1, pp. 49-51. - -[9] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions in the United States_ in the -_Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part -II, pp. 710-712, 726; Kappler's _Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, -Vol. II, pp. 250-255, 305-310. - -[10] See references in note 9 above. - -[11] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 736; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, p. 346. - -[12] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 737. - -[13] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, pp. 736, 737, 762, 763, 766-768, -778, 779; Kappler's _Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. -349, 474-477, 495, 546-549. - -[14] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, pp. 768, 772; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. 500, 518. - -[15] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 778; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. 557-560. - -[16] In exchange for all lands claimed by the Sioux in northwestern -Iowa and southwestern Minnesota they were granted a reservation as -follows: "all that tract of country on either side of the Minnesota -River, from the western boundary of the lands herein ceded, east, to -the Tchay-tam-bay River on the north, and to Yellow Medicine River -on the south side, to extend, on each side, a distance of not -less than 10 miles from the general course of said river; the -boundaries of said tract to be marked out by as straight lines as -practicable".--Kappler's _Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. -II, p. 590; Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. -112, 113. - -[17] Royce's _Indian Land Cessions_, p. 784; Kappler's _Indian -Affairs: Laws and Treaties_, Vol. II, pp. 591-593. - -[18] "It was with great reluctance that the Sioux Indians consented to -surrender this favorite hunting and camping ground to the whites, as -they did by the treaty of 1851."--Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. -288. - - -CHAPTER II - -[19] The Indian Chief Jagmani said of this treaty: "The Indians sold -their lands at Traverse des Sioux. I say what we were told. For fifty -years they were to be paid $50,000 per annum. We were also promised -$300,000 that we have not seen."--Bryant and Murch's _A History of the -Great Massacre by the Sioux Indians, in Minnesota_, pp. 34, 35. See -_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 401. - -[20] _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. III, Doc. -No. 1, p. 414. - -[21] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. -377. - -[22] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. -376. - -[23] "At Crow-wing [Minnesota] there are no less than five whiskey -shops, and [they] are only five miles from this agency. Five whiskey -shops and not half a dozen habitations beside!"--_Senate Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 339, 340, 342. See the -_Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce_ in the _Roster and -Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 890; _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 136. - -[24] This treaty "did away with all the employes ... whereas, before, -the agent had a force to assist him in finding, destroying, and -preventing the introduction of whiskey; now, he is entirely -alone."--_Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 342. - -[25] _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, -p. 338. - -[26] Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. -106, 107. - -[27] Murray's _Recollections of Early Territorial Days and -Legislation_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. XII, p. 120. - -[28] Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. -107. - -[29] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the _South -Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 210. - -[30] Thomas Hughes, in his article on _The Treaty of Traverse des -Sioux in 1851_, says concerning this: "The Indians, however, -repudiated this agreement, and asserted that it was a base fraud, -that, as they were told and believed at the time, the paper they -signed was represented to be only another copy of the treaty, and that -they did not discover its real import, and the trick played upon them, -until long afterward."--_Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 114. - -[31] Address of Greenleaf Clark on _The Life and Influence of Judge -Flandrau_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 774; Daniels's _Reminiscences of Little Crow_ in -the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. -519. - - -CHAPTER III - -[32] C. C. Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 150; _Senate Executive Documents_, 1st -Session, 31st Congress, Vol. II, pp. 235, 242, 243. - -[33] This fort was established by Brevet Major Samuel Woods, Sixth -Infantry, with Company E of the same, from Ft. Snelling, Minnesota. It -was established by General Orders No. 19, War Department, Adjutant -General's Office, of May 31, 1850. Major Woods and men were detailed -by Orders No. 22, 6th Military District, St. Louis, Missouri, July 14, -1850. Major Woods and men arrived on the site August 23, 1850. See -_Fort Dodge, Iowa_, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. IV, -pp. 534, 535; Jacob Van der Zee's _Forts in the Iowa Country_ in _The -Iowa Journal of History and Politics_, Vol. XII, pp. 197-199. - -[34] _Fort Dodge, Iowa_, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. -IV, p. 535. - -[35] Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 27; -Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 288. - -[36] Samuel J. Albright's _First Organized Government of Dakota_ in -the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. -139; Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 288. - -[37] Fort Clarke, by General Orders No. 34, Army Headquarters, on June -25, 1851, had been changed in name to Fort Dodge. By Order No. 9, -Sixth Military Department Headquarters, St. Louis, Missouri, on March -30, 1853, the abandonment of Fort Dodge was ordered. By the same -order, Major Woods was directed to establish the new post.--See _Fort -Dodge, Iowa_, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. IV, pp. -536, 537; Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, pp. 148, 149; Van der Zee's _Forts in the -Iowa Country_ in _The Iowa Journal of History and Politics_, Vol. XII, -p. 199. - -[38] Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 26. - -[39] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151. - -[40] While Major Woods' detail was on its way from Fort Snelling en -route to the future site of Fort Dodge it was joined on the Iowa River -by Major Williams who became later the post sutler and was destined to -play a large part in the history of northwestern Iowa. This was in -1850.--Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 147. - -[41] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151; letter from William Williams to -Governor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the Public Archives, Des -Moines, Iowa. - -[42] Letters from Governor Grimes to Secretary of State, George W. -McCleary, February 14, November 5, and December 1, 1855, and to -Congressman S. R. Curtis, February 28, 1855, in the Public Archives, -Des Moines, Iowa. - -[43] Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Delegation, -January 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. II, pp. -627-630. - -[44] Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Delegation, -January 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. II, p. -629. - -[45] Letter of Governor Grimes to Congressman S. R. Curtis, February -28, 1855, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[46] Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce, December 3, 1855, -in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 135-137; _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890. - -[47] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa_ for -1898, p. 59. - -[48] "He [Secretary of State in Iowa, Geo. W. McCleary] also writes me -that these Indians are manifestly making preparations for war, and -have been and are now making great efforts to induce all the -Mississippi River Sioux to unite with them in hostilities upon the -whites. I hear from various sources that several runners have been -sent by the Sioux west of the Missouri river, to those in this State, -and in Minnesota, with war belts, urging the latter to make common -cause with them. The result of all this is a great state of alarm -along the whole frontier."--Letter of Governor Grimes to President -Pierce, December 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. -III, p. 136. Charles Aldrich in an editorial in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 566, remarked that "Had the earnest -appeals of Gov. Grimes been heeded, the Spirit Lake Massacre would not -have occurred." - -[49] The notable depredations charged to Indian outlawry at this time -were in Buena Vista County where whole settlements were routed; at -Dakota City in Humboldt County; near Algona and Bancroft in Kossuth -County. In fact both the spring and summer of 1855 and 1856 were never -free from depredations somewhere. For further information consult _The -Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record -of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890; Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's -Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 272. - -[50] Hughes's _The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. -117. - -[51] Albright's _The First Organized Government of Dakota_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. VIII, p. 138. - -[52] "It is a matter of history that whiskey is, and has been since -the advent of white men in this country, the 'bane of the Indians,' -and that there is scarcely a tribe or an individual Indian but that -would at times give all his possessions for whiskey. When under its -influence he knows not what he does. All of the depredations committed -by them upon the whites; all murders among themselves; or personal -injuries inflicted by them upon each other, are perpetrated while -under the influence of that destructive bane, or to revenge acts done -while laboring under intoxication ... men will wonder why the agent -will let whiskey go into the Indian country, as has been heretofore -reported, '_without let or hindrance_.' The same men, being in the -Indian country ostensibly, solely for the good of the 'poor Indian,' -will pass an Indian with a five or ten gallon keg on his back, and not -attempt to destroy it; knowing at the same time that he has an equal -authority for so doing as the agent, and just as much money furnished -for expenses of prosecutions."--_Report of D. B. Herriman, Chippewa -Agent_, September 15, 1857, in _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th -Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 341, 342. - -[53] See note 29 above, and _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th -Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 342. - -[54] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, -pp. 378, 379. - -[55] Ida M. Street's _A Chapter of Indian History_ in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 601, 602. - - -CHAPTER IV - -[56] Petition of R. B. Clark, et al, to Governor Hempstead, July 6, -1854, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; Report of Major -William Williams to Governor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the -Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[57] Mrs. Abbie Gardner-Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1885 edition), pp. 24-31; Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas -County, Iowa,_ pp. 28, 29. - -[58] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 298; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. -I, p. 292; Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland -Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 272; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the -Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. XII, p. 268. - -[59] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 281. - -[60] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, pp. 281, 282; N. H. Winchell's -_Aborigines of Minnesota_, p. 551. - -[61] Other Indian chieftains who were leaders of the consolidated -bands and who were to play a prominent part in later Indian history -were Titonka, Ishtahabah or Young Sleepy Eyes, Umpashotah, Wahkonsa, -and Kasominee. - -The great battles of Iowa's inter-tribal Indian history were fought -during the period of the supremacy of these leaders. These battles -were mostly fought along the Des Moines, Skunk, Iowa, and Cedar -rivers. The most notable were: Mud Lake, southeast of the present site -of Webster City, against the Musquakies; a terrific contest with the -Sac and Fox near Adel; a second contest quite as sanguinary with the -same Indians about six miles north of the present city of Algona in -1852; a second battle with the Musquakies in April, 1852, near Clear -Lake; and one on the banks of the Lizard, in which the Sioux, -victorious, ended their long contest with the Sac and Fox. It was in -the Algona battle that the "lingering remnants of two great nations -who had for more than two hundred years waged unrelenting warfare -against each other had their last and final struggle."--Smith's -_History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 25. Also Fulton's _Red Men of -Iowa_, pp. 282-287; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 288, 289. - -[62] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 29; Hoover's -_Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, -p. 15; Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John Brown among the -Quakers_, p. 208. - -[63] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 29. - -[64] See note 32 above. - -[65] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 29. The date of -settlement here is frequently stated as 1847. - -[66] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -Collections of the _Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 264. - -[67] For statements concerning the character of Henry Lott see Hubbard -and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 222; -Lucas's _The Milton Lott Tragedy_, pp. 1-10; Hughes's _Causes and -Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 264-268; _The Spirit Lake -Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa -Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 890; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 289; -etc. - -[68] Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 28. - -[69] The Madrid (Iowa) Historical Society, on December 18, 1905, the -fifty-ninth anniversary of the boy's death, placed an iron marker upon -his grave which had but lately been identified.--Lucas's _The Milton -Lott Tragedy_, p. 8. - -[70] The death of Mrs. Lott is said to have been the first white death -in what is now Webster County.--Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, p. 296. - -[71] This cabin was in Dallas County, about five miles southwest of -Madrid. Here Lott lived until the autumn of 1847.--Lucas's _The Milton -Lott Tragedy_, p. 5. - -[72] To be definite, the cabin of Lott was in Section 16, Township 93, -Range 28 West, very near the west line of the section.