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+      <title>The Golden Bough (Third Edition, Vol. 7 of 12)</title>
+      <author><name reg="Frazer, James George">James George Frazer</name></author>
+    </titleStmt>
+    <editionStmt>
+      <edition n="3">Edition 3</edition>
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+      <publisher>Project Gutenberg</publisher>
+      <date>February 10, 2013</date>
+      <idno type="etext-no">42067</idno>
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+  <front>
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+    </div>
+    <div>
+      <divGen type="encodingDesc" />
+    </div>
+
+    <div rend="page-break-before: always">
+      <p rend="font-size: xx-large; text-align: center">The Golden Bough</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">A Study in Magic and Religion</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">By</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Vol. VII. of XII.</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Part V: Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild.</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Vol. 1 of 2.</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">New York and London</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">MacMillan and Co.</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">1912</p>
+    </div>
+    <div rend="page-break-before: always">
+      <head>Contents</head>
+      <divGen type="toc" />
+    </div>
+
+  </front>
+<body>
+
+<div>
+<p rend='text-align: center'>
+<figure url='images/cover.jpg' rend='width: 40%'>
+<figDesc>Cover Art</figDesc>
+</figure>
+</p>
+<p>
+[Transcriber's Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter at
+Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<pb n='v'/><anchor id='Pgv'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Preface.</head>
+
+<p>
+In the last part of this work we examined the figure of
+the Dying and Reviving God as it appears in the Oriental
+religions of classical antiquity. With the present instalment
+of <hi rend='italic'>The Golden Bough</hi> we pursue the same theme in other
+religions and among other races. Passing from the East to
+Europe we begin with the religion of ancient Greece, which
+embodies the now familiar conception in two typical examples,
+the vine-god Dionysus and the corn-goddess Persephone,
+with her mother and duplicate Demeter. Both of these
+Greek divinities are personifications of cultivated plants, and
+a consideration of them naturally leads us on to investigate
+similar personifications elsewhere. Now of all the plants
+which men have artificially reared for the sake of food the
+cereals are on the whole the most important; therefore it is
+natural that the religion of primitive agricultural communities
+should be deeply coloured by the principal occupation of
+their lives, the care of the corn. Hence the frequency with
+which the figures of the Corn-mother and Corn-maiden,
+answering to the Demeter and Persephone of ancient Greece,
+meet us in other parts of the world, and not least of all on
+the harvest-fields of modern Europe. But edible roots as
+well as cereals have been cultivated by many races, especially
+in the tropical regions, as a subsidiary or even as a principal
+means of subsistence; and accordingly they too enter largely
+into the religious ideas of the peoples who live by them.
+Yet in the case of the roots, such as yams, taro, and potatoes,
+<pb n='vi'/><anchor id='Pgvi'/>
+the conception of the Dying and Reviving God appears to
+figure less prominently than in the case of the cereals, perhaps
+for the simple reason that while the growth and decay
+of the one sort of fruit go on above ground for all to see, the
+similar processes of the other are hidden under ground and
+therefore strike the popular imagination less forcibly.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Having surveyed the variations of our main theme among
+the agricultural races of mankind, we prosecute the enquiry
+among savages who remain more or less completely in the
+hunting, fishing, and pastoral stages of society. The same
+motive which leads the primitive husbandman to adore the
+corn or the roots, induces the primitive hunter, fowler, fisher,
+or herdsman to adore the beasts, birds, or fishes which furnish
+him with the means of subsistence. To him the conception
+of the death of these worshipful beings is naturally presented
+with singular force and distinctness; since it is no figurative
+or allegorical death, no poetical embroidery thrown over the
+skeleton, but the real death, the naked skeleton, that constantly
+thrusts itself importunately on his attention. And
+strange as it may seem to us civilised men, the notion of
+the immortality and even of the resurrection of the lower
+animals appears to be almost as familiar to the savage and
+to be accepted by him with nearly as unwavering a faith as
+the obvious fact of their death and destruction. For the most
+part he assumes as a matter of course that the souls of dead
+animals survive their decease; hence much of the thought
+of the savage hunter is devoted to the problem of how he can
+best appease the naturally incensed ghosts of his victims so
+as to prevent them from doing him a mischief. This refusal
+of the savage to recognise in death a final cessation of the
+vital process, this unquestioning faith in the unbroken continuity
+of all life, is a fact that has not yet received the
+attention which it seems to merit from enquirers into
+the constitution of the human mind as well as into the
+history of religion. In the following pages I have collected
+<pb n='vii'/><anchor id='Pgvii'/>
+examples of this curious faith; I must leave it to others to
+appraise them.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Thus on the whole we are concerned in these volumes
+with the reverence or worship paid by men to the natural
+resources from which they draw their nutriment, both vegetable
+and animal. That they should invest these resources
+with an atmosphere of wonder and awe, often indeed with a
+halo of divinity, is no matter for surprise. The circle of
+human knowledge, illuminated by the pale cold light of
+reason, is so infinitesimally small, the dark regions of human
+ignorance which lie beyond that luminous ring are so immeasurably
+vast, that imagination is fain to step up to the
+border line and send the warm, richly coloured beams of her
+fairy lantern streaming out into the darkness; and so,
+peering into the gloom, she is apt to mistake the shadowy
+reflections of her own figure for real beings moving in
+the abyss. In short, few men are sensible of the sharp
+line that divides the known from the unknown; to most
+men it is a hazy borderland where perception and conception
+melt indissolubly into one. Hence to the savage the
+ghosts of dead animals and men, with which his imagination
+peoples the void, are hardly less real than the solid shapes
+which the living animals and men present to his senses;
+and his thoughts and activities are nearly as much absorbed
+by the one as by the other. Of him it may be said with
+perhaps even greater truth than of his civilised brother,
+<q>What shadows we are, and what shadows we pursue!</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+But having said so much in this book of the misty glory
+which the human imagination sheds round the hard material
+realities of the food supply, I am unwilling to leave my
+readers under the impression, natural but erroneous, that
+man has created most of his gods out of his belly. That is
+not so, at least that is not my reading of the history of
+religion. Among the visible, tangible, perceptible elements
+by which he is surrounded&mdash;and it is only of these that I
+<pb n='viii'/><anchor id='Pgviii'/>
+presume to speak&mdash;there are others than the merely nutritious
+which have exerted a powerful influence in touching
+his imagination and stimulating his energies, and so have
+contributed to build up the complex fabric of religion. To
+the preservation of the species the reproductive faculties
+are no less essential than the nutritive; and with them we
+enter on a very different sphere of thought and feeling, to
+wit, the relation of the sexes to each other, with all the
+depths of tenderness and all the intricate problems which
+that mysterious relation involves. The study of the various
+forms, some gross and palpable, some subtle and elusive, in
+which the sexual instinct has moulded the religious consciousness
+of our race, is one of the most interesting, as it is
+one of the most difficult and delicate tasks, which await the
+future historian of religion.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+But the influence which the sexes exert on each other,
+intimate and profound as it has been and must always be, is
+far indeed from exhausting the forces of attraction by which
+mankind are bound together in society. The need of mutual
+protection, the economic advantages of co-operation, the
+contagion of example, the communication of knowledge, the
+great ideas that radiate from great minds, like shafts of light
+from high towers,&mdash;these and many other things combine to
+draw men into communities, to drill them into regiments,
+and to set them marching on the road of progress with a
+concentrated force to which the loose skirmishers of mere
+anarchy and individualism can never hope to oppose a permanent
+resistance. Hence when we consider how intimately
+humanity depends on society for many of the boons which
+it prizes most highly, we shall probably admit that of all
+the forces open to our observation which have shaped
+human destiny the influence of man on man is by far the
+greatest. If that is so, it seems to follow that among the
+beings, real or imaginary, which the religious imagination
+has clothed with the attributes of divinity, human spirits are
+<pb n='ix'/><anchor id='Pgix'/>
+likely to play a more important part than the spirits of
+plants, animals, or inanimate objects. I believe that a
+careful examination of the evidence, which has still to be
+undertaken, will confirm this conclusion; and that if we
+could strictly interrogate the phantoms which the human
+mind has conjured up out of the depths of its bottomless
+ignorance and enshrined as deities in the dim light of
+temples, we should find that the majority of them have
+been nothing but the ghosts of dead men. However, to
+say this is necessarily to anticipate the result of future
+research; and if in saying it I have ventured to make a
+prediction, which like all predictions is liable to be falsified
+by the event, I have done so only from a fear lest, without
+some such warning, the numerous facts recorded in these
+volumes might lend themselves to an exaggerated estimate
+of their own importance and hence to a misinterpretation
+and distortion of history.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+J. G. Frazer.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>Cambridge</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>4th May 1912</hi>.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='001'/><anchor id='Pg001'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter I. Dionysus.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Death and
+resurrection
+of
+Oriental
+gods of
+vegetation.
+The Dying
+and Reviving
+god of
+vegetation
+in ancient
+Greece.</note>
+In the preceding part of this work we saw that in antiquity
+the civilised nations of western Asia and Egypt
+pictured to themselves the changes of the seasons, and
+particularly the annual growth and decay of vegetation,
+as episodes in the life of gods, whose mournful death
+and happy resurrection they celebrated with dramatic
+rites of alternate lamentation and rejoicing. But if the
+celebration was in form dramatic, it was in substance
+magical; that is to say, it was intended, on the principles
+of sympathetic magic, to ensure the vernal regeneration of
+plants and the multiplication of animals, which had seemed
+to be menaced by the inroads of winter. In the ancient
+world, however, such ideas and such rites were by no means
+confined to the Oriental peoples of Babylon and Syria,
+of Phrygia and Egypt; they were not a product peculiar to
+the religious mysticism of the dreamy East, but were shared
+by the races of livelier fancy and more mercurial temperament
+who inhabited the shores and islands of the Aegean.
+We need not, with some enquirers in ancient and modern
+times, suppose that these Western peoples borrowed from
+the older civilisation of the Orient the conception of the
+Dying and Reviving God, together with the solemn ritual,
+in which that conception was dramatically set forth before
+the eyes of the worshippers. More probably the resemblance
+which may be traced in this respect between the religions of
+the East and the West is no more than what we commonly,
+though incorrectly, call a fortuitous coincidence, the effect of
+<pb n='002'/><anchor id='Pg002'/>
+similar causes acting alike on the similar constitution of the
+human mind in different countries and under different skies.
+The Greek had no need to journey into far countries to learn
+the vicissitudes of the seasons, to mark the fleeting beauty
+of the damask rose, the transient glory of the golden corn,
+the passing splendour of the purple grapes. Year by year
+in his own beautiful land he beheld, with natural regret,
+the bright pomp of summer fading into the gloom and
+stagnation of winter, and year by year he hailed with natural
+delight the outburst of fresh life in spring. Accustomed
+to personify the forces of nature, to tinge her cold abstractions
+with the warm hues of imagination, to clothe her
+naked realities with the gorgeous drapery of a mythic fancy,
+he fashioned for himself a train of gods and goddesses, of
+spirits and elves, out of the shifting panorama of the seasons,
+and followed the annual fluctuations of their fortunes with
+alternate emotions of cheerfulness and dejection, of gladness
+and sorrow, which found their natural expression in alternate
+rites of rejoicing and lamentation, of revelry and mourning.
+A consideration of some of the Greek divinities who thus
+died and rose again from the dead may furnish us with a
+series of companion pictures to set side by side with
+the sad figures of Adonis, Attis, and Osiris. We begin with
+Dionysus.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Dionysus,
+the god of
+the vine,
+originally
+a Thracian
+deity.</note>
+The god Dionysus or Bacchus is best known to us as a
+personification of the vine and of the exhilaration produced
+by the juice of the grape.<note place='foot'>On Dionysus in general, see L.
+Preller, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische Mythologie</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>4</hi> i.
+659 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Fr. Lenormant, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+<q>Bacchus,</q> in Daremberg and Saglio's
+<hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques
+et Romaines</hi>, i. 591 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Voigt and
+Thraemer, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Dionysus,</q> in W. H.
+Roscher's <hi rend='italic'>Lexikon der griech. u. röm.
+Mythologie</hi>, i. 1029 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; E. Rohde,
+<hi rend='italic'>Psyche</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi> (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903),
+ii. 1 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Miss J. E. Harrison, <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena
+to the Study of Greek Religion</hi>,
+Second Edition (Cambridge, 1908),
+pp. 363 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Kern, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Dionysus,</q>
+in Pauly-Wissowa's <hi rend='italic'>Real-Encyclopädie
+der classischen Altertumswissenschaft</hi>,
+v. 1010 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; M. P. Nilsson, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische
+Feste von religiöser Bedeutung</hi> (Leipsic,
+1906), pp. 258 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; L. R. Farnell,
+<hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek States</hi>, v.
+(Oxford, 1909) pp. 85 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The
+epithet <hi rend='italic'>Bromios</hi> bestowed on Dionysus,
+and his identification with
+the Thracian and Phrygian deity
+Sabazius, have been adduced as evidence
+that Dionysus was a god of beer
+or of other cereal intoxicants before
+he became a god of wine. See W.
+Headlam, in <hi rend='italic'>Classical Review</hi>, xv.
+(1901) p. 23; Miss J. E. Harrison,
+<hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek
+Religion</hi>, pp. 414-426.</note> His ecstatic worship, characterised
+by wild dances, thrilling music, and tipsy excess, appears to
+<pb n='003'/><anchor id='Pg003'/>
+have originated among the rude tribes of Thrace, who were
+notoriously addicted to drunkenness.<note place='foot'>Plato, <hi rend='italic'>Laws</hi>, i. p. 637 <hi rend='smallcaps'>e</hi>; Theopompus,
+cited by Athenaeus, x. 60,
+p. 442 <hi rend='smallcaps'>e</hi> <hi rend='smallcaps'>f</hi>; Suidas, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> κατασκεδάζειν;
+compare Xenophon, <hi rend='italic'>Anabasis</hi>, vii. 3.
+32. For the evidence of the Thracian
+origin of Dionysus, see the writers
+cited in the preceding note, especially
+Dr. L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> v. 85 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+Compare W. Ridgeway, <hi rend='italic'>The Origin
+of Tragedy</hi> (Cambridge, 1910), pp.
+10 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Its mystic doctrines
+and extravagant rites were essentially foreign to the clear
+intelligence and sober temperament of the Greek race. Yet
+appealing as it did to that love of mystery and that proneness
+to revert to savagery which seem to be innate in most
+men, the religion spread like wildfire through Greece until
+the god whom Homer hardly deigned to notice had become
+the most popular figure of the pantheon. The resemblance
+which his story and his ceremonies present to those of
+Osiris have led some enquirers both in ancient and modern
+times to hold that Dionysus was merely a disguised Osiris,
+imported directly from Egypt into Greece.<note place='foot'>Herodotus, ii. 49; Diodorus
+Siculus, i. 97. 4; P. Foucart, <hi rend='italic'>Le Culte
+de Dionyse en Attique</hi> (Paris, 1904),
+pp. 9 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 159 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> (<hi rend='italic'>Mémoires de
+l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres</hi>,
+xxxvii.).</note> But the great
+preponderance of evidence points to his Thracian origin,
+and the similarity of the two worships is sufficiently
+explained by the similarity of the ideas and customs on
+which they were founded.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Dionysus
+a god of
+trees, especially
+of
+fruit-trees.</note>
+While the vine with its clusters was the most characteristic
+manifestation of Dionysus, he was also a god of trees
+in general. Thus we are told that almost all the Greeks
+sacrificed to <q>Dionysus of the tree.</q><note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Quaest. Conviv.</hi> v. 3:
+Διονύσῳ δὲ δενδρίτῃ πάντες, ὡς ἔπος
+εἰπεῖν, Ἕλληνες θύουσιν.</note> In Boeotia one of
+his titles was <q>Dionysus in the tree.</q><note place='foot'>Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Ἔνδενδρος.</note> His image was
+often merely an upright post, without arms, but draped in
+a mantle, with a bearded mask to represent the head, and
+with leafy boughs projecting from the head or body to shew
+the nature of the deity.<note place='foot'>See the pictures of his images,
+drawn from ancient vases, in C.
+Bötticher's <hi rend='italic'>Baumkultus der Hellenen</hi>
+(Berlin, 1856), plates 42, 43, 43 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a</hi>,
+43 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>, 44; Daremberg et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire
+des Antiquités Grecques et
+Romaines</hi>, i. 361, 626 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> On a vase his rude effigy is
+depicted appearing out of a low tree or bush.<note place='foot'>Daremberg et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i. 626.</note> At Magnesia
+on the Maeander an image of Dionysus is said to have
+been found in a plane-tree, which had been broken by the
+<pb n='004'/><anchor id='Pg004'/>
+wind.<note place='foot'>P. Wendland und O. Kern,
+<hi rend='italic'>Beiträge zur Geschichte der griechischen
+Philosophie und Religion</hi> (Berlin,
+1895), pp. 79 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Ch. Michel, <hi rend='italic'>Recueil
+d' Inscriptions Grecques</hi> (Brussels,
+1900), No. 856.</note> He was the patron of cultivated trees;<note place='foot'>Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+30.</note> prayers were
+offered to him that he would make the trees grow;<note place='foot'>Pindar, quoted by Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis
+et Osiris</hi>, 35.</note> and he
+was especially honoured by husbandmen, chiefly fruit-growers,
+who set up an image of him, in the shape of a natural tree-stump,
+in their orchards.<note place='foot'>Maximus Tyrius, <hi rend='italic'>Dissertat.</hi> viii. 1.</note> He was said to have discovered
+all tree-fruits, amongst which apples and figs are particularly
+mentioned;<note place='foot'>Athenaeus, iii. chs. 14 and 23,
+pp. 78 <hi rend='smallcaps'>c</hi>, 82 <hi rend='smallcaps'>d</hi>.</note> and he was referred to as <q>well-fruited,</q>
+<q>he of the green fruit,</q> and <q>making the fruit to grow.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>, Hymn l. 4. liii. 8.</note>
+One of his titles was <q>teeming</q> or <q>bursting</q> (as of sap
+or blossoms);<note place='foot'>Aelian, <hi rend='italic'>Var. Hist.</hi> iii. 41;
+Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Φλέω[ς]. Compare
+Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Quaest. Conviv.</hi> v. 8. 3.</note> and there was a Flowery Dionysus in Attica
+and at Patrae in Achaia.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, i. 31. 4; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi> vii. 21.
+6.</note> The Athenians sacrificed to him
+for the prosperity of the fruits of the land.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 636, vol.
+ii. p. 435, τῶν καρπῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ.
+However, the words may equally well
+refer to the cereal crops.</note> Amongst the
+trees particularly sacred to him, in addition to the vine,
+was the pine-tree.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Quaest. Conviv.</hi> v. 3.</note> The Delphic oracle commanded the
+Corinthians to worship a particular pine-tree <q>equally with
+the god,</q> so they made two images of Dionysus out of it,
+with red faces and gilt bodies.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ii. 2. 6 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Pausanias
+does not mention the kind of tree;
+but from Euripides, <hi rend='italic'>Bacchae</hi>, 1064
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, and Philostratus, <hi rend='italic'>Imag.</hi> i. 17
+(18), we may infer that it was a pine,
+though Theocritus (xxvi. 11) speaks of
+it as a mastich-tree.</note> In art a wand, tipped with
+a pine-cone, is commonly carried by the god or his
+worshippers.<note place='foot'>Müller-Wieseler, <hi rend='italic'>Denkmäler der
+alten Kunst</hi>, ii. pll. xxxii. <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; A.
+Baumeister, <hi rend='italic'>Denkmäler des klassischen
+Altertums</hi>, i. figures 489, 491, 492,
+495. Compare F. Lenormant, in
+Daremberg et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des
+Antiquités Grecques et Romaines</hi>, i.
+623; Ch. F. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>
+(Königsberg, 1829), p. 700.</note> Again, the ivy and the fig-tree were especially
+associated with him. In the Attic township of Acharnae
+there was a Dionysus Ivy;<note place='foot'>Pausanias, i. 31. 6.</note> at Lacedaemon there was a
+Fig Dionysus; and in Naxos, where figs were called <foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>meilicha</foreign>,
+there was a Dionysus Meilichios, the face of whose image
+was made of fig-wood.<note place='foot'>Athenaeus, iii. 14, p. 78 <hi rend='smallcaps'>c</hi>.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='005'/><anchor id='Pg005'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Dionysus
+as a god of
+agriculture
+and the
+corn.
+The winnowing-fan
+as an emblem
+of
+Dionysus.</note>
+Further, there are indications, few but significant, that
+Dionysus was conceived as a deity of agriculture and the
+corn. He is spoken of as himself doing the work of a
+husbandman:<note place='foot'>Himerius, <hi rend='italic'>Orat.</hi> i. 10, Δίονυσος
+γεωργεῖ.</note> he is reported to have been the first to yoke
+oxen to the plough, which before had been dragged by hand
+alone; and some people found in this tradition the clue to
+the bovine shape in which, as we shall see, the god was
+often supposed to present himself to his worshippers. Thus
+guiding the ploughshare and scattering the seed as he went,
+Dionysus is said to have eased the labour of the husbandman.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, iii. 64. 1-3, iv.
+4. 1 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> On the agricultural aspect of
+Dionysus, see L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults
+of the Greek States</hi>, v. (Oxford, 1909)
+pp. 123 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+Further, we are told that in the land of the Bisaltae,
+a Thracian tribe, there was a great and fair sanctuary
+of Dionysus, where at his festival a bright light shone
+forth at night as a token of an abundant harvest vouchsafed
+by the deity; but if the crops were to fail that year,
+the mystic light was not seen, darkness brooded over the
+sanctuary as at other times.<note place='foot'>[Aristotle,] <hi rend='italic'>Mirab. Auscult.</hi> 122
+(p. 842 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a</hi>, ed. Im. Bekker, Berlin
+edition).</note> Moreover, among the emblems
+of Dionysus was the winnowing-fan, that is the large open
+shovel-shaped basket, which down to modern times has been
+used by farmers to separate the grain from the chaff by
+tossing the corn in the air. This simple agricultural instrument
+figured in the mystic rites of Dionysus; indeed the
+god is traditionally said to have been placed at birth in a
+winnowing-fan as in a cradle: in art he is represented as an
+infant so cradled; and from these traditions and representations
+he derived the epithet of <foreign rend='italic'>Liknites</foreign>, that is, <q>He of the
+Winnowing-fan.</q><note place='foot'>Servius on Virgil, <hi rend='italic'>Georg.</hi> i. 166;
+Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 35. The
+literary and monumental evidence as
+to the winnowing-fan in the myth and
+ritual of Dionysus has been collected
+and admirably interpreted by Miss J.
+E. Harrison in her article <q>Mystica
+Vannus Iacchi,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of Hellenic
+Studies</hi>, xxiii. (1903) pp. 292-324.
+Compare her <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena to the Study
+of Greek Religion</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Cambridge, 1908),
+pp. 517 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> I must refer the reader
+to these works for full details on the
+subject. In the passage of Servius
+referred to the reading is somewhat
+uncertain; in his critical edition G.
+Thilo reads λικμητὴν and λικμὸς instead
+of the usual λικνιτὴν and λικνόν. But
+the variation does not affect the meaning.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Use of the
+winnowing-fan
+to
+cradle
+infants. The winnowing-fan
+sometimes
+intended to
+avert evil
+spirits from
+children.</note>
+At first sight this symbolism might be explained
+very simply and naturally by supposing that the divine
+<pb n='006'/><anchor id='Pg006'/>
+infant cradled in the winnowing-fan was identified with
+the corn which it is the function of the instrument to
+winnow and sift. Yet against this identification it may be
+urged with reason that the use of a winnowing-fan as a
+cradle was not peculiar to Dionysus; it was a regular
+practice with the ancient Greeks to place their infants in
+winnowing-fans as an omen of wealth and fertility for the
+future life of the children.<note place='foot'>Ἐν γὰρ λείκνοις τὸ παλαιὸν κατεκοίμιζον
+τὰ Βρέφη πλοῦτον καὶ καρπούς
+οἰωνιζόμενοι, Scholiast on Callimachus,
+i. 48 (<hi rend='italic'>Callimachea</hi>, edidit O. Schneider,
+Leipsic, 1870-1873, vol. i. p. 109).</note> Customs of the same sort have
+been observed, apparently for similar reasons, by other
+peoples in other lands. For example, in Java it is or used
+to be customary to place every child at birth in a bamboo
+basket like the sieve or winnowing-basket which Javanese
+farmers use for separating the rice from the chaff.<note place='foot'>T. S. Raffles, <hi rend='italic'>History of Java</hi>
+(London, 1817), i. 323; C. F. Winter,
+<q>Instellingen, Gewoontenen Gebruiken
+der Javanen te Soerakarta,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift
+voor Neêrlands Indie</hi>, Vijfde Jaargang,
+Eerste Deel (1843), p. 695; P. J. Veth,
+<hi rend='italic'>Java</hi> (Haarlem, 1875-1884), i. 639.</note> It is
+the midwife who places the child in the basket, and as she
+does so she suddenly knocks with the palms of both hands
+on the basket in order that the child may not be timid and
+fearful. Then she addresses the child thus: <q>Cry not, for
+Njaï-among and Kaki-among</q> (two spirits) <q>are watching
+over you.</q> Next she addresses these two spirits, saying,
+<q>Bring not your grandchild to the road, lest he be trampled
+by a horse; bring him not to the bank of the river, lest he
+fall into the river.</q> The object of the ceremony is said to
+be that these two spirits should always and everywhere guard
+the child.<note place='foot'>C. Poensen, <q>Iets over de kleeding
+der Javanen,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen van
+wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap</hi>,
+xx. (1876) pp. 279 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> On the first anniversary of a child's birthday the
+Chinese of Foo-Chow set the little one in a large bamboo
+sieve, such as farmers employ in winnowing grain, and in the
+sieve they place along with the child a variety of articles,
+such as fruits, gold or silver ornaments, a set of money-scales,
+books, a pencil, pen, ink, paper, and so on, and they draw
+omens of the child's future career from the object which it
+first handles and plays with. Thus, if the infant first grasps
+the money-scale, he will be wealthy; if he seizes on a book,
+he will be learned, and so forth.<note place='foot'>Rev. J. Doolittle, <hi rend='italic'>Social Life of the
+Chinese</hi>, edited and revised by the
+Rev. Paxton Hood (London, 1868),
+pp. 90 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In the Bilaspore district
+<pb n='007'/><anchor id='Pg007'/>
+of India it is customary for well-to-do people to place a newborn
+infant in a winnowing-fan filled with rice and afterwards
+to give the grain to the nurse in attendance.<note place='foot'>Rev. E. M. Gordon, <q>Some Notes
+concerning the People of Mungēli
+Tahsīl, Bilaspur District,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the
+Asiatic Society of Bengal</hi>, lxxi., Part
+iii. (Calcutta, 1903) p. 74; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Indian
+Folk Tales</hi> (London, 1908), p. 41.</note> In
+Upper Egypt a newly-born babe is immediately laid upon a
+corn-sieve and corn is scattered around it; moreover, on the
+seventh day after birth the infant is carried on a sieve through
+the whole house, while the midwife scatters wheat, barley,
+pease and salt. The intention of these ceremonies is
+said to be to avert evil spirits from the child,<note place='foot'>C. B. Klunzinger, <hi rend='italic'>Bilder aus
+Oberägypten</hi> (Stuttgart, 1877), pp. 181,
+182; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Upper Egypt, its People and
+Products</hi> (London, 1878), pp. 185,
+186.</note> and a like
+motive is assigned by other peoples for the practice of
+placing newborn infants in a winnowing-basket or corn-sieve.
+For example, in the Punjaub, when several children of a
+family have died in succession, a new baby will sometimes
+be put at birth into an old winnowing-basket (<foreign rend='italic'>chhaj</foreign>) along
+with the sweepings of the house, and so dragged out into
+the yard; such a child may, like Dionysus, in after life be
+known by the name of Winnowing-basket (<foreign rend='italic'>Chhajju</foreign>) or
+Dragged (<foreign rend='italic'>Ghasitâ</foreign>).<note place='foot'>R. C. Temple, <q>Opprobrious
+Names,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Indian Antiquary</hi>, x. (1881)
+pp. 331 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare H. A. Rose,
+<q>Hindu Birth Observances in the
+Punjab,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Royal Anthropological
+Institute</hi>, xxxvii. (1907) p. 234.
+See also <hi rend='italic'>Panjab Notes and Queries</hi>,
+vol. iii. August 1886, § 768, pp.
+184 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>: <q>The winnowing fan in
+which a newly-born child is laid, is
+used on the fifth day for the worship
+of Satwáí. This makes it impure, and
+it is henceforward used only for the
+house-sweepings.</q></note> The object of treating the child in this
+way seems to be to save its life by deceiving the spirits, who
+are supposed to have carried off its elder brothers and sisters;
+these malevolent beings are on the look-out for the new baby,
+but they will never think of raking for it in the dust-bin,
+that being the last place where they would expect to find
+the hope of the family. The same may perhaps be the
+intention of a ceremony observed by the Gaolis of the
+Deccan. As soon as a child is born, it is bathed and then
+placed on a sieve for a few minutes. On the fifth day
+the sieve, with a lime and <foreign rend='italic'>pan</foreign> leaves on it, is removed
+outside the house and then, after the worship of Chetti
+has been performed, the sieve is thrown away on the
+<pb n='008'/><anchor id='Pg008'/>
+road.<note place='foot'>Lieut.-Colonel Gunthorpe, <q>On
+the Ghosí or Gaddí Gaolís of the Deccan,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Anthropological
+Society of Bombay</hi>, i. 45.</note> Again, the same notion of rescuing the child from
+dangerous spirits comes out very clearly in a similar
+custom observed by the natives of Laos, a province of
+Siam. These people <q>believe that an infant is the child,
+not of its parents, but of the spirits, and in this belief they
+go through the following formalities. As soon as an infant
+is born it is bathed and dressed, laid upon a rice-sieve, and
+placed&mdash;by the grandmother if present, if not, by the next
+near female relative&mdash;at the head of the stairs or of the
+ladder leading to the house. The person performing this
+duty calls out in a loud tone to the spirits to come and take
+the child away to-day, or for ever after to let it alone;
+at the same moment she stamps violently on the floor to
+frighten the child, or give it a jerk, and make it cry. If it
+does not cry this is regarded as an evil omen. If, on the
+other hand, it follows the ordinary laws of nature and begins
+to exercise its vocal organs, it is supposed to have a happy
+and prosperous life before it. Sometimes the spirits do
+come and take the infant away, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi> it dies before it is twenty-four
+hours old, but, to prevent such a calamity, strings are
+tied round its wrists on the first night after its birth, and
+if it sickens or is feeble the spirit-doctors are called in to
+prescribe certain offerings to be made to keep away the very
+spirits who, only a few hours previously, were ceremoniously
+called upon to come and carry the child off. On the day
+after its birth the child is regarded as being the property no
+longer of the spirits, who could have taken it if they had
+wanted it, but of the parents, who forthwith sell it to some
+relation for a nominal sum&mdash;an eighth or a quarter of a
+rupee perhaps. This again is a further guarantee against
+molestation by the spirits, who apparently are regarded as
+honest folk that would not stoop to take what has been
+bought and paid for.</q><note place='foot'>C. Bock, <hi rend='italic'>Temples and Elephants</hi>
+(London, 1884), pp. 258 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Use of the
+winnowing-fan
+to
+avert evil
+from
+children
+in India,
+Madagascar,
+and
+China. Karen
+ceremony
+of fanning
+away evils
+from
+children.</note>
+A like intention of averting evil in some shape from a
+child is assigned in other cases of the same custom. Thus
+in Travancore, <q>if an infant is observed to distort its limbs
+as if in pain, it is supposed to be under the pressure of some
+one who has stooped over it, to relieve which the mother
+<pb n='009'/><anchor id='Pg009'/>
+places it with a nut-cracker on a winnowing fan and shakes
+it three or four times.</q><note place='foot'>S. Mateer, <hi rend='italic'>Native Life in Travancore</hi>
+(London, 1883), p. 213.</note> Again, among the Tanala people
+of Madagascar almost all children born in the unlucky month
+of Faosa are buried alive in the forest. But if the parents
+resolve to let the child live, they must call in the aid of a
+diviner, who performs a ceremony for averting the threatened
+ill-luck. The child is placed in a winnowing-fan along with
+certain herbs. Further, the diviner takes herbs of the same
+sort, a worn-out spade, and an axe, fastens them to the
+father's spear, and sets the spear up in the ground. Then
+the child is bathed in water which has been medicated with
+some of the same herbs. Finally the diviner says: <q>The
+worn-out spade to the grandchild; may it (the child) not
+despoil its father, may it not despoil its mother, may it not
+despoil the children; let it be good.</q> This ceremony, we
+are told, <q>puts an end to the child's evil days, and the father
+gets the spear to put away all evil. The child then joins its
+father and mother; its evil days are averted, and the water
+and the other things are buried, for they account them evil.</q><note place='foot'>J. Richardson, <q>Tanala Customs,
+Superstitions, and Beliefs,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Antananarivo
+Annual and Madagascar Magazine,
+Reprint of the First Four Numbers</hi>
+(Antananarivo, 1885), pp. 226 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+Similarly the ancient Greeks used to bury, or throw into the
+sea, or deposit at cross-roads, the things that had been
+used in ceremonies of purification, no doubt because the
+things were supposed to be tainted by the evil which had
+been transferred to them in the rites.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ii. 31. 8; K. F. Hermann,
+<hi rend='italic'>Lehrbuch der gottesdienstlichen
+Alterthümer der Griechen</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Heidelberg,
+1858), pp. 132 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, § 23, 25.</note> Another example of
+the use of a winnowing-fan in what may be called a purificatory
+ceremony is furnished by the practice of the Chinese of Foo-Chow.
+A lad who is suffering from small-pox is made to
+squat in a large winnowing sieve. On his head is placed a
+piece of red cloth, and on the cloth are laid some parched
+beans, which are then allowed to roll off. As the name for
+beans, pronounced in the local dialect, is identical with the
+common name for small-pox, and as moreover the scars left
+by the pustules are thought to resemble beans, it appears to
+be imagined that just as the beans roll off the boy's head, so
+will the pustules vanish from his body without leaving a
+<pb n='010'/><anchor id='Pg010'/>
+trace behind.<note place='foot'>Rev. J. Doolittle, <hi rend='italic'>Social Life of the
+Chinese</hi>, edited and revised by the Rev.
+Paxton Hood (London, 1868), pp. 114
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The beans used in the ceremony
+had previously been placed before an
+image of the goddess of small-pox.</note> Thus the cure depends on the principle
+of homoeopathic magic. Perhaps on the same principle a
+winnowing-fan is employed in the ceremony from a notion
+that it will help to waft or fan away the disease like chaff
+from the grain. We may compare a purificatory ceremony
+observed by the Karens of Burma at the naming of a new-born
+child. Amongst these people <q rend='pre'>children are supposed
+to come into the world defiled, and unless that defilement is
+removed, they will be unfortunate, and unsuccessful in their
+undertakings. An Elder takes a thin splint of bamboo,
+and, tying a noose at one end, he fans it down the child's
+arm, saying:</q>
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>Fan away ill luck, fan away ill success:</hi></q></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Fan away inability, fan away unskilfulness:</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Fan away slow growth, fan away difficulty of growth:</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Fan away stuntedness, fan away puniness:</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Fan away drowsiness, fan away stupidity:</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Fan away debasedness, fan away wretchedness:</hi></l>
+<l rend='margin-left: 8'><q rend='none'><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>Fan away the whole completely.</hi></q></q></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>The Elder now changes his motion and fans up the child's
+arm, saying:</q>
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l><q rend='none'><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>Fan on power, fan on influence:</hi></q></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Fan on the paddy bin, fan on the paddy barn:</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Fan on followers, fan on dependants:</hi></l>
+<l><q rend='post'><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>Fan on good things, fan on appropriate things.</hi></q></q><note place='foot'>Rev. F. Mason, D.D., <q>Physical
+Character of the Karens,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of
+the Asiatic Society of Bengal</hi>, New
+Series, No. cxxxi. (Calcutta, 1866),
+pp. 9 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Among the
+reasons for
+the use of
+the winnowing-fan
+in birth-rites
+may
+have been
+the wish
+to avert
+evils and
+to promote
+fertility and
+growth.</note>
+Thus in some of the foregoing instances the employment
+of the winnowing-fan may have been suggested by the proper
+use of the implement as a means of separating the corn from
+the chaff, the same operation being extended by analogy to
+rid men of evils of various sorts which would otherwise adhere
+to them like husks to the grain. It was in this way that
+the ancients explained the use of the winnowing-fan in the
+mysteries.<note place='foot'>Servius on Virgil, <hi rend='italic'>Georg.</hi> i. 166:
+<q><foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Et vannus Iacchi.... Mystica autem
+Bacchi ideo ait, quod Liberi patris sacra
+ad purgationem animae pertinebant: et
+sic homines ejus mysteriis purgabantur,
+sicut vannis frumenta purgantur.</foreign></q></note> But one motive, and perhaps the original one,
+<pb n='011'/><anchor id='Pg011'/>
+for setting a newborn child in a winnowing-fan and surrounding
+it with corn was probably the wish to communicate to
+the infant, on the principle of sympathetic magic, the fertility
+and especially the power of growth possessed by the grain.
+This was in substance the explanation which W. Mannhardt
+gave of the custom.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <q>Kind und Korn,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi> (Strasburg,
+1884), pp. 351-374.</note> He rightly insisted on the analogy
+which many peoples, and in particular the ancient Greeks,
+have traced between the sowing of seed and the begetting
+of children,<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 351
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> and he confirmed his view of the function of
+the winnowing-fan in these ceremonies by aptly comparing
+a German custom of sowing barley or flax seed over weakly
+and stunted children in the belief that this will make them
+grow with the growth of the barley or the flax.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 372,
+citing A. Wuttke, <hi rend='italic'>Der deutsche Volks-aberglaube</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi>
+(Berlin, 1869), p. 339, § 543;
+L. Strackerjan, <hi rend='italic'>Aberglaube und Sagen
+aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg</hi> (Oldenburg,
+1867), i. 81.</note> An
+Esthonian mode of accomplishing the same object is to set
+the child in the middle of a plot of ground where a sower is
+sowing hemp and to leave the little one there till the sowing
+is finished; after that they imagine that the child will shoot
+up in stature like the hemp which has just been sown.<note place='foot'>Boecler-Kreutzwald, <hi rend='italic'>Der Ehsten
+abergläubische Gebräuche</hi> (St. Petersburg,
+1854), p. 61. This custom is
+also cited by Mannhardt (<hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi>).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Use of the
+winnowing-fan
+in
+the rites of
+Dionysus.</note>
+With the foregoing evidence before us of a widespread
+custom of placing newborn children in winnowing-fans we
+clearly cannot argue that Dionysus must necessarily have
+been a god of the corn because Greek tradition and Greek
+art represent him as an infant cradled in a winnowing-fan.
+The argument would prove too much, for it would apply
+equally to all the infants that have been so cradled in all
+parts of the world. We cannot even press the argument
+drawn from the surname <q>He of the Winnowing-fan</q> which
+was borne by Dionysus, since we have seen that similar
+names are borne for similar reasons in India by persons who
+have no claim whatever to be regarded as deities of the corn.
+Yet when all necessary deductions have been made on this
+score, the association of Dionysus with the winnowing-fan
+appears to be too intimate to be explained away as a mere
+reminiscence of a practice to which every Greek baby, whether
+<pb n='012'/><anchor id='Pg012'/>
+human or divine, had to submit. That practice would hardly
+account either for the use of the winnowing-fan in the
+mysteries or for the appearance of the implement, filled with
+fruitage of various kinds, on the monuments which set forth
+the ritual of Dionysus.<note place='foot'>Miss J. E. Harrison, <q>Mystica
+Vannus Iacchi,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of Hellenic
+Studies</hi>, xxiii. (1903) pp. 296 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek
+Religion</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 518 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; L. R. Farnell,
+<hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek States</hi>, v.
+(Oxford, 1909) p. 243.</note> This last emblem points plainly to
+a conception of the god as a personification of the fruits of
+the earth in general; and as if to emphasise the idea of
+fecundity conveyed by such a symbol there sometimes
+appears among the fruits in the winnowing-fan an effigy of
+the male organ of generation. The prominent place which
+that effigy occupied in the worship of Dionysus<note place='foot'>Herodotus, ii. 48, 49; Clement of
+Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi> ii. 34, pp. 29-30,
+ed. Potter; Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge
+Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 19,
+vol. i. p. 32; M. P. Nilsson, <hi rend='italic'>Studia
+de Dionysiis Atticis</hi> (Lund, 1900), pp.
+90 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of
+the Greek States</hi>, v. 125, 195, 205.</note> hints broadly,
+if it does not strictly prove, that to the Greek mind the
+god stood for the powers of fertility in general, animal as
+well as vegetable. In the thought of the ancients no sharp
+line of distinction divided the fertility of animals from the
+fertility of plants; rather the two ideas met and blended
+in a nebulous haze. We need not wonder, therefore, that
+the same coarse but expressive emblem figured conspicuously
+in the ritual of Father Liber, the Italian counterpart of
+Dionysus, who in return for the homage paid to the symbol
+of his creative energy was believed to foster the growth of
+the crops and to guard the fields against the powers of evil.<note place='foot'>Augustine, <hi rend='italic'>De civitate Dei</hi>, vii. 21.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Myth of
+the death
+and resurrection
+of
+Dionysus. Legend
+that the
+infant
+Dionysus
+occupied
+for a short
+time the
+throne of
+his father
+Zeus. Death and
+resurrection
+of
+Dionysus
+represented
+in
+his rites.</note>
+Like the other gods of vegetation whom we considered in
+the last volume, Dionysus was believed to have died a violent
+death, but to have been brought to life again; and his sufferings,
+death, and resurrection were enacted in his sacred rites.
+His tragic story is thus told by the poet Nonnus. Zeus in
+the form of a serpent visited Persephone, and she bore him
+Zagreus, that is, Dionysus, a horned infant. Scarcely was
+he born, when the babe mounted the throne of his father
+Zeus and mimicked the great god by brandishing the
+lightning in his tiny hand. But he did not occupy the
+throne long; for the treacherous Titans, their faces whitened
+with chalk, attacked him with knives while he was looking
+<pb n='013'/><anchor id='Pg013'/>
+at himself in a mirror. For a time he evaded their assaults
+by turning himself into various shapes, assuming the likeness
+successively of Zeus and Cronus, of a young man, of a lion,
+a horse, and a serpent. Finally, in the form of a bull, he
+was cut to pieces by the murderous knives of his enemies.<note place='foot'>Nonnus, <hi rend='italic'>Dionys.</hi> vi. 155-205.</note>
+His Cretan myth, as related by Firmicus Maternus, ran thus.
+He was said to have been the bastard son of Jupiter, a
+Cretan king. Going abroad, Jupiter transferred the throne and
+sceptre to the youthful Dionysus, but, knowing that his wife
+Juno cherished a jealous dislike of the child, he entrusted
+Dionysus to the care of guards upon whose fidelity he
+believed he could rely. Juno, however, bribed the guards,
+and amusing the child with rattles and a cunningly-wrought
+looking-glass lured him into an ambush, where her satellites,
+the Titans, rushed upon him, cut him limb from limb, boiled
+his body with various herbs, and ate it. But his sister
+Minerva, who had shared in the deed, kept his heart and
+gave it to Jupiter on his return, revealing to him the whole
+history of the crime. In his rage, Jupiter put the Titans to
+death by torture, and, to soothe his grief for the loss of his
+son, made an image in which he enclosed the child's heart,
+and then built a temple in his honour.<note place='foot'>Firmicus Maternus, <hi rend='italic'>De errore profanarum
+religionum</hi>, 6.</note> In this version a
+Euhemeristic turn has been given to the myth by representing
+Jupiter and Juno (Zeus and Hera) as a king and
+queen of Crete. The guards referred to are the mythical
+Curetes who danced a war-dance round the infant Dionysus,
+as they are said to have done round the infant Zeus.<note place='foot'>Clement of Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi>
+ii. 17. Compare Ch. A. Lobeck,
+<hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>, pp. 1111 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+Very noteworthy is the legend, recorded both by Nonnus
+and Firmicus, that in his infancy Dionysus occupied for a
+short time the throne of his father Zeus. So Proclus tells
+us that <q>Dionysus was the last king of the gods appointed
+by Zeus. For his father set him on the kingly throne, and
+placed in his hand the sceptre, and made him king of all the
+gods of the world.</q><note place='foot'>Proclus on Plato, <hi rend='italic'>Cratylus</hi>, p. 59,
+quoted by E. Abel, <hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>, p. 228.
+Compare Chr. A. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>,
+pp. 552 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Such traditions point to a custom of
+temporarily investing the king's son with the royal dignity
+as a preliminary to sacrificing him instead of his father.
+<pb n='014'/><anchor id='Pg014'/>
+Pomegranates were supposed to have sprung from the blood
+of Dionysus, as anemones from the blood of Adonis and
+violets from the blood of Attis: hence women refrained
+from eating seeds of pomegranates at the festival of the
+Thesmophoria.<note place='foot'>Clement of Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi>
+ii. 19. Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi> ii. 22; Scholiast
+on Lucian, <hi rend='italic'>Dial. Meretr.</hi> vii. p. 280,
+ed. H. Rabe.</note> According to some, the severed limbs of
+Dionysus were pieced together, at the command of Zeus, by
+Apollo, who buried them on Parnassus.<note place='foot'>Clement of Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi>
+ii. 18; Proclus on Plato's <hi rend='italic'>Timaeus</hi>, iii.
+p. 200 <hi rend='smallcaps'>d</hi>, quoted by Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>,
+p. 562, and by Abel, <hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>,
+p. 234. Others said that the mangled
+body was pieced together, not by Apollo
+but by Rhea (Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae
+Graecae Compendium</hi>, 30).</note> The grave of
+Dionysus was shewn in the Delphic temple beside a golden
+statue of Apollo.<note place='foot'>Ch. A. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>, pp.
+572 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, p. 3. For
+a conjectural restoration of the temple,
+based on ancient authorities and an
+examination of the scanty remains, see
+an article by J. H. Middleton, in
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of Hellenic Studies</hi>, ix. (1888)
+pp. 282 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The ruins of the temple
+have now been completely excavated
+by the French.</note> However, according to another account,
+the grave of Dionysus was at Thebes, where he is said to
+have been torn in pieces.<note place='foot'>S. Clemens Romanus, <hi rend='italic'>Recognitiones</hi>,
+x. 24 (Migne's <hi rend='italic'>Patrologia
+Graeca</hi>, i. col. 1434).</note> Thus far the resurrection of the
+slain god is not mentioned, but in other versions of the myth
+it is variously related. According to one version, which
+represented Dionysus as a son of Zeus and Demeter, his
+mother pieced together his mangled limbs and made him
+young again.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, iii. 62.</note> In others it is simply said that shortly after
+his burial he rose from the dead and ascended up to heaven;<note place='foot'>Macrobius, <hi rend='italic'>Comment. in Somn.
+Scip.</hi> i. 12. 12; <hi rend='italic'>Scriptores rerum
+mythicarum Latini tres Romae nuper
+reperti</hi> (commonly referred to as
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythographi Vaticani</hi>), ed. G. H.
+Bode (Cellis, 1834), iii. 12. 5, p. 246;
+Origen, <hi rend='italic'>Contra Celsum</hi>, iv. 17 (vol. i.
+p. 286, ed. P. Koetschau).</note>
+or that Zeus raised him up as he lay mortally wounded;<note place='foot'>Himerius, <hi rend='italic'>Orat.</hi> ix. 4.</note> or
+that Zeus swallowed the heart of Dionysus and then begat
+him afresh by Semele,<note place='foot'>Proclus, <hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Minerva</hi>,
+quoted by Ch. A. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>,
+p. 561; <hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>, ed. E. Abel,
+p. 235.</note> who in the common legend figures
+as mother of Dionysus. Or, again, the heart was pounded
+up and given in a portion to Semele, who thereby conceived
+him.<note place='foot'>Hyginus, <hi rend='italic'>Fabulae</hi>, 167.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Turning from the myth to the ritual, we find that the
+Cretans celebrated a biennial<note place='foot'>The festivals of Dionysus were
+biennial in many places. See G. F.
+Schömann, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische Alterthümer</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>4</hi>
+ii. 524 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> (The terms for the festival
+were τριετηρίς, τριετηρικός, both terms
+of the series being included in the
+numeration, in accordance with the
+ancient mode of reckoning.) Perhaps
+the festivals were formerly annual and
+the period was afterwards lengthened,
+as has happened with other festivals.
+See W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Baumkultus</hi>, pp.
+172, 175, 491, 533 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 598. Some
+of the festivals of Dionysus, however,
+were annual. Dr. Farnell has conjectured
+that the biennial period in
+many Greek festivals is to be explained
+by <q>the original shifting of land-cultivation
+which is frequent in early
+society owing to the backwardness of
+the agricultural processes; and which
+would certainly be consecrated by a
+special ritual attached to the god of the
+soil.</q> See L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults
+of the Greek States</hi>, v. 180 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> festival at which the passion
+<pb n='015'/><anchor id='Pg015'/>
+of Dionysus was represented in every detail. All that he
+had done or suffered in his last moments was enacted before
+the eyes of his worshippers, who tore a live bull to pieces
+with their teeth and roamed the woods with frantic shouts.
+In front of them was carried a casket supposed to contain
+the sacred heart of Dionysus, and to the wild music of
+flutes and cymbals they mimicked the rattles by which the
+infant god had been lured to his doom.<note place='foot'>Firmicus Maternus, <hi rend='italic'>De errore
+profanarum religionum</hi>, 6.</note> Where the
+resurrection formed part of the myth, it also was acted at
+the rites,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Mythographi Vaticani</hi>, ed. G. H.
+Bode, iii. 12. 5, p. 246.</note> and it even appears that a general doctrine of
+resurrection, or at least of immortality, was inculcated on
+the worshippers; for Plutarch, writing to console his wife on
+the death of their infant daughter, comforts her with the
+thought of the immortality of the soul as taught by tradition
+and revealed in the mysteries of Dionysus.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Consol. ad uxor.</hi> 10.
+Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 35; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>De
+E Delphico</hi>, 9; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>De esu carnium</hi>, i. 7.</note> A different
+form of the myth of the death and resurrection of Dionysus
+is that he descended into Hades to bring up his mother
+Semele from the dead.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ii. 31. 2 and 37. 5;
+Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, iii. 5. 3.</note> The local Argive tradition was
+that he went down through the Alcyonian lake; and his
+return from the lower world, in other words his resurrection,
+was annually celebrated on the spot by the Argives, who
+summoned him from the water by trumpet blasts, while
+they threw a lamb into the lake as an offering to the
+warder of the dead.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ii. 37. 5 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; Plutarch,
+<hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 35; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Quaest. Conviv.</hi>
+iv. 6. 2.</note> Whether this was a spring festival
+does not appear, but the Lydians certainly celebrated the
+advent of Dionysus in spring; the god was supposed to
+bring the season with him.<note place='foot'>Himerius, <hi rend='italic'>Orat.</hi> iii. 6, xiv. 7.</note> Deities of vegetation, who are
+<pb n='016'/><anchor id='Pg016'/>
+supposed to pass a certain portion of each year under ground,
+naturally come to be regarded as gods of the lower world
+or of the dead. Both Dionysus and Osiris were so conceived.<note place='foot'>For Dionysus in this capacity see
+F. Lenormant in Daremberg et Saglio,
+<hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques
+et Romaines</hi>, i. 632. For Osiris, see
+<hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second Edition,
+pp. 344 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Dionysus
+represented
+in
+the form
+of a bull.</note>
+A feature in the mythical character of Dionysus, which
+at first sight appears inconsistent with his nature as a deity
+of vegetation, is that he was often conceived and represented
+in animal shape, especially in the form, or at least with
+the horns, of a bull. Thus he is spoken of as <q>cow-born,</q>
+<q>bull,</q> <q>bull-shaped,</q> <q>bull-faced,</q> <q>bull-browed,</q> <q>bull-horned,</q>
+<q>horn-bearing,</q> <q>two-horned,</q> <q>horned.</q><note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 35; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Quaest. Graec.</hi> 36; Athenaeus, xi. 51,
+p. 476 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a</hi>; Clement of Alexandria,
+<hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi> ii. 16; <hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>, Hymn xxx.
+<hi rend='italic'>vv.</hi> 3, 4, xlv. 1, lii. 2, liii. 8;
+Euripides, <hi rend='italic'>Bacchae</hi>, 99; Scholiast on
+Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Frogs</hi>, 357; Nicander,
+<hi rend='italic'>Alexipharmaca</hi>, 31; Lucian, <hi rend='italic'>Bacchus</hi>,
+2. The title Εἰραφιώτης applied to
+Dionysus (<hi rend='italic'>Homeric Hymns</hi>, xxxiv. 2;
+Porphyry, <hi rend='italic'>De abstinentia</hi>, iii. 17;
+Dionysius, <hi rend='italic'>Perieg.</hi> 576; <hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum
+Magnum</hi>, p. 371. 57) is etymologically
+equivalent to the Sanscrit <foreign lang='sa' rend='italic'>varsabha</foreign>,
+<q>a bull,</q> as I was informed by my
+lamented friend the late R. A. Neil of
+Pembroke College, Cambridge.</note> He
+was believed to appear, at least occasionally, as a bull.<note place='foot'>Euripides, <hi rend='italic'>Bacchae</hi>, 920 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>,
+1017; Nonnus, <hi rend='italic'>Dionys.</hi> vi. 197 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> His
+images were often, as at Cyzicus, made in bull shape,<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 35;
+Athenaeus, xi. 51, p. 476 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a</hi>.</note> or
+with bull horns;<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, iii. 64. 2, iv. 4.
+2; Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+30.</note> and he was painted with horns.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, iii. 64. 2; J. Tzetzes,
+<hi rend='italic'>Schol. on Lycophron</hi>, 209, 1236;
+Philostratus, <hi rend='italic'>Imagines</hi>, i. 14 (15).</note> Types
+of the horned Dionysus are found amongst the surviving
+monuments of antiquity.<note place='foot'>Müller-Wieseler, <hi rend='italic'>Denkmäler der
+alten Kunst</hi>, ii. pl. xxxiii.; Daremberg
+et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des Antiquités
+Grecques et Romaines</hi>, i. 619 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 631;
+W. H. Roscher, <hi rend='italic'>Lexikon d. griech. u.
+röm. Mythologie</hi>, i. 1149 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; F.
+Imhoof-Blumer, <q>Coin-types of some
+Kilikian Cities,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of Hellenic
+Studies</hi>, xviii. (1898) p. 165.</note> On one statuette he appears clad
+in a bull's hide, the head, horns, and hoofs hanging down
+behind.<note place='foot'>F. G. Welcker, <hi rend='italic'>Alte Denkmäler</hi>
+(Göttingen, 1849-1864), v. taf. 2.</note> Again, he is represented as a child with clusters
+of grapes round his brow, and a calf's head, with sprouting
+horns, attached to the back of his head.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Archaeologische Zeitung</hi>, ix.
+(1851) pl. xxxiii., with Gerhard's
+remarks, pp. 371-373.</note> On a red-figured
+vase the god is portrayed as a calf-headed child seated on a
+woman's lap.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Gazette Archéologique</hi>, v. (1879)
+pl. 3.</note> The people of Cynaetha in north-western
+Arcadia held a festival of Dionysus in winter, when men,
+<pb n='017'/><anchor id='Pg017'/>
+who had greased their bodies with oil for the occasion, used
+to pick out a bull from the herd and carry it to the sanctuary
+of the god. Dionysus was supposed to inspire their choice
+of the particular bull,<note place='foot'>Pausanias, viii. 19. 2.</note> which probably represented the deity
+himself; for at his festivals he was believed to appear in
+bull form. The women of Elis hailed him as a bull, and
+prayed him to come with his bull's foot. They sang, <q>Come
+hither, Dionysus, to thy holy temple by the sea; come with
+the Graces to thy temple, rushing with thy bull's foot, O
+goodly bull, O goodly bull!</q><note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Quaestiones Graecae</hi>, 36;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 35.</note> The Bacchanals of Thrace
+wore horns in imitation of their god.<note place='foot'>J. Tzetzes, <hi rend='italic'>Schol. on Lycophron</hi>,
+1236.</note> According to the
+myth, it was in the shape of a bull that he was torn to
+pieces by the Titans;<note place='foot'>Nonnus, <hi rend='italic'>Dionys.</hi> vi. 205.</note> and the Cretans, when they acted
+the sufferings and death of Dionysus, tore a live bull to
+pieces with their teeth.<note place='foot'>Firmicus Maternus, <hi rend='italic'>De errore profanarum
+religionum</hi>, 6.</note> Indeed, the rending and devouring
+of live bulls and calves appear to have been a regular feature
+of the Dionysiac rites.<note place='foot'>Euripides, <hi rend='italic'>Bacchae</hi>, 735 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+Scholiast on Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Frogs</hi>, 357.</note> When we consider the practice of
+portraying the god as a bull or with some of the features of
+the animal, the belief that he appeared in bull form to his
+worshippers at the sacred rites, and the legend that in bull
+form he had been torn in pieces, we cannot doubt that in
+rending and devouring a live bull at his festival the
+worshippers of Dionysus believed themselves to be killing
+the god, eating his flesh, and drinking his blood.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Dionysus
+as a goat. Live goats
+rent and
+devoured
+by his worshippers.</note>
+Another animal whose form Dionysus assumed was the
+goat. One of his names was <q>Kid.</q><note place='foot'>Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Ἔριφος ὁ Διόνυσος,
+on which there is a marginal gloss
+ὁ μικρὸς αἴξ, ὁ ἐν τῷ ἔαρι φαινόμενος,
+ἤγουν ὁ πρώϊμος; Stephanus Byzantius,
+<hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Ἀκρώρεια.</note> At Athens and at
+Hermion he was worshipped under the title of <q>the one of
+the Black Goatskin,</q> and a legend ran that on a certain
+occasion he had appeared clad in the skin from which he
+took the title.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ii. 35. 1; Scholiast on
+Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Acharn.</hi> 146; <hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum
+Magnum</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Ἀπατούρια, p. 118.
+54 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Suidas, <hi rend='italic'>s.vv.</hi> Ἀπατούρια and
+μελαναίγιδα Διόνυσον; Nonnus, <hi rend='italic'>Dionys.</hi>
+xxvii. 302. Compare Conon, <hi rend='italic'>Narrat.</hi>
+39, where for Μελανθίδῃ we should
+perhaps read Μελαναίγιδι.</note> In the wine-growing district of Phlius, where
+in autumn the plain is still thickly mantled with the red and
+<pb n='018'/><anchor id='Pg018'/>
+golden foliage of the fading vines, there stood of old a
+bronze image of a goat, which the husbandmen plastered
+with gold-leaf as a means of protecting their vines against
+blight.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ii. 13. 6. On their
+return from Troy the Greeks are said
+to have found goats and an image of
+Dionysus in a cave of Euboea (Pausanias,
+i. 23. 1).</note> The image probably represented the vine-god
+himself. To save him from the wrath of Hera, his father
+Zeus changed the youthful Dionysus into a kid;<note place='foot'>Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, iii. 4. 3.</note> and when
+the gods fled to Egypt to escape the fury of Typhon,
+Dionysus was turned into a goat.<note place='foot'>Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Metam.</hi> v. 329; Antoninus
+Liberalis, <hi rend='italic'>Transform.</hi> 28; <hi rend='italic'>Mythographi
+Vaticani</hi>, ed. G. H. Bode, i. 86, p.
+29.</note> Hence when his
+worshippers rent in pieces a live goat and devoured it raw,<note place='foot'>Arnobius, <hi rend='italic'>Adversus nationes</hi>, v.
+19. Compare Suidas, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> αἰγίζειν.
+As fawns appear to have been also torn
+in pieces at the rites of Dionysus
+(Photius, <hi rend='italic'>Lexicon</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> νεβρίζειν;
+Harpocration, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> νεβρίζων), it is
+probable that the fawn was another of
+the god's embodiments. But of this
+there seems no direct evidence. Fawn-skins
+were worn both by the god and
+his worshippers (Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae
+Graecae Compendium</hi>, 30). Similarly
+the female Bacchanals wore goat-skins
+(Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> τραγηφόροι).</note>
+they must have believed that they were eating the body and
+blood of the god.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Custom of
+rending
+and
+devouring
+animals
+and men
+as a religious
+rite.
+Ceremonial
+cannibalism
+among
+the Indians
+of British
+Columbia.</note>
+The custom of tearing in pieces the bodies of animals
+and of men and then devouring them raw has been practised
+as a religious rite by savages in modern times. We need
+not therefore dismiss as a fable the testimony of antiquity
+to the observance of similar rites among the frenzied
+worshippers of Bacchus. An English missionary to the Coast
+Indians of British Columbia has thus described a scene like
+the cannibal orgies of the Bacchanals. After mentioning that
+an old chief had ordered a female slave to be dragged to
+the beach, murdered, and thrown into the water, he proceeds
+as follows: <q>I did not see the murder, but, immediately
+after, I saw crowds of people running out of those houses
+near to where the corpse was thrown, and forming themselves
+into groups at a good distance away. This I learnt
+was from fear of what was to follow. Presently two bands
+of furious wretches appeared, each headed by a man in a
+state of nudity. They gave vent to the most unearthly
+sounds, and the two naked men made themselves look as
+unearthly as possible, proceeding in a creeping kind of
+stoop, and stepping like two proud horses, at the same time
+<pb n='019'/><anchor id='Pg019'/>
+shooting forward each arm alternately, which they held out
+at full length for a little time in the most defiant manner.
+Besides this, the continual jerking their heads back, causing
+their long black hair to twist about, added much to their
+savage appearance. For some time they pretended to be
+seeking the body, and the instant they came where it lay
+they commenced screaming and rushing round it like so
+many angry wolves. Finally they seized it, dragged it out
+of the water, and laid it on the beach, where I was told the
+naked men would commence tearing it to pieces with their
+teeth. The two bands of men immediately surrounded
+them, and so hid their horrid work. In a few minutes
+the crowd broke into two, when each of the naked cannibals
+appeared with half of the body in his hands. Separating
+a few yards, they commenced, amid horrid yells, their still
+more horrid feast. The sight was too terrible to behold.
+I left the gallery with a depressed heart. I may mention
+that the two bands of savages just alluded to belong to that
+class which the whites term <q>medicine-men.</q></q> The same
+writer informs us that at the winter ceremonials of these
+Indians <q>the cannibal, on such occasions, is generally
+supplied with two, three, or four human bodies, which he
+tears to pieces before his audience. Several persons, either
+from bravado or as a charm, present their arms for him
+to bite. I have seen several whom he has bitten, and I hear
+two have died from the effects.</q> And when corpses were
+not forthcoming, these cannibals apparently seized and
+devoured living people. Mr. Duncan has seen hundreds of
+the Tsimshian Indians sitting in their canoes which they
+had just pushed off from the shore in order to escape being
+torn to pieces by a party of prowling cannibals. Others
+of these Indians contented themselves with tearing dogs
+to pieces, while their attendants kept up a growling noise,
+or a whoop, <q>which was seconded by a screeching noise
+made from an instrument which they believe to be the abode
+of a spirit.</q><note place='foot'>Mr. Duncan, quoted by Commander
+R. C. Mayne, <hi rend='italic'>Four Years in British
+Columbia and Vancouver Island</hi> (London,
+1862), pp. 284-288. The instrument
+which made the screeching sound
+was no doubt a bull-roarer, a flat piece
+of stick whirled at the end of a string so
+as to produce a droning or screaming
+note according to the speed of revolution.
+Such instruments are used by
+the Koskimo Indians of the same
+region at their cannibal and other
+rites. See Fr. Boas, <q>The Social
+Organization and the Secret Societies
+of the Kwakiutl Indians,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Report of
+the U.S. National Museum for 1895</hi>
+(Washington, 1897), pp. 610, 611.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='020'/><anchor id='Pg020'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Religious
+societies of
+Cannibals
+and Dog-eaters
+among the
+Indians of
+British
+Columbia. Live goats
+rent in
+pieces and
+devoured
+by fanatics
+in
+Morocco.</note>
+Mr. Duncan's account of these savage rites has been
+fully borne out by later observation. Among the Kwakiutl
+Indians the Cannibals (<foreign rend='italic'>Hamatsas</foreign>) are the highest in rank of
+the Secret Societies. They devour corpses, bite pieces out
+of living people, and formerly ate slaves who had been
+killed for the purpose. But when their fury has subsided,
+they are obliged to pay compensation to the persons whom
+they have bitten and to the owners of slaves whom they
+have killed. The indemnity consists sometimes of blankets,
+sometimes of canoes. In the latter case the tariff is fixed:
+one bite, one canoe. For some time after eating human
+flesh the cannibal has to observe a great many rules, which
+regulate his eating and drinking, his going out and his
+coming in, his clothing and his intercourse with his wife.<note place='foot'>Fr. Boas, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 437-443,
+527 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 536, 537 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 579, 664; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+in <q>Fifth Report on the North-western
+Tribes of Canada,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Report of the British
+Association for 1889</hi>, pp. 54-56 (separate
+reprint); <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, in <q>Sixth Report on the
+North-western Tribes of Canada,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Report of the British Association for
+1890</hi>, pp. 62, 65 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> (separate reprint).
+As to the rules observed after the
+eating of human flesh, see <hi rend='italic'>Taboo and
+the Perils of the Soul</hi>, pp. 188-190.</note>
+Similar customs prevail among other tribes of the same
+coast, such as the Bella Coola, the Tsimshian, the Niska,
+and the Nootka. In the Nootka tribe members of the
+Panther Society tear dogs to pieces and devour them. They
+wear masks armed with canine teeth.<note place='foot'>Fr. Boas, <q>The Social Organization
+and the Secret Societies of the
+Kwakiutl Indians,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Report of the U.S.