--Fulton's _Red -Men of Iowa_, p. 297. - -[73] Stories as to the ruse used differ, but all now quite generally -accept the elk incident. At the same time the assertion has been made -that the incident never happened, but that Lott found at the lodge of -Sidominadota silverware stolen from him in 1847, and committed murder -forthwith. - -[74] Some writers concerning this incident aver that both the girl and -boy escaped unharmed while others more romantically mention the boy as -left for dead, while the girl escaping unharmed in the darkness later -returned to the rescue of her brother. The boy, whose name was -Joshpaduta, was later taken charge of by a white family named Carter -who gave him a home. The boy would often leave and be gone for many -days when he would again return. He is said, just before the Spirit -Lake Massacre, to have warned these people of the impending trouble -and then to have disappeared. He never returned, and the presumption -is that he became a member of that band or was killed by them for -telling.--Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, -p. 28; Gue 's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 291; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 30. - -[75] See Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, pp. 293-299; Flickinger's -_Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 28; Ingham's -_Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 271; -Smith's _History of Dickinson County_, Iowa, pp. 29, 31; Gue's -_History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 289-292. - -[76] Fulton's _Red Men of Iowa_, pp. 298, 299; Flickinger's _Pioneer -History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 28; Lucas's _The Milton Lott -Tragedy_, p. 7; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta -Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. XII, p. 268. - -[77] Another report declared that the prosecuting attorney of Hamilton -County had nailed the head above the entrance to his home in Homer. -Note what is said in Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas -County, Iowa_, p. 28; Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the -_Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 271; Hughes's _Causes and Results of -the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota -Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 268, 269. - - -CHAPTER V - -[78] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 56. - -[79] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 56. - -[80] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151. - -[81] Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. -IV, p. 272. - -[82] The _Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892. - -[83] Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 292; Fulton's _Red Men of -Iowa_, pp. 300, 301; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ -in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; -Gillespie and Steele's _History of Clay County, Iowa_, pp. 55, 56. - -[84] See note 83 above and also Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit -Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 43; _House Executive Documents_, 1st -Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 357. - -[85] A. Warner and Company's _History of the Counties of Woodbury and -Plymouth_, Iowa, p. 295. - -[86] W. S. Dunbar and Company's _Biographical History of Cherokee -County, Iowa_, pp. 233-238. - -[87] Wegerslev and Walpole's _Past and Present of Buena Vista County, -Iowa_, pp. 37, 38; Perkins's _History of O'Brien County, Iowa_, pp. -10, 11. - -[88] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 388. - -[89] Smith's _The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 56. - -[90] Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152. - -[91] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 270. - -[92] For further reading concerning the character of the winter of -1856-1857 see Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, -Vol. III, p. 223; Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John -Brown among the Quakers_, pp. 210-212; J. F. Duncombe's _The Spirit -Lake Relief Expedition of 1857_ in the _Proceedings of the Pioneer -Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for 1898_, p. 38; _The Spirit Lake -Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa -Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; Carpenter's _Major William Williams_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152; Hughes's _Causes -and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 270; Carpenter's _The -Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, pp. 19, 20. - - -CHAPTER VI - -[93] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 7; Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 7. - -[94] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 8-14; Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, pp. -7, 8. - -[95] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 14-35. - -[96] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 11; Carpenter's -_The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 17; -Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. -36. - -[97] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 36-38. - -[98] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 43, 44; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ -in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 891. - -[99] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 42, 43. - -[100] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 271; -Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. -42-45; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland -Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 19; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. -891. - -[101] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 44; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in -the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 891, 892. - -[102] Neill's _The History of Minnesota_, p. 621; Mrs. Abigail Gardner -Sharp in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 32. - -[103] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 44, 45; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the -_Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 17; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and -Relief_ _Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, -Vol. VI, p. 891; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta -Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, -Vol. XII, p. 270. - -[104] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 11; Carpenter's -_The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, pp. 17, -18; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 891; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 45, 46. - -[105] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 46. - -[106] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 48. - -[107] Jareb Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_, July 23, 1857; Hughes's _Causes and Results of the -Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 272, 273. - -[108] Dr. Strong had gone from Fort Dodge to Okoboji with the thought -of locating there, but had finally decided upon Springfield. Eliza -Gardner had been induced to spend the winter with the Strong family at -Springfield. - -[109] Jareb Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hoover's _Tragedy of -Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20. - -[110] Jareb Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - - -CHAPTER VII - -[111] Some authors give only three, Robert Clark, Enoch Ryan, and -Jonathan Howe, as accompanying them upon their return. There seems -good evidence to support the claim that Asa Burtch also made the -return trip. See _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in -the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. -Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 51; -Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 64; Carpenter's _The -Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 19. - - -CHAPTER VIII - -[112] In spite of their villainous character the Sioux pitied the -apparent misfortunes of the Inkpaduta band and explained their -unhappy lot as follows: "Long ago some chiefs and principal men of the -Iowas returned from Canada to Prairie du Chien in the winter, and -attempted to pass through the Dakota territory to their own country. -They were kindly received and hospitably entertained by the Wabashaw -band, who sent messengers to the Wahpekutas, then encamped at Dry -Wood, requesting them to receive the Iowas in a friendly manner and to -aid them in their journey. The Wahpekutas returned a favorable answer -and prepared a feast for the Iowas, but killed them all while they -were eating it." Thereafter, these Wahpekutas were very unfortunate, -many were killed, and the band nearly perished. Their wickedness on -this particular occasion was held to account for all their calamities -of the future. In this connection read Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in -Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota -Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 425. - -[113] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 14. - -[114] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 264. - -[115] The term _gens_, as here used, implies descent in the male line. -It is also well in this connection to recall the fact that the Sioux -were in no sense a nation but acted as bands, each band being entirely -separate, distinct, and independent from any other.--See Dorsey's -_Siouan Sociology_ in the _Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of -American Ethnology_, p. 213 ff. - -[116] Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John Brown among the -Quakers_, pp. 207, 208; Hodge's _Handbook of the American Indians_, -Pt. II, pp. 891, 902; Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux -Indians_ in the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. -215, 216; _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, -Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 359. - -[117] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 359; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in -the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 887. - -[118] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 204, 216. - -[119] _Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 389; Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. -II, p. 220. - -[120] Following the murder of Tasagi, Inkpaduta either through choice -or fear became an exile from the band of Tasagi. His flight to the -band of his father had automatically made him one. Doane Robinson in -his _Sioux Indian Courts_ in the _South Dakota Historical -Collections_, Vol. V, pp. 404, 405, thus describes how a Wahpekuta -became an exile: - -"If the offense was peculiarly repellent to the better sentiment of -the camp the court might insist upon the summary infliction of the -sentence imposed. This might be the death penalty, exile or whipping; -or it might be the destruction of the tepee and other property of the -convict.... For some offenses a convict was exiled from the camp, -given an old tepee and a blanket, but no arms, and was allowed to make -a living if he could. Sometimes he would go off and join some other -band, but such conduct was not considered good form and he usually set -up his establishment on some small hill near the home camp and made -the best of the situation. If he conducted himself properly he was -usually soon forgiven and restored to his rights in the community. If -he went off to another people he lost all standing among the Sioux and -was thereafter treated as an outlaw and a renegade. The entire band of -Inkpaduta, once the terror of the Dakota frontier, was composed of -these outlaws." It was Inkpaduta's flight to his father's band at this -time that lost, for him, all standing with the followers of Tasagi. -See also Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 343, 344. - -[121] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 220. - -[122] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 221. - -[123] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 217. - -[124] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 220. - -[125] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 217-222. - -[126] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 221, 222; Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in -the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 209. - -[127] Ingham's _Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 272. - -[128] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 267, 268; _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. VI, p. 226. - -[129] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 56, 57. - -[130] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 57. It is to be regretted that much of Mrs. Sharp's -characterization of the Sioux evidences an animus and a tendency to -emphasize the bad rather than the good traits. The following from page -57 of her book is evidently unfair: "No other tribe of aborigines has -ever exhibited more savage ferocity or so appalled and sickened the -soul of humanity by wholesale slaughtering of the white race as has -the Sioux". - -[131] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 223. - -[132] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 346, 347. - -[133] Hodge's _Hand Book of the American Indians_, Pt. II, pp. 891, -902; _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 110, 111; -_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, pp. 359, 389; Mrs. Sharp's _Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), -pp. 54-56. - - -CHAPTER IX - -[134] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 223. - -[135] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; Fulton's -_Red Men of Iowa_, p. 301; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, -Iowa_, p. 53; Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, -Vol. III, p. 223. - -[136] Robinson's _History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 344. - -[137] The strength of the band was not great. Originally it is said to -have numbered one hundred fifty lodges, but this estimate appears to -be too high. At the time it started up the Little Sioux from Smithland -it probably numbered not more than fifteen lodges at the highest -estimate. Its depletion was due to dissatisfaction in the band and to -the fact that the band did not draw annuities which caused many to -drop out and return to the Agency in order to secure them. See Mrs. -Sharp's _Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 56; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 248; _House -Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. -359; Hodge's _Handbook of American Indians_, Pt. II, p. 891. - -[138] Powell's _On Kinship and the Tribe_ in the _Third Annual Report -of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. xxxviii; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 223. - -[139] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 223. - -For further support of the view that Sidominadota's death was not a -cause as here set forth see J. W. Powell's _Kinship and the Tribe_ in -the preface to the _Third Annual Report of the Bureau of American -Ethnology_, pp. xxxviii-xl; _Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 32nd -Congress, Vol. III, Doc. No. 1, p. 280; Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux -in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 389; Dorsey's _Siouan -Sociology_ in the _Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American -Ethnology_, pp. 213-218. - - -CHAPTER X - -[140] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 53; -Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa_, p. 29. - -[141] Flandrau's _Inkpaduta Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 388; Mrs. Sharp's -_Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 60; _House Executive -Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 358, 389; -_Senate Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. III, p. 146; _The -Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record -of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892. - -[142] A. Warner and Company's _History of the Counties of Woodbury and -Plymouth, Iowa_, pp. 305, 306. - -[143] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 55; Fulton's -_Red Men of Iowa_, p. 303. - - -CHAPTER XI - -[144] W. S. Dunbar and Company's _Biographical History of Cherokee -County, Iowa_, p. 242; Fulton's _The Red Men of Iowa_, p. 303. - -[145] Peck and Montzheimer's _Past and Present of O'Brien and Osceola -Counties, Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 38. - -[146] Gillespie and Steele's _History of Clay County, Iowa_, pp. 56, -57; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), -p. 61; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 56. - -[147] William H. Hart's _History of Sac County, Iowa_, p. 38; -Gillespie and Steele's _History of Clay County, Iowa_, p. 57. - -[148] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 892; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 58-61. - -[149] John F. Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857_ in -the _Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for -1898_, p. 38; Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 493, 494. - - -CHAPTER XII - -[150] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, -pp. 436, 437. - -[151] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. Sharp's _Spirit -Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 63, 64; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 65. - -[152] Concerning the events at the Gardner cabin we must, of -necessity, rely upon the statements of Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp who -remained the only living witness of the scene. See Mrs. Sharp's -_History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 63-65. - -[153] Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 65, 66; -Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. -IV, p. 21; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 297, 298; Mrs. Sharp's -_History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 65-67. - -[154] Richman's _The Tragedy at Minnewaukon_ in _John Brown among the -Quakers_, pp. 214-216; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 67-71; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake -Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 21. - -[155] Pond's _The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They were in 1834_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, -pp. 437, 438. - -[156] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 73. - -[157] See Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 73, where the statement is made that five men, two women, -and four children were killed at the Mattock cabin. - -[158] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 271, -272. - -But there is a third view as to the outcome of the conflict at the -Mattock cabin. This version is sponsored by Major William Williams who -was a member of the relief expedition sent from Fort Dodge. Major -Williams believed that the Indians purposely concealed their losses. -In his report to Governor Grimes, made upon his return to Fort Dodge -under date of April 12th, he stated that "the number of Indians killed -or wounded must be from fifteen to twenty."--(Gue's _History of Iowa_, -Vol. I, p. 299.) This estimate would seem to be entirely too high. -Only under exceptionally favorable conditions would it have been -possible for five men, suffering every possible handicap, to have -killed or wounded so many concealed enemies. Again, there were in all -probability not more than fifteen or twenty warriors in the party of -the red men. The loss or crippling of such a number would have meant -practical annihilation. Later when the party was encountered in its -flight from the scene of the massacre, various individuals who had the -opportunity of recognizing the individual members of the band reported -them to be the same in membership as at the beginning of the raid at -Smithland. Thus the statement of Major Williams could not have been -accurate. Mrs. Sharp speaks of only one Indian as being injured and of -no deaths--which is more probable. - -[159] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 74. - - -CHAPTER XIII - -[160] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 894; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 76-78; Smith's -_History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 68, 69; Gue's _History of -Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 300, 301 - -Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher in later relations of the massacre spoke -of their children as having been killed at their own cabin. If such -were the facts then their dead bodies must have been carried to the -Howe home; for there they were found by the members of the rescue -party rather than at the place of death. This fact has led to the -statement that five small Howe children were killed in addition to -Sardis and Jonathan. There were, however, only three smaller children -in the Howe family--Alfred, Jacob, and Philetus. - -[161] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 78-80; Neill's _History of Minnesota_, pp. 622, 623. - - -CHAPTER XIV - -[162] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 81, 82. - -[163] Agnes C. Laut's _Heroines of Spirit Lake_ in _Outing Magazine_, -Vol. LI, p. 692. - -[164] Gue in his _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 301, 302, says that -Marble fired first at the target, and when he went out to see what had -been the result of his shot the Indians fired on him; while Carpenter -in his article on _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 22, states that when Marble's gun became empty and he was -defenseless he was shot. - -[165] This is the list as it appears on the east tablet of the State -Memorial near the Gardner cabin with the exception of the omission of -the names of those not killed at the lakes but who were massacred in -the vicinity of Springfield, Minnesota.--_The Spirit Lake Massacre and -Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. -VI, p. 920. - -[166] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 83, 84; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ -in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895. - -R. A. Smith, in his _History of Dickinson County_, appears skeptical -concerning the real character or meaning of this attempt at Indian -pictographic writing, and in commenting upon it notes that "many of -the writers who have mentioned this incident have made more of it than -the facts would warrant. The three or four published accounts which -have been given to the public agree in stating that the picture record -gave the position and number of victims correctly, and also -represented those killed as being pierced with arrows. Now this is -mainly fiction. The first discovery of the tree on which the -hieroglyphics were delineated was by a party consisting of O. C. Howe, -R. U. Wheelock and the writer sometime in May.... It was a white ash -tree standing a little way to the southeast of the door of the Marble -cabin.... The rough outside bark had been hewed off for a distance of -some twelve or fifteen inches up and down the tree. Upon the smoothed -surface thus made were the representations. The number of cabins (six) -was correctly given, the largest of which was represented as being in -flames. There were also representations of human figures and with the -help of the imagination it was possible to distinguish which were -meant for the whites and which the Indians. There were not over ten or -a dozen all told, and except for the hint contained in the cabins, the -largest one being in flames, we could not have figured any meaning out -of it. This talk of the victims being pierced with arrows and their -number and position given, is all nonsense. Mr. Howe and the writer -spent some time studying it, and, while they came to the conclusion -that it would convey a definite meaning to those understanding it, -they could not make much out of it." - -[167] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 93; _Hamilton Freeman_, July 13, 1857; _The Spirit Lake -Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa -Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895. - - -CHAPTER XV - -[168] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1902 edition), pp. 85-87; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. -895; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 72, 73. - -[169] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895; Smith's _History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 73, 74. - -[170] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. 895; Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 225; Hughes's _Causes and -Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 272; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 85-89; Carpenter's -_The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 23. - -[171] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 225. - -[172] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 226. - -[173] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 389, -390. - -[174] Daniels's _Reminiscences of Little Crow_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 519; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 237; -Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 390. - - -CHAPTER XVI - -[175] This was the Barnard E. Bee who was later to win fame as a -general of the South during the Civil War. During that conflict, he it -was who fastened the sobriquet of "Stonewall" upon the Confederate -General Thomas E. Jackson in his now famous charge to his men--"For -God's sake stand, men. Stand like Jackson's brigade, on your right, -there they stand like a stone wall." Bee was killed in an attempt to -hold his brigade in line of battle against a murderous fire in the -first battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.--Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 238; Heitman's -_Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army_, Vol. -I, p. 205. - -[176] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 237; Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 390; -report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, 1st -Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 350. - -[177] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, No. 2, p. 350. - -[178] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 390, -391. - -[179] Hughes's _Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 273; -_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. -I, p. 358. - -[180] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 391. - -[181] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 351. - - -CHAPTER XVII - -[182] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[183] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 226, 230; Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[184] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20; Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian -Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[185] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 234; Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[186] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[187] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857. - -[188] The gold with which they paid for their purchases was presumably -a portion of that which was taken from Marble's body.--See Hubbard -and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 227. - -[189] The Moccasin's camp had been about six miles up the river to the -north of Springfield, while the trading post here referred to was nine -miles distant. Coursalle, or "Joe Gaboo", was a well-known half-blood -Sisseton Sioux. At all times Indians in small numbers were grouped -about him; they were always friendly.--Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 226. - -[190] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 227, 228. - -[191] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 228. - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -[192] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1902 edition), pp. 94, 95; Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three -Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 229. See also a different version in Palmer's -_Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), July 30, 1857. - -[193] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 229, 230; Laut's _Heroines of Spirit Lake_ in the _Outing -Magazine_, Vol. LI, p. 692; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 94-99. - -[194] Dr. Strong has been considerably maligned as one who upon the -first alarm had become so terrified that he summarily fled south, -leaving his wife and children to the mercies of an Indian attack. For -a more charitable view see Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian -Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857. - -[195] For somewhat varying accounts of the attack upon the Thomas -cabin see Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Carpenter's _The -Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, Vol. IV, pp. 23-25; -Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 304, 305; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 94-99; Hughes's -_Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of -the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, pp. 275, 276; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, pp. 229, 230; -_The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster and -Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 898, 899. - -[196] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 230. - -[197] For the attack upon the Wood brothers see Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 230; Hughes's _Causes and -Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. XII, p. 275; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 99, 100. - -[198] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 147. - -[199] All of the particulars of the events which happened at the -Stewart home we owe to the relation of Johnny. He was later adopted -into the home of Major William Williams at Fort Dodge and in 1915 was -living in Byron, Minnesota, and at that time was one of the four -living survivors of the raid. Read accounts in Hubbard and Holcombe's -_Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, pp. 230, 231; Palmer's -_Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), July 30, 1857; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. -305; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 100, 101. - -[200] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 232; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 107. - -[201] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 148, 149. For Mrs. Marble's impressions see an article -from the _St. Paul Pioneer_, May 31, 1857, republished in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - - -CHAPTER XIX - -[202] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Mrs. Sharp's -_History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 102-104. - -[203] Charles Aldrich in an address at the unveiling of a -commemorative tablet in the Hamilton County Court House in Webster -City, Iowa, on August 12, 1887, states that they started about -midnight. It does not seem, however, that such a late hour could have -been possible under the circumstances.--See the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 548. - -[204] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857. - -[205] Palmer's _Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 233. For a -wholly different view of Dr. Strong see Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. -I, pp. 307, 308. - -[206] One version of the flight of these refugees tells us that Smith -and Henderson were not, at first, left behind but were taken for some -distance on hand sleds. This proved impracticable and the men were -abandoned. Miss Agnes C. Laut has this plainly in mind when she refers -to Mrs. Smith as the "one dame, who abandoned an injured husband on a -hand sleigh" and hence does not need to "be preserved as a heroine of -the West." This, however, is unfair to Mrs. Smith.