+National Museum for 1895</hi> (Washington,
+1897), pp. 649 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 658 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+in <q>Sixth Report on the North-western
+Tribes of Canada,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Report of
+the British Association for 1890</hi>, p. 51;
+(separate reprint); <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <q>Seventh
+Report on the North-western Tribes
+of Canada,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Report of the British
+Association for 1891</hi>, pp. 10 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> (separate
+reprint); <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <q>Tenth Report on
+the North-western Tribes of Canada,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Report of the British Association for
+1895</hi>, p. 58 (separate reprint).</note> So among the
+Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands there is one
+religion of cannibalism and another of dog-eating. The
+cannibals in a state of frenzy, real or pretended, bite flesh
+out of the extended arms of their fellow villagers. When
+they issue forth with cries of <foreign rend='italic'>Hop-pop</foreign> to observe this solemn
+rite, all who are of a different religious persuasion make
+haste to get out of their way; but men of the cannibal creed
+and of stout hearts will resolutely hold out their arms to be
+<pb n='021'/><anchor id='Pg021'/>
+bitten. The sect of dog-eaters cut or tear dogs to pieces
+and devour some of the flesh; but they have to pay for the
+dogs which they consume in their religious enthusiasm.<note place='foot'>G. M. Dawson, <hi rend='italic'>Report on the
+Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878</hi> (Montreal,
+1880), pp. 125 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>, 128 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>.</note>
+In the performance of these savage rites the frenzied actors
+are believed to be inspired by a Cannibal Spirit and a
+Dog-eating Spirit respectively.<note place='foot'>J. R. Swanton, <hi rend='italic'>Contributions to
+the Ethnology of the Haida</hi> (Leyden
+and New York, 1905), pp. 156, 160 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+170 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 181 (<hi rend='italic'>The Jesup North Pacific
+Expedition, Memoir of the American
+Museum of Natural History</hi>). For details
+as to the practice of these savage
+rites among the Indian coast tribes of
+British Columbia, see my <hi rend='italic'>Totemism
+and Exogamy</hi> (London, 1910), iii. pp.
+501, 511 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 515 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 519, 521, 526,
+535 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 537, 539 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 542 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 544,
+545.</note> Again, in Morocco there is
+an order of saints known as Isowa or Aïsawa, followers of
+Mohammed ben Isa or Aïsa of Mequinez, whose tomb is at
+Fez. Every year on their founder's birthday they assemble
+at his shrine or elsewhere and holding each other's hands
+dance a frantic dance round a fire. <q>While the mad dance
+is still proceeding, a sudden rush is made from the sanctuary,
+and the dancers, like men delirious, speed away to a place
+where live goats are tethered in readiness. At sight of these
+animals the fury of the savage and excited crowd reaches its
+height. In a few minutes the wretched animals are cut, or
+rather torn to pieces, and an orgy takes place over the raw
+and quivering flesh. When they seem satiated, the
+Emkaddim, who is generally on horseback, and carries a
+long stick, forms a sort of procession, preceded by wild
+music, if such discordant sounds will bear the name.
+Words can do no justice to the frightful scene which now
+ensues. The naked savages&mdash;for on these occasions a
+scanty piece of cotton is all their clothing&mdash;with their long
+black hair, ordinarily worn in plaits, tossed about by the
+rapid to-and-fro movements of the head, with faces and
+hands reeking with blood, and uttering loud cries resembling
+the bleating of goats, again enter the town. The place is
+now at their mercy, and the people avoid them as much as
+possible by shutting themselves up in their houses. A
+Christian or a Jew would run great risk of losing his life if
+either were found in the street. Goats are pushed out from
+the doors, and these the fanatics tear immediately to pieces
+with their hands, and then dispute over the morsels of
+<pb n='022'/><anchor id='Pg022'/>
+bleeding flesh, as though they were ravenous wolves
+instead of men. Snakes also are thrown to them as tests
+of their divine frenzy, and these share the fate of the goats.
+Sometimes a luckless dog, straying as dogs will stray in
+a tumult, is seized on. Then the laymen, should any
+be at hand, will try to prevent the desecration of pious
+mouths. But the fanatics sometimes prevail, and the
+unclean animal, abhorred by the mussulman, is torn in
+pieces and devoured, or pretended to be devoured, with
+indiscriminating rage.</q><note place='foot'>A. Leared, <hi rend='italic'>Morocco and the Moors</hi>
+(London, 1876), pp. 267-269. Compare
+Budgett Meakin, <hi rend='italic'>The Moors</hi>
+(London, 1902), pp. 331 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The
+same order of fanatics also exists
+and holds similar orgies in Algeria,
+especially at the town of Tlemcen.
+See E. Doutté, <hi rend='italic'>Les Aïssâoua à Tlemcen</hi>
+(Châlons-sur-Marne, 1900), p. 13.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Later misinterpretations
+of the
+custom of
+killing a
+god in
+animal
+form.</note>
+The custom of killing a god in animal form, which we
+shall examine more in detail further on, belongs to a very
+early stage of human culture, and is apt in later times to be
+misunderstood. The advance of thought tends to strip the
+old animal and plant gods of their bestial and vegetable
+husk, and to leave their human attributes (which are always
+the kernel of the conception) as the final and sole residuum.
+In other words, animal and plant gods tend to become
+purely anthropomorphic. When they have become wholly
+or nearly so, the animals and plants which were at first the
+deities themselves, still retain a vague and ill-understood
+connexion with the anthropomorphic gods who have been
+developed out of them. The origin of the relationship
+between the deity and the animal or plant having been
+forgotten, various stories are invented to explain it. These
+explanations may follow one of two lines according as they
+are based on the habitual or on the exceptional treatment
+of the sacred animal or plant. The sacred animal was
+habitually spared, and only exceptionally slain; and accordingly
+the myth might be devised to explain either why it
+was spared or why it was killed. Devised for the former
+purpose, the myth would tell of some service rendered to the
+deity by the animal; devised for the latter purpose, the
+myth would tell of some injury inflicted by the animal on
+the god. The reason given for sacrificing goats to Dionysus
+exemplifies a myth of the latter sort. They were sacrificed
+<pb n='023'/><anchor id='Pg023'/>
+to him, it was said, because they injured the vine.<note place='foot'>Varro, <hi rend='italic'>Rerum rusticarum</hi>, i. 2. 19;
+Virgil, <hi rend='italic'>Georg.</hi> ii. 376-381, with the
+comments of Servius on the passage
+and on <hi rend='italic'>Aen.</hi> iii. 118; Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, i.
+353 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Metamorph.</hi> xv. 114 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>;
+Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+30.</note>
+Now the goat, as we have seen, was originally an embodiment
+of the god himself. But when the god had divested
+himself of his animal character and had become essentially
+anthropomorphic, the killing of the goat in his worship came
+to be regarded no longer as a slaying of the deity himself,
+but as a sacrifice offered to him; and since some reason had
+to be assigned why the goat in particular should be sacrificed,
+it was alleged that this was a punishment inflicted on the
+goat for injuring the vine, the object of the god's especial
+care. Thus we have the strange spectacle of a god sacrificed
+to himself on the ground that he is his own enemy. And
+as the deity is supposed to partake of the victim offered to
+him, it follows that, when the victim is the god's old self, the
+god eats of his own flesh. Hence the goat-god Dionysus is
+represented as eating raw goat's blood;<note place='foot'>Euripides, <hi rend='italic'>Bacchae</hi>, 138 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>: ἀγρεύων
+αἷμα τραγοκτόνον, ὠμοφάγον χάριν.</note> and the bull-god
+Dionysus is called <q>eater of bulls.</q><note place='foot'>Schol. on Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Frogs</hi>, 357.</note> On the analogy of
+these instances we may conjecture that wherever a deity is
+described as the eater of a particular animal, the animal in
+question was originally nothing but the deity himself.<note place='foot'>Hera αἰγοφάγος at Sparta, Pausanias,
+iii. 15. 9; Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+αἰγοφάγος (compare the representation
+of Hera clad in a goat's skin, with the
+animal's head and horns over her head,
+Müller-Wieseler, <hi rend='italic'>Denkmäler der alten
+Kunst</hi>, i. No. 229 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>; and the similar
+representation of the Lanuvinian Juno,
+W. H. Roscher, <hi rend='italic'>Lexikon d. griech. u.
+röm. Mythologie</hi>, ii. 605 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>); Zeus
+αἰγοφάγος, <hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum Magnum</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+αἰγοφάγος, p. 27. 52 (compare Scholiast
+on Oppianus, <hi rend='italic'>Halieut.</hi> iii. 10; L.
+Stephani, in <hi rend='italic'>Compte-Rendu de la Commission
+Impériale Archéologique pour
+l'année 1869</hi> (St. Petersburg, 1870),
+pp. 16-18); Apollo ὀψοφάγος at Elis,
+Athenaeus, viii. 36, p. 346 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>; Artemis
+καπροφάγος in Samos, Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+καπροφάγος; compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> κριοφάγος.
+Divine titles derived from killing
+animals are probably to be similarly
+explained, as Dionysus αἰγόβολος (Pausanias,
+ix. 8. 2); Rhea or Hecate
+κυνοσφαγής (J. Tzetzes, <hi rend='italic'>Scholia on
+Lycophron</hi>, 77); Apollo λυκοκτόνος
+(Sophocles, <hi rend='italic'>Electra</hi>, 6); Apollo σαυροκτόνος
+(Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> xxxiv. 70).</note>
+Later on we shall find that some savages propitiate dead bears
+and whales by offering them portions of their own bodies.<note place='foot'>See below, vol. ii. pp. 184, 194,
+196, 197 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 233.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+in the
+worship of
+Dionysus.</note>
+All this, however, does not explain why a deity of
+vegetation should appear in animal form. But the consideration
+of that point had better be deferred till we have
+<pb n='024'/><anchor id='Pg024'/>
+discussed the character and attributes of Demeter. Meantime
+it remains to mention that in some places, instead of
+an animal, a human being was torn in pieces at the rites of
+Dionysus. This was the practice in Chios and Tenedos;<note place='foot'>Porphyry, <hi rend='italic'>De abstinentia</hi>, ii. 55.</note>
+and at Potniae in Boeotia the tradition ran that it had been
+formerly the custom to sacrifice to the goat-smiting Dionysus
+a child, for whom a goat was afterwards substituted.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ix. 8. 2.</note> At
+Orchomenus, as we have seen, the human victim was taken
+from the women of an old royal family.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, pp. 163 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> As the slain bull
+or goat represented the slain god, so, we may suppose, the
+human victim also represented him.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+legendary
+deaths of
+Pentheus
+and
+Lycurgus
+may be
+reminiscences
+of a custom
+of sacrificing
+divine
+kings in
+the character
+of
+Dionysus.</note>
+The legends of the deaths of Pentheus and Lycurgus,
+two kings who are said to have been torn to pieces, the one
+by Bacchanals, the other by horses, for their opposition to
+the rites of Dionysus, may be, as I have already suggested,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 332 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+distorted reminiscences of a custom of sacrificing divine
+kings in the character of Dionysus and of dispersing the
+fragments of their broken bodies over the fields for the
+purpose of fertilising them. In regard to Lycurgus, king of
+the Thracian tribe of the Edonians, it is expressly said that
+his subjects at the bidding of an oracle caused him to be
+rent in pieces by horses for the purpose of restoring the
+fertility of the ground after a period of barrenness and
+dearth.<note place='foot'>Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, iii. 5. 1.</note> There is no improbability in the tradition. We
+have seen that in Africa and other parts of the world kings
+or chiefs have often been put to death by their people for
+similar reasons.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, i. 344, 345, 346, 352, 354,
+366 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Further, it is significant that King Lycurgus
+is said to have slain his own son Dryas with an axe in a fit
+of madness, mistaking him for a vine-branch.<note place='foot'>Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, iii. 5. 1.</note> Have we not
+in this tradition a reminiscence of a custom of sacrificing the
+king's son in place of the father? Similarly Athamas, a
+King of Thessaly or Boeotia, is said to have been doomed
+by an oracle to be sacrificed at the altar in order to remove
+the curse of barrenness which afflicted his country; however,
+he contrived to evade the sentence and in a fit of madness
+killed his own son Learchus, mistaking him for a wild beast.
+<pb n='025'/><anchor id='Pg025'/>
+That this legend was not a mere myth is made probable by
+a custom observed at Alus down to historical times: the
+eldest male scion of the royal house was regularly sacrificed
+in due form to Laphystian Zeus if he ever set foot within
+the town-hall.<note place='foot'>Herodotus, vii. 197; Apollodorus,
+<hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, i. 9. 1 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; Scholiast on
+Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Clouds</hi>, 257; J. Tzetzes,
+<hi rend='italic'>Schol. on Lycophron</hi>, 21; Hyginus,
+<hi rend='italic'>Fabulae</hi>, 1-5. See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, pp.
+161-163.</note> The close resemblance between the legends
+of King Athamas and King Lycurgus furnishes a ground for
+believing both legends to be based on a real custom of
+sacrificing either the king himself or one of his sons for the
+good of the country; and the story that the king's son
+Dryas perished because his frenzied father mistook him for
+a vine-branch fits in well with the theory that the victim in
+these sacrifices represented the vine-god Dionysus. It is
+probably no mere coincidence that Dionysus himself is said
+to have been torn in pieces at Thebes,<note place='foot'>Clemens Romanus, <hi rend='italic'>Recognitiones</hi>,
+x. 24 (Migne's <hi rend='italic'>Patrologia Graeca</hi>, i.
+col. 1434).</note> the very place where
+according to legend the same fate befell king Pentheus at
+the hands of the frenzied votaries of the vine-god.<note place='foot'>Euripides, <hi rend='italic'>Bacchae</hi>, 43 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 1043
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Theocritus, <hi rend='italic'>Idyl.</hi> xxvi.; Pausanias,
+ii. 2. 7. Strictly speaking, the murder
+of Pentheus is said to have been perpetrated
+not at Thebes, of which he
+was king, but on Mount Cithaeron.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Survival of
+Dionysiac
+rites
+among the
+modern
+Thracian
+peasantry.</note>
+The theory that in prehistoric times Greek and Thracian
+kings or their sons may have been dismembered in the
+character of the vine-god or the corn-god for the purpose of
+fertilising the earth or quickening the vines has received of
+late years some confirmation from the discovery that down to
+the present time in Thrace, the original home of Dionysus,
+a drama is still annually performed which reproduces with
+remarkable fidelity some of the most striking traits in the
+Dionysiac myth and ritual.<note place='foot'>See Mr. R. M. Dawkins, <q>The
+Modern Carnival in Thrace and the
+Cult of Dionysus,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of Hellenic
+Studies</hi>, xxvi. (1906) pp. 191-206.
+Mr. Dawkins describes the ceremonies
+partly from his own observation, partly
+from an account of them published by
+Mr. G. M. Vizyenos in a Greek
+periodical Θρακικὴ Ἐπετηρίς, of which
+only one number was published at
+Athens in 1897. From his personal
+observations Mr. Dawkins was able to
+confirm the accuracy of Mr. Vizyenos's
+account.</note> In a former part of this work
+I have already called attention to this interesting survival
+of paganism among a Christian peasantry;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 333 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> but it seems
+desirable and appropriate in this place to draw out somewhat
+<pb n='026'/><anchor id='Pg026'/>
+more fully the parallelism between the modern drama and
+the ancient worship.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Drama
+annually
+performed
+at the
+Carnival
+in the
+villages
+round
+Viza,
+an old
+Thracian
+capital.
+The actors
+in the
+drama.</note>
+The drama, which may reasonably be regarded as a direct
+descendant of the Dionysiac rites, is annually performed at
+the Carnival in all the Christian villages which cluster round
+Viza, the ancient Bizya, a town of Thrace situated about
+midway between Adrianople and Constantinople. In antiquity
+the city was the capital of the Thracian tribe of the
+Asti; the kings had their palace there,<note place='foot'>Strabo, vii. frag. 48; Stephanus Byzantius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Βιζύη.</note> probably in the
+acropolis, of which some fine walls are still standing.
+Inscriptions preserved in the modern town record the names
+of some of these old kings.<note place='foot'>R. M. Dawkins, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 192.</note> The date of the celebration is
+Cheese Monday, as it is locally called, which is the Monday
+of the last week of Carnival. At Viza itself the mummery
+has been shorn of some of its ancient features, but these
+have been kept up at the villages and have been particularly
+observed and recorded at the village of St. George (Haghios
+Gheorgios). It is to the drama as acted at that village that
+the following description specially applies. The principal
+parts in the drama are taken by two men disguised in
+goatskins. Each of them wears a headdress made of a
+complete goatskin, which is stuffed so as to rise a foot or
+more like a shako over his head, while the skin falls over the
+face, forming a mask with holes cut for the eyes and mouth.
+Their shoulders are thickly padded with hay to protect them
+from the blows which used to be rained very liberally on
+their backs. Fawnskins on their shoulders and goatskins on
+their legs are or used to be part of their equipment, and
+another indispensable part of it is a number of sheep-bells
+tied round their waists. One of the two skin-clad actors
+carries a bow and the other a wooden effigy of the male
+organ of generation. Both these actors must be married
+men. According to Mr. Vizyenos, they are chosen for periods
+of four years. Two unmarried boys dressed as girls and
+sometimes called brides also take part in the play; and a
+man disguised as an old woman in rags carries a mock baby
+in a basket; the brat is supposed to be a seven-months'
+child born out of wedlock and begotten by an unknown
+<pb n='027'/><anchor id='Pg027'/>
+father. The basket in which the hopeful infant is paraded
+bears the ancient name of the winnowing-fan (<foreign rend='italic'>likni</foreign>, contracted
+from <foreign rend='italic'>liknon</foreign>) and the babe itself receives the very
+title <q>He of the Winnowing-fan</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>Liknites</foreign>) which in antiquity
+was applied to Dionysus. Two other actors, clad in
+rags with blackened faces and armed with stout saplings,
+play the parts of a gypsy-man and his wife; others personate
+policemen armed with swords and whips; and the
+troupe is completed by a man who discourses music on a
+bagpipe.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The ceremonies
+include the
+forging of
+a ploughshare,
+a
+mock
+marriage,
+and a
+pretence of
+death and
+resurrection.</note>
+Such are the masqueraders. The morning of the day
+on which they perform their little drama is spent by them
+going from door to door collecting bread, eggs, or money.
+At every door the two skin-clad maskers knock, the boys
+disguised as girls dance, and the gypsy man and wife enact
+an obscene pantomime on the straw-heap before the house.
+When every house in the village has been thus visited, the
+troop takes up position on the open space before the village
+church, where the whole population has already mustered to
+witness the performance. After a dance hand in hand, in
+which all the actors take part, the two skin-clad maskers
+withdraw and leave the field to the gypsies, who now pretend
+to forge a ploughshare, the man making believe to hammer
+the share and his wife to work the bellows. At this point
+the old woman's baby is supposed to grow up at a great
+pace, to develop a huge appetite for meat and drink,
+and to clamour for a wife. One of the skin-clad men
+now pursues one of the two pretended brides, and a
+mock marriage is celebrated between the couple. After
+these nuptials have been performed with a parody of a real
+wedding, the mock bridegroom is shot by his comrade with
+the bow and falls down on his face like dead. His slayer
+thereupon feigns to skin him with a knife; but the dead
+man's wife laments over her deceased husband with loud
+cries, throwing herself across his prostrate body. In this
+lamentation the slayer himself and all the other actors join
+in: a Christian funeral service is burlesqued; and the pretended
+corpse is lifted up as if to be carried to the grave.
+At this point, however, the dead man disconcerts the
+preparations for his burial by suddenly coming to life
+<pb n='028'/><anchor id='Pg028'/>
+again and getting up. So ends the drama of death and
+resurrection.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The ceremonies
+also
+include a
+simulation
+of ploughing
+and
+sowing by
+skin-clad
+men, accompanied
+by prayers
+for good
+crops.</note>
+The next act opens with a repetition of the pretence of
+forging a ploughshare, but this time the gypsy man hammers
+on a real share. When the implement is supposed to have
+been fashioned, a real plough is brought forward, the
+mockery appears to cease, the two boys dressed as girls are
+yoked to the plough and drag it twice round the village
+square contrary to the way of the sun. One of the two
+skin-clad men walks at the tail of the plough, the other
+guides it in front, and a third man follows in the rear
+scattering seed from a basket. After the two rounds have
+been completed, the gypsy and his wife are yoked to the
+plough, and drag it a third time round the square, the two
+skin-clad men still playing the part of ploughmen. At Viza
+the plough is drawn by the skin-clad men themselves. While
+the plough is going its rounds, followed by the sower sowing
+the seed, the people pray aloud, saying, <q>May wheat be ten
+piastres the bushel! Rye five piastres the bushel! Amen,
+O God, that the poor may eat! Yea, O God, that poor folk
+be filled!</q> This ends the performance. The evening is
+spent in feasting on the proceeds of the house-to-house
+visitation which took place in the morning.<note place='foot'>R. M. Dawkins, <q>The Modern
+Carnival in Thrace and the Cult of
+Dionysus,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of Hellenic Studies</hi>,
+xxvi. (1906) pp. 193-201.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Kindred
+ceremony
+performed
+by a
+masked
+and skin-clad
+man
+who is
+called a
+king.</note>
+A kindred festival is observed on the same day of the
+Carnival at Kosti, a place in the extreme north of Thrace,
+near the Black Sea. There a man dressed in sheepskins or
+goatskins, with a mask on his face, bells round his neck, and
+a broom in his hand, goes round the village collecting food
+and presents. He is addressed as a king and escorted with
+music. With him go boys dressed as girls, and another boy,
+not so disguised, who carries wine in a wooden bottle and
+gives of it to every householder to drink in a cup, receiving
+a gift in return. The king then mounts a two-wheeled cart
+and is drawn to the church. He carries seed in his hand,
+and at the church two bands of men, one of married men
+and the other of unmarried men, try each in turn to induce
+the king to throw the seed on them. Finally he casts it on
+the ground in front of the church. The ceremony ends with
+<pb n='029'/><anchor id='Pg029'/>
+stripping the king of his clothes and flinging him into the
+river, after which he resumes his usual dress.<note place='foot'>R. M. Dawkins, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+201 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Analogy
+of these
+modern
+Thracian
+ceremonies
+to the
+ancient
+rites of
+Dionysus.</note>
+In these ceremonies, still annually held at and near an
+old capital of Thracian kings, the points of similarity to the
+ritual of the ancient Thracian deity Dionysus are sufficiently
+obvious.<note place='foot'>They have been clearly indicated
+by Mr. R. M. Dawkins, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+203 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> Compare W. Ridgeway, <hi rend='italic'>The
+Origin of Tragedy</hi> (Cambridge, 1910),
+pp. 15 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, who fully recognises the
+connexion of the modern Thracian
+ceremonies with the ancient rites of
+Dionysus.</note> The goatskins in which the principal actors are
+disguised remind us of the identification of Dionysus with a
+goat: the infant, cradled in a winnowing-fan and taking
+its name from the implement, answers exactly to the
+traditions and the monuments which represent the infant
+Dionysus as similarly cradled and similarly named: the
+pretence that the baby is a seven-months' child born out
+of wedlock and begotten by an unknown father tallies
+precisely with the legend that Dionysus was born prematurely
+in the seventh month as the offspring of an intrigue between
+a mortal woman and a mysterious divine father:<note place='foot'>Lucian, <hi rend='italic'>Dialogi Deorum</hi>, ix. 2;
+Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, iii. 4. 4.
+According to the latter writer Dionysus
+was born in the sixth month.</note> the same
+coarse symbol of reproductive energy which characterised
+the ancient ritual of Dionysus figures conspicuously in the
+modern drama: the annual mock marriage of the goatskin-clad
+mummer with the pretended bride may be compared
+with the annual pretence of marrying Dionysus to the
+Queen of Athens: and the simulated slaughter and resurrection
+of the same goatskin-clad actor may be compared with
+the traditional slaughter and resurrection of the god himself.
+Further, the ceremony of ploughing, in which after his
+resurrection the goatskin-clad mummer takes a prominent
+part, fits in well not only with the legend that Dionysus was
+the first to yoke oxen to the plough, but also with the
+symbolism of the winnowing-fan in his worship; while the
+prayers for plentiful crops which accompany the ploughing
+accord with the omens of an abundant harvest which were
+drawn of old from the mystic light seen to illumine by night
+one of his ancient sanctuaries in Thrace. Lastly, in the
+ceremony as observed at Kosti the giving of wine by the king's
+<pb n='030'/><anchor id='Pg030'/>
+attendant is an act worthy of the wine-god: the throwing
+of seed by the king can only be interpreted, like the ploughing,
+as a charm to promote the fertility of the ground; and
+the royal title borne by the principal masker harmonises
+well with the theory that the part of the god of the corn and
+the wine was of old sustained by the Thracian kings who
+reigned at Bisya.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+modern
+Thracian
+celebration
+seems to
+correspond
+most
+closely to
+the ancient
+Athenian
+festival of
+the Anthesteria.</note>
+If we ask, To what ancient festival of Dionysus does the
+modern celebration of the Carnival in Thrace most nearly
+correspond? the answer can be hardly doubtful. The
+Thracian drama of the mock marriage of the goatskin-clad
+mummer, his mimic death and resurrection, and his subsequent
+ploughing, corresponds both in date and in character
+most nearly to the Athenian festival of the Anthesteria,
+which was celebrated at Athens during three days in early
+spring, towards the end of February or the beginning of
+March. Thus the date of the Anthesteria could not fall
+far from, and it might sometimes actually coincide with, the
+last week of the Carnival, the date of the Thracian celebration.
+While the details of the festival of the Anthesteria
+are obscure, its general character is well known. It was
+a festival both of wine-drinking and of the dead, whose
+souls were supposed to revisit the city and to go about the
+streets, just as in modern Europe and in many other parts
+of the world the ghosts of the departed are still believed to
+return to their old homes on one day of the year and to be
+entertained by their relatives at a solemn Feast of All
+Souls.<note place='foot'>As to such festivals of All Souls
+see <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 301-318.</note> But the Dionysiac nature of the festival was
+revealed not merely by the opening of the wine-vats and
+the wassailing which went on throughout the city among
+freemen and slaves alike; on the second day of the festival
+the marriage of Dionysus with the Queen of Athens was
+celebrated with great solemnity at the Bucolium or Ox-stall.<note place='foot'>The passages of ancient authors
+which refer to the Anthesteria are
+collected by Professor Martin P. Nilsson,
+<hi rend='italic'>Studia de Dionysiis Atticis</hi> (Lund, 1900),
+pp. 148 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> As to the festival, which has
+been much discussed of late years, see
+August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Heortologie</hi> (Leipsic,
+1864), pp. 345 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der
+Stadt Athen im Altertum</hi> (Leipsic,
+1898), pp. 384 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; G. F. Schoemann,
+<hi rend='italic'>Griechische Alterthümer</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>4</hi> (Berlin, 1902),
+ii. 516 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; E. Rohde, <hi rend='italic'>Psyche</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi>
+(Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), i. 236
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Martin P. Nilsson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+115 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; P. Foucart, <hi rend='italic'>Le Culte de
+Dionysos en Attique</hi> (Paris, 1904), pp.
+107 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Miss J. E. Harrison, <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena
+to the Study of Greek Religion</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi>
+(Cambridge, 1908), pp. 32 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek
+States</hi>, v. (Oxford, 1909) pp. 214 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+As to the marriage of Dionysus to the
+Queen of Athens, see <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art
+and the Evolution of Kings</hi>, i. 136 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+<pb n='031'/><anchor id='Pg031'/>
+It has been suggested with much probability<note place='foot'>By Professor U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
+<hi rend='italic'>Aristoteles und Athen</hi>
+(Berlin, 1893), ii. 42; and afterwards
+by Miss J. E. Harrison, <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena
+to the Study of Greek Religion</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> p. 536.</note> that at
+this sacred marriage in the Ox-stall the god was represented
+wholly or partly in bovine shape, whether by an
+image or by an actor dressed in the hide and wearing the
+horns of a bull; for, as we have seen, Dionysus was often
+supposed to assume the form of a bull and to present himself
+in that guise to his worshippers. If this conjecture should
+prove to be correct&mdash;though a demonstration of it can
+hardly be expected&mdash;the sacred marriage of the Queen to
+the Bull-god at Athens would be parallel to the sacred
+marriage of the Queen to the Bull-god at Cnossus,
+according to the interpretation which I have suggested
+of the myth of Pasiphae and the Minotaur;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, p. 71.</note> only
+whereas the bull-god at Cnossus, if I am right, stood for the
+Sun, the bull-god at Athens stood for the powers of vegetation,
+especially the corn and the vines. It would not be
+surprising that among a cattle-breeding people in early days
+the bull, regarded as a type of strength and reproductive
+energy, should be employed to symbolise and represent more
+than one of the great powers of nature. If Dionysus did
+indeed figure as a bull at his marriage, it is not improbable
+that on that occasion his representative, whether a real bull
+or a man dressed in a bull's hide, took part in a ceremony
+of ploughing; for we have seen that the invention of yoking
+oxen to the plough was ascribed to Dionysus, and we know
+that the Athenians performed a sacred ceremony of ploughing,
+which went by the name of the Ox-yoked Ploughing
+and took place in a field or other open piece of
+ground at the foot of the Acropolis.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Conjugalia Praecepta</hi>,
+42.</note> It is a reasonable
+conjecture that the field of the Ox-yoked Ploughing may
+have adjoined the building called the Ox-stall in which the
+marriage of Dionysus with the Queen was solemnised;<note place='foot'>Miss J. E. Harrison, <hi rend='italic'>Mythology
+and Monuments of Ancient Athens</hi>
+(London, 1890), pp. 166 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> for
+<pb n='032'/><anchor id='Pg032'/>
+that building is known to have been near the Prytaneum or
+Town-Hall on the northern slope of the Acropolis.<note place='foot'>Aristotle, <hi rend='italic'>Constitution of Athens</hi>,
+3. As to the situation of the Prytaneum
+see my note on Pausanias, i. 18. 3 (vol.
+ii. p. 172).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Theory
+that the
+rites of the
+Anthesteria
+comprised
+a drama
+of the
+violent
+death and
+resurrection
+of
+Dionysus.</note>
+Thus on the whole the ancient festival of the Anthesteria,
+so far as its features are preserved by tradition or can be
+restored by the use of reasonable conjecture, presents several
+important analogies to the modern Thracian Carnival in
+respect of wine-drinking, a mock marriage of disguised actors,
+and a ceremony of ploughing. The resemblance between
+the ancient and the modern ritual would be still closer if
+some eminent modern scholars, who wrote before the discovery
+of the Thracian Carnival, and whose judgment was
+therefore not biassed by its analogy to the Athenian festival,
+are right in holding that another important feature of the
+Anthesteria was the dramatic death and resurrection of
+Dionysus.<note place='foot'>August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Heortologie</hi>,
+pp. 371 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi>, pp. 398 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; P.
+Foucart, <hi rend='italic'>Le Culte de Dionysos en
+Attique</hi>, pp. 138 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> They point out that at the marriage of Dionysus
+fourteen Sacred Women officiated at fourteen altars;<note place='foot'>Demosthenes, <hi rend='italic'>Contra Neaer</hi>. 73,
+pp. 1369 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; Julius Pollux, viii. 108;
+<hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum Magnum</hi>, p. 227, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+γεραῖραι; Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> γεραραί.</note> that
+the number of the Titans, who tore Dionysus in pieces, was
+fourteen, namely seven male and seven female;<note place='foot'>Chr. A. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>,
+p. 505.</note> and that
+Osiris, a god who in some respects corresponded closely
+to Dionysus, is said to have been rent by Typhon into
+fourteen fragments.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 18, 42.</note> Hence they conjecture that at Athens
+the body of Dionysus was dramatically broken into fourteen
+fragments, one for each of the fourteen altars, and that it
+was afterwards dramatically pieced together and restored to
+life by the fourteen Sacred Women, just as the broken body
+of Osiris was pieced together by a company of gods and
+goddesses and restored to life by his sister Isis.<note place='foot'>The resurrection of Osiris is not
+described by Plutarch in his treatise
+<hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, which is still our principal
+source for the myth of the god; but
+it is fortunately recorded in native
+Egyptian writings. See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis,
+Osiris</hi>, Second Edition, p. 274. P.
+Foucart supposes that the resurrection
+of Dionysus was enacted at the
+Anthesteria; August Mommsen prefers
+to suppose that it was enacted
+in the following month at the Lesser
+Mysteries.</note> The conjecture
+is ingenious and plausible, but with our existing
+sources of information it must remain a conjecture and
+<pb n='033'/><anchor id='Pg033'/>
+nothing more. Could it be established, it would forge
+another strong link in the chain of evidence which binds
+the modern Thracian Carnival to the ancient Athenian
+Anthesteria; for in that case the drama of the divine death
+and resurrection would have to be added to the other
+features which these two festivals of spring possess in common,
+and we should have to confess that Greece had what we
+may call its Good Friday and its Easter Sunday long before
+the events took place in Judaea which diffused these two
+annual commemorations of the Dying and Reviving God
+over a great part of the civilised world. From so simple a
+beginning may flow consequences so far-reaching and impressive;
+for in the light of the rude Thracian ceremony
+we may surmise that the high tragedy of the death and
+resurrection of Dionysus originated in a rustic mummers'
+play acted by ploughmen for the purpose of fertilising the
+brown earth which they turned up with the gleaming share
+in sunshiny days of spring, as they followed the slow-paced
+oxen down the long furrows in the fallow field. Later on
+we shall see that a play of the same sort is still acted, or
+was acted down to recent years, by English yokels on
+Plough Monday.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Legends of
+human
+sacrifice in
+the worship
+of
+Dionysus
+may be
+mere misinterpretations
+of
+ritual.</note>
+But before we pass from the tragic myth and ritual of
+Dionysus to the sweeter story and milder worship of Demeter
+and Persephone, the true Greek deities of the corn, it is fair
+to admit that the legends of human sacrifice, which have
+left so dark a stain on the memory of the old Thracian god,
+may have been nothing more than mere misinterpretations
+of a sacrificial ritual in which an animal victim was treated
+as a human being. For example, at Tenedos the new-born
+calf sacrificed to Dionysus was shod in buskins, and the
+mother cow was tended like a woman in child-bed.<note place='foot'>Aelian, <hi rend='italic'>De Natura Animalium</hi>,
+xii. 34. Compare W. Robertson Smith,
+<hi rend='italic'>Religion of the Semites</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (London,
+1894), pp. 300 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> At
+Rome a she-goat was sacrificed to Vedijovis as if it were a
+human victim.<note place='foot'>Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 12.</note> Yet on the other hand it is equally possible,
+and perhaps more probable, that these curious rites were
+themselves mitigations of an older and ruder custom of
+sacrificing human beings, and that the later pretence of
+<pb n='034'/><anchor id='Pg034'/>
+treating the sacrificial victims as if they were human beings
+was merely part of a pious and merciful fraud, which
+palmed off on the deity less precious victims than living
+men and women. This interpretation is supported by the
+undoubted cases in which animals have been substituted
+for human victims.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, p. 166 note 1, and below, p. <ref target='Pg249'>249</ref>.</note> On the whole we may conclude that
+neither the polished manners of a later age, nor the glamour
+which Greek poetry and art threw over the figure of
+Dionysus, sufficed to conceal or erase the deep lines of
+savagery and cruelty imprinted on the features of this
+barbarous deity.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='035'/><anchor id='Pg035'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter II. Demeter And Persephone.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Demeter
+and Persephone
+as Greek
+personifications
+of
+the decay
+and revival
+of vegetation.</note>
+Dionysus was not the only Greek deity whose tragic story
+and ritual appear to reflect the decay and revival of vegetation.
+In another form and with a different application the
+old tale reappears in the myth of Demeter and Persephone.
+Substantially their myth is identical with the Syrian one of
+Aphrodite (Astarte) and Adonis, the Phrygian one of Cybele
+and Attis, and the Egyptian one of Isis and Osiris. In the
+Greek fable, as in its Asiatic and Egyptian counterparts, a
+goddess mourns the loss of a loved one, who personifies the
+vegetation, more especially the corn, which dies in winter to
+revive in spring; only whereas the Oriental imagination
+figured the loved and lost one as a dead lover or a dead
+husband lamented by his leman or his wife, Greek fancy
+embodied the same idea in the tenderer and purer form of a
+dead daughter bewailed by her sorrowing mother.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Homeric
+<hi rend='italic'>Hymn to
+Demeter</hi>. The rape
+of Persephone.
+The
+wrath of
+Demeter. The return
+of Persephone.</note>
+The oldest literary document which narrates the myth
+of Demeter and Persephone is the beautiful Homeric <hi rend='italic'>Hymn
+to Demeter</hi>, which critics assign to the seventh century before
+our era.<note place='foot'>R. Foerster, <hi rend='italic'>Der Raub und die
+Rückkehr der Persephone</hi> (Stuttgart,
+1874), pp. 37-39; <hi rend='italic'>The Homeric
+Hymns</hi>, edited by T. W. Allen and
+E. E. Sikes (London, 1904), pp. 10 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>
+A later date&mdash;the age of the Pisistratids&mdash;is
+assigned to the hymn by A.
+Baumeister (<hi rend='italic'>Hymni Homerici</hi>, Leipsic,
+1860, p. 280).</note> The object of the poem is to explain the origin of
+the Eleusinian mysteries, and the complete silence of the
+poet as to Athens and the Athenians, who in after ages
+took a conspicuous part in the festival, renders it probable
+that the hymn was composed in the far off time when
+Eleusis was still a petty independent state, and before the
+stately procession of the Mysteries had begun to defile, in
+<pb n='036'/><anchor id='Pg036'/>
+bright September days, over the low chain of barren rocky
+hills which divides the flat Eleusinian cornland from the
+more spacious olive-clad expanse of the Athenian plain. Be
+that as it may, the hymn reveals to us the conception which
+the writer entertained of the character and functions of the
+two goddesses: their natural shapes stand out sharply enough
+under the thin veil of poetical imagery. The youthful
+Persephone, so runs the tale, was gathering roses and lilies,
+crocuses and violets, hyacinths and narcissuses in a lush
+meadow, when the earth gaped and Pluto, lord of the Dead,
+issuing from the abyss carried her off on his golden car to
+be his bride and queen in the gloomy subterranean world.
+Her sorrowing mother Demeter, with her yellow tresses
+veiled in a dark mourning mantle, sought her over land and
+sea, and learning from the Sun her daughter's fate she
+withdrew in high dudgeon from the gods and took up her
+abode at Eleusis, where she presented herself to the king's
+daughters in the guise of an old woman, sitting sadly under
+the shadow of an olive tree beside the Maiden's Well, to
+which the damsels had come to draw water in bronze pitchers
+for their father's house. In her wrath at her bereavement
+the goddess suffered not the seed to grow in the earth but kept
+it hidden under ground, and she vowed that never would she
+set foot on Olympus and never would she let the corn sprout
+till her lost daughter should be restored to her. Vainly the
+oxen dragged the ploughs to and fro in the fields; vainly
+the sower dropped the barley seed in the brown furrows;
+nothing came up from the parched and crumbling soil.
+Even the Rarian plain near Eleusis, which was wont to
+wave with yellow harvests, lay bare and fallow.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>, 1 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 302 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 330 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 349 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 414 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 450 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Mankind
+would have perished of hunger and the gods would have
+been robbed of the sacrifices which were their due, if Zeus
+in alarm had not commanded Pluto to disgorge his prey, to
+restore his bride Persephone to her mother Demeter. The
+grim lord of the Dead smiled and obeyed, but before he
+sent back his queen to the upper air on a golden car, he
+gave her the seed of a pomegranate to eat, which ensured
+that she would return to him. But Zeus stipulated that
+henceforth Persephone should spend two thirds of every
+<pb n='037'/><anchor id='Pg037'/>
+year with her mother and the gods in the upper world and
+one third of the year with her husband in the nether world,
+from which she was to return year by year when the earth
+was gay with spring flowers. Gladly the daughter then
+returned to the sunshine, gladly her mother received her and
+fell upon her neck; and in her joy at recovering the lost
+one Demeter made the corn to sprout from the clods of the
+ploughed fields and all the broad earth to be heavy with
+leaves and blossoms. And straightway she went and
+shewed this happy sight to the princes of Eleusis, to
+Triptolemus, Eumolpus, Diocles, and to the king Celeus
+himself, and moreover she revealed to them her sacred rites
+and mysteries. Blessed, says the poet, is the mortal man
+who has seen these things, but he who has had no share of
+them in life will never be happy in death when he has
+descended into the darkness of the grave. So the two
+goddesses departed to dwell in bliss with the gods on
+Olympus; and the bard ends the hymn with a pious prayer
+to Demeter and Persephone that they would be pleased to
+grant him a livelihood in return for his song.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>, 310 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> With
+the myth as set forth in the Homeric
+hymn may be compared the accounts
+of Apollodorus (<hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, i. 5) and
+Ovid (<hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, iv. 425-618; <hi rend='italic'>Metamorphoses</hi>,
+v. 385 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The aim
+of the
+Homeric
+<hi rend='italic'>Hymn to
+Demeter</hi>
+is to explain
+the
+traditional
+foundation
+of the
+Eleusinian
+mysteries
+by
+Demeter.</note>
+It has been generally recognised, and indeed it seems
+scarcely open to doubt, that the main theme which the poet
+set before himself in composing this hymn was to describe
+the traditional foundation of the Eleusinian mysteries by the
+goddess Demeter. The whole poem leads up to the transformation
+scene in which the bare leafless expanse of the
+Eleusinian plain is suddenly turned, at the will of the
+goddess, into a vast sheet of ruddy corn; the beneficent
+deity takes the princes of Eleusis, shews them what she has
+done, teaches them her mystic rites, and vanishes with her
+daughter to heaven. The revelation of the mysteries is the
+triumphal close of the piece. This conclusion is confirmed
+by a more minute examination of the poem, which proves
+that the poet has given, not merely a general account of the
+foundation of the mysteries, but also in more or less veiled
+language mythical explanations of the origin of particular
+rites which we have good reason to believe formed essential
+<pb n='038'/><anchor id='Pg038'/>
+features of the festival. Amongst the rites as to which the
+poet thus drops significant hints are the preliminary fast of
+the candidates for initiation, the torchlight procession, the
+all-night vigil, the sitting of the candidates, veiled and in
+silence, on stools covered with sheepskins, the use of scurrilous
+language, the breaking of ribald jests, and the solemn communion
+with the divinity by participation in a draught of
+barley-water from a holy chalice.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>, 47-50, 191-211,
+292-295, with the notes of
+Messrs. Allen and Sikes in their edition
+of the Homeric Hymns (London,
+1904). As to representations of the
+candidates for initiation seated on stools
+draped with sheepskins, see L. R.
+Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek States</hi>,
+iii. (Oxford, 1907) pp. 237 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, with
+plate xv <hi rend='italic'>a</hi>. On a well-known marble
+vase there figured the stool is covered
+with a lion's skin and one of the candidate's
+feet rests on a ram's skull or horns;
+but in two other examples of the same
+scene the ram's fleece is placed on the
+seat (Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 240 note a),
+just as it is said to have been placed
+on Demeter's stool in the Homeric
+hymn. As to the form of communion
+in the Eleusinian mysteries, see
+Clement of Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi> 21,
+p. 18 ed. Potter; Arnobius, <hi rend='italic'>Adversus
+nationes</hi>, v. 26; L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi>
+iii. 185 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 195 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> For discussions
+of the ancient evidence bearing on the
+Eleusinian mysteries it may suffice to
+refer to Chr. A. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>
+(Königsberg, 1829), pp. 3 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; G. F.
+Schoemann, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische Alterthümer</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>4</hi>
+ii. 387 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Aug. Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Heortologie</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1864), pp. 222 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1898), pp. 204 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; P.
+Foucart, <hi rend='italic'>Recherches sur l'Origine et
+la Nature des Mystères d'Eleusis</hi>
+(Paris, 1895) (<hi rend='italic'>Mémoires de l'Académie
+des Inscriptions</hi>, xxxv.); <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Les
+grands Mystères d'Eleusis</hi> (Paris,
+1900) (<hi rend='italic'>Mémoires de l'Académie des
+Inscriptions</hi>, xxxvii.); F. Lenormant
+and E. Pottier, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Eleusinia,</q> in
+Daremberg et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire
+des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines</hi>,
+ii. 544 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults
+of the Greek States</hi>, iii. 126 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Revelation
+of a reaped
+ear of corn
+the crowning
+act
+of the
+mysteries.</note>
+But there is yet another and a deeper secret of the
+mysteries which the author of the poem appears to have
+divulged under cover of his narrative. He tells us how, as
+soon as she had transformed the barren brown expanse of the
+Eleusinian plain into a field of golden grain, she gladdened
+the eyes of Triptolemus and the other Eleusinian princes by
+shewing them the growing or standing corn. When we
+compare this part of the story with the statement of a
+Christian writer of the second century, Hippolytus, that the
+very heart of the mysteries consisted in shewing to the
+initiated a reaped ear of corn,<note place='foot'>Hippolytus, <hi rend='italic'>Refutatio Omnium
+Haeresium</hi>, v. 8, p. 162, ed. L.
+Duncker et F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen,
+1859). The word which the
+poet uses to express the revelation
+(δεῖξε, <hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>, verse 474) is
+a technical one in the mysteries; the
+full phrase was δεικνύναι τὰ ἱερά. See
+Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Alcibiades</hi>, 22; Xenophon,
+<hi rend='italic'>Hellenica</hi>, vi. 3. 6; Isocrates, <hi rend='italic'>Panegyricus</hi>,
+6; Lysias, <hi rend='italic'>Contra Andocidem</hi>,
+51; Chr. A. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>,
+p. 51.</note> we can hardly doubt that
+<pb n='039'/><anchor id='Pg039'/>
+the poet of the hymn was well acquainted with this solemn
+rite, and that he deliberately intended to explain its origin
+in precisely the same way as he explained other rites of the
+mysteries, namely by representing Demeter as having set
+the example of performing the ceremony in her own person.
+Thus myth and ritual mutually explain and confirm each
+other. The poet of the seventh century before our era
+gives us the myth&mdash;he could not without sacrilege have
+revealed the ritual: the Christian father reveals the ritual,
+and his revelation accords perfectly with the veiled hint of
+the old poet. On the whole, then, we may, with many
+modern scholars, confidently accept the statement of the
+learned Christian father Clement of Alexandria, that the
+myth of Demeter and Persephone was acted as a sacred
+drama in the mysteries of Eleusis.<note place='foot'>Clement of Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi>
+ii. 12, p. 12 ed. Potter: Δηὼ δὲ καὶ
+Κόρη δρᾶμα ἤδη ἐγενέσθην μυστικόν; καὶ
+τὴν πλάνην καὶ τὴν ἀρπαγὴν καὶ τὸ πένθος
+αὐταῖν Ἐλευσὶς δᾳδουχεῖ. Compare
+F. Lenormant, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Eleusinia,</q> in
+Daremberg et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire
+des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines</hi>
+iii. 578: <q><foreign lang='fr' rend='italic'>Que le drame mystique des
+aventures de Déméter et de Coré constituât
+le spectacle essentiel de l'initiation,
+c'est ce dont il nous semble impossible
+de douter</foreign>.</q> A similar view
+is expressed by G. F. Schoemann
+(<hi rend='italic'>Griechische Alterthümer</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>4</hi> ii. 402);
+Preller-Robert (<hi rend='italic'>Griechische Mythologie</hi>,
+i. 793); P. Foucart (<hi rend='italic'>Recherches
+sur l'Origine et la Nature des Mystères
+d'Eleusis</hi>, Paris, 1895, pp. 43 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Les Grands Mystères d'Eleusis</hi>,
+Paris, 1900, p. 137); E. Rohde
+(<hi rend='italic'>Psyche</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi> i. 289); and L. R. Farnell
+(<hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek States</hi>, iii. 134,
+173 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Demeter
+and Persephone
+personifications
+of
+the corn. Persephone
+the seed
+sown in
+autumn
+and
+sprouting
+in spring.
+Demeter
+the old
+corn of
+last year.
+The view
+that
+Demeter
+was the
+Earth
+goddess is
+implicitly
+rejected by
+the author
+of the
+Homeric
+<hi rend='italic'>Hymn to
+Demeter</hi>.</note>
+But if the myth was acted as a part, perhaps as
+the principal part, of the most famous and solemn religious
+rites of ancient Greece, we have still to enquire, What
+was, after all, stripped of later accretions, the original
+kernel of the myth which appears to later ages surrounded
+and transfigured by an aureole of awe and mystery, lit up
+by some of the most brilliant rays of Grecian literature and
+art? If we follow the indications given by our oldest
+literary authority on the subject, the author of the Homeric
+hymn to Demeter, the riddle is not hard to read; the figures
+of the two goddesses, the mother and the daughter, resolve
+themselves into personifications of the corn.<note place='foot'>On Demeter and Proserpine as
+goddesses of the corn, see L. Preller,
+<hi rend='italic'>Demeter und Persephone</hi> (Hamburg,
+1837), pp. 315 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; and especially
+W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1884), pp. 202
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> At least this
+appears to be fairly certain for the daughter Persephone.
+<pb n='040'/><anchor id='Pg040'/>
+The goddess who spends three or, according to another
+version of the myth, six months of every year with the
+dead under ground and the remainder of the year with the
+living above ground;<note place='foot'>According to the author of the
+Homeric Hymn to Demeter (verses
+398 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 445 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>) and Apollodorus
+(<hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, i. 5. 3) the time which
+Persephone had to spend under ground
+was one third of the year; according
+to Ovid (<hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, iv. 613 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>Metamorphoses</hi>,
+v. 564 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>) and Hyginus
+(<hi rend='italic'>Fabulae</hi>, 146) it was one half.</note> in whose absence the barley seed is
+hidden in the earth and the fields lie bare and fallow; on
+whose return in spring to the upper world the corn shoots
+up from the clods and the earth is heavy with leaves and
+blossoms&mdash;this goddess can surely be nothing else than a
+mythical embodiment of the vegetation, and particularly of
+the corn, which is buried under the soil for some months of
+every winter and comes to life again, as from the grave, in
+the sprouting cornstalks and the opening flowers and foliage
+of every spring. No other reasonable and probable explanation
+of Persephone seems possible.<note place='foot'>This view of the myth of Persephone
+is, for example, accepted and
+clearly stated by L. Preller (<hi rend='italic'>Demeter
+und Persephone</hi>, pp. 128 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>).</note> And if the
+daughter goddess was a personification of the young corn
+of the present year, may not the mother goddess be a
+personification of the old corn of last year, which has given
+birth to the new crops? The only alternative to this view
+of Demeter would seem to be to suppose that she is a
+personification of the earth, from whose broad bosom the
+corn and all other plants spring up, and of which accordingly
+they may appropriately enough be regarded as the daughters.
+This view of the original nature of Demeter has indeed been
+taken by some writers, both ancient and modern,<note place='foot'>See, for example, Firmicus Maternus,
+<hi rend='italic'>De errore profanarum religionum</hi>,
+17. 3: <q><foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Frugum substantiam volunt
+Proserpinam dicere, quia fruges
+hominibus cum seri coeperint prosunt.
+Terram ipsam Cererem nominant,
+nomen hoc a gerendis fructibus mutuati</foreign></q>;
+L. Preller, <hi rend='italic'>Demeter und Persephone</hi>,
+p. 128, <q><hi rend='italic'>Der Erdboden wird Demeter,
+die Vegetation Persephone</hi>.</q> François
+Lenormant, again, held that Demeter
+was originally a personification of the
+earth regarded as divine, but he
+admitted that from the time of the
+Homeric poems downwards she was
+sharply distinguished from Ge, the
+earth-goddess proper. See Daremberg
+et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des Antiquités
+Grecques et Romaines</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Ceres,</q>
+ii. 1022 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Some light might be
+thrown on the question whether
+Demeter was an Earth Goddess or a
+Corn Goddess, if we could be sure of
+the etymology of her name, which has
+been variously explained as <q>Earth
+Mother</q> (Δῆ μήτηρ equivalent to Γῆ
+μήτηρ) and as <q>Barley Mother</q> (from
+an alleged Cretan word δηαί <q>barley</q>:
+see <hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum Magnum</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Δηώ,
+pp. 263 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>). The former etymology
+has been the most popular; the latter
+is maintained by W. Mannhardt. See
+L. Preller, <hi rend='italic'>Demeter und Persephone</hi>,
+pp. 317, 366 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; F. G. Welcker,
+<hi rend='italic'>Griechische Götterlehre</hi>, i. 385 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+Preller-Robert, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische Mythologie</hi>,
+i. 747 note 6; Kern, in Pauly-Wissowa's
+<hi rend='italic'>Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft</hi>,
+iv. 2713; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, pp.
+281 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> But my learned friend the
+Rev. Professor J. H. Moulton informs
+me that both etymologies are open to
+serious philological objections, and that
+no satisfactory derivation of the first
+syllable of Demeter's name has yet
+been proposed. Accordingly I prefer
+to base no argument on an analysis of
+the name, and to rest my interpretation
+of the goddess entirely on her myth,
+ritual, and representations in art.
+Etymology is at the best a very slippery
+ground on which to rear mythological
+theories.</note> and it is
+<pb n='041'/><anchor id='Pg041'/>
+one which can be reasonably maintained. But it appears
+to have been rejected by the author of the Homeric hymn
+to Demeter, for he not only distinguishes Demeter from the
+personified Earth but places the two in the sharpest opposition
+to each other. He tells us that it was Earth who, in
+accordance with the will of Zeus and to please Pluto, lured
+Persephone to her doom by causing the narcissuses to grow
+which tempted the young goddess to stray far beyond the
+reach of help in the lush meadow.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>, 8 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Thus Demeter of the
+hymn, far from being identical with the Earth-goddess, must
+have regarded that divinity as her worst enemy, since it
+was to her insidious wiles that she owed the loss of her
+daughter. But if the Demeter of the hymn cannot have
+been a personification of the earth, the only alternative
+apparently is to conclude that she was a personification of
+the corn.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Yellow
+Demeter,
+the goddess
+who
+sifts
+the ripe
+grain from
+the chaff
+at the
+threshing-floor. The Green
+Demeter
+the goddess
+of the
+green corn.</note>
+With this conclusion all the indications of the hymn-writer
+seem to harmonise. He certainly represents Demeter
+as the goddess by whose power and at whose pleasure
+the corn either grows or remains hidden in the ground;
+and to what deity can such powers be so fittingly ascribed
+as to the goddess of the corn? He calls Demeter yellow
+and tells how her yellow tresses flowed down on her
+shoulders;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>, 279, 302.</note> could any colour be more appropriate with
+which to paint the divinity of the yellow grain? The same
+identification of Demeter with the ripe, the yellow corn is
+made even more clearly by a still older poet, Homer
+himself, or at all events the author of the fifth book of the
+<hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>. There we read: <q>And even as the wind carries the
+chaff about the sacred threshing-floors, when men are
+<pb n='042'/><anchor id='Pg042'/>
+winnowing, what time yellow Demeter sifts the corn from
+the chaff on the hurrying blast, so that the heaps of chaff
+grow white below, so were the Achaeans whitened above by
+the cloud of dust which the hoofs of the horses spurned to
+the brazen heaven.</q><note place='foot'>Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, v. 499-504.</note> Here the yellow Demeter who sifts
+the grain from the chaff at the threshing-floor can hardly be
+any other than the goddess of the yellow corn; she cannot
+be the Earth-goddess, for what has the Earth-goddess to do
+with the grain and the chaff blown about a threshing-floor?
+With this interpretation it agrees that elsewhere Homer
+speaks of men eating <q>Demeter's corn</q>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, xiii. 322, xxi. 76.</note> and still more
+definitely Hesiod speaks of <q>the annual store of food, which
+the earth bears, Demeter's corn,</q><note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 31 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> thus distinguishing the
+goddess of the corn from the earth which bears it. Still
+more clearly does a later Greek poet personify the corn as
+Demeter when, in allusion to the time of the corn-reaping,
+he says that then <q>the sturdy swains cleave Demeter limb
+from limb.</q><note place='foot'>Quoted by Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>,
+66.</note> And just as the ripe or yellow corn was
+personified as the Yellow Demeter, so the unripe or green
+corn was personified as the Green Demeter. In that
+character the goddess had sanctuaries at Athens and other
+places; sacrifices were appropriately offered to Green
+Demeter in spring when the earth was growing green with
+the fresh vegetation, and the victims included sows big
+with young,<note place='foot'>Pausanias, i. 22. 3 with my note;
+Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 615; J. de Prott et
+L. Ziehen, <hi rend='italic'>Leges Graecorum Sacrae</hi>,
+Fasciculus I. (Leipsic, 1896) p. 49;
+Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+28; Scholiast on Sophocles,
+<hi rend='italic'>Oedipus Colon.</hi> 1600; L. R. Farnell,
+<hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek States</hi>, iii.
+312 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> which no doubt were intended not merely to
+symbolise but magically to promote the abundance of the
+crops.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The cereals
+called
+<q>Demeter's
+fruits.</q></note>
+In Greek the various kinds of corn were called by the
+general name of <q>Demeter's fruits,</q><note place='foot'>Herodotus, i. 193, iv. 198;
+Xenophon, <hi rend='italic'>Hellenica</hi>, vi. 3. 6; Aelian,
+<hi rend='italic'>Historia Animalium</hi>, xvii. 16; Cornutus,
+<hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+28; <hi rend='italic'>Geoponica</hi>, i. 12. 36; <hi rend='italic'>Paroemiographi
+Graeci</hi>, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin,
+Appendix iv. 20 (vol. i. p. 439).</note> just as in Latin they
+were called the <q>fruits or gifts of Ceres,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Cerealia</hi> in Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi>
+xxiii. 1; <foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Cerealia munera</foreign> and <foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Cerealia
+dona</foreign> in Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Metamorphoses</hi>, xi.
+121 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> an expression
+<pb n='043'/><anchor id='Pg043'/>
+which survives in the English word cereals. Tradition ran
+that before Demeter's time men neither cultivated corn nor
+tilled the ground, but roamed the mountains and woods in
+search of the wild fruits which the earth produced spontaneously
+from her womb for their subsistence. The
+tradition clearly implies not only that Demeter was the
+goddess of the corn, but that she was different from and
+younger than the goddess of the Earth, since it is expressly
+affirmed that before Demeter's time the earth existed and
+supplied mankind with nourishment in the shape of wild
+herbs, grasses, flowers and fruits.<note place='foot'>Libanius, ed. J. J. Reiske, vol. iv.
+p. 367, <hi rend='italic'>Corinth. Oratio</hi>: Οὐκ αὖθις
+ἡμῶν ακαρποσ ἡ γῆ δοκεῖ γεγονέναι?
+οὐ πάλιν ὁ πρὸ Δήμητρος εἶναι βίος?
+καί τοι καὶ πρὸ Δήμητρος αἱ γεωργίαι
+μὲν οὐκ ἦσαν; οὐδὲ ἄροτοι, αὐτόφυτοι
+δὲ βοτάναι καὶ πόαι; καὶ πολλὰ εἶχεν
+εἰς σωτηρίαν ἀνθρώπων αὐτοσχέδια ἄνθη
+ἡ γῆ ὠδίνουσα καὶ κύουσα πρὸ τῶν
+ἡμέρων τὰ ἄγρια. Ἐπλανῶντο μὲν,
+ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους; ἄλση καὶ ὄρη
+περιῄσαν, ζητοῦντες αὐτόματον τροφήν.
+In this passage, which no doubt represents
+the common Greek view on the
+subject, the earth is plainly personified
+(ὠδίνουσα καὶ κύουσα), which points the
+antithesis between her and the goddess
+of the corn. Diodorus Siculus also
+says (v. 68) that corn grew wild with
+the other plants before Demeter taught
+men to cultivate it and to sow the
+seed.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Corn and
+poppies as
+symbols of
+Demeter.</note>
+In ancient art Demeter and Persephone are characterised
+as goddesses of the corn by the crowns of corn which they
+wear on their heads and by the stalks of corn which they
+hold in their hands.<note place='foot'>Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, iv. 616; Eusebius,
+<hi rend='italic'>Praeparatio Evangelii</hi>, iii. 11. 5;
+Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+28; <hi rend='italic'>Anthologia Palatina</hi>,
+vi. 104. 8; W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 235; J. Overbeck,
+<hi rend='italic'>Griechische Kunstmythologie</hi>,
+iii. (Leipsic, 1873-1878) pp. 420,
+421, 453, 479, 480, 502, 505, 507,
+514, 522, 523, 524, 525 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; L. R.
+Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek States</hi>,
+iii. 217 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 220 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 222, 226, 232,
+233, 237, 260, 265, 268, 269 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+271.</note> Theocritus describes a smiling image
+of Demeter standing by a heap of yellow grain on a
+threshing-floor and grasping sheaves of barley and poppies in
+both her hands.<note place='foot'>Theocritus, <hi rend='italic'>Idyl.</hi> vii. 155 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+That the sheaves which the goddess
+grasped were of barley is proved by
+verses 31-34 of the poem.</note> Indeed corn and poppies singly or together
+were a frequent symbol of the goddess, as we learn not only
+from the testimony of ancient writers<note place='foot'>Eusebius, <hi rend='italic'>Praeparatio Evangelii</hi>,
+iii. 11. 5; Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae
+Compendium</hi>, 28, p. 56, ed. C. Lang;
+Virgil, <hi rend='italic'>Georg.</hi> i. 212, with the comment
+of Servius.</note> but from many existing
+monuments of classical art.<note place='foot'>See the references to the works of
+Overbeck and Farnell above. For example,
+a fine statue at Copenhagen, in
+the style of the age of Phidias, represents
+Demeter holding poppies and ears
+of corn in her left hand. See Farnell,
+<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> iii. 268, with plate xxviii.</note> The naturalness of the symbol
+<pb n='044'/><anchor id='Pg044'/>
+can be doubted by no one who has seen&mdash;and who has not
+seen?&mdash;a field of yellow corn bespangled thick with scarlet
+poppies; and we need not resort to the shifts of an ancient
+mythologist, who explained the symbolism of the poppy in
+Demeter's hand by comparing the globular shape of the
+poppy to the roundness of our globe, the unevenness of its
+edges to hills and valleys, and the hollow interior of the
+scarlet flower to the caves and dens of the earth.<note place='foot'>Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+28, p. 56 ed. C. Lang.</note> If only
+students would study the little black and white books of
+men less and the great rainbow-tinted book of nature more;
+if they would more frequently exchange the heavy air and
+the dim light of libraries for the freshness and the sunshine
+of the open sky; if they would oftener unbend their minds
+by rural walks between fields of waving corn, beside rivers
+rippling by under grey willows, or down green lanes, where
+the hedges are white with the hawthorn bloom or red with
+wild roses, they might sometimes learn more about primitive
+religion than can be gathered from many dusty volumes, in
+which wire-drawn theories are set forth with all the tedious
+parade of learning.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Persephone
+portrayed
+as the
+young corn
+sprouting
+from the
+ground.</note>
+Nowhere, perhaps, in the monuments of Greek art is the
+character of Persephone as a personification of the young
+corn sprouting in spring portrayed more gracefully and more
+truly than on a coin of Lampsacus of the fourth century
+before our era. On it we see the goddess in the very act
+of rising from the earth. <q>Her face is upraised; in her
+hand are three ears of corn, and others together with grapes
+are springing behind her shoulder. Complete is here the
+identification of the goddess and her attribute: she is
+embowered amid the ears of growing corn, and like it half
+buried in the ground. She does not make the corn and
+vine grow, but she <emph>is</emph> the corn and vine growing, and
+returning again to the face of the earth after lying hidden in
+its depths. Certainly the artist who designed this beautiful
+figure thoroughly understood Hellenic religion.</q><note place='foot'>Percy Gardner, <hi rend='italic'>Types of Greek
+Coins</hi> (Cambridge, 1883), p. 174, with
+plate x. No. 25.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Demeter
+invoked
+and propitiated
+by
+Greek
+farmers
+before the
+autumnal
+sowing. Boeotian
+festival of
+mourning
+for the
+descent
+of Persephone
+at the
+autumnal
+sowing.</note>
+As the goddess who first bestowed corn on mankind
+and taught them to sow and cultivate it,<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, v. 68. 1.</note> Demeter was
+<pb n='045'/><anchor id='Pg045'/>
+naturally invoked and propitiated by farmers before they
+undertook the various operations of the agricultural year.
+In autumn, when he heard the sonorous trumpeting of the
+cranes, as they winged their way southward in vast flocks
+high overhead, the Greek husbandman knew that the rains
+were near and that the time of ploughing was at hand; but
+before he put his hand to the plough he prayed to Underground
+Zeus and to Holy Demeter for a heavy crop of
+Demeter's sacred corn. Then he guided the ox-drawn
+plough down the field, turning up the brown earth with the
+share, while a swain followed close behind with a hoe, who
+covered up the seed as fast as it fell to protect it from the
+voracious birds that fluttered and twittered at the plough-tail.<note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 448-474;
+Epictetus, <hi rend='italic'>Dissertationes</hi>, iii.
+21. 12. For the autumnal migration
+and clangour of the cranes as the
+signal for sowing, see Aristophanes,
+<hi rend='italic'>Birds</hi>, 711; compare Theognis, 1197
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> But the Greeks also ploughed in
+spring (Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> 462; Xenophon,
+<hi rend='italic'>Oeconom.</hi> 16); indeed they ploughed
+thrice in the year (Theophrastus,
+<hi rend='italic'>Historia Plantarum</hi>, vii. 13. 6). At
+the approach of autumn the cranes of
+northern Europe collect about rivers
+and lakes, and after much trumpeting
+set out in enormous bands on their
+southward journey to the tropical
+regions of Africa and India. In early
+spring they return northward, and
+their flocks may be descried passing at
+a marvellous height overhead or halting
+to rest in the meadows beside some
+broad river. The bird emits its
+trumpet-like note both on the ground
+and on the wing. See Alfred Newton,
+<hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of Birds</hi> (London, 1893-1896),
+pp. 110 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+But while the ordinary Greek farmer took the signal
+for ploughing from the clangour of the cranes, Hesiod and
+other writers who aimed at greater exactness laid it down
+as a rule that the ploughing should begin with the autumnal
+setting of the Pleiades in the morning, which in Hesiod's
+time fell on the twenty-sixth of October.<note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 383 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+615-617; Aratus, <hi rend='italic'>Phaenomena</hi>, 254-267;
+L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi>
+(Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 241 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> According
+to Pliny (<hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> xviii. 49)
+wheat, barley, and all other cereals
+were sown in Greece and Asia from
+the time of the autumn setting of the
+Pleiades. This date for ploughing
+and sowing is confirmed by Hippocrates
+and other medical writers. See
+W. Smith's <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of Greek and
+Roman Antiquities</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi> i. 234. Latin
+writers prescribe the same date for the
+sowing of wheat. See Virgil, <hi rend='italic'>Georg.</hi>
+i. 219-226; Columella, <hi rend='italic'>De re rustica</hi>,
+ii. 8; Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> xviii. 223-226.