--See Miss Laut's -_Heroines of Spirit Lake_ in the _Outing Magazine_, Vol. LI, p. 692. - -[207] For varied versions of the flight of the Wheeler refugees see -Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. -109, 110; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, pp. 307, 308; Hubbard and -Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 234. - - -CHAPTER XX - -[208] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 239. - -[209] Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in _House Executive Documents_, -1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, Doc. No. 2, p. 146. - -[210] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 160-162. - -[211] Quoted from the _St. Paul Pioneer and Democrat_ for May 16, -1857, in Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, p. 240. - -[212] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 158-160. - -[213] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 241, 242. - - -CHAPTER XXI - -[214] For information concerning the journey and findings of Howe, -Wheelock, and Parmenter see _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. -895, 896; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 125, 126; Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, -pp. 49, 74, 75; Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland -Monthly_, Vol. IV, p. 26; Flickinger's _Pioneer History of Pocahontas -County, Iowa_, p. 35; Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 311. - -[215] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_, at the placing of a -memorial tablet in the Hamilton County Court House, in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 509. - -[216] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 26; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 525; Smith's _History of Dickinson -County, Iowa_, p. 75. - -[217] _Letter from Sergt. Harris Hoover_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 551; Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 16. - -[218] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, p. 16. - -[219] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 526. - -[220] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - -[221] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 932-937; _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 71. See also the west tablet on the State -Memorial Monument near the Gardner cabin, Arnold's Park, Okoboji, -Iowa. - -[222] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 525, 526; _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief -Expedition_ in the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, p. -897. - -[223] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922, 923, -928; Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 495. - -[224] The roster as here given is that found in the _Roster and Record -of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922-932, and is also to be found on -the west tablet of the Memorial Monument at Arnold's Park, Okoboji, -Iowa. Harris Hoover in his _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the -_Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), August 20, 1857, differs somewhat. - -[225] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 510. - -[226] _Mr. Duncombe's Address_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 495. - -[227] Hoover in his _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton -Freeman_ (Webster City), August 20, 1857, speaks of Major Williams as -"afflicted with rheumatism, and the frost of 70 winters whitening his -brow" as resolutely setting "forward at our head." This Major Williams -resented and took occasion to reply in the succeeding issue of the -_Freeman_ that "I can't agree to be made so old. I was 60 last -December [1856], and never have I been afflicted with rheumatism in my -life.... I don't wish to be considered so old." - - -CHAPTER XXII - -[228] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 526. - -[229] Hoover's _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), August 20, 1857; _Address of Capt. Charles B. -Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 510, -511. - -[230] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542; Hoover's -_Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), -August 20, 1857. - -[231] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 496. - -[232] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 510. - -[233] Hoover's _Expedition to Spirit Lake_ in the _Hamilton Freeman_ -(Webster City), August 20, 1857. See also Duncombe's _Spirit Lake -Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 496; -_Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 527; _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 538. - -[234] McKnight's Point was on the West Fork of the Des Moines, on the -Fort Ridgely road, about two miles to the southeast of the mouth of -Bridge Creek.--See map in Parker's _Iowa As It Is_, 1857. - -[235] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, p. 17; Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 497. - -[236] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539. - -[237] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539. - -[238] For this incident see Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 498, 499; Hoover's _The -Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. V, -pp. 17, 18. - -[239] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 499. - -[240] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Massacre_ in the _Midland Monthly_, -Vol. IV, p. 27. - -[241] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 929, 934. - -[242] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - -[243] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 500. - -[244] For the enlistments of these individuals see the _Roster and -Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 924, 925, 926. - -[245] In the _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 929 -and 931, it is stated that Thatcher and Burtch enlisted either at Fort -Dodge on March twenty-third or at Shippey's on March twenty-eighth. -The latter place and date seem far more probable than do the former. - -[246] _A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 539; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - -[247] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 542. - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -[248] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 527. - -[249] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 483. - -[250] Carpenter's _The Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 500; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 527; _The Narrative of -W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. -542. - -[251] There seems to have been some disagreement as to who had charge -of the advance guard. For the view taken by the present writer see -Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 80. - -[252] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 532, 533; Carpenter's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ -in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 484. - -[253] For an account of the discovery of the Springfield fugitives see -that of _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 532, 533. - -[254] A quotation from Carpenter in Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, -p. 314. - -[255] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 533; Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, -Iowa_, p. 82. - -[256] _A Paper by Charles Aldrich_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 548. - -[257] _A Paper by Charles Aldrich_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 548. - -[258] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 533. - -[259] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 513; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 528; Duncombe's _Spirit -Lake Expedition_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. -502-504. - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -[260] _Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922-937; -Smith's _History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 84. - -[261] _Address of Captain Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 515; Smith's _History of Dickinson -County, Iowa_, p. 84. - -[262] The reputed finding of the body of Joel Howe may well be -questioned. The evidence presented tends to show that the headless -skeleton found by Mr. Goodenough could not have been that of Howe. Of -the party that took the trail route to the Mattock cabin from Howe's, -H. E. Dalley is the only one who in late years has survived, and in -fact he was about the only one of the Johnson party who survived the -fearful storm of the fourth and was able to give a coherent tale of -what they had done. The leader of the party and its second most active -member both were lost in the storm. Mr. Dalley in relating the facts -of the burial of Howe has always maintained that Howe's body, complete -and not headless, was found but not buried at the same spot. Instead -the party carried the body to the Mattock place where it was interred. -He has ever sturdily maintained that this act of the party is the most -vivid recollection of the whole experience. Lieutenant Maxwell has -also maintained that the body was not headless when found. There is a -discrepancy between the number of bodies disinterred in the vicinity -of the Mattock cabin and the number of people reported to have been -killed there. - -The place and conditions under which the skeleton was found also lend -an air of controversy. The skeleton is said to have been found about -eighteen inches deep under a cow-path and at the head of a small -ravine worn back about thirty feet from the lake shore. In soil -conditions as they exist at the lakes, such a ravine would not have -been the result of years of work, as is implied, but would have been -the work of a freshet. That the wearing back was the result of the -work of years is implied in the statement that "Turning at the head of -this recession is a cattle path." Here the inference is plain that the -cattle for years had turned to avoid the ravine. Once started, the -spring freshets and summer rains would have rapidly worn the ravine -back to a greater distance than thirty feet. All those stating that -the body was buried where found say it was buried upon the summit of a -bluff. The conclusion is evident that a thirty foot backward recession -of a ravine would hardly have occurred in the face of a bluff. By its -finders the body is said to have been buried only about eighteen -inches deep. With the eroding effects of a cattle path would it have -been still that depth below the surface after a lapse of nearly a half -century? One would think that such could hardly be. For discovery and -interment of the remains of Joel Howe, see _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. XI, pp. 551-553. - -[263] There will probably always be more or less controversy as to the -number of bodies found and buried. The present writer has sought to be -conservative in accepting evidence. See Smith's _A History of -Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 88, 89; _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 539, 540; _The -Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 543; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ -(1902 edition), p. 74. - -[264] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 90; _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 922-937. - -[265] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 90. - -[266] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 91-94. - -[267] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 544. - -[268] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 98, 99; -_Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 530; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544. - -[269] _The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition_ in the _Roster -and Record of Iowa Soldiers_, Vol. VI, pp. 995, 996; _Narrative of W. -L. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544; -_Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 531. - -[270] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 531; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the -_Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 544. - -[271] _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 544, 545. - -[272] _Address of John N. Maxwell_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 531, 532; _The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 544, 545; Gue's -_History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 317. - -[273] Captain Johnson had come to Bach Grove on the Boone River Troy -Township, Wright County, from Pennsylvania. Mention has been made of -the manner of his enlistment. Upon his failure to return, his mother -disposed of the claim and returned to Pennsylvania. When the bodies -were found, Angus McBane of Fort Dodge took charge of the remains and -sent them to his mother for burial. The remains of Burkholder were -taken charge of by his brother-in-law, Governor C. C. Carpenter. They -were given a military funeral at Fort Dodge, conducted by Major -Williams. All the members of Company C that could be brought together -at that time attended.--_A Paper by Michael Sweeney_ in the _Annals of -Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 541. - - -CHAPTER XXV - -[274] _Address of Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 516. - -[275] Captain Richards speaks of their attempt to secure supplies at -the settlement upon their return as follows: "The settlers at the -Colony were on short rations and could spare nothing. We decided to -buy a steer and kill for the party, but we had no money and the owner -refused to sell without pay. We offered to give the personal -obligation of all the officers, and assured him the State would pay a -good price; but this was not satisfactory. We therefore decided to -take one _vi et armis_, and detailed several men to kill and dress the -steer. They were met by men, women and children, armed with pitchforks -to resist the sacrifice, and not being able to convince them either of -the necessity of the case or that they would get pay for the steer, I -ordered Lieut. Stratton and a squad of men with loaded guns to go and -take the steer; when ... the hostile party retired."--_Address of -Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, p. 517. - -[276] Duncombe's _Spirit Lake Expedition_ in the _Proceedings of the_ -_Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for 1898_, p. 45; _Address of -Capt. Charles B. Richards_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. III, pp. 518, 519. - -[277] Captain Richards is quoted as follows in Gue's _History of -Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 318, concerning the attempt to cross at this -point:--"The wind was now blowing a terrific gale and the cold was -intense, so that our wet clothing was frozen stiff upon us.... When -help and material for a raft came, so strong and cold was the wind, -and so swift the current, filled with floating ice, that all of our -efforts to build a raft failed. It was now dark and still growing -colder, and the roar of the blinding storm so great that we could no -longer hold communication with our companions on the other side. We -were benumbed with cold, utterly exhausted, and three miles from the -nearest cabin. We were powerless to aid our comrades, and could only -try to save ourselves. It was a terrible walk in the face of the -terrific blizzard, our clothes frozen, our feet freezing, and our -strength gone." - -[278] _Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 486, 487. - -[279] Hoover's _The Tragedy of Okoboji_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. V, p. 24. - -[280] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 535. - -[281] _Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ -(Third Series), Vol. III, p. 487. - -[282] _Frank R. Mason's Recollections_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, pp. 535, 536. - -[283] _Letter from Mrs. Collins_ in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third -Series), Vol. III, p. 549. - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -[284] Republished article from the _St. Paul Pioneer_ of May 31, 1857, -in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[285] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 150. - -[286] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 151-156, 168. - -[287] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 168-171. This stone is more familiarly known in -mineralogy as catlinite--being so named from George Catlin, the noted -traveler, who first studied it. See Hodge's _Handbook of American -Indians_, Vol. I, pp. 217-219. - -[288] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 152, 153. - -[289] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 172. - -[290] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 237. - -[291] Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 322; Mrs. Sharp's _History -of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), p. 175. - -[292] Gue's _History of Iowa_, Vol. I, p. 323; Robinson's _A History -of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the _South Dakota Historical -Collections_, Vol. II, p. 237; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit -Lake Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 175, 176. - -[293] Republished article from the _St. Paul Pioneer_, of May 31, -1857, in the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[294] B. M. Smith and A. J. Hill's _Map of the Ceded Part of Dakota -Territory_, 1861. - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -[295] _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of the -Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 392-394; Robinson's _A -History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the _South Dakota -Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 238. - -[296] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 238. - -[297] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, p. 238. - -[298] Republished article from _St. Paul Pioneer_, of May 31, 1857, in -the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[299] Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians_ in the -_South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 238, 239. - -[300] Republished article from _St. Paul Pioneer_, of May 31, 1857, in -the _Hamilton Freeman_ (Webster City), July 13, 1857. - -[301] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 394. - -[302] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 395. - -[303] The text of this bond appears in Flandrau's _Ink-pa-du-ta -Massacre of 1857_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical -Society_, Vol. III, pp. 395, 396. - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -[304] Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni was at this time the President of the Rev. -Riggs' Hazelwood Republic. This Republic was a rather unique attempt -at self-government upon the part of Christianized Indians of the -Yellow Medicine Agency under the guidance of the Rev. Mr. Riggs. It -was "a respectable community of young men who had cut off their hair -and exchanged the dress of the Dakotas for that of the white man.... -They elected their president and other officers for two years, and -were recognized by the Indian agent as a separate band of the -Sioux."--Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. -II, pp. 254-257. - -[305] John Other Day won his title to fame in the annals of Minnesota -by the part he took in the terrible Sioux Massacre of 1862. Certainly -nothing else is needed to prove the worth of a Christian Indian than -this act of his. The whites and Christian Indian refugees were in -deadly peril of massacre at the Yellow Medicine Agency when to "John -Other Day ... was entrusted the agency people and the refugees ... -sixty-two souls in all, and as the ... revelry still came up from the -stores on the bottom ... he moved off to the east with his white -friends, crossed the Minnesota and skillfully covering the trail bore -them away to safety ... without rest or delay he hurried back to the -scene of the massacre to save more lives and assist in bringing the -miscreants to justice."--Robinson's _A History of the Dakota or Sioux -Indians_ in the _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. -278, 279. - -[306] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 396. - -[307] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 216-221, 224, 225. Mrs. Noble seems to have been killed -in the southeastern corner of what is now Spink County, South Dakota. - -[308] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 231, 232. - -[309] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 236. - -[310] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 238, 239. - -[311] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 241. See also Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of -1857_ in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. -III, p. 398. - -[312] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 35. - -[313] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 36. - -[314] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 249. - -Concerning this costume Mrs. Sharp has since remarked that "the style -and fit might not have been approved by Worth, but it was _worth_ -everything to me." - -[315] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 399. - -[316] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 399. - -[317] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 257. - -[318] For these speeches see Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_, pp. 37-41; Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake -Massacre_ (1902 edition), pp. 260-265. - -[319] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 43. - -[320] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), p. 268, 269; Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. -44. - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -[321] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 400. - -[322] Flandrau's The _Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 397. - -[323] Lee's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_, p. 42. - -[324] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 401. - -[325] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. 401. - -[326] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. 401, -402. - -[327] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 367. - -[328] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, pp. 362, 363. - -[329] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 368. - -[330] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 368. - -[331] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -p. 254. - -[332] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, pp. 369, 370, 375. - -[333] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, pp. 373, 374, 375-379. - -[334] _House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. -II, Pt. I, p. 398. - -[335] This speech is one of the very few well-known oratorical efforts -of a Siouan leader and as such it is here appended: "The soldiers have -appointed me to speak for them. The man who killed white people did -not belong to us, and we did not expect to be called to account for -the people of another band. We have always tried to do as our Great -Father tells us. One of our young men brought in a captive woman. I -went out and brought the other. The soldiers came up here, and our -young men assisted to kill one of Ink-pa-du-tah's sons at this place. -Then you (Superintendent Cullen) spoke about our soldiers going after -the rest. Wakea Ska (White Lodge) said he would go, and the rest of us -followed. The lower Indians did not get up the war party for you; it -was our Indians, the Wahpeton and Sisiton. The soldiers here say that -they were told by you that a thousand dollars would be paid for -killing each of the murderers. Their Great Father does not expect to -do these things without money, and I suppose that it is for that that -the special agent is come up. We wish the men who went out paid for -what they have done. Three men are killed as we know. I am not a chief -among the Indians. The white people have declared me a chief, and I -suppose I am able to do something. We have nothing to eat, and our -families are hungry. If we go out again we must have some money before -we go. This is what the soldiers have wished me to say.... All of us -want our money now very much. We have never seen our Great Father, but -have heard a great deal from him, and have always tried to do as he -has told us. A man of another band has done wrong, and we are to -suffer for it. Our old women and children are hungry for this. I have -seen ten thousand dollars sent to pay for our going out. I wish the -soldiers were paid for it. I suppose our Great Father has more money -than this."--_House Executive Documents_, 1st Session, 35th Congress, -Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 399. - -[336] Hubbard and Holcombe's _Minnesota in Three Centuries_, Vol. III, -pp. 267, 268; _South Dakota Historical Collections_, Vol. II, pp. 344, -345, Vol. VI, p. 226. - -[337] Flandrau's The _Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. -402-404. - -[338] Flandrau's _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ in the -_Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, pp. -404-406. - - -CHAPTER XXX - -[339] Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to the Iowa Delegation in -Congress, January 3, 1855, in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), -Vol. II, pp. 627-630; Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to President -Franklin Pierce in the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. -135-137. - -[340] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. II, Ch. 163, p. 363, 1st -Session, 35th Congress, June 14, 1858. - -[341] _Copies of Claims Submitted_ in Auditor's office, in the Public -Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; _Statement from the Office of the Northern -Superintendent of Indian Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota_, in the Public -Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[342] _Statement from Office of Northern Superintendent of Indian -Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota_, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, -Iowa. - -[343] Letter to Governor Lowe from Superintendent W. J. Cullen, August -12, 1859, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -[344] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. 12, Ch. 157, p. 58, 1st -Session, 36th Congress, June 19, 1860. - -[345] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. 12, Ch. 163, p. 68, 1st -Session, 36th Congress, June 21, 1860. - -[346] _United States Statutes at Large_, Vol. 12, Ch. 72, p. 203, 2nd -Session, 36th Congress, March 2, 1861. - -[347] _Laws of Iowa_, 1860, pp. 26, 27. - -[348] _Laws of Iowa_, 1860, pp. 36, 37. - -[349] _Claims and Vouchers Filed with Governor of Iowa_ in Auditor's -Office, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. - -As late as January, 1870, in his first biennial message to the -legislature, Governor Merrill stated that the State had recently -received from the Federal government the "sum of $18,117 to reimburse -outlay for the defense of the northern border of the State, subsequent -to the massacre at Spirit Lake in 1857."--Shambaugh's _Messages and -Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa_, Vol. III, p. 263. - -[350] _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, p. 481. - -[351] _A Worthy Tribute_ in the _Fort Dodge Messenger_, Vol. 23, No. -39, August 18, 1887. - -[352] _A Worthy Tribute_ in the _Fort Dodge Messenger_, Vol. 23, No. -39, August, 18, 1887. - -[353] S. F. 115 was introduced by Senator A. B. Funk of Spirit Lake, -and H. F. 230 by Representative J. G. Myerly of Estherville. Senator -Funk's measure was later substituted in the House for the House -measure, upon motion of Representative Myerly.--_Senate Journal_, -1894, pp. 85, 178, 335, 585, 697; _House Journal_, 1894, pp. 124, 504, -577, 765. - -[354] _Laws of Iowa_, 1894, pp. 116, 117. - -[355] _Report of the Okoboji and Spirit Lake Monument Commission_ in -the _Annals of Iowa_ (Third Series), Vol. III, pp. 552, 553. - -[356] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, pp. 572, 574, -575. - -[357] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 576. - -[358] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 579. - -It should also be noted that on April 9, 1913, there was approved a -law which declared that "on and after the passage of this act, the -survivors of the Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857 ... shall -receive a monthly pension of $20.00 per month, during the lifetime of -each such survivor".--_Laws of Iowa_, 1913, p. 362. - -Under the provisions of this law there was paid out of the State -treasury the sum of $2,189.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, -1914, and $4,677.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, -1916.