+In Columella's time the Pleiades, he
+tells us (<hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi>), set in the morning of
+October 24th of the Julian calendar,
+which would correspond to the October
+16th of our reckoning.</note> The month
+in which the Pleiades set in the morning was generally
+recognised by the Greeks as the month of sowing; it
+corresponded apparently in part to our October, in part to
+<pb n='046'/><anchor id='Pg046'/>
+our November. The Athenians called it Pyanepsion; the
+Boeotians named it significantly Damatrius, that is,
+Demeter's month, and they celebrated a feast of mourning
+because, says Plutarch, who as a Boeotian speaks with
+authority on such a matter, Demeter was then in mourning
+for the descent of Persephone.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 69.</note> Is it possible to express
+more clearly the true original nature of Persephone as the
+corn-seed which has just been buried in the earth? The
+obvious, the almost inevitable conclusion did not escape
+Plutarch. He tells us that the mournful rites which were
+held at the time of the autumn sowing nominally commemorated
+the actions of deities, but that the real sadness
+was for the fruits of the earth, some of which at that season
+dropped of themselves and vanished from the trees, while
+others in the shape of seed were committed with anxious
+thoughts to the ground by men, who scraped the earth
+and then huddled it up over the seed, just as if they were
+burying and mourning for the dead.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 70.
+Similarly Cornutus says that <q>Hades
+is fabled to have carried off Demeter's
+daughter because the seed vanishes
+for a time under the earth,</q> and he
+mentions that a festival of Demeter
+was celebrated at the time of sowing
+(<hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>, 28,
+pp. 54, 55 ed. C. Lang). In a fragment
+of a Greek calendar which is preserved
+in the Louvre <q>the ascent (ἀναβάσις) of
+the goddess</q> is dated the seventh day
+of the month Dius, and <q>the descent or
+setting (δύσις) of the goddess</q> is dated
+the fourth day of the month Hephaestius,
+a month which seems to be otherwise
+unknown. See W. Froehner,
+<hi rend='italic'>Musée Nationale du Louvre, Les Inscriptions
+Grecques</hi> (Paris, 1880), pp.
+50 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Greek inscriptions found
+at Mantinea refer to a worship of
+Demeter and Persephone, who are
+known to have had a sanctuary there
+(Pausanias, viii. 9. 2). The people of
+Mantinea celebrated <q>mysteries of the
+goddess</q> and a festival called the
+<foreign rend='italic'>koragia</foreign>, which seems to have represented
+the return of Persephone from
+the lower world. See W. Immerwahr,
+<hi rend='italic'>Die Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1891), pp. 100 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; S.
+Reinach, <hi rend='italic'>Traité d'Epigraphie Grecque</hi>
+(Paris, 1885), pp. 141 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Hesychius,
+<hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> κοράγειν.</note> Surely this interpretation
+of the custom and of the myth of Persephone is
+not only beautiful but true.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Thank-offerings
+of
+ripe grain
+presented
+by Greek
+farmers to
+Demeter
+after the
+harvest.
+Theocritus's
+description
+of
+a harvest-home
+in
+Cos.</note>
+And just as the Greek husbandman prayed to the Corn
+Goddess when he committed the seed, with anxious forebodings,
+to the furrows, so after he had reaped the harvest
+and brought back the yellow sheaves with rejoicing to the
+threshing-floor, he paid the bountiful goddess her dues in
+the form of a thank-offering of golden grain. Theocritus
+has painted for us in glowing colours a picture of a
+<pb n='047'/><anchor id='Pg047'/>
+rustic harvest-home, as it fell on a bright autumn day
+some two thousand years ago in the little Greek island of
+Cos.<note place='foot'>Theocritus, <hi rend='italic'>Idyl.</hi> vii.</note> The poet tells us how he went with two friends
+from the city to attend a festival given by farmers, who
+were offering first-fruits to Demeter from the store of
+barley with which she had filled their barns. The day
+was warm, indeed so hot that the very lizards, which
+love to bask and run about in the sun, were slumbering in
+the crevices of the stone-walls, and not a lark soared
+carolling into the blue vault of heaven. Yet despite the
+great heat there were everywhere signs of autumn. <q>All
+things,</q> says the poet, <q>smelt of summer, but smelt of
+autumn too.</q> Indeed the day was really autumnal; for a
+goat-herd who met the friends on their way to the rural
+merry-making, asked them whether they were bound for the
+treading of the grapes in the wine-presses. And when they
+had reached their destination and reclined at ease in the
+dappled shade of over-arching poplars and elms, with the
+babble of a neighbouring fountain, the buzz of the cicadas,
+the hum of bees, and the cooing of doves in their ears, the
+ripe apples and pears rolled in the grass at their feet and
+the branches of the wild-plum trees were bowed down to the
+earth with the weight of their purple fruit. So couched on
+soft beds of fragrant lentisk they passed the sultry hours
+singing ditties alternately, while a rustic image of Demeter,
+to whom the honours of the day were paid, stood smiling
+beside a heap of yellow grain on the threshing-floor, with
+corn-stalks and poppies in her hands.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+harvest-home
+described
+by
+Theocritus
+fell in
+autumn.</note>
+In this description the time of year when the harvest-home
+was celebrated is clearly marked. Apart from the
+mention of the ripe apples, pears, and plums, the reference
+to the treading of the grapes is decisive. The Greeks gather
+and press the grapes in the first half of October,<note place='foot'>In ancient Greece the vintage
+seems to have fallen somewhat earlier;
+for Hesiod bids the husbandman gather
+the ripe clusters at the time when
+Arcturus is a morning star, which in
+the poet's age was on the 18th of
+September. See Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and
+Days</hi>, 609 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch
+der mathematischen und technischen
+Chronologie</hi>, i. 247.</note> and
+accordingly it is to this date that the harvest-festival described
+by Theocritus must be assigned. At the present
+<pb n='048'/><anchor id='Pg048'/>
+day in Greece the maize-harvest immediately precedes the
+vintage, the grain being reaped and garnered at the end of
+September. Travelling in rural districts of Argolis and
+Arcadia at that time of the year you pass from time to time
+piles of the orange-coloured cobs laid up ready to be shelled,
+or again heaps of the yellow grain beside the pods. But
+maize was unknown to the ancient Greeks, who, like
+their modern descendants, reaped their wheat and barley
+crops much earlier in the summer, usually from the end of
+April till June.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, p. 190 note 2.</note> However, we may conclude that the day
+immortalised by Theocritus was one of those autumn days
+of great heat and effulgent beauty which in Greece may
+occur at any time up to the very verge of winter. I
+remember such a day at Panopeus on the borders of Phocis
+and Boeotia. It was the first of November, yet the sun
+shone in cloudless splendour and the heat was so great, that
+when I had examined the magnificent remains of ancient
+Greek fortification-walls which crown the summit of the
+hill, it was delicious to repose on a grassy slope in the shade
+of some fine holly-oaks and to inhale the sweet scent of the
+wild thyme, which perfumed all the air. But it was summer's
+farewell. Next morning the weather had completely changed.
+A grey November sky lowered sadly overhead, and grey
+mists hung like winding-sheets on the lower slopes of
+the barren mountains which shut in the fatal plain of
+Chaeronea.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Greeks
+seem to
+have deferred
+the
+offering of
+first-fruits
+till the
+autumn in
+order to
+propitiate
+the Corn
+Goddess
+at the
+moment of
+ploughing
+and sowing,
+when
+her help
+was
+urgently
+needed.</note>
+Thus we may infer that in the rural districts of ancient
+Greece farmers offered their first-fruits of the barley harvest
+to Demeter in autumn about the time when the grapes were
+being trodden in the wine-presses and the ripe apples and
+pears littered the ground in the orchards. At first sight the
+lateness of the festival in the year is surprising; for in the
+lowlands of Greece at the present day barley is reaped at
+the end of April and wheat in May,<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, p. 190 note 2.</note> and in antiquity the
+time of harvest would seem not to have been very different,
+for Hesiod bids the husbandman put the sickle to the corn
+at the morning rising of the Pleiades,<note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 383 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> which in his time
+<pb n='049'/><anchor id='Pg049'/>
+took place on the eleventh of May.<note place='foot'>L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi>,
+i. 242.</note> But if the harvest was
+reaped in spring or early summer, why defer the offerings
+of corn to the Corn Goddess until the middle of autumn?
+The reason for the delay is not, so far as I am aware,
+explained by any ancient author, and accordingly it must
+remain for us a matter of conjecture. I surmise that the
+reason may have been a calculation on the part of the
+practical farmer that the best time to propitiate the Corn
+Goddess was not after harvest, when he had got all that was
+to be got out of her, but immediately before ploughing and
+sowing, when he had everything to hope from her good-will
+and everything to fear from her displeasure. When he had
+reaped his corn, and the sheaves had been safely garnered
+in his barns, he might, so to say, snap his fingers at the
+Corn Goddess. What could she do for him on the bare
+stubble-field which lay scorched and baking under the fierce
+rays of the sun all the long rainless summer through? But
+matters wore a very different aspect when, with the shortening
+and cooling of the days, he began to scan the sky for
+clouds<note place='foot'>Compare Xenophon, <hi rend='italic'>Oeconomicus</hi>,
+17, ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ὁ μετοπωρινὸς χρόνος
+ἔλθῃ, πάντες που οἱ ἄνθρωποι πρὸς τὸν
+θέον ἀποβλέπουσιν, ὅποτε βρέξας τὴν
+γῆν ἀφήσει αὐτοὺς σπείρειν.</note> and to listen for the cries of the cranes as they flew
+southward, heralding by their trumpet-like notes the approach
+of the autumnal rains. Then he knew that the time had
+come to break up the ground that it might receive the seed
+and be fertilised by the refreshing water of heaven; then he
+bethought him of the Corn Goddess once more and brought
+forth from the grange a share of the harvested corn with
+which to woo her favour and induce her to quicken the grain
+which he was about to commit to the earth. On this theory
+the Greek offering of first-fruits was prompted not so much
+by gratitude for past favours as by a shrewd eye to favours to
+come, and perhaps this interpretation of the custom does no
+serious injustice to the cool phlegmatic temper of the bucolic
+mind, which is more apt to be moved by considerations of profit
+than by sentiment. At all events the reasons suggested for
+delaying the harvest-festival accord perfectly with the natural
+conditions and seasons of farming in Greece. For in that
+country the summer is practically rainless, and during the
+<pb n='050'/><anchor id='Pg050'/>
+long months of heat and drought the cultivation of the two
+ancient cereals, barley and wheat, is at a standstill. The
+first rains of autumn fall about the middle of October,<note place='foot'>August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi>, p. 193.</note> and
+that was the Greek farmer's great time for ploughing and
+sowing.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg044'>44</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Hence we should expect him to make his offering
+of first-fruits to the Corn Goddess shortly before he ploughed
+and sowed, and this expectation is entirely confirmed by
+the date which we have inferred for the offering from the
+evidence of Theocritus. Thus the sacrifice of barley to
+Demeter in the autumn would seem to have been not so
+much a thank-offering as a bribe judiciously administered
+to her at the very moment of all the year when her services
+were most urgently wanted.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The festival
+of the
+<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Proerosia</foreign>
+(<q>Before
+the Ploughing</q>)
+held
+at Eleusis
+in honour
+of
+Demeter.</note>
+When with the progress of civilisation a number of
+petty agricultural communities have merged into a single
+state dependent for its subsistence mainly on the cultivation
+of the ground, it commonly happens that, though
+every farmer continues to perform for himself the simple old
+rites designed to ensure the blessing of the gods on his
+crops, the government undertakes to celebrate similar, though
+more stately and elaborate, rites on behalf of the whole
+people, lest the neglect of public worship should draw down
+on the country the wrath of the offended deities. Hence it
+comes about that, for all their pomp and splendour, the
+national festivals of such states are often merely magnified
+and embellished copies of homely rites and uncouth observances
+carried out by rustics in the open fields, in barns,
+and on threshing-floors. In ancient Egypt the religion of
+Isis and Osiris furnishes examples of solemnities which have
+been thus raised from the humble rank of rural festivities
+to the dignity of national celebrations;<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 283 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> and in ancient
+Greece a like development may be traced in the religion of
+Demeter. If the Greek ploughman prayed to Demeter and
+Underground Zeus for a good crop before he put his hand
+to the plough in autumn, the authorities of the Athenian
+state celebrated about the same time and for the same
+purpose a public festival in honour of Demeter at Eleusis.
+<pb n='051'/><anchor id='Pg051'/>
+It was called the Proerosia, which signifies <q>Before the
+Ploughing</q>; and as the festival was dedicated to her,
+Demeter herself bore the name of Proerosia. Tradition ran
+that once on a time the whole world was desolated by a
+famine, and that to remedy the evil the Pythian oracle bade
+the Athenians offer the sacrifice of the Proerosia on behalf
+of all men. They did so, and the famine ceased accordingly.
+Hence to testify their gratitude for the deliverance people
+sent the first-fruits of their harvest from all quarters to
+Athens.<note place='foot'>Scholiast on Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Knights</hi>,
+720; Suidas, <hi rend='italic'>s.vv</hi>. εἰρεσιώνη and
+προηροσίαι; <hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum Magnum</hi>,
+Hesychius, and Photius, <hi rend='italic'>Lexicon</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+προηρόσια; Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Septem Sapientum
+Convivium</hi>, 15; Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge
+Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 521,
+line 29, and No. 628; Aug.
+Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt Athen im
+Altertum</hi> (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 192
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The inscriptions prove that the
+Proerosia was held at Eleusis and that
+it was distinct from the Great Mysteries,
+being mentioned separately from them.
+Some of the ancients accounted for
+the origin of the festival by a universal
+plague instead of a universal famine.
+But this version of the story no doubt
+arose from the common confusion between
+the similar Greek words for plague
+and famine (λοιμός and λιμός). That
+in the original version famine and not
+plague must have been alleged as the
+reason for instituting the Proerosia,
+appears plainly from the reference of
+the name to ploughing, from the dedication
+of the festival to Demeter, and
+from the offerings of first-fruits; for
+these circumstances, though quite appropriate
+to ceremonies designed to
+stay or avert dearth and famine, would
+be quite inappropriate in the case of
+a plague.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Proerosia</foreign>
+seems to
+have been
+held before
+the ploughing
+in
+October
+but after
+the Great
+Mysteries
+in September. However,
+the date of
+the Great
+Mysteries,
+being
+determined
+by the
+lunar
+calendar,
+must have
+fluctuated
+in the solar
+year;
+whereas
+the date
+of the
+<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Proerosia</foreign>,
+being
+determined
+by observation
+of
+Arcturus,
+must have
+been fixed.</note>
+But the exact date at which the Proerosia or Festival
+before Ploughing took place is somewhat uncertain, and enquirers
+are divided in opinion as to whether it fell before or
+after the Great Mysteries, which began on the fifteenth or
+sixteenth of Boedromion, a month corresponding roughly to
+our September. Another name for the festival was Proarcturia,
+that is, <q>Before Arcturus,</q><note place='foot'>Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> προηρόσια.</note> which points to a date
+either before the middle of September, when Arcturus is a
+morning star, or before the end of October, when Arcturus
+is an evening star.<note place='foot'>August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi>, p. 194.</note> In favour of the earlier date it may be
+said, first, that the morning phase of Arcturus was well
+known and much observed, because it marked the middle of
+autumn, whereas little use was made of the evening phase of
+Arcturus for the purpose of dating;<note place='foot'>August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note> and, second, that in an
+official Athenian inscription the Festival before Ploughing
+(<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Proerosia</foreign>) is mentioned immediately before the Great
+<pb n='052'/><anchor id='Pg052'/>
+Mysteries.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 521, lines 29 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> On the other hand, in favour of the later date, it may
+be said that as the autumnal rains in Greece set in about the
+middle of October, the latter part of that month would be a
+more suitable time for a ceremony at the opening of ploughing
+than the middle of September, when the soil is still parched
+with the summer drought; and, second, that this date is confirmed
+by a Greek inscription of the fourth or third century
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, found at Eleusis, in which the Festival before Ploughing
+is apparently mentioned in the month of Pyanepsion immediately
+before the festival of the Pyanepsia, which was
+held on the seventh day of that month.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 628.</note> It is difficult to
+decide between these conflicting arguments, but on the whole
+I incline, not without hesitation, to agree with some eminent
+modern authorities in placing the Festival before Ploughing
+in Pyanepsion (October) after the Mysteries, rather than in
+Boedromion (September) before the Mysteries.<note place='foot'>The view that the Festival before
+Ploughing (<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Proerosia</foreign>) fell in Pyanepsion
+is accepted by W. Mannhardt and W.
+Dittenberger. See W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und Feldkulte</hi> (Berlin,
+1877), pp. 238 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 258; Dittenberger,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi>
+note 2 on Inscr. No. 628 (vol. ii. pp.
+423 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>). The view that the Festival
+before Ploughing fell in Boedromion
+is maintained by August Mommsen.
+See his <hi rend='italic'>Heortologie</hi> (Leipsic, 1864),
+pp. 218 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi> (Leipsic, 1898),
+pp. 192 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> However, we
+must bear in mind that as the Attic months, like the Greek
+months generally, were lunar,<note place='foot'>See below, p. <ref target='Pg082'>82</ref>.</note> their position in the solar year
+necessarily varied from year to year, and though these variations
+were periodically corrected by intercalation, nevertheless
+the beginning of each Attic month sometimes diverged by
+several weeks from the beginning of the corresponding
+month to which we equate it.<note place='foot'>L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi>
+(Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 292 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; compare
+August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Chronologie</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1883), pp. 58 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> From this it follows that the
+Great Mysteries, which were always dated by the calendar
+month, must have annually shifted their place somewhat in
+the solar year; whereas the Festival before Ploughing, if it was
+indeed dated either by the morning or by the evening phase
+of Arcturus, must have occupied a fixed place in the solar
+year. Hence it appears to be not impossible that the Great
+Mysteries, oscillating to and fro with the inconstant moon,
+<pb n='053'/><anchor id='Pg053'/>
+may sometimes have fallen before and sometimes after the
+Festival before Ploughing, which apparently always remained
+true to the constant star. At least this possibility, which seems
+to have been overlooked by previous enquirers, deserves to
+be taken into account. It is a corollary from the shifting
+dates of the lunar months that the official Greek calendar, in
+spite of its appearance of exactness, really furnished the
+ancient farmer with little trustworthy guidance as to the
+proper seasons for conducting the various operations of agriculture;
+and he was well advised in trusting to various
+natural timekeepers, such as the rising and setting of the
+constellations, the arrival and departure of the migratory
+birds, the flowering of certain plants,<note place='foot'>For example, Theophrastus notes
+that squills flowered thrice a year, and
+that each flowering marked the time
+for one of the three ploughings. See
+Theophrastus, <hi rend='italic'>Historia Plantarum</hi>, vii.
+13. 6.</note> the ripening of fruits,
+and the setting in of the rains, rather than to the fallacious
+indications of the public calendar. It is by natural timekeepers,
+and not by calendar months, that Hesiod determines
+the seasons of the farmer's year in the poem which is the
+oldest existing treatise on husbandry.<note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 383 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+The poet indeed refers (<hi rend='italic'>vv.</hi> 765 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>)
+to days of the month as proper times
+for engaging in certain tasks; but such
+references are always simply to days
+of the lunar month and apply equally
+to every month; they are never to days
+as dates in the solar year.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Offerings of
+the first-fruits
+of the
+barley and
+wheat to
+Demeter
+and Persephone
+at
+Eleusis. Isocrates
+on the
+offerings of
+first-fruits
+at Eleusis.</note>
+Just as the ploughman's prayer to Demeter, before he
+drove the share through the clods of the field, was taken up
+and reverberated, so to say, with a great volume of sound
+in the public prayers which the Athenian state annually
+offered to the goddess before the ploughing on behalf of the
+whole world, so the simple first-fruits of barley, presented to
+the rustic Demeter under the dappled shade of rustling
+poplars and elms on the threshing-floor in Cos, were repeated
+year by year on a grander scale in the first-fruits of the
+barley and wheat harvest, which were presented to the Corn
+Mother and the Corn Maiden at Eleusis, not merely by
+every husbandman in Attica, but by all the allies and
+subjects of Athens far and near, and even by many
+free Greek communities beyond the sea. The reason
+why year by year these offerings of grain poured from
+far countries into the public granaries at Eleusis, was
+<pb n='054'/><anchor id='Pg054'/>
+the widespread belief that the gift of corn had been first
+bestowed by Demeter on the Athenians and afterwards
+disseminated by them among all mankind through the
+agency of Triptolemus, who travelled over the world in
+his dragon-drawn car teaching all peoples to plough the
+earth and to sow the seed.<note place='foot'>See below, p. <ref target='Pg072'>72</ref>.</note> In the fifth century before our
+era the legend was celebrated by Sophocles in a play called
+<hi rend='italic'>Triptolemus</hi>, in which he represented Demeter instructing
+the hero to carry the seed of the fruits which she had
+bestowed on men to all the coasts of Southern Italy,<note place='foot'>Dionysius Halicarnasensis, <hi rend='italic'>Antiquit.
+Rom.</hi> i. 12. 2.</note> from
+which we may infer that the cities of Magna Graecia were
+among the number of those that sent the thank-offering of
+barley and wheat every year to Athens. Again, in the
+fourth century before our era Xenophon represents Callias,
+the braggart Eleusinian Torchbearer, addressing the
+Lacedaemonians in a set speech, in which he declared
+that <q>Our ancestor Triptolemus is said to have bestowed the
+seed of Demeter's corn on the Peloponese before any other
+land. How then,</q> he asked with pathetic earnestness, <q>can
+it be right that you should come to ravage the corn of the
+men from whom you received the seed?</q><note place='foot'>Xenophon, <hi rend='italic'>Historia Graeca</hi>, vi.
+3. 6.</note> Again, writing
+in the fourth century before our era Isocrates relates with
+a swell of patriotic pride how, in her search for her lost
+daughter Persephone, the goddess Demeter came to Attica
+and gave to the ancestors of the Athenians the two greatest
+of all gifts, the gift of the corn and the gift of the mysteries,
+of which the one reclaimed men from the life of beasts and
+the other held out hopes to them of a blissful eternity beyond
+the grave. The antiquity of the tradition, the orator proceeds
+to say, was no reason for rejecting it, but quite the
+contrary it furnished a strong argument in its favour, for
+what many affirmed and all had heard might be accepted as
+trustworthy. <q>And moreover,</q> he adds, <q>we are not driven
+to rest our case merely on the venerable age of the tradition;
+we can appeal to stronger evidence in its support. For
+most of the cities send us every year the first-fruits of the
+corn as a memorial of that ancient benefit, and when any of
+<pb n='055'/><anchor id='Pg055'/>
+them have failed to do so the Pythian priestess has commanded
+them to send the due portions of the fruits and to
+act towards our city according to ancestral custom. Can
+anything be supported by stronger evidence than by the
+oracle of god, the assent of many Greeks, and the harmony
+of ancient legend with the deeds of to-day?</q><note place='foot'>Isocrates, <hi rend='italic'>Panegyric</hi>, 6 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Athenian
+decree concerning
+the offerings
+of
+first-fruits
+at Eleusis.</note>
+This testimony of Isocrates to the antiquity both of
+the legend and of the custom might perhaps have been set
+aside, or at least disparaged, as the empty bombast of a
+wordy rhetorician, if it had not happened by good chance
+to be amply confirmed by an official decree of the Athenian
+people passed in the century before Isocrates wrote. The
+decree was found inscribed on a stone at Eleusis and is
+dated by scholars in the latter half of the fifth century before
+our era, sometime between 446 and 420 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi><note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 20 (vol. i.
+pp. 33 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>); E. S. Roberts and E. A.
+Gardner, <hi rend='italic'>An Introduction to Greek
+Epigraphy</hi>, Part ii. (Cambridge, 1905)
+No. 9, pp. 22 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> It deals
+with the first-fruits of barley and wheat which were offered
+to the Two Goddesses, that is, to Demeter and Persephone,
+not only by the Athenians and their allies but by the
+Greeks in general. It prescribes the exact amount of barley
+and wheat which was to be offered by the Athenians and
+their allies, and it directs the highest officials at Eleusis,
+namely the Hierophant and the Torchbearer, to exhort the
+other Greeks at the mysteries to offer likewise of the first-fruits
+of the corn. The authority alleged in the decree for requiring
+or inviting offerings of first-fruits alike from Athenians
+and from foreigners is ancestral custom and the bidding of
+the Delphic oracle. The Senate is further enjoined to
+send commissioners, so far as it could be done, to all
+Greek cities whatsoever, exhorting, though not commanding,
+them to send the first-fruits in compliance with ancestral
+custom and the bidding of the Delphic oracle, and the state
+officials are directed to receive the offerings from such states in
+the same manner as the offerings of the Athenians and their
+allies. Instructions are also given for the building of three
+subterranean granaries at Eleusis, where the contributions
+of grain from Attica were to be stored. The best of the corn
+<pb n='056'/><anchor id='Pg056'/>
+was to be offered in sacrifice as the Eumolpids might direct:
+oxen were to be bought and sacrificed, with gilt horns, not
+only to the two Goddesses but also to the God (Pluto),
+Triptolemus, Eubulus, and Athena; and the remainder of
+the grain was to be sold and with the produce votive offerings
+were to be dedicated with inscriptions setting forth that they
+had been dedicated from the offerings of first-fruits, and
+recording the names of all the Greeks who sent the offerings
+to Eleusis. The decree ends with a prayer that all who
+comply with these injunctions or exhortations and render
+their dues to the city of Athens and to the Two Goddesses,
+may enjoy prosperity together with good and abundant crops.
+Writing in the second century of our era, under the Roman
+empire, the rhetorician Aristides records the custom which
+the Greeks observed of sending year by year the first-fruits
+of the harvest to Athens in gratitude for the corn, but he
+speaks of the practice as a thing of the past.<note place='foot'>Aristides, <hi rend='italic'>Panathen.</hi> and <hi rend='italic'>Eleusin.</hi>,
+vol. i. pp. 167 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 417 ed. G. Dindorf
+(Leipsic, 1829).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Even after
+foreign
+states
+ceased to
+send first-fruits
+of the
+corn to
+Eleusis,
+they continued
+to
+acknowledge
+the
+benefit
+which the
+Athenians
+had conferred
+on
+mankind
+by diffusing
+among
+them
+Demeter's
+gift of
+the corn. Testimony
+of the
+Sicilian
+historian
+Diodorus. Testimony
+of Cicero
+and
+Himerius.</note>
+We may suspect that the tribute of corn ceased to flow
+from far countries to Athens, when, with her falling fortunes
+and decaying empire, her proud galleys had ceased to carry
+the terror of the Athenian arms into distant seas. But if
+the homage was no longer paid in the substantial shape of
+cargoes of grain, it continued down to the latest days of
+paganism to be paid in the cheaper form of gratitude for
+that inestimable benefit, which the Athenians claimed to have
+received from the Corn Goddess and to have liberally communicated
+to the rest of mankind. Even the Sicilians, who,
+inhabiting a fertile corn-growing island, worshipped Demeter
+and Persephone above all the gods and claimed to have been
+the first to receive the gift of the corn from the Corn Goddess,<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, v. 2 and 4;
+Cicero, <hi rend='italic'>In C. Verrem</hi>, act. ii. bk. iv.
+chapters 48 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Both writers mention
+that the whole of Sicily was deemed
+sacred to Demeter and Persephone,
+and that corn was said to have grown
+in the island before it appeared anywhere
+else. In support of the latter
+claim Diodorus Siculus (v. 2. 4) asserts
+that wheat grew wild in many parts of
+Sicily.</note>
+nevertheless freely acknowledged that the Athenians
+had spread, though they had not originated, the useful
+discovery among the nations. Thus the patriotic Sicilian
+historian Diodorus, while giving the precedence to his fellow-countrymen,
+<pb n='057'/><anchor id='Pg057'/>
+strives to be just to the Athenian pretensions
+in the following passage.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, v. 4.</note> <q>Mythologists,</q> says he, <q>relate
+that Demeter, unable to find her daughter, lit torches at the
+craters of Etna<note place='foot'>This legend, which is mentioned
+also by Cicero (<hi rend='italic'>In C. Verrem</hi>, act. ii.
+bk. iv. ch. 48), was no doubt told to
+explain the use of torches in the
+mysteries of Demeter and Persephone.
+The author of the Homeric <hi rend='italic'>Hymn to
+Demeter</hi> tells us (verses 47 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>) that
+Demeter searched for her lost daughter
+for nine days with burning torches in
+her hands, but he does not say that the
+torches were kindled at the flames of
+Etna. In art Demeter and Persephone
+and their attendants were often represented
+with torches in their hands. See
+L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek
+States</hi>, iii. (Oxford, 1907) plates xiii.,
+xv. <hi rend='italic'>a</hi>, xvi., xvii., xviii., xix., xx., xxi. <hi rend='italic'>a</hi>,
+xxv., xxvii. <hi rend='italic'>b</hi>. Perhaps the legend of the
+torchlight search for Persephone and
+the use of the torches in the mysteries
+may have originated in a custom of
+carrying fire about the fields as a charm
+to secure sunshine for the corn. See
+<hi rend='italic'>The Golden Bough</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> iii. 313.</note> and roamed over many parts of the world.
+Those people who received her best she rewarded by giving
+them in return the fruit of the wheat; and because the
+Athenians welcomed her most kindly of all, she bestowed
+the fruit of the wheat on them next after the Sicilians.
+Wherefore that people honoured the goddess more than any
+other folk by magnificent sacrifices and the mysteries at
+Eleusis, which for their extreme antiquity and sanctity have
+become famous among all men. From the Athenians many
+others received the boon of the corn and shared the seed
+with their neighbours, till they filled the whole inhabited
+earth with it. But as the people of Sicily, on account of
+the intimate relation in which they stood to Demeter and
+the Maiden, were the first to participate in the newly
+discovered corn, they appointed sacrifices and popular
+festivities in honour of each of the two goddesses, naming
+the celebrations after them and signifying the nature of the
+boons they had received by the dates of the festivals. For
+they celebrated the bringing home of the Maiden at the time
+when the corn was ripe, performing the sacrifice and holding
+the festivity with all the solemnity and zeal that might be
+reasonably expected of men who desired to testify their
+gratitude for so signal a gift bestowed on them before all
+the rest of mankind. But the sacrifice to Demeter they
+assigned to the time when the sowing of the corn begins;
+and for ten days they hold a popular festivity which bears
+the name of the goddess, and is remarkable as well for the
+<pb n='058'/><anchor id='Pg058'/>
+magnificence of its pomp as for the costumes then worn in
+imitation of the olden time. During these days it is customary
+for people to rail at each other in foul language,
+because when Demeter was mourning for the rape of the
+Maiden she laughed at a ribald jest.</q><note place='foot'>The words which I have translated
+<q>the bringing home of the Maiden</q>
+(τῆς Κόρης τὴν καταγωγήν) are explained
+with great probability by Professor M. P.
+Nilsson as referring to the bringing of the
+ripe corn to the barn or the threshing-floor
+(<hi rend='italic'>Griechische Feste</hi>, Leipsic, 1906,
+pp. 356 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>). This interpretation
+accords perfectly with a well-attested
+sense of καταγωγή and its cognate verb
+κατάγειν, and is preferable to the other
+possible interpretation <q>the bringing
+down,</q> which would refer to the
+descent of Persephone into the nether
+world; for such a descent is hardly
+appropriate to a harvest festival.</note> Thus despite his
+natural prepossession in favour of his native land, Diodorus
+bears testimony both to the special blessing bestowed on
+the Athenians by the Corn Goddess, and to the generosity
+with which they had imparted the blessing to others, until it
+gradually spread to the ends of the earth. Again, Cicero,
+addressing a Roman audience, enumerates among the benefits
+which Athens was believed to have conferred on the world,
+the gift of the corn and its origin in Attic soil; and the
+cursory manner in which he alludes to it seems to prove that
+the tradition was familiar to his hearers.<note place='foot'>Cicero, <hi rend='italic'>Pro L. Flacco</hi>, 26.</note> Four centuries
+later the rhetorician Himerius speaks of Demeter's gift of
+the corn and the mysteries to the Athenians as the source
+of the first and greatest service rendered by their city to
+mankind;<note place='foot'>Himerius, <hi rend='italic'>Orat.</hi> ii. 5.</note> so ancient, widespread, and persistent was the
+legend which ascribed the origin of the corn to the goddess
+Demeter and associated it with the institution of the
+Eleusinian mysteries. No wonder that the Delphic oracle
+called Athens <q>the Metropolis of the Corn.</q><note place='foot'>Μητρόπολις τῶν καρπῶν, Aristides,
+<hi rend='italic'>Panathen.</hi> vol. i. p. 168 ed. G. Dindorf
+(Leipzig, 1829).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Sicilians
+seem to
+have
+associated
+Demeter
+with the
+seed-corn
+and Persephone
+with the
+ripe ears. Difficulty
+of distinguishing
+between
+Demeter
+and Persephone
+as
+personifications
+of
+different
+aspects of
+the corn.</note>
+From the passage of Diodorus which I have quoted we
+learn that the Sicilians celebrated the festival of Demeter
+at the beginning of sowing, and the festival of Persephone at
+harvest. This proves that they associated, if they did not
+identify, the Mother Goddess with the seed-corn and the
+Daughter Goddess with the ripe ears. Could any association
+or identification be more easy and obvious to people
+who personified the processes of nature under the form of
+<pb n='059'/><anchor id='Pg059'/>
+anthropomorphic deities? As the seed brings forth the ripe
+ear, so the Corn Mother Demeter gave birth to the Corn
+Daughter Persephone. It is true that difficulties arise when
+we attempt to analyse this seemingly simple conception.
+How, for example, are we to divide exactly the two persons
+of the divinity? At what precise moment does the seed
+cease to be the Corn Mother and begins to burgeon out
+into the Corn Daughter? And how far can we identify the
+material substance of the barley and wheat with the divine
+bodies of the Two Goddesses? Questions of this sort probably
+gave little concern to the sturdy swains who ploughed,
+sowed, and reaped the fat fields of Sicily. We cannot imagine
+that their night's rest was disturbed by uneasy meditations
+on these knotty problems. It would hardly be strange if the
+muzzy mind of the Sicilian bumpkin, who looked with blind
+devotion to the Two Goddesses for his daily bread, totally
+failed to distinguish Demeter from the seed and Persephone
+from the ripe sheaves, and if he accepted implicitly
+the doctrine of the real presence of the divinities in the corn
+without discriminating too curiously between the material
+and the spiritual properties of the barley or the wheat.
+And if he had been closely questioned by a rigid logician as
+to the exact distinction to be drawn between the two persons
+of the godhead who together represented for him the annual
+vicissitudes of the cereals, Hodge might have scratched his
+head and confessed that it puzzled him to say where
+precisely the one goddess ended and the other began, or
+why the seed buried in the ground should figure at one time
+as the dead daughter Persephone descending into the nether
+world, and at another as the living Mother Demeter about
+to give birth to next year's crop. Theological subtleties
+like these have posed longer heads than are commonly to be
+found on bucolic shoulders.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The time of
+the year
+when the
+first-fruits
+of the corn
+were
+offered to
+Demeter
+and Persephone
+at
+Eleusis is
+not known.</note>
+The time of year at which the first-fruits were offered
+to Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis is not explicitly
+mentioned by ancient authorities, and accordingly no
+inference can be drawn from the date of the offering as
+to its religious significance. It is true that at the Eleusinian
+mysteries the Hierophant and Torchbearer publicly exhorted
+the Greeks in general, as distinguished from the Athenians
+<pb n='060'/><anchor id='Pg060'/>
+and their allies, to offer the first-fruits in accordance with
+ancestral custom and the bidding of the Delphic oracle.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 20, lines 25 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner,
+<hi rend='italic'>Introduction to Greek Epigraphy</hi>, ii.
+(Cambridge, 1905) No. 9, lines 25
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, κελευέτω δὲ καί ὁ ἱεροφάντης καὶ ὁ
+δᾳδοῦχος μυστηρίοις ἀπάρχεσθαι τοὺς
+Ἔλληνας τοῦ καρποῦ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια καὶ
+τὴν μαντείαν τὴν ἐγ Δελφῶν. By coupling
+μυστηρίοις with ἀπάρχεσθαι instead
+of with κελεύετω, Miss J. E. Harrison
+understands the offering instead of the
+exhortation to have been made at the
+mysteries (<hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena to the Study of
+Greek Religion</hi>, Second Edition, p. 155,
+<q>Let the Hierophant and the Torchbearer
+command that at the mysteries
+the Hellenes should offer first-fruits of
+their crops,</q> etc.). This interpretation
+is no doubt grammatically permissible,
+but the context seems to plead strongly,
+if not to be absolutely decisive, in favour
+of the other. It is to be observed
+that the exhortation was addressed not
+to the Athenians and their allies (who
+were compelled to make the offering)
+but only to the other Greeks, who
+might make it or not as they pleased;
+and the amount of such voluntary contributions
+was probably small compared
+to that of the compulsory contributions,
+as to the date of which nothing is said.
+That the proclamation to the Greeks in
+general was an exhortation (κελευέτω),
+not a command, is clearly shewn by
+the words of the decree a few lines
+lower down, where commissioners are
+directed to go to all Greek states
+exhorting but not commanding them
+to offer the first-fruits (ἐκείνοις δὲ μὴ
+ἐπιτάττοντας, κελεύοντας δὲ ἀπάρχεσθαι
+ἐὰν βούλωνται κατὰ τὰ πάτρια καὶ τὴν
+μαντείαν ἐγ Δελφῶν). The Athenians
+could not command free and independent
+states to make such offerings, still
+less could they prescribe the exact date
+when the offerings were to be made.
+All that they could and did do was,
+taking advantage of the great assembly
+of Greeks from all quarters at the
+mysteries, to invite or exhort, by the
+mouth of the great priestly functionaries,
+the foreigners to contribute.</note>
+But there is nothing to shew that the offerings were made
+immediately after the exhortation. Nor does any ancient
+authority support the view of a modern scholar that the
+offering of the first-fruits, or a portion of them, took place at
+the Festival before Ploughing (<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Proerosia</foreign>),<note place='foot'>August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi> (Leipsic, 1898),
+pp. 192 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> though that festival
+would no doubt be an eminently appropriate occasion for
+propitiating with such offerings the goddess on whose bounty
+the next year's crop was believed to depend.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Festival
+of the
+Threshing-floor
+(<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Haloa</foreign>)
+at Eleusis.</note>
+On the other hand, we are positively told that the first-fruits
+were carried to Eleusis to be used at the Festival of
+the Threshing-floor (<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Haloa</foreign>).<note place='foot'>Eustathius on Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, ix.
+534, p. 772; Im. Bekker, <hi rend='italic'>Anecdota
+Graeca</hi>, i. 384 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Ἁλῶα. Compare
+O. Rubensohn, <hi rend='italic'>Die Mysterienheiligtümer
+in Eleusis und Samothrake</hi>
+(Berlin, 1892), p. 116.</note> But the statement, cursorily
+reported by writers of no very high authority, cannot be
+implicitly relied upon; and even if it could, we should
+hardly be justified in inferring from it that all the first-fruits
+of the corn were offered to Demeter and Persephone at this
+<pb n='061'/><anchor id='Pg061'/>
+festival. Be that as it may, the Festival of the Threshing-floor
+was intimately connected with the worship both of
+Demeter and of Dionysus, and accordingly it deserves our
+attention. It is said to have been sacred to both these
+deities;<note place='foot'>Eustathius on Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, ix.
+534, p. 772; Im. Bekker, <hi rend='italic'>Anecdota
+Graeca</hi>, i. 384 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Ἁλῶα.</note> and while the name seems to connect it rather
+with the Corn Goddess than with the Wine God, we are
+yet informed that it was held by the Athenians on the
+occasion of the pruning of the vines and the tasting of the
+stored-up wine.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Scholia in Lucianum</hi>, ed. H. Rabe
+(Leipsic, 1906), pp. 279 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> (scholium
+on <hi rend='italic'>Dialog. Meretr.</hi> vii. 4).</note> The festival is frequently mentioned in
+Eleusinian inscriptions, from some of which we gather
+that it included sacrifices to the two goddesses and a so-called
+Ancestral Contest, as to the nature of which we have
+no information.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> Nos. 192, 246,
+587, 640; Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική,
+1884, coll. 135 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The passages of
+inscriptions and of ancient authors
+which refer to the festival are collected
+by Dr. L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the
+Greek States</hi>, iii. (Oxford, 1907) pp.
+315 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> For a discussion of the
+evidence see August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste
+der Stadt Athen im Altertum</hi> (Leipsic,
+1898), pp. 359 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Miss J. E.
+Harrison, <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena to the Study
+of Greek Religion</hi>, Second Edition
+(Cambridge, 1908), pp. 145 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> We may suppose that the festival or some
+part of it was celebrated on the Sacred Threshing-floor
+of Triptolemus at Eleusis;<note place='foot'>The threshing-floor of Triptolemus
+at Eleusis (Pausanias, i. 38. 6) is no
+doubt identical with the Sacred Threshing-floor
+mentioned in the great
+Eleusinian inscription of 329 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>
+(Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 587, line 234). We
+read of a hierophant who, contrary to
+ancestral custom, sacrificed a victim on
+the hearth in the Hall at Eleusis during
+the Festival of the Threshing-floor,
+<q>it being unlawful to sacrifice victims
+on that day</q> (Demosthenes, <hi rend='italic'>Contra
+Neaeram</hi>, 116, pp. 1384 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>), but from
+such an unlawful act no inference can
+be drawn as to the place where the
+festival was held. That the festival
+probably had special reference to the
+threshing-floor of Triptolemus has
+already been pointed out by O. Rubensohn
+(<hi rend='italic'>Die Mysterienheiligtümer in
+Eleusis und Samothrake</hi>, Berlin, 1892,
+p. 118).</note> for as Triptolemus was the
+hero who is said to have diffused the knowledge of the
+corn all over the world, nothing could be more natural
+than that the Festival of the Threshing-floor should be
+held on the sacred threshing-floor which bore his name.
+As for Demeter, we have already seen how intimate was her
+association with the threshing-floor and the operation of
+threshing; according to Homer, she is the yellow goddess who
+parts the yellow grain from the white chaff at the threshing,
+and in Cos her image with the corn-stalks and the poppies
+<pb n='062'/><anchor id='Pg062'/>
+in her hands stood on the threshing-floor.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg041'>41</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg043'>43</ref>. Maximus
+Tyrius observes (<hi rend='italic'>Dissertat.</hi> xxx. 5) that
+husbandmen were the first to celebrate
+sacred rites in honour of Demeter at
+the threshing-floor.</note> The festival
+lasted one day, and no victims might be sacrificed at it;<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg061'>61</ref>, note 4.</note> but
+special use was made, as we have seen, of the first-fruits of
+the corn. With regard to the dating of the festival we are
+informed that it fell in the month Poseideon, which corresponds
+roughly to our December, and as the date rests on
+the high authority of the ancient Athenian antiquary Philochorus,<note place='foot'>Harpocration, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Ἁλῶα (vol. i.
+p. 24, ed. G. Dindorf).</note>
+and is, moreover, indirectly confirmed by inscriptional
+evidence,<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 587, lines
+124, 144, with the editor's notes;
+August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi>, p. 360.</note> we are bound to accept it. But it is
+certainly surprising to find a Festival of the Threshing-floor
+held so late in the year, long after the threshing, which in
+Greece usually takes place not later than midsummer, though
+on high ground in Crete it is sometimes prolonged till near
+the end of August.<note place='foot'>So I am informed by my friend
+Professor J. L. Myres, who speaks
+from personal observation.</note> We seem bound to conclude that the
+Festival of the Threshing-floor was quite distinct from the
+actual threshing of the corn.<note place='foot'>This is recognised by Professor
+M. P. Nilsson. See his <hi rend='italic'>Studia de
+Dionysiis Atticis</hi> (Lund, 1900), pp.
+95 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, and his <hi rend='italic'>Griechische Feste</hi>, p.
+329. To explain the lateness of the
+festival, Miss J. E. Harrison suggests
+that <q>the shift of date is due to
+Dionysos. The rival festivals of
+Dionysos were in mid-winter. He
+possessed himself of the festivals of
+Demeter, took over her threshing-floor
+and compelled the anomaly of a winter
+threshing festival</q> (<hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena to
+the Study of Greek Religion</hi>, Second
+Edition, p. 147).</note> It is said to have included
+certain mystic rites performed by women alone, who feasted
+and quaffed wine, while they broke filthy jests on each other
+and exhibited cakes baked in the form of the male and female
+organs of generation.<note place='foot'>Scholiast on Lucian, <hi rend='italic'>Dial. Meretr.</hi>
+vii. 4 (<hi rend='italic'>Scholia in Lucianum</hi>, ed. H.
+Rabe, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 279-281).</note> If the latter particulars are correctly
+reported we may suppose that these indecencies, like certain
+obscenities which seem to have formed part of the Great
+Mysteries at Eleusis,<note place='foot'>Clement of Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi>
+ii. 15 and 20, pp. 13 and 17 ed.
+Potter; Arnobius, <hi rend='italic'>Adversus Nationes</hi>,
+v. 25-27, 35, 39.</note> were no mere wanton outbursts of
+licentious passion, but were deliberately practised as rites
+calculated to promote the fertility of the ground by means
+of homoeopathic or imitative magic. A like association of
+<pb n='063'/><anchor id='Pg063'/>
+what we might call indecency with rites intended to promote
+the growth of the crops meets us in the Thesmophoria, a
+festival of Demeter celebrated by women alone, at which
+the character of the goddess as a source of fertility comes
+out clearly in the custom of mixing the remains of the
+sacrificial pigs with the seed-corn in order to obtain a
+plentiful crop. We shall return to this festival later on.<note place='foot'>See below, p. <ref target='Pg116'>116</ref>; vol. ii. pp.
+17 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Green
+Festival
+and the
+Festival
+of the
+Cornstalks
+at Eleusis.
+Epithets of
+Demeter
+referring to
+the corn.</note>
+Other festivals held at Eleusis in honour of Demeter and
+Persephone were known as the Green Festival and the
+Festival of the Cornstalks.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 640; Ch.
+Michel, <hi rend='italic'>Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques</hi>
+(Brussels, 1900), No. 135, p. 145.
+To be exact, while the inscription
+definitely mentions the sacrifices to
+Demeter and Persephone at the
+Green Festival, it does not record the
+deities to whom the sacrifice at the
+Festival of the Cornstalks (τὴν τῶν
+Καλαμαίων θυσίαν) was offered. But
+mentioned as it is in immediate connexion
+with the sacrifices to Demeter
+and Persephone at the Green Festival,
+we may fairly suppose that the sacrifice
+at the Festival of the Cornstalks was
+also offered to these goddesses.</note> Of the manner of their celebration
+we know nothing except that they comprised sacrifices,
+which were offered to Demeter and Persephone. But their
+names suffice to connect the two festivals with the green
+and the standing corn. We have seen that Demeter
+herself bore the title of Green, and that sacrifices were
+offered to her under that title which plainly aimed at promoting
+fertility.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg042'>42</ref>.</note> Among the many epithets applied to
+Demeter which mark her relation to the corn may further
+be mentioned <q>Wheat-lover,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Anthologia Palatina</hi>, vi. 36. 1 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> <q>She of the Corn,</q><note place='foot'>Polemo, cited by Athenaeus, iii.
+9, p. 416 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>.</note> <q>Sheaf-bearer,</q><note place='foot'>Nonnus, <hi rend='italic'>Dionys.</hi> xvii. 153. The
+Athenians sacrificed to her under this
+title (Eustathius, on Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>,
+xviii. 553, p. 1162).</note>
+<q>She of the Threshing-floor,</q><note place='foot'>Theocritus, <hi rend='italic'>Idyl.</hi> vii. 155; <hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>,
+xl. 5.</note> <q>She of the Winnowing-fan,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Anthologia Palatina</hi>, vi. 98. 1.</note>
+<q>Nurse of the Corn-ears,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>, xl. 3.</note> <q>Crowned with
+Ears of Corn,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Anthologia Palatina</hi>, vi. 104. 8.</note> <q>She of the Seed,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>, xl. 5.</note> <q>She of the Green
+Fruits,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> <q>Heavy with Summer Fruits,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Orphica</hi>, xl. 18.</note> <q>Fruit-bearer,</q><note place='foot'>This title she shared with Persephone
+at Tegea (Pausanias, viii. 53. 7),
+and under it she received annual sacrifices
+at Ephesus (Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge
+Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 655).
+It was applied to her also at Epidaurus
+(Ἐφημ. Ἀρχ., 1883, col. 153) and at
+Athens (Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Frogs</hi>, 382), and
+appears to have been a common title of
+the goddess. See L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The
+Cults of the Greek States</hi>, iii. 318 note 30.</note>
+<pb n='064'/><anchor id='Pg064'/>
+<q>She of the Great Loaf,</q> and <q>She of the Great Barley
+Loaf.</q><note place='foot'>Polemo, cited by Athenaeus, iii.
+73, p. 109 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a</hi> <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>, x. 9. p. 416 <hi rend='smallcaps'>c</hi>.</note> Of these epithets it may be remarked that though
+all of them are quite appropriate to a Corn Goddess, some
+of them would scarcely be applicable to an Earth Goddess
+and therefore they add weight to the other arguments which
+turn the scale in favour of the corn as the fundamental
+attribute of Demeter.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Belief in
+ancient
+and
+modern
+times that
+the corn-crops
+depend on
+possession
+of an
+image of
+Demeter.</note>
+How deeply implanted in the mind of the ancient
+Greeks was this faith in Demeter as goddess of the corn
+may be judged by the circumstance that the faith actually
+persisted among their Christian descendants at her old
+sanctuary of Eleusis down to the beginning of the nineteenth
+century. For when the English traveller Dodwell revisited
+Eleusis, the inhabitants lamented to him the loss of a
+colossal image of Demeter, which was carried off by Clarke
+in 1802 and presented to the University of Cambridge,
+where it still remains. <q>In my first journey to Greece,</q>
+says Dodwell, <q>this protecting deity was in its full glory,
+situated in the centre of a threshing-floor, amongst the ruins
+of her temple. The villagers were impressed with a persuasion
+that their rich harvests were the effect of her bounty,
+and since her removal, their abundance, as they assured me,
+has disappeared.</q><note place='foot'>E. Dodwell, <hi rend='italic'>A Classical and
+Topographical Tour through Greece</hi>
+(London, 1819), i. 583. E. D. Clarke
+found the image <q>on the side of the
+road, immediately before entering the
+village, and in the midst of a heap of
+dung, buried as high as the neck, a
+little beyond the farther extremity of
+the pavement of the temple. Yet even
+this degrading situation had not been
+assigned to it wholly independent of its
+antient history. The inhabitants of
+the small village which is now situated
+among the ruins of Eleusis still regarded
+this statue with a very high
+degree of superstitious veneration.
+They attributed to its presence the
+fertility of their land; and it was for
+this reason that they heaped around it
+the manure intended for their fields.
+They believed that the loss of it would
+be followed by no less a calamity than
+the failure of their annual harvests;
+and they pointed to the ears of bearded
+wheat, upon the sculptured ornaments
+upon the head of the figure, as a never-failing
+indication of the produce of the
+soil.</q> When the statue was about to
+be removed, a general murmur ran
+among the people, the women joining
+in the clamour. <q>They had been
+always,</q> they said, <q>famous for their
+corn; and the fertility of the land
+would cease when the statue was
+removed.</q> See E. D. Clarke, <hi rend='italic'>Travels
+in various Countries of Europe, Asia,
+and Africa</hi>, iii. (London, 1814) pp. 772-774,
+787 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare J. C. Lawson,
+<hi rend='italic'>Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient
+Greek Religion</hi> (Cambridge, 1910),
+p. 80, who tells us that <q>the statue
+was regularly crowned with flowers
+in the avowed hope of obtaining good
+harvests.</q></note> Thus we see the Corn Goddess Demeter
+<pb n='065'/><anchor id='Pg065'/>
+standing on the threshing-floor of Eleusis and dispensing
+corn to her worshippers in the nineteenth century of the
+Christian era, precisely as her image stood and dispensed
+corn to her worshippers on the threshing-floor of Cos in the
+days of Theocritus. And just as the people of Eleusis last
+century attributed the diminution of their harvests to the
+loss of the image of Demeter, so in antiquity the Sicilians,
+a corn-growing people devoted to the worship of the two
+Corn Goddesses, lamented that the crops of many towns had
+perished because the unscrupulous Roman governor Verres
+had impiously carried off the image of Demeter from her
+famous temple at Henna.<note place='foot'>Cicero, <hi rend='italic'>In C. Verrem</hi>, act. ii. lib.
+iv. 51.</note> Could we ask for a clearer proof
+that Demeter was indeed the goddess of the corn than this
+belief, held by the Greeks down to modern times, that the
+corn-crops depended on her presence and bounty and
+perished when her image was removed?
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Sacred
+marriage
+of Zeus
+and
+Demeter
+at Eleusis. Homer on
+the love of
+Zeus for
+Demeter.
+Zeus the
+Sky God
+may have
+been
+confused
+with Subterranean
+Zeus, that
+is, Pluto. Demeter
+may have
+been confused
+with
+Persephone;
+in art the
+types of
+the two
+goddesses
+are often
+very
+similar.</note>
+In a former part of this work I followed an eminent
+French scholar in concluding, from various indications, that
+part of the religious drama performed in the mysteries of
+Eleusis may have been a marriage between the sky-god
+Zeus and the corn-goddess Demeter, represented by the
+hierophant and the priestess of the goddess respectively.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, ii. 138 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+The conclusion is arrived at by combining a number of
+passages, all more or less vague and indefinite, of late
+Christian writers; hence it must remain to some extent
+uncertain and cannot at the best lay claim to more than
+a fair degree of probability. It may be, as Professor W.
+Ridgeway holds, that this dramatic marriage of the god and
+goddess was an innovation foisted into the Eleusinian
+Mysteries in that great welter of religions which followed
+the meeting of the East and the West in the later ages of
+antiquity.<note place='foot'>This view was expressed by my
+friend Professor Ridgeway in a paper
+which I had the advantage of hearing
+him read at Cambridge in the
+early part of 1911. Compare <hi rend='italic'>The
+Athenaeum</hi>, No. 4360, May 20th,
+1911, p. 576.</note> If a marriage of Zeus and Demeter did indeed
+form an important feature of the Mysteries in the fifth century
+before our era, it is certainly remarkable, as Professor
+Ridgeway has justly pointed out, that no mention of Zeus
+<pb n='066'/><anchor id='Pg066'/>
+occurs in the public decree of that century which regulates
+the offerings of first-fruits and the sacrifices to be made to
+the gods and goddesses of Eleusis.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 20; E. S. Roberts
+and E. A. Gardner, <hi rend='italic'>Introduction to Greek
+Epigraphy</hi>, ii. (Cambridge, 1905) No.
+9, pp. 22 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> See above, pp. <ref target='Pg055'>55</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At the same time we
+must bear in mind that, if the evidence for the ritual marriage
+of Zeus and Demeter is late and doubtful, the evidence for
+the myth is ancient and indubitable. The story was known
+to Homer, for in the list of beauties to whom he makes
+Zeus, in a burst of candour, confess that he had lost his too
+susceptible heart, there occurs the name of <q>the fair-haired
+Queen Demeter</q>;<note place='foot'>Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, xiv. 326.</note> and in another passage the poet represents
+the jealous god smiting with a thunderbolt the favoured
+lover with whom the goddess had forgotten her dignity
+among the furrows of a fallow field.<note place='foot'>Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Odyssey</hi>, v. 125 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Moreover, according
+to one tradition, Dionysus himself was the offspring of the
+intrigue between Zeus and Demeter.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, iii. 62. 6.</note> Thus there is no
+intrinsic improbability in the view that one or other of these
+unedifying incidents in the backstairs chronicle of Olympus
+should have formed part of the sacred peep-show in the
+Eleusinian Mysteries. But it seems just possible that the
+marriage to which the Christian writers allude with malicious
+joy may after all have been of a more regular and orthodox
+pattern. We are positively told that the rape of Persephone
+was acted at the Mysteries;<note place='foot'>Clement of Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi>
+12, p. 12, ed. Potter.</note> may that scene not have
+been followed by another representing the solemnisation of
+her nuptials with her ravisher and husband Pluto? It is to
+be remembered that Pluto was sometimes known as a god
+of fertility under the title of Subterranean Zeus. It was to
+him under that title as well as to Demeter, that the Greek
+ploughman prayed at the beginning of the ploughing;<note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 465 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> and
+the people of Myconus used to sacrifice to Subterranean
+Zeus and Subterranean Earth for the prosperity of the crops
+on the twelfth day of the month Lenaeon.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 615, lines 25
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; Ch. Michel, <hi rend='italic'>Recueil d'Inscriptions
+Grecques</hi>, No. 714; J. de Prott et L.
+Ziehen, <hi rend='italic'>Leges Graecorum Sacrae</hi>, No. 4.</note> Thus it may
+be that the Zeus whose marriage was dramatically represented
+at the Mysteries was not the sky-god Zeus, but his
+<pb n='067'/><anchor id='Pg067'/>
+brother Zeus of the Underworld, and that the writers who
+refer to the ceremony have confused the two brothers. This
+view, if it could be established, would dispose of the difficulty
+raised by the absence of the name of Zeus in the decree
+which prescribes the offerings to be made to the gods of
+Eleusis; for although in that decree Pluto is not mentioned
+under the name of Subterranean Zeus, he is clearly referred
+to, as the editors of the inscription have seen, under the
+vague title of <q>the God,</q> while his consort Persephone is
+similarly referred to under the title of <q>the Goddess,</q> and it
+is ordained that perfect victims shall be sacrificed to both of
+them. However, if we thus dispose of one difficulty, it
+must be confessed that in doing so we raise another. For
+if the bridegroom in the Sacred Marriage at Eleusis was
+not the sky-god Zeus, but the earth-god Pluto, we seem
+driven to suppose that, contrary to the opinion of the reverend
+Christian scandal-mongers, the bride was his lawful wife
+Persephone and not his sister and mother-in-law Demeter.
+In short, on the hypothesis which I have suggested we are
+compelled to conclude that the ancient busybodies who
+lifted the veil from the mystic marriage were mistaken as to
+the person both of the divine bridegroom and of the divine
+bride. In regard to the bridegroom I have conjectured
+that they may have confused the two brothers, Zeus of the
+Upper World and Zeus of the Lower World. In regard to
+the bride, can any reason be suggested for confounding the
+persons of the mother and daughter? On the view here
+taken of the nature of Demeter and Persephone nothing
+could be easier than to confuse them with each other,
+for both of them were mythical embodiments of the corn,
+the mother Demeter standing for the old corn of last year
+and the daughter Persephone standing for the new corn of
+this year. In point of fact Greek artists, both of the archaic
+and of later periods, frequently represent the Mother
+and Daughter side by side in forms which resemble each
+other so closely that eminent modern experts have sometimes
+differed from each other on the question, which
+is Demeter and which is Persephone; indeed in some
+cases it might be quite impossible to distinguish the
+two if it were not for the inscriptions attached to the
+<pb n='068'/><anchor id='Pg068'/>
+figures.<note place='foot'>See L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of
+the Greek States</hi>, iii. (Oxford, 1907), p.
+259, <q>It was long before the mother
+could be distinguished from the daughter
+by any organic difference of form or by
+any expressive trait of countenance.
+On the more ancient vases and terracottas
+they appear rather as twin-sisters,
+almost as if the inarticulate artist were
+aware of their original identity of substance.
+And even among the monuments
+of the transitional period it is
+difficult to find any representation of
+the goddesses in characters at once
+clear and impressive. We miss this
+even in the beautiful vase of Hieron in
+the British Museum, where the divine
+pair are seen with Triptolemos: the
+style is delicate and stately, and there
+is a certain impression of inner tranquil
+life in the group, but without the aid
+of the inscriptions the mother would
+not be known from the daughter</q>;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, vol. iii. 274, <q>But it would be
+wrong to give the impression that the
+numismatic artists of this period were
+always careful to distinguish&mdash;in such
+a manner as the above works indicate&mdash;between
+mother and daughter. The
+old idea of their unity of substance still
+seemed to linger as an art-tradition:
+the very type we have just been examining
+appears on a fourth-century coin
+of Hermione, and must have been used
+here to designate Demeter Chthonia
+who was there the only form that the
+corn-goddess assumed. And even at
+Metapontum, where coin-engraving
+was long a great art, a youthful head
+crowned with corn, which in its own
+right and on account of its resemblance
+to the masterpiece of Euainetos could
+claim the name of Kore [Persephone], is
+actually inscribed <q>Damater.</q></q> Compare
+J. Overbeck, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische Kunstmythologie</hi>,
+iii. (Leipsic, 1873-1878),
+p. 453. In regard, for example, to the
+famous Eleusinian bas-relief, one of the
+most beautiful monuments of ancient
+religious art, which seems to represent
+Demeter giving the corn-stalks to
+Triptolemus, while Persephone crowns
+his head, there has been much divergence
+of opinion among the learned as
+to which of the goddesses is Demeter
+and which Persephone. See J. Overbeck,
+<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> iii. 427 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; L. R.
+Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> iii. 263 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> On the
+close resemblance of the artistic types
+of Demeter and Persephone see further
+E. Gerhard, <hi rend='italic'>Gesammelte akademische
+Abhandlungen</hi> (Berlin, 1866-1868), ii.
+357 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; F. Lenormant, in Daremberg
+et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des Antiquités
+Grecques et Romaines</hi>, i. 2, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+<q>Ceres,</q> p. 1049.</note> The ancient sculptors, vase-painters, and engravers
+must have had some good reason for portraying the two goddesses
+in types which are almost indistinguishable from each
+other; and what better reason could they have had than the
+knowledge that the two persons of the godhead were one
+in substance, that they stood merely for two different
+aspects of the same simple natural phenomenon, the growth
+of the corn? Thus it is easy to understand why Demeter
+and Persephone may have been confused in ritual as well as
+in art, why in particular the part of the divine bride in a
+Sacred Marriage may sometimes have been assigned to the
+Mother and sometimes to the Daughter. But all this, I
+fully admit, is a mere speculation, and I only put it forward
+as such. We possess far too little information as to a
+Sacred Marriage in the Eleusinian Mysteries to be justified
+in speaking with confidence on so obscure a subject.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='069'/><anchor id='Pg069'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The date
+of the
+Eleusinian
+Mysteries
+in September
+would
+have been
+a very appropriate
+time for a
+Sacred
+Marriage
+of the Sky
+God with
+the Corn
+Goddess
+or the
+Earth
+Goddess.</note>
+One thing, however, which we may say with a fair
+degree of probability is that, if such a marriage did take
+place at Eleusis, no date in the agricultural year could well
+have been more appropriate for it than the date at which
+the Mysteries actually fell, namely about the middle of
+September. The long Greek summer is practically rainless
+and in the fervent heat and unbroken drought all nature
+languishes. The river-beds are dry, the fields parched. The
+farmer awaits impatiently the setting-in of the autumnal rains,
+which begin in October and mark the great season for ploughing
+and sowing. What time could be fitter for celebrating
+the union of the Corn Goddess with her husband the Earth
+God or perhaps rather with her paramour the Sky God, who
+will soon descend in fertilising showers to quicken the seed
+in the furrows? Such embraces of the divine powers or
+their human representatives might well be deemed, on the
+principles of homoeopathic or imitative magic, indispensable
+to the growth of the crops. At least similar ideas have
+been entertained and similar customs have been practised
+by many peoples;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, ii. 97 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> and in the legend of Demeter's love-adventure
+among the furrows of the thrice-ploughed fallow<note place='foot'>Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Odyssey</hi>, v. 125 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+we seem to catch a glimpse of rude rites of the same sort
+performed in the fields at sowing-time by Greek ploughmen
+for the sake of ensuring the growth of the seed which they
+were about to commit to the bosom of the naked earth. In
+this connexion a statement of ancient writers as to the rites
+of Eleusis receives fresh significance. We are told that at
+these rites the worshippers looked up to the sky and cried
+<q>Rain!</q> and then looked down at the earth and cried
+<q>Conceive!</q><note place='foot'>Proclus, on Plato, <hi rend='italic'>Timaeus</hi>, p.
+293 c, quoted by L. F. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The
+Cults of the Greek States</hi>, iii. 357,
+where Lobeck's emendation of ὔε, κύε
+for υἶε, τοκυῖε (<hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi>, p. 782)
+may be accepted as certain, confirmed
+as it is by Hippolytus, <hi rend='italic'>Refutatio Omnium
+Haeresium</hi>, v. 7, p. 146, ed.
+Duncker and Schneidewin (Göttingen,
+1859), τὸ μέγα καὶ ἄρρητον Ἐλευσινίων
+μυστήριον ὔε κύε.</note> Nothing could be more appropriate at a
+marriage of the Sky God and the Earth or Corn Goddess
+than such invocations to the heaven to pour down rain and
+to the earth or the corn to conceive seed under the fertilising
+shower; in Greece no time could well be more suitable for
+<pb n='070'/><anchor id='Pg070'/>
+the utterance of such prayers than just at the date when the
+Great Mysteries of Eleusis were celebrated, at the end of
+the long drought of summer and before the first rains of
+autumn.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Eleusinian
+games
+distinct
+from the
+Eleusinian
+Mysteries.