--_Report of the Treasurer of State_, 1914, p. 21, 1916, p. 21. - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -[359] Mrs. Sharp's _History of the Spirit Lake Massacre_ (1902 -edition), pp. 274-282, 340. - -[360] Judge Charles E. Flandrau in _The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857_ -in the _Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society_, Vol. III, p. -399, has this to say of Mrs. Marble after leaving St. Paul, Minnesota: -"The bank [where her money had been placed] failed, and that was the -end of Mrs. Marble so far as I know, except that I heard that she -exhibited herself at the East, in the role of the rescued captive, and -the very last information I had of her, was, that she went up in a -balloon at New Orleans. I leave to future historians the solution of -the problem, whether she ever came down again?" - -[361] Smith's _A History of Dickinson County, Iowa_, p. 576. - - - - -INDEX - - - Addington, Jesse, 150, 167, 192, 200, 204 - - Adel, Indian battle near, 284 - - Aldrich, Charles, memorial secured through efforts of, 263, 264; - reference to, 264, 266; - agitation by, for monument at lakes, 264, 265; - statement by, 301, 302 - - Alexander, E. B., expedition sent out by, 128; - desire of, to secure rescue of captives, 225, 226; - plans of, for punishment of Inkpaduta, 246 - - Algona, first settlement near, 38; - reference to, 49, 65; - Indian depredations near, 282; - Indian battle near, 284 - - Allegheny Mountains, 269 - - Allotment of land, 9, 10 - - American Fur Company, undue influence of, 22, 24, 25 - - Ammunition, demand of Indians for, 98 - - Anderson, Thomas, 165 - - Annuities, failure to fulfil promises concerning, 9, 10; - payment of traders out of, 15; - sharing of Inkpaduta in, 71; - trouble over, 240, 241, 248-251, 256; - desire of Inkpaduta to share in, 254; - reference to, 279, 293 - - An-pe-tu-tok-cha, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239; - speech by, 242, 243; - expedition guided by, 257 - - Army, method of transportation in, 247, 248 - - Ash Hollow, massacre at, 4, 277, 278 - - Ashland, 86 - - Ashton (South Dakota), 235 - - - Bach Grove, 165, 309 - - Baker, D. H., 167 - - Bancroft, Indian depredations near, 282 - - Barnes's Grove, 40 - - Beaver, shooting of, 190; - attempt of men to eat, 206, 207 - - Beaver Creek, 170 - - Bee, Barnard E., relief expedition under, 128-131; - determination of, to make expedition, 131; - activities of expedition under, 153-158; - reference to, 191; - Abbie Gardner honored by, 241; - reason for failure of, to capture Inkpaduta, 247; - service of, in Civil War, 298 - - Bell, Abner, 93 - - Benjamin, Hiram, 167 - - Berkley, Granville, 36 - - Bice, Orlando, 167 - - Bicknell, James, 39, 88; - robbing of home of, 89 - - Big Bend, 34 - - Big Drift Wood Lake, 252 - - Big Face, 74 - - Big Island Grove, 122; - relief expedition at, 182, 183; - evidence of Indians at, 183 - - Big Sioux River, 63, 65, 72, 73, 215, 218, 220, 223, 226, 229, 233; - difficulty in crossing, 221; - killing of Mrs. Thatcher while crossing, 221, 222 - - Bissell, George R., 169, 188 - - Black Buffalo, 135 - - Black Eagle, 64 (see Wamdisapa) - - Black Hawk, defeat of, 6 - - Blaine (Washington), 273 - - Blizzard, 197, 198; - experiences of members of burial detail during, 199-202; - experiences of members of relief expedition during, 208-211, 310 - - Blood revenge, practice of, among Sioux, 75-77 - - "Bloody Run", 34, 35 - - Blue Earth River, 41, 65, 66 - - Blue River, 277 - - Bonebright, 165 - - Boone, 32 - - Boone River, 31, 309; - Lott's trading house on, 31, 32 - - Boonesboro, 33 - - Border Plains, news of massacre carried to, 163; - reference to, 166 - - Boyer River, 18; - depredations along, 68, 69 - - Bradshaw, John, 57, 58, 134, 140, 142, 149, 187, 189 - - Brainard, James, 165 - - Brewer family, 164 - - Brizee, George W., 167, 206; - mock court-martial of, 179 - - Brown, James A., visit of Indians at cabin of, 86, 87 - - Brown, Sam, 256, 257 - - Brule Sioux Indians, campaign against, 277, 278 - - Buena Vista County, alarm in, 22; - settlement in, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 87; - reference to, 88; - Indian depredations in, 282 - - Buffalo, disappearance of, 10; - reference to, 235 - - Bull Run, battle of, 298 - - Burdens, size of, carried by captives, 216, 217 - - Burial detail, activities of, 192-205 - - Burkholder, William E., 167, 192, 197, 200, 214, 266; - death of, by freezing, 204, 205; - burial of body of, 309 - - Burtch, Asa, 60, 61, 96, 180, 196, 289, 305 - - Byron (Minnesota), 272, 301 - - - Cabin, erection of, by Gardner, 51 - - California, 35 - - California trail, 21 - - Call, Ambrose A., 38, 49 - - Call, Asa C, 38, 49 - - Callagan, Thomas, 166 - - Calumets, making of, 219 - - Camp fires, 171 - - Campbell, Joseph, 252, 256, 257 - - Canada, 70, 256, 290; - flight of Inkpaduta to, 255 - - Cannon River, 66 - - Captives, treatment of, by Indians, 119-121; - experiences of among Indians, 215-224; - difficulty of, in crossing stream, 219, 220; - plans for rescue of, 226, 245; - sale of, 234 - - Carpenter, Cyrus C, 180, 184, 264, 265, 266, 267, 309; - statement by, 182, 210, 211 - - Carse, Henry, 167, 192, 198; - sufferings of, 201, 202, 203 - - Carter, Richard, 167 - - Carter, R. F., 167 - - Carter family, 285 - - Carver, David N., 58, 134, 140, 148, 149; - wounding of, 141 - - Cassady, Sherman, 165 - - Catlin, George, 311 - - Cattle, shelter for, 51; - killing of, 85, 87, 101, 183 - - Cavanagh, Michael, 167 - - Cedar Falls, 39, 60, 89 - - Cedar River, 18 - - Center Grove Township, 46 - - Centerville, 33 - - Chatterton, Mr., 167 - - Cheffins, Joseph B., 58, 138; - news of massacre carried to agency by, 126, 127 - - Chemeuse, 33 - - Cherokee, settlement near, 40; - reference to, 41, 85, 87 - - Cherokee County, settlement in, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 85 - - Che-tan-maza, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239; - reference to, 267 - - Cheyenne River, 68 - - Chippewa Indians, treaty with, 7; - reference to, 13, 24 - - Christian Indians, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231; - reference to, 312 - - Church, William L., 57, 177, 178, 184, 187, 189, 273 - - Church, Mrs. William L., 133, 156; - Indian shot by, 141 - - Churubusco, 177 - - Civil War, service of Bee in, 298 - - Clark, Robert, 60, 61, 100, 101, 118, 289; - attempt of, to warn settlers, 100; - burial of body of, 195 - - Clarke, Newman S., 18 - - Clay County, settlements in, 39, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 88-93 - - Clear Lake, Grindstone War near, 26-28; - Gardner at, 48, 49; - Indian battle near, 284 - - Cloudman, statement by, 10 - - Collins, Mrs. Elwood, statement by, 212, 213 - - Columbus (Ohio), 244 - - Commissary, 169 - - Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 20 - - Company A (Relief Expedition), officers of, 166; - members of, 167; - mock court-martial by, 179; - recruits for, 180; - night camp of, 182 - - Company B (Relief Expedition), officers of, 166; - members of, 167; - discharge of members of, 178; - recruits for, 180 - - Company C (Relief Expedition), officers and members of, 165; - recruits for, 178; - celebration by, 179; - memorial to, at Webster City, 263, 264; - reference to, 309 - - Congress, appeal to Iowa delegation in, 20; - appropriations by, for relief of Spirit Lake sufferers, 260-263 - - Conlan, Patrick, 165 - - Connecticut, 47 - - Conrad, Julius, 167 - - Corn, picking of, by Indians, 78, 79 - - Correctionville, 41; - Inkpaduta's band at, 84, 85 - - Corsau, Mr. 213 - - Coursalle, Mr., information given by, 153, 154; - service of, as guide, 154-156; - reference to, 158, 215, 300 - - Coursalle, Mrs. 156 - - Coursalle's Grove, 153 - - Coursalle's trading post, 136 - - Court-martial, 179 - - Courts, inability of Indians to sue in, 14 - - Crawford, L. D., 167 - - Credit, giving of, to Indians, 25 - - Crouse, A. E., 167 - - Crow Wing (Minnesota), 279 - - Cullen, W. J., statement by, 15, 16; - efforts of, to secure expedition of Indians, 248-252; - difficulties of, with Indians, 253, 254; - reference to, 261 - - Custer massacre, Inkpaduta at, 255 - - Cylinder Creek, 61, 179, 198, 209, 210, 214; - rise in, 207; - camp on, 210, 211; - breaking up of expedition after crossing, 211 - - - Dakota City, march of relief expedition to, 172, 173; - reference to, 174, 176, 179; - Indian depredations at, 282 - - Dakota River, 63, 234 - - Dakota Territory, sufferings of Indians in, 43, 67, 73, 82, 219, - 245, 248, 291 - - Dallas County, 285 - - Dalley, Henry E., 165, 192, 202, 203, 307 - - Darke County (Ohio), 229 - - Dawson, J. W., 167 - - Debts, payment of, to traders, 14-16 - - Defense, preparations for, at Springfield, 132-137 - - De Fore, William, 167 - - De Foe, William A., 167, 184, 192 - - Delaware County, 54 - - Des Moines, 36, 265 - - Des Moines City, 56 - - Des Moines River, 17, 19, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 37, 41, 56, 63, 68, - 73, 122, 124, 129, 132, 139, 153, 161, 179 181, 183, 185, 193, - 198, 202, 205; - settlements along, 38, 39; - march of relief expedition up, 172 - - Des Moines Valley, 35, 160, 179; - settlements in, 39 - - Dickerson, James, trouble of, with Indians, 27 - - Dickerson, Mrs. James, 27 - - Dickinson County, early visitors in, 44; - reference to, 229 - - Dog, eating of, by Indians, 217, 237, 238 - - Dragoon Trail, 180 - - Dry Wood, 290 - - Dubuque, 17, 30, 244 - - Duncombe, John F., 166, 171, 174, 176, 188, 190, 208, 264, 265; - laudanum taken by, 176, 177 - - Dungan, Warren S., 268 - - - Earth Lodges, 234 - - East Okoboji Lake, 46, 161 - - Eastman, Charles, 255 - - Edyington (Ohio), 48 - - Elk, hunting of, by Indians, 79 - - Elk Rapids, 33 - - Emmet, 41 - - Emmet County, 39, 122 - - Emmetsburg, beginning of, 38, 39, 181 - - End of the Snake, captives purchased by, 234 - - Erie, John 165 - - Estherville, 41 - - Europe, 4 - - Evans, Jeremiah, 177, 178 - - Exile, method of becoming, 291 - - - Farney, John, 167 - - Fenton, Charles T., 164, 263 - - Fire, method of starting, 202, 203 - - Fire Cloud, 74; - killing of, 253 - - Flandrau, Charles E., news of massacre carried to Fort Ridgely by, - 128; - account of expedition by, 130, 131; - activities of, upon receipt of news of massacre, 225, 226; - reference to, 229, 242, 243, 259, 267, 317; - Indians paid by, for ransom of Mrs. Marble, 230, 231; - efforts of, to secure release of captives, 232, 233; - Mrs. Marble taken to St. Paul by, 239, 240; - payment of Indians secured by, 245; - payment of bond issued by, 245, 246; - plans of, for punishment of Inkpaduta, 246; - investigation and report by, 247, 248; - expedition against Indians raised by, 256-259 - - Flandrau (South Dakota), 220, 224 - - Florida, 247 - - Flour, demand of Indians for, 102; - confiscation of, 180 - - Food, journey east to secure, 59-61; - giving of, to Indians, 97, 98, 116; - lack of, among Indians, 217, 218 - - Ford, William N., 167, 192 - - Fort Clarke, establishment of, 17; - change of name of, 281 - - Fort Dodge (military post), establishment of, 17, 280, 281; - reference to, 18, 19; - abandonment of, 18; - naming of, 281 - - Fort Dodge (town), alarm near, 20; - reference to, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 37, 39, 59, 99, 102, 125, 151, - 159, 160, 178, 180, 184, 189, 196, 211, 215, 244, 266, 272, - 295, 301, 305, 309; - company raised at, 35; - settlements northwest of, 38; - news of depredations taken to, 92, 93; - attempt to organize relief party at, 93; - plan of Gardner to make trip to, 96, 97; - news of massacre carried to, 124; - organization of relief expedition at, 159-169; - arrival of Howe and Wheelock at, 162; - arrival of Webster City company at, 164, 165; - departure of relief expedition from, 170; - return of part of men to, 199; - return of members of relief expedition to, 213, 214 - - Fort Kearney, 277 - - Fort Laramie, 21, 277 - - Fort Leavenworth, 277 - - Fort Pierre, 82, 277 - - Fort Randall, 18 - - Fort Ridgely, establishment of, 18; - reference to, 35, 72, 130, 138, 139, 143, 147, 158, 178, 179, - 225, 241, 242, 246, 249, 256; - news of massacre carried to, 122-127; - sending of relief expedition from, 128-131; - arrival of relief expedition from, 153-158 - - Fort Snelling, 17, 18, 280, 281 - - Fort Wayne (Indiana), 272 - - Franklin County, 54 - - Freeborn, William, 39 - - Fremont, John C., 45 - - Frontier, advance of, 1-8; - disreputable elements on, 11, 23; - failure of government to protect, 12; - lack of protection on, 17-25; - settlements on, in 1857, 37-41; - winter of 1856-1857 on, 42, 43; - plan for attacks on, 69, 74; - efforts to secure protection of, 260; - tribute to services of pioneers on, 268; - disappearance of, 269 - - Frost, Nathaniel, 58, 153; - trip of, to Slocum's farm, 135 - - Fuller House, 240, 242 - - Funk, A. B., 265, 316 - - Funk family, 164 - - - Gaboo, Joe, 153, 156, 300 - - Galbraith, Agent, 254 - - "Galena" (steamboat), 244 - - Gales, John, 167 - - Game, disappearance of, 10, 11, 42 - - Gar Lake, 160 - - Gardner, Abbie, 47, 103, 113, 121, 228, 234, 245, 246, 267; - taking of, as captive, 103, 104; - early experiences of, in captivity, 111, 112; - burden borne by, 216, 217; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220; - history of ransom of, 232-244; - price paid for ransom of, 237; - journey of, from Yellow Medicine to St. Paul, 240-242; - ceremony in honor of, 242, 243; - war bonnet presented to, 243; - return of, to friends in Iowa, 244; - marriage of, 270 - (see Sharp, Mrs. Abbie Gardner) - - Gardner, Eliza, 47, 57, 121, 133, 195, 244, 270 - - Gardner, Francis M., 118 - - Gardner, Mary, 47; - marriage of, 50 - - Gardner, Rowland, migrations of, 47-50; - arrival of, at Lake Okoboji, 50; - settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 50-53; - reference to, 57, 118, 133; - camp of Indians near cabin of, 95, 96; - plan of, for trip to Fort Dodge, 96, 97; - first visit of Indians to cabin of, 97, 98; - fears of, 99, 100; - killing of cattle of, 101; - suspense in cabin of, 101; - desire of, to resist Indians, 102; - massacre at cabin of, 102-104; - pillaging of cabin of, 104; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 195; - burial party at cabin of, 195, 196; - monument near cabin of, 266; - preempting of claim of, 270 - - Gardner, Rowland, Jr., 47, 118; - killing of, 103 - - Gardner, Mrs. Rowland, 51, 97; - unwillingness of, to resist Indians, 102; - effort of, to prevent murder, 102; - killing of, 103 - - Gates, Emery W., 165, 171, 213; - meal cooked by, 179 - - Gates, John, 165 - - Gens, meaning of, 290 - - Gillespie, Mrs., 273 - - Gillett brothers, visit of Indians to, 91, 92; - Indian killed by, 92; - flight of, 92 - - Gillett, Mrs. 92 - - Gillett's Grove, settlement at, 39; - reference to, 41, 53, 94, 113; - Inkpaduta's band at, 91, 92 - - Goodenough, Lee, 194, 307 - - Governor, 262, 263, 265 - - Government (see United States government) - - Granger, Carl, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53; - reference to, 105, 118; - killing of, 107; - burial of body of, 195 - - Granger, George, settlement of, 39; - journey of, to Springfield, 124, 125; - reference to, 132, 135, 150 - - Granger, William, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53 - - Granger's Point, news of massacre carried to, 124; - reference to, 150, 151, 152, 158, 160, 189, 196, 206; - march of relief expedition to, 182-191; - arrival of relief expedition at, 190, 191; - return of men to, 198 - - Gray Foot, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - Great American Desert, 269 - - Green, Johnny, 33 - - Greenwood (New York), 47 - - Griffith, Josiah, 165 - - Grimes, James W., 19, 162, 168, 282, 295; - efforts of, to secure frontier protection, 20; - refusal of, to call out militia, 21; - letter to Pierce from, 21, 22 - - Grindstone War, events of, 26-28; - reference to, 49 - - Gun-caps, giving of, to Indians, 98 - - Guns, taking of, from Indians, 80; - re-taking of, by Indians, 82 - - - Hamilton County, 36, 265, 286; - memorial in court house of, 263, 264 - - Hammond, Robert, treatment of, by Indians, 84 - - Hampton, 54, 55, 60, 110, 244, 270, 272 - - Harney, General, campaign of, 4, 82; - attitude of Sioux toward, 82; - massacre of Indians by troops under, 277, 278 - - Harriott, Isaac H., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53; - reference to, 98, 99, 105, 118; - killing of, 106, 107; - burial of body of, 195 - - Harrison County, alarm in, 20, 22 - - Harshman, Joseph, 55, 105, 118; - killing of, 106, 107 - - Harshman, Mr., 57, 58 - - Hathaway, A. Newton, 165, 184, 212, 213 - - Hay, making of, 51 - - Hazelwood Republic, 312 - - Hefley, John, 167 - - Hempstead, Stephen, 19, 28 - - Henderson, John, 58, 134, 142, 145, 158, 302; - abandonment of, 152 - - Heron Lake, journey of Inkpaduta's band to, 113-121; - arrival of Indians at, 120; - reference to, 131, 139, 145, 146, 216, 218; - journey of expedition to, 154, 155 - - Hewett, Mr. 26 - - Hickey, James, 165 - - Hillock, Humphrey C., 165 - - His Great Gun, 74 - - Hogs, killing of, 85, 87 - - Holcombe, Mr., statement by, 255 - - Homer, inquest at, 35, 36; - news of massacre carried to, 163; - reference to, 166, 286 - - Hood, Andrew, 180 - - Hoover, Harris, 165, 209 - - Horses, killing of, 85; - use of, by Indians, 113, 114; - treatment of, by Indians, 218 - - Howe, Alfred, 118, 296 - - Howe, Jacob, 111, 118, 296; - burial of body of, 194 - - Howe, Joel, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 54, 55; - reference to, 60, 118; - killing of, 109; - massacre at cabin of, 109, 110; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 193, 194; - burial of body of, 194; - finding of body of, 307, 308 - - Howe, Mrs. Joel, 108; - killing of, 109 - - Howe, Jonathan, 54, 60, 61, 118, 289, 296 - - Howe, Millie, 118 - - Howe, Orlando C., visit of, to lake region, 159, 160; - return of, to Jasper County, 160; - second trip of, to lakes, 160, 161; - massacre discovered by, 160, 161; - news taken to Fort Dodge by, 161, 162; - reference to, 167, 192, 196, 297 - - Howe, Philetus, 118, 296 - - Howe, Sardis, 118, 296 - - Howell, D. F., 167 - - Howland, M. W., 165, 209 - - Hughes, Thomas, 280 - - Humboldt County, alarm in, 22; - Lott's cabin in, 34; - Indian depredations in, 282 - - - Illinois, 181 - - Indian agent, activities of, in behalf of captives, 225, 226, - 229, 