+The
+Eleusinian
+games
+of later
+origin
+than the
+Eleusinian
+Mysteries. The
+Eleusinian
+games
+sacred to
+Demeter
+and Persephone. Triptolemus,
+the
+mythical
+hero of
+the corn.</note>
+Different both from the Great Mysteries and the offerings
+of first-fruits at Eleusis were the games which were
+celebrated there on a great scale once in every four years
+and on a less scale once in every two years.<note place='foot'>As to the Eleusinian games see
+August Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi>, pp. 179-204; P.
+Foucart, <hi rend='italic'>Les Grands Mystères d'Éleusis</hi>
+(Paris, 1900), pp. 143-147; P. Stengel,
+in Pauly-Wissowa's <hi rend='italic'>Real-Encyclopädie
+der classischen Altertumswissenschaft</hi>,
+v. coll. 2330 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The quadriennial
+celebration of the Eleusinian Games is
+mentioned by Aristotle (<hi rend='italic'>Constitution of
+Athens</hi>, 54), and in the great Eleusinian
+inscription of 329 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, which is
+also our only authority for the biennial
+celebration of the games. See Dittenberger,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi>
+No. 587, lines 258 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The
+regular and official name of the games
+was simply Eleusinia (τὰ Ἐλευσίνια),
+a name which late writers applied incorrectly
+to the Mysteries. See August
+Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 179 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> No. 587, note 171.</note> That the
+games were distinct from the Mysteries is proved by
+their periods, which were quadriennial and biennial respectively,
+whereas the Mysteries were celebrated annually.
+Moreover, in Greek epigraphy, our most authentic evidence
+in such matters, the games and the Mysteries are clearly
+distinguished from each other by being mentioned separately
+in the same inscription.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 246, lines 25
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi> No. 587, lines 244 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+258 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> But like the Mysteries the
+games seem to have been very ancient; for the Parian
+Chronicler, who wrote in the year 264 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, assigns the
+foundation of the Eleusinian games to the reign of Pandion,
+the son of Cecrops. However, he represents them as of
+later origin than the Eleusinian Mysteries, which according
+to him were instituted by Eumolpus in the reign of
+Erechtheus, after Demeter had planted corn in Attica and
+Triptolemus had sown seed in the Rarian plain at Eleusis.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Marmor Parium</hi>, in <hi rend='italic'>Fragmenta
+Historicorum Graecorum</hi>, ed. C.
+Müller, i. 544 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+This testimony to the superior antiquity of the Mysteries
+is in harmony with our most ancient authority on the rites
+of Eleusis, the author of the <hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>, who
+describes the origin of the Eleusinian Mysteries, but makes
+no reference or allusion to the Eleusinian Games. However,
+the great age of the games is again vouched for at a much
+<pb n='071'/><anchor id='Pg071'/>
+later date by the rhetorician Aristides, who even declares
+that they were the oldest of all Greek games.<note place='foot'>Aristides, <hi rend='italic'>Panathen.</hi> and <hi rend='italic'>Eleusin.</hi>
+vol. i. pp. 168, 417, ed. G. Dindorf.</note> With
+regard to the nature and meaning of the games our information
+is extremely scanty, but an old scholiast on Pindar
+tells us that they were celebrated in honour of Demeter and
+Persephone as a thank-offering at the conclusion of the corn-harvest.<note place='foot'>Schol. on Pindar, <hi rend='italic'>Olymp.</hi> ix.
+150, p. 228, ed. Aug. Boeckh.</note>
+His testimony is confirmed by that of the
+rhetorician Aristides, who mentions the institution of the
+Eleusinian games in immediate connexion with the offerings
+of the first-fruits of the corn, which many Greek states sent
+to Athens;<note place='foot'>Aristides, <hi rend='italic'>ll.cc.</hi></note> and from an inscription dated about the close
+of the third century before our era we learn that at the
+Great Eleusinian Games sacrifices were offered to Demeter
+and Persephone.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 246, lines 25
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The editor rightly points out
+that the Great Eleusinian Games are
+identical with the games celebrated
+every fourth year, which are mentioned
+in the decree of 329 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>
+(Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 587, lines 260 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>).</note> Further, we gather from an official
+Athenian inscription of 329 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> that both the Great and
+the Lesser Games included athletic and musical contests,
+a horse-race, and a competition which bore the
+name of the Ancestral or Hereditary Contest, and which
+accordingly may well have formed the original kernel of
+the games.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 587, lines 259 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+From other Attic inscriptions we learn
+that the Eleusinian games comprised a
+long foot-race, a race in armour, and
+a pancratium. See Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>op.
+cit.</hi> No. 587 note 171 (vol. ii. p. 313).
+The Great Eleusinian Games also included
+the pentathlum (Dittenberger,
+<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> No. 678, line 2). The pancratium
+included wrestling and boxing;
+the pentathlum included a foot-race,
+leaping, throwing the quoit, throwing
+the spear, and wrestling. See W.
+Smith, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of Greek and Roman
+Antiquities</hi>, Third Edition, <hi rend='italic'>s.vv.</hi> <q>Pancratium</q>
+and <q>Pentathlon.</q></note> Unfortunately nothing is known about this
+Ancestral Contest. We might be tempted to identify it
+with the Ancestral Contest included in the Eleusinian
+Festival of the Threshing-floor,<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 246, lines 46
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Ch. Michel, <hi rend='italic'>Recueil d'Inscriptions
+Grecques</hi>, No. 609. See above,
+p. <ref target='Pg061'>61</ref>. The identification lies all the
+nearer to hand because the inscription
+records a decree in honour of a man
+who had sacrificed to Demeter and
+Persephone at the Great Eleusinian
+Games, and a provision is contained in
+the decree that the honour should be proclaimed
+<q>at the Ancestral Contest of the
+Festival of the Threshing-floor.</q> The
+same Ancestral Contest at the Festival
+of the Threshing-floor is mentioned in
+another Eleusinian inscription, which
+records honours decreed to a man who
+had sacrificed to Demeter and Persephone
+at the Festival of the Threshing-floor.
+See Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική,
+1884, coll. 135 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> which was probably held
+<pb n='072'/><anchor id='Pg072'/>
+on the Sacred Threshing-floor of Triptolemus at Eleusis.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg061'>61</ref>.</note>
+If the identification could be proved, we should have
+another confirmation of the tradition which connects the
+games with Demeter and the corn; for according to the
+prevalent tradition it was to Triptolemus that Demeter first
+revealed the secret of the corn, and it was he whom she sent
+out as an itinerant missionary to impart the beneficent discovery
+of the cereals to all mankind and to teach them to
+sow the seed.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, v. 68; Arrian,
+<hi rend='italic'>Indic.</hi> 7; Lucian, <hi rend='italic'>Somnium</hi>, 15; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Philopseudes</hi>, 3; Plato, <hi rend='italic'>Laws</hi>, vi. 22,
+p. 782; Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, i. 5.
+2; Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+28, p. 53, ed. C. Lang;
+Pausanias, i. 14. 2, vii. 18. 2, viii. 4.
+1; Aristides, <hi rend='italic'>Eleusin.</hi> vol. i. pp. 416
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, ed. G. Dindorf; Hyginus, <hi rend='italic'>Fabulae</hi>,
+147, 259, 277; Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, iv. 549
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Metamorph.</hi> v. 645 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+Servius, on Virgil, <hi rend='italic'>Georg.</hi> i. 19. See
+also above, p. 54. As to Triptolemus,
+see L. Preller, <hi rend='italic'>Demeter und Persephone</hi>
+(Hamburg, 1837), pp. 282 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Griechische Mythologie</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>4</hi> i. 769 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> On monuments of art, especially in vase-paintings,
+he is constantly represented along with Demeter
+in this capacity, holding corn-stalks in his hand and sitting
+in his car, which is sometimes winged and sometimes drawn
+by dragons, and from which he is said to have sowed the
+seed down on the whole world as he sped through the air.<note place='foot'>C. Strube, <hi rend='italic'>Studien über den Bilderkreis
+von Eleusis</hi> (Leipsic, 1870),
+pp. 4 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; J. Overbeck, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische
+Kunstmythologie</hi>, iii. (Leipsic, 1873-1880),
+pp. 530 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; A. Baumeister,
+<hi rend='italic'>Denkmäler des classischen Altertums</hi>,
+iii. 1855 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> That Triptolemus sowed
+the earth with corn from his car is
+mentioned by Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>,
+i. 5. 2; Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae
+Compendium</hi>, 28, pp. 53 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, ed. C.
+Lang; Hyginus, <hi rend='italic'>Fabulae</hi>, 147; and
+Servius, on Virgil, <hi rend='italic'>Georg.</hi> i. 19.</note>
+At Eleusis victims bought with the first-fruits of the wheat
+and barley were sacrificed to him as well as to Demeter and
+Persephone.<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 20, lines 37
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner,
+<hi rend='italic'>Introduction to Greek Epigraphy</hi>, ii.
+(Cambridge, 1905), No. 9, p. 24.</note> In short, if we may judge from the combined
+testimony of Greek literature and art, Triptolemus was the
+corn-hero first and foremost. Even beyond the limits of the
+Greek world, all men, we are told, founded sanctuaries and
+erected altars in his honour because he had bestowed on
+them the gift of the corn.<note place='foot'>Arrian, <hi rend='italic'>Epicteti Dissertationes</hi>, i.
+4. 30.</note> His very name has been
+plausibly explained both in ancient and modern times as
+<q>Thrice-ploughed</q> with reference to the Greek custom of
+<pb n='073'/><anchor id='Pg073'/>
+ploughing the land thrice a year,<note place='foot'>Scholiast on Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, xviii.
+483; L. Preller, <hi rend='italic'>Demeter und Persephone</hi>,
+p. 286; F. A. Paley on Hesiod,
+<hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 460. The custom
+of ploughing the land thrice is alluded
+to by Homer (<hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, xviii. 542, <hi rend='italic'>Odyssey</hi>,
+v. 127) and Hesiod (<hi rend='italic'>Theogony</hi>, 971),
+and is expressly mentioned by Theophrastus
+(<hi rend='italic'>Historia Plantarum</hi>, vii.
+13. 6).</note> and the derivation is said to
+be on philological principles free from objection.<note place='foot'>So I am informed by my learned
+friend the Rev. Professor J. H.
+Moulton.</note> In fact it
+would seem as if Triptolemus, like Demeter and Persephone
+themselves, were a purely mythical being, an embodiment
+of the conception of the first sower. At all events in
+the local Eleusinian legend, according to an eminent scholar,
+who has paid special attention to Attic genealogy, <q>Triptolemus
+does not, like his comrade Eumolpus or other founders
+of Eleusinian priestly families, continue his kind, but without
+leaving offspring who might perpetuate his priestly office, he
+is removed from the scene of his beneficent activity. As he
+appeared, so he vanishes again from the legend, after he has
+fulfilled his divine mission.</q><note place='foot'>J. Toepffer, <hi rend='italic'>Attische Genealogie</hi>
+(Berlin, 1889), pp. 138 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> However,
+the Eleusinian Torchbearer Callias
+apparently claimed to be descended
+from Triptolemus, for in a speech addressed
+to the Lacedaemonians he is
+said by Xenophon (<hi rend='italic'>Hellenica</hi>, vi. 3. 6)
+to have spoken of Triptolemus as
+<q>our ancestor</q> (ὁ ἡμέτερος πρόγονος).
+See above, p. <ref target='Pg054'>54</ref>. But it is possible
+that Callias was here speaking, not as
+a direct descendant of Triptolemus, but
+merely as an Athenian, who naturally
+ranked Triptolemus among the most
+illustrious of the ancestral heroes of his
+people. Even if he intended to claim
+actual descent from the hero, this
+would prove nothing as to the historical
+character of Triptolemus, for
+many Greek families boasted of being
+descended from gods.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Prizes of
+barley
+given to
+victors in
+the Eleusinian
+games.</note>
+However, there is no sufficient ground for identifying the
+Ancestral Contest of the Eleusinian games with the Ancestral
+Contest of the Threshing-festival at Eleusis, and accordingly
+the connexion of the games with the corn-harvest and with
+the corn-hero Triptolemus must so far remain uncertain. But
+a clear trace of such a connexion may be seen in the custom
+of rewarding the victors in the Eleusinian games with
+measures of barley; in the official Athenian inscription of
+329 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, which contains the accounts of the superintendents
+of Eleusis and the Treasurers of the Two Goddesses, the
+amounts of corn handed over by these officers to the priests
+and priestesses for the purposes of the games is exactly
+specified.<note place='foot'>The prize of barley is mentioned
+by the Scholiast on Pindar, <hi rend='italic'>Olymp.</hi>
+ix. 150. The Scholiast on Aristides
+(vol. iii. pp. 55, 56, ed. G. Dindorf) mentions ears of corn as the prize without
+specifying the kind of corn. In the
+official Athenian inscription of 329 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>,
+though the amount of corn distributed
+in prizes both at the quadriennial and at
+the biennial games is stated, we are not
+told whether the corn was barley or
+wheat. See Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 587,
+lines 259 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> According to Aristides
+(<hi rend='italic'>Eleusin.</hi> vol. i. p. 417, ed. G. Dindorf,
+compare p. 168) the prize consisted of
+the corn which had first appeared at
+Eleusis.</note> This of itself is sufficient to prove that the
+<pb n='074'/><anchor id='Pg074'/>
+Eleusinian games were closely connected with the worship of
+Demeter and Persephone. The grain thus distributed in
+prizes was probably reaped on the Rarian plain near Eleusis,
+where according to the legend Triptolemus sowed the first
+corn.<note place='foot'><foreign rend='italic'>Marmor Parium</foreign>, in <hi rend='italic'>Fragmenta
+Historicorum Graecorum</hi>, ed. C. Müller,
+i. 544. That the Rarian plain was the
+first to be sown and the first to bear
+crops is affirmed by Pausanias (i. 38. 6).</note> Certainly we know that the barley grown on that
+plain was used in sacrifices and for the baking of the sacrificial
+cakes,<note place='foot'>Pausanias, i. 38. 6.</note> from which we may reasonably infer that the prizes of
+barley, to which no doubt a certain sanctity attached in the
+popular mind, were brought from the same holy fields. So
+sacred was the Rarian plain that no dead body was allowed
+to defile it. When such a pollution accidentally took place,
+it was expiated by the sacrifice of a pig,<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 587, lines
+119 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> In the same inscription, a few
+lines lower down, mention is made of
+two pigs which were used in purifying
+the sanctuary at Eleusis. On the pig
+in Greek purificatory rites, see my notes
+on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8 and v. 16. 8.</note> the usual victim
+employed in Greek purificatory rites.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Eleusinian
+games
+primarily
+concerned
+with
+Demeter
+and Persephone.
+The
+Ancestral
+Contest in
+the games
+may have
+been
+originally
+a contest
+between
+the reapers
+to finish
+reaping.</note>
+Thus, so far as the scanty evidence at our disposal permits
+us to judge, the Eleusinian games, like the Eleusinian
+Mysteries, would seem to have been primarily concerned
+with Demeter and Persephone as goddesses of the corn. At
+least that is expressly affirmed by the old scholiast on
+Pindar and it is borne out by the practice of rewarding the
+victors with measures of barley. Perhaps the Ancestral
+Contest, which may well have formed the original nucleus of
+the games, was a contest between the reapers on the sacred
+Rarian plain to see who should finish his allotted task before
+his fellows. For success in such a contest no prize could be
+more appropriate than a measure of the sacred barley which
+the victorious reaper had just cut on the barley-field. In
+the sequel we shall see that similar contests between reapers
+have been common on the harvest fields of modern Europe,
+and it will appear that such competitions are not purely
+<pb n='075'/><anchor id='Pg075'/>
+athletic; their aim is not simply to demonstrate the superior
+strength, activity, and skill of the victors; it is to secure for
+the particular farm the possession of the blooming young
+Corn-maiden of the present year, conceived as the embodiment
+of the vigorous grain, and to pass on to laggard neighbours
+the aged Corn-mother of the past year, conceived as an
+embodiment of the effete and outworn energies of the corn.<note place='foot'>See below, pp. <ref target='Pg140'>140</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg164'>164</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, compare <ref target='Pg218'>218</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+May it not have been so at Eleusis? may not the reapers
+have vied with each other for possession of the young corn-spirit
+Persephone and for avoidance of the old corn-spirit
+Demeter? may not the prize of barley, which rewarded the
+victor in the Ancestral Contest, have been supposed to house
+in the ripe ears no less a personage than the Corn-maiden
+Persephone herself? And if there is any truth in these conjectures
+(for conjectures they are and nothing more), we may
+hazard a guess as to the other Ancestral Contest which took
+place at the Eleusinian Festival of the Threshing-floor.
+Perhaps it in like manner was originally a competition between
+threshers on the sacred threshing-floor of Triptolemus to determine
+who should finish threshing his allotted quantity of
+corn before the rest. Such competitions have also been
+common, as we shall see presently, on the threshing-floors of
+modern Europe, and their motive again has not been simple
+emulation between sturdy swains for the reward of strength
+and dexterity; it has been a dread of being burdened with
+the aged and outworn spirit of the corn conceived as present
+in the bundle of corn-stalks which receives the last stroke at
+threshing.<note place='foot'>See below, pp. <ref target='Pg147'>147</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg221'>221</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+<ref target='Pg223'>223</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> We know that effigies of Demeter with corn and
+poppies in her hands stood on Greek threshing-floors.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg043'>43</ref>.</note>
+Perhaps at the conclusion of the threshing these effigies, as
+representatives of the old Corn-spirit, were passed on to
+neighbours who had not yet finished threshing the corn. At
+least the supposition is in harmony with modern customs
+observed on the threshing-floor.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Games at
+harvest
+festivals in
+modern
+Europe.</note>
+It is possible that the Eleusinian games were no more
+than a popular merrymaking celebrated at the close of the
+harvest. This view of their character might be supported by
+modern analogies; for in some parts of Germany it has been
+<pb n='076'/><anchor id='Pg076'/>
+customary for the harvesters, when their work is done,
+to engage in athletic competitions of various kinds, which
+have at first sight no very obvious connexion with the
+business of harvesting. For example, at Besbau near Luckau
+great cakes were baked at the harvest-festival, and the
+labourers, both men and women, ran races for them. He or
+she who reached them first received not only a cake, but a
+handkerchief or the like as a prize. Again, at Bergkirchen,
+when the harvest was over, a garland was hung up and the
+harvesters rode at it on horseback and tried to bring it down
+with a stab or a blow as they galloped past. He who
+succeeded in bringing it down was proclaimed King. Again,
+in the villages near Fürstenwald at harvest the young men
+used to fetch a fir-tree from the wood, peel the trunk, and
+set it up like a mast in the middle of the village. A handkerchief
+and other prizes were fastened to the top of the pole
+and the men clambered up for them.<note place='foot'>A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, <hi rend='italic'>Norddeutsche
+Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1848), pp. 398, 399, 400.</note> Among the peasantry
+of Silesia, we are told, the harvest-home broadened out into
+a popular festival, in which athletic sports figured prominently.
+Thus, for example, at Järischau, in the Strehlitz district, a
+scythe, a rake, a flail, and a hay-fork or pitchfork were fastened
+to the top of a smooth pole and awarded as prizes, in order
+of merit, to the men who displayed most agility in climbing
+the pole. Younger men amused themselves with running in
+sacks, high jumps, and so forth. At Prauss, near Nimptsch,
+the girls ran a race in a field for aprons as prizes. In the
+central parts of Silesia a favourite amusement at harvest was
+a race between girls for a garland of leaves or flowers.<note place='foot'>P. Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906),
+ii. 70 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Yet
+it seems probable that all such sports at harvest were in
+origin not mere pastimes, but that they were serious attempts
+to secure in one way or another the help and blessing of the
+corn-spirit. Thus in some parts of Prussia, at the close of
+the rye-harvest, a few sheaves used to be left standing in the
+field after all the rest of the rye had been carted home.
+These sheaves were then made up into the shape of a man
+and dressed out in masculine costume, and all the young
+women were obliged to run a race, of which the corn-man
+<pb n='077'/><anchor id='Pg077'/>
+was the goal. She who won the race led off the dancing in
+the evening.<note place='foot'>A. Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Märkische Sagen und
+Märchen</hi> (Berlin, 1843), pp. 341 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Here the aim of the foot-race among the
+young women is clearly to secure the corn-spirit embodied
+in the last sheaf left standing on the field; for, as we shall
+see later on, the last sheaf is commonly supposed to harbour
+the corn-spirit and is treated accordingly like a man or a
+woman.<note place='foot'>See below, pp. <ref target='Pg133'>133</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Date
+of the
+Eleusinian
+games
+uncertain.</note>
+If the Ancestral Contest at the Eleusinian games was, as
+I have conjectured, a contest between the reapers on the
+sacred barley-field, we should have to suppose that the games
+were celebrated at barley-harvest, which in the lowlands of
+Greece falls in May or even at the end of April. This theory
+is in harmony with the evidence of the scholiast on Pindar,
+who tells us that the Eleusinian games were celebrated after
+the corn-harvest.<note place='foot'>Scholiast on Pindar, <hi rend='italic'>Olymp.</hi> ix.
+150, p. 228, ed. Aug. Boeckh.</note> No other ancient authority, so far as
+I am aware, mentions at what time of the year these games
+were held. Modern authorities, arguing from certain slight
+and to some extent conjectural data, have variously assigned
+them to Metageitnion (August) and to Boedromion
+(September), and those who assign them to Boedromion
+(September) are divided in opinion as to whether they
+preceded or followed the Mysteries.<note place='foot'>The games are assigned to Metageitnion
+by P. Stengel (Pauly-Wissowa,
+<hi rend='italic'>Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft</hi>,
+v. 2. coll. 2331 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>)
+and to Boedromion by August Mommsen
+and W. Dittenberger. The last-mentioned
+scholar supposes that the games
+immediately followed the Mysteries,
+and August Mommsen formerly thought
+so too, but he afterwards changed his
+view and preferred to suppose that the
+games preceded the Mysteries. See
+Aug. Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Heortologie</hi> (Leipsic,
+1864), p. 263; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt
+Athen im Altertum</hi> (Leipsic, 1898),
+pp. 182 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge
+Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No. 587,
+note 171 (vol. ii. pp. 313 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>). The
+dating of the games in Metageitnion or
+in the early part of Boedromion depends
+on little more than a series of conjectures,
+particularly the conjectural
+restoration of an inscription and the
+conjectural dating of a certain sacrifice
+to Democracy.</note> However, the evidence
+is far too slender and uncertain to allow of any conclusions
+being based on it.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Why
+should
+games
+intended to
+promote
+the annual
+growth of
+the crops
+be held
+only every
+second or
+fourth
+year? The
+Eleusinian
+Mysteries
+probably
+much older
+than the
+Eleusinian
+games.</note>
+But there is a serious difficulty in the way of connecting
+the Eleusinian games with the goddesses of the corn. How
+is the quadriennial or the biennial period of the games to be
+reconciled with the annual growth of the crops? Year by
+year the barley and the wheat are sown and reaped; how
+<pb n='078'/><anchor id='Pg078'/>
+then could the games, held only every fourth or every second
+year, have been regarded as thank-offerings for the annual
+harvest? On this view of their nature, which is the one
+taken by the old scholiast on Pindar, though the harvest
+was received at the hands of the Corn Goddess punctually
+every year, men thanked her for her bounty only every
+second year or even only every fourth year. What were
+her feelings likely to be in the blank years when she
+got no thanks and no games? She might naturally
+resent such negligence and ingratitude and punish them
+by forbidding the seed to sprout, just as she did at Eleusis
+when she mourned the loss of her daughter. In short,
+men could hardly expect to reap crops in years in which
+they offered nothing to the Corn Goddess. That would
+indeed appear to be the view generally taken by the
+ancient Greeks; for we have seen that year by year
+they presented the first-fruits of the barley and the
+wheat to Demeter, not merely in the solemn state ritual
+of Eleusis, but also in rustic festivals held by farmers
+on their threshing-floors. The pious Greek husbandman
+would no doubt have been shocked and horrified at a
+proposal to pay the Corn Goddess her dues only every
+second or fourth year. <q>No offerings, no crops,</q> he would
+say to himself, and would anticipate nothing but dearth and
+famine in any year when he failed to satisfy the just and
+lawful demands of the divinity on whose good pleasure he
+believed the growth of the corn to be directly dependent.
+Accordingly we may regard it as highly probable that from
+the very beginning of settled and regular agriculture in
+Greece men annually propitiated the deities of the corn with
+a ritual of some sort, and rendered them their dues in the
+shape of offerings of the ripe barley and wheat. Now we
+know that the Mysteries of Eleusis were celebrated every
+year, and accordingly, if I am right in interpreting them as
+essentially a dramatic representation of the annual vicissitudes
+of the corn performed for the purpose of quickening
+the seed, it becomes probable that in some form or another
+they were annually held at Eleusis long before the practice
+arose of celebrating games there every fourth or every second
+year. In short, the Eleusinian mysteries were in all probability
+<pb n='079'/><anchor id='Pg079'/>
+far older than the Eleusinian games. How old they
+were we cannot even guess. But when we consider that the
+cultivation of barley and wheat, the two cereals specially
+associated with Demeter, appears to have been practised in
+prehistoric Europe from the Stone Age onwards,<note place='foot'>A. de Candolle, <hi rend='italic'>Origin of Cultivated
+Plants</hi> (London, 1884), pp. 354
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 367 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; R. Munro, <hi rend='italic'>The Lake-dwellings
+of Europe</hi> (London, Paris,
+and Melbourne, 1890), pp. 497 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+O. Schrader, <hi rend='italic'>Reallexikon der indogermanischen
+Altertumskunde</hi> (Strasburg,
+1901), pp. 8 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Sprachvergleichung
+und Urgeschichte</hi> (Jena, 1906-1907),
+ii. 185 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; H. Hirt, <hi rend='italic'>Die
+Indogermanen</hi> (Strasburg, 1905-1907),
+i. 254 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 273 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 276 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, ii. 640
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; M. Much, <hi rend='italic'>Die Heimat der
+Indogermanen</hi> (Jena and Berlin, 1904),
+pp. 221 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; T. E. Peet, <hi rend='italic'>The Stone
+and Bronze Ages in Italy and Sicily</hi>
+(Oxford, 1909), p. 362.</note> we shall
+be disposed to admit that the annual performance of religious
+or magical rites at Eleusis for the purpose of ensuring
+good crops, whether by propitiating the Corn Goddess with
+offerings of first-fruits or by dramatically representing the
+sowing and the growth of the corn in mythical form, probably
+dates from an extremely remote antiquity.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Quadriennial
+period of
+many of
+the great
+games of
+Greece. Old octennial
+period
+of the
+Pythian
+and probably
+of the
+Olympian
+games.
+The octennial
+cycle
+was instituted
+by
+the Greeks
+at a very
+early era
+for the
+purpose of
+harmonising
+solar
+and lunar
+time.</note>
+But in order to clear our ideas on this subject it is
+desirable to ascertain, if possible, the reason for holding the
+Eleusinian games at intervals of two or four years. The
+reason for holding a harvest festival and thanksgiving every
+year is obvious enough; but why hold games only every
+second or every fourth year? The reason for such limitations
+is by no means obvious on the face of them, especially
+if the growth of the crops is deemed dependent on the
+celebration. In order to find an answer to this question it
+may be well at the outset to confine our attention to the
+Great Eleusinian Games, which were celebrated only every
+fourth year. That these were the principal games appears
+not only from their name, but from the testimony of Aristotle,
+or at least of the author of <hi rend='italic'>The Constitution of Athens</hi>,
+who notices only the quadriennial or, as in accordance with
+Greek idiom he calls it, the penteteric celebration of the
+games.<note place='foot'>Aristotle, <hi rend='italic'>Constitution of Athens</hi>,
+54, where the quadriennial (penteteric)
+festival of the Eleusinian Games is
+mentioned along with the quadriennial
+festivals of the Panathenaica, the Delia,
+the Brauronia, and the Heraclea. The
+biennial (trieteric) festival of the Eleusinian
+Games is mentioned only in the
+inscription of 329 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> (Dittenberger,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> No.
+587, lines 259 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>). As to the identity
+of the Great Eleusinian Games
+with the quadriennial games see Dittenberger,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum</hi>,
+No. 246 note 9, No. 587 note 171.</note> Now the custom of holding games at intervals of
+<pb n='080'/><anchor id='Pg080'/>
+four years was very common in Greece; to take only a few
+conspicuous examples the Olympic games at Olympia, the
+Pythian games at Delphi, the Panathenaic games at Athens,
+and the Eleutherian games at Plataea<note place='foot'>As to the Plataean games see
+Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Aristides</hi>, 21; Pausanias,
+ix. 2. 6.</note> were all celebrated
+at quadriennial or, as the Greeks called them, penteteric
+periods; and at a later time when Augustus instituted, or
+rather renewed on a more splendid scale, the games at
+Actium to commemorate his great victory, he followed a well-established
+Greek precedent by ordaining that they should
+be quadriennial.<note place='foot'>Strabo, vii. 7. 6, p. 325; Suetonius,
+<hi rend='italic'>Augustus</hi>, 18; Dio Cassius, li.
+1; Daremberg et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire
+des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Actia.</q></note> Still later the emperor Hadrian instituted
+quadriennial games at Mantinea in honour of his dead
+favourite Antinous.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, viii. 9. 8.</note> But in regard to the two greatest of
+all the Greek games, the Olympian and the Pythian, I have
+shewn reasons for thinking that they were originally celebrated
+at intervals of eight instead of four years; certainly
+this is attested for the Pythian games,<note place='foot'>Scholiast on Pindar, <hi rend='italic'>Pyth.</hi>, Argument,
+p. 298, ed. Aug. Boeckh;
+Censorinus, <hi rend='italic'>De die natali</hi>, xviii. 6.
+According to the scholiast on Pindar
+(<hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi>) the change from the octennial to
+the quadriennial period was occasioned
+by the nymphs of Parnassus bringing
+ripe fruits in their hands to Apollo,
+after he had slain the dragon at Delphi.</note> and the mode of
+calculating the Olympiads by alternate periods of fifty and
+forty-nine lunar months,<note place='foot'>Scholiast on Pindar, <hi rend='italic'>Olymp.</hi> iii. 35
+(20), p. 98, ed. Aug. Boeckh. Compare
+Boeckh's commentary on Pindar (vol.
+iii. p. 138 of his edition); L. Ideler,
+<hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen und
+technischen Chronologie</hi>, i. 366 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, ii.
+605 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> which added together make up
+eight solar years, seems to prove that the Olympic cycle of
+four years was really based on a cycle of eight years, from
+which it is natural to infer that in the beginning the
+Olympic, like the Pythian, games may have been octennial
+instead of quadriennial.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, chapter ii.
+§ 4, <q>Octennial Tenure of the Kingship,</q>
+especially pp. 68 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 80, 89 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Now we know from the testimony
+of the ancients themselves that the Greeks instituted the
+eight-years' cycle for the purpose of harmonising solar and
+lunar time.<note place='foot'>Geminus, <hi rend='italic'>Elementa Astronomiae</hi>,
+viii. 25 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, pp. 110 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, ed. C.
+Manitius (Leipsic, 1898); Censorinus,
+<hi rend='italic'>De die natali</hi>, xviii. 2-6.</note> They regulated their calendar primarily by observation
+of the moon rather than of the sun; their months
+were lunar, and their ordinary year consisted of twelve lunar
+<pb n='081'/><anchor id='Pg081'/>
+months. But the solar year of three hundred and sixty-five
+and a quarter days exceeds the lunar year of twelve lunar
+months or three hundred and fifty-four days by eleven and a
+quarter days, so that in eight solar years the excess amounts
+to ninety days or roughly three lunar months. Accordingly
+the Greeks equated eight solar years to eight lunar
+years of twelve months each by intercalating three lunar
+months of thirty days each in the octennial cycle; they
+intercalated one lunar month in the third year of the cycle,
+a second lunar month in the fifth year, and a third lunar
+month in the eighth year.<note place='foot'>Geminus, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note> In this way they, so to say,
+made the sun and moon keep time together by reckoning
+ninety-nine lunar months as equivalent to eight solar
+years; so that if, for example, the full moon coincided with
+the summer solstice in one year, it coincided with it again
+after the revolution of the eight years' cycle, but not before.
+The equation was indeed not quite exact, and in order to
+render it so the Greeks afterwards found themselves obliged,
+first, to intercalate three days every sixteen years, and, next,
+to omit one intercalary month in every period of one hundred
+and sixty years.<note place='foot'>Geminus, <hi rend='italic'>Elementa Astronomiae</hi>,
+viii. 36-41.</note> But these corrections were doubtless refinements
+of a later age; they may have been due to the
+astronomer Eudoxus of Cnidus, or to Cleostratus of Tenedos,
+who were variously, but incorrectly, supposed to have instituted
+the octennial cycle.<note place='foot'>Censorinus, <hi rend='italic'>De die natali</hi>, xviii. 5.
+As Eudoxus flourished in the fourth
+century <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, some sixty or seventy
+years after Meton, who introduced the
+nineteen years' cycle to remedy the
+defects of the octennial cycle, the
+claim of Eudoxus to have instituted
+the latter cycle may at once be put out
+of court. The claim of Cleostratus,
+who seems to have lived in the sixth
+or fifth century <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, cannot be dismissed
+so summarily; but for the
+reasons given in the text he can hardly
+have done more than suggest corrections
+or improvements of the ancient
+octennial cycle.</note> There are strong grounds for
+holding that in its simplest form the octennial cycle of
+ninety-nine lunar months dates from an extremely remote
+antiquity in Greece; that it was in fact, as a well-informed
+Greek writer tell us,<note place='foot'>Geminus, <hi rend='italic'>Elementa Astronomiae</hi>,
+viii. 27. With far less probability
+Censorinus (<hi rend='italic'>De die natali</hi>, xviii. 2-4)
+supposes that the octennial cycle was
+produced by the successive duplication
+of biennial and quadriennial cycles.
+See below, pp. 86 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> the first systematic attempt to bring
+solar and the lunar time into harmony. Indeed, if the
+<pb n='082'/><anchor id='Pg082'/>
+Olympiads were calculated, as they appear to have been, on
+the eight years' cycle, this of itself suffices to place the origin
+of the cycle not later than 776 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, the year with which
+the reckoning by Olympiads begins. And when we bear in
+mind the very remote period from which, judged by the
+wonderful remains of Mycenae, Tiryns, Cnossus and other
+cities, civilisation in Greek lands appears to date, it seems
+reasonable to suppose that the octennial cycle, based as it
+was on very simple observations, for which nothing but good
+eyes and almost no astronomical knowledge was necessary,<note place='foot'>L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi>,
+ii. 605.</note>
+may have been handed down among the inhabitants of these
+countries from ages that preceded by many centuries, possibly
+by thousands of years, the great period of Greek literature
+and art. The supposition is confirmed by the traces which
+the octennial cycle has left of itself in certain ancient
+Greek customs and superstitions, particularly by the evidence
+which points to the conclusion that at two of the
+oldest seats of monarchy in Greece, namely Cnossus and
+Sparta, the king's tenure of office was formerly limited to
+eight years.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, pp. 58 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+Speaking of the octennial cycle Censorinus
+observes that <q><foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Ob hoc in
+Graecia multae religiones hoc intervallo
+temporis summa caerimonia coluntur</foreign></q>
+(<hi rend='italic'>De die natali</hi>, xviii. 6). Compare
+L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. 605 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; G. F.
+Unger, <q>Zeitrechnung der Griechen
+und Römer,</q> in Iwan Müller's <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch
+der classischen Altertumswissenschaft</hi>,
+i.<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> 732 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The great age and
+the wide diffusion of the octennial
+cycle in Greece are rightly maintained
+by A. Schmidt (<hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der griechischen
+Chronologie</hi>, Jena, 1888, pp. 61
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>), who suggests that the cycle may
+have owed something to the astronomy
+of the Egyptians, with whom the inhabitants
+of Greece are known to
+have had relations from a very early
+time.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The motive
+for instituting
+the
+eight years'
+cycle was
+religious,
+not practical
+or
+scientific.</note>
+We are informed, and may readily believe, that the
+motive which led the Greeks to adopt the eight years' cycle
+was religious rather than practical or scientific: their aim
+was not so much to ensure the punctual despatch of business
+or to solve an abstract problem in astronomy, as to ascertain
+the exact days on which they ought to sacrifice to the gods.
+For the Greeks regularly employed lunar months in their
+reckonings,<note place='foot'>Aratus, <hi rend='italic'>Phaenomena</hi>, 733 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi>, i.
+255 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> and accordingly if they had dated their religious
+festivals simply by the number of the month and the day of
+<pb n='083'/><anchor id='Pg083'/>
+the month, the excess of eleven and a quarter days of the
+solar over the lunar year would have had the effect of causing
+the festivals gradually to revolve throughout the whole
+circle of the seasons, so that in time ceremonies which
+properly belonged to winter would come to be held in
+summer, and on the contrary ceremonies which were only
+appropriate to summer would come to be held in winter.
+To avoid this anomaly, and to ensure that festivals dated by
+lunar months should fall at fixed or nearly fixed points in
+the solar year, the Greeks adopted the octennial cycle by
+the simple expedient of intercalating three lunar months in
+every period of eight years. In doing so they acted, as one
+of their writers justly pointed out, on a principle precisely
+the reverse of that followed by the ancient Egyptians, who
+deliberately regulated their religious festivals by a purely
+lunar calendar for the purpose of allowing them gradually to
+revolve throughout the whole circle of the seasons.<note place='foot'>Geminus, <hi rend='italic'>Elementa Astronomiae</hi>, viii. 15-45.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>In early
+times the
+regulation
+of the
+calendar is
+largely an
+affair of
+religion.</note>
+Thus at an early stage of culture the regulation of the
+calendar is largely an affair of religion: it is a means of
+maintaining the established relations between gods and men
+on a satisfactory footing; and in public opinion the great
+evil of a disordered calendar is not so much that it disturbs
+and disarranges the ordinary course of business and the
+various transactions of civil life, as that it endangers the
+welfare or even the existence both of individuals and of
+the community by interrupting their normal intercourse with
+those divine powers on whose favour men believe themselves
+to be absolutely dependent. Hence in states which take
+this view of the deep religious import of the calendar its
+superintendence is naturally entrusted to priests rather than
+to astronomers, because the science of astronomy is regarded
+merely as ancillary to the deeper mysteries of theology.
+For example, at Rome the method of determining the
+months and regulating the festivals was a secret which the
+pontiffs for ages jealously guarded from the profane vulgar;
+and in consequence of their ignorance and incapacity the
+calendar fell into confusion and the festivals were celebrated
+out of their natural seasons, until the greatest of all the
+Roman pontiffs, Julius Caesar, remedied the confusion and
+<pb n='084'/><anchor id='Pg084'/>
+placed the calendar of the civilised world on the firm foundation
+on which, with little change, it stands to this day.<note place='foot'>Macrobius, <hi rend='italic'>Saturnalia</hi>, i. 15. 9
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Livy, ix. 46. 5; Valerius Maximus,
+ii. 5. 2; Cicero, <hi rend='italic'>Pro Muraena</hi>,
+xi. 25; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>De legibus</hi>, ii. 12. 29;
+Suetonius, <hi rend='italic'>Divus Iulius</hi>, 40; Plutarch,
+<hi rend='italic'>Caesar</hi>, 59.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The quadriennial
+period of
+games and
+festivals in
+Greece was
+probably
+arrived at
+by bisecting
+an
+older
+octennial
+period.</note>
+On the whole, then, it appears probable that the octennial
+cycle, based on considerations of religion and on elementary
+observations of the two great luminaries, dated from a very
+remote period among the ancient Greeks; if they did not
+bring it with them when they migrated southwards from the
+oakwoods and beechwoods of Central Europe, they may
+well have taken it over from their civilised predecessors of
+different blood and different language whom they found
+leading a settled agricultural life on the lands about the
+Aegean Sea. Now we have seen reasons to hold that the
+two most famous of the great Greek games, the Pythian and
+the Olympian, were both based on the ancient cycle of
+eight years, and that the quadriennial period at which they
+were regularly celebrated in historical times was arrived at
+by a subdivision of the older octennial cycle. It is hardly
+rash, therefore, to conjecture that the quadriennial period in
+general, regarded as the normal period for the celebration of
+great games and festivals, was originally founded on elementary
+religious and astronomical considerations of the same
+kind, that is, on a somewhat crude attempt to harmonise
+the discrepancies of solar and lunar time and thereby to
+ensure the continued favour of the gods. It is, indeed,
+certain or probable that some of these quadriennial festivals
+were celebrated in honour of the dead;<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, pp. 92
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> but there seems to
+be nothing in the beliefs or customs of the ancient Greeks
+concerning the dead which would suggest a quadriennial
+period as an appropriate one for propitiating the ghosts of
+the departed. At first sight it is different with the octennial
+period; for according to Pindar, the souls of the dead who
+had been purged of their guilt by an abode of eight years
+in the nether world were born again on earth in the ninth
+year as glorious kings, athletes, and sages.<note place='foot'>Plato, <hi rend='italic'>Meno</hi>, p. 81 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a-c</hi>; Pindar,
+ed. Aug. Boeckh, vol. iii. pp. 623 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+Frag. 98. See further <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>,
+pp. 69 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Now if this
+belief in the reincarnation of the dead after eight years were
+<pb n='085'/><anchor id='Pg085'/>
+primitive, it might certainly furnish an excellent reason for
+honouring the ghosts of great men at their graves every
+eight years in order to facilitate their rebirth into the world.
+Yet the period of eight years thus rigidly applied to the life
+of disembodied spirits appears too arbitrary and conventional
+to be really primitive, and we may suspect that in this
+application it was nothing but an inference drawn from the
+old octennial cycle, which had been instituted for the purpose
+of reconciling solar and lunar time. If that was so, it will
+follow that the quadriennial period of funeral games was,
+like the similar period of other religious festivals, obtained
+through the bisection of the octennial cycle, and hence that
+it was ultimately derived from astronomical considerations
+rather than from any beliefs touching a quadriennial revolution
+in the state of the dead. Yet in historical times it may
+well have happened that these considerations were forgotten,
+and that games and festivals were instituted at quadriennial
+intervals, for example at Plataea<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Aristides</hi>, 21; Pausanias, ix. 2. 6.</note> in honour of the slain,
+at Actium to commemorate the great victory, and at
+Mantinea in honour of Antinous,<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg080'>80</ref>.</note> without any conscious
+reference to the sun and moon, and merely because that
+period had from time immemorial been regarded as the
+proper and normal one for the celebration of certain solemn
+religious rites.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+reasons for
+bisecting
+the old
+octennial
+period into
+two quadriennial
+periods
+may have
+been partly
+religious,
+partly
+political.</note>
+If we enquire why the Greeks so often bisected the old
+octennial period into two quadriennial periods for purposes
+of religion, the answer can only be conjectural, for no
+positive information appears to be given us on the subject
+by ancient writers. Perhaps they thought that eight years
+was too long a time to elapse between the solemn services,
+and that it was desirable to propitiate the deities at shorter
+intervals. But it is possible that political as well as
+religious motives may have operated to produce the change.
+We have seen reason to think that at two of the oldest seats
+of monarchy in Greece, namely Cnossus and Sparta, kings
+formerly held office for periods of eight years only, after
+which their sovereignty either terminated or had to be formally
+renewed. Now with the gradual growth of that democratic
+<pb n='086'/><anchor id='Pg086'/>
+sentiment, which ultimately dominated Greek political life,
+men would become more and more jealous of the kingly power
+and would seek to restrict it within narrower limits, and one
+of the most obvious means of doing so was to shorten the
+king's tenure of office. We know that this was done at
+Athens, where the dynasty of the Medontids was reduced
+from the rank of monarchs for life to that of magistrates
+holding office for ten years only.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, iv. 5. 10; compare
+Aristotle, <hi rend='italic'>Constitution of Athens</hi>, iii.
+1; G. Gilbert, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der
+griechischen Staatsalterthumer</hi>, i.<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1893) pp. 122 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> It is possible that elsewhere
+the king's reign was cut down from eight years to
+four years; and if I am right in my explanation of the
+origin of the Olympic games this political revolution actually
+took place at Olympia, where the victors in the chariot-race
+would seem at first to have personated the Sun-god
+and perhaps held office in the capacity of divine kings
+during the intervals between successive celebrations of the
+games.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, pp. 89-92.</note> If at Olympia and elsewhere the games were of
+old primarily contests in which the king had personally to
+take part for the purpose of attesting his bodily vigour and
+therefore his capacity for office, the repetition of the test at
+intervals of four instead of eight years might be regarded
+as furnishing a better guarantee of the maintenance of the
+king's efficiency and thereby of the general welfare, which
+in primitive society is often supposed to be sympathetically
+bound up with the health and strength of the king.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The biennial
+period
+of some
+Greek
+games may
+have been
+obtained
+by bisecting
+the
+quadriennial
+period.</note>
+But while many of the great Greek games were celebrated
+at intervals of four years, others, such as the Nemean and the
+Isthmian, were celebrated at intervals of two years only; and
+just as the quadriennial period seems to have been arrived at
+through a bisection of the octennial period, so we may surmise
+that the biennial period was produced by a bisection of the
+quadriennial period. This was the view which the admirable
+modern chronologer L. Ideler took of the origin of the quadriennial
+and biennial festivals respectively,<note place='foot'>L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi>,
+ii. 606 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> and it appears far
+more probable than the contrary opinion of the ancient chronologer
+Censorinus, that the quadriennial period was reached by
+doubling the biennial, and the octennial period by doubling
+<pb n='087'/><anchor id='Pg087'/>
+the quadriennial.<note place='foot'>Censorinus, <hi rend='italic'>De die natali</hi>, xviii.
+2-4.</note> The theory of Censorinus was that the
+Greeks started with a biennial cycle of twelve and thirteen
+lunar months alternately in successive years for the purpose
+of harmonising solar and lunar time.<note place='foot'>Censorinus, <hi rend='italic'>De die natali</hi>, xviii. 2.</note> But as the cycle so
+produced exceeds the true solar time by seven and a half
+days,<note place='foot'>L. Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi>,
+i. 270.</note> the discrepancy which it leaves between the two
+great celestial clocks, the sun and moon, was too glaring to
+escape the observation even of simple farmers, who would
+soon have been painfully sensible that the times were out of
+joint, if they had attempted to regulate the various operations
+of the agricultural year by reference to so very inaccurate an
+almanac. It is unlikely, therefore, that the Greeks ever
+made much use of a biennial cycle of this sort.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Application
+of the
+foregoing
+conclusion
+to the
+Eleusinian
+games.</note>
+Now to apply these conclusions to the Eleusinian games,
+which furnished the starting-point for the preceding discussion.
+Whatever the origin and meaning of these games
+may have been, we may surmise that the quadriennial and
+biennial periods at which they were held were originally
+derived from astronomical considerations, and that they had
+nothing to do directly either with the agricultural cycle,
+which is annual, nor with the worship of the dead, which can
+scarcely be said to have any cycle at all, unless indeed it be
+an annual one. In other words, neither the needs of
+husbandry nor the superstitions relating to ghosts furnish
+any natural explanation of the quadriennial and biennial
+periods of the Eleusinian games, and to discover such an
+explanation we are obliged to fall back on astronomy or, to
+be more exact, on that blend of astronomy with religion
+which appears to be mainly responsible for such Greek
+festivals as exceed a year in their period. To admit this is
+not to decide the question whether the Eleusinian games
+were agricultural or funereal in character; but it is implicitly
+to acknowledge that the games were of later origin
+than the annual ceremonies, including the Great Mysteries,
+which were designed to propitiate the deities of the corn
+for the very simple and practical purpose of ensuring good
+crops within the year. For it cannot but be that men
+<pb n='088'/><anchor id='Pg088'/>
+observed and laid their account with the annual changes of
+the seasons, especially as manifested by the growth and
+maturity of the crops, long before they attempted to reconcile
+the discrepancies of solar and lunar time by a series of
+observations extending over several years.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Varro on
+the rites of
+Eleusis.</note>
+On the whole, then, if, ignoring theories, we adhere to
+the evidence of the ancients themselves in regard to the
+rites of Eleusis, including under that general term the
+Great Mysteries, the games, the Festival before Ploughing
+(<foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>proerosia</foreign>), the Festival of the Threshing-floor, the Green
+Festival, the Festival of the Cornstalks, and the offerings
+of first-fruits, we shall probably incline to agree with the
+most learned of ancient antiquaries, the Roman Varro,
+who, to quote Augustine's report of his opinion, <q>interpreted
+the whole of the Eleusinian mysteries as relating
+to the corn which Ceres (Demeter) had discovered, and
+to Proserpine (Persephone), whom Pluto had carried off
+from her. And Proserpine herself, he said, signifies the
+fecundity of the seeds, the failure of which at a certain time
+had caused the earth to mourn for barrenness, and therefore
+had given rise to the opinion that the daughter of Ceres, that
+is, fecundity itself, had been ravished by Pluto and detained
+in the nether world; and when the dearth had been
+publicly mourned and fecundity had returned once more,
+there was gladness at the return of Proserpine and solemn
+rites were instituted accordingly. After that he says,</q>
+continues Augustine, reporting Varro, <q>that many things
+were taught in her mysteries which had no reference but to
+the discovery of the corn.</q><note place='foot'>Augustine, <hi rend='italic'>De civitate Dei</hi>, vii. 20.
+<q><foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>In Cereris autem sacris praedicantur
+illa Eleusinia, quae apud
+Athenienses nobilissima fuerunt. De
+quibus iste [Varro] nihil interpretatur,
+nisi quod attinet ad frumentum, quod
+Ceres invenit, et ad Proserpinam,
+quam rapiente Orco perdidit. Et hanc
+ipsam dicit significare foecunditatem
+seminum.... Dicit deinde multa in
+mysteriis ejus tradi, quae nisi ad
+frugum inventionem non pertineant.</foreign></q></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The close
+resemblance
+between
+the artistic
+types of
+Demeter
+and Persephone
+militates
+against the
+theory that
+the two
+goddesses
+personified
+two things
+so different
+as the
+earth and
+the corn.</note>
+Thus far I have for the most part assumed an identity
+of nature between Demeter and Persephone, the divine
+mother and daughter personifying the corn in its double
+aspect of the seed-corn of last year and the ripe ears of
+this, and I pointed out that this view of the substantial
+unity of mother and daughter is borne out by their portraits
+<pb n='089'/><anchor id='Pg089'/>
+in Greek art, which are often so alike as to be indistinguishable.
+Such a close resemblance between the artistic types
+of Demeter and Persephone militates decidedly against the
+view that the two goddesses are mythical embodiments of
+two things so different and so easily distinguishable from
+each other as the earth and the vegetation which springs
+from it. Had Greek artists accepted that view of Demeter
+and Persephone, they could surely have devised types of
+them which would have brought out the deep distinction
+between the goddesses. That they were capable of doing
+so is proved by the simple fact that they regularly represented
+the Earth Goddess by a type which differed widely
+both from that of Demeter and from that of Persephone.<note place='foot'>A. Baumeister, <hi rend='italic'>Denkmäler des
+classischen Altertums</hi>, i. 577 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>;
+Drexler, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> "Gaia," in W. H.
+Roscher's <hi rend='italic'>Lexikon der griech. und röm.
+Mythologie</hi>, i. 1574 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; L. R. Farnell,
+<hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the Greek States</hi>,
+iii. (Oxford, 1907) p. 27.</note>
+Not only so, but they sometimes set the two types of the
+Earth Goddess and the Corn Goddess (Demeter) side by
+side as if on purpose to demonstrate their difference. Thus
+at Patrae there was a sanctuary of Demeter, in which she
+and Persephone were portrayed standing, while Earth was
+represented by a seated image;<note place='foot'>Pausanias, vii. 21. 11. At
+Athens there was a sanctuary of Earth
+the Nursing-Mother and of Green
+Demeter (Pausanias, i. 22. 3), but we
+do not know how the goddesses were
+represented.</note> and on a vase-painting
+the Earth Goddess is seen appropriately emerging from
+the ground with a horn of plenty and an infant in her
+uplifted arms, while Demeter and Persephone, scarcely distinguishable
+from each other, stand at full height behind her,
+looking down at her half-buried figure, and Triptolemus in
+his wheeled car sits directly above her.<note place='foot'>L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the
+Greek States</hi>, iii. 256 with plate xxi. b.</note> In this instructive
+picture, accordingly, we see grouped together the principal
+personages in the myth of the corn: the Earth Goddess, the
+two Goddesses of the old and the new corn, and the hero
+who is said to have been sent forth by the Corn Goddess
+to sow the seed broadcast over the earth. Such representations
+seem to prove that the artists clearly distinguished
+Demeter from the Earth Goddess.<note place='foot'><p>The distinction between Demeter
+(Ceres) and the Earth Goddess is clearly
+marked by Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, iv. 673 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>:
+</p>
+<p>
+<q><foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Officium commune Ceres et Terra tuentur;<lb/>
+Haec praebet causam frugibus, illa locum.</foreign></q>
+</p></note> And if Demeter did
+<pb n='090'/><anchor id='Pg090'/>
+not personify the earth, can there be any reasonable doubt
+that, like her daughter, she personified the corn which was
+so commonly called by her name from the time of Homer
+downwards? The essential identity of mother and daughter
+is suggested, not only by the close resemblance of their
+artistic types, but also by the official title of <q>the Two
+Goddesses</q> which was regularly applied to them in the great
+sanctuary at Eleusis without any specification of their individual
+attributes and titles,<note place='foot'>Dittenberger, <hi rend='italic'>Sylloge Inscriptionum
+Graecarum</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> Nos. 20, 408,
+411, 587, 646, 647, 652, 720, 789.
+Compare the expression διώνυμοι θέαι
+applied to them by Euripides, <hi rend='italic'>Phoenissae</hi>,
+683, with the Scholiast's note.</note> as if their separate individualities
+had almost merged in a single divine substance.<note place='foot'>The substantial identity of
+Demeter and Persephone has been
+recognised by some modern scholars,
+though their interpretations of the
+myth do not altogether agree with the
+one adopted in the text. See F.
+G. Welcker, <hi rend='italic'>Griechische Götterlehre</hi>
+(Göttingen, 1857-1862), ii. 532; L.
+Preller, in Pauly's <hi rend='italic'>Realencyclopädie der
+classischen Altertumswissenschaft</hi>, vi.
+106 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; F. Lenormant, in Daremberg
+et Saglio, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des Antiquités
+Grecques et Romaines</hi>, i. 2. pp. 1047
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>As goddesses
+of
+the corn
+Demeter
+and Persephone
+came to be
+associated
+with the
+ideas of
+death and
+resurrection.</note>
+Surveying the evidence as a whole, we may say that
+from the myth of Demeter and Persephone, from their ritual,
+from their representations in art, from the titles which they
+bore, from the offerings of first-fruits which were presented
+to them, and from the names applied to the cereals, we are
+fairly entitled to conclude that in the mind of the ordinary
+Greek the two goddesses were essentially personifications of
+the corn, and that in this germ the whole efflorescence of
+their religion finds implicitly its explanation. But to maintain
+this is not to deny that in the long course of religious
+evolution high moral and spiritual conceptions were grafted
+on this simple original stock and blossomed out into fairer
+flowers than the bloom of the barley and the wheat.
+Above all, the thought of the seed buried in the earth in
+order to spring up to new and higher life readily suggested
+a comparison with human destiny, and strengthened the
+hope that for man too the grave may be but the beginning of
+a better and happier existence in some brighter world unknown.
+This simple and natural reflection seems perfectly sufficient
+to explain the association of the Corn Goddess at Eleusis
+with the mystery of death and the hope of a blissful
+immortality. For that the ancients regarded initiation in
+<pb n='091'/><anchor id='Pg091'/>
+the Eleusinian mysteries as a key to unlock the gates of
+Paradise appears to be proved by the allusions which well-informed
+writers among them drop to the happiness in store
+for the initiated hereafter.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Homeric Hymn to Demeter</hi>, 480
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Pindar, quoted by Clement of
+Alexandria, <hi rend='italic'>Strom.</hi> iii. 3. 17, p. 518, ed.
+Potter; Sophocles, quoted by Plutarch,
+<hi rend='italic'>De audiendis poetis</hi>, 4; Isocrates,
+<hi rend='italic'>Panegyricus</hi>, 6; Cicero, <hi rend='italic'>De legibus</hi>,
+ii. 14. 36; Aristides, <hi rend='italic'>Eleusin.</hi> vol. i.
+p. 421, ed. G. Dindorf.</note> No doubt it is easy for us to
+discern the flimsiness of the logical foundation on which such
+high hopes were built.<note place='foot'>A learned German professor has
+thought it worth while to break the
+poor butterfly argument on the wheel
+of his inflexible logic. The cruel act,
+while it proves the hardness of the
+professor's head, says little for his
+knowledge of human nature, which
+does not always act in strict accordance
+with the impulse of the syllogistic
+machinery. See Erwin Rohde,
+<hi rend='italic'>Psyche</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi> (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903),
+i. 290 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> But drowning men clutch at straws,
+and we need not wonder that the Greeks, like ourselves,
+with death before them and a great love of life in their
+hearts, should not have stopped to weigh with too nice a
+hand the arguments that told for and against the prospect
+of human immortality. The reasoning that satisfied Saint
+Paul<note place='foot'>1 Corinthians xv. 35 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> and has brought comfort to untold thousands of
+sorrowing Christians, standing by the deathbed or the
+open grave of their loved ones, was good enough to pass
+muster with ancient pagans, when they too bowed their
+heads under the burden of grief, and, with the taper of
+life burning low in the socket, looked forward into the
+darkness of the unknown. Therefore we do no indignity
+to the myth of Demeter and Persephone&mdash;one of the few
+myths in which the sunshine and clarity of the Greek
+genius are crossed by the shadow and mystery of death&mdash;when
+we trace its origin to some of the most familiar, yet
+eternally affecting aspects of nature, to the melancholy
+gloom and decay of autumn and to the freshness, the brightness,
+and the verdure of spring.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='092'/><anchor id='Pg092'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter III. Magical Significance of Games in Primitive
+Agriculture.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Games
+played as
+magical
+ceremonies
+to promote
+the growth
+of the
+crops.
+The
+Kayans
+of central
+Borneo, a
+primitive
+agricultural
+people. The sacred
+rice-fields
+(<foreign rend='italic'>luma lali</foreign>)
+on which
+all religious
+ceremonies
+requisite
+for agriculture
+are
+performed.</note>
+In the preceding chapter we saw that among the rites
+of Eleusis were comprised certain athletic sports, such as
+foot-races, horse-races, leaping, wrestling, and boxing, the
+victors in which were rewarded with measures of barley
+distributed among them by the priests.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg071'>71</ref>, with the footnote 5.</note> These sports the
+ancients themselves associated with the worship of Demeter
+and Persephone, the goddesses of the corn, and strange as
+such an association may seem to us, it is not without its
+analogy among the harvest customs of modern European
+peasantry.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg074'>74</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> But to discover clear cases of games practised for
+the express purpose of promoting the growth of the crops, we
+must turn to more primitive agricultural communities than
+the Athenians of classical antiquity or the peoples of modern
+Europe. Such communities may be found at the present
+day among the savage tribes of Borneo and New Guinea,
+who subsist mainly by tilling the ground. Among them we
+take the Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo as typical.
+They are essentially an agricultural people, and devote themselves
+mainly to the cultivation of rice, which furnishes their
+staple food; all other products of the ground are of subordinate
+importance. Hence agriculture, we are told,
+dominates the whole life of these tribes: their year is the
+year of the cultivation of the rice, and they divide it into
+various periods which are determined by the conditions
+necessary for the tilling of the fields and the manipulation
+<pb n='093'/><anchor id='Pg093'/>
+of the rice. <q>In tribes whose thoughts are so much engrossed
+by agriculture it is no wonder that they associate
+with it their ideas of the powers which rule them for good
+or evil. The spirit-world stands in close connexion with
+the agriculture of the Bahaus; without the consent of the
+spirits no work in the fields may be undertaken. Moreover,
+all the great popular festivals coincide with the different
+periods of the cultivation of the rice. As the people are in
+an unusual state of affluence after harvest, all family festivals
+which require a large outlay are for practical reasons deferred
+till the New Year festival at the end of harvest. The two
+mighty spirits Amei Awi and his wife Buring Une, who,
+according to the belief of the Kayans, live in a world under
+ground, dominate the whole of the tillage and determine
+the issue of the harvest in great measure by the behaviour
+of the owner of the land, not so much by his moral conduct,
+as by the offerings he has made to the spirits and the attention
+he has paid to their warnings. An important part in
+agriculture falls to the chief: at the festivals he has, in the
+name of the whole tribe, to see to it that the prescribed conjurations
+are carried out by the priestesses. All religious
+ceremonies required for the cultivation of the ground take
+place in a small rice-field specially set apart for that purpose,
+called <foreign rend='italic'>luma lali</foreign>: here the chief's family ushers in
+every fresh operation in the cultivation of the rice, such as
+sowing, hoeing, and reaping: the solemn actions there performed
+have a symbolical significance.</q><note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>Quer durch Borneo</hi> (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 156 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Ceremonies
+observed
+at the
+sowing
+festival. Taboos
+observed
+at the
+sowing
+festival.</note>
+Not only the chief's family among the Kayans has such
+a consecrated field; every family possesses one of its own.
+These little fields are never cultivated for the sake of their
+produce: they serve only as the scene of religious ceremonies
+and of those symbolical operations of agriculture which are
+afterwards performed in earnest on the real rice-fields.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i. 164.</note>
+For example, at the festival before sowing a priestess sows
+some rice on the consecrated field of the chief's family and
+then calls on a number of young men and girls to complete
+the work; the young men then dig holes in the ground
+with digging-sticks, and the girls come behind them and
+<pb n='094'/><anchor id='Pg094'/>
+plant the rice-seed in the holes. Afterwards the priestesses
+lay offerings of food, wrapt in banana-leaves, here and there
+on the holy field, while they croon prayers to the spirits in
+soft tones, which are half drowned in the clashing music of
+the gongs. On another day women gather all kinds of edible
+leaves in their gardens and fields, boil them in water, and
+then sprinkle the water on the consecrated rice-field. But
+on that and other days of the festival the people attend also
+to their own wants, banqueting on a favourite species of rice
+and other dainties. The ceremonies connected with sowing
+last several weeks, and during this time certain taboos have
+to be observed by the people. Thus on the first day of the
+festival the whole population, except the very old and the
+very young, must refrain from bathing; after that there
+follows a period of rest for eight nights, during which the
+people may neither work nor hold intercourse with their
+neighbours. On the tenth day the prohibition to bathe is
+again enforced; and during the eight following days the
+great rice-field of the village, where the real crops are raised,
+is sowed.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>Quer durch
+Borneo</hi>, i. 164-167.</note> The reason for excluding strangers from the
+village at these times is a religious one. It is a fear lest
+the presence of strangers might frighten the spirits or put
+them in a bad humour, and so defeat the object of the
+ceremony; for, while the religious ceremonies which accompany
+the cultivation of the rice differ somewhat from each
+other in different tribes, the ideas at the bottom of them,
+we are told, are everywhere the same: the aim always is to
+appease and propitiate the souls of the rice and the other
+spirits by sacrifices of all sorts.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i.
+163. The motive assigned for the exclusion
+of strangers at the sowing festival
+applies equally to all religious rites.
+<q>In all religious observances,</q> says
+Dr. Nieuwenhuis, <q>the Kayans fear
+the presence of strangers, because these
+latter might frighten and annoy the
+spirits which are invoked.</q> On the
+periods of seclusion and quiet observed
+in connexion with agriculture by the
+Kayans of Sarawak, see W. H. Furness,
+<hi rend='italic'>Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters</hi>
+(Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 160 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Games
+played at
+the sowing
+festival. Masquerade
+at the
+sowing
+festival.</note>
+However, during this obligatory period of seclusion and
+rest the Kayans employ themselves in various pursuits,
+which, though at first sight they might seem to serve no
+other purpose than that of recreation, have really in the
+minds of the people a much deeper significance. For
+<pb n='095'/><anchor id='Pg095'/>
+example, at this time the men often play at spinning
+tops. The tops are smooth, flat pieces of wood weighing
+several pounds. Each man tries to spin his own top so that
+it knocks down those of his neighbours and continues itself
+to revolve triumphantly. New tops are commonly carved
+for the festival. The older men sometimes use heavy tops
+of iron-wood. Again, every evening the young men assemble
+in the open space before the chief's house and engage in
+contests of strength and agility, while the women watch
+them from the long gallery or verandah of the house.
+Another popular pastime during the festival of sowing is a
+masquerade. It takes place on the evening of the tenth day,
+the day on which, for the second time, the people are forbidden
+to bathe. The scene of the performance is again
+the open space in front of the chief's house. As the day
+draws towards evening, the villagers begin to assemble in the
+gallery or verandah of the house in order to secure good
+places for viewing the masquerade. All the maskers at
+these ceremonies represent evil spirits. The men wear
+ugly wooden masks on their faces, and their bodies are
+swathed in masses of slit banana leaves so as to imitate
+the hideous faces and hairy bodies of the demons. The
+young women wear on their heads cylindrical baskets, which
+conceal their real features, while they exhibit to the spectators
+grotesque human faces formed by stitches on pieces of white
+cotton, which are fastened to the baskets. On the occasion
+when Dr. Nieuwenhuis witnessed the ceremony, the first to
+appear on the scene were some men wearing wooden masks
+and helmets and so thickly wrapt in banana leaves that they
+looked like moving masses of green foliage. They danced
+silently, keeping time to the beat of the gongs. They were
+followed by other figures, some of whom executed war-dances;
+but the weight of their leafy envelope was such
+that they soon grew tired, and though they leaped high,
+they uttered none of the wild war-whoops which usually
+accompany these martial exercises. When darkness fell,
+the dances ceased and were replaced by a little drama
+representing a boar brought to bay by a pack of hounds.
+The part of the boar was played by an actor wearing a
+wooden boar's head mask, who ran about on all fours and
+<pb n='096'/><anchor id='Pg096'/>
+grunted in a life-like manner, while the hounds, acted by
+young men, snarled, yelped, and made dashes at him. The
+play was watched with lively interest and peals of laughter
+by the spectators. Later in the evening eight disguised
+girls danced, one behind the other, with slow steps and
+waving arms, to the glimmering light of torches and the
+strains of a sort of jew's harp.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i.
+167-169.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Rites at
+hoeing.</note>
+The rites which accompany the sowing of the fields are
+no sooner over than those which usher in the hoeing begin.
+Like the sowing ceremonies, they are inaugurated by a
+priestess, who hoes the sacred field round about a sacrificial
+stage and then calls upon other people to complete the
+work. After that the holy field is again sprinkled with a
+decoction of herbs.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i.
+169.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Kayan
+New Year
+festival.
+Offerings
+and addresses
+to
+the spirits. Sacrifice
+of pigs.</note>
+But the crowning point of the Kayan year is the New Year
+festival. The harvest has then been fully housed: abundance
+reigns in every family, and for eight days the people, dressed
+out in all their finery, give themselves up to mirth and jollity.
+The festival was witnessed by the Dutch explorer Dr.
+Nieuwenhuis. To lure the good spirits from the spirit land
+baskets filled with precious objects were set out before the
+windows, and the priestesses made long speeches, in which
+they invited these beneficent beings to come to the chief's
+house and to stay there during the whole of the ceremonies.
+Two days afterwards one of the priestesses harangued the
+spirits for three-quarters of an hour, telling them who the
+Kayans were, from whom the chief's family was descended,
+what the tribe was doing, and what were its wishes, not forgetting
+to implore the vengeance of the spirits on the Batang-Lupars,
+the hereditary foes of the Kayans. The harangue was
+couched in rhyming verse and delivered in sing-song tones.
+Five days later eight priestesses ascended a sacrificial stage,
+on which food was daily set forth for the spirits. There
+they joined hands and crooned another long address to the
+spirits, marking the time with their hands. Then a basket
+containing offerings of food was handed up to them, and one
+of the priestesses opened it and invited the spirits to enter the
+basket. When they were supposed to have done so, the lid
+<pb n='097'/><anchor id='Pg097'/>
+was shut down on them, and the basket with the spirits in
+it was conveyed into the chief's house. As the priestesses
+in the performance of the sacred ceremonies might not touch
+the ground, planks were cut from a fruit-tree and laid on the
+ground for them to step on. But the great feature of the
+New Year festival is the sacrifice of pigs, of which the
+spiritual essence is appropriately offered to the spirits, while
+their material substance is consumed by the worshippers.
+In carrying out this highly satisfactory arrangement, while
+the live pigs lay tethered in a row on the ground, the
+priestesses danced solemnly round a sacrificial stage, each of
+them arrayed in a war-mantle of panther-skin and wearing a
+war-cap on her head, and on either side two priests armed
+with swords executed war dances for the purpose of scaring
+away evil spirits. By their gesticulations the priestesses
+indicated to the powers above that the pigs were intended
+for their benefit. One of them, a fat but dignified lady,
+dancing composedly, seemed by her courteous gestures to
+invite the souls of the pigs to ascend up to heaven; but
+others, not content with this too ideal offering, rushed at the
+pigs, seized the smallest of them by the hind legs, and
+exerting all their strength danced with the squealing porker
+to and from the sacrificial stage. In the evening, before
+darkness fell, the animals were slaughtered and their livers
+examined for omens: if the under side of the liver was
+pale, the omen was good; but if it was dark, the omen
+was evil. On the last day of the festival one of the chief
+priestesses, in martial array, danced round the sacrificial
+stage, making passes with her old sword as if she would
+heave the whole structure heavenward; while others stabbed
+with spears at the foul fiends that might be hovering in
+the air, intent on disturbing the sacred ministers at their
+holy work.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>Quer durch Borneo</hi>, i. 171-182.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Dr. Nieuwenhuis
+on
+the games
+played by
+the Kayans
+in connexion
+with
+agriculture.</note>
+<q>Thus,</q> says Dr. Nieuwenhuis, reviewing the agricultural
+rites which he witnessed among the Kayans on the Mendalam
+river, <q>every fresh operation on the rice-field was ushered in by
+religious and culinary ceremonies, during which the community
+had always to observe taboos for several nights and to
+play certain definite games. As we saw, spinning-top games
+<pb n='098'/><anchor id='Pg098'/>
+and masquerades were played during the sowing festival:
+at the first bringing in of the rice the people pelted each other
+with clay pellets discharged from small pea-shooters, but in
+former times sham fights took place with wooden swords;
+while during the New Year festival the men contend with
+each other in wrestling, high leaps, long leaps, and running.
+The women also fight each other with great glee, using
+bamboo vessels full of water for their principal weapons.</q><note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i.
+169 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Serious
+religious
+or magical
+significance
+of
+the games.</note>
+What is the meaning of the sports and pastimes which
+custom prescribes to the Kayans on these occasions? Are
+they mere diversions meant to while away the tedium of the
+holidays? or have they a serious, perhaps a religious or
+magical significance? To this question it will be well to let
+Dr. Nieuwenhuis give his answer. <q>The Kayans on the
+Mendalam river,</q> he says, <q>enjoy tolerably regular harvests,
+and their agricultural festivals accordingly take place every
+year; whereas the Kayans on the Mahakam river, on
+account of the frequent failure of the harvests, can celebrate
+a New Year's festival only once in every two or three years.
+Yet although these festivities are celebrated more regularly
+on the Mendalam river, they are followed on the Mahakam
+river with livelier interest, and the meaning of all ceremonies
+and games can also be traced much better there. On the
+Mendalam river I came to the false conclusion that the
+popular games which take place at the festivals are undertaken
+quite arbitrarily at the seasons of sowing and harvest;
+but on the Mahakam river, on the contrary, I observed that
+even the masquerade at the sowing festival is invested with
+as deep a significance as any of the ceremonies performed by
+the priestesses.</q><note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i.
+163 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q>The influence of religious worship, which dominates the
+whole life of the Dyak tribes, manifests itself also in their
+games. This holds good chiefly of pastimes in which all
+adults take part together, mostly on definite occasions; it is
+less applicable to more individual pastimes which are not
+restricted to any special season. Pastimes of the former
+sort are very rarely indulged in at ordinary times, and
+properly speaking they attain their full significance only on
+<pb n='099'/><anchor id='Pg099'/>
+the occasion of the agricultural festivals which bear a strictly
+religious stamp. Even then the recreations are not left to
+choice, but definite games belong to definite festivals; thus
+at the sowing festivals other amusements are in vogue than
+at the little harvest festival or the great harvest festival at
+the beginning of the reaping, and at the New Year festival....
+Is this connexion between festivals and games merely
+an accidental one, or is it based on a real affinity? The
+latter seems to me the more probable view, for in the case
+of one of the most important games played by men I was
+able to prove directly a religious significance; and although
+I failed to do so in the case of the others, I conjecture,
+nevertheless, that a religious idea lies at the bottom of all
+other games which are connected with definite festivals.</q><note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>Quer durch
+Borneo</hi>, ii. 130 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The game as to
+the religious significance of which Dr.
+Nieuwenhuis has no doubt is the
+masquerade performed by the Kayans
+of the Mahakam river, where disguised
+men personate spirits and pretend to
+draw home the souls of the rice from
+the far countries to which they may
+have wandered. See below, pp. 186 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Kai,
+an agricultural
+people of
+German
+New
+Guinea. Superstitious
+practices
+observed
+by the Kai
+for the
+good of
+the crops.</note>
+If the reader should entertain any doubt on the subject,
+and should suspect that in arriving at this conclusion the
+Dutch traveller gave the reins to his fancy rather than
+followed the real opinion of the people, these doubts and
+suspicions will probably be dispelled by comparing the
+similar games which another primitive agricultural people
+avowedly play for the purpose of ensuring good crops.
+The people in question are the Kai of German New Guinea,
+who inhabit the rugged, densely wooded mountains inland
+from Finsch Harbour. They subsist mainly on the produce
+of the taro and yams which they cultivate in their fields,
+though the more inland people also make much use of
+sweet potatoes. All their crops are root crops. No patch
+of ground is cultivated for more than a year at a time. As
+soon as it has yielded a crop, it is deserted for another and
+is quickly overgrown with rank weeds, bamboos, and bushes.
+In six or eight years, when the undergrowth has died out
+under the shadow of the taller trees which have shot up, the
+land may again be cleared and brought under cultivation.
+Thus the area of cultivation shifts from year to year; and
+the villages are not much more permanent; for in the damp
+tropical climate the wooden houses soon rot and fall into
+<pb n='100'/><anchor id='Pg100'/>
+ruins, and when this happens the site of the village is
+changed.<note place='foot'>Ch. Keysser, <q>Aus dem Leben der
+Kaileute,</q> in R. Neuhauss, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsch
+Neu-Guinea</hi>, iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 3,
+9 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 12 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> To procure good crops of the taro and yams, on
+which they depend for their subsistence, the Kai resort to
+many superstitious practices. For example, in order to
+make the yams strike deep roots, they touch the shoots
+with the bone of a wild animal that has been killed in
+the recesses of a cave, imagining that just as the creature
+penetrated deep into the earth, so the shoots that have been
+touched with its bone will descend deep into the ground.
+And in order that the taro may bear large and heavy fruit,
+they place the shoots, before planting them, on a large and
+heavy block of stone, believing that the stone will communicate
+its valuable properties of size and weight to the future
+fruit. Moreover, great use is made of spells and incantations
+to promote the growth of the crops, and all persons who utter
+such magical formulas for this purpose have to abstain from
+eating certain foods until the plants have sprouted and give
+promise of a good crop. For example, they may not eat
+young bamboo shoots, which are a favourite article of diet
+with the people. The reason is that the young shoots are
+covered with fine prickles, which cause itching and irritation
+of the skin; from which the Kai infer that if an enchanter
+of field fruits were to eat bamboo shoots, the contagion of
+their prickles would be conveyed through him to the fruits
+and would manifest itself in a pungent disagreeable flavour.
+For a similar reason no charmer of the crops who knows
+his business would dream of eating crabs, because he is well
+aware that if he were to do so the leaves and stalks of the
+plants would be dashed in pieces by a pelting rain, just like
+the long thin brittle legs of a dead crab. Again, were such
+an enchanter to eat any of the edible kinds of locusts, it
+seems obvious to the Kai that locusts would devour the
+crops over which the imprudent wizard had recited his
+spells. Above all, people who are concerned in planting
+fields must on no account eat pork; because pigs, whether
+wild or tame, are the most deadly enemies of the crops,
+which they grub up and destroy; from which it follows, as
+surely as the night does the day, that if you eat pork while
+<pb n='101'/><anchor id='Pg101'/>
+you are at work on the farm, your fields will be devastated
+by inroads of pigs.<note place='foot'>Ch. Keysser, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 123-125.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Games
+played by
+the Kai
+people
+to promote
+the growth
+of the yams
+and taro. Tales and
+legends
+told by the
+Kai to
+cause the
+fruits of
+the earth
+to thrive.</note>
+However, these precautions are not the only measures
+which the Kai people adopt for the benefit of the yams and
+the taro. <q>In the opinion of the natives various games
+are important for a proper growth of the field-fruits;
+hence these games may only be played in the time after
+the work on the fields has been done. Thus to swing
+on a long Spanish reed fastened to a branch of a tree is
+thought to have a good effect on the newly planted yams.
+Therefore swinging is practised by old and young, by men
+and women. No one who has an interest in the growth of
+his crop in the field leaves the swing idle. As they swing
+to and fro they sing swing-songs. These songs often
+contain only the names of the kinds of yams that have been
+planted, together with the joyous harvest-cry repeated with
+variations, <q>I have found a fine fruit!</q> In leaping from
+the swing, they cry <q><foreign rend='italic'>Kakulili</foreign>!</q> By calling out the name
+of the yams they think to draw their shoots upwards out of
+the ground. A small bow with a string, on which a wooden
+flag adorned with a feather is made to slide down (the Kai
+call the instrument <foreign rend='italic'>tawatawa</foreign>), may only be used when the
+yams are beginning to wind up about their props. The
+tender shoots are then touched with the bow, while a song
+is sung which is afterwards often repeated in the village. It
+runs thus: <q><foreign rend='italic'>Mama gelo, gelowaineja, gelowaineja; kikí tambai,
+kíki tambai.</foreign></q> The meaning of the words is unknown. The
+intention is to cause a strong upward growth of the plants.
+In order that the foliage of the yams may sprout luxuriantly
+and grow green and spread, the Kai people play cat's cradle.
+Each of the intricate figures has a definite meaning and a
+name to match: for example <q>the flock of pigeons</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>Hulua</foreign>),
+<q>the Star,</q> <q>the Flying Fox,</q> <q>the Sago-palm Fan,</q> <q>the
+Araucaria,</q> <q>the Lizard and the Dog,</q> <q>the Pig,</q> <q>the Sentinel-box
+in the Fields,</q> <q>the Rat's Nest,</q> <q>the Wasp's Nest in
+the Bamboo-thicket,</q> <q>the Kangaroo,</q> <q>the Spider's Web,</q>
+<q>the Little Children,</q> <q>the Canoe,</q> <q>Rain and Sunshine,</q>
+<q>the Pig's Pitfall,</q> <q>the Fish-spawn,</q> <q>the Two Cousins,
+Kewâ and Imbiâwâ, carrying their dead Mother to the
+<pb n='102'/><anchor id='Pg102'/>
+Grave,</q> etc. By spinning large native acorns or a sort
+of wild fig they think that they foster the growth of the
+newly-planted taro; the plants will <q>turn about and broaden.</q>
+The game must therefore only be played at the time when
+the taro is planted. The same holds good of spearing at
+the stalks of taro leaves with the ribs of sago leaves used as
+miniature spears. This is done when the taro leaves have
+unfolded themselves, but when the plants have not yet set
+any tubers. A single leaf is cut from a number of stems, and
+these leaves are brought into the village. The game is played
+by two partners, who sit down opposite to each other at a distance
+of three or four paces. A number of taro stalks lie beside
+each. He who has speared all his adversary's stalks first is
+victor; then they change stalks and the game begins again.
+By piercing the leaves they think that they incite the plants
+to set tubers. Almost more remarkable than the limitation
+of these games to the time when work on the fields
+is going forward is the custom of the Kai people which
+only permits the tales of the olden time or popular
+legends to be told at the time when the newly planted
+fruits are budding and sprouting.</q><note place='foot'>Ch. Keysser, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> iii. 125 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At the end of every
+such tale the Kai story-teller mentions the names of
+the various kinds of yams and adds, <q>Shoots (for the new
+planting) and fruits (to eat) in abundance!</q> <q>From their
+concluding words we see that the Kai legends are only
+told for a quite definite purpose, namely, to promote the
+welfare of the yams planted in the field. By reviving the
+memory of the ancient beings, to whom the origin of
+the field-fruits is referred, they imagine that they influence
+the growth of the fruits for good. When the planting is
+over, and especially when the young plants begin to sprout,
+the telling of legends comes to an end. In the villages it is
+always only a few old men who as good story-tellers can
+hold the attention of their hearers.</q><note place='foot'>Ch. Keysser, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> iii. 161.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Thus
+among
+these New
+Guinea
+people
+games are
+played and
+stories told
+as charms
+to ensure
+good crops.</note>
+Thus with these New Guinea people the playing of
+certain games and the recital of certain legends are alike
+magical in their intention; they are charms practised to
+ensure good crops. Both sets of charms appear to be based
+on the principles of sympathetic magic. In playing the
+<pb n='103'/><anchor id='Pg103'/>
+games the players perform acts which are supposed to mimic
+or at all events to stimulate the corresponding processes in
+the plants: by swinging high in the air they make the plants
+grow high; by playing cat's cradle they cause the leaves of
+the yams to spread and the stalks to intertwine, even as
+the players spread their hands and twine the string about
+their fingers; by spinning fruits they make the taro plants
+to turn and broaden; and by spearing the taro leaves
+they induce the plants to set tubers.<note place='foot'>On the principles of homoeopathic
+or imitative magic, see <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art
+and the Evolution of Kings</hi>, i. 52 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+The Esquimaux play cat's cradle as a
+charm to catch the sun in the meshes
+of the string and so prevent him from
+sinking below the horizon in winter.
+See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, i. 316 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Cat's cradle is
+played as a game by savages in many
+parts of the world, including the Torres
+Straits Islands, the Andaman Islands,
+Africa, and America. See A. C. Haddon,
+<hi rend='italic'>The Study of Man</hi> (London and
+New York, 1898), pp. 224-232; Miss
+Kathleen Haddon, <hi rend='italic'>Cat's Cradles from
+Many Lands</hi> (London, 1911). For example,
+the Indians of North-western
+Brazil play many games of cat's cradle,
+each of which has its special name, such
+as the Bow, the Moon, the Pleiades, the
+Armadillo, the Spider, the Caterpillar,
+and the Guts of the Tapir. See Th.
+Koch-Grünberg, <hi rend='italic'>Zwei Jahre unter den
+Indianern</hi> (Berlin, 1909-1910), i. 120,
+123, 252, 253, ii. 127, 131. Finding
+the game played as a magical rite to stay
+the sun or promote the growth of the
+crops among peoples so distant from
+each other as the Esquimaux and the
+natives of New Guinea, we may reasonably
+surmise that it has been put to
+similar uses by many other peoples,
+though civilised observers have commonly
+seen in it nothing more than a
+pastime. Probably many games have
+thus originated in magical rites.
+When their old serious meaning was
+forgotten, they continued to be practised
+simply for the amusement they afforded
+the players. Another such game seems
+to be the <q>Tug of War.</q> See <hi rend='italic'>The
+Golden Bough</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> iii. 95.</note> In telling the
+legends the story-tellers mention the names of the powerful
+beings who first created the fruits of the earth, and the
+mere mention of their names avails, on the principle of
+the magical equivalence of names and persons or things,
+to reproduce the effect.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Taboo and the Perils of the
+Soul</hi>, pp. 318 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> The recitation of tales as a charm
+to promote the growth of the crops is not peculiar to the Kai.
+It is practised also by the Bakaua, another tribe of German
+New Guinea, who inhabit the coast of Huon Gulf, not far
+from the Kai. These people tell stories in the evening at the
+time when the yams and taro are ripe, and the stories always
+end with a prayer to the ancestral spirits, invoked under
+various more or less figurative designations, such as <q>a man</q>
+or <q>a cricket,</q> that they would be pleased to cause countless
+shoots to sprout, the great tubers to swell, the sugar-cane to
+<pb n='104'/><anchor id='Pg104'/>
+thrive, and the bananas to hang in long clusters. <q>From this
+we see,</q> says the missionary who reports the custom, <q>that
+the object of telling the stories is to prove to the ancestors,
+whose spirits are believed to be present at the recitation of
+the tales which they either invented or inherited, that people
+always remember them; for which reason they ought to be
+favourable to their descendants, and above all to bestow their
+blessings on the shoots which are ready to be planted or on
+the plants already in the ground.</q> As the story-teller utters
+the prayer, he looks towards the house in which the young
+shoots ready for planting or the ripe fruits are deposited.<note place='foot'>Stefan Lehner, "Bukaua," in R.
+Neuhauss, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsch Neu-Guinea</hi>, iii.
+(Berlin, 1911) pp. 478 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Yabim
+of German
+New
+Guinea
+also tell
+tales on
+purpose
+to obtain
+abundant
+crops.</note>
+Similarly, the Yabim, a neighbouring tribe of German
+New Guinea, at the entrance to Huon Gulf, tell tales for
+the purpose of obtaining a plentiful harvest of yams, taro,
+sugar-cane, and bananas.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Taboo and the Perils of the
+Soul</hi>, p. 386.</note> They subsist chiefly by the
+fruits of the earth which they cultivate, and among which
+taro, yams, and sugar-cane supply them with their staple
+food.<note place='foot'>H. Zahn, <q>Die Jabim,</q> in R.
+Neuhauss, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsch Neu-Guinea</hi>, iii.
+(Berlin, 1911) p. 290.</note> In their agricultural labours they believe themselves
+to be largely dependent on the spirits of their dead, the
+<foreign rend='italic'>balum</foreign>, as they call them. Before they plant the first taro in
+a newly cleared field they invoke the souls of the dead to
+make the plants grow and prosper; and to propitiate these
+powerful spirits they bring valuable objects, such as boar's
+tusks and dog's teeth, into the field, in order that the ghosts
+may deck themselves with the souls of these ornaments,
+while at the same time they minister to the grosser appetites
+of the disembodied spirits by offering them a savoury mess
+of taro porridge. Later in the season they whirl bull-roarers
+in the fields and call out the names of the dead,
+believing that this makes the crops to thrive.<note place='foot'>H. Zahn, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 332 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Specimens
+of Yabim
+tales told
+as charms
+to procure
+a good
+harvest. Such tales
+may be
+called
+narrative
+spells.</note>
+But besides the prayers which they address to the spirits of
+the dead for the sake of procuring an abundant harvest, the
+Yabim utter spells for the same purpose, and these spells sometimes
+take the form, not of a command, but of a narrative.
+Here, for instance, is one of their spells: <q>Once upon a time
+a man laboured in his field and complained that he had no
+<pb n='105'/><anchor id='Pg105'/>
+taro shoots. Then came two doves flying from Poum. They
+had devoured much taro, and they perched on a tree in the
+field, and during the night they vomited all the taro up.
+Thus the man got so many taro shoots that he was even
+able to sell some of them to other people.</q> Or, again, if
+the taro will not bud, the Yabim will have recourse to the
+following spell: <q>A muraena lay at ebb-tide on the shore.
+It seemed to be at its last gasp. Then the tide flowed
+on, and the muraena came to life again and plunged
+into the deep water.</q> This spell is pronounced over
+twigs of a certain tree (<foreign rend='italic'>kalelong</foreign>), while the enchanter
+smites the ground with them. After that the taro is sure to
+bud.<note place='foot'>H. Zahn, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 333.</note> Apparently the mere recitation of such simple tales is
+thought to produce the same effect as a direct appeal, whether
+in the shape of a prayer or a command, addressed to the
+spirits. Such incantations may be called narrative spells to
+distinguish them from the more familiar imperative spells,
+in which the enchanter expresses his wishes in the form
+of direct commands. Much use seems to be made of such
+narrative spells among the natives of this part of German
+New Guinea. For example, among the Bukaua, who attribute
+practically boundless powers to sorcerers in every
+department of life and nature, the spells by which these
+wizards attempt to work their will assume one of two
+forms: either they are requests made to the ancestors, or
+they are short narratives, addressed to nobody in particular,
+which the sorcerer mutters while he is performing his
+magical rites.<note place='foot'>Stefan Lehner, <q>Bukaua,</q> in R.
+Neuhauss, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsch Neu-Guinea</hi>, iii.
+(Berlin, 1911) p. 448.</note> It is true, that here the distinction is drawn
+between narratives and requests rather than between
+narratives and commands; but the difference of a request
+from a command, though great in theory, may be
+very slight in practice; so that prayer and spell, in the
+ordinary sense of the words, may melt into each other
+almost imperceptibly. Even the priest or the enchanter who
+utters the one may be hardly conscious of the hairbreadth
+that divides it from the other. In regard to narrative spells,
+it seems probable that they have been used much more extensively
+among mankind than the evidence at our disposal permits
+<pb n='106'/><anchor id='Pg106'/>
+us positively to affirm; in particular we may conjecture
+that many ancient narratives, which we have been accustomed
+to treat as mere myths, used to be regularly recited in
+magical rites as spells for the purpose of actually producing
+events like those which they describe.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Use of the
+bull-roarer
+to quicken
+the fruits of
+the earth.</note>
+The use of the bull-roarer to quicken the fruits of the
+earth is not peculiar to the Yabim. On the other side of
+New Guinea the instrument is employed for the same
+purpose by the natives of Kiwai, an island at the mouth
+of the Fly River. They think that by whirling bull-roarers
+they produce good crops of yams, sweet potatoes, and
+bananas; and in accordance with this belief they call
+the implement <q>the mother of yams.</q><note place='foot'>A. C. Haddon, in <hi rend='italic'>Reports of the
+Cambridge Anthropological Expedition
+to Torres Straits</hi>, v. (Cambridge,
+1904) pp. 218, 219. Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Head-hunters, Black, White, and
+Brown</hi> (London, 1901) p. 104.</note> Similarly in
+Mabuiag, an island in Torres Straits, the bull-roarer is looked
+upon as an instrument that can be used to promote the
+growth of garden produce, such as yams and sweet potatoes;
+certain spirits were supposed to march round the gardens at
+night swinging bull-roarers for this purpose.<note place='foot'>A. C. Haddon, in <hi rend='italic'>Reports of the
+Cambridge Anthropological Expedition
+to Torres Straits</hi>, v. (Cambridge,
+1904) pp. 346 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Indeed a
+fertilising or prolific virtue appears to be attributed to the
+instrument by savages who are totally ignorant of agriculture.
+Thus among the Dieri of central Australia, when a
+young man had undergone the painful initiatory ceremony
+of having a number of gashes cut in his back, he used to be
+given a bull-roarer, whereupon it was believed that he
+became inspired by the spirits of the men of old, and
+that by whirling it, when he went in search of game before
+his wounds were healed, he had power to cause a good
+harvest of lizards, snakes, and other reptiles. On the other
+hand, the Dieri thought that if a woman were to see a bull-roarer
+that had been used at the initiatory ceremonies and
+to learn its secret, the tribe would ever afterwards be
+destitute of snakes, lizards, and other such food.<note place='foot'>A. W. Howitt, <q>The Dieri
+and other kindred Tribes of Central
+Australia,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Anthropological
+Institute</hi>, xx. (1891) p.
+83; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Native Tribes of South-East
+Australia</hi> (London, 1904), p.
+660. The first, I believe, to point
+out the fertilising power ascribed to
+the bull-roarer by some savages was
+Dr. A. C. Haddon. See his essay,
+<q>The Bull-roarer,</q> in <hi rend='italic'>The Study of
+Man</hi> (London and New York, 1898),
+pp. 277-327. In this work Dr. Haddon
+recognises the general principle of
+the possible derivation of many games
+from magical rites. As to the bull-roarer
+compare my paper <q>On some
+Ceremonies of the Central Australian
+Tribes,</q> in the <hi rend='italic'>Report of the Australasian
+Association for the Advancement
+of Science for the year 1900</hi> (Melbourne,
+1901), pp. 313-322.</note> It may
+<pb n='107'/><anchor id='Pg107'/>
+very well be that a similar power to fertilise or multiply
+edible plants and animals has been ascribed to the bull-roarer
+by many other peoples who employ the implement in
+their mysteries.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Swinging
+as an agricultural
+charm.</note>
+Further, it is to be observed that just as the Kai of
+New Guinea swing to and fro on reeds suspended from the
+branches of trees in order to promote the growth of the
+crops, in like manner Lettish peasants in Russia devote
+their leisure to swinging in spring and early summer for
+the express purpose of making the flax grow as high as
+they swing in the air.<note place='foot'>J. G. Kohl, <hi rend='italic'>Die deutsch-russischen
+Ostseeprovinzen</hi> (Dresden and Leipsic,
+1841), ii. 25.</note> And we may suspect that wherever
+swinging is practised as a ceremony at certain times of the
+year, particularly in spring and at harvest, the pastime is
+not so much a mere popular recreation as a magical rite
+designed to promote the growth of the crops.<note place='foot'>For the evidence see <hi rend='italic'>The Dying
+God</hi>, pp. 277-285.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+With these examples before us we need not hesitate to
+believe that Dr. Nieuwenhuis is right when he attributes a
+deep religious or magical significance to the games which
+the Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo play at their
+various agricultural festivals.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Analogy of
+the Kayans
+of Borneo
+to the
+Greeks of
+Eleusis in
+the early
+time. The Sacred
+Ploughing
+at Eleusis.</note>
+It remains to point out how far the religious or magical
+practices of these primitive agricultural peoples of Borneo
+and New Guinea appear to illustrate by analogy the original
+nature of the rites of Eleusis. So far as we can recompose,
+from the broken fragments of tradition, a picture of the
+religious and political condition of the Eleusinian people
+in the olden time, it appears to tally fairly well with the
+picture which Dr. Nieuwenhuis has drawn for us of the
+Kayans or Bahaus at the present day in the forests of
+central Borneo. Here as there we see a petty agricultural
+community ruled by hereditary chiefs who, while they
+unite religious to civil authority, being bound to preside
+over the numerous ceremonies performed for the good of
+<pb n='108'/><anchor id='Pg108'/>
+the crops,<note place='foot'>On the Kayan chiefs and their
+religious duties, see A. W. Nieuwenhuis,
+<hi rend='italic'>Quer durch Borneo</hi>, i. 58-60.</note> nevertheless lead simple patriarchal lives and
+are so little raised in outward dignity above their fellows
+that their daughters do not deem it beneath them to fetch
+water for the household from the village well.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg036'>36</ref>.</note> Here as
+there we see a people whose whole religion is dominated
+and coloured by the main occupation of their lives; who
+believe that the growth of the crops, on which they depend
+for their subsistence, is at the mercy of two powerful spirits,
+a divine husband and his wife, dwelling in a subterranean
+world; and who accordingly offer sacrifices and perform
+ceremonies in order to ensure the favour of these mighty
+beings and so to obtain abundant harvests. If we knew
+more about the Rarian plain at Eleusis,<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg074'>74</ref>.</note> we might discover
+that it was the scene of many religious ceremonies
+like those which are performed on the little consecrated
+rice-fields (the <foreign rend='italic'>luma lali</foreign>) of the Kayans, where the
+various operations of the agricultural year are performed
+in miniature by members of the chief's family before the
+corresponding operations may be performed on a larger
+scale by common folk on their fields. Certainly we know
+that the Rarian plain witnessed one such ceremony in the
+year. It was a solemn ceremony of ploughing, one of the
+three Sacred Ploughings which took place annually in
+various parts of Attica.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Praecepta Conjugalia</hi>,
+42. Another of these Sacred Ploughings
+was performed at Scirum, and
+the third at the foot of the Acropolis
+at Athens; for in this passage of
+Plutarch we must, with the latest
+editor, read ὑπὸ πόλιν for the ὑπὸ
+πέλιν of the manuscripts.</note> Probably the rite formed part of
+the <foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Proerosia</foreign> or Festival before Ploughing, which was intended
+to ensure a plentiful crop.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg050'>50</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Further, it appears that the
+priests who guided the sacred slow-paced oxen as they dragged
+the plough down the furrows of the Rarian Plain, were drawn
+from the old priestly family of Bouzygai or <q>Ox-yokers,</q>
+whose eponymous ancestor is said to have been the first man
+to yoke oxen and to plough the fields. As they performed
+this time-honoured ceremony, the priests uttered many quaint
+curses against all churls who should refuse to lend fire or water
+to neighbours, or to shew the way to wanderers, or who should
+<pb n='109'/><anchor id='Pg109'/>
+leave a corpse unburied.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum Magnum</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+Βουζυγία, p. 206, lines 47 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Im.
+Bekker, <hi rend='italic'>Anecdota Graeca</hi> (Berlin, 1814-1821),
+i. 221; Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> vii.
+199; Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Βουζύγης; καθίστατο
+δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ ὁ τοὺς ἱεροὺς
+ἀρότους ἐπιτελῶν Βουζύγης; <hi rend='italic'>Paroemiographi
+Graeci</hi>, ed. E. L. Leutsch und
+F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1839-1851),
+i. 388, Βουζύγης; ἐπὶ τῶν πολλὰ
+ἀρωμένων. Ὁ γὰρ Βουζύγης Ἀθήνησιν ὁ
+τὸν ἱερὸν ἄροτον ἐπιτελῶν ... ἄλλα τε
+πολλὰ ἀρᾶται καὶ τοῖς μὴ κοινωνοῦσι κατὰ
+τὸν Βίον ὕδατος ἢ πυρὸς ἢ μὴ ὑποφαίνουσιν
+ὁδὸν πλανωμένοις; Scholiast on Sophocles,
+<hi rend='italic'>Antigone</hi>, 255, λόγος δὲ ὅτι
+Βουζύγης Ἀθήνησι κατηράσατο τοῖς
+περιορῶσιν ἄταφον σῶμα. The Sacred
+Ploughing at the foot of the Acropolis
+was specially called <foreign rend='italic'>bouzygios</foreign> (Plutarch,
+<hi rend='italic'>Praecepta Conjugalia</hi>, 42). Compare
+J. Toepffer, <hi rend='italic'>Attische Genealogie</hi> (Berlin,
+1889) pp. 136 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> If we had a complete list of the
+execrations fulminated by the holy ploughmen on these
+occasions, we might find that some of them were levelled at
+the impious wretches who failed to keep all the rules of the
+Sabbath, as we may call those periods of enforced rest and
+seclusion which the Kayans of Borneo and other primitive
+agricultural peoples observe for the good of the crops.<note place='foot'>Such Sabbaths are very commonly
+and very strictly observed in connexion
+with the crops by the agricultural hill
+tribes of Assam. The native name
+for such a Sabbath is <foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign>. See T.
+C. Hodson, <q>The <foreign rend='italic'>Genna</foreign> amongst the
+Tribes of Assam,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the
+Anthropological Institute</hi>, xxxvi. (1906)
+pp. 94 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>: <q>Communal tabus are
+observed by the whole village....
+Those which are of regular occurrence
+are for the most part connected with
+the crops. Even where irrigated
+terraces are made, the rice plant is
+much affected by deficiencies of rain
+and excess of sun. Before the crop is
+sown, the village is tabu or <foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign>.
+The gates are closed and the friend
+without has to stay outside, while the
+stranger that is within the gates remains
+till all is ended. The festival
+is marked among some tribes by an
+outburst of licentiousness, for, so long
+as the crops remain ungarnered, the
+slightest incontinence might ruin all.
+An omen of the prosperity of the crops
+is taken by a mock contest, the girls
+pulling against the men. In some
+villages the <foreign rend='italic'>gennas</foreign> last for ten days,
+but the tenth day is the crowning day
+of all. The men cook, and eat apart
+from the women during this time, and
+the food tabus are strictly enforced.
+From the conclusion of the initial crop
+<foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign> to the commencement of the
+<foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign> which ushers in the harvest-time,
+all trade, all fishing, all hunting,
+all cutting grass and felling trees is
+forbidden. Those tribes which specialise
+in cloth-weaving, salt-making
+or pottery-making are forbidden the
+exercise of these minor but valuable
+industries. Drums and bugles are
+silent all the while.... Between the
+initial crop <foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign> and the harvest-home,
+some tribes interpose a <foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign>
+day which depends on the appearance
+of the first blade of rice. All celebrate
+the commencement of the gathering
+of the crops by a <foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign>, which
+lasts at least two days. It is mainly
+a repetition of the initial <foreign rend='italic'>genna</foreign> and,
+just as the first seed was sown by the
+<foreign rend='italic'>gennabura</foreign>, the religious head of the
+village, so he is obliged to cut the first
+ear of rice before any one else may
+begin.</q> On such occasions among
+the Kabuis, in spite of the licence
+accorded to the people generally, the
+strictest chastity is required of the
+religious head of the village who initiates
+the sowing and the reaping,
+and his diet is extremely limited; for
+example, he may not eat dogs or
+tomatoes. See T. C. Hodson, <q>The
+Native Tribes of Manipur,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal
+of the Anthropological Institute</hi>, xxxi.
+(1901) pp. 306 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; and for more
+details, <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>The Naga Tribes of Manipur</hi>
+(London, 1911), pp. 168 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+The resemblance of some of these
+customs to those of the Kayans of
+Borneo is obvious. We may conjecture
+that the <q>tug of war</q> which
+takes place between the sexes on
+several of these Sabbaths was originally
+a magical ceremony to ensure good
+crops rather than merely a mode of
+divination to forecast the coming harvest.
+Magic regularly dwindles into
+divination before it degenerates into a
+simple game. At one of these taboo
+periods the men set up an effigy of a
+man and throw pointed bamboos at
+it. He who hits the figure in the
+head will kill an enemy; he who hits
+it in the belly will have plenty of food.
+See T. C. Hodson, in <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the
+Anthropological Institute</hi>, xxxvi. (1906)
+p. 95; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>The Naga Tribes of Manipur</hi>,
+p. 171. Here also we probably
+have an old magical ceremony passing
+through a phase of divination before it
+reaches the last stage of decay. On
+Sabbaths observed in connexion with
+agriculture in Borneo and Assam, see
+further Hutton Webster, <hi rend='italic'>Rest Days,
+a Sociological Study</hi>, pp. 11 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> (<hi rend='italic'>University
+Studies</hi>, Lincoln, Nebraska,
+vol. xi. Nos. 1-2, January-April,
+1911).</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='110'/><anchor id='Pg110'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The connexion
+of the
+Eleusinian
+games with
+agriculture,
+attested
+by the
+ancients,
+is confirmed
+by
+modern
+savage
+analogies.</note>
+Further, when we see that many primitive peoples
+practise what we call games but what they regard in all
+seriousness as solemn rites for the good of the crops, we
+may be the more inclined to accept the view of the ancients,
+who associated the Eleusinian games directly with the
+worship of Demeter and Persephone, the Corn Goddesses.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg071'>71</ref>.</note>
+One of the contests at the Eleusinian games was in leaping,<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg071'>71</ref> note 5.</note>
+and we know that even in modern Europe to this day
+leaping or dancing high is practised as a charm to make
+the crops grow tall.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, i. 137-139.</note> Again, the bull-roarer was swung
+so as to produce a humming sound at the Greek
+mysteries;<note place='foot'>See the old Greek scholiast on
+Clement of Alexandria, quoted by Chr.
+Aug. Lobeck, <hi rend='italic'>Aglaophamus</hi> (Königsberg,
+1829), p. 700; Andrew Lang,
+<hi rend='italic'>Custom and Myth</hi> (London, 1884), p.
+39. It is true that the bull-roarer seems
+to have been associated with the rites
+of Dionysus rather than of Demeter;
+perhaps the sound of it was thought to
+mimick the bellowing of the god in
+his character of a bull. But the worship
+of Dionysus was from an early
+time associated with that of Demeter
+in the Eleusinian mysteries; and the
+god himself, as we have seen, had
+agricultural affinities. See above, p.
+<ref target='Pg005'>5</ref>. An annual festival of swinging
+(which, as we have seen, is still practised
+both in New Guinea and Russia
+for the good of the crops) was held by
+the Athenians in antiquity and was
+believed to have originated in the
+worship of Dionysus. See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying
+God</hi>, pp. 281 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> and when we find the same simple instrument
+whirled by savages in New Guinea for the sake of ensuring
+good crops, we may reasonably conjecture that it was
+whirled with a like intention by the rude forefathers of the
+Greeks among the cornfields of Eleusis. If that were so&mdash;though
+the conjecture is hardly susceptible of demonstration&mdash;it
+would go some way to confirm the theory that the
+<pb n='111'/><anchor id='Pg111'/>
+Eleusinian mysteries were in their origin nothing more than
+simple rustic ceremonies designed to make the farmer's
+fields to wave with yellow corn. And in the practice of
+the Kayans, whose worship of the rice offers many analogies
+to the Eleusinian worship of the corn, may we not detect a
+hint of the origin of that rule of secrecy which always
+characterised the Eleusinian mysteries? May it not have
+been that, just as the Kayans exclude strangers from their
+villages while they are engaged in the celebration of religious
+rites, lest the presence of these intruders should frighten or
+annoy the shy and touchy spirits who are invoked at these
+times, so the old Eleusinians may have debarred foreigners
+from participation in their most solemn ceremonies, lest the
+coy goddesses of the corn should take fright or offence at
+the sight of strange faces and so refuse to bestow on men
+their annual blessing? The admission of foreigners to the
+privilege of initiation in the mysteries was probably a late
+innovation introduced at a time when the fame of their
+sanctity had spread far and wide, and when the old magical
+meaning of the ritual had long been obscured, if not
+forgotten.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The sacred
+drama
+of the
+Eleusinian
+mysteries
+compared
+to the
+masked
+dances of
+agricultural
+savages.</note>
+Lastly, it may be suggested that in the masked dances
+and dramatic performances, which form a conspicuous
+and popular feature of the Sowing Festival among the
+Kayans,<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg095'>95</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, and below, pp. <ref target='Pg186'>186</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> we have the savage counterpart of that drama
+of divine death and resurrection which appears to have
+figured so prominently in the mysteries of Eleusis.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg039'>39</ref>.</note>
+If my interpretation of that solemn drama is correct, it
+represented in mythical guise the various stages in the growth
+of the corn for the purpose of magically fostering the natural
+processes which it simulated. In like manner among the
+Kaua and Kobeua Indians of North-western Brazil, who subsist
+chiefly by the cultivation of manioc, dances or rather pantomimes
+are performed by masked men, who represent spirits
+or demons of fertility, and by imitating the act of procreation
+are believed to stimulate the growth of plants as well as to
+quicken the wombs of women and to promote the multiplication
+of animals. Coarse and grotesque as these dramatic
+performances may seem to us, they convey no suggestion of
+<pb n='112'/><anchor id='Pg112'/>
+indecency to the minds either of the actors or of the
+spectators, who regard them in all seriousness as rites destined
+to confer the blessing of fruitfulness on the inhabitants
+of the village, on their plantations, and on the whole realm
+of nature.<note place='foot'>Th. Koch-Grünberg, <hi rend='italic'>Zwei Jahre
+unter den Indianern</hi> (Berlin, 1909-1910),
+i. 137-140, ii. 193-196. As
+to the cultivation of manioc among
+these Indians see <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi> ii. 202 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> However, we possess so little exact information
+as to the rites of Eleusis that all attempts to elucidate them
+by the ritual of savages must necessarily be conjectural.
+Yet the candid reader may be willing to grant that conjectures
+supported by analogies like the foregoing do not
+exceed the limits of a reasonable hypothesis.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='113'/><anchor id='Pg113'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter IV. Woman's Part in Primitive Agriculture.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Theory
+that the
+personification
+of
+corn as
+feminine
+was suggested
+by
+the part
+played by
+women in
+primitive
+agriculture.</note>
+If Demeter was indeed a personification of the corn,
+it is natural to ask, why did the Greeks personify the
+corn as a goddess rather than a god? why did they ascribe
+the origin of agriculture to a female rather than to a male
+power? They conceived the spirit of the vine as masculine;
+why did they conceive the spirit of the barley and wheat as
+feminine? To this it has been answered that the personification
+of the corn as feminine, or at all events the ascription
+of the discovery of agriculture to a goddess, was suggested
+by the prominent part which women take in primitive agriculture.<note place='foot'>F. B. Jevons, <hi rend='italic'>Introduction to the
+History of Religion</hi> (London, 1896),
+p. 240; H. Hirt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Indogermanen</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1905-1907), i. 251 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+The theory illustrates a recent tendency of mythologists
+to explain many myths as reflections of primitive
+society rather than as personifications of nature. For that
+reason, apart from its intrinsic interest, the theory deserves
+to be briefly considered.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Among
+many
+savage
+tribes the
+labour of
+hoeing the
+ground and
+sowing the
+seed devolves
+on
+women. Agricultural
+work
+done by
+women
+among the
+Zulus and
+other tribes
+of South
+Africa.</note>
+Before the invention of the plough, which can hardly be
+worked without resort to the labour of men, it was and still
+is customary in many parts of the world to break up the
+soil for cultivation with hoes, and among not a few savage
+peoples to this day the task of hoeing the ground and sowing
+the seed devolves mainly or entirely upon the women,
+while the men take little or no part in cultivation beyond
+clearing the land by felling the forest trees and burning the
+fallen timber and brushwood which encumber the soil.
+Thus, for example, among the Zulus, <q>when a piece of land
+has been selected for cultivation, the task of clearing it
+<pb n='114'/><anchor id='Pg114'/>
+belongs to the men. If the ground be much encumbered,
+this becomes a laborious undertaking, for their axe is very
+small, and when a large tree has to be encountered, they
+can only lop the branches; fire is employed when it is
+needful to remove the trunk. The reader will therefore not
+be surprised that the people usually avoid bush-land, though
+they seem to be aware of its superior fertility. As a general
+rule the men take no further share in the labour of cultivation;
+and, as the site chosen is seldom much encumbered
+and frequently bears nothing but grass, their part of the
+work is very slight. The women are the real labourers;
+for (except in some particular cases) the entire business of
+digging, planting, and weeding devolves on them; and, if
+we regard the assagai and shield as symbolical of the man,
+the hoe may be looked upon as emblematic of the woman....
+With this rude and heavy instrument the woman digs,
+plants, and weeds her garden. Digging and sowing are
+generally one operation, which is thus performed; the seed
+is first scattered on the ground, when the soil is dug or
+picked up with the hoe, to the depth of three or four inches,
+the larger roots and tufts of grass being gathered out, but all
+the rest left in or on the ground.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. J. Shooter, <hi rend='italic'>The Kafirs of
+Natal and the Zulu Country</hi> (London,
+1857), pp. 17 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Speaking of the
+Zulus another writer observes: <q>In
+gardening, the men clear the land, if
+need be, and sometimes fence it in;
+the women plant, weed, and harvest</q>
+(Rev. L. Grout, <hi rend='italic'>Zulu-land</hi>, Philadelphia,
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>n.d.</hi>, p. 110).</note> A special term of
+contempt is applied to any Zulu man, who, deprived of the
+services of his wife and family, is compelled by hard
+necessity to handle the hoe himself.<note place='foot'>A. Delegorgue, <hi rend='italic'>Voyage dans l'Afrique
+Australe</hi> (Paris, 1847), ii.
+225.</note> Similarly among the
+Baronga of Delagoa Bay, <q>when the rains begin to fall, sometimes
+as early as September but generally later, they hasten
+to sow. With her hoe in her hands, the mistress of the field
+walks with little steps; every time she lifts a clod of earth
+well broken up, and in the hole thus made she plants three
+or four grains of maize and covers them up. If she has not
+finished clearing all the patch of the bush which she contemplated,
+she proceeds to turn up again the fields she tilled
+last year. The crop will be less abundant than in virgin
+soil, but they plant three or four years successively in the
+<pb n='115'/><anchor id='Pg115'/>
+same field before it is exhausted. As for enriching the soil
+with manure, they never think of it.</q><note place='foot'>H. A. Junod, <hi rend='italic'>Les Ba-Ronga</hi>
+(Neuchatel, 1908), pp. 195 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Among the Barotsé,
+who cultivate millet, maize, and peas to a small extent and
+in a rudimentary fashion, women alone are occupied with the
+field-work, and their only implement is a spade or hoe.<note place='foot'>L. Decle, <hi rend='italic'>Three Years in Savage
+Africa</hi> (London, 1898), p. 85.</note> Of
+the Matabelé we are told that <q>most of the hard work is
+performed by the women; the whole of the cultivation is
+done by them. They plough with short spades of native
+manufacture; they sow the fields, and they clear them of
+weeds.</q><note place='foot'>L. Decle, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 160.</note> Among the Awemba, to the west of Lake Tanganyika,
+the bulk of the work in the plantations falls on the
+women; in particular the men refuse to hoe the ground.
+They have a saying, <q>Is not each male child born for
+the axe and each female child for the hoe?</q><note place='foot'>C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, <hi rend='italic'>The
+Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia</hi>
+(London, 1911), p. 302.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Chastity
+required in
+the sowers
+of seed.</note>
+The natives of the Tanganyika plateau <q>cultivate the
+banana, and have a curious custom connected with it. No
+man is permitted to sow; but when the hole is prepared a
+little girl is carried to the spot on a man's shoulders. She
+first throws into the hole a sherd of broken pottery, and then
+scatters the seed over it.</q><note place='foot'>L. Decle, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 295.</note> The reason of the latter practice
+has been explained by more recent observers of these
+natives. <q>Young children, it may here be noted, are often
+employed to administer drugs, remedies, even the Poison
+Ordeal, and to sow the first seeds. Such acts, the natives
+say, must be performed by chaste and innocent hands, lest
+a contaminated touch should destroy the potency of the
+medicine or of the seedlings planted. It used to be a very
+common sight upon the islands of Lake Bangweolo to watch
+how a Bisa woman would solve the problem of her own
+moral unfitness by carrying her baby-girl to the banana-plot,
+and inserting seedlings in the tiny hands for dropping
+into the holes already prepared.</q><note place='foot'>C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, <hi rend='italic'>The
+Great Plateau of Northern Nigeria</hi>
+(London, 1911), p. 179.</note> Similarly among the
+people of the Lower Congo <q>women must remain chaste
+while planting pumpkin and calabash seeds, they are not
+allowed to touch any pig-meat, and they must wash their
+<pb n='116'/><anchor id='Pg116'/>
+hands before touching the seeds. If a woman does not
+observe all these rules, she must not plant the seeds, or the
+crop will be bad; she may make the holes, and her baby
+girl, or another who has obeyed the restrictions, can drop in
+the seeds and cover them over.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. J. H. Weeks, <q>Notes on
+some Customs of the Lower Congo
+People,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, xx. (1909) p. 311.</note> We can now perhaps
+understand why Attic matrons had to observe strict chastity
+when they celebrated the festival of the Thesmophoria.<note place='foot'>In order to guard against any
+breach of the rule they strewed <foreign rend='italic'>Agnus
+castus</foreign> and other plants, which were
+esteemed anaphrodisiacs, under their
+beds. See Dioscorides, <hi rend='italic'>De Materia
+Medica</hi>, i. 134 (135), vol. i. p. 130,
+ed. C. Sprengel (Leipsic, 1829-1830);
+Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> xxiv. 59; Aelian,
+<hi rend='italic'>De Natura Animalium</hi>, ix. 26;
+Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> κνέωρον; Scholiast on
+Theocritus, iv. 25; Scholiast on
+Nicander, <hi rend='italic'>Ther.</hi> 70 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In
+Attica that festival was held in honour of Demeter in the
+month of Pyanepsion, corresponding to October,<note place='foot'>Scholiast on Aristophanes, <hi rend='italic'>Thesmophor.</hi>
+80; Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Demosthenes</hi>, 30;
+Aug. Mommsen, <hi rend='italic'>Feste der Stadt Athen
+im Altertum</hi> (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 310
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> That Pyanepsion was the month
+of sowing is mentioned by Plutarch (<hi rend='italic'>Isis
+et Osiris</hi>, 69). See above, pp. <ref target='Pg045'>45</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> the season of
+the autumn sowing; and the rites included certain ceremonies
+which bore directly on the quickening of the seed.<note place='foot'>See below, vol. ii. p. 17 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> We may
+conjecture that the rule of chastity imposed on matrons at
+this festival was a relic of a time when they too, like many
+savage women down to the present time, discharged the
+important duty of sowing the seed and were bound for that
+reason to observe strict continence, lest any impurity on their
+part should defile the seed and prevent it from bearing fruit.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Woman's
+part in
+agriculture
+among the
+Caffres of
+South
+Africa in
+general.</note>
+Of the Caffres of South Africa in general we read that
+<q>agriculture is mainly the work of the women, for in olden
+days the men were occupied in hunting and fighting. The
+women do but scratch the land with hoes, sometimes using
+long-handled instruments, as in Zululand, and sometimes
+short-handled ones, as above the Zambesi. When the ground
+is thus prepared, the women scatter the seed, throwing it over
+the soil quite at random. They know the time to sow by the
+position of the constellations, chiefly by that of the Pleiades.
+They date their new year from the time they can see this
+constellation just before sunrise.</q><note place='foot'>Dudley Kidd, <hi rend='italic'>The Essential
+Kaffir</hi> (London, 1904), p. 323. Compare
+B. Ankermann, <q>L'Ethnographie
+actuelle de l'Afrique méridionale,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Anthropos</hi>, i. (1906) pp. 575 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> As
+to the use of the Pleiades to determine
+the time of sowing, see note at the
+end of the volume, <q>The Pleiades in
+Primitive Calendars.</q></note> In Basutoland, where
+<pb n='117'/><anchor id='Pg117'/>
+the women also till the fields, though the lands of chiefs are
+dug and sowed by men, an attempt is made to determine
+the time of sowing by observation of the moon, but the
+people generally find themselves out in their reckoning, and
+after much dispute are forced to fall back upon the state of the
+weather and of vegetation as better evidence of the season of
+sowing. Intelligent chiefs rectify the calendar at the summer
+solstice, which they call the summer-house of the sun.<note place='foot'>Rev. E. Casalis, <hi rend='italic'>The Basutos</hi>
+(London, 1861), pp. 143 (with plate),
+pp. 162-165.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Agricultural
+work
+done by
+women
+among the
+Nandi, Baganda, the Congo, and
+other tribes
+of Central
+and
+Western
+Africa.</note>
+Among the Nandi of British East Africa <q>the rough
+work of clearing the bush for plantations is performed by
+the men, after which nearly all work in connexion with them
+is done by the women. The men, however, assist in sowing
+the seed, and in harvesting some of the crops. As a rule
+trees are not felled, but the bark is stripped off for about
+four feet from the ground and the trees are then left to die.
+The planting is mostly, if not entirely, done during the first
+half of the <foreign rend='italic'>Kiptamo</foreign> moon (February), which is the first
+month of the year, and when the <foreign rend='italic'>Iwat-kut</foreign> moon rises
+(March) all seed should be in the ground. The chief
+medicine man is consulted before the planting operations
+begin, but the Nandi know by the arrival in the fields of the
+guinea-fowl, whose song is supposed to be, <foreign rend='italic'>O-kol, o-kol; mi-i
+tokoch</foreign> (Plant, plant; there is luck in it), that the planting
+season is at hand. When the first seed is sown, salt is
+mixed with it, and the sower sings mournfully: <foreign rend='italic'>Ak o-siek-u
+o-chok-chi</foreign> (And grow quickly), as he sows. After fresh
+ground has been cleared, eleusine grain is planted. This
+crop is generally repeated the second year, after which
+millet is sown, and finally sweet potatoes or some other
+product. Most fields are allowed to lie fallow every fourth
+or fifth year. The Nandi manure their plantations with turf
+ashes.... The eleusine crops are harvested by both men
+and women. All other crops are reaped by the women only,
+who are at times assisted by the children. The corn is
+pounded and winnowed by the women and girls.</q><note place='foot'>A. C. Hollis, <hi rend='italic'>The Nandi</hi> (Oxford,
+1909), p. 19. However, among the Bantu
+Kavirondo, an essentially agricultural
+people of British East Africa, both
+men and women work in the fields
+with large iron hoes. See Sir Harry
+Johnston, <hi rend='italic'>The Uganda Protectorate</hi>
+(London, 1904), ii. 738.</note> Among
+<pb n='118'/><anchor id='Pg118'/>
+the Suk and En-jemusi of British East Africa it is the
+women who cultivate the fields and milk the cows.<note place='foot'>M. W. H. Beech, <hi rend='italic'>The Suk</hi> (Oxford,
+1911), p. 33.</note> Among
+the Wadowe of German East Africa the men clear the forest
+and break up the hard ground, but the women sow and
+reap the crops.<note place='foot'>F. Stuhlmann, <hi rend='italic'>Mit Emin Pascha
+ins Herz von Afrika</hi> (Berlin, 1894),
+p. 36.</note> So among the Wanyamwezi, who are an
+essentially agricultural people, to the south of Lake Victoria
+Nyanza, the men cut down the bush and hoe the hard
+ground, but leave the rest of the labour of weeding, sowing,
+and reaping to the women.<note place='foot'>F. Stuhlmann, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 75.</note> The Baganda of Central Africa
+subsist chiefly on bananas, and among them <q>the garden
+and its cultivation have always been the woman's department.
+Princesses and peasant women alike looked upon
+cultivation as their special work; the garden with its produce
+was essentially the wife's domain, and she would under no
+circumstances allow her husband to do any digging or
+sowing in it. No woman would remain with a man who
+did not give her a garden and a hoe to dig it with; if these
+were denied her, she would seek an early opportunity to
+escape from her husband and return to her relations to
+complain of her treatment, and to obtain justice or a
+divorce. When a man married he sought a plot of land
+for his wife in order that she might settle to work and
+provide food for the household.... In initial clearing of
+the land it was customary for the husband to take part;
+he cut down the tall grass and shrubs, and so left the
+ground ready for his wife to begin her digging. The grass
+and the trees she heaped up and burned, reserving only so
+much as she needed for firewood. A hoe was the only
+implement used in cultivation; the blade was heart-shaped
+with a prong at the base, by which it was fastened to the
+handle. The hoe-handle was never more than two feet long,
+so that a woman had to stoop when using it.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. J. Roscoe, <hi rend='italic'>The Baganda</hi>
+(London, 1911), pp. 426, 427; compare
+pp. 5, 38, 91 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 93, 94, 95,
+268.</note> In Kiziba,
+a district immediately to the south of Uganda, the tilling of
+the soil is exclusively the work of the women. They turn
+up the soil with hoes, make holes in the ground with
+digging-sticks or their fingers, and drop a few seeds into
+<pb n='119'/><anchor id='Pg119'/>
+each hole.<note place='foot'>H. Rehse, <hi rend='italic'>Kiziba, Land und Leute</hi>
+(Stuttgart, 1910), p. 53.</note> Among the Niam-Niam of Central Africa <q>the
+men most studiously devote themselves to their hunting,
+and leave the culture of the soil to be carried on exclusively
+by the women</q>;<note place='foot'>G. Schweinfurth, <hi rend='italic'>The Heart of
+Africa</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi> (London, 1878), i. 281.</note> and among the Monbuttoo of the same
+region in like manner, <q>whilst the women attend to the
+tillage of the soil and the gathering of the harvest, the men,
+unless they are absent either for war or hunting, spend the
+entire day in idleness.</q><note place='foot'>G. Schweinfurth, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. 40.</note> As to the Bangala of the Upper
+Congo we read that <q>large farms were made around the
+towns. The men did the clearing of the bush, felling the
+trees, and cutting down the undergrowth; the women
+worked with them, heaping up the grass and brushwood
+ready for burning, and helping generally. As a rule the
+women did the hoeing, planting, and weeding, but the men
+did not so despise this work as never to do it.</q> In this
+tribe <q>the food belonged to the woman who cultivated the
+farm, and while she supplied her husband with the vegetable
+food, he had to supply the fish and meat and share
+them with his wife or wives.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. J. H. Weeks, <q>Anthropological
+Notes on the Bangala of the
+Upper Congo River,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the
+Royal Anthropological Institute</hi>, xxxix.
+(1909) pp. 117, 128.</note> Amongst the Tofoke, a tribe
+of the Congo State on the equator, all the field labour,
+except the clearing away of the forest, is performed by the
+women. They dig the soil with a hoe and plant maize and
+manioc. A field is used only once.<note place='foot'>E. Torday, <q>Der Tofoke,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mitteilungen
+der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft
+in Wien</hi>, xli. (1911) p. 198.</note> So with the Ba-Mbala,
+a Bantu tribe between the rivers Inzia and Kwilu, the men
+clear the ground for cultivation, but all the rest of the work
+of tillage falls to the women, whose only tool is an iron
+hoe. Fresh ground is cleared for cultivation every year.<note place='foot'>E. Torday and T. A. Joyce,
+<q>Notes on the Ethnography of the
+Ba-Mbala,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Anthropological
+Institute</hi>, xxxv. (1905) p. 405.</note>
+The Mpongwe of the Gaboon, in West Africa, cultivate
+manioc (cassava), maize, yams, plantains, sweet potatoes,
+and ground nuts. When new clearings have to be made
+in the forest, the men cut down and burn the trees, and the
+women put in the crop. The only tool they use is a dibble,
+with which they turn up a sod, put in a seed, and cover it
+<pb n='120'/><anchor id='Pg120'/>
+over.<note place='foot'>P. B. du Chaillu, <hi rend='italic'>Explorations
+and Adventures in Equatorial Africa</hi>
+(London, 1861), p. 22.</note> Among the Ashira of the same region the cultivation
+of the soil is in the hands of the women.<note place='foot'>P. B. du Chaillu, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 417.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Agricultural
+work
+done by
+women
+among the
+Indian
+tribes of
+South
+America.</note>
+A similar division of labour between men and women
+prevails among many primitive agricultural tribes of Indians
+in South America. <q>In the interior of the villages,</q> says an
+eminent authority on aboriginal South America, <q>the man
+often absents himself to hunt or to go into the heart of the
+forest in search of the honey of the wild bees, and he always
+goes alone. He fells the trees in the places where he
+wishes to make a field for cultivation, he fashions his
+weapons, he digs out his canoe, while the woman rears the
+children, makes the garments, busies herself with the
+interior, cultivates the field, gathers the fruits, collects the
+roots, and prepares the food. Such is, generally at least,
+the respective condition of the two sexes among almost
+all the Americans. The Peruvians alone had already, in
+their semi-civilised state, partially modified these customs;
+for among them the man shared the toils of the other sex or
+took on himself the most laborious tasks.</q><note place='foot'>A. D'Orbigny, <hi rend='italic'>L'Homme Américain
+(de l'Amérique Méridionale)</hi> (Paris,
+1839), i. 198 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Thus, to take
+examples, among the Caribs of the West Indies the men
+used to fell the trees and leave the fallen trunks to cumber
+the ground, burning off only the smaller boughs. Then the
+women came and planted manioc, potatoes, yams, and
+bananas wherever they found room among the tree-trunks.
+In digging the ground to receive the seed or the shoots
+they did not use hoes but simply pointed sticks. The men,
+we are told, would rather have died of hunger than undertake
+such agricultural labours.<note place='foot'>Le Sieur de la Borde, <q>Relation
+de l'Origine, Mœurs, Coustumes,
+Religion, Guerres et Voyages des
+Caraibes Sauvages des Isles Antilles
+de l'Amerique,</q> pp. 21-23, in <hi rend='italic'>Recueil
+de divers Voyages faits en Afrique et
+en l'Amerique</hi> (Paris, 1684).</note> Again, the staple vegetable food
+of the Indians of British Guiana is cassava bread, made
+from the roots of the manioc or cassava plant, which the
+Indians cultivate in clearings of the forest. The men fell
+the trees, cut down the undergrowth, and in dry weather set
+fire to the fallen lumber, thus creating open patches in the
+forest which are covered with white ashes. When the rains
+<pb n='121'/><anchor id='Pg121'/>
+set in, the women repair to these clearings, heavily laden with
+baskets full of cassava sticks to be used as cuttings. These
+they insert at irregular intervals in the soil, and so the field is
+formed. While the cassava is growing, the women do just
+as much weeding as is necessary to prevent the cultivated
+plants from being choked by the rank growth of the tropical
+vegetation, and in doing so they plant bananas, pumpkin
+seeds, yams, sweet potatoes, sugar-cane, red and yellow
+peppers, and so forth, wherever there is room for them. At
+last in the ninth or tenth month, when the seeds appearing
+on the straggling branches of the cassava plants announce
+that the roots are ripe, the women cut down the plants and
+dig up the roots, not all at once, but as they are required.
+These roots they afterwards peel, scrape, and bake into
+cassava bread.<note place='foot'>E. F. im Thurn, <hi rend='italic'>Among the
+Indians of Guiana</hi> (London, 1883),
+pp. 250 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 260 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Cultivation
+of manioc
+by women
+among the
+Indian
+tribes of
+tropical
+South
+America.</note>
+In like manner the cassava or manioc plant is cultivated
+generally among all the Indian tribes of tropical South
+America, wherever the plant will grow; and the cultivation
+of it is altogether in the hands of the women, who insert the
+sticks in the ground after the fashion already described.<note place='foot'>C. F. Phil. v. Martius, <hi rend='italic'>Zur Ethnographie
+Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1867), pp. 486-489. On the
+economic importance of the manioc or
+cassava plant in the life of the South
+American Indians, see further E. J.
+Payne, <hi rend='italic'>History of the New World
+called America</hi>, i. (Oxford, 1892) pp.
+310 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 312 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+For example, among the tribes of the Uaupes River, in the
+upper valley of the Amazon, who are an agricultural people
+with settled abodes, <q>the men cut down the trees and
+brushwood, which, after they have lain some months to
+dry, are burnt; and the mandiocca is then planted by the
+women, together with little patches of cane, sweet potatoes,
+and various fruits. The women also dig up the mandiocca,
+and prepare from it the bread which is their main subsistence....
+The bread is made fresh every day, as when
+it gets cold and dry it is far less palatable. The women
+thus have plenty to do, for every other day at least they
+have to go to the field, often a mile or two distant, to fetch
+the root, and every day to grate, prepare, and bake the
+bread; as it forms by far the greater part of their food, and
+they often pass days without eating anything else, especially
+<pb n='122'/><anchor id='Pg122'/>
+when the men are engaged in clearing the forest.</q><note place='foot'>A. R. Wallace, <hi rend='italic'>Narrative of
+Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro</hi>
+(London, 1889), pp. 336, 337 (<hi rend='italic'>The
+Minerva Library</hi>). Mr. Wallace's
+account of the agriculture of these
+tribes is entirely confirmed by the
+observations of a recent explorer in
+north-western Brazil. See Th. Koch-Grünberg,
+<hi rend='italic'>Zwei Jahre unter den
+Indianern</hi> (Berlin, 1909-1910), ii.
+202-209; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <q>Frauenarbeit bei den
+Indianern Nordwest-Brasiliens,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mitteilungen
+der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft
+in Wien</hi>, xxxviii. (1908) pp.
+172-174. This writer tells us (<hi rend='italic'>Zwei
+Jahre unter den Indianern</hi>, ii. 203)
+that these Indians determine the time
+for planting by observing certain constellations,
+especially the Pleiades.