230, 231 - - Indian agents, lack of power on part of, 13, 24 - - Indians, attitude of, toward whites, 2, 3; - refusal of, to work, 3, 4; - military expeditions against, 4; - title to Iowa soil ceded by, 5-8; - wrongs done to, 9-16; - criminals among, 12; - liquor traffic among, 13; - power of traders over, 13-16, 24, 25; - reasons for resentment of, 22-25; - outlaw band of, 29, 63-71; - feeling of, after murder of Sidominadota, 36; - attitude of, toward advancing frontier, 37, 38; - sufferings of, during winter of 1856-1857, 43; - feeding of, by settlers, 61, 62; - treatment of captives by, 112, 119-121, 215-224; - preparations for defense against, 132-137; - attack on Springfield by, 138-146; - flight of settlers from, 147-152; - nearness of troops to camp of, 156, 157; - evidence of presence of, 183; - fugitives mistaken for, 185, 186; - guard against surprise by, 189; - attitude of, toward pipestone quarry, 218, 219; - trouble with, over annuities, 240, 241, 248-251; - plan for campaign against, 246; - disappearance of, 269, 270; - depredations by, 282; - effect of whiskey on, 283; - record of massacre made by, 297 - (see also Sioux Indians, Sac and Fox Indians, etc.) - - Inkpaduta, 18, 131, 160, 183; - description of band under, 63-71; - expulsion of, from gens, 63, 64; - ambitions of, 66, 71; - murders by, 66, 67; - evil reputation of, 67, 68; - depredations by band under, 68, 69; - disintegration of band under, 69, 70; - description of, 69, 70; - character of, 70, 71; - plan of, to secure revenge, 72-77; - movements of band under, 72-74; - members of band under, 73, 74; - reasons for desire of, for revenge, 74-77; - relations between Sidominadota and, 75, 76; - actions of band under, at Smithland, 78-83; - depredations by, between Smithland and Lake Okoboji, 84-93; - first day of massacre by band under, 94-107; - second day of massacre by band under, 108-112; - massacre of Marble by Indians under, 113-118; - activities of Indians under, at Heron Lake, 120, 121; - attack on Springfield by, 138-146; - pursuit of, by Captain Bee, 154-157; - nearness of troops to Indians under, 156, 157; - pursuit of, abandoned, 157, 158; - treatment of captives by Indians under, 215-224; - plans for rescue of captives held by, 226; - ransom of Mrs. Marble from band under, 226-231; - moving of camp by, 233, 234; - sale of captives by, 234; - efforts to punish, 245-259; - pursuit of, by Indians, 252, 253; - killing of son of, 253, 258; - defection in band under, 253; - end of efforts to punish, 254; - later life of, 254-256; - death of, 256; - last expedition against Indians under, 256-259; - appropriations for expeditions against, 260-263; - explanation of condition of Indians under, 290; - exile of, 291; - number of Indians under, 293 - - Iowa, attitude of Indians toward, 3; - extinguishment of Indian title to soil of, 5-8; - lack of frontier protection in, 17-25; - winter of 1856-1857 in, 42, 43; - reference to, 43, 67, 256, 278; - Inkpaduta's band in, 68, 69; - return of Abbie Gardner to, 244; - memorial tributes of, to persons involved in massacre, 260-268; - amount received by, for Spirit Lake Relief Expedition, 261-263; - appropriation by legislature of, 262; - Indian warfare in, 284 - - Iowa City, 41 - - Iowa Indians, removal of, from Iowa, 6; - murder of, by Sioux, 290 - - Iowa River, 281 - - Irish Colony, 38, 61, 180, 193, 196, 198, 201, 206, 207, 210, 309; - march of relief expedition to, 180; - relief expedition at, 181; - refugees sent to, 189; - reaching of, by burial party, 203, 204 - - Ishtahabah, 284 - - - Jackson, Frank D., 265 - - Jackson, Thomas E., sobriquet of, 298 - - Jackson (Minnesota), 37, 266; - settlement at, 38 - - Jacques River (see James River) - - Jagmani, 279 - - James River, 63, 215, 234, 235, 238; - rendezvous of Indians on, 65 - - Jasper County, 159, 160 - - John Other Day, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239; - expedition guided by, 257; - services of, at time of massacre of 1862, 312 - - Johns, John, 35 - - Johnson, Albert S., 167, 184 - - Johnson, John C., 165, 192, 194, 200, 214, 266, 307, 309; - enlistment of, 165, 166; - burial detail commanded by, 192; - division in party under, 196, 197; - sufferings of party under command of, 199-205; - efforts to find, 204; - death of, by freezing, 204, 205 - - Johnston, Albert Sidney, 246 - - Joshpaduta, story concerning, 285, 286 - - - Kane County (Illinois), 38 - - Kanesville, 40 - - Kansas, 82 - - Kasominee, 284 - - Kellogg, Elias D., 165, 192, 202, 203 - - Kirchner, Christian, 93 - - Kirchner, J. A., 39, 40 - - Kirchner, Jacob, 39, 40, 88; - ill-treatment of family of, by Indians, 89 - - Koons, William N., 166 - - Kossuth County, alarm in, 22; - Indian depredations in, 282 - - Knoxville, 194 - - - Lac D'Esprit, 44 - - Lac qui Parle, 229 - - La Framboise, Joseph, 130, 154, 155, 215 - - Lake Benton, 254 - - Lake Herman, 233 - - Lake Madison, 224, 233, 234, 236 - - Lake M'da Chan-Pta-Ya Tonka, 224 - - Lake Okoboji, attitude of Indians toward, 1; - settlement at, 39; - reference to, 41, 88, 137, 142; - early visitors at, 44; - early accounts of, 44, 45; - description of, 46, 47; - arrival of Gardner at, 47, 50; - settlement on shores of, 50-56; - first day of massacre at, 94-107; - second day of massacre at, 108-112; - visit of Howe to, 159, 160; - monument at, 266-268 - - Lake with a Grove of Big Trees, 224 - - Lakeville Township, 46 - - Land, cession of, by Indians, 4-8; - allotment of, to Indians, 9, 10 - - Land office, 38 - - Larrabee, William, 264 - - Laughlin, William K., 165, 184, 185, 192, 200, 201, 264; - men kept awake by, 201, 202; - fire started by, 202, 203; - crossing of river effected by, 203, 204 - - Laut, Agnes C., 302 - - Lebourveau, Mr., 86 - - Lee, L. P., Abbie Gardner escorted by, 244 - - Leonard, A. S., 165 - - Lewis and Clark expedition, 44 - - Lime Creek, 27, 28, 48 - - Linn, James, 166 - - Linn County, 55, 229 - - Liquor-dealers, activities of, among Indians, 13 - - Little Big Horn, battle of, 70, 255 - - Little Crow, disturbance quieted by, 251; - placing of, in command of expedition, 251, 252; - expedition under, 252, 253; - uprising under, 254, 255 - - Little Paul, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239 - - Little Rock River, 130 - - Little Sioux River, 1, 30, 38, 46, 73, 78, 82, 84, 85, 87, 90, - 91, 93, 95, 293; - settlements along, 39, 40 - - Little Thunder, 277 - - Live stock, killing of, 85 - - Lizard Creek, 35, 38, 40, 284; - settlements along, 39 - - Loon Lake, 72, 160 - - Long, Steve, 240 - - Long, Mrs. Steve, 240 - - Lost Island Lake, 113 - - Lott, Henry, character of, 31; - whiskey traffic carried on by, 31, 32; - attack of Indians upon, 32, 33; - murder of Sidominadota by, 34-36; - reference to, 68; - location of cabin of, 285 - - Lott, Mrs. Henry, 285 - - Lott, Milton, death of, 33; - marker on grave of, 285 - - Lott's Creek, 34, 211, 212 - - Luce, Albert, 50, 118 - - Luce, Amanda, 50, 118 - - Luce, Harvey, 48, 61, 97, 100, 101, 108, 118, 122, 180; - family of, 50; - settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 50-53; - journey of, east for supplies, 59-61; - return of, to Lake Okoboji, 96; - attempt of, to warn settlers, 100; - killing of cattle of, 101; - burial of body of, 195 - - Luce, Mrs. Harvey, 51, 97; - effort of, to prevent murder, 102; - killing of, 103 - - Luce, Mary M., 118 - - Luce children, killing of, 103 - - - McBane, Angus, 180, 309 - - McCarty, Michael, 167 - - McCauley, William, 167 - - McCleary, George W., 20, 282 - - McClure, G. F., 167 - - McCormick, Robert, 167, 180, 192, 200 - - McFarland, John N., 167 - - McGowan, Eliza Gardner, 272 - - McKnight's Point, 171, 174, 175; - relief expedition at, 176-179; - departure of relief expedition from, 179 - - McMurray, Mayor, 264 - - McNab, John, 158 - - Madelia (Minnesota), 130 - - Madison, Robert, 54, 118; - killing of, 106, 107 - - Madison (South Dakota), 224 - - Madison Grove, Indians at, 113 - - Madrid, 285 - - Madrid Historical Society, 285 - - Mahan, E., 167 - - Maher, Michael, 167 - - Ma-kpe-ya-ka-ho-ton, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - Mak-pi-a-pe-ta, killing of, 253 - - Malcolm, A. S., 167 - - Manitoba, Inkpaduta in, 255 - - Mankato (Minnesota), 41, 56, 129 - - Marble, William, settlement of, at Spirit Lake, 55; - massacre of, 113-118, 296; - taking of money from body of, 117; - reference to, 118; - visit of Markham and Palmer to cabin of, 137; - burial of body of, 158; - preempting of claim of, 270 - - Marble, Mrs. William, 115, 116, 156, 222, 223, 233, 234, 242, - 245, 246; - taking of, as captive, 117; - burden borne by, 216; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220; - history of ransom of, 225-231; - information secured from, 232; - reception of, at St. Paul, 239, 240; - later life of, 271, 317 - - Marion County, 31 - - Markham, Morris, 55, 132, 134, 135, 140, 142, 147, 148, 149, 189; - discovery of massacre by, 122-124; - news carried to Springfield by, 124, 125; - doubt concerning story of, 136; - proof of story of, 136, 137; - oxen secured by, 148, 149 - - Marsh, James M., attack on, 17, 30, 31 - - Marshalltown, 272 - - Massacre of 1862, services of John Other Day during, 312 - - Mason, B. S., 164 - - Mason, Frank R., 165, 184, 185, 187, 188; - experiences of party guided by, 211-213 - - Mason, Solon, 166, 208, 209 - - Mason City, 27, 48, 49, 272 - - Masonic Grove, 27 - - Ma-to-wa-ken, 238, 243 - - Mattock, Agnes, 118 - - Mattock, Alice, 118 - - Mattock, Daniel, 118 - - Mattock, Jackson A., 118 - - Mattock, Jacob M., 118 - - Mattock, James H., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 53, 54; - camp of Indians near cabin of, 95, 96; - reference to, 99, 118, 123; - plan to concentrate at cabin of, 100; - failure of warning to reach, 101; - massacre at cabin of, 105-107, 295; - killing of, 106, 107; - burning of cabin of, 106; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 194, 195 - - Mattock, Mrs. James H., killing of, 106, 107 - - Mattock, Mary M., 118 - - Mattock children, killing of, 106 - - Mattock's Grove, 54 - - Maxwell, J. D., 163 - - Maxwell, John N., 165, 175, 176, 184, 185, 192, 194, 200, 202, - 264, 307; - effort of, to secure aid, 176, 177; - men kept awake by, 201, 202; - crossing of river effected by, 203, 204 - - Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, speech by, 242, 243, 253, 254; - reference to, 269, 312 - - Mdewakanton Sioux Indians, treaty made by, 7, 8; - council with, 249 - - Mead, Ambrose S., 39, 40, 88, 93; - ill treatment of family of, by Indians, 89, 90 - - Mead, Mrs. Ambrose S., 89; - captivity of, 90 - - Mead, Emma, 90 - - Mead, Hattie, 90 - - Medary, Governor, 240, 245; - speech by, 242, 243; - Abbie Gardner escorted by, 244 - - Medium Lake, settlement at, 38, 181; - march of relief expedition to, 170-181; - relief expedition at, 181; - departure of relief expedition from, 182; - reference to, 183, 193, 207, 209 - - Mendota (Minnesota), treaty made at, 7, 8, 15, 19; - annuities under treaty of, 248 - - Merrill, Governor, 316 - - Mexican War, 177 - - Michigan, 229 - - Milford (Massachusetts), 86 - - Milford Colony, 40; - Inkpaduta's band at, 85, 86 - - Milford Emigration Company, 40 - - Military administration, attitude of Flandrau toward, 247 - - Military campaigns, purpose of, 4 - - Militia, refusal of Grimes to call out, 21 - - Militia company, organization of, at Smithland, 80, 81 - - Miller, William, 34 - - Minnesota, 18, 37, 41, 43, 46, 56, 65, 67, 70, 218, 245, 247, - 248, 251, 278, 312; - Inkpaduta's band in, 68; - excitement in, at news of massacre, 225; - efforts of, to punish Indians, 260; - reimbursement of, by Federal government, 261-263 - - Minnesota River, 7, 18, 29, 40, 128, 129, 242, 278, 312 - - Minnetonka, 45 - - Minnewaukon, 45 - - Mississippi River, 256 - - Mississippi Valley, 21; - changes in, 269, 270 - - Missouri River, 6, 18, 21, 40, 68, 154, 234, 236, 255 - - Monona County, alarm in, 20, 22 - - Montana, 255 - - Monument, agitation for, 264, 265; - law providing for, 265; - commission to secure erection of, 265, 266; - erection of, 266; - dedication of, 267, 268 - - Moody, F. R., 165 - - Moon, A., 164 - - Mormons, 40; - expedition against, 246 - - Morrissey, Daniel, 167 - - Mud Creek, crossing of, 200 - - Mud Lake, 182, 206; - Indian battle at, 284 - - Murray, Jonas, 167, 204; - party guided by, 200 - - Murray County (Minnesota), 68 - - Murry, Alexander, relief expedition under, 128-131; - reference to, 154, 156, 157, 215, 256, 258; - activities of troops under, 158; - gift of, to Abbie Gardner, 241, 242 - - Musquakie Indians, 33; - warfare between Sioux and, 284 - (see also Sac and Fox Indians) - - Myerly, J. G., 316, 317 - - - Nebraska, 21, 82 - - Nelson, William, 58, 134, 153 - - Nelson, Mrs. William, 134, 152 - - Neutral Ground, establishment and disposal of, 5, 6 - - New England, lakes in, 47 - - New Haven (Connecticut), 47 - - New Orleans, 317 - - New York, 39, 50; - lakes in, 47 - - Newton, 159 - - Nicollet, J. N., map made by, 45 - - Noble, Alvin, settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 54, 55; - massacre at cabin of, 110, 111; - reference to, 118, 122; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123, 124, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 193 - - Noble, Mrs. Alvin, taking of, as captive, 111; - early experience of, in captivity, 111, 112; - reference to, 113, 117, 194, 222, 237, 246, 258, 296; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220, 223; - attempt at ransom of, 228; - death of, 234, 235, 313 - - Noble, John, 118 - - Nolan, John, 165 - - Nora Springs, 28, 48 - - North Platte River, 277 - - Northwestern frontier, efforts to secure protection of, 260 - - Northwestern Iowa, character of, 41, 42 - - Nowland, John, 165 - - - O'Brien County, first settler in, 40; - Inkpaduta's band in, 87, 88; - reference to, 88 - - Oglala Sioux Indians, campaign against, 277, 278 - - Ohio, 31; - Gardner in, 48 - - Okeson, Daniel, 167; - discharge of, 178 - - Okoboji, Lake (see Lake Okoboji) - - Okoboji South Beach Company, 266 - - O'Laughlin, John, 167; - discharge of, 178 - - Old Man, 74 - - Omaha Indians, 20, 81 - - Onawa, 86 - - Oregon trail, 21 - - Other Day (see John Other Day) - - Oto Indians, 20 - - Ottawa Indians, treaty with, 7 - - Oxen, difficulty of transportation by means of, 170, 173, 174 - - - Palmer, Jareb, 58, 132, 142, 149, 189, 267; - trip of, to Slocum's farm, 135; - journey of, to lakes, 136, 137; - aid secured by, 150 - - Palo Alto County, alarm in, 22; - reference to, 61 - - Parkhurst, Lemuel, cabin of, visited by Indians, 86 - - Parkhurst, Mrs. Lemuel, 86 - - Parmenter, B. F., visit of, to lake region, 159, 160; - return of, to Jasper County, 160; - second trip of, to lakes, 160, 161; - massacre discovered by, 160, 161; - oxen left in charge of, 161, 162; - reference to, 167, 192, 196 - - Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, ransom of Abbie Gardner by, 232-239 - - Pea, Henry, 32 - - Pea's Point, 32; - relief party from, 33 - - Pemberton, J. C, 165 - - Pennsylvania, 31, 309 - - Pension, 317 - - Peterson, settlement near, 39; - reference to, 41; - Inkpaduta's band at, 88-91 - - Peterson Granite Company, 266 - - Phips, Mr., 229 - - Pierce, Franklin, 21 - - Pillsbury's Point, Gardner cabin on, 51, 271 - - Pilot Rock, settlement near, 40; - Inkpaduta's band at, 85 - - Pioneers, attitude of Indians toward, 11, 12; - tribute to memory of, 268 - - Pipestone quarry, Inkpaduta's band at, 218; - attitude of Indians toward, 218, 219 - - Pollock, William P., 180 - - Porter, W. F., 167 - - Pottawattamie Indians, treaty with, 6, 7; - reference to, 33 - - Powder, demand of Indians for, 98 - - Prairie, difficulty of travel on, 173; - hardships of camping on, 175, 176; - flooding of, by rain, 207; - blizzard on, 210 - - Prairie du Chien, treaties made at, 5; - violation of treaties made at, 64; - reference to, 290 - - Prescott, J. S., 270 - - Prescott, Philander, 130 - - President of United States, 20 - - Provisions, securing of, 164 - - Putting on Walking, 74 - - - Quartermaster, 169 - - - Raccoon River, 90 - - Railroad, terminus of, 41 - - Rations, issuing of, 184 - - Rattling, 74 - - Ravines, difficulty in crossing, 172, 173, 174 - - Red Leg, 74 - - Red Pipestone Quarry, Inkpaduta at, 255 - - Red Rock, 31 - - "Red Top" band of Indians, 63 - - Red Wing (Minnesota), 39, 52, 53, 54, 106, 107 - - Redwood Agency, news of massacre carried to, 126, 127; - reference to, 241, 251, 256 - - Refugees, rescue of, 186-189 - - Relief expedition, sending of, from Fort Ridgely, 128-131; - arrival of, at Springfield, 153-158; - organization of, at Fort Dodge and Webster City, 159-169; - march of, to Medium Lake, 170-181; - march of, from Medium Lake to Granger's Point, 182-191; - activities of burial detail sent out by, 192-205; - death of members of, 204, 205; - return of, to Fort Dodge and Webster City, 206-214; - money received for expenses of, 261-263; - experiences of, in blizzard, 310; - pension for survivors of, 317 - - Relief party, failure of, 90, 91; - attempt to organize, 93 - - Reno, Major, 255 - - Revenge, plan of Inkpaduta to secure, 72-77 - - Rexville (New York), 47, 48 - - Richards, Charles B., 162, 166, 179, 182, 188, 192, 193, 208, 264; - story by, 206, 207; - statement by, 309 - - Richards, W. S., 268 - - Richardson, Alonzo, 165 - - Ridgeway, L. B., 167 - - Riggs, Stephen R., 226, 229, 231, 312; - efforts of, to secure release of captives, 232 - - Roaring Cloud, 73, 74; - murder of Mrs. Noble by, 234; - killing of, 258 - - Robinson, Mr., 241 - - Rosenkrans, S. B., 164 - - Ross, Enoch, relief party under, 90, 91 - - Ryan, Enoch, 60, 61, 118, 289; - killing of, 110; - burial of body of, 193 - - - Sac and Fox Indians, treaties made by, 5, 6; - reference to, 26, 29, 64, 65, 66; - warfare between Sioux and, 284 - - Sac City, 86; - relief party from, 90, 91 - - Sac County, alarm in, 22 - - Sacred Plume, 74 - - St. Paul, excitement in, at news of massacre, 225; - arrival of Mrs. Marble in, 229, 230; - Mrs. Marble at, 239, 240; - journey of Abbie Gardner to, 241, 242; - ceremony in honor of Abbie Gardner at, 242, 243; - reference to, 317 - - Santee Sioux Indians, 65, 71, 255 - - Saulsbury, E. W., 164 - - Scalp dance, 94, 108; - description of, 104, 105 - - "Scarlet Point", 63 - (see Inkpaduta) - - Scouting party, activities of, 183-186, 189, 190 - - Searles, W., 167 - - Secretary of Interior, order by, 246, 247, 261 - - Se-ha-ho-ta, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - Seneca (New York), 47 - - Sergeant Bluff, 20 - - Settlements, advance of, 3; - line of, in 1857, 37-41 - - Settlers, desire of, for Indian lands, 9; - attitude of Indians toward, 11, 12; - failure of government to protect, 12, 17-25; - cause of massacre of, 13; - abandonment of homes by, 18, 19; - alarm among, 20, 21, 22, 28; - attacks on, instigated by traders, 25; - depredations among, 31, 68, 69, 78-83, 84-93; - advance of, to northwest, 37, 38, 41, 42; - isolation of, 40, 41; - difficulties of, during winter of 1856-1857, 42, 43; - arrival of, at lakes, 50-56; - names of, at Springfield, 56-58; - Indians fed by, 61, 62; - flight of, from Springfield, 147-152; - preempting of claims by, 270 - - Shakopee (Minnesota), 242 - - Sharp, Mrs. Abbie Gardner, 70, 94, 105, 156, 157, 217, 235, 265, - 266, 267; - efforts of, to secure monument, 265; - later life of, 270, 271; - characterization of Sioux by, 292 - (see also Gardner, Abbie) - - Sharp, Casville, marriage of Abbie Gardner and, 270 - - Sheehan, T. J., 254 - - Shell Rock, Gardner at, 48; - reference to, 60 - - Shell Rock Valley, 48 - - Sherman, George B., 169, 180 - - Sherman, Major, 249, 250, 259 - - Shiegley, Adam P., 57, 134, 135, 152, 158 - - Shifting Wind, 74 - - Shippey's Point, 61, 96, 199, 305; - march of relief expedition to, 179, 180; - members of relief expedition at, 208, 209; - breaking up of expedition at, 211 - - Sidell (California), 271 - - Sidominadota, depredations by band under, 29-31; - attack of, on Lott, 32; - murder of, 34, 285; - murder of family of, 34-36; - reference to, 63; - flight of, from Inkpaduta, 68; - relation of murder of, to Spirit Lake Massacre, 74-77 - - Silbaugh, Mr., 271 - - Sioux City, 37, 41 - - Sioux Indians, Mecca of, 1; - government dealings with, 1-8; - campaign of Harney against, 4; - treaties between Sacs and Foxes and, 5, 6; - wrongs done to, 9-16; - government attitude toward, 12; - retirement of, 17; - depredations by, 17-25; - attitude of, toward whites, 22, 23; - retrogression of, 23, 24; - trouble with, near Clear Lake, 26-28; - attack of, on Lott, 32; - sufferings of, during winter of 1856-1857, 43; - outlaw band of, 63-71; - relationship among, 75; - practice of blood revenge among, 75-77; - attitude of, toward Harney, 82; - scalp dance of, 94; - attitude of, toward pipestone quarry, 218, 219; - receptions of Inkpaduta's band by, 223; - demand for punishment of, 225; - trouble over payment of annuities to, 248-251; - expedition of, against Inkpaduta, 252, 253; - difficulties of Cullen with, 253, 254; - excitement among, 258, 259; - reservation given to, 278; - conspiracy among, 282; - warfare between Sacs and Foxes and, 284; - Inkpaduta pitied by, 289, 290; - method of becoming exile among, 291; - characterization of, 292 - (see also Wahpekuta Sioux, Yankton Sioux, etc.) - - Sioux outbreak, Inkpaduta in, 254, 255 - - Sioux Rapids, settlements near, 39; - reference to, 40, 41, 91, 92, 93 - - Sisseton Sioux Indians, treaty made by, 7, 8; - depredations by, 29-31; - reference to, 75, 251; - council with, 253 - - Sitting Bull, 70, 255 - - Skinner, J. B., 57, 134, 152 - - Skinner, Mrs. J. B., 134, 152 - - Skunk Creek, 224 - - Skunk Lake, 224, 225, 226, 246, 252 - - Sleds, use of, by Indians, 113, 114; - use of, by settlers in flight, 149; - transportation in army by means of, 247 - - Sleepy-Eye, rendezvous of, 183 - - Slocum, Isaac, farm of, 129, 130, 131, 135 - - Smith, Frances M., 47 - - Smith, George P., 167, 192, 200, 204, 205 - - Smith, Guernsey, 167, 208 - - Smith, Mr., 187 - - Smith, Robert, 58, 134, 142, 145, 158, 302; - abandonment of, 152 - - Smith, Mrs. Robert, 134, 151, 152, 302 - - Smith, Roderick A., 167, 192, 196, 266, 267, 297 - - Smith, Seth, 81 - - Smith, Winton, 167 - - Smith's Point, cabin on, 52 - - Smithland, settlement at, 40; - reference to, 73, 84, 86, 293; - actions of Inkpaduta's band at, 78-88 - - Smoky Moccasin, news given by, 135, 136; - reference to, 300 - - Snake Creek, 235, 238, 253 - - Snow, depth of, 42, 43, 59, 170; - difficulties in marching through, 173, 174, 247 - - Snow-blindness, 172 - - Snowshoes, use of, recommended, 248 - - Snyder, Bertell E., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 52, 53; - reference to, 98, 99, 105, 118; - killing of, 106, 107 - - Soldiers, fear of, by Indians, 215, 233; - desire of Indians to be accompanied by, 249, 250 - - Sounding Heavens, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 226-231 - - South Bend (Minnesota), 129, 131 - - Spencer, Owen S., 167, 192, 200 - - Spencer, 90 - - Spink County (South Dakota), 313 - - Spirit Lake, attitude of Indians toward, 1; - settlement at, 39; - reference to, 41, 120, 128, 131, 135, 136, 154, 159, 191, 229; - early visitors to, 44; - early accounts of, 44, 45; - description of, 46, 47; - settlement of Marble on shore of, 55; - massacre on shore of, 113-118; - journey of Palmer and Markham to, 137; - journey of troops to, 158 - - Spirit Lake (South Dakota), 65, 72 - - Spirit Lake Massacre, cause of, 1, 2; - scene of, 46; - relation of murder of Sidominadota to, 74-77; - first day of, 94-107; - second day of, 108-112; - pictographic representation of, 118, 119, 297; - discovery of, by Markham, 122-124; - news of, carried to Springfield and Fort Ridgely, 122-127; - discovery of, by Howe and others, 159-161; - burial of victims of, 192-195; - memorial tributes to persons involved in, 260-268; - later lives of survivors of, 270, 271; - warning of, 286 - - Spirit Lake Relief Expedition (see Relief expedition) - - Spirit Lake Township, 46 - - Spirit Walker, 226; - Mrs. Marble at tepee of, 229 - - Springfield (Minnesota), 37, 53, 88, 120, 121, 129, 130, 131, 154, - 178, 183, 189, 191, 198, 247, 266, 270, 300; - settlers at, 39, 56-58; - news of massacre carried to, 122-126; - effect of news of massacre upon settlers at, 125, 126; - relief expedition to, 128-131; - preparations for defense at, 132-137; - attack on, 138-146; - flight of settlers from, 147-152; - arrival of relief expedition at, 153-158; - guard left at, 158; - rescue of fugitives from, 186-189; - careers of survivors of massacre at, 272, 273 - - Stafford, Patrick, 165 - - Stebbins, Carl, 167, 192 - - Stevens, Smith E., 166 - - Stewart, Johnny, escape of, 145; - reference to, 272, 301 - - Stewart, Joshua, 57, 133; - killing of, 144 - - Stewart, Mrs. Joshua, 133; - killing of, 144, 145 - - Stewart children, killing of, 144, 145 - - "Stonewall" Jackson, origin of name, 298 - - Storm Lake, 90 - - Stratton, Franklin A., 166, 182, 309 - - Streams, difficulty of captives in crossing, 219, 220 - - Street, Joseph M., 25 - - Strong, E. B. N., 57, 121, 142, 300; - flight of, 150, 151, 152 - - Strong, Mrs. E. B. N., 133 - - Supplies, journey east for, 59-61; - plan of Gardner to secure, 96, 97; - confiscation of, 180 - - Surgeon, 169 - - Surveyors, attack made on, 17, 30, 31, 68 - - Swanger, Drusilla, 57, 133, 149, 273; - wounding of, 141 - - Sweeney, Michael, 165, 264 - - - Tahtay-Shkope Kah-gah, 74 - - Target practice, desire of Indians for, 116 - - Tasagi, quarrels between Wamdisapa and, 65, 66; - murder of, 66, 67; - reference to, 291 - - Taylor, E., 40; - ill-treatment of family of, by Indians, 89; - escape of, 89, 90 - - Taylor, Mrs. E., captivity of, 90 - - Tchay-tam-bay River, 278 - - Tenth United States Infantry, 225 - - Tents, securing of, 164 - - Territorial bond, issuance of, 231; - payment of, 246 - - Thatcher, Dora, 118 - - Thatcher, Joseph M., settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 54, 55; - journey of, east for supplies, 59-61; - reference to, 61, 96, 108, 122, 180, 184, 192, 196, 244, 305; - massacre at cabin of, 110, 111; - discovery of massacre at cabin of, 123, 124, 161; - burial of victims of massacre at cabin of, 193; - preempting of claim of, 270 - - Thatcher, Mrs. Joseph M., 60, 113, 117, 244, 296; - taking of, as captive, 111; - early experiences of, in captivity, 111, 112; - illness of, 119, 220; - attitude of, toward captivity, 220; - killing of, 221, 222 - - Thomas, Mrs. Irene A., 267, 272 - - Thomas, James B., 57, 148, 149, 187; - concentration of settlers at cabin of, 133; - names of settlers in cabin of, 133, 134; - description of cabin of, 134, 135; - attack on cabin of, 139-143; - wounding of, 141; - flight of settlers from cabin of, 149-151 - - Thomas, Mrs. James B., 133 - - Thomas, Valentine C., 267, 272 - - Thomas, Willie, 57, 139, 151, 272; - killing of, 142 - - Timber, travel in shelter of, 173 - - Titonka, 284 - - Townsite, plan to lay out, 52 - - Traders, 9, 44; - power of, over Indians, 13-16, 24, 25 - - Transportation, method of, in army, 247, 248 - - Traverse des Sioux (Minnesota), treaty made at, 7, 15, 19, 37, 279; - failure to carry out treaty made at, 10; - reference to, 242; - annuities under treaty of, 248 - - Treaties, making of, with Indians, 2-8; - wrongs done in making of, 9-11; - influence of traders in making of, 15 - - Tretts, Henry, 58, 138, 139, 140; - news of massacre carried to agency by, 126 - - Tullis, A. K., 165 - - "Two Fingers" (see Sidominadota) - - - Umpashota, 18, 135, 136, 284 - - United States government, dealings of, with Sioux Indians, 1-8; - attitude of, toward Sioux, 12; - failure of, to protect frontier, 12, 17-25 - - Utah, expedition to, 246 - - - Van Cleave, Silas, 167, 192 - - Vermillion River, 29, 30 - - Voyageurs, 44 - - - Wabashaw's band, 290 - - Wagons, transportation by means of, 247 - - Wahkonsa, 284 - - Wahpekuta Sioux Indians, 6, 65, 75, 249; - treaty made by, 7, 8; - attitude of, toward Spirit Lake, 45; - position of Inkpaduta among, 63, 64; - division among, 64; - pursuit of Inkpaduta by, 66; - massacre of, 68; - Inkpaduta dropped from membership in, 71; - murder of Iowas by, 290; - method of becoming exile among, 291 - - Wahpeton Agency, 238 - - Wahpeton Sioux Indians, treaty made by, 7, 8; - reference to, 226; - council with, 253 - - Wahpuja Wicasta, 253 - - Wamdisapa, 30, 71; - outlaw band led by, 64-67 - - Wamundiyakapi, massacre of, 68 - - Wanduskaihanke, captives purchased by, 234 - - War dance, 94 - - Waterloo, 60, 108 - - Waterman, H. H., 40, 88; - ill treatment of, by Indians, 87, 88 - - Waterman (town), 40, 41 - - Watonwan River, 40, 70, 130 - - Weaver, E., ill treatment of, by Indians, 87; - reference to, 93 - - Weaver family, settlement of, 40 - - Webster City, 159, 166, 170, 189, 211, 215, 284, 302; - news of massacre carried to, 163; - organization of relief expedition at, 163-166; - return of members of relief expedition to, 213; - memorial to members of relief expedition from, 263, 264 - - Webster County, alarm in, 22; - reference to, 31, 35, 285 - - West Okoboji Lake, 46, 113; - arrival of Gardner family at, 50 - - Westerfield, D., 167 - - Wheeler, William T., 57; - concentration at cabin of, 133; - name of settlers at cabin of, 134; - shots fired into cabin of, 145; - flight of settlers from cabin of, 151, 152 - - Wheelock, R. U., visit of, to lake region, 159, 160; - return of, to Jasper County, 160; - second trip of, to lakes, 160, 161; - massacre discovered by, 160, 161; - news taken to Fort Dodge by, 161, 162; - reference to, 167, 175, 176, 177, 192, 196, 297 - - Whetstone, Reuben, 167 - - Whiskey, effect of, on Indians, 23, 283; - traffic in, 279 - - Whiskey-sellers, activities of, among Indians, 13; - profits made by, 21 - - White, John, 167 - - White, Mr. 163 - - Whites, advance of, into Indian country, 1-8; - attitude of Sioux Indians toward, 22, 23; - hatred of, by Inkpaduta, 70, 71 - - Wilcox, Mr., 39, 93 - - Williams, James B., 18 - - Williams, Washington, 167 - - Williams, William, 18, 19, 20, 28, 35, 69, 77, 175, 183, 184, 188, - 189, 191, 192, 204, 210, 244, 266, 281, 301, 309; - meeting presided over by, 162; - commission held by, 162; - choice of, to command expedition, 168, 169; - strength and determination of, 177; - report by, 295; - age of, 304 - - Williamson, Thomas S., 229, 239 - - Williamson, Mrs. Thomas S., 239 - - Willson, S., 164 - - Willson, W. C., 164 - - Wilson, William R., 167, 192, 195, 196, 244, 272 - - Wiltfong, 159 - - Winnebago Indians, reservation given to, 6; - reference to, 25, 26 - - Winter, army transportation in, 247, 248 - - Winter of 1856-1857, character of, 42, 43; - sufferings of Indians during, 72, 73 - - Wood, Charles, 56 - - Wood, George, 56, 132, 136; - refusal of, to believe in danger, 132, 133, 136; - killing of, 143, 144 - - Wood, William, 56, 126, 132; - refusal of, to believe in danger, 125, 132, 133, 136; - killing of, 143, 144 - - Wood brothers, store kept by, 57; - Indians at store of, 135, 136; - pillaging of store of, 145, 146 - - Woodbury County, alarm in, 20, 22; - settlement in, 40; - reference to, 73, 78 - - Woods, Samuel, 18, 281; - Fort Dodge established by, 280, 281 - - Wright, L. K., 166 - - Wright County, 309 - - Wyoming, 21, 82 - - - Yankton Sioux Indians, 63, 71, 154, 234, 253, 255; - refuge of Inkpaduta among, 67, 72; - reception of Inkpaduta's band by, 223; - attitude of, toward captive, 235, 236 - - Yellow Medicine Agency, 226, 233, 245, 254, 312 - - Yellow Medicine mission, 239 - - Yellow Medicine River, 225, 236, 256, 257, 269, 278 - - Young Men's Christian Association, 194 - - Young Sleepy Eyes, 284 - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - -Archaic and inconsistent spelling and punctuation retained. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Spirit Lake Massacre, by Thomas Teakle - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE *** - -***** This file should be named 42074.txt or 42074.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/2/0/7/42074/ - -Produced by sp1nd, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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