+The rainy season begins when the
+Pleiades have disappeared below the
+horizon. See Note at end of the
+volume.</note> Among
+the Tupinambas, a tribe of Brazilian Indians, the wives
+<q>had something more than their due share of labour, but
+they were not treated with brutality, and their condition was
+on the whole happy. They set and dug the mandioc; they
+sowed and gathered the maize. An odd superstition prevailed,
+that if a sort of earth-almond, which the Portugueze
+call <foreign rend='italic'>amendoens</foreign>, was planted by the men, it would not grow.</q><note place='foot'>R. Southey, <hi rend='italic'>History of Brazil</hi>,
+vol. i. Second Edition (London, 1822),
+p. 253.</note>
+Similar accounts appear to apply to the Brazilian Indians
+in general: the men occupy themselves with hunting, war,
+and the manufacture of their weapons, while the women
+plant and reap the crops, and search for fruits in the forest;<note place='foot'>J. B. von Spix und C. F. Ph.
+von Martius, <hi rend='italic'>Reise in Brasilien</hi>
+(Munich, 1823-1831), i. 381.</note>
+above all they cultivate the manioc, scraping the soil clear of
+weeds with pointed sticks and inserting the shoots in the
+earth.<note place='foot'>K. von den Steinen, <hi rend='italic'>Unter
+den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens</hi>
+(Berlin, 1894), p. 214.</note> Similarly among the Indians of Peru, who cultivate
+maize in clearings of the forest, the cultivation of the fields
+is left to the women, while the men hunt with bows and
+arrows and blowguns in the woods, often remaining away
+from home for weeks or even months together.<note place='foot'>J. J. von Tschudi, <hi rend='italic'>Peru</hi> (St.
+Gallen, 1846), ii. 214.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Agricultural
+work
+done by
+women
+among
+savage
+tribes in
+India, New
+Guinea,
+and New
+Britain.</note>
+A similar distribution of labour between the sexes prevails
+among some savage tribes in other parts of the world.
+Thus among the Lhoosai of south-eastern India the men
+employ themselves chiefly in hunting or in making forays
+on their weaker neighbours, but they clear the ground and
+help to carry home the harvest. However, the main burden
+of the bodily labour by which life is supported falls on the
+women; they fetch water, hew wood, cultivate the ground,
+<pb n='123'/><anchor id='Pg123'/>
+and help to reap the crops.<note place='foot'>Captain T. H. Lewin, <hi rend='italic'>Wild Races
+of South-Eastern India</hi> (London, 1870),
+p. 255.</note> Among the Miris of Assam
+almost the whole of the field work is done by the women.
+They cultivate a patch of ground for two successive years,
+then suffer it to lie fallow for four or five. But they are
+deterred by superstitious fear from breaking new ground so
+long as the fallow suffices for their needs; they dread to
+offend the spirits of the woods by needlessly felling the
+trees. They raise crops of rice, maize, millet, yams, and
+sweet potatoes. But they seldom possess any implement
+adapted solely for tillage; they have never taken to the
+plough nor even to a hoe. They use their long straight
+swords to clear, cut, and dig with.<note place='foot'>E. T. Dalton, <hi rend='italic'>Descriptive Ethnology
+of Bengal</hi> (Calcutta, 1872),
+p. 33.</note> Among the Korwas, a
+savage hill tribe of Bengal, the men hunt with bows and
+arrows, while the women till the fields, dig for wild roots, or
+cull wild vegetables. Their principal crop is pulse (<foreign rend='italic'>Cajanus
+Indicus</foreign>).<note place='foot'>E. T. Dalton, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 226,
+227.</note> Among the Papuans of Ayambori, near Doreh
+in Dutch New Guinea, it is the men who lay out the fields
+by felling and burning the trees and brushwood in the
+forest, and it is they who enclose the fields with fences, but
+it is the women who sow and reap them and carry home
+the produce in sacks on their backs. They cultivate rice,
+millet, and bananas.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Nieuw Guinea, ethnographisch en
+natuurkundig onderzocht en beschreven</hi>
+(Amsterdam, 1862), p. 159.</note> So among the natives of Kaimani
+Bay in Dutch New Guinea the men occupy themselves only
+with fishing and hunting, while all the field work falls on
+the women.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Op. cit.</hi> p. 119; H. von Rosenberg,
+<hi rend='italic'>Der Malayische Archipel</hi> (Leipsic,
+1878), p. 433.</note> In the Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain,
+when the natives have decided to convert a piece of grass-land
+into a plantation, the men cut down the long grass,
+burn it, dig up the soil with sharp-pointed sticks, and enclose
+the land with a fence of saplings. Then the women plant
+the banana shoots, weed the ground, and in the intervals
+between the bananas insert slips of yams, sweet potatoes,
+sugar-cane, or ginger. When the produce is ripe, they carry
+it to the village. Thus the bulk of the labour of cultivation
+devolves on the women.<note place='foot'>P. A. Kleintitschen, <hi rend='italic'>Die Küstenbewohner
+der Gazellehalbinsel</hi> (Hiltrup
+bei Münster, preface dated Christmas,
+1906), pp. 60 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; G. Brown, D.D.,
+<hi rend='italic'>Melanesians and Polynesians</hi> (London,
+1910), pp. 324 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='124'/><anchor id='Pg124'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Division of
+agricultural
+work
+between
+men and
+women in
+the Indian
+Archipelago.</note>
+Among some peoples of the Indian Archipelago, after
+the land has been cleared for cultivation by the men, the
+work of planting and sowing is divided between men and
+women, the men digging holes in the ground with pointed
+sticks, and the women following them, putting the seeds or
+shoots into the holes, and then huddling the earth over
+them; for savages seldom sow broadcast, they laboriously
+dig holes and insert the seed in them. This division of
+agricultural labour between the sexes is adopted by various
+tribes of Celebes, Ceram, Borneo, Nias, and New Guinea.<note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Een en ander
+aangaande het geestelijk en maatschappelijk
+leven van den Poso-Alfoer,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xxxix.
+(1895) pp. 132, 134; J. Boot, <q>Korte
+schets der noordkust van Ceram,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch
+Aardrijkskundig Genootschap</hi>, Tweede
+Serie, x. (1893) p. 672; E. H. Gomes,
+<hi rend='italic'>Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks
+of Borneo</hi> (London, 1911), p. 46; E.
+Modigliani, <hi rend='italic'>Un Viaggio a Nías</hi> (Milan,
+1890), pp. 590 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; K. Vetter, <hi rend='italic'>Komm
+herüber und hilf uns!</hi> Heft 2
+(Barmen, 1898), pp. 6 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; Ch. Keysser,
+<q>Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,</q> in
+R. Neuhauss, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsch Neu-Guinea</hi>,
+iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 14, 85.</note>
+Sometimes the custom of entrusting the sowing of the seed
+to women appears to be influenced by superstitious as well as
+economic considerations. Thus among the Indians of the
+Orinoco, who with an infinitude of pains cleared the jungle
+for cultivation by cutting down the forest trees with their
+stone axes, burning the fallen lumber, and breaking up the
+ground with wooden instruments hardened in the fire, the
+task of sowing the maize and planting the roots was
+performed by the women alone; and when the Spanish
+missionaries expostulated with the men for not helping their
+wives in this toilsome duty, they received for answer that as
+women knew how to conceive seed and bear children, so the
+seeds and roots planted by them bore fruit far more
+abundantly than if they had been planted by male hands.<note place='foot'>J. Gumilla, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire Naturelle,
+Civile et Géographique de l'Orénoque</hi>
+(Avignon, 1758), ii. 166 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 183 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>
+Compare <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, i. 139 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Among
+savages
+who have
+not learned
+to till the
+ground the
+task of
+collecting
+the vegetable food
+in the form
+of wild
+seeds and
+roots
+generally
+devolves on
+women.
+Examples
+furnished
+by the
+Californian
+Indians.</note>
+Even among savages who have not yet learned to
+cultivate any plants the task of collecting the edible seeds
+and digging up the edible roots of wild plants appears to
+devolve mainly on women, while the men contribute their
+share to the common food supply by hunting and fishing,
+for which their superior strength, agility, and courage especially
+<pb n='125'/><anchor id='Pg125'/>
+qualify them. For example, among the Indians of
+California, who were entirely ignorant of agriculture, the
+general division of labour between the sexes in the search
+for food was that the men killed the game and caught the
+salmon, while the women dug the roots and brought in
+most of the vegetable food, though the men helped them to
+gather acorns, nuts, and berries.<note place='foot'>S. Powers, <hi rend='italic'>Tribes of California</hi>
+(Washington, 1877), p. 23.</note> Among the Indians of
+San Juan Capistrano in California, while the men passed
+their time in fowling, fishing, dancing, and lounging, <q>the
+women were obliged to gather seeds in the fields, prepare
+them for cooking, and to perform all the meanest offices, as
+well as the most laborious. It was painful in the extreme,
+to behold them, with their infants hanging upon their
+shoulders, groping about in search of herbs or seeds, and
+exposed as they frequently were to the inclemency of the
+weather.</q><note place='foot'>Father Geronimo Boscana, <q>Chinigchinich,</q>
+in [A. Robinson's] <hi rend='italic'>Life in
+California</hi> (New York, 1846), p. 287.
+Elsewhere the same well-informed
+writer observes of these Indians that
+<q>they neither cultivated the ground,
+nor planted any kind of grain; but
+lived upon the wild seeds of the field,
+the fruits of the forest, and upon the
+abundance of game</q> (<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 285).</note> Yet these rude savages possessed a calendar
+containing directions as to the seasons for collecting the
+different seeds and produce of the earth. The calendar
+consisted of lunar months corrected by observation of the
+solstices, <q>for at the conclusion of the moon in December,
+that is, at the conjunction, they calculated the return of the
+sun from the tropic of Capricorn; and another year commenced,
+the Indian saying <q>the sun has arrived at his home.</q> ...
+They observed with greater attention and celebrated
+with more pomp, the sun's arrival at the tropic of Capricorn
+than they did his reaching the tropic of Cancer, for the
+reason, that, as they were situated ten degrees from the
+latter, they were pleased at the sun's approach towards
+them; for it returned to ripen their fruits and seeds, to give
+warmth to the atmosphere, and enliven again the fields with
+beauty and increase.</q> However, the knowledge of the calendar
+was limited to the <foreign rend='italic'>puplem</foreign> or general council of the tribe, who
+sent criers to make proclamation when the time had come
+to go forth and gather the seeds and other produce of the
+earth. In their calculations they were assisted by a <foreign rend='italic'>pul</foreign> or
+<pb n='126'/><anchor id='Pg126'/>
+astrologer, who observed the aspect of the moon.<note place='foot'>Father Geronimo Boscana, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi>
+pp. 302-305. As to the <foreign rend='italic'>puplem</foreign>, see
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi> p. 264. The writer says that criers
+informed the people <q>when to cultivate
+their fields</q> (p. 302). But taken
+along with his express statement that
+they <q>neither cultivated the ground,
+nor planted any kind of grain</q> (p. 285,
+see above, p. 125 note 2), this expression
+<q>to cultivate their fields</q> must
+be understood loosely to denote merely
+the gathering of the wild seeds and
+fruits.</note> When
+we consider that these rude Californian savages, destitute
+alike of agriculture and of the other arts of civilised life, yet
+succeeded in forming for themselves a calendar based on
+observation both of the moon and of the sun, we need not
+hesitate to ascribe to the immeasurably more advanced
+Greeks at the dawn of history the knowledge of a somewhat
+more elaborate calendar founded on a cycle of eight
+solar years.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg081'>81</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Among the
+aborigines
+of Australia
+the
+women
+provided
+the vegetable
+food,
+while the
+men
+hunted.</note>
+Among the equally rude aborigines of Australia, to
+whom agriculture in every form was totally unknown, the
+division of labour between the sexes in regard to the collection
+of food appears to have been similar. While the men
+hunted game, the labour of gathering and preparing the
+vegetable food fell chiefly to the women. Thus with regard
+to the Encounter Bay tribe of South Australia we are told
+that while the men busied themselves, according to the
+season, either with fishing or with hunting emus, opossums,
+kangaroos, and so forth, the women and children searched
+for roots and plants.<note place='foot'>H. E. A. Meyer, <q>Manners and
+Customs of the Encounter Bay Tribe,</q>
+in <hi rend='italic'>Native Tribes of South Australia</hi>
+(Adelaide, 1879), pp. 191 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Again, among the natives of Western
+Australia <q>it is generally considered the province of women
+to dig roots, and for this purpose they carry a long, pointed
+stick, which is held in the right hand, and driven firmly
+into the ground, where it is shaken, so as to loosen the
+earth, which is scooped up and thrown out with the fingers
+of the left hand, and in this manner they dig with great
+rapidity. But the labour, in proportion to the amount
+obtained, is great. To get a yam about half an inch in
+circumference and a foot in length, they have to dig a hole
+above a foot square and two feet in depth; a considerable
+portion of the time of the women and children is, therefore,
+passed in this employment. If the men are absent upon
+any expedition, the females are left in charge of one who is
+<pb n='127'/><anchor id='Pg127'/>
+old or sick; and in traversing the bush you often stumble
+on a large party of them, scattered about in the forest,
+digging roots and collecting the different species of fungus.</q><note place='foot'>(Sir) George Grey, <hi rend='italic'>Journals of
+Two Expeditions of Discovery in
+North-West and Western Australia</hi>
+(London, 1841), ii. 292 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The
+women also collect the nuts from the
+palms in the month of March (<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>
+ii. 296).</note>
+In fertile districts, where the yams which the aborigines use
+as food grow abundantly, the ground may sometimes be seen
+riddled with holes made by the women in their search for
+these edible roots. Thus to quote Sir George Grey: <q>We
+now crossed the dry bed of a stream, and from that emerged
+upon a tract of light fertile soil, quite overrun with <foreign rend='italic'>warran</foreign>
+[yam] plants, the root of which is a favourite article of food
+with the natives. This was the first time we had yet seen
+this plant on our journey, and now for three and a half consecutive
+miles we traversed a fertile piece of land, literally
+perforated with the holes the natives had made to dig this
+root; indeed we could with difficulty walk across it on that
+account, whilst this tract extended east and west as far as
+we could see.</q><note place='foot'>(Sir) George Grey, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. 12.
+The yam referred to is a species of
+<foreign rend='italic'>Diascorea</foreign>, like the sweet potato.</note> Again, in the valley of the Lower Murray
+River a kind of yam (<foreign rend='italic'>Microseris Forsteri</foreign>) grew plentifully
+and was easily found in the spring and early summer, when
+the roots were dug up out of the earth by the women and
+children. The root is small and of a sweetish taste and
+grows throughout the greater part of Australia outside
+the tropics; on the alpine pastures of the high Australian
+mountains it attains to a much larger size and furnishes a
+not unpalatable food.<note place='foot'>R. Brough Smyth, <hi rend='italic'>The Aborigines
+of Victoria</hi> (Melbourne, 1878), i. 209.</note> But the women gather edible herbs
+and seeds as well as roots; and at evening they may be
+seen trooping in to the camp, each with a great bundle of
+sow-thistles, dandelions, or trefoil on her head,<note place='foot'>P. Beveridge, <q>Of the Aborigines
+inhabiting the Great Lacustrine and
+Riverine Depression of the Lower
+Murray, Lower Murrumbidgee, Lower
+Lachlan, and Lower Darling,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal
+and Proceedings of the Royal Society of
+New South Wales for 1883</hi>, vol. xvii.
+(Sydney, 1884) p. 36.</note> or carrying
+wooden vessels filled with seeds, which they afterwards
+grind up between stones and knead into a paste with water
+or bake into cakes.<note place='foot'>R. Brough Smyth, <hi rend='italic'>The Aborigines
+of Victoria</hi>, i. 214.</note> Among the aborigines of central
+Victoria, while the men hunted, the women dug up edible
+<pb n='128'/><anchor id='Pg128'/>
+roots and gathered succulent vegetables, such as the young
+tops of the <foreign rend='italic'>munya</foreign>, the sow-thistle, and several kinds of fig-marigold.
+The implement which they used to dig up roots
+with was a pole seven or eight feet long, hardened in the
+fire and pointed at the end, which also served them as a
+weapon both of defence and of offence.<note place='foot'>W. Stanbridge, <q>Some Particulars
+of the General Characteristics, Astronomy,
+and Mythology of the Tribes in
+the Central Part of Victoria, South
+Australia,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Transactions of the Ethnological
+Society of London</hi>, N.S., i. (1861)
+p. 291.</note> Among the tribes of
+Central Australia the principal vegetable food is the seed of
+a species of Claytonia, called by white men <foreign rend='italic'>munyeru</foreign>, which
+the women gather in large quantities and winnow by pouring
+the little black seeds from one vessel to another so as to let
+the wind blow the loose husks away.<note place='foot'>Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen,
+<hi rend='italic'>Native Tribes of Central Australia</hi>
+(London, 1899), p. 22.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+digging of
+the earth
+for wild
+fruits may
+have led to
+the origin
+of agriculture.</note>
+In these customs observed by savages who are totally
+ignorant of agriculture we may perhaps detect some of the
+steps by which mankind have advanced from the enjoyment
+of the wild fruits of the earth to the systematic cultivation
+of plants. For an effect of digging up the earth in the
+search for roots has probably been in many cases to enrich
+and fertilise the soil and so to increase the crop of roots or
+herbs; and such an increase would naturally attract the
+natives in larger numbers and enable them to subsist for
+longer periods on the spot without being compelled by the
+speedy exhaustion of the crop to shift their quarters and
+wander away in search of fresh supplies. Moreover, the
+winnowing of the seeds on ground which had thus been
+turned up by the digging-sticks of the women would naturally
+contribute to the same result. For though savages at the
+level of the Californian Indians and the aborigines of
+Australia have no idea of using seeds for any purpose but
+that of immediate consumption, and it has never occurred to
+them to incur a temporary loss for the sake of a future gain
+by sowing them in the ground, yet it is almost certain that
+in the process of winnowing the seeds as a preparation for
+eating them many of the grains must have escaped and,
+being wafted by the wind, have fallen on the upturned soil
+and borne fruit. Thus by the operations of turning up the
+ground and winnowing the seed, though neither operation
+<pb n='129'/><anchor id='Pg129'/>
+aimed at anything beyond satisfying the immediate pangs
+of hunger, savage man or rather savage woman was unconsciously
+preparing for the whole community a future and
+more abundant store of food, which would enable them to
+multiply and to abandon the old migratory and wasteful
+manner of life for a more settled and economic mode of
+existence. So curiously sometimes does man, aiming his
+shafts at a near but petty mark, hit a greater and more
+distant target.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The discovery
+of
+agriculture
+due mainly
+to women.</note>
+On the whole, then, it appears highly probable that as a
+consequence of a certain natural division of labour between
+the sexes women have contributed more than men towards
+the greatest advance in economic history, namely, the
+transition from a nomadic to a settled life, from a natural to
+an artificial basis of subsistence.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Women as
+agricultural
+labourers
+among the
+Aryans of
+Europe.
+The Greek
+conception
+of the
+Corn
+Goddess
+probably
+originated
+in a simple
+personification
+of
+the corn.</note>
+Among the Aryan peoples of Europe the old practice
+of hoeing the ground as a preparation for sowing appears to
+have been generally replaced at a very remote period by
+the far more effective process of ploughing;<note place='foot'>O. Schrader, <hi rend='italic'>Reallexikon der indogermanischen
+Altertumskunde</hi> (Strasburg,
+1901), pp. 6 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 630 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi>
+(Jena, 1905-1907), ii. 201 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; H.
+Hirt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Indogermanen</hi>, i. 251 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>,
+263, 274. The use of oxen to draw
+the plough is very ancient in Europe.
+On the rocks at Bohuslän in Sweden
+there is carved a rude representation
+of a plough drawn by oxen and guided
+by a ploughman: it is believed to date
+from the Bronze Age. See H. Hirt,
+<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i. 286.</note> and as the
+labour of ploughing practically necessitates the employment
+of masculine strength, it is hardly to be expected that in
+Europe many traces should remain of the important part
+formerly played by women in primitive agriculture. However,
+we are told that among the Iberians of Spain and the
+Athamanes of Epirus the women tilled the ground,<note place='foot'>Strabo, iii. 4. 17, p. 165; Heraclides
+Ponticus, <q>De rebus publicis,</q> 33,
+in <hi rend='italic'>Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum</hi>,
+ed. C. Müller, ii. 219.</note> and
+that among the ancient Germans the care of the fields was
+left to the women and old men.<note place='foot'>Tacitus, <hi rend='italic'>Germania</hi>, 15.</note> But these indications of
+an age when the cultivation of the ground was committed
+mainly to feminine hands are few and slight; and if the
+Greek conception of Demeter as a goddess of corn and
+agriculture really dates from such an age and was directly
+suggested by such a division of labour between the sexes, it
+<pb n='130'/><anchor id='Pg130'/>
+seems clear that its origin must be sought at a period far
+back in the history of the Aryan race, perhaps long before
+the segregation of the Greeks from the common stock and
+their formation into a separate people. It may be so, but
+to me I confess that this derivation of the conception appears
+somewhat far-fetched and improbable; and I prefer to suppose
+that the idea of the corn as feminine was suggested
+to the Greek mind, not by the position of women in remote
+prehistoric ages, but by a direct observation of nature, the
+teeming head of corn appearing to the primitive fancy to
+resemble the teeming womb of a woman, and the ripe ear
+on the stalk being likened to a child borne in the arms or
+on the back of its mother. At least we know that similar
+sights suggest similar ideas to some of the agricultural
+negroes of West Africa. Thus the Hos of Togoland, who
+plant maize in February and reap it in July, say that the
+maize is an image of a mother; when the cobs are forming,
+the mother is binding the infant on her back, but in July
+she sinks her head and dies and the child is taken away
+from her, to be afterwards multiplied at the next sowing.<note place='foot'>J. Spieth, <hi rend='italic'>Die Ewe-Stämme</hi> (Berlin,
+1906), p. 313.</note>
+When the rude aborigines of Western Australia observe that
+a seed-bearing plant has flowered, they call it the Mother of
+So-and-so, naming the particular kind of plant, and they
+will not allow it to be dug up.<note place='foot'>(Sir) G. Grey, <hi rend='italic'>Journals of Two
+Expeditions of Discovery in North-west
+and Western Australia</hi> (London, 1841),
+ii. 292.</note> Apparently they think that
+respect and regard are due to the plant as to a mother and
+her child. Such simple and natural comparisons, which
+may occur to men in any age and country, suffice to
+explain the Greek personification of the corn as mother and
+daughter, and we need not cast about for more recondite
+theories. Be that as it may, the conception of the corn as
+a woman and a mother was certainly not peculiar to the
+ancient Greeks, but has been shared by them with many
+other races, as will appear abundantly from the instances
+which I shall cite in the following chapter.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='131'/><anchor id='Pg131'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter V. The Corn-Mother and the Corn-Maiden in
+Northern Europe.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Suggested
+derivation
+of the name
+Demeter.</note>
+It has been argued by W. Mannhardt that the first part
+of Demeter's name is derived from an alleged Cretan word
+<foreign rend='italic'>deai</foreign>, <q>barley,</q> and that accordingly Demeter means neither
+more nor less than <q>Barley-mother</q> or <q>Corn-mother</q>;<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi> (Strasburg, 1884), pp.
+292 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> See above, p. <ref target='Pg040'>40</ref>, note 3.</note>
+for the root of the word seems to have been applied to
+different kinds of grain by different branches of the Aryans.<note place='foot'>O. Schrader, <hi rend='italic'>Reallexikon der indogermanischen
+Altertumskunde</hi> (Strasburg,
+1901), pp. 11, 289; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Sprachvergleichung
+und Urgeschichte</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Jena,
+1890), pp. 409, 422; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Sprachvergleichung
+und Urgeschichte</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi> (Jena,
+1905-1907), ii. 188 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare V.
+Hehn, <hi rend='italic'>Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere
+in ihrem Uebergang aus Asien</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>7</hi> (Berlin,
+1902), pp. 58 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+As Crete appears to have been one of the most ancient
+seats of the worship of Demeter,<note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Theog.</hi> 969 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; F.
+Lenormant, in Daremberg et Saglio,
+<hi rend='italic'>Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques
+et Romaines</hi>, i. 2, p. 1029; Kern, in
+Pauly-Wissowa's <hi rend='italic'>Real-Encyclopädie
+der classischen Altertumswissenschaft</hi>,
+iv. 2, coll. 2720 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> it would not be surprising
+if her name were of Cretan origin. But the etymology is
+open to serious objections,<note place='foot'>My friend Professor J. H. Moulton
+tells me that there is great doubt as to
+the existence of a word δηαί, <q>barley</q>
+(<hi rend='italic'>Etymologicum Magnum</hi>, p. 264, lines
+12 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>), and that the common form of
+Demeter's name, <foreign lang='el' rend='italic'>Dâmâter</foreign> (except in
+Ionic and Attic) is inconsistent with η
+in the supposed Cretan form. <q>Finally
+if δηαί = ζειαί, you are bound to regard
+her as a Cretan goddess, or as arising
+in some other area where the dialect
+changed Indogermanic <foreign rend='italic'>y</foreign> into δ and
+not ζ: since Ionic and Attic have ζ,
+the two crucial letters of the name tell
+different tales</q> (Professor J. H.
+Moulton, in a letter to me, dated 19
+December 1903).</note> and it is safer therefore to lay
+no stress on it. Be that as it may, we have found independent
+reasons for identifying Demeter as the Corn-mother,
+and of the two species of corn associated with her in Greek
+<pb n='132'/><anchor id='Pg132'/>
+religion, namely barley and wheat, the barley has perhaps
+the better claim to be her original element; for not only
+would it seem to have been the staple food of the Greeks in
+the Homeric age, but there are grounds for believing that it
+is one of the oldest, if not the very oldest, cereal cultivated
+by the Aryan race. Certainly the use of barley in the
+religious ritual of the ancient Hindoos as well as of the
+ancient Greeks furnishes a strong argument in favour of the
+great antiquity of its cultivation, which is known to have
+been practised by the lake-dwellers of the Stone Age in
+Europe.<note place='foot'>A. Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Die Herabkunft des
+Feuers und des Göttertranks</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Gütersloh,
+1886), pp. 68 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; O. Schrader,
+<hi rend='italic'>Reallexikon der indogermanischen
+Altertumskunde</hi>, pp. 11, 12, 289; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>3</hi>
+ii. 189, 191, 197 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; H. Hirt, <hi rend='italic'>Die
+Indogermanen</hi> (Strasburg, 1905-1907),
+i. 276 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> In the oldest Vedic ritual
+barley and not rice is the cereal chiefly
+employed. See H. Oldenberg, <hi rend='italic'>Die
+Religion des Veda</hi> (Berlin, 1894), p. 353.
+For evidence that barley was cultivated
+in Europe by the lake-dwellers of the
+Stone Age, see A. de Candolle, <hi rend='italic'>Origin
+of Cultivated Plants</hi> (London, 1884),
+pp. 368, 369; R. Munro, <hi rend='italic'>The Lake-dwellings
+of Europe</hi> (London, Paris,
+and Melbourne, 1890), pp. 497 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>
+According to Pliny (<hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> xviii.
+72) barley was the oldest of all foods.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Analogies to the Corn-mother or Barley-mother of
+ancient Greece have been collected in great abundance by
+W. Mannhardt from the folk-lore of modern Europe. The
+following may serve as specimens.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Corn-mother
+among the
+Germans
+and the
+Slavs.</note>
+In Germany the corn is very commonly personified
+under the name of the Corn-mother. Thus in spring, when
+the corn waves in the wind, the peasants say, <q>There comes
+the Corn-mother,</q> or <q>The Corn-mother is running over the
+field,</q> or <q>The Corn-mother is going through the corn.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi> (Strasburg, 1884), p. 296.
+Compare O. Hartung, <q>Zur Volkskunde
+aus Anhalt,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift des
+Vereins für Volkskunde</hi>, vii. (1897)
+p. 150.</note>
+When children wish to go into the fields to pull the blue
+corn-flowers or the red poppies, they are told not to do so,
+because the Corn-mother is sitting in the corn and will
+catch them.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi> (Strasburg, 1884), p. 297.</note> Or again she is called, according to the crop,
+the Rye-mother or the Pea-mother, and children are warned
+against straying in the rye or among the peas by threats of
+the Rye-mother or the Pea-mother. In Norway also the
+Pea-mother is said to sit among the peas.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 297 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Similar
+expressions are current among the Slavs. The Poles and
+<pb n='133'/><anchor id='Pg133'/>
+Czechs warn children against the Corn-mother who sits in
+the corn. Or they call her the old Corn-woman, and say
+that she sits in the corn and strangles the children who
+tread it down.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 299. Compare R. Andree,
+<hi rend='italic'>Braunschweiger Volkskunde</hi> (Brunswick,
+1896), p. 281.</note> The Lithuanians say, <q>The Old Rye-woman
+sits in the corn.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 300.</note> Again the Corn-mother is
+believed to make the crop grow. Thus in the neighbourhood
+of Magdeburg it is sometimes said, <q>It will be a good
+year for flax; the Flax-mother has been seen.</q> At
+Dinkelsbühl, in Bavaria, down to the latter part of the nineteenth
+century, people believed that when the crops on a
+particular farm compared unfavourably with those of the
+neighbourhood, the reason was that the Corn-mother had
+punished the farmer for his sins.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 310.</note> In a village of Styria it is
+said that the Corn-mother, in the shape of a female puppet
+made out of the last sheaf of corn and dressed in white, may
+be seen at midnight in the corn-fields, which she fertilises
+by passing through them; but if she is angry with a farmer,
+she withers up all his corn.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 310 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare O.
+Hartung, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Corn-mother
+in
+the last
+sheaf. Fertilising
+power of
+the Corn-mother. The Corn-mother
+in
+the last
+sheaf
+among the
+Slavs and
+in France.</note>
+Further, the Corn-mother plays an important part in
+harvest customs. She is believed to be present in the
+handful of corn which is left standing last on the field; and
+with the cutting of this last handful she is caught, or driven
+away, or killed. In the first of these cases, the last sheaf
+is carried joyfully home and honoured as a divine being.
+It is placed in the barn, and at threshing the corn-spirit
+appears again.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 316.</note> In the Hanoverian district of Hadeln the
+reapers stand round the last sheaf and beat it with sticks
+in order to drive the Corn-mother out of it. They call to
+each other, <q>There she is! hit her! Take care she doesn't
+catch you!</q> The beating goes on till the grain is completely
+threshed out; then the Corn-mother is believed to
+be driven away.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 316.</note> In the neighbourhood of Danzig the
+person who cuts the last ears of corn makes them into a
+doll, which is called the Corn-mother or the Old Woman
+and is brought home on the last waggon.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 316 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In some parts
+<pb n='134'/><anchor id='Pg134'/>
+of Holstein the last sheaf is dressed in woman's clothes and
+called the Corn-mother. It is carried home on the last
+waggon, and then thoroughly drenched with water. The
+drenching with water is doubtless a rain-charm.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 317. As to such rain-charms
+see <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>,
+Second Edition, pp. 195-197.</note> In the
+district of Bruck in Styria the last sheaf, called the Corn-mother,
+is made up into the shape of a woman by the
+oldest married woman in the village, of an age from fifty to
+fifty-five years. The finest ears are plucked out of it and
+made into a wreath, which, twined with flowers, is carried on
+her head by the prettiest girl of the village to the farmer or
+squire, while the Corn-mother is laid down in the barn to
+keep off the mice.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 317.</note> In other villages of the same district
+the Corn-mother, at the close of harvest, is carried by two
+lads at the top of a pole. They march behind the girl who
+wears the wreath to the squire's house, and while he receives
+the wreath and hangs it up in the hall, the Corn-mother is
+placed on the top of a pile of wood, where she is the centre
+of the harvest supper and dance. Afterwards she is hung
+up in the barn and remains there till the threshing is over.
+The man who gives the last stroke at threshing is called the
+son of the Corn-mother; he is tied up in the Corn-mother,
+beaten, and carried through the village. The wreath is
+dedicated in church on the following Sunday; and on
+Easter Eve the grain is rubbed out of it by a seven-years-old
+girl and scattered amongst the young corn. At Christmas
+the straw of the wreath is placed in the manger to
+make the cattle thrive.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 317 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Here the fertilising power of the
+Corn-mother is plainly brought out by scattering the seed
+taken from her body (for the wreath is made out of the
+Corn-mother) among the new corn; and her influence over
+animal life is indicated by placing the straw in the manger.
+At Westerhüsen, in Saxony, the last corn cut is made in the
+shape of a woman decked with ribbons and cloth. It is
+fastened to a pole and brought home on the last waggon.
+One of the people in the waggon keeps waving the pole,
+so that the figure moves as if alive. It is placed on the
+threshing-floor, and stays there till the threshing is done.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 318.</note>
+<pb n='135'/><anchor id='Pg135'/>
+Amongst the Slavs also the last sheaf is known as the
+Rye-mother, the Wheat-mother, the Oats-mother, the
+Barley-mother, and so on, according to the crop. In the
+district of Tarnow, Galicia, the wreath made out of the last
+stalks is called the Wheat-mother, Rye-mother, or Pea-mother.
+It is placed on a girl's head and kept till spring,
+when some of the grain is mixed with the seed-corn.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> Here
+again the fertilising power of the Corn-mother is indicated.
+In France, also, in the neighbourhood of Auxerre, the last
+sheaf goes by the name of the Mother of the Wheat, Mother
+of the Barley, Mother of the Rye, or Mother of the Oats.
+They leave it standing in the field till the last waggon is
+about to wend homewards. Then they make a puppet out
+of it, dress it with clothes belonging to the farmer, and adorn
+it with a crown and a blue or white scarf. A branch of a tree
+is stuck in the breast of the puppet, which is now called the
+Ceres. At the dance in the evening the Ceres is set in the
+middle of the floor, and the reaper who reaped fastest dances
+round it with the prettiest girl for his partner. After the
+dance a pyre is made. All the girls, each wearing a wreath,
+strip the puppet, pull it to pieces, and place it on the pyre,
+along with the flowers with which it was adorned. Then
+the girl who was the first to finish reaping sets fire to the
+pile, and all pray that Ceres may give a fruitful year. Here,
+as Mannhardt observes, the old custom has remained intact,
+though the name Ceres is a bit of schoolmaster's learning.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 318
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+In Upper Brittany the last sheaf is always made into human
+shape; but if the farmer is a married man, it is made double
+and consists of a little corn-puppet placed inside of a large
+one. This is called the Mother-sheaf. It is delivered to the
+farmer's wife, who unties it and gives drink-money in return.<note place='foot'>P. Sébillot, <hi rend='italic'>Coutumes populaires
+de la Haute-Bretagne</hi> (Paris, 1886),
+p. 306.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Harvest-mother
+or
+the Great
+Mother in
+the last
+sheaf.</note>
+Sometimes the last sheaf is called, not the Corn-mother,
+but the Harvest-mother or the Great Mother. In the
+province of Osnabrück, Hanover, it is called the Harvest-mother;
+it is made up in female form, and then the reapers
+dance about with it. In some parts of Westphalia the last
+sheaf at the rye-harvest is made especially heavy by fastening
+<pb n='136'/><anchor id='Pg136'/>
+stones in it. They bring it home on the last waggon
+and call it the Great Mother, though they do not fashion
+it into any special shape. In the district of Erfurt a very
+heavy sheaf, not necessarily the last, is called the Great
+Mother, and is carried on the last waggon to the barn,
+where all hands lift it down amid a fire of jokes.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 319.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Grandmother
+in
+the last
+sheaf.</note>
+Sometimes again the last sheaf is called the Grandmother,
+and is adorned with flowers, ribbons, and a woman's
+apron. In East Prussia, at the rye or wheat harvest, the
+reapers call out to the woman who binds the last sheaf,
+<q>You are getting the Old Grandmother.</q> In the neighbourhood
+of Magdeburg the men and women servants strive
+who shall get the last sheaf, called the Grandmother. Whoever
+gets it will be married in the next year, but his or
+her spouse will be old; if a girl gets it, she will marry a
+widower; if a man gets it, he will marry an old crone. In
+Silesia the Grandmother&mdash;a huge bundle made up of three
+or four sheaves by the person who tied the last sheaf&mdash;was
+formerly fashioned into a rude likeness of the human form.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 320.</note>
+In the neighbourhood of Belfast the last sheaf sometimes
+goes by the name of the Granny. It is not cut in the usual
+way, but all the reapers throw their sickles at it and try to
+bring it down. It is plaited and kept till the (next?) autumn.
+Whoever gets it will marry in the course of the year.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 321.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Old
+Woman or
+the Old
+Man in the
+last sheaf.</note>
+Oftener the last sheaf is called the Old Woman or the
+Old Man. In Germany it is frequently shaped and dressed
+as a woman, and the person who cuts it or binds it is said to
+<q>get the Old Woman.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 321, 323, 325 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At Altisheim, in Swabia, when all
+the corn of a farm has been cut except a single strip, all
+the reapers stand in a row before the strip; each cuts his
+share rapidly, and he who gives the last cut <q>has the Old
+Woman.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 323; F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag
+zur deutschen Mythologie</hi> (Munich,
+1848-1855), ii. p. 219, § 403.</note> When the sheaves are being set up in heaps,
+the person who gets hold of the Old Woman, which is the
+largest and thickest of all the sheaves, is jeered at by the
+rest, who call out to him, <q>He has the Old Woman and
+must keep her.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 325.</note> The woman who binds the last sheaf is
+<pb n='137'/><anchor id='Pg137'/>
+sometimes herself called the Old Woman, and it is said
+that she will be married in the next year.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 323.</note> In Neusaass,
+West Prussia, both the last sheaf&mdash;which is dressed up in
+jacket, hat, and ribbons&mdash;and the woman who binds it are
+called the Old Woman. Together they are brought home
+on the last waggon and are drenched with water.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> In
+various parts of North Germany the last sheaf at harvest is
+made up into a human effigy and called <q>the Old Man</q>;
+and the woman who bound it is said <q>to have the Old
+Man.</q><note place='foot'>A. Kuhn and W. Schwartz,
+<hi rend='italic'>Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und
+Gebräuche</hi> (Leipsic, 1848), pp. 396 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+399; K. Bartsch, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Märchen und
+Gebräuche aus Meklenburg</hi> (Vienna,
+1879-1880), ii. 309, § 1494.</note> At Hornkampe, near Tiegenhof (West Prussia),
+when a man or woman lags behind the rest in binding the
+corn, the other reapers dress up the last sheaf in the form of
+a man or woman, and this figure goes by the laggard's
+name, as <q>the old Michael,</q> <q>the idle Trine.</q> It is brought
+home on the last waggon, and, as it nears the house, the
+bystanders call out to the laggard, <q>You have got the Old
+Woman and must keep her.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 323
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In Brandenburg the young
+folks on the harvest-field race towards a sheaf and jump
+over it. The last to jump over it has to carry a straw
+puppet, adorned with ribbons, to the farmer and deliver it to
+him while he recites some verses. Of the person who thus
+carries the puppet it is said that <q>he has the Old Man.</q>
+Probably the puppet is or used to be made out of the last corn
+cut.<note place='foot'>H. Prahn, <q>Glaube und Brauch
+in der Mark Brandenburg,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift
+des Vereins für Volkskunde</hi>, i. (1891)
+pp. 186 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In many districts of Saxony the last sheaf used to be
+adorned with ribbons and set upright so as to look like a
+man. It was then known as <q>the Old Man,</q> and the
+young women brought it back in procession to the farm,
+singing as they went, <q>Now we are bringing the Old Man.</q><note place='foot'>K. Haupt, <hi rend='italic'>Sagenbuch der Lausitz</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1862-1863), i. p. 233, No.
+277 note.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Old
+Man or
+the Old
+Woman in
+the last
+sheaf.</note>
+In West Prussia, when the last rye is being raked
+together, the women and girls hurry with the work, for none
+of them likes to be the last and to get <q>the Old Man,</q> that
+is, a puppet made out of the last sheaf, which must be carried
+before the other reapers by the person who was the last
+<pb n='138'/><anchor id='Pg138'/>
+to finish.<note place='foot'>R. Krause, <hi rend='italic'>Sitten, Gebräuche und
+Aberglauben in Westpreussen</hi> (Berlin,
+preface dated March 1904), p. 51.</note> In Silesia the last sheaf is called the Old Woman
+or the Old Man and is the theme of many jests; it is made
+unusually large and is sometimes weighted with a stone.
+At Girlachsdorf, near Reichenbach, when this heavy sheaf is
+lifted into the waggon, they say, <q>That is the Old Man
+whom we sought for so long.</q><note place='foot'>P. Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906),
+ii. 65 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Among the Germans of
+West Bohemia the man who cuts the last corn is said to
+<q>have the Old Man.</q> In former times it used to be
+customary to put a wreath on his head and to play all kinds
+of pranks with him, and at the harvest supper he was given
+the largest portion.<note place='foot'>A. John, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen</hi>
+(Prague, 1905), p. 189.</note> At Wolletz in Westphalia the last
+sheaf at harvest is called the Old Man, and being made up
+into the likeness of a man and decorated with flowers it is
+presented to the farmer, who in return prepares a feast for the
+reapers. About Unna, in Westphalia, the last sheaf at
+harvest is made unusually large, and stones are inserted to
+increase its weight. It is called <foreign rend='italic'>de greaute meaur</foreign> (the Grey
+Mother?), and when it is brought home on the waggon
+water is thrown on the harvesters who accompany it.<note place='foot'>A. Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Gebräuche und
+Märchen aus Westfalen</hi> (Leipsic, 1859),
+ii. 184, §§ 512 b, 514.</note>
+Among the Wends the man or woman who binds the last
+sheaf at wheat harvest is said to <q>have the Old Man.</q>
+A puppet is made out of the wheaten straw and ears in the
+likeness of a man and decked with flowers. The person
+who bound the last sheaf must carry the Old Man home,
+while the rest laugh and jeer at him. The puppet is hung
+up in the farmhouse and remains till a new Old Man is
+made at the next harvest.<note place='foot'>W. von Schulenburg, <hi rend='italic'>Wendisches
+Volksthum</hi> (Berlin, 1882), p. 147.</note> At the close of the harvest the
+Arabs of Moab bury the last sheaf in a grave in the cornfield,
+saying as they do so, <q>We are burying the Old Man,</q>
+or <q>The Old Man is dead.</q><note place='foot'>A. Jaussen, <hi rend='italic'>Coutumes des Arabes
+au pays de Moab</hi> (Paris, 1908), pp.
+252 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Identification
+of the
+harvester
+with the
+corn-spirit.</note>
+In some of these customs, as Mannhardt has remarked,
+the person who is called by the same name as the last sheaf
+and sits beside it on the last waggon is obviously identified
+<pb n='139'/><anchor id='Pg139'/>
+with it; he or she represents the corn-spirit which has been
+caught in the last sheaf; in other words, the corn-spirit is
+represented in duplicate, by a human being and by a sheaf.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 324.</note>
+The identification of the person with the sheaf is made still
+clearer by the custom of wrapping up in the last sheaf the
+person who cuts or binds it. Thus at Hermsdorf in Silesia
+it used to be the regular practice to tie up in the last sheaf
+the woman who had bound it.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 320.</note> At Weiden, in Bavaria, it
+is the cutter, not the binder, of the last sheaf who is tied
+up in it.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 325.</note> Here the person wrapt up in the corn represents
+the corn-spirit, exactly as a person wrapt in branches
+or leaves represents the tree-spirit.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, ii. 74 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The last
+sheaf made
+unusually
+large and
+heavy.</note>
+The last sheaf, designated as the Old Woman, is often
+distinguished from the other sheaves by its size and weight.
+Thus in some villages of West Prussia the Old Woman is
+made twice as long and thick as a common sheaf, and a
+stone is fastened in the middle of it. Sometimes it is made
+so heavy that a man can barely lift it.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 324.</note> At Alt-Pillau,
+in Samland, eight or nine sheaves are often tied together
+to make the Old Woman, and the man who sets it up
+grumbles at its weight.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 324 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At Itzgrund, in Saxe-Coburg,
+the last sheaf, called the Old Woman, is made large with
+the express intention of thereby securing a good crop next
+year.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 325. The author of <hi rend='italic'>Die
+gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie</hi> (Chemnitz,
+1759) mentions (p. 891) the
+German superstition that the last sheaf
+should be made large in order that
+all the sheaves next year may be of
+the same size; but he says nothing as
+to the shape or name of the sheaf.
+Compare A. John, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen</hi>
+(Prague, 1905), p. 188.</note> Thus the custom of making the last sheaf unusually
+large or heavy is a charm, working by sympathetic magic,
+to ensure a large and heavy crop at the following harvest.
+In Denmark also the last sheaf is made larger than the
+others, and is called the Old Rye-woman or the Old Barley-woman.
+No one likes to bind it, because whoever does so
+will be sure, they think, to marry an old man or an old
+woman. Sometimes the last wheat-sheaf, called the Old
+Wheat-woman, is made up in human shape, with head,
+<pb n='140'/><anchor id='Pg140'/>
+arms, and legs, and being dressed in clothes is carried
+home on the last waggon, while the harvesters sit beside
+it drinking and huzzaing.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 327.</note> Of the person who binds the
+last sheaf it is said, <q>She or he is the Old Rye-woman.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 328.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Carlin
+and the
+Maiden in
+Scotland.
+The Old
+Wife (<foreign rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>)
+at
+harvest in
+the Highlands
+of
+Scotland.</note>
+In Scotland, when the last corn was cut after Hallowmas,
+the female figure made out of it was sometimes called the
+Carlin or Carline, that is, the Old Woman. But if cut
+before Hallowmas, it was called the Maiden; if cut after
+sunset, it was called the Witch, being supposed to bring bad
+luck.<note place='foot'>J. Jamieson, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of the
+Scottish Language</hi>, New Edition
+(Paisley, 1879-1882), iii. 206, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+<q>Maiden</q>; W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 326.</note> Among the Highlanders of Scotland the last corn
+cut at harvest is known either as the Old Wife (<foreign rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>)
+or as the Maiden; on the whole the former name seems to
+prevail in the western and the latter in the central and
+eastern districts. Of the Maiden we shall speak presently;
+here we are dealing with the Old Wife. The following
+general account of the custom is given by a careful and
+well-informed enquirer, the Rev. J. G. Campbell, minister of
+the remote Hebridean island of Tiree: <q>The Harvest Old
+Wife (<foreign rend='italic'>a Chailleach</foreign>).&mdash;In harvest, there was a struggle to
+escape from being the last done with the shearing,<note place='foot'>That is, with the reaping.</note> and when
+tillage in common existed, instances were known of a ridge
+being left unshorn (no person would claim it) because of it
+being behind the rest. The fear entertained was that of
+having the <q>famine of the farm</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>gort a bhaile</foreign>), in the shape
+of an imaginary old woman (<foreign rend='italic'>cailleach</foreign>), to feed till next
+harvest. Much emulation and amusement arose from the
+fear of this old woman.... The first done made a doll of
+some blades of corn, which was called the <q>old wife,</q> and
+sent it to his nearest neighbour. He in turn, when ready,
+passed it to another still less expeditious, and the person it
+last remained with had <q>the old woman</q> to keep for that
+year.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. J. G. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>Superstitions
+of the Highlands and Islands of
+Scotland</hi> (Glasgow, 1900), pp. 243 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Old
+Wife
+(<foreign rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>)
+in the last
+sheaf at
+harvest in
+the islands
+of Lewis
+and Islay. The Old
+Wife at
+harvest in
+Argyleshire.
+The reaper
+of the last
+sheaf called
+the Winter.</note>
+To illustrate the custom by examples, in Bernera,
+on the west of Lewis, the harvest rejoicing goes by
+the name of the Old Wife (<foreign rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>) from the last sheaf
+<pb n='141'/><anchor id='Pg141'/>
+cut, whether in a township, farm, or croft. Where there
+are a number of crofts beside each other, there is always
+great rivalry as to who shall first finish reaping, and so
+have the Old Wife before his neighbours. Some people
+even go out on a clear night to reap their fields after their
+neighbours have retired to rest, in order that they may have
+the Old Wife first. More neighbourly habits, however,
+usually prevail, and as each finishes his own fields he goes
+to the help of another, till the whole crop is cut. The reaping
+is still done with the sickle. When the corn has been
+cut on all the crofts, the last sheaf is dressed up to look as
+like an old woman as possible. She wears a white cap, a
+dress, an apron, and a little shawl over the shoulders fastened
+with a sprig of heather. The apron is tucked up to form a
+pocket, which is stuffed with bread and cheese. A sickle,
+stuck in the string of the apron at the back, completes her
+equipment. This costume and outfit mean that the Old
+Wife is ready to bear a hand in the work of harvesting.
+At the feast which follows, the Old Wife is placed at the
+head of the table, and as the whisky goes round each of the
+company drinks to her, saying, <q>Here's to the one that has
+helped us with the harvest.</q> When the table has been
+cleared away and dancing begins, one of the lads leads out
+the Old Wife and dances with her; and if the night is fine
+the party will sometimes go out and march in a body to a
+considerable distance, singing harvest-songs, while one of
+them carries the Old Wife on his back. When the Harvest-Home
+is over, the Old Wife is shorn of her gear and used
+for ordinary purposes.<note place='foot'>R. C. Maclagan, <q>Notes on folk-lore objects collected in Argyleshire,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, vi. (1895) pp. 149 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In the island of Islay the last corn
+cut also goes by the name of the Old Wife (<foreign rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>), and
+when she has done her duty at harvest she is hung up on the
+wall and stays there till the time comes to plough the fields
+for the next year's crop. Then she is taken down, and on the
+first day when the men go to plough she is divided among
+them by the mistress of the house. They take her in their
+pockets and give her to the horses to eat when they reach
+the field. This is supposed to secure good luck for the next
+harvest, and is understood to be the proper end of the Old
+<pb n='142'/><anchor id='Pg142'/>
+Wife.<note place='foot'>R. C. Maclagan, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 151.</note> In Kintyre also the name of the Old Wife is given
+to the last corn cut.<note place='foot'>R. C. Maclagan, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 149.</note> On the shores of the beautiful Loch
+Awe, a long sheet of water, winding among soft green hills,
+above which the giant Ben Cruachan towers bold and rugged
+on the north, the harvest custom is somewhat different.
+The name of the Old Wife (<foreign rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>) is here bestowed, not
+on the last corn cut, but on the reaper who is the last to
+finish. He bears it as a term of reproach, and is not
+privileged to reap the last ears left standing. On the contrary,
+these are cut by the reaper who was the first to finish
+his <foreign rend='italic'>spagh</foreign> or strip (literally <q>claw</q>), and out of them is
+fashioned the Maiden, which is afterwards hung up, according
+to one statement, <q>for the purpose of preventing the
+death of horses in spring.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 151 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In the north-east of Scotland
+<q>the one who took the last of the grain from the field to
+the stackyard was called the <q>winter.</q> Each one did what
+could be done to avoid being the last on the field, and when
+there were several on the field there was a race to get off.
+The unfortunate <q>winter</q> was the subject of a good deal of
+teasing, and was dressed up in all the old clothes that could
+be gathered about the farm, and placed on the <q>bink</q> to eat
+his supper.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. Walter Gregor, <hi rend='italic'>Notes on the
+Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland</hi>
+(London, 1881), p. 182.</note> So in Caithness the person who cuts the last
+sheaf is called Winter and retains the name till the next
+harvest.<note place='foot'>Rev. J. Macdonald, <hi rend='italic'>Religion and
+Myth</hi> (London, 1893), p. 141.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Hag
+(<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>)
+at harvest
+in North
+Pembrokeshire.</note>
+Usages of the same sort are reported from Wales. Thus
+in North Pembrokeshire a tuft of the last corn cut, from six
+to twelve inches long, is plaited and goes by the name of the
+Hag (<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>); and quaint old customs used to be practised
+with it within the memory of many persons still alive.
+Great was the excitement among the reapers when the last
+patch of standing corn was reached. All in turn threw
+their sickles at it, and the one who succeeded in cutting it
+received a jug of home-brewed ale. The Hag (<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>) was
+then hurriedly made and taken to a neighbouring farm,
+where the reapers were still busy at their work. This was
+generally done by the ploughman; but he had to be very
+<pb n='143'/><anchor id='Pg143'/>
+careful not to be observed by his neighbours, for if they saw
+him coming and had the least suspicion of his errand they
+would soon make him retrace his steps. Creeping stealthily
+up behind a fence he waited till the foreman of his neighbour's
+reapers was just opposite him and within easy reach.
+Then he suddenly threw the Hag over the fence and, if
+possible, upon the foreman's sickle, crying out
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>Boreu y codais i,</hi></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Hwyr y dilynais i,</hi></l>
+<l><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>Ar ei gwar hi.</hi></q></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Hag
+(<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>) at
+harvest in
+South
+Pembrokeshire.
+The Carley
+at harvest
+in Antrim.</note>
+On that he took to his heels and made off as fast as he
+could run, and he was a lucky man if he escaped without
+being caught or cut by the flying sickles which the infuriated
+reapers hurled after him. In other cases the Hag was
+brought home to the farmhouse by one of the reapers. He
+did his best to bring it home dry and without being observed;
+but he was apt to be roughly handled by the people of
+the house, if they suspected his errand. Sometimes they
+stripped him of most of his clothes, sometimes they would
+drench him with water which had been carefully stored
+in buckets and pans for the purpose. If, however, he
+succeeded in bringing the Hag in dry and unobserved, the
+master of the house had to pay him a small fine; or sometimes
+a jug of beer <q>from the cask next to the wall,</q> which
+seems to have commonly held the best beer, would be
+demanded by the bearer. The Hag was then carefully
+hung on a nail in the hall or elsewhere and kept there all
+the year. The custom of bringing in the Hag (<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>) into
+the house and hanging it up still exists in some farms of
+North Pembrokeshire, but the ancient ceremonies which have
+just been described are now discontinued.<note place='foot'>D. Jenkyn Evans, in an article
+entitled <q>The Harvest Customs of
+Pembrokeshire,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Pembroke County
+Guardian</hi>, 7th December 1895. In a
+letter to me, dated 23 February 1901,
+Mr. E. S. Hartland was so good as to
+correct the Welsh words in the text.
+He tells me that they mean literally,
+<q>I rose early, I pursued late on her
+neck,</q> and he adds: <q>The idea seems
+to be that the man has pursued the
+Hag or Corn-spirit to a later refuge,
+namely, his neighbour's field not yet
+completely reaped, and now he leaves
+her for the other reapers to catch.
+The proper form of the Welsh word for
+Hag is <foreign rend='italic'>Gwrach</foreign>. That is the radical
+from <foreign rend='italic'>gwr</foreign>, man; <foreign rend='italic'>gwraig</foreign>, woman.
+<foreign rend='italic'>Wrach</foreign> is the <q>middle mutation.</q></q></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Similar customs at harvest were observed in South
+<pb n='144'/><anchor id='Pg144'/>
+Pembrokeshire within living memory. In that part of
+the country there used to be a competition between
+neighbouring farms to see which would finish reaping
+first. The foreman of the reapers planned so as to
+finish the reaping in a corner of the field out of sight
+of the people on the next farm. There, with the last
+handful of corn cut, he would make two Old Women or
+Hags (<foreign rend='italic'>wrachs</foreign>). One of them he would send by a lad
+or other messenger to be laid secretly in the field where
+the neighbours were still at work cutting their corn. The
+messenger would disguise himself to look like a stranger,
+and jumping the fence and creeping through the corn he
+would lay the Hag (<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>) in a place where the reapers in
+reaping would be sure to find it. Having done so he fled
+for dear life, for were the reapers to catch him they would
+shut him up in a dark room and not let him out till he had
+cleaned all the muddy boots, shoes, and clogs in the house.
+The second Hag (<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>) was sent or taken by the foreman
+of the reapers to his master's farmhouse. Generally he tried
+to pop into the house unseen and lay the Hag on the
+kitchen table; but if the people of the farm caught him
+before he laid it down, they used to drench him with water.
+If a foreman succeeded in getting both the Hags (<foreign rend='italic'>wrachs</foreign>)
+laid safe in their proper quarters, one at home, the other on a
+neighbour's farm, without interruption, it was deemed a great
+honour.<note place='foot'>M. S. Clark, <q>An old South
+Pembrokeshire Harvest Custom,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>,
+xv. (1904) pp. 194-196.</note> In County Antrim, down to some years ago,
+when the sickle was finally expelled by the reaping machine,
+the few stalks of corn left standing last on the field were
+plaited together; then the reapers, blindfolded, threw their
+sickles at the plaited corn, and whoever happened to cut it
+through took it home with him and put it over his door.
+This bunch of corn was called the Carley<note place='foot'>Communicated by my friend Professor
+W. Ridgeway.</note>&mdash;probably the
+same word as Carlin.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Old
+Woman
+(the Baba)
+at harvest
+among
+Slavonic
+peoples.</note>
+Similar customs are observed by Slavonic peoples. Thus
+in Poland the last sheaf is commonly called the Baba, that
+is, the Old Woman. <q>In the last sheaf,</q> it is said, <q>sits the
+Baba.</q> The sheaf itself is also called the Baba, and is
+<pb n='145'/><anchor id='Pg145'/>
+sometimes composed of twelve smaller sheaves lashed together.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 328.</note>
+In some parts of Bohemia the Baba, made out of
+the last sheaf, has the figure of a woman with a great straw
+hat. It is carried home on the last harvest-waggon and
+delivered, along with a garland, to the farmer by two girls.
+In binding the sheaves the women strive not to be last, for
+she who binds the last sheaf will have a child next year.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 238.</note>
+The last sheaf is tied up with others into a large bundle, and
+a green branch is stuck on the top of it.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 328 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Sometimes the
+harvesters call out to the woman who binds the last sheaf,
+<q>She has the Baba,</q> or <q>She is the Baba.</q> She has then
+to make a puppet, sometimes in female, sometimes in male
+form, out of the corn; the puppet is occasionally dressed
+with clothes, often with flowers and ribbons only. The
+cutter of the last stalks, as well as the binder of the last
+sheaf, was also called Baba; and a doll, called the Harvest-woman,
+was made out of the last sheaf and adorned with
+ribbons. The oldest reaper had to dance, first with this doll,
+and then with the farmer's wife.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 329.</note> In the district of Cracow,
+when a man binds the last sheaf, they say, <q>The Grandfather
+is sitting in it</q>; when a woman binds it, they say, <q>The Baba
+is sitting in it,</q> and the woman herself is wrapt up in the
+sheaf, so that only her head projects out of it. Thus encased
+in the sheaf, she is carried on the last harvest-waggon
+to the house, where she is drenched with water by the whole
+family. She remains in the sheaf till the dance is over, and
+for a year she retains the name of Baba.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 330.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Old
+Woman
+(the Baba)
+at harvest
+in Lithuania.</note>
+In Lithuania the name for the last sheaf is Boba (Old
+Woman), answering to the Polish name Baba. The Boba is
+said to sit in the corn which is left standing last.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> The
+person who binds the last sheaf or digs the last potato is the
+subject of much banter, and receives and long retains the
+name of the Old Rye-woman or the Old Potato-woman.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 331.</note>
+The last sheaf&mdash;the Boba&mdash;is made into the form of a
+woman, carried solemnly through the village on the last
+harvest-waggon, and drenched with water at the farmer's
+house; then every one dances with it.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='146'/><anchor id='Pg146'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Corn-queen
+and
+the
+Harvest-queen.</note>
+In Russia also the last sheaf is often shaped and dressed
+as a woman, and carried with dance and song to the farmhouse.
+Out of the last sheaf the Bulgarians make a doll
+which they call the Corn-queen or Corn-mother; it is dressed
+in a woman's shirt, carried round the village, and then thrown
+into the river in order to secure plenty of rain and dew for
+the next year's crop. Or it is burned and the ashes strewn
+on the fields, doubtless to fertilise them.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 332.</note> The name Queen,
+as applied to the last sheaf, has its analogies in central
+and northern Europe. Thus, in the Salzburg district of
+Austria, at the end of the harvest a great procession takes
+place, in which a Queen of the Corn-ears (<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Ährenkönigin</foreign>) is
+drawn along in a little carriage by young fellows.<note place='foot'>Th. Vernaleken, <hi rend='italic'>Mythen und
+Bräuche des Volkes in Oesterreich</hi>
+(Vienna, 1859), p. 310.</note> The
+custom of the Harvest Queen appears to have been common
+in England. Brand quotes from Hutchinson's <hi rend='italic'>History of
+Northumberland</hi> the following: <q>I have seen, in some places,
+an image apparelled in great finery, crowned with flowers, a
+sheaf of corn placed under her arm, and a scycle in her hand,
+carried out of the village in the morning of the conclusive
+reaping day, with music and much clamour of the reapers,
+into the field, where it stands fixed on a pole all day, and
+when the reaping is done, is brought home in like manner.
+This they call the Harvest Queen, and it represents the
+Roman Ceres.</q><note place='foot'>Hutchinson, <hi rend='italic'>History of Northumberland</hi>,
+ii. <hi rend='italic'>ad finem</hi>, 17, quoted by
+J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities of Great
+Britain</hi>, ii. 20, Bohn's edition.</note> Again, the traveller Dr. E. D. Clarke tells
+us that <q>even in the town of Cambridge, and centre of our
+University, such curious remains of antient customs may be
+noticed, in different seasons of the year, which pass without
+observation. The custom of blowing horns upon the
+first of May (Old Style) is derived from a festival in honour
+of Diana. At the <foreign rend='italic'>Hawkie</foreign>, as it is called, or Harvest
+Home, I have seen a clown dressed in woman's clothes,
+having his face painted, his head decorated with ears of corn,
+and bearing about him other symbols of Ceres, carried in a
+waggon, with great pomp and loud shouts, through the
+streets, the horses being covered with white sheets: and when
+I inquired the meaning of the ceremony, was answered by
+the people that they were drawing the Morgay (ΜΗΤΗΡ ΓΗ)
+<pb n='147'/><anchor id='Pg147'/>
+or Harvest Queen.</q><note place='foot'>E. D. Clarke, <hi rend='italic'>Travels in Various
+Countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa</hi>,
+Part ii., Section First, Second Edition
+(London, 1813), p. 229. Perhaps
+<foreign rend='italic'>Morgay</foreign> (which Clarke absurdly explains
+as μητὴρ γῆ) is a mistake for
+<foreign rend='italic'>Hawkie</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>Hockey</foreign>. The waggon in
+which the last corn was brought from
+the harvest field was called the <foreign rend='italic'>hockey</foreign>
+cart or <foreign rend='italic'>hock</foreign> cart. In a poem called
+<q>The Hock-cart or Harvest Home</q>
+Herrick has described the joyous return
+of the laden cart drawn by horses
+swathed in white sheets and attended
+by a merry crowd, some of whom
+kissed or stroked the sheaves, while
+others pranked them with oak leaves.
+See further J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>,
+ii. 22 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, Bohn's edition.
+The name <foreign rend='italic'>Hockey</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>Hawkie</foreign> is no
+doubt the same with the German
+<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>hokelmei</foreign>, <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>hörkelmei</foreign>, or <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>harkelmei</foreign>,
+which in Westphalia is applied to a
+green bush or tree set up in the field at
+the end of harvest and brought home in
+the last waggon-load; the man who
+carries it into the farmhouse is sometimes
+drenched with water. See A.
+Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen
+aus Westfalen</hi> (Leipsic, 1859), ii. 178-180,
+§§ 494-497. The word is thought
+to be derived from the Low German <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>hokk</foreign>
+(plural <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>hokken</foreign>), <q>a heap of sheaves.</q>
+See Joseph Wright, <hi rend='italic'>English Dialect
+Dictionary</hi>, iii. (London, 1902) p. 190,
+<hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Hockey,</q> from which it appears
+that in England the word has been in
+use in Yorkshire, Cambridgeshire, and
+Suffolk.</note> Milton must have been familiar with
+the custom of the Harvest Queen, for in <hi rend='italic'>Paradise Lost</hi><note place='foot'>Book ix. lines 838-842.</note>
+he says:&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l rend='margin-left: 18'><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>Adam the while</hi></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Waiting desirous her return, had wove</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Of choicest flow'rs a garland to adorn</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Her tresses, and her rural labours crown,</hi></l>
+<l><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>As reapers oft are wont their harvest-queen.</hi></q></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+the Old
+Woman or
+Old Man
+at threshing.</note>
+Often customs of this sort are practised, not on the
+harvest-field but on the threshing-floor. The spirit of the
+corn, fleeing before the reapers as they cut down the
+ripe grain, quits the reaped corn and takes refuge in the
+barn, where it appears in the last sheaf threshed, either to
+perish under the blows of the flail or to flee thence to the
+still unthreshed corn of a neighbouring farm.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 333 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Thus the last
+corn to be threshed is called the Mother-Corn or the Old
+Woman. Sometimes the person who gives the last stroke
+with the flail is called the Old Woman, and is wrapt in the
+straw of the last sheaf, or has a bundle of straw fastened on
+his back. Whether wrapt in the straw or carrying it on his
+back, he is carted through the village amid general laughter.
+In some districts of Bavaria, Thüringen, and elsewhere, the
+man who threshes the last sheaf is said to have the Old
+Woman or the Old Corn-woman; he is tied up in straw,
+carried or carted about the village, and set down at last
+<pb n='148'/><anchor id='Pg148'/>
+on the dunghill, or taken to the threshing-floor of a neighbouring
+farmer who has not finished his threshing.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 334.</note> In Poland
+the man who gives the last stroke at threshing is called
+Baba (Old Woman); he is wrapt in corn and wheeled
+through the village.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>,
+p. 334.</note> Sometimes in Lithuania the last sheaf
+is not threshed, but is fashioned into female shape and
+carried to the barn of a neighbour who has not finished
+his threshing.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 336.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The man
+who gives
+the last
+stroke at
+threshing
+is called the
+Corn-fool,
+the Oats-fool,
+etc.</note>
+At Chorinchen, near Neustadt, the man who gives the
+last stroke at threshing is said to <q>get the Old Man.</q><note place='foot'>A. Kuhn and W. Schwartz,
+<hi rend='italic'>Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und
+Gebräuche</hi> (Leipsic, 1848), p. 397.</note>
+In various parts of Austrian Silesia he is called the corn-fool,
+the oats-fool, and so forth according to the crop, and
+retains the name till the next kind of grain has been reaped.
+Sometimes he is called the <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Klöppel</foreign> or mallet. He is much
+ridiculed and in the Bennisch district he is dressed out
+in the threshing-implements and obliged to carry them
+about the farmyard to the amusement of his fellows. In
+Dobischwald the man who gives the last stroke at threshing
+has to carry a log or puppet of wood wrapt in straw to a
+neighbour who has not yet finished his threshing. There
+he throws his burden into the barn, crying, <q>There you
+have the Mallet (<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Klöppel</foreign>),</q> and makes off as fast as he can.
+If they catch him, they tie the puppet on his back, and
+he is known as the Mallet (<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Klöppel</foreign>) for the whole of the
+year; he may be the Corn-mallet or the Wheat-mallet or
+so forth according to the particular crop.<note place='foot'>A. Peter, <hi rend='italic'>Volksthümliches aus Österreichisch-Schlesien</hi>
+(Troppau, 1865-1867),
+ii. 270.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The man
+who gives
+the last
+stroke at
+threshing
+is said to
+get the Old
+Woman
+or the
+Old Man. The Corn-woman
+at
+threshing.</note>
+About Berneck, in Upper Franken, the man who gives
+the last stroke at threshing runs away. If the others catch
+him, he gets <q>the Old Woman,</q> that is, the largest dumpling,
+which elsewhere is baked in human shape. The custom of
+setting a dumpling baked in the form of an old woman
+before the man who has given the last stroke at threshing is
+also observed in various parts of Middle Franken. Sometimes
+the excised genitals of a calf are served up to him
+at table.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Bavaria Landes- und Volkskunde
+des Königreichs Bayern</hi>, iii. (Munich,
+1865) pp. 344, 969.</note> At Langenbielau in Silesia the last sheaf, which
+<pb n='149'/><anchor id='Pg149'/>
+is called <q>the Old Man,</q> is threshed separately and the
+corn ground into meal and baked into a loaf. This loaf is
+believed to possess healing virtue and to bring a blessing;
+hence none but members of the family may partake of it.
+At Wittichenau, in the district of Hoyerswerda (Silesia),
+when the threshing is ended, some of the straw of <q>the
+Old Man</q> is carried to a neighbour who has not yet finished
+his threshing, and the bearer is rewarded with a gratuity.<note place='foot'>P. Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906),
+ii. 67.</note>
+Among the Germans of the Falkenauer district in West
+Bohemia the man who gives the last stroke at threshing
+gets <q>the Old Man,</q> a hideous scarecrow, tied on his back.
+If threshing is still proceeding at another farm, he may go
+thither and rid himself of his burden, but must take care
+not to be caught. In this way a farmer who is behind-hand
+with his threshing may receive several such scarecrows,
+and so become the target for many gibes. Among the
+Germans of the Planer district in West Bohemia, the man
+who gives the last stroke at threshing is himself called <q>the
+Old Man.</q> Similarly at flax-dressing in Silberberg (West
+Bohemia), the woman who is the last to finish her task is
+said to get the Old Man, and a cake baked in human form
+is served up to her at supper.<note place='foot'>A. John, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube in deutschen Westböhmen</hi>
+(Prague, 1905), pp. 193, 194, 197.</note> The Wends of Saxony say
+of the man who gives the last stroke at threshing that <q>he
+has struck the Old Man</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>wón je stareho bil</foreign>), and he is
+obliged to carry a straw puppet to a neighbour, who
+has not yet finished his threshing, where he throws
+the puppet unobserved over the fence.<note place='foot'>R. Wuttke, <hi rend='italic'>Sächsische Volkskunde</hi>
+(Dresden, 1901), p. 360.</note> In some parts
+of Sweden, when a stranger woman appears on the
+threshing-floor, a flail is put round her body, stalks of
+corn are wound round her neck, a crown of ears is placed
+on her head, and the threshers call out, <q>Behold the Corn-woman.</q>
+Here the stranger woman, thus suddenly appearing,
+is taken to be the corn-spirit who has just been expelled by
+the flails from the corn-stalks.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt. <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 336.</note> In other cases the farmer's
+wife represents the corn-spirit. Thus in the Commune
+of Saligné, Canton de Poiret (Vendée), the farmer's wife,
+<pb n='150'/><anchor id='Pg150'/>
+along with the last sheaf, is tied up in a sheet, placed on a
+litter, and carried to the threshing machine, under which
+she is shoved. Then the woman is drawn out and the
+sheaf is threshed by itself, but the woman is tossed in
+the sheet, as if she were being winnowed.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 336; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Baumkultus</hi>, p. 612.</note> It would be
+impossible to express more clearly the identification of the
+woman with the corn than by this graphic imitation of
+threshing and winnowing her. Mitigated forms of the
+custom are observed in various places. Thus among the
+Germans of Schüttarschen in West Bohemia it was customary
+at the close of the threshing to <q>throttle</q> the farmer's wife
+by squeezing her neck between the arms of a flail till she
+consented to bake a special kind of cake called a <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>drischala</foreign>
+(from <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>dreschen</foreign>, <q>to thresh</q>).<note place='foot'>A. John, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen</hi>
+(Prague, 1905), p. 194.</note> A similar custom of <q>throttling</q>
+the farmer's wife at the threshing is practised in some
+parts of Bavaria, only there the pressure is applied by means
+of a straw rope instead of a flail.<note place='foot'>E. H. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Badisches Volksleben</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1900), p. 437.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+child at
+harvest.</note>
+In these customs the spirit of the ripe corn is regarded
+as old, or at least as of mature age. Hence the names of
+Mother, Grandmother, Old Woman, and so forth. But in
+other cases the corn-spirit is conceived as young. Thus at
+Saldern, near Wolfenbuttel, when the rye has been reaped,
+three sheaves are tied together with a rope so as to make a
+puppet with the corn ears for a head. This puppet is called
+the Maiden or the Corn-maiden (<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Kornjungfer</foreign>).<note place='foot'>A. Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Gebräuche und
+Märchen aus Westfalen</hi> (Leipsic, 1859),
+ii. 184 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, § 515.</note> Sometimes
+the corn-spirit is conceived as a child who is separated
+from its mother by the stroke of the sickle. This last
+view appears in the Polish custom of calling out to
+the man who cuts the last handful of corn, <q>You
+have cut the navel-string.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>
+(Berlin, 1868), p. 28.</note> In some districts of West
+Prussia the figure made out of the last sheaf is called
+the Bastard, and a boy is wrapt up in it. The woman who
+binds the last sheaf and represents the Corn-mother is told
+that she is about to be brought to bed; she cries like a
+woman in travail, and an old woman in the character of
+<pb n='151'/><anchor id='Pg151'/>
+grandmother acts as midwife. At last a cry is raised that
+the child is born; whereupon the boy who is tied up in the
+sheaf whimpers and squalls like an infant. The grandmother
+wraps a sack, in imitation of swaddling bands, round
+the pretended baby, who is carried joyfully to the barn, lest
+he should catch cold in the open air.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note> In other parts of North
+Germany the last sheaf, or the puppet made out of it, is
+called the Child, the Harvest-Child, and so on, and they
+call out to the woman who binds the last sheaf, <q>you are
+getting the child.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The last
+corn cut
+called the
+<foreign rend='italic'>mell</foreign>, the
+<foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign>, or
+the <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign>
+in various
+parts of
+England. The <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign>
+cut by
+throwing
+sickles at it.</note>
+In the north of England, particularly in the counties of
+Northumberland, Durham, and Yorkshire, the last corn cut
+on the field at harvest is or used to be variously known
+as the <foreign rend='italic'>mell</foreign> or the <foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign>, of which <foreign rend='italic'>kern</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign> are merely
+local or dialectical variations. The corn so cut is either
+plaited or made up into a doll-like figure, which goes by
+the name of the mell-doll or the kirn-doll, or the kirn-baby,
+and is brought home with rejoicings at the end of the
+harvest.<note place='foot'>Joseph Wright, <hi rend='italic'>English Dialect
+Dictionary</hi>, vol. i. (London, 1898)
+p. 605 <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Churn</q>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, vol. iii.
+(London, 1902) p. 453 <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Kirn</q>;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi> vol. iv. (London, 1903) pp. 82 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>
+Sir James Murray, editor of the <hi rend='italic'>New
+English Dictionary</hi>, kindly informs me
+that the popular etymology which
+identifies <foreign rend='italic'>kern</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign> in this sense with
+<emph>corn</emph> is entirely mistaken; and that
+<q>baby</q> or <q>babbie</q> in the same
+phrase means only <q>doll,</q> not
+<q>infant.</q> He writes, <q><foreign rend='italic'>Kirn-babbie</foreign>
+does not mean <q>corn-baby,</q> but
+merely <foreign rend='italic'>kirn-doll</foreign>, <emph>harvest-home doll</emph>.
+<foreign rend='italic'>Bab</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>babbie</foreign> was even in my youth the
+regular name for <q>doll</q> in the district,
+as it was formerly in England; the
+only woman who sold dolls in Hawick
+early in the [nineteenth] century, and
+whose toy-shop all bairns knew, was
+known as <q>Betty o' the Babs,</q> Betty
+of the dolls.</q></note> In the North Riding of Yorkshire the last sheaf
+gathered in is called the Mell-sheaf, and the expression
+<q>We've gotten wer mell</q> is as much as to say <q>The
+Harvest is finished.</q> Formerly a Mell-doll was made out of
+a sheaf of corn decked with flowers and wrapped in such of
+the reapers' garments as could be spared. It was carried with
+music and dancing to the scene of the harvest-supper, which
+was called the mell-supper.<note place='foot'>W. Henderson, <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore of the
+Northern Counties of England</hi> (London,
+1879), pp. 88 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; M. C. F. Morris,
+<hi rend='italic'>Yorkshire Folk-talk</hi>, pp. 212-214.
+Compare F. Grose, <hi rend='italic'>Provincial Glossary</hi>
+(London, 1811), <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Mell-supper</q>;
+J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>, ii.
+27 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, Bohn's edition; <hi rend='italic'>The Denham
+Tracts</hi>, edited by Dr. James Hardy
+(London, 1892-1895), ii. 2 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The
+sheaf out of which the Mell-doll was
+made was no doubt the Mell-sheaf,
+though this is not expressly said. Dr.
+Joseph Wright, editor of <hi rend='italic'>The English
+Dialect Dictionary</hi>, kindly informs me
+that the word <emph>mell</emph> is well known in
+these senses in all the northern counties
+of England down to Cheshire. He
+tells me that the proposals to connect
+<emph>mell</emph> with <q>meal</q> or with <q>maiden</q>
+(through a form like the German
+<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Mädel</foreign>) are inadmissible.</note> In the north of Yorkshire
+<pb n='152'/><anchor id='Pg152'/>
+the mell-sheaf <q>was frequently made of such dimensions
+as to be a heavy load for a man, and, within a few years
+comparatively, was proposed as the prize to be won in a
+race of old women. In other cases it was carefully preserved
+and set up in some conspicuous place in the farmhouse.</q><note place='foot'>Joseph Wright, <hi rend='italic'>The English
+Dialect Dictionary</hi>, vol. iv. (London,
+1903) <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Mell,</q> p. 83.</note>
+Where the last sheaf of corn cut was called the <foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign> or
+<foreign rend='italic'>kern</foreign> instead of the <foreign rend='italic'>mell</foreign>, the customs concerned with it seem
+to have been essentially similar. Thus we are told that
+in the north it was common for the reapers, on the last day
+of the reaping, <q>to have a contention for superiority in
+quickness of dispatch, groups of three or four taking each a
+ridge, and striving which should soonest get to its termination.
+In Scotland, this was called a <foreign rend='italic'>kemping</foreign>, which simply
+means a striving. In the north of England, it was a <foreign rend='italic'>mell</foreign>....
+As the reapers went on during the last day, they took
+care to leave a good handful of the grain uncut, but laid
+down flat, and covered over; and, when the field was done,
+the <q>bonniest lass</q> was allowed to cut this final handful,
+which was presently dressed up with various sewings, tyings,
+and trimmings, like a doll, and hailed as a <emph>Corn Baby</emph>. It
+was brought home in triumph, with music of fiddles and
+bagpipes, was set up conspicuously that night at supper,
+and was usually preserved in the farmer's parlour for the
+remainder of the year. The bonny lass who cut this handful
+of grain was deemed the <emph>Har'st Queen</emph></q>.<note place='foot'>R. Chambers, <hi rend='italic'>The Book of Days</hi>
+(Edinburgh, 1886), ii. 377 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The
+expression <q>Corn Baby</q> used by the
+writer is probably his interpretation of
+the correct expression <foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>kern</foreign>
+baby. See above, p. <ref target='Pg151'>151</ref>, note 3. It is
+not clear whether the account refers to
+England or Scotland. Compare F.
+Grose, <hi rend='italic'>Provincial Glossary</hi> (London
+1811), <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Kern-baby,</q> <q>an image
+dressed up with corn, carried before the
+reapers to their mell-supper, or harvest-home</q>;
+J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>,
+ii. 20; W. Henderson, <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore of
+the Northern Counties of England</hi>,
+p. 87.</note> To cut the
+last portion of standing corn in the harvest field was known
+as <q>to get the kirn</q> or <q>to win the kirn</q>; and as soon as
+this was done the reapers let the neighbours know that the
+harvest was finished by giving three cheers, which was
+<pb n='153'/><anchor id='Pg153'/>
+called <q>to cry or shout the kirn.</q><note place='foot'>Joseph Wright, <hi rend='italic'>The English
+Dialect Dictionary</hi>, iii. (London, 1902)
+<hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Kirn,</q> p. 453.</note> Where the last handful
+of standing corn was called the <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign>, the stalks were
+roughly plaited together, and the reapers threw their sickles
+at it till some one cut it through, which was called <q>cutting
+the churn.</q> The severed churn (that is, the plaited corn) was
+then placed over the kitchen door or over the hob in the
+chimney for good luck, and as a charm against witchcraft.<note place='foot'>Joseph Wright, <hi rend='italic'>The English
+Dialect Dictionary</hi>, i. (London, 1898)
+p. 605.</note>
+In Kent the Ivy Girl is, or used to be, <q>a figure composed
+of some of the best corn the field produces, and made as well
+as they can into a human shape; this is afterwards curiously
+dressed by the women, and adorned with paper trimmings,
+cut to resemble a cap, ruffles, handkerchief, etc., of the finest
+lace. It is brought home with the last load of corn from the
+field upon the waggon, and they suppose entitles them to a
+supper at the expense of the employer.</q><note place='foot'>J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>, ii.
+21 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The last
+corn cut
+called the
+<foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign> in
+some parts
+of Scotland.
+The <foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign>
+cut by
+reapers
+blindfold.</note>
+In some parts of Scotland, as well as in the north of England,
+the last handful of corn cut on the harvest-field was called
+the <foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign>, and the person who carried it off was said <q>to win the
+kirn.</q> It was then dressed up like a child's doll and went by
+the name of the kirn-baby, the kirn-doll, or the Maiden.<note place='foot'>J. Jamieson, <hi rend='italic'>Etymological Dictionary
+of the Scottish Language</hi>, New
+Edition (Paisley, 1879-1882), iii. 42
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Kirn.</q></note> In
+Berwickshire down to about the middle of the nineteenth
+century there was an eager competition among the reapers
+to cut the last bunch of standing corn. They gathered
+round it at a little distance and threw their sickles in turn
+at it, and the man who succeeded in cutting it through gave
+it to the girl he preferred. She made the corn so cut into
+a kirn-dolly and dressed it, and the doll was then taken to
+the farmhouse and hung up there till the next harvest, when
+its place was taken by the new kirn-dolly.<note place='foot'>Mrs. A. B. Gomme, <q>A Berwickshire
+Kirn-dolly,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, xii. (1901)
+p. 215.</note> At Spottiswoode
+(Westruther Parish) in Berwickshire the reaping of the last
+corn at harvest was called <q>cutting the Queen</q> almost as
+often as <q>cutting the kirn.</q> The mode of cutting it was
+not by throwing sickles. One of the reapers consented to
+be blindfolded, and having been given a sickle in his hand
+<pb n='154'/><anchor id='Pg154'/>
+and turned twice or thrice about by his fellows, he was
+bidden to go and cut the kirn. His groping about and
+making wild strokes in the air with his sickle excited much
+hilarity. When he had tired himself out in vain and given
+up the task as hopeless, another reaper was blindfolded and
+pursued the quest, and so on, one after the other, till at last
+the kirn was cut. The successful reaper was tossed up in
+the air with three cheers by his brother harvesters. To
+decorate the room in which the kirn-supper was held at
+Spottiswoode as well as the granary, where the dancing
+took place, two women made kirn-dollies or Queens every
+year; and many of these rustic effigies of the corn-spirit
+might be seen hanging up together.<note place='foot'>Mrs. A. B. Gomme, <q>Harvest
+Customs,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, xiii. (1902) p.
+178.</note> At Lanfine in Ayrshire,
+down to near the end of the nineteenth century, the
+last bunch of standing corn at harvest was, occasionally at
+least, plaited together, and the reapers tried to cut it by
+throwing their sickles at it; when they failed in the attempt,
+a woman has been known to run in and sever the stalks at
+a blow. In Dumfriesshire also, within living memory, it
+used to be customary to cut the last standing corn by throwing
+the sickles at it.<note place='foot'>J. G. Frazer, <q>Notes on Harvest
+Customs,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, vii. (1889) p.
+48.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign>
+in Ireland
+cut by
+throwing
+the sickles
+at it.</note>
+In the north of Ireland the harvest customs were
+similar, but there, as in some parts of England, the
+last patch of standing corn bore the name of the <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign>,
+a dialectical variation of <foreign rend='italic'>kirn</foreign>. <q>The custom of <q>Winning
+the Churn</q> was prevalent all through the counties of Down
+and Antrim fifty years ago. It was carried out at the
+end of the harvest, or reaping the grain, on each farm or
+holding, were it small or large. Oats are the main crop of
+the district, but the custom was the same for other kinds of
+grain. When the reapers had nearly finished the last field
+a handful of the best-grown stalks was selected, carefully
+plaited as it stood, and fastened at the top just under the
+ears to keep the plait in place. Then when all the corn was
+cut from about this, which was known as <foreign rend='italic'>The Churn</foreign>, and
+the sheaves about it had been removed to some distance,
+the reapers stood in a group about ten yards off it, and each
+<pb n='155'/><anchor id='Pg155'/>
+whirled his sickle at the <foreign rend='italic'>Churn</foreign> till one lucky one succeeded
+in cutting it down, when he was cheered on his achievement.
+This person had then the right of presenting it to the master
+or mistress of the farm, who gave the reaper a shilling.</q> A
+supper and a dance of the reapers in the farmhouse often
+concluded the day. The <foreign rend='italic'>Churn</foreign>, trimmed and adorned with
+ribbons, was hung up on a wall in the farmhouse and carefully
+preserved. It was no uncommon sight to see six or
+even twelve or more such <foreign rend='italic'>Churns</foreign> decorating the walls of
+a farmhouse in County Down or Antrim.<note place='foot'>(Rev.) H. W. Lett, <q>Winning the
+Churn (Ulster),</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, xvi. (1905)
+p. 185. My friend Miss Welsh,
+formerly Principal of Girton College,
+Cambridge, told me (30th May 1901)
+that she remembers the custom of the
+<foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign> being observed in the north of
+Ireland; the reapers cut the last handful
+of standing corn (called the <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign>)
+by throwing their sickles at it, and the
+corn so cut was taken home and kept
+for some time.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The last
+corn cut
+called the
+Maiden in
+the Highlands
+of
+Scotland.</note>
+In some parts of the Highlands of Scotland the last
+handful of corn that is cut by the reapers on any particular
+farm is called the Maiden, or in Gaelic <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Maidhdeanbuain</foreign>,
+literally <q>the shorn Maiden.</q> Superstitions attach to the
+winning of the Maiden. If it is got by a young person,
+they think it an omen that he or she will be married before
+another harvest. For that or other reasons there is a strife
+between the reapers as to who shall get the Maiden, and
+they resort to various stratagems for the purpose of securing
+it. One of them, for example, will often leave a handful of
+corn uncut and cover it up with earth to hide it from the
+other reapers, till all the rest of the corn on the field is cut
+down. Several may try to play the same trick, and the one
+who is coolest and holds out longest obtains the coveted
+distinction. When it has been cut, the Maiden is dressed
+with ribbons into a sort of doll and affixed to a wall of
+the farmhouse. In the north of Scotland the Maiden is
+carefully preserved till Yule morning, when it is divided
+among the cattle "to make them thrive all the year round."<note place='foot'>J. Jamieson, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of the Scottish
+Language</hi>, New Edition (Paisley,
+1879-1882), iii. 206, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Maiden.</q>
+An old Scottish name for the Maiden
+(<foreign rend='italic'>autumnalis nymphula</foreign>) was <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Rapegyrne</foreign>.
+See Fordun, <hi rend='italic'>Scotichren</hi>. ii. 418, quoted
+by J. Jamieson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> iii. 624, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+<q>Rapegyrne.</q></note>
+In the island of Mull and some parts of the mainland of
+Argyleshire the last handful of corn cut is called the Maiden
+(<foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Maighdean-Bhuana</foreign>). Near Ardrishaig, in Argyleshire, the
+<pb n='156'/><anchor id='Pg156'/>
+Maiden is made up in a fanciful three-cornered shape,
+decorated with ribbons, and hung from a nail on the wall.<note place='foot'>R. C. Maclagan, in <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, vi.
+(1895) pp. 149, 151.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The cutting
+of the
+Maiden at
+harvest in
+Argyleshire.</note>
+The following account of the Maiden was obtained in
+the summer of 1897 from the manager of a farm near
+Kilmartin in Argyleshire: <q>The <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Mhaighdean-Bhuana</foreign>, or
+<emph>Reaping Maiden</emph>, was the last sheaf of oats to be cut on
+a croft or farm. Before the reaping-machine and binder
+took the place of the sickle and the scythe, the young
+reapers of both sexes, when they neared the end of the
+last rig or field, used to manœuvre to gain possession of
+the <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Mhaighdean-Bhuana</foreign>. The individual who was fortunate
+enough to obtain it was <foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>ex officio</foreign> entitled to be the King
+or the Queen of the Harvest-Home festival. The sheaf so
+designated was carefully preserved and kept intact until the
+day they began leading home the corn. A tuft of it was
+then given to each of the horses, as they started from the
+corn-field with their first load. The rest of it was neatly made
+up, and hung in some conspicuous corner of the farmhouse,
+where it remained till it was replaced by a younger sister
+next season. On the first day of ploughing a tuft of it
+was given (as on the first day of leading home the corn) as
+a <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Sainnseal</foreign> or handsel for luck to the horses. The <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Mhaighdean-Bhuana</foreign>
+so preserved and used was a symbol that the
+harvest had been duly secured, and that the spring work
+had been properly inaugurated. It was also believed to
+be a protection against fairies and witchcraft.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. M. MacPhail (Free Church
+Manse, Kilmartin, Lochgilphead),
+<q>Folk-lore from the Hebrides,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>,
+xi. (1900) p. 441. That the Maiden,
+hung up in the house, is thought to keep
+out witches till the next harvest is mentioned
+also by the Rev. J. G. Campbell,
+<hi rend='italic'>Superstitions of the Highlands and
+Islands of Scotland</hi> (Glasgow, 1900), p.
+20. So with the <foreign rend='italic'>churn</foreign> (above, p. <ref target='Pg153'>153</ref>).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The cutting
+of the
+Maiden at
+harvest in
+Perthshire.</note>
+In the parish of Longforgan, situated at the south-eastern
+corner of Perthshire, it used to be customary to give what
+was called the Maiden Feast at the end of the harvest. The
+last handful of corn reaped on the field was called the Maiden,
+and things were generally so arranged that it fell into the
+hands of a pretty girl. It was then decked out with ribbons
+and brought home in triumph to the music of bagpipes and
+fiddles. In the evening the reapers danced and made merry.
+Afterwards the Maiden was dressed out, generally in the
+<pb n='157'/><anchor id='Pg157'/>
+form of a cross, and hung up, with the date attached to it,
+in a conspicuous part of the house.<note place='foot'>Sir John Sinclair, <hi rend='italic'>Statistical
+Account of Scotland</hi>, xix. (Edinburgh,
+1797), pp. 550 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare Miss
+E. J. Guthrie, <hi rend='italic'>Old Scottish Customs</hi>
+(London and Glasgow, 1885), pp.
+130 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In the neighbourhood
+of Balquhidder, Perthshire, the last handful of corn is cut
+by the youngest girl on the field, and is made into the rude
+form of a female doll, clad in a paper dress, and decked
+with ribbons. It is called the Maiden, and is kept in the
+farmhouse, generally above the chimney, for a good while,
+sometimes till the Maiden of the next year is brought in.
+The writer of this book witnessed the ceremony of cutting
+the Maiden at Balquhidder in September 1888.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore Journal</hi>, vi. (1888) pp.
+268 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> A lady
+friend<note place='foot'>The late Mrs. Macalister, wife of
+Professor Alexander Macalister, Cambridge.
+Her recollections referred
+especially to the neighbourhood of Glen
+Farg, some ten or twelve miles to the
+south of Perth.</note> informed me that as a young girl she cut the Maiden
+several times at the request of the reapers in the neighbourhood
+of Perth. The name of the Maiden was given to the
+last handful of standing corn; a reaper held the top of the
+bunch while she cut it. Afterwards the bunch was plaited,
+decked with ribbons, and hung up in a conspicuous place on
+the wall of the kitchen till the next Maiden was brought in.
+The harvest-supper in this neighbourhood was also called
+the Maiden; the reapers danced at it.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Maiden at
+harvest in
+Lochaber.
+The cutting
+of the
+Maiden at
+harvest on
+the Gareloch
+in
+Dumbartonshire.</note>
+In the Highland district of Lochaber dancing and merry-making
+on the last night of harvest used to be universal and
+are still generally observed. Here, we are told, the festivity
+without the Maiden would be like a wedding without the bride.
+The Maiden is carried home with tumultuous rejoicing, and
+after being suitably decorated is hung up in the barn, where
+the dancing usually takes place. When supper is over, one
+of the company, generally the oldest man present, drinks
+a glass of whisky, after turning to the suspended sheaf
+and saying, <q>Here's to the Maiden.</q> The company follow
+his example, each in turn drinking to the Maiden. Then
+the dancing begins.<note place='foot'>Rev. James Macdonald, <hi rend='italic'>Religion
+and Myth</hi> (London, 1893), pp. 141 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> On some farms on the Gareloch, in
+Dumbartonshire, about the year 1830, the last handful of
+standing corn was called the Maiden. It was divided in two,
+plaited, and then cut with the sickle by a girl, who, it was
+<pb n='158'/><anchor id='Pg158'/>
+thought, would be lucky and would soon be married. When
+it was cut the reapers gathered together and threw their
+sickles in the air. The Maiden was dressed with ribbons
+and hung in the kitchen near the roof, where it was kept for
+several years with the date attached. Sometimes five or six
+Maidens might be seen hanging at once on hooks. The
+harvest-supper was called the Kirn.<note place='foot'>From information supplied by
+Archie Leitch, late gardener to my
+father at Rowmore, Garelochhead.
+The Kirn was the name of the harvest
+festivity in the south of Scotland also.
+See Lockhart's <hi rend='italic'>Life of Scott</hi>, ii. 184
+(first edition); <hi rend='italic'>Early Letters of Thomas
+Carlyle</hi>, ed. Norton, ii. 325 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In other farms on the
+Gareloch the last handful of corn was called the Maidenhead
+or the Head; it was neatly plaited, sometimes decked with
+ribbons, and hung in the kitchen for a year, when the grain
+was given to the poultry.<note place='foot'>Communicated by the late Mr.
+Macfarlane of Faslane, Gareloch.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The cutting
+of the
+<foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign>
+sheaf at
+harvest in
+Aberdeenshire.</note>
+In the north-east of Aberdeenshire the customs connected
+with the last corn cut at harvest have been carefully
+collected and recorded by the late Rev. Walter Gregor of
+Pitsligo. His account runs as follows: <q rend='pre'>The last sheaf cut
+is the object of much care: the manner of cutting it, binding
+it, and carrying it to the house varies a little in the different
+districts. The following customs have been reported to me
+by people who have seen them or who have practised them,
+and some of the customs have now disappeared. The
+information comes from the parishes of Pitsligo, Aberdour,
+and Tyrie, situated in the north-east corner of the county of
+Aberdeen, but the customs are not limited to these parishes.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>Some particulars relating to the sheaf may be noted
+as always the same; thus (<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) it is cut and gathered by the
+youngest person present in the field, the person who is
+supposed to be the purest; (<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) the sheaf is not allowed
+to touch the ground; (<hi rend='italic'>c</hi>) it is made up and carried in
+triumph to the house; (<hi rend='italic'>d</hi>) it occupies a conspicuous place
+in the festivals which follow the end of the reaping; (<hi rend='italic'>e</hi>) it
+is kept till Christmas morning, and is then given to one or
+more of the horses or to the cattle of the farm.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign>
+sheaf cut
+by the
+youngest
+girl and not
+allowed to
+touch the
+ground.</note>
+<q rend='pre'>Before the introduction of the scythe, the corn was cut
+by the sickle or <foreign rend='italic'>heuck</foreign>, a kind of curved sickle. The last
+sheaf was shorn or cut by the youngest girl present. As
+the corn might not touch the ground, the master or <q>gueedman</q>
+<pb n='159'/><anchor id='Pg159'/>
+sat down, placed the band on his knees, and received
+thereupon each handful as it was cut. The sheaf was bound,
+dressed as a woman, and when it had been brought to the
+house, it was placed in some part of the kitchen, where
+everybody could see it during the meal which followed the
+end of the reaping. This sheaf was called the <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign> sheaf.<note place='foot'>A slightly different mode of
+making up the <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign> sheaf is described
+by the Rev. Walter Gregor elsewhere
+(<hi rend='italic'>Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-east
+of Scotland</hi>, London, 1881, pp. 181
+sq.): <q>The <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign> sheaf was cut by
+the maidens on the harvest field. On
+no account was it allowed to touch the
+ground. One of the maidens seated
+herself on the ground, and over her
+knees was the band of the sheaf laid.
+Each of the maidens cut a handful,
+or more if necessary, and laid it on
+the band. The sheaf was then bound,
+still lying over the maiden's knees, and
+dressed up in woman's clothing.</q></note></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>The manner of receiving and binding the last sheaf is
+not always the same. Here is another: three persons hold
+the band in their hands, one of them at each end, while the
+third holds the knot in the middle. Each handful of corn
+is placed so that the cut end is turned to the breast of those
+who support the ears on the opposite side. When all is cut,
+the youngest boy ties the knot. Two other bands are
+fastened to the sheaf, one near the cut end, the other near
+the ears. The sheaf is carried to the house by those who
+have helped to cut or bind it (Aberdour).</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>Since the introduction of the scythe, it is the youngest
+boy who cuts the last sheaf; my informant (a woman) told
+me that when he was not strong enough to wield the scythe,
+his hand was guided by another. The youngest girl gathers
+it. When it is bound with three bands, it is cut straight,
+and it is not allowed to touch the ground. The youngest
+girls carry it to the house. My informant (a woman) told
+me that she had seen it decked and placed at the head of
+the bed. Formerly, and still sometimes, there was always a
+bed in the kitchen (Tyrie).</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>The corn is not allowed to fall on the ground: the
+young girls who gather it take it by the ear and convey
+it handful by handful, till the whole sheaf is cut. A woman
+who <q>has lost a feather of her wing,</q> as an old woman put
+it to me, may not touch it. Sometimes also they merely
+put the two hands round the sheaf (New Deer).</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign>
+feast or
+<q>meal and
+ale.</q></note>
+<q rend='pre'>Generally a feast and dance follow when all the wheat
+is cut. This feast and dance bear the name of <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign> or
+<pb n='160'/><anchor id='Pg160'/>
+<q>meal and ale.</q> However, some people do not give <q>meal
+and ale</q> till all the cut corn has been got in: then the feast
+is called <q>the Winter</q> and they say that a farmer <q>has the
+Winter</q> when all his sheaves have been carried home.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>At this feast two things are indispensable: a cheese
+called the <foreign rend='italic'>clyack-kebback</foreign> and <q>meal and ale.</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>The cheese <foreign rend='italic'>clyack-kebback</foreign> must be cut by the master of
+the house. The first slice is larger than the rest; it is known
+by the name of <q>the <foreign rend='italic'>kanave's faang</foreign>,</q>&mdash;the young man's big
+slice&mdash;and is generally the share of the herd boy (Tyrie).</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>The dish called <q>meal and ale</q> is made as follows.
+You take a suitable vessel, whether an earthenware pot or
+a milk-bowl, if the crockery is scanty; but if on the contrary
+the family is well off, they use other special utensils. In
+each dish ale is poured and treacle is added to sweeten
+it. Then oatmeal is mixed with the sweetened ale till the
+whole is of a sufficient consistency. The cook adds whisky
+to the mixture in such proportion as she thinks fit. In each
+plate is put a ring. To allow the meal time to be completely
+absorbed, the dish is prepared on the morning of the
+feast. At the moment of the feast the dish or dishes containing
+the strong and savoury mixture are set on the
+middle of the table. But it is not served up till the end.
+Six or seven persons generally have a plate to themselves.
+Each of them plunges his spoon into the plate as fast as
+possible in the hope of getting the ring; for he who is
+lucky enough to get it will be married within the year.
+Meantime some of the stuff is swallowed, but often in the
+struggle some of it is spilt on the table or the floor.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign>
+sheaf in
+the dance.</note>
+<q rend='pre'>In some districts there used to be and still is dancing
+in the evening of the feast. <q>The sheaf</q> figured in the
+dances. It was dressed as a girl and carried on the back of
+the mistress of the house to the barn or granary which
+served as a ballroom. The mistress danced a reel with
+<q>the sheaf</q> on her back.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The <foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign>
+sheaf given
+to a mare
+in foal or
+to a cow
+in calf.</note>
+<q>The woman who gave me this account had been a
+witness of what she described when she was a girl. The
+sheaf was afterwards carefully stored till the first day of
+Christmas, when it was given to eat to a mare in foal, if
+there was one on the farm, or, if there was not, to the oldest
+<pb n='161'/><anchor id='Pg161'/>
+cow in calf. Elsewhere the sheaf was divided between all
+the cows and their calves or between all the horses and
+the cattle of the farm. (Related by an eye-witness.)</q><note place='foot'>W. Gregor, <q>Quelques coutumes
+du Nord-est du Comté d'Aberdeen,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Revue des Traditions populaires</hi>, iii.
+(October, 1888) pp. 484-487 (wrong
+pagination; should be 532-535). This
+account, translated into French by M.
+Loys Brueyre from the author's English
+and translated by me back from French
+into English, is fuller than the account
+given by the same writer in his <hi rend='italic'>Notes
+on the Folk-lore of the North-east of
+Scotland</hi> (London, 1881), pp. 181-183.
+I have translated <q><foreign lang='fr' rend='italic'>une jument ayant
+son poulain</foreign></q> by <q>a mare in foal,</q>
+and <q><foreign lang='fr' rend='italic'>la plus ancienne vache ayant son
+veau</foreign></q> by <q>the oldest cow in calf,</q>
+because in the author's <hi rend='italic'>Notes on the
+Folk-lore of the North-east of Scotland</hi>
+(p. 182) we read that the last sheaf was
+<q>carefully preserved till Christmas or
+New Year morning. On that morning
+it was given to a mare in foal,</q> etc.
+Otherwise the French words might
+naturally be understood of a mare
+with its foal and a cow with its calf.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Sanctity
+attributed
+to the
+<foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign>
+sheaf.
+The sacrament
+of
+barley-meal
+and
+water at
+Eleusis.</note>
+In these Aberdeenshire customs the sanctity attributed
+to the last corn cut at harvest is clearly manifested, not
+merely by the ceremony with which it is treated on the
+field, in the house, and in the barn, but also by the great
+care taken to prevent it from touching the ground or being
+handled by any unchaste person. The reason why the
+youngest person on the field, whether a girl or a boy, is
+chosen to cut the last standing corn and sometimes to carry
+it to the house is no doubt a calculation that the younger
+the person the more likely is he or she to be sexually pure.
+We have seen that for this reason some negroes entrust the
+sowing of the seed to very young girls,<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg115'>115</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> and later on we
+shall meet with more evidence in Africa of the notion that
+the corn may be handled only by the pure.<note place='foot'>See below, vol. ii. p. 110.</note> And in the
+gruel of oat-meal and ale, which the harvesters sup with
+spoons as an indispensable part of the harvest supper, have
+we not the Scotch equivalent of the gruel of barley-meal and
+water, flavoured with pennyroyal, which the initiates at Eleusis
+drank as a solemn form of communion with the Barley
+Goddess Demeter?<note place='foot'>The drinking of the draught (called
+the κυκεών) as a solemn rite in the
+Eleusinian mysteries is mentioned by
+Clement of Alexandria (<hi rend='italic'>Protrept.</hi> 21,
+p. 18, ed. Potter) and Arnobius (<hi rend='italic'>Adversus
+Nationes</hi>, v. 26). The composition
+of the draught is revealed by
+the author of the Homeric <hi rend='italic'>Hymn to
+Demeter</hi> (verses 206-211), where he
+represents Demeter herself partaking
+of the sacred cup. That the compound
+was a kind of thick gruel, half-solid,
+half-liquid, is mentioned by Eustathius
+(on Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, xi. 638, p. 870).
+Compare Miss J. E. Harrison, <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena
+to the Study of Greek Religion</hi>,
+Second Edition (Cambridge,
+1908), pp. 155 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> May not that mystic sacrament have
+<pb n='162'/><anchor id='Pg162'/>
+originated in a simple harvest supper held by Eleusinian
+farmers at the end of the reaping?
+</p>
+
+<p>
+According to a briefer account of the Aberdeenshire
+custom, <q>the last sheaf cut, or <q>maiden,</q> is carried home
+in merry procession by the harvesters. It is then presented
+to the mistress of the house, who dresses it up
+to be preserved till the first mare foals. The maiden
+is then taken down and presented to the mare as its
+first food. The neglect of this would have untoward
+effects upon the foal, and disastrous consequences upon farm
+operations generally for the season.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. J. Macdonald, <hi rend='italic'>Religion and
+Myth</hi> (London, 1893), pp. 140 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+from MS. notes of Miss J. Ligertwood.</note> In Fifeshire the last
+handful of corn, known as the Maiden, is cut by a young
+girl and made into the rude figure of a doll, tied with ribbons,
+by which it is hung on the wall of the farm-kitchen till the
+next spring.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore Journal</hi>, vii. (1889) p.
+51; <hi rend='italic'>The Quarterly Review</hi>, clxxii.
+(1891) p. 195.</note> The custom of cutting the Maiden at harvest
+was also observed in Inverness-shire and Sutherlandshire.<note place='foot'>As to Inverness-shire my old friend
+Mr. Hugh E. Cameron, formerly of
+Glen Moriston, Inverness-shire, wrote
+to me many years ago: <q>As a boy, I
+remember the last bit of corn cut was
+taken home, and neatly tied up with a
+ribbon, and then stuck up on the wall
+above the kitchen fire-place, and there
+it often remained till the <q>maiden</q> of
+the following year took its place.
+There was no ceremony about it,
+beyond often a struggle as to who
+would get, or cut, the last sheaf to
+select the <q>maiden</q> from</q> (<hi rend='italic'>The Folk-lore
+Journal</hi>, vii. 1889, pp. 50 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>).
+As to Sutherlandshire my mother was
+told by a servant, Isabella Ross, that
+in that county <q>they hang up the
+<q>maiden</q> generally over the mantel-piece
+(chimney-piece) till the next
+harvest. They have always a kirn,
+whipped cream, with often a ring in it,
+and sometimes meal sprinkled over it.
+The girls must all be dressed in lilac
+prints, they all dance, and at twelve
+o'clock they eat potatoes and herrings</q>
+(<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 53 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+bride.</note>
+A somewhat maturer but still youthful age is assigned
+to the corn-spirit by the appellations of Bride, Oats-bride,
+and Wheat-bride, which in Germany are sometimes
+bestowed both on the last sheaf and on the woman who binds
+it.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>
+(Berlin, 1868), p. 30.</note> At wheat-harvest near Müglitz, in Moravia, a small
+portion of the wheat is left standing after all the rest has been
+reaped. This remnant is then cut, amid the rejoicing of
+the reapers, by a young girl who wears a wreath of wheaten
+ears on her head and goes by the name of the Wheat-bride.
+It is supposed that she will be a real bride that same year.<note place='foot'>W. Müller, <hi rend='italic'>Beiträge zur Volkskunde
+der Deutschen in Mähren</hi>
+(Vienna and Olmütz, 1893), p. 327.</note>
+<pb n='163'/><anchor id='Pg163'/>
+In the upland valley of Alpach, in North Tyrol, the person
+who brings the last sheaf into the granary is said to have
+the Wheat-bride or the Rye-bride according to the crop,
+and is received with great demonstrations of respect and
+rejoicing. The people of the farm go out to meet him, bells
+are rung, and refreshments offered to him on a tray.<note place='foot'>J. E. Waldfreund, <q>Volksgebräuche
+und Aberglaube in Tirol und
+dem Salzburger Gebirg,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift
+für deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde</hi>,
+iii. (1855) p. 340.</note> In
+Austrian Silesia a girl is chosen to be the Wheat-bride, and
+much honour is paid to her at the harvest-festival.<note place='foot'>Th. Vernaleken, <hi rend='italic'>Mythen und
+Bräuche des Volkes in Oesterreich</hi>
+(Vienna, 1859), p. 310.</note> Near
+Roslin and Stonehaven, in Scotland, the last handful of
+corn cut <q>got the name of <q>the bride,</q> and she was placed
+over the <foreign rend='italic'>bress</foreign> or chimney-piece; she had a ribbon tied
+below her numerous <foreign rend='italic'>ears</foreign>, and another round her waist.</q><note place='foot'>Mr. R. Matheson, in <hi rend='italic'>The Folk-lore
+Journal</hi>, vii. (1889) pp. 49, 50.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+Bride and
+Bridegroom.</note>
+Sometimes the idea implied by the name of Bride
+is worked out more fully by representing the productive
+powers of vegetation as bride and bridegroom. Thus
+in the Vorharz an Oats-man and an Oats-woman, swathed
+in straw, dance at the harvest feast.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>
+(Berlin, 1868), p. 30.</note> In South Saxony
+an Oats-bridegroom and an Oats-bride figure together at
+the harvest celebration. The Oats-bridegroom is a man
+completely wrapt in oats-straw; the Oats-bride is a man
+dressed in woman's clothes, but not wrapt in straw.
+They are drawn in a waggon to the ale-house, where
+the dance takes place. At the beginning of the dance
+the dancers pluck the bunches of oats one by one from the
+Oats-bridegroom, while he struggles to keep them, till
+at last he is completely stript of them and stands bare,
+exposed to the laughter and jests of the company.<note place='foot'>E. Sommer, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Märchen und
+Gebräuche aus Sachsen und Thüringen</hi>
+(Halle, 1846), pp. 160 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note> In
+Austrian Silesia the ceremony of <q>the Wheat-bride</q> is
+celebrated by the young people at the end of the harvest.
+The woman who bound the last sheaf plays the part of the
+Wheat-bride, wearing the harvest-crown of wheat ears and
+flowers on her head. Thus adorned, standing beside her
+Bridegroom in a waggon and attended by bridesmaids, she
+is drawn by a pair of oxen, in full imitation of a marriage
+<pb n='164'/><anchor id='Pg164'/>
+procession, to the tavern, where the dancing is kept up till
+morning. Somewhat later in the season the wedding of the
+Oats-bride is celebrated with the like rustic pomp. About
+Neisse, in Silesia, an Oats-king and an Oats-queen, dressed
+up quaintly as a bridal pair, are seated on a harrow and
+drawn by oxen into the village.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi>; E. Peter,
+<hi rend='italic'>Volksthümliches aus Österreichisch-Schlesien</hi>
+(Troppau, 1865-1867), ii.
+269.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in
+the double
+form of the
+Old Wife
+and the
+Maiden
+simultaneously
+at
+harvest in
+the Highlands
+of
+Scotland.</note>
+In these last instances the corn-spirit is personified in
+double form as male and female. But sometimes the spirit
+appears in a double female form as both old and young,
+corresponding exactly to the Greek Demeter and Persephone,
+if my interpretation of these goddesses is right. We have
+seen that in Scotland, especially among the Gaelic-speaking
+population, the last corn cut is sometimes called the Old
+Wife and sometimes the Maiden. Now there are parts
+of Scotland in which both an Old Wife (<foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>) and a
+Maiden are cut at harvest. As the accounts of this
+custom are not quite clear and consistent, it may be well
+to give them first in the words of the original authorities.
+Thus the late Sheriff Alexander Nicolson tells us that
+there is a Gaelic proverb, <q>A balk (<foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>léum-iochd</foreign>) in autumn is
+better than a sheaf the more</q>; and he explains it by saying
+that a <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>léum-iochd</foreign> or balk <q>is a strip of a corn-field left
+fallow. The fear of being left with the last sheaf of the
+harvest, called the <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>cailleach</foreign>, or <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>gobhar bhacach</foreign>, always led to
+an exciting competition among the reapers in the last field.
+The reaper who came on a <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>léum-iochd</foreign> would of course be
+glad to have so much the less to cut.</q><note place='foot'>Alexander Nicolson, <hi rend='italic'>A Collection
+of Gaelic Proverbs and Familiar
+Phrases, based on Macintosh's Collection</hi>
+(Edinburgh and London, 1881), p. 248.</note> In further explanation
+of the proverb the writer adds:
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>The customs as to the <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign> and <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Maighdean-bhuana</foreign>
+seem to have varied somewhat. Two reapers were usually
+set to each rig, and according to one account, the man who
+was first done got the <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Maighdean-bhuana</foreign> or <q>Reaping-Maiden,</q>
+while the man who was last got the <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign> or
+<q>old woman.</q> The latter term is used in Argyleshire; the
+term <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Gobhar-bhacach</foreign>, the lame goat, is used in Skye.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>According to what appears to be the better version, the
+<pb n='165'/><anchor id='Pg165'/>
+competition to avoid the <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign> was not between reapers but
+between neighbouring crofters, and the man who got his
+harvest done first sent a handful of corn called the <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>
+to his neighbour, who passed it on, till it landed with him
+who was latest. That man's penalty was to provide for the
+dearth of the township, <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>gort a' bhaile</foreign>, in the ensuing season.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q>The <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Maighdean-bhuana</foreign>, again, was the last cut handful
+of oats, on a croft or farm, and was an object of lively
+competition among the reapers. It was tastefully tied
+up with ribbons, generally dressed like a doll, and then
+hung up on a nail till spring. On the first day of ploughing
+it was solemnly taken down, and given as a <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Sainnseal</foreign>
+(or handsel) to the horses for luck. It was meant as a symbol
+that the harvest had been secured, and to ward off the
+fairies, representatives of the ethereal and unsubstantial, till
+the time came to provide for a new crop.</q><note place='foot'>A. Nicolson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 415 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Again, the
+Rev. Mr. Campbell of Kilchrenan, on Loch Awe, furnished Dr.
+R. C. Maclagan with the following account of the Highland
+customs at harvest. The recollections of Mrs. MacCorquodale,
+then resident at Kilchrenan, refer to the customs practised
+about the middle of the nineteenth century in the wild
+and gloomy valley of Glencoe, infamous in history for
+the treacherous massacre perpetrated there by the Government
+troops in 1692. <q rend='pre'>Mrs. MacCorquodale says that
+the rivalry was for the Maiden, and for the privilege she
+gave of sending the Cailleach to the next neighbour.
+The Maiden was represented by the last stalks reaped;
+the Cailleach by a handful taken at random from the
+field, perhaps the last rig of the reaper last to finish. The
+Cailleach was not dressed but carried after binding to
+the neighbour's field. The Maiden was cut in the following
+manner. All the reapers gathered round her and kept a
+short distance from her. They then threw their hooks
+[sickles] at her. The person successful in cutting her down
+in this manner was the man whose possession she became.
+Mrs. MacCorquodale understood that the man of a township
+who got the Cailleach finally was supposed to be doomed to
+poverty for his want of energy. (Gaelic: <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>treubhantas</foreign>&mdash;valour.)</q>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='166'/><anchor id='Pg166'/>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>A sample of the toast to the Cailleach at the harvest
+entertainment was as follows: <q>The Cailleach is with ...
+and is now with (me) since I was the last. I drink to her
+health. Since she assisted me in harvest, it is likely that it
+is with me she will abide during the winter.</q> In explaining
+the above toast Mr. Campbell says that it signifies that the
+Cailleach is always with agriculturists. <q>She has been with
+others before and is now with me (the proposer of the toast).
+Though I did my best to avoid her I welcome her as my
+assistant, and am prepared to entertain her during the winter.</q>
+Another form of the toast was as follows: <q>To your health,
+good wife, who for harvest has come to help us, and if I live
+I'll try to support you when winter comes.</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'>John MacCorquodale, Kilchrenan, says that at Crianlarich
+in Strath Fillan, they make a Cailleach of sticks and
+a turnip, old clothes and a pipe. In this case the effigy
+passed in succession to seven farms, which he mentioned, and
+finally settled with an innkeeper. The list suggested that
+the upper farms stood a bad chance, and perhaps that a
+prosperous innkeeper could more easily bear up against the
+reproach and loss (?) of supporting the Cailleach.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q>Duncan MacIntyre, Kilchrenan, says that in one case
+where the last field to be reaped was the most fertile land on
+the farm, the corn first cut in it, which was taken near the edge,
+was reserved to make a Cailleach, should the owner be so
+happy as to be able to pass her on to his neighbour. The
+last blades cut were generally in the middle or best part of
+the field. These in any event became the Maiden.</q> Lastly,
+Dr. Maclagan observes that <q>having directed the attention
+of Miss Kerr, Port Charlotte, Islay, to the practice of having
+two different bunches on the mainland of Argyle, she informs
+me that in Islay and Kintyre the last handful is the Cailleach,
+and they have no Maiden. The same is the custom in Bernara
+and other parts of the Western Isles, while in Mull the
+last handful is the Maiden, and they have no Cailleach. In
+North Uist the habit still prevails of putting the Cailleach
+over-night among the standing corn of lazy crofters.</q><note place='foot'>R. C. Maclagan, <q>Corn-maiden in Argyleshire,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, vii. (1896)
+pp. 78 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>In these
+customs
+the Old
+Wife represents
+the
+old corn of
+last year,
+and the
+Maiden the
+new corn
+of this
+year.</note>
+The general rule to which these various accounts point
+<pb n='167'/><anchor id='Pg167'/>
+seems to be that, where both a Maiden and an Old Wife
+(<foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>) are fashioned out of the reaped corn at harvest, the
+Maiden is always made out of the last stalks left standing, and
+is kept by the farmer on whose land it was cut; while the Old
+Wife is made out of other stalks, sometimes out of the first
+stalks cut, and is regularly passed on to a laggard farmer
+who happens to be still reaping after his brisker neighbour
+has cut all his corn. Thus while each farmer keeps his own
+Maiden, as the embodiment of the young and fruitful spirit
+of the corn, he passes on the Old Wife as soon as he can to
+a neighbour, and so the old lady may make the round of all
+the farms in the district before she finds a place in which to
+lay her venerable head. The farmer with whom she finally
+takes up her abode is of course the one who has been the last
+of all the countryside to finish reaping his crops, and thus the
+distinction of entertaining her is rather an invidious one.
+Similarly we saw that in Pembrokeshire, where the last corn
+cut is called, not the Maiden, but the Hag, she is passed on
+hastily to a neighbour who is still at work in his fields and
+who receives his aged visitor with anything but a transport
+of joy. If the Old Wife represents the corn-spirit of the
+past year, as she probably does wherever she is contrasted
+with and opposed to a Maiden, it is natural enough that
+her faded charms should have less attractions for the husbandman
+than the buxom form of her daughter, who may
+be expected to become in her turn the mother of the golden
+grain when the revolving year has brought round another
+autumn. The same desire to get rid of the effete Mother
+of the Corn by palming her off on other people comes out
+clearly in some of the customs observed at the close of
+threshing, particularly in the practice of passing on a hideous
+straw puppet to a neighbour farmer who is still threshing
+his corn.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg149'>149</ref>, where, however,
+the corn-spirit is conceived as an
+Old Man.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Analogy of
+the harvest
+customs to
+the spring
+customs of
+Europe.</note>
+The harvest customs just described are strikingly analogous
+to the spring customs which we reviewed in the first
+part of this work. (1) As in the spring customs the tree-spirit
+is represented both by a tree and by a person,<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, ii. 73 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> so in
+<pb n='168'/><anchor id='Pg168'/>
+the harvest customs the corn-spirit is represented both by
+the last sheaf and by the person who cuts or binds or
+threshes it. The equivalence of the person to the sheaf is
+shewn by giving him or her the same name as the sheaf; by
+wrapping him or her in it; and by the rule observed in
+some places, that when the sheaf is called the Mother, it
+must be made up into human shape by the oldest married
+woman, but that when it is called the Maiden, it must be
+cut by the youngest girl.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>, <ref target='Pg137'>137</ref>, <ref target='Pg138'>138</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+<ref target='Pg142'>142</ref>, <ref target='Pg145'>145</ref>, <ref target='Pg147'>147</ref>, <ref target='Pg148'>148</ref>, <ref target='Pg149'>149</ref>.</note> Here the age of the personal
+representative of the corn-spirit corresponds with that of the
+supposed age of the corn-spirit, just as the human victims
+offered by the Mexicans to promote the growth of the maize
+varied with the age of the maize.<note place='foot'>See below, pp. <ref target='Pg237'>237</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> For in the Mexican, as
+in the European, custom the human beings were probably
+representatives of the corn-spirit rather than victims offered
+to it. (2) Again, the same fertilising influence which the
+tree-spirit is supposed to exert over vegetation, cattle, and
+even women<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, ii. 47 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> is ascribed to the corn-spirit. Thus, its supposed
+influence on vegetation is shewn by the practice of
+taking some of the grain of the last sheaf (in which the
+corn-spirit is regularly supposed to be present), and scattering
+it among the young corn in spring or mixing it with the
+seed-corn.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>, <ref target='Pg135'>135</ref>.</note> Its influence on animals is shewn by giving the
+last sheaf to a mare in foal, to a cow in calf, and to horses
+at the first ploughing.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg141'>141</ref>, <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>, <ref target='Pg156'>156</ref>, <ref target='Pg158'>158</ref>,
+<ref target='Pg160'>160</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg162'>162</ref>, <ref target='Pg165'>165</ref>.</note> Lastly, its influence on women is
+indicated by the custom of delivering the Mother-sheaf, made
+into the likeness of a pregnant woman, to the farmer's wife;<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg135'>135</ref>.</note>
+by the belief that the woman who binds the last sheaf will
+have a child next year;<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg145'>145</ref>. Compare A.
+Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen
+aus Westfalen</hi> (Leipsic, 1859), ii. p.
+185, § 516.</note> perhaps, too, by the idea that the
+person who gets it will soon be married.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg136'>136</ref>, <ref target='Pg139'>139</ref>, <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>, <ref target='Pg157'>157</ref>
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg162'>162</ref>; compare p. <ref target='Pg160'>160</ref>.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The spring
+and harvest
+customs of
+Europe are
+parts of a
+primitive
+heathen
+ritual.</note>
+Plainly, therefore, these spring and harvest customs are
+based on the same ancient modes of thought, and form parts
+of the same primitive heathendom, which was doubtless
+practised by our forefathers long before the dawn of history.
+<pb n='169'/><anchor id='Pg169'/>
+Amongst the marks of a primitive ritual we may note the
+following:&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Marks of a
+primitive
+ritual.</note>
+1. No special class of persons is set apart for the performance
+of the rites; in other words, there are no priests.
+The rites may be performed by any one, as occasion demands.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+2. No special places are set apart for the performance
+of the rites; in other words, there are no temples. The
+rites may be performed anywhere, as occasion demands.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+3. Spirits, not gods, are recognised. (<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) As distinguished
+from gods, spirits are restricted in their operations
+to definite departments of nature. Their names are general,
+not proper. Their attributes are generic, rather than individual;
+in other words, there is an indefinite number of
+spirits of each class, and the individuals of a class are all
+much alike; they have no definitely marked individuality;
+no accepted traditions are current as to their origin, life,
+adventures, and character. (<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) On the other hand gods, as
+distinguished from spirits, are not restricted to definite
+departments of nature. It is true that there is generally
+some one department over which they preside as their
+special province; but they are not rigorously confined to it;
+they can exert their power for good or evil in many other
+spheres of nature and life. Again, they bear individual or
+proper names, such as Demeter, Persephone, Dionysus; and
+their individual characters and histories are fixed by current
+myths and the representations of art.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+4. The rites are magical rather than propitiatory.
+In other words, the desired objects are attained, not by
+propitiating the favour of divine beings through sacrifice,
+prayer, and praise, but by ceremonies which, as I have already
+explained,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings</hi>, i. 220 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> are believed to influence the course of nature
+directly through a physical sympathy or resemblance between
+the rite and the effect which it is the intention of the rite
+to produce.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Reasons
+for regarding
+the spring and
+harvest
+customs of
+modern
+Europe as
+a primitive
+ritual.</note>
+Judged by these tests, the spring and harvest customs of
+our European peasantry deserve to rank as primitive. For
+no special class of persons and no special places are set
+exclusively apart for their performance; they may be performed
+by any one, master or man, mistress or maid, boy or
+<pb n='170'/><anchor id='Pg170'/>
+girl; they are practised, not in temples or churches, but in
+the woods and meadows, beside brooks, in barns, on harvest
+fields and cottage floors. The supernatural beings whose
+existence is taken for granted in them are spirits rather than
+deities: their functions are limited to certain well-defined
+departments of nature: their names are general, like the
+Barley-mother, the Old Woman, the Maiden, not proper
+names like Demeter, Persephone, Dionysus. Their generic
+attributes are known, but their individual histories and
+characters are not the subject of myths. For they exist in
+classes rather than as individuals, and the members of each
+class are indistinguishable. For example, every farm has its
+Corn-mother, or its Old Woman, or its Maiden; but every
+Corn-mother is much like every other Corn-mother, and so
+with the Old Women and Maidens. Lastly, in these harvest,
+as in the spring customs, the ritual is magical rather than
+propitiatory. This is shewn by throwing the Corn-mother
+into the river in order to secure rain and dew for the
+crops;<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg146'>146</ref>. The common
+custom of wetting the last sheaf and
+its bearer is no doubt also a rain-charm;
+indeed the intention to procure
+rain or make the corn grow is
+sometimes avowed. See above, pp.
+<ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>, <ref target='Pg137'>137</ref>, <ref target='Pg143'>143</ref>, <ref target='Pg144'>144</ref>, <ref target='Pg145'>145</ref>; <hi rend='italic'>Adonis,
+Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second Edition, pp.
+195-197.</note> by making the Old Woman heavy in order to get
+a heavy crop next year;<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg135'>135</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg138'>138</ref>, <ref target='Pg139'>139</ref>, <ref target='Pg152'>152</ref>.</note> by strewing grain from the last
+sheaf amongst the young crops in spring;<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>.</note> and by giving
+the last sheaf to the cattle to make them thrive.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>, <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>, <ref target='Pg158'>158</ref>, <ref target='Pg161'>161</ref>.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='171'/><anchor id='Pg171'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter VI. The Corn-Mother in Many Lands.</head>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='1. The Corn-mother in America.'/>
+<head>§ 1. The Corn-mother in America.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Corn-mother
+in
+many
+lands.</note>
+European peoples, ancient and modern, have not been
+singular in personifying the corn as a mother goddess. The
+same simple idea has suggested itself to other agricultural
+races in distant parts of the world, and has been applied by
+them to other indigenous cereals than barley and wheat. If
+Europe has its Wheat-mother and its Barley-mother,
+America has its Maize-mother and the East Indies their
+Rice-mother. These personifications I will now illustrate,
+beginning with the American personification of the maize.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Maize-mother
+among the
+Peruvian
+Indians.</note>
+We have seen that among European peoples it is a common
+custom to keep the plaited corn-stalks of the last sheaf, or the
+puppet which is formed out of them, in the farm-house from
+harvest to harvest.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg136'>136</ref>, <ref target='Pg138'>138</ref>, <ref target='Pg140'>140</ref>, <ref target='Pg143'>143</ref>,
+<ref target='Pg152'>152</ref>, <ref target='Pg153'>153</ref>, <ref target='Pg154'>154</ref>, <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref>, <ref target='Pg156'>156</ref>, <ref target='Pg157'>157</ref>, <ref target='Pg158'>158</ref>:
+W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+pp. 7, 26.</note> The intention no doubt is, or rather originally
+was, by preserving the representative of the corn-spirit
+to maintain the spirit itself in life and activity throughout
+the year, in order that the corn may grow and the crops be
+good. This interpretation of the custom is at all events rendered
+highly probable by a similar custom observed by the
+ancient Peruvians, and thus described by the old Spanish
+historian Acosta:&mdash;<q>They take a certain portion of the most
+fruitful of the maize that grows in their farms, the which
+they put in a certain granary which they do call <foreign rend='italic'>Pirua</foreign>,
+with certain ceremonies, watching three nights; they put
+this maize in the richest garments they have, and being
+thus wrapped and dressed, they worship this <foreign rend='italic'>Pirua</foreign>, and hold
+<pb n='172'/><anchor id='Pg172'/>
+it in great veneration, saying it is the mother of the maize of
+their inheritances, and that by this means the maize augments
+and is preserved. In this month [the sixth month, answering
+to May] they make a particular sacrifice, and the witches
+demand of this <foreign rend='italic'>Pirua</foreign> if it hath strength sufficient to continue
+until the next year; and if it answers no, then they
+carry this maize to the farm to burn, whence they brought
+it, according to every man's power; then they make another
+<foreign rend='italic'>Pirua</foreign>, with the same ceremonies, saying that they renew it,
+to the end the seed of maize may not perish, and if it
+answers that it hath force sufficient to last longer, they leave
+it until the next year. This foolish vanity continueth to
+this day, and it is very common amongst the Indians to
+have these <foreign rend='italic'>Piruas</foreign>.</q><note place='foot'>J. de Acosta, <hi rend='italic'>Natural and Moral
+History of the Indies</hi>, bk. v. ch. 28,
+vol. ii. p. 374 (Hakluyt Society,
+London, 1880). In quoting the passage
+I have modernised the spelling.
+The original Spanish text of Acosta's
+work was reprinted in a convenient
+form at Madrid in 1894. See vol. ii.
+p. 117 of that edition.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Maize-mother,
+the
+Quinoa-mother,
+the Coca-mother,
+and the
+Potato-mother
+among the
+Peruvian
+Indians.</note>
+In this description of the custom there seems to be
+some error. Probably it was the dressed-up bunch of
+maize, not the granary (<foreign rend='italic'>Pirua</foreign>), which was worshipped
+by the Peruvians and regarded as the Mother of the
+Maize. This is confirmed by what we know of the Peruvian
+custom from another source. The Peruvians, we are told,
+believed all useful plants to be animated by a divine being
+who causes their growth. According to the particular plant,
+these divine beings were called the Maize-mother (<foreign rend='italic'>Zara-mama</foreign>),
+the Quinoa-mother (<foreign rend='italic'>Quinoa-mama</foreign>), the Coca-mother
+(<foreign rend='italic'>Coca-mama</foreign>), and the Potato-mother (<foreign rend='italic'>Axo-mama</foreign>). Figures
+of these divine mothers were made respectively of ears of
+maize and leaves of the quinoa and coca plants; they were
+dressed in women's clothes and worshipped. Thus the
+Maize-mother was represented by a puppet made of stalks of
+maize dressed in full female attire; and the Indians believed
+that <q>as mother, it had the power of producing and giving
+birth to much maize.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 342 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Mannhardt's
+authority is a Spanish tract
+(<hi rend='italic'>Carta pastorale de exortacion e instruccion
+contra las idolatrias de los Indios
+del arçobispado de Lima</hi>) by Pedro de
+Villagomez, Archbishop of Lima,
+published at Lima in 1649, and communicated
+to Mannhardt by J. J.
+v. Tschudi. The <hi rend='italic'>Carta Pastorale</hi> itself
+seems to be partly based on an earlier
+work, the <hi rend='italic'>Extirpacion de la Idolatria
+del Piru. Dirigido al Rey N.S. en
+Su real conseio de Indias, por el Padre
+Pablo Joseph de Arriaga de la Compañia
+de Jesus</hi> (Lima, 1621). A copy
+of this work is possessed by the British
+Museum, where I consulted it. The
+writer explains (p. 16) that the Maize-mothers
+(<foreign rend='italic'>Zaramamas</foreign>) are of three
+sorts, namely (1) those which are
+made of maize stalks, dressed up like
+women, (2) those which are carved of
+stone in the likeness of cobs of maize,
+and (3) those which consist simply of
+fruitful stalks of maize or of two
+maize-cobs naturally joined together.
+These last, the writer tells us, were the
+principal <foreign rend='italic'>Zaramamas</foreign>, and were revered
+by the natives as Mothers of the Maize.
+Similarly, when two potatoes were
+found growing together the Indians
+called them Potato-mothers (<foreign rend='italic'>Axomamas</foreign>)
+and kept them in order to
+get a good crop of potatoes. As
+Arriaga's work is rare, it may be well
+to give his account of the Maize-mothers,
+Coca-mothers, and Potato-mothers
+in his own words. He says
+(p. 16): <q><foreign lang='es' rend='italic'>Zaramamas, son de tres
+maneras, y son las que se quentan entre
+las cosas halladas en los pueblos. La
+primera es una como muñeca hecha de
+cañas de maiz, vestida como muger con
+su anaco, y llicilla, y sus topos de
+plata, y entienden, que como madre
+tiene virtud de engendrar, y parir
+mucho maiz. A este modo tienen
+tambien Cocamamas para augmento de
+la coca. Otras son de piedra labradas
+como choclos, o mazorcas de maiz, con sus
+granos relevados, y de estas suelen tener
+muchas en lugar de Conopas</foreign> [household
+gods]. <foreign lang='es' rend='italic'>Otras son algunas cañas fertiles
+de maiz, que con la fertilidad de la
+tierra dieron muchas maçorcas, y
+grandes, o quando salen dos maçorcas
+juntas, y estas son las principales,
+Zaramamas, y assi las reverencian
+como a madres del maiz, a estas llaman
+tambien Huantayzara, o Ayrihuayzara.
+A este tercer genero no le dan la
+adoracion que a Huaca, ni Conopa,
+sino que le tienen supersticiosamente
+como una cosa sagrada, y colgando
+estas cañas con muchos choclos de unos
+ramos de sauce bailen con ellas el bayle,
+que llaman Ayrihua, y acabado el
+bayle, las queman, y sacrifican a Libiac
+para que les de buena cosecha. Con
+la misma supersticion guardan las
+mazorcas del maiz, que salen muy
+pintadas, que llaman Micsazara, o
+Mantayzara, o Caullazara, y otros que
+llaman Piruazara, que son otras
+maçorcas en que van subiendo los
+granos no derechos sino haziendo
+caracol. Estas Micsazara, o Piruazara,
+ponen supersticiosamente en los
+montones de maiz, y en las Piruas (que
+son donde guardan el maiz) paraque se
+las guarde, y el dia de las exhibiciones
+se junta tanto de estas maçorcas, que
+tienen bien que comer las mulas. La
+misma supersticion tienen con las que
+llaman Axomamas, que son quando
+salen algunas papas juntas, y las
+guardan para tener buena cosecha de
+papas.</foreign></q> The <foreign lang='es' rend='italic'>exhibiciones</foreign> here referred
+to are the occasions when the Indians
+brought forth their idols and other
+relics of superstition and delivered
+them to the ecclesiastical visitors.
+At Tarija in Bolivia, down to the
+present time, a cross is set up at
+harvest in the maize-fields, and on it
+all maize-spadices growing as twins
+are hung. They are called Pachamamas
+(Earth-mothers) and are thought
+to bring good harvests. See Baron
+E. Nordenskiöld, <q>Travels on the
+Boundaries of Bolivia and Argentina,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>The Geographical Journal</hi>, xxi. (1903)
+pp. 517, 518. Compare E. J. Payne,
+<hi rend='italic'>History of the New World called
+America</hi> (Oxford, 1892), i. 414 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Probably, therefore, Acosta misunderstood
+<pb n='173'/><anchor id='Pg173'/>
+his informant, and the Mother of the Maize which
+he describes was not the granary (<foreign rend='italic'>Pirua</foreign>), but the bunch of
+maize dressed in rich vestments. The Peruvian Mother of
+the Maize, like the harvest-Maiden at Balquhidder, was kept
+for a year in order that by her means the corn might grow
+and multiply. But lest her strength might not suffice to last
+<pb n='174'/><anchor id='Pg174'/>
+till the next harvest, she was asked in the course of the
+year how she felt, and if she answered that she felt weak, she
+was burned and a fresh Mother of the Maize made, <q>to the
+end the seed of maize may not perish.</q> Here, it may be
+observed, we have a strong confirmation of the explanation
+already given of the custom of killing the god, both periodically
+and occasionally. The Mother of the Maize was
+allowed, as a rule, to live through a year, that being the
+period during which her strength might reasonably be supposed
+to last unimpaired; but on any symptom of her
+strength failing she was put to death, and a fresh and vigorous
+Mother of the Maize took her place, lest the maize which
+depended on her for its existence should languish and decay.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Customs of
+the ancient
+Mexicans
+at the
+maize-harvest.</note>
+Hardly less clearly does the same train of thought come
+out in the harvest customs formerly observed by the Zapotecs
+of Mexico. At harvest the priests, attended by the nobles
+and people, went in procession to the maize fields, where they
+picked out the largest and finest sheaf. This they took
+with great ceremony to the town or village, and placed it in
+the temple upon an altar adorned with wild flowers. After
+sacrificing to the harvest god, the priests carefully wrapped
+up the sheaf in fine linen and kept it till seed-time. Then
+the priests and nobles met again at the temple, one of them
+bringing the skin of a wild beast, elaborately ornamented, in
+which the linen cloth containing the sheaf was enveloped.
+The sheaf was then carried once more in procession to the
+field from which it had been taken. Here a small cavity or
+subterranean chamber had been prepared, in which the
+precious sheaf was deposited, wrapt in its various envelopes.
+After sacrifice had been offered to the gods of the fields for
+an abundant crop the chamber was closed and covered over
+with earth. Immediately thereafter the sowing began.
+Finally, when the time of harvest drew near, the buried sheaf
+was solemnly disinterred by the priests, who distributed the
+grain to all who asked for it. The packets of grain so distributed
+were carefully preserved as talismans till the harvest.<note place='foot'>Brasseur de Bourbourg, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire
+des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de
+l'Amérique Centrale</hi> (Paris 1857-1859),
+iii. 40 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, iii.
+505 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; E. J. Payne, <hi rend='italic'>History of the
+New World called America</hi>, i. 419 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+In these ceremonies, which continued to be annually celebrated
+<pb n='175'/><anchor id='Pg175'/>
+long after the Spanish conquest, the intention of keeping
+the finest sheaf buried in the maize field from seed-time
+to harvest was undoubtedly to quicken the growth of the
+maize.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Sahagun's
+account of
+the ancient
+Mexican
+religion.</note>
+A fuller and to some extent different account of the
+ancient Mexican worship of the maize has been given us
+by the Franciscan monk Bernardino de Sahagun, who arrived
+in Mexico in 1529, only eight years after its conquest by
+the Spaniards, and devoted the remaining sixty-one years
+of his long life to labouring among the Indians for their
+moral and spiritual good. Uniting the curiosity of a
+scientific enquirer to the zeal of a missionary, and adorning
+both qualities with the humanity and benevolence of a
+good man, he obtained from the oldest and most learned
+of the Indians accounts of their ancient customs and beliefs,
+and embodied them in a work which, for combined interest
+of matter and fulness of detail, has perhaps never been
+equalled in the records of aboriginal peoples brought into
+contact with European civilisation. This great document,
+after lying neglected in the dust of Spanish archives for centuries,
+was discovered and published almost simultaneously
+in Mexico and England in the first half of the nineteenth
+century. It exists in the double form of an Aztec text and
+a Spanish translation, both due to Sahagun himself. Only
+the Spanish version has hitherto been published in full, but
+the original Aztec text, to judge by the few extracts of it
+which have been edited and translated, appears to furnish
+much more ample details on many points, and in the interest
+of learning it is greatly to be desired that a complete edition
+and translation of it should be given to the world.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Sahagun's
+description
+of the
+Mexican
+Maize-goddess
+and her
+festival.</note>
+Fortunately, among the sections of this great work which
+have been edited and translated from the Aztec original into
+German by Professor Eduard Seler of Berlin is a long one
+describing the religious festivals of the ancient Mexican
+calendar.<note place='foot'>E. Seler, <q>Altmexikanische
+Studien, ii.,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Veröffentlichungen aus
+dem königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde</hi>,
+vi. (Berlin, 1899) 2/4 Heft,
+pp. 67 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> Another chapter of
+Sahagun's work, describing the costumes
+of the Mexican gods, has been edited
+and translated into German by Professor
+E. Seler in the same series
+of publications (<q>Altmexikanische
+Studien,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Veröffentlichungen aus dem
+königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde</hi>,
+i. 4 (Berlin, 1890) pp. 117 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>).
+Sahagun's work as a whole is known
+to me only in the excellent French
+translation of Messrs. D. Jourdanet
+and R. Simeon (<hi rend='italic'>Histoire Générale des
+choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne par le
+R. P. Fray Bernardino de Sahagun</hi>,
+Paris, 1880). As to the life and
+character of Sahagun see M. R.
+Simeon's introduction to the translation,
+pp. vii. <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> From it we learn some valuable particulars as to
+<pb n='176'/><anchor id='Pg176'/>
+the worship of the Maize-goddess and the ceremonies observed
+by the Mexicans for the purpose of ensuring a good crop
+of maize. The festival was the fourth of the Aztec year,
+and went by the name of the Great Vigil. It fell on a date
+which corresponds to the seventh of April. The name of
+the Maize-goddess was Chicome couatl, and the Mexicans
+conceived and represented her in the form of a woman, red
+in face and arms and legs, wearing a paper crown dyed
+vermilion, and clad in garments of the hue of ripe cherries.
+No doubt the red colour of the goddess and her garments
+referred to the deep orange hue of the ripe maize; it was
+like the yellow hair of the Greek corn-goddess Demeter.
+She was supposed to make all kinds of maize, beans, and
+vegetables to grow. On the day of the festival the Mexicans
+sent out to the maize-fields and fetched from every field
+a plant of maize, which they brought to their houses and
+greeted as their maize-gods, setting them up in their
+dwellings, clothing them in garments, and placing food
+before them. And after sunset they carried the maize-plants
+to the temple of the Maize-goddess, where they
+snatched them from one another and fought and struck
+each other with them. Further, at this festival they brought
+to the temple of the Maize-goddess the maize-cobs which
+were to be used in the sowing. The cobs were carried by
+three maidens in bundles of seven wrapt in red paper. One
+of the girls was small with short hair, another was older
+with long hair hanging down, and the third was full-grown
+with her hair wound round her head. Red feathers were
+gummed to the arms and legs of the three maidens and
+their faces were painted, probably to resemble the red
+Maize-goddess, whom they may be supposed to have
+personated at various stages of the growth of the corn.
+The maize-cobs which they brought to the temple of the
+Maize-goddess were called by the name of the Maize-god
+Cinteotl, and they were afterwards deposited in the granary
+<pb n='177'/><anchor id='Pg177'/>
+and kept there as <q>the heart of the granary</q> till the sowing
+time came round, when they were used as seed.<note place='foot'>B. de Sahagun, Aztec text of book
+ii., translated by Professor E. Seler,
+<q>Altmexikanische Studien, ii.,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Veröffentlichungen aus dem königlichen
+Museum für Völkerkunde</hi>, vi. 2/4 Heft
+(Berlin, 1899), pp. 188-194. The
+account of the ceremonies given in the
+Spanish version of Sahagun's work is a
+good deal more summary. See B. de
+Sahagun, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire Générale des choses
+de la Nouvelle Espagne</hi> (Paris, 1880),
+pp. 94-96.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Corn-mother
+among the
+North
+American
+Indians.</note>
+The eastern Indians of North America, who subsisted
+to a large extent by the cultivation of maize, generally
+conceived the spirit of the maize as a woman, and supposed
+that the plant itself had sprung originally from the blood
+drops or the dead body of the Corn Woman. In the sacred
+formulas of the Cherokee the corn is sometimes invoked as
+<q>the Old Woman,</q> and one of their myths relates how a
+hunter saw a fair woman issue from a single green stalk of
+corn.<note place='foot'>J. Mooney, <q>Myths of the
+Cherokee,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Nineteenth Annual Report
+of the Bureau of American Ethnology</hi>,
+Part I. (Washington, 1900) pp. 423,
+432. See further <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>,
+Second Edition, pp. 296 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The Iroquois believe the Spirit of the Corn, the
+Spirit of Beans, and the Spirit of Squashes to be three
+sisters clad in the leaves of their respective plants, very fond
+of each other, and delighting to dwell together. This divine
+trinity is known by the name of <foreign rend='italic'>De-o-ha'-ko</foreign>, which means
+<q>Our Life</q> or <q>Our Supporters.</q> The three persons of
+the trinity have no individual names, and are never
+mentioned separately except by means of description. The
+Indians have a legend that of old the corn was easily
+cultivated, yielded abundantly, and had a grain exceedingly
+rich in oil, till the Evil One, envious of this good gift of
+the Great Spirit to man, went forth into the fields and
+blighted them. And still, when the wind rustles in the
+corn, the pious Indian fancies he hears the Spirit of the
+Corn bemoaning her blighted fruitfulness.<note place='foot'>L. H. Morgan, <hi rend='italic'>League of the
+Iroquois</hi> (Rochester, 1851), pp. 161
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 199. According to the Iroquois
+the corn plant sprang from the bosom
+of the mother of the Great Spirit after
+her burial (L. H. Morgan, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi>
+p. 199 note 1).</note> The Huichol
+Indians of Mexico imagine maize to be a little girl, who
+may sometimes be heard weeping in the fields; so afraid
+is she of the wild beasts that eat the corn.<note place='foot'>C. Lumholtz, <hi rend='italic'>Unknown Mexico</hi>
+(London, 1903), ii. 280.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='178'/><anchor id='Pg178'/>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='2. The Mother-cotton in the Punjaub.'/>
+<head>§ 2. The Mother-cotton in the Punjaub.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Mother-cotton
+in
+the
+Punjaub.</note>
+In the Punjaub, to the east of the Jumna, when the
+cotton boles begin to burst, it is usual to select the largest
+plant in the field, sprinkle it with butter-milk and rice-water,
+and then bind to it pieces of cotton taken from the other
+plants of the field. This selected plant is called Sirdar or
+<foreign rend='italic'>Bhogaldaí</foreign>, that is <q>mother-cotton,</q> from <foreign rend='italic'>bhogla</foreign>, a name
+sometimes given to a large cotton-pod, and <foreign rend='italic'>daí</foreign> (for <foreign rend='italic'>daiya</foreign>),
+<q>a mother,</q> and after it has been saluted, prayers are
+offered that the other plants may resemble it in the richness
+of their produce.<note place='foot'>H. M. Elliot, <hi rend='italic'>Supplemental Glossary
+of Terms used in the North-Western
+Provinces</hi>, edited by J. Beames
+(London, 1869), i. 254.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='3. The Barley Bride among the Berbers.'/>
+<head>§ 3. The Barley Bride among the Berbers.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Barley
+Bride
+among the
+Berbers.</note>
+The conception of the corn-spirit as a bride seems
+to come out clearly in a ceremony still practised by
+the Berbers near Tangier, in Morocco. When the women
+assemble in the fields to weed the green barley or reap the
+crops, they take with them a straw figure dressed like a
+woman, and set it up among the corn. Suddenly a group of
+horsemen from a neighbouring village gallops up and carries
+off the straw puppet amid the screams and cries of the women.
+However, the ravished effigy is rescued by another band of
+mounted men, and after a struggle it remains, more or less
+dishevelled, in the hands of the women. That this pretended
+abduction is a mimic marriage appears from a Berber
+custom in accordance with which, at a real wedding, the
+bridegroom carries off his seemingly unwilling bride on horseback,
+while she screams and pretends to summon her friends
+to her rescue. No fixed date is appointed for the simulated
+abduction of the straw woman from the barley-field, the time
+depends upon the state of the crops, but the day and hour
+are made public before the event. Each village used to practise
+this mimic contest for possession of the straw woman,
+who probably represents the Barley Bride, but nowadays the
+custom is growing obsolete.<note place='foot'>W. B. Harris, <q>The Berbers of
+Morocco,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Anthropological
+Institute</hi>, xxvii. (1898) p.
+68.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='179'/><anchor id='Pg179'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Another
+account of
+the Barley
+Bride
+among the
+Berbers.
+Competitions
+for
+the possession
+of
+the image
+that represents
+the
+Corn-mother.</note>
+An earlier account of what seems to be the same practice
+runs as follows: <q>There is a curious custom which seems to
+be a relic of their pagan masters, who made this and the
+adjoining regions of North Africa the main granary of their
+Latin empire. When the young corn has sprung up, which
+it does about the middle of February, the women of the
+villages make up the figure of a female, the size of a very
+large doll, which they dress in the gaudiest fashion they can
+contrive, covering it with ornaments to which all in the
+village contribute something; and they give it a tall, peaked
+head-dress. This image they carry in procession round
+their fields, screaming and singing a peculiar ditty. The
+doll is borne by the foremost woman, who must yield it to
+any one who is quick enough to take the lead of her, which
+is the cause of much racing and squabbling. The men also
+have a similar custom, which they perform on horseback.
+They call the image Mata. These ceremonies are said by
+the people to bring good luck. Their efficacy ought to be
+great, for you frequently see crowds of men engaged in
+their performances running and galloping recklessly over the
+young crops of wheat and barley. Such customs are
+directly opposed to the faith of Islam, and I never met with
+a Moor who could in any way enlighten me as to their
+origin. The Berber tribes, the most ancient race now
+remaining in these regions, to which they give the name, are
+the only ones which retain this antique usage, and it is
+viewed by the Arabs and dwellers in the town as a remnant
+of idolatry.</q><note place='foot'>Sir John Drummond Hay, <hi rend='italic'>Western
+Barbary, its Wild Tribes and Savage
+Animals</hi> (1844), p. 9, quoted in <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>,
+vii. (1896) pp. 306 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> We may conjecture that this gaudily dressed
+effigy of a female, which the Berber women carry about
+their fields when the corn is sprouting, represents the Corn-mother,
+and that the procession is designed to promote the
+growth of the crops by imparting to them the quickening
+influence of the goddess. We can therefore understand why
+there should be a competition among the women for the
+possession of the effigy; each woman probably hopes to
+secure for herself and her crops a larger measure of fertility
+by appropriating the image of the Corn-mother. The
+competition on horseback among the men is no doubt to be
+<pb n='180'/><anchor id='Pg180'/>
+explained similarly; they, too, race with each other in their
+eagerness to possess themselves of an effigy, perhaps of a
+male power of the corn, by whose help they expect to procure
+a heavy crop. Such contests for possession of the
+corn-spirit embodied in the corn-stalks are common, as we
+have seen, among the reapers on the harvest fields of
+Europe. Perhaps they help to explain some of the contests
+in the Eleusinian games, among which horse-races as well as
+foot-races were included.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg070'>70</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='4. The Rice-mother in the East Indies.'/>
+<head>§ 4. The Rice-mother in the East Indies.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Comparison
+of the
+European
+ritual of
+the corn
+with the
+Indonesian
+ritual of
+the rice.</note>
+If the reader still feels any doubts as to the meaning
+of the harvest customs which have been practised within
+living memory by European peasants, these doubts may
+perhaps be dispelled by comparing the customs observed at
+the rice-harvest by the Malays and Dyaks of the East Indies.
+For these Eastern peoples have not, like our peasantry,
+advanced beyond the intellectual stage at which the customs
+originated; their theory and their practice are still in
+unison; for them the quaint rites which in Europe have
+long dwindled into mere fossils, the pastime of clowns and
+the puzzle of the learned, are still living realities of which
+they can render an intelligible and truthful account. Hence
+a study of their beliefs and usages concerning the rice may
+throw some light on the true meaning of the ritual of the
+corn in ancient Greece and modern Europe.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Indonesian
+ritual of
+the rice is
+based on
+the belief
+that the
+rice is
+animated
+by a soul.</note>
+Now the whole of the ritual which the Malays and
+Dyaks observe in connexion with the rice is founded on the
+simple conception of the rice as animated by a soul like
+that which these people attribute to mankind. They explain
+the phenomena of reproduction, growth, decay and death in
+the rice on the same principles on which they explain the
+corresponding phenomena in human beings. They imagine
+that in the fibres of the plant, as in the body of a man,
+there is a certain vital element, which is so far independent
+of the plant that it may for a time be completely separated
+from it without fatal effects, though if its absence be
+prolonged beyond certain limits the plant will wither and
+<pb n='181'/><anchor id='Pg181'/>
+die. This vital yet separable element is what, for the want
+of a better word, we must call the soul of a plant, just as a
+similar vital and separable element is commonly supposed
+to constitute the soul of man; and on this theory or myth
+of the plant-soul is built the whole worship of the cereals,
+just as on the theory or myth of the human soul is built
+the whole worship of the dead,&mdash;a towering superstructure
+reared on a slender and precarious foundation.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Parallelism
+between
+the human
+soul and
+the rice-soul.</note>
+The strict parallelism between the Indonesian ideas
+about the soul of man and the soul of rice is well brought
+out by Mr. R. J. Wilkinson in the following passage: <q>The
+spirit of life,&mdash;which, according to the ancient Indonesian
+belief, existed in all things, even in what we should now
+consider inanimate objects&mdash;is known as the <foreign rend='italic'>sĕmangat</foreign>. It
+was not a <q>soul</q> in the modern English sense, since it was
+not the exclusive possession of mankind, its separation from
+the body did not necessarily mean death, and its nature may
+possibly not have been considered immortal. At the present
+day, if a Malay feels faint, he will describe his condition by
+saying that his <q>spirit of life</q> is weak or is <q>flying</q> from his
+body; he sometimes appeals to it to return: <q>Hither, hither,
+bird of my soul.</q> Or again, if a Malay lover wishes to
+influence the mind of a girl, he may seek to obtain control
+of her <foreign rend='italic'>sĕmangat</foreign>, for he believes that this spirit of active and
+vigorous life must quit the body when the body sleeps and
+so be liable to capture by the use of magic arts. It is,
+however, in the ceremonies connected with the so-called
+<q>spirit of the rice-crops</q> that the peculiar characteristics of
+the <foreign rend='italic'>sĕmangat</foreign> come out most clearly. The Malay considers
+it essential that the spirit of life should not depart from the
+rice intended for next year's sowing as otherwise the dead
+seed would fail to produce any crop whatever. He, therefore,
+approaches the standing rice-crops at harvest-time in a
+deprecatory manner; he addresses them in endearing terms;
+he offers propitiatory sacrifices; he fears that he may scare
+away the timorous <q>bird of life</q> by the sight of a weapon or
+the least sign of violence. He must reap the seed-rice, but
+he does it with a knife of peculiar shape, such that the cruel
+blade is hidden away beneath the reaper's fingers and does
+not alarm the <q>soul of the rice.</q> When once the seed-rice
+<pb n='182'/><anchor id='Pg182'/>
+has been harvested, more expeditious reaping-tools may be
+employed, since it is clearly unnecessary to retain the spirit
+of life in grain that is only intended for the cooking-pot.
+Similar rites attend all the processes of rice-cultivation&mdash;the
+sowing and the planting-out as well as the harvest,&mdash;for at
+each of these stages there is a risk that the vitality of the
+crop may be ruined if the bird of life is scared away. In
+the language used by the high-priests of these very ancient
+ceremonies we constantly find references to Sri (the Hindu
+Goddess of the Crops), to the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge,
+and to Adam who, according to Moslem tradition, was the
+first planter of cereals;&mdash;many of these references only
+represent the attempts of the conservative Malays to make
+their old religions harmonize with later beliefs. Beneath
+successive layers of religious veneer, we see the animism of
+the old Indonesians, the theory of a bird-spirit of life, and
+the characteristic view that the best protection against evil
+lies in gentleness and courtesy to all animate and inanimate
+things.</q><note place='foot'>R. J. Wilkinson (of the Civil Service
+of the Federated Malay States),
+<hi rend='italic'>Malay Beliefs</hi> (London and Leyden,
+1906), pp. 49-51. On the conception
+of the soul as a bird, see <hi rend='italic'>Taboo and the
+Perils of the Soul</hi>, pp. 33 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The
+Toradjas of Central Celebes think that
+the soul of the rice is embodied in a
+pretty little blue bird, which builds its
+nest in the rice-field when the ears are
+forming and vanishes after harvest.
+Hence no one may drive away, much
+less kill, these birds; to do so would
+not only injure the crop, the sacrilegious
+wretch himself would suffer from sickness,
+which might end in blindness.
+See A. C. Kruyt, <q>De Rijstmoeder
+in den Indischen Archipel,</q> p. 374
+(see the full reference in the next
+note).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The soul-stuff
+of
+rice.</note>
+<q>It is a familiar fact,</q> says another eminent authority on
+the East Indies, <q>that the Indonesian imagines rice to be
+animated, to be provided with <q>soul-stuff.</q> Since rice is
+everywhere cultivated in the Indian Archipelago, and
+with some exceptions is the staple food, we need not
+wonder that the Indonesian conceives the rice to be not
+merely animated in the ordinary sense but to be possessed
+of a soul-stuff which in strength and dignity ranks with that
+of man. Thus the Bataks apply the same word <foreign rend='italic'>tondi</foreign> to
+the soul-stuff of rice and the soul-stuff of human beings.
+Whereas the Dyaks of Poelopetak give the name of <foreign rend='italic'>gana</foreign> to
+the soul-stuff of things, animals, and plants, they give the
+name of <foreign rend='italic'>hambaruan</foreign> to the soul-stuff of rice as well as of
+<pb n='183'/><anchor id='Pg183'/>
+man. So also the inhabitants of Halmahera call the soul-stuff
+of things and plants <foreign rend='italic'>giki</foreign> and <foreign rend='italic'>duhutu</foreign>, but in men and
+food they recognise a <foreign rend='italic'>gurumi</foreign>. Of the Javanese, Malays,
+Macassars, Buginese, and the inhabitants of the island of
+Buru we know that they ascribe a <foreign rend='italic'>sumangè</foreign>, <foreign rend='italic'>sumangat</foreign>, or
+<foreign rend='italic'>sĕmangat</foreign> to rice as well as to men. So it is with the
+Toradjas of Central Celebes; while they manifestly conceive
+all things and plants as animated, they attribute a <foreign rend='italic'>tanoana</foreign>
+or soul-stuff only to men, animals, and rice. It need hardly
+be said that this custom originates in the very high value
+that is set on rice.</q><note place='foot'>A. C. Kruyt, <q>De Rijstmoeder in
+den Indischen Archipel,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verslagen en
+Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie
+van Wetenschappen</hi>, Afdeeling Letterkunde,
+Vierde Reeks, v. part 4 (Amsterdam,
+1903), pp. 361 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> This
+essay (pp. 361-411) contains a valuable
+collection of facts relating to what the
+writer calls the Rice-mother in the
+East Indies. But it is to be observed
+that while all the Indonesian peoples
+seem to treat a certain portion of the
+rice at harvest with superstitious respect
+and ceremony, only a part of them
+actually call it <q>the Rice-mother.</q>
+Mr. Kruyt prefers to speak of <q>soul-stuff</q>
+rather than of <q>a soul,</q> because,
+according to him, in living beings the
+animating principle is conceived, not
+as a tiny being confined to a single
+part of the body, but as a sort of fluid
+or ether diffused through every part of
+the body. See his work, <hi rend='italic'>Het Animisme
+in den Indischen Archipel</hi> (The
+Hague, 1906), pp. 1 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> In the
+latter work (pp. 145-150) the writer
+gives a more summary account of the
+Indonesian theory of the rice-soul.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Rice
+treated
+by the Indonesians
+as if it
+were a
+woman.</note>
+Believing the rice to be animated by a soul like that
+of a man, the Indonesians naturally treat it with the
+deference and the consideration which they shew to their
+fellows. Thus they behave towards the rice in bloom as
+they behave towards a pregnant woman; they abstain from
+firing guns or making loud noises in the field, lest they
+should so frighten the soul of the rice that it would miscarry
+and bear no grain; and for the same reason they will
+not talk of corpses or demons in the rice-fields. Moreover,
+they feed the blooming rice with foods of various kinds
+which are believed to be wholesome for women with child;
+but when the rice-ears are just beginning to form, they are
+looked upon as infants, and women go through the fields
+feeding them with rice-pap as if they were human babes.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, ii. 28 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; A. C. Kruyt,
+<q>De Rijstmoeder,</q> <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 363 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+370 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+In such natural and obvious comparisons of the breeding
+plant to a breeding woman, and of the young grain to a
+young child, is to be sought the origin of the kindred Greek
+<pb n='184'/><anchor id='Pg184'/>
+conception of the Corn-mother and the Corn-daughter,
+Demeter and Persephone, and we need not go further afield
+to search for it in a primitive division of labour between the
+sexes.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg113'>113</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> But if the timorous feminine soul of the rice can be
+frightened into a miscarriage even by loud noises, it is easy
+to imagine what her feelings must be at harvest, when
+people are under the sad necessity of cutting down the rice
+with the knife. At so critical a season every precaution
+must be used to render the necessary surgical operation of
+reaping as inconspicuous and as painless as possible. For
+that reason, as we have seen,<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg181'>181</ref>.</note> the reaping of the seed-rice is
+done with knives of a peculiar pattern, such that the blades
+are hidden in the reapers' hands and do not frighten the rice-spirit
+till the very last moment, when her head is swept off
+almost before she is aware; and from a like delicate motive
+the reapers at work in the fields employ a special form of
+speech, which the rice-spirit cannot be expected to understand,
+so that she has no warning or inkling of what is
+going forward till the heads of rice are safely deposited in
+the basket.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Taboo and the Perils of the
+Soul</hi>, pp. 411 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; A. C. Kruyt, <q>De
+Rijstmoeder,</q> <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 372.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Kayans
+of Borneo,
+their treatment
+of
+the soul of
+the rice.</note>
+Among the Indonesian peoples who thus personify the
+rice we may take the Kayans or Bahaus of Central Borneo as
+typical. As we have already seen, they are essentially an
+agricultural people devoted to the cultivation of rice, which
+furnishes their staple food; their religion is deeply coloured
+by this main occupation of their lives, and it presents many
+analogies to the Eleusinian worship of the corn-goddesses
+Demeter and Persephone.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg092'>92</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> And just as the Greeks regarded
+corn as a gift of the goddess Demeter, so the Kayans
+believe that rice, maize, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and all the
+other products of the earth which they cultivate, were
+originally created for their benefit by the spirits.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>Quer durch
+Borneo</hi> (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 157 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Instruments
+used
+by the
+Kayans for
+the purpose
+of
+catching
+and detaining
+the
+soul of
+the rice.
+Ceremonies
+performed
+by Kayan
+housewives
+at fetching
+rice from
+the barn.</note>
+In order to secure and detain the volatile soul of the
+rice the Kayans resort to a number of devices. Among the
+instruments employed for this purpose are a miniature
+ladder, a spatula, and a basket containing hooks, thorns, and
+<pb n='185'/><anchor id='Pg185'/>
+cords. With the spatula the priestess strokes the soul of
+the rice down the little ladder into the basket, where it is
+naturally held fast by the hooks, the thorn, and the cord;
+and having thus captured and imprisoned the soul she
+conveys it into the rice-granary. Sometimes a bamboo box
+and a net are used for the same purpose. And in order to
+ensure a good harvest for the following year it is necessary
+not only to detain the soul of all the grains of rice which
+are safely stored in the granary, but also to attract and
+recover the soul of all the rice that has been lost through
+falling to the earth or being eaten by deer, apes, and pigs.
+For this purpose instruments of various sorts have been
+invented by the priests. One, for example, is a bamboo
+vessel provided with four hooks made from the wood of a
+fruit-tree, by means of which the absent rice-soul may be
+hooked and drawn back into the vessel, which is then hung
+up in the house. Sometimes two hands carved out of the
+wood of a fruit-tree are used for the same purpose. And
+every time that a Kayan housewife fetches rice from the
+granary for the use of her household, she must propitiate
+the souls of the rice in the granary, lest they should be
+angry at being robbed of their substance. To keep them
+in good humour a bundle of shavings of a fruit-tree and
+a little basket are always hung in the granary. An egg
+and a small vessel containing the juice of sugar-cane are
+attached as offerings to the bundle of shavings, and the
+basket contains a sacred mat, which is used at fetching the
+rice. When the housewife comes to fetch rice from the
+granary, she pours juice of the sugar-cane on the egg, takes
+the sacred mat from the basket, spreads it on the ground,
+lays a stalk of rice on it, and explains to the souls of the
+rice the object of her coming. Then she kneels before the
+mat, mutters some prayers or spells, eats a single grain from
+the rice-stalk, and having restored the various objects to
+their proper place, departs from the granary with the
+requisite amount of rice, satisfied that she has discharged
+her religious duty to the spirits of the rice. At harvest the
+spirits of the rice are propitiated with offerings of food and
+water, which are carried by children to the rice-fields. At
+evening the first rice-stalks which have been cut are solemnly
+<pb n='186'/><anchor id='Pg186'/>
+brought home in a consecrated basket to the beating of a
+gong, and all cats and dogs are driven from the house before
+the basket with its precious contents is brought in.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i.
+118-121. Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>In Centraal
+Borneo</hi> (Leyden, 1900), i. 154 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Masquerade
+performed
+by the
+Kayans
+before
+sowing for
+the purpose
+of attracting
+the
+soul of
+the rice.</note>
+Among the Kayans of the Mahakam river in Central
+Borneo the sowing of the rice is immediately preceded by a
+performance of masked men, which is intended to attract the
+soul or rather souls of the rice and so to make sure that the
+harvest will be a good one. The performers represent
+spirits; for, believing that spirits are mightier than men,
+the Kayans imagine that they can acquire and exert superhuman
+power by imitating the form and actions of spirits.<note place='foot'>A similar belief probably explains
+the masked dances and pantomimes of
+many savage tribes. If that is so, it
+shews how deeply the principle of
+imitative magic has influenced savage
+religion.</note>
+To support their assumed character they wear grotesque masks
+with goggle eyes, great teeth, huge ears, and beards of white
+goat's hair, while their bodies are so thickly wrapt up in
+shredded banana-leaves that to the spectator they present
+the appearance of unwieldy masses of green foliage. The
+leader of the band carries a long wooden hook or rather
+crook, the shaft of which is partly whittled into loose
+fluttering shavings. These disguises they don at a
+little distance from the village, then dropping down the
+river in boats they land and march in procession to an open
+space among the houses, where the people, dressed out in all
+their finery, are waiting to witness the performance. Here
+the maskers range themselves in a circle and dance for some
+time under the burning rays of the midday sun, waving their
+arms, shaking and turning their heads, and executing a
+variety of steps to the sound of a gong, which is beaten
+according to a rigidly prescribed rhythm. After the dance
+they form a line, one behind the other, to fetch the vagrant
+soul of the rice from far countries. At the head of the
+procession marches the leader holding high his crook and
+behind him follow all the other masked men in their leafy
+costume, each holding his fellow by the hand. As he
+strides along, the leader makes a motion with his crook
+as if he were hooking something and drawing it to himself,
+and the gesture is imitated by all his followers. What
+<pb n='187'/><anchor id='Pg187'/>
+he is thus catching are the souls of the rice, which
+sometimes wander far away, and by drawing them home
+to the village he is believed to ensure that the seed of
+the rice which is about to be sown will produce a plentiful
+harvest. As the spirits are thought not to possess the
+power of speech, the actors who personate them may not
+utter a word, else they would run the risk of falling down
+dead. The great field of the chief is sown by representatives
+of all the families, both free and slaves, on the
+day after the masquerade. On the same day the free
+families sacrifice on their fields and begin their sowing on
+one or other of the following days. Every family sets up
+in its field a sacrificial stage or altar, with which the sowers
+must remain in connexion during the time of sowing.
+Therefore no stranger may pass between them and the
+stage; indeed the Kayans are not allowed to have anything
+to do with strangers in the fields; above all they may not
+speak with them. If such a thing should accidentally happen,
+the sowing must cease for that day. At the sowing festival,
+but at no other time, Kayan men of the Mahakam river, like
+their brethren of the Mendalam river, amuse themselves
+with spinning tops. For nine days before the masquerade
+takes place the people are bound to observe certain taboos:
+no stranger may enter the village: no villager may pass the
+night out of his own house: they may not hunt, nor pluck
+fruits, nor fish with the casting-net or the drag-net.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>Quer durch
+Borneo</hi>, i. 322-330. Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>In
+Centraal Borneo</hi>, i. 185 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> As to the
+masquerades performed and the taboos
+observed at the sowing season by the
+Kayans of the Mendalam river, see
+above, pp. <ref target='Pg094'>94</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> In this
+tribe the proper day for sowing is officially determined by
+a priest from an observation of the sun setting behind the
+hills in a line with two stones which the priest has set up,
+one behind the other. However, the official day often does
+not coincide with the actual day of sowing.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i. 317.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Comparison
+of the
+Kayan
+masquerade
+with
+the
+Eleusinian
+drama.</note>
+The masquerade thus performed by the Kayans of the
+Mahakam river before sowing the rice is an instructive
+example of a religious or rather magical drama acted for
+the express purpose of ensuring a good crop. As such it
+may be compared to the drama of Demeter and Persephone,
+<pb n='188'/><anchor id='Pg188'/>
+the Corn-mother and the Corn-maiden, which was annually
+played at the Eleusinian mysteries shortly before the
+autumnal sowing of the corn. If my interpretation of these
+mysteries is correct, the intention of the Greek and of the
+Kayan drama was one and the same.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Securing
+the soul of
+the rice
+among the
+Dyaks of
+Northern
+Borneo.</note>
+At harvest the Dyaks of Northern Borneo have a special
+feast, the object of which is <q>to secure the soul of the rice,
+which if not so detained, the produce of their farms would
+speedily rot and decay. At sowing time, a little of the
+principle of life of the rice, which at every harvest is secured
+by their priests, is planted with their other seeds, and is thus
+propagated and communicated.</q> The mode of securing the
+soul of the rice varies in different tribes. In the Quop district
+the ceremony is performed by the chief priest alone, first in the
+long broad verandah of the common house and afterwards
+in each separate family apartment. As a preparation for
+the ceremony a bamboo altar, decorated with green boughs
+and red and white streamers, is erected in the verandah,
+and presents a very gay appearance. Here the people, old
+and young, assemble, the priestesses dressed in gorgeous
+array and the elder men wearing bright-coloured jackets and
+trousers of purple, yellow, or scarlet hue, while the young
+men and lads beat gongs and drums. When the priest,
+with a bundle of charms in either hand, is observed to be
+gazing earnestly in the air at something invisible to common
+eyes, the band strikes up with redoubled energy, and the
+elderly men in the gay breeches begin to shriek and revolve
+round the altar in the dance. Suddenly the priest starts
+up and makes a rush at the invisible object; men run to
+him with white cloths, and as he shakes his charms over the
+cloths a few grains of rice fall into them. These grains are
+the soul of the rice; they are carefully folded up in the
+cloths and laid at the foot of the altar. The same performance
+is afterwards repeated in every family apartment. In
+some tribes the soul of the rice is secured at midnight. Outside
+the village a lofty altar is erected in an open space
+surrounded by the stately forms of the tropical palms.
+Huge bonfires cast a ruddy glow over the scene and light
+up the dusky but picturesque forms of the Dyaks as they
+move in slow and solemn dance round the altar, some
+<pb n='189'/><anchor id='Pg189'/>
+bearing lighted tapers in their hands, others brass salvers
+with offerings of rice, others covered baskets, of which the
+contents are hidden from all but the initiated. The corner-posts
+of the altar are lofty bamboos, whose leafy tops are
+yet green and rustle in the wind; and from one of them
+a long narrow streamer of white cloth hangs down. Suddenly
+elders and priests rush at this streamer, seize the end of it,
+and amid the crashing music of drums and gongs and the
+yells of the spectators begin dancing and swaying themselves
+backwards and forwards, and to and fro. A priest or elder
+mounts the altar amid the shouts of the bystanders and
+shakes the tall bamboos violently; and in the midst of all
+this excitement and hubbub small stones, bunches of hair,
+and grains of rice fall at the feet of the dancers, and are
+carefully picked up by watchful attendants. These grains
+are the soul of the rice. The ceremony ends with several
+of the oldest priestesses falling, or pretending to fall, senseless
+to the ground, where, till they come to themselves, their
+heads are supported and their faces fanned by their younger
+colleagues. At the end of the harvest, when the year's crop
+has been garnered, another feast is held. A pig and fowls
+are killed, and for four days gongs are beaten and dancing
+kept up. For eight days the village is tabooed and no
+stranger may enter it. At this festival the ceremony of
+catching the soul of the rice is repeated to prevent the crop
+from rotting; and the soul so obtained is mixed with the
+seed-rice of the next year.<note place='foot'>Spenser St. John, <hi rend='italic'>Life in the
+Forests of the Far East</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (London,
+1863), i. 187, 192 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; W. Chalmers,
+quoted in H. Ling Roth's <hi rend='italic'>Natives of
+Sarawak and British North Borneo</hi>
+(London, 1896), i. 412-414.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Recalling
+the soul of
+the rice
+among the
+Karens of
+Burma.</note>
+The same need of securing the soul of the rice, if the
+crop is to thrive, is keenly felt by the Karens of Burma.
+When a rice-field does not flourish, they suppose that the
+soul (<foreign rend='italic'>kelah</foreign>) of the rice is in some way detained from the rice.
+If the soul cannot be called back, the crop will fail. The
+following formula is used in recalling the <foreign rend='italic'>kelah</foreign> (soul) of the
+rice: <q>O come, rice-<foreign rend='italic'>kelah</foreign>, come! Come to the field. Come
+to the rice. With seed of each gender, come. Come from
+the river Kho, come from the river Kaw; from the place
+where they meet, come. Come from the West, come from
+<pb n='190'/><anchor id='Pg190'/>
+the East. From the throat of the bird, from the maw of
+the ape, from the throat of the elephant. Come from the
+sources of rivers and their mouths. Come from the country
+of the Shan and Burman. From the distant kingdoms come.
+From all granaries come. O rice-<foreign rend='italic'>kelah</foreign>, come to the rice.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. E. B. Cross, <q>On the Karens,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the American Oriental
+Society</hi>, iv. (1854) p. 309.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Securing
+the soul of
+the rice
+in various
+parts of
+Burma.</note>
+Among the Taungthu of Upper Burma it is customary,
+when all the rice-fields have been reaped, to make a trail of
+unhusked rice (paddy) and husks all the way from the fields
+to the farm-house in order to guide the spirit or butterfly,
+as they call it, of the rice home to the granary. Care is
+taken that there should be no break in the trail, and the
+butterfly of the rice is invited with loud cries to come to the
+house. Were the spirit of the rice not secured in this
+manner, next year's harvest would be bad.<note place='foot'>(Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P.
+Hardiman, <hi rend='italic'>Gazetteer of Upper Burma
+and of the Shan States</hi> (Rangoon,
+1900-1901), Part i. vol. i. p. 559.</note> Similarly among
+the Cherokee Indians of North America <q>care was always
+taken to keep a clean trail from the field to the house, so
+that the corn might be encouraged to stay at home and not
+go wandering elsewhere,</q> and <q>seven ears from the last
+year's crop were always put carefully aside, in order to
+<emph>attract the corn</emph>, until the new crop was ripened.</q><note place='foot'>J. Mooney, <q>Myths of the
+Cherokee,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Nineteenth Annual Report
+of the Bureau of American Ethnology</hi>,
+Part i. (Washington, 1900) p. 423.
+Compare <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 296 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In Hsa
+Möng Hkam, a native state of Upper Burma, when two men
+work rice-fields in partnership, they take particular care as
+to the division of the grain between them. Each partner
+has a basket made, of which both top and bottom are
+carefully closed with wood to prevent the butterfly spirit of
+the rice from escaping; for if it were to flutter away, the next
+year's crop would be but poor.<note place='foot'>(Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman,
+<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> Part ii. vol. i. p. 172.</note> Among the Talaings of
+Lower Burma <q>the last sheaf is larger than the rest; it is
+brought home separately, usually if not invariably on the
+morning after the remainder of the harvest has been carted
+to the threshing-floor. The cultivators drive out in their
+bullock-cart, taking with them a woman's comb, a looking-glass,
+and a woman's skirt. The sheaf is dressed in the
+skirt, and apparently the form is gone through of presenting
+<pb n='191'/><anchor id='Pg191'/>
+it with the glass and comb. It is then brought home in
+triumph, the people decking the cart with their silk kerchiefs,
+and cheering and singing the whole way. On their arrival
+home they celebrate the occasion with a feast. Strictly
+speaking the sheaf should be kept apart from the rest of the
+harvest; owing, however, to the high price of paddy it often
+finds its way to the threshing-floor. Even when this is not
+the case it is rarely tended so carefully as it is said to have
+been in former days, and if not threshed with the remaining
+crop is apt to be eaten by the cattle. So far as I could
+ascertain it had never been the custom to keep it throughout
+the year; but on the first ploughing of the ensuing season
+there was some ceremony in connection with it. The name
+of the sheaf was <foreign rend='italic'>Bonmagyi</foreign>; at first I was inclined to fancy
+that this was a contraction of <foreign rend='italic'>thelinbon ma gyi</foreign>, <q>the old
+woman of the threshing-floor.</q> There are, however, various
+reasons for discarding this derivation, and I am unable to
+suggest any other.</q><note place='foot'>From a letter written to me by
+Mr. J. S. Furnivall and dated Pegu
+Club, Rangoon, 6/6 (<hi rend='italic'>sic</hi>). Mr.
+Furnivall adds that in Upper Burma
+the custom of the <foreign rend='italic'>Bonmagyi</foreign> sheaf is
+unknown.</note> In this custom the personification of
+the last sheaf of rice as a woman comes out clearly in the
+practice of dressing it up in female attire.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Rice-mother
+among the
+Minangkabauers
+of
+Sumatra.</note>
+The Corn-mother of our European peasants has her
+match in the Rice-mother of the Minangkabauers of
+Sumatra. The Minangkabauers definitely attribute a soul
+to rice, and will sometimes assert that rice pounded in the
+usual way tastes better than rice ground in a mill, because
+in the mill the body of the rice was so bruised and battered
+that the soul has fled from it. Like the Javanese they
+think that the rice is under the special guardianship of a
+female spirit called Saning Sari, who is conceived as so
+closely knit up with the plant that the rice often goes by
+her name, as with the Romans the corn might be called
+Ceres. In particular Saning Sari is represented by certain
+stalks or grains called <foreign rend='italic'>indoea padi</foreign>, that is, literally, <q>Mother
+of Rice,</q> a name that is often given to the guardian spirit
+herself. This so-called Mother of Rice is the occasion of a
+number of ceremonies observed at the planting and harvesting
+of the rice as well as during its preservation in the barn.
+<pb n='192'/><anchor id='Pg192'/>
+When the seed of the rice is about to be sown in the
+nursery or bedding-out ground, where under the wet system
+of cultivation it is regularly allowed to sprout before being
+transplanted to the fields, the best grains are picked out to
+form the Rice-mother. These are then sown in the middle
+of the bed, and the common seed is planted round about
+them. The state of the Rice-mother is supposed to exert
+the greatest influence on the growth of the rice; if she
+droops or pines away, the harvest will be bad in consequence.
+The woman who sows the Rice-mother in the nursery lets
+her hair hang loose and afterwards bathes, as a means of
+ensuring an abundant harvest. When the time comes to
+transplant the rice from the nursery to the field, the Rice-mother
+receives a special place either in the middle or in a
+corner of the field, and a prayer or charm is uttered as
+follows: <q>Saning Sari, may a measure of rice come from a
+stalk of rice and a basketful from a root; may you be
+frightened neither by lightning nor by passers-by! Sunshine
+make you glad; with the storm may you be at peace; and
+may rain serve to wash your face!</q> While the rice is
+growing, the particular plant which was thus treated as the
+Rice-mother is lost sight of; but before harvest another
+Rice-mother is found. When the crop is ripe for cutting,
+the oldest woman of the family or a sorcerer goes out to
+look for her. The first stalks seen to bend under a passing
+breeze are the Rice-mother, and they are tied together but
+not cut until the first-fruits of the field have been carried
+home to serve as a festal meal for the family and their
+friends, nay even for the domestic animals; since it is Saning
+Sari's pleasure that the beasts also should partake of her
+good gifts. After the meal has been eaten, the Rice-mother
+is fetched home by persons in gay attire, who carry her very
+carefully under an umbrella in a neatly worked bag to the
+barn, where a place in the middle is assigned to her. Every
+one believes that she takes care of the rice in the barn and
+even multiplies it not uncommonly.<note place='foot'>J. L. van der Toorn, <q>Het
+animisme bij den Minangkabauer der
+Padangsche Bovenlanden,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Bijdragen
+tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
+Nederlandsch Indië</hi>, xxxix. (1890) pp.
+63-65. In the charm recited at sowing
+the Rice-mother in the bed, I have
+translated the Dutch word <foreign lang='nl' rend='italic'>stoel</foreign> as
+<q>root,</q> but I am not sure of its precise
+meaning in this connexion. It is
+doubtless identical with the English
+agricultural term <q>to stool,</q> which is
+said of a number of stalks sprouting
+from a single seed, as I learn from
+my friend Professor W. Somerville of
+Oxford.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='193'/><anchor id='Pg193'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Rice-mother
+among the
+Tomori of
+Celebes.
+Special
+words used
+at reaping
+among the
+Tomori. Riddles
+and stories
+in connexion
+with
+the rice.</note>
+When the Tomori of Central Celebes are about to plant
+the rice, they bury in the field some betel as an offering to
+the spirits who cause the rice to grow. Over the spot where
+the offering is buried a small floor of wood is laid, and the
+family sits on it and consumes betel together as a sort of
+silent prayer or charm to ensure the growth of the crop.
+The rice that is planted round this spot is the last to be
+reaped at harvest. At the commencement of the reaping
+the stalks of this patch of rice are tied together into a sheaf,
+which is called <q>the Mother of the Rice</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>ineno pae</foreign>), and
+offerings in the shape of rice, fowl's liver, eggs, and other
+things are laid down before it. When all the rest of the
+rice in the field has been reaped, <q>the Mother of the Rice</q>
+is cut down and carried with due honour to the rice-barn,
+where it is laid on the floor, and all the other sheaves are
+piled upon it. The Tomori, we are told, regard the Mother
+of the Rice as a special offering made to the rice-spirit
+Omonga, who dwells in the moon. If that spirit is not
+treated with proper respect, for example if the people who
+fetch rice from the barn are not decently clad, he is angry
+and punishes the offenders by eating up twice as much rice
+in the barn as they have taken out of it; some people have
+heard him smacking his lips in the barn, as he devoured the
+rice. On the other hand the Toradjas of Central Celebes,
+who also practise the custom of the Rice-mother at harvest,
+regard her as the actual mother of the whole harvest, and
+therefore keep her carefully, lest in her absence the garnered
+store of rice should all melt away and disappear.<note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Eenige ethnografische
+aanteekeningen omtrent de
+Toboengkoe en de Tomori,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen
+van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xliv. (1900) pp.
+227, 230 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Among
+the Tomori, as among other Indonesian peoples, reapers at
+work in the field make use of special words which differ
+from the terms in ordinary use; the reason for adopting this
+peculiar form of speech at reaping appears to be, as I have
+already pointed out, a fear of alarming the timid soul of the
+rice by revealing the fate in store for it.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Taboo and the Perils of the
+Soul</hi>, pp. 411 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> To the same
+<pb n='194'/><anchor id='Pg194'/>
+motive is perhaps to be ascribed the practice observed
+by the Tomori of asking each other riddles at harvest.<note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 228.</note>
+Similarly among the Alfoors or Toradjas of Poso, in Central
+Celebes, while the people are watching the crops in the fields
+they amuse themselves with asking each other riddles and
+telling stories, and when any one guesses a riddle aright, the
+whole company cries out, <q>Let our rice come up, let fat ears
+come up both in the lowlands and on the heights.</q> But all
+the time between harvest and the laying out of new fields
+the asking of riddles and the telling of stories is strictly
+forbidden.<note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Een en ander
+aangaande het geestelijk en maatschapelijk
+leven van den Poso-Alfoer,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xxxix. (1895)
+pp. 142 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Thus among these people it seems that the
+asking of riddles is for some reason regarded as a charm
+which may make or mar the crops.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Rice-mother
+among the
+Toradjas
+of Celebes.</note>
+Among some of the Toradjas of Celebes the ceremony
+of cutting and bringing home the Mother of the Rice
+is observed as follows. When the crop is ripe in the
+fields, the Mother of the Rice (<foreign rend='italic'>ânrong pâre</foreign>) must be
+fetched before the rest of the harvest is reaped. The
+ceremony is performed on a lucky day by a woman, who
+knows the rites. For three days previously she observes
+certain precautions to prevent the soul (<foreign rend='italic'>soemangâna âse</foreign>) of
+the rice from escaping out of the field, as it might be apt to
+do, if it got wind that the reapers with their cruel knives
+were so soon to crop the ripe ears. With this view she ties
+up a handful of standing stalks of the rice into a bunch in
+each corner of the field, while she recites an invocation
+to the spirits of the rice, bidding them gather in the field
+from the four quarters of the heaven. As a further precaution
+she stops the sluices, lest with the outrush of the
+water from the rice-field the sly soul of the rice should make
+good its escape. And she ties knots in the leaves of the
+rice-plants, all to hinder the soul of the rice from running
+away. This she does in the afternoon of three successive
+days. On the morning of the fourth day she comes again
+to the field, sits down in a corner of it, and kisses the rice
+three times, again inviting the souls of the rice to come
+thither and assuring them of her affection and care. Then
+<pb n='195'/><anchor id='Pg195'/>
+she cuts the bunch of rice-stalks which she had tied together
+on one of the previous days. The stalks in the bunch must
+be nine in number, and their leaves must be cut with them,
+not thrown away. As she cuts, she may not look about
+her, nor cry out, nor speak to any one, nor be spoken to;
+but she says to the rice, <q>The prophet reaps you. I take
+you, but you diminish not; I hold you in my hand and you
+increase. You are the links of my soul, the support of my
+body, my blessing, my salvation. There is no God but
+God.</q> Then she passes to another corner of the field to
+cut the bunch of standing rice in it with the same ceremony;
+but before coming to it she stops half way to pluck another
+bunch of five stalks in like manner. Thus from the four
+sides of the field she collects in all fifty-six stalks of rice,
+which together make up the Mother of the Rice (<foreign rend='italic'>ânrong
+pâre</foreign>). Then in a corner of the field she makes a little
+stage and lays the Mother of the Rice on it, with the ears
+turned towards the standing rice and the cut stalks
+towards the dyke which encloses the field. After that she
+binds the fifty-six stalks of the Rice-mother into a sheaf
+with the bark of a particular kind of tree. As she does so,
+she says, <q>The prophet binds you into a sheaf; the angel
+increases you; the <foreign rend='italic'>awâlli</foreign> cares for you. We loved and
+cared for each other.</q> Then, after anointing the sheaf and
+fumigating it with incense, she lays it on the little stage.
+On this stage she had previously placed several kinds of
+rice, betel, one or more eggs, sweetmeats, and young coco-nuts,
+all as offerings to the Mother of the Rice, who, if she
+did not receive these attentions, would be offended and visit
+people with sickness or even vanish away altogether. Sometimes
+on large farms a fowl is killed and its blood deposited
+in the half of a coco-nut on the stage. The standing rice
+round about the stage is the last of the whole field to be
+reaped. When it has been cut, it is bound up with the
+Mother of the Rice into a single sheaf and carried home.
+Any body may carry the sheaf, but in doing so he or she
+must take care not to let it fall, or the Rice-mother would be
+angry and might disappear.<note place='foot'>G. Maan, <q>Eenige mededeelingen
+omtrent de zeden en gewoonten der
+Toerateya ten opzichte van den
+rijstbouw,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift voor Indische
+Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde</hi>, xlvi.
+(1903) pp. 330-337. The writer dates
+his article from Tanneteya (in Celebes?),
+but otherwise gives no indication of the
+geographical position of the people he
+describes. A similar omission is common
+with Dutch writers on the
+geography and ethnology of the East
+Indies, who too often appear to assume
+that the uncouth names of these barbarous
+tribes and obscure hamlets are as
+familiar to European readers as Amsterdam
+or the Hague. The Toerateyas
+whose customs Mr. Maan describes in
+this article are the inland inhabitants
+of Celebes. Their name Toerateyas or
+Toradjas signifies simply <q>inlanders</q>
+and is applied to them by their neighbours
+who live nearer the sea; it is
+not a name used by the people themselves.
+The Toradjas include many
+tribes and the particular tribe whose
+usages in regard to the Rice-mother
+are described in the text is probably
+not one of those whose customs and
+beliefs have been described by Mr. A.
+C. Kruijt in many valuable papers.
+See above, p. 183 note 1, and <hi rend='italic'>The Magic
+Art and the Evolution of Kings</hi>, i. 109
+note 1.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='196'/><anchor id='Pg196'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The rice
+personified
+as a young
+woman
+among the
+Bataks of
+Sumatra.</note>
+Among the Battas or Bataks of Sumatra the rice appears
+to be personified as a young unmarried woman rather than
+as a mother. On the first day of reaping the crop only a
+few ears of rice are plucked and made up into a little sheaf.
+After that the reaping may begin, and while it is going
+forward offerings of rice and betel are presented in the
+middle of the field to the spirit of the rice, who is personified
+under the name of Miss Dajang. The offering is accompanied
+by a common meal shared by the reapers. When
+all the rice has been reaped, threshed and garnered, the little
+sheaf which was first cut is brought in and laid on the top
+of the heap in the granary, together with an egg or a stone,
+which is supposed to watch over the rice.<note place='foot'>M. Joustra, <q>Het leven, de zeden
+en gewoonten der Bataks,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen
+van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xlvi. (1902) pp.
+425 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Though we are
+not told, we may assume that the personified spirit of the
+rice is supposed to be present in the first sheaf cut and in
+that form to keep guard over the rice in the granary.
+Another writer, who has independently described the customs
+of the Karo-Bataks at the rice-harvest, tells us that the largest
+sheaf, which is usually the one first made up, is regarded as
+the seat of the rice-soul and is treated exactly like a person;
+at the trampling of the paddy to separate the grain from
+the husks the sheaf in question is specially entrusted to
+a girl who has a lucky name, and whose parents are both
+alive.<note place='foot'>J. H. Neumann, <q>Iets over den
+landbouw bij de Karo-Bataks,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen
+van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xlvi. (1902) pp.
+380 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> As to the employment in
+ritual of young people whose parents
+are both alive, see <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>,
+Second Edition, pp. 413 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='197'/><anchor id='Pg197'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The King
+of the
+Rice in
+Mandeling.</note>
+In Mandeling, a district of Sumatra, contrary to what
+seems to be the usual practice, the spirit of the rice is personified
+as a male instead of as a female and is called the Rajah
+or King of the Rice. He is supposed to be immanent in
+certain rice-plants, which are recognised by their peculiar
+formation, such as a concealment of the ears in the sheath,
+an unusual arrangement of the leaves, or a stunted growth.
+When one or more such plants have been discovered in the
+field, they are sprinkled with lime-juice, and the spirits are
+invoked by name and informed that they are expected at
+home and that all is ready for their reception. Then the
+King of the Rice is plucked with the hand and seven
+neighbouring rice-stalks cut with a knife. He and his seven
+companions are then carefully brought home; the bearer
+may not speak a word, and the children in the house may
+make no noise till the King of the Rice has been safely
+lodged in the granary and tethered, for greater security, with
+a grass rope to one of the posts. As soon as that is done,
+the doors are shut to prevent the spirits of the rice from
+escaping. The person who fetches the King of the Rice
+from the field should prepare himself for the important duty
+by eating a hearty meal, for it would be an omen of a bad
+harvest if he presented himself before the King of the
+Rice with an empty stomach. For the same reason the
+sower of rice should sow the seed on a full stomach, in
+order that the ears which spring from the seed may be full
+also.<note place='foot'>A. L. van Hasselt, <q>Nota, betreffende
+de rijstcultuur in de Residentie
+Tapanoeli,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift voor Indische
+Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde</hi>, xxxvi.
+(1893) pp. 526-529; Th. A. L.
+Heyting, <q>Beschrijving der Onderafdeeling
+Groot- mandeling en Batangnatal,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch
+Aardrijkskundig Genootschap</hi>, Tweede
+Serie, xiv. (1897) pp. 290 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> As to
+the rule of sowing seed on a full
+stomach, which is a simple case of
+homoeopathic or imitative magic, see
+further <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, i. 136.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Rice-mother
+and
+the Rice-child
+at
+harvest in
+the Malay
+Peninsula.</note>
+Again, just as in Scotland the old and the young spirit
+of the corn are represented as an Old Wife (<foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>) and
+a Maiden respectively, so in the Malay Peninsula we find
+both the Rice-mother and her child represented by different
+sheaves or bundles of ears on the harvest-field. The following
+directions for obtaining both are translated from a native
+Malay work on the cultivation of rice: <q>When the rice is
+<pb n='198'/><anchor id='Pg198'/>
+ripe all over, one must first take the <q>soul</q> out of all the
+plots of one's field. You choose the spot where the rice is
+best and where it is <q>female</q> (that is to say, where the
+bunch of stalks is big) and where there are seven joints in
+the stalk. You begin with a bunch of this kind and clip
+seven stems to be the <q>soul of the rice</q>; and then you clip
+yet another handful to be the <q>mother-seed</q> for the following
+year. The <q>soul</q> is wrapped in a white cloth tied with a
+cord of <foreign rend='italic'>tĕrap</foreign> bark, and made into the shape of a little child
+in swaddling clothes, and put into the small basket. The
+<q>mother-seed</q> is put into another basket, and both are
+fumigated with benzoin, and then the two baskets are
+piled the one on the other and taken home, and put into
+the <foreign rend='italic'>kĕpuk</foreign> (the receptacle in which rice is stored).</q><note place='foot'>W. W. Skeat, <hi rend='italic'>Malay Magic</hi> (London, 1900), pp. 225 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The
+ceremony of cutting and bringing home the Soul of the Rice
+was witnessed by Mr. W. W. Skeat at Chodoi in Selangor
+on the twenty-eighth of January 1897. The particular
+bunch or sheaf which was to serve as the Mother of the
+Rice-soul had previously been sought and identified by
+means of the markings or shape of the ears. From this
+sheaf an aged sorceress, with much solemnity, cut a little
+bundle of seven ears, anointed them with oil, tied them
+round with parti-coloured thread, fumigated them with
+incense, and having wrapt them in a white cloth deposited
+them in a little oval-shaped basket. These seven ears were
+the infant Soul of the Rice and the little basket was its
+cradle. It was carried home to the farmer's house by
+another woman, who held up an umbrella to screen the
+tender infant from the hot rays of the sun. Arrived at the
+house the Rice-child was welcomed by the women of the
+family, and laid, cradle and all, on a new sleeping-mat with
+pillows at the head. After that the farmer's wife was
+instructed to observe certain rules of taboo for three days,
+the rules being in many respects identical with those which
+have to be observed for three days after the birth of a real
+child. For example, perfect quiet must be observed, as in
+a house where a baby has just been born; a light was
+placed near the head of the Rice-child's bed and might not
+go out at night, while the fire on the hearth had to be kept
+<pb n='199'/><anchor id='Pg199'/>
+up both day and night till the three days were over; hair
+might not be cut; and money, rice, salt, oil, and so forth
+were forbidden to go out of the house, though of course
+these valuable articles were quite free to come in. Something
+of the same tender care which is thus bestowed on
+the newly-born Rice-child is naturally extended also to its
+parent, the sheaf from whose body it was taken. This
+sheaf, which remains standing in the field after the Rice-soul
+has been carried home and put to bed, is treated as a newly-made
+mother; that is to say, young shoots of trees are
+pounded together and scattered broadcast every evening for
+three successive days, and when the three days are up you
+take the pulp of a coco-nut and what are called <q>goat-flowers,</q>
+mix them up, eat them with a little sugar, and spit
+some of the mixture out among the rice. So after a real
+birth the young shoots of the jack-fruit, the rose-apple, certain
+kinds of banana, and the thin pulp of young coco-nuts are
+mixed with dried fish, salt, acid, prawn-condiment, and the
+like dainties to form a sort of salad, which is administered
+to mother and child for three successive days. The last
+sheaf is reaped by the farmer's wife, who carries it back to
+the house, where it is threshed and mixed with the Rice-soul.
+The farmer then takes the Rice-soul and its basket and
+deposits it, together with the product of the last sheaf, in
+the big circular rice-bin used by the Malays. Some grains
+from the Rice-soul are mixed with the seed which is to be
+sown in the following year.<note place='foot'>W. W. Skeat, <hi rend='italic'>Malay Magic</hi>, pp. 235-249.</note> In this Rice-mother and Rice-child
+of the Malay Peninsula we may see the counterpart
+and in a sense the prototype of the Demeter and Persephone
+of ancient Greece.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Rice-bride
+and
+the Rice-bridegroom
+at
+harvest in
+Java.</note>
+Once more, the European custom of representing the
+corn-spirit in the double form of bride and bridegroom<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg163'>163</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> has
+its parallel in a ceremony observed at the rice-harvest in
+Java. Before the reapers begin to cut the rice, the priest or
+sorcerer picks out a number of ears of rice, which are tied
+together, smeared with ointment, and adorned with flowers.
+Thus decked out, the ears are called the <foreign rend='italic'>padi-pĕngantèn</foreign>, that
+is, the Rice-bride and the Rice-bridegroom; their wedding
+feast is celebrated, and the cutting of the rice begins immediately
+<pb n='200'/><anchor id='Pg200'/>
+afterwards. Later on, when the rice is being got
+in, a bridal chamber is partitioned off in the barn, and
+furnished with a new mat, a lamp, and all kinds of toilet
+articles. Sheaves of rice, to represent the wedding guests,
+are placed beside the Rice-bride and the Rice-bridegroom.
+Not till this has been done may the whole harvest be housed
+in the barn. And for the first forty days after the rice has
+been housed, no one may enter the barn, for fear of disturbing
+the newly-wedded pair.<note place='foot'>P. J. Veth, <hi rend='italic'>Java</hi> (Haarlem,
+1875-1884), i. 524-526. The ceremony
+has also been described by Miss
+Augusta de Wit (<hi rend='italic'>Facts and Fancies about
+Java</hi>, Singapore, 1898, pp. 229-241),
+who lays stress on the extreme importance
+of the rice-harvest for the Javanese.
+The whole island of Java, she tells us,
+<q>is one vast rice-field. Rice on the
+swampy plains, rice on the rising ground,
+rice on the slopes, rice on the very
+summits of the hills. From the sod
+under one's feet to the verge of the
+horizon, everything has one and the
+same colour, the bluish-green of the
+young, or the gold of the ripened rice.
+The natives are all, without exception,
+tillers of the soil, who reckon their lives
+by seasons of planting and reaping,
+whose happiness or misery is synonymous
+with the abundance or the dearth
+of the precious grain. And the great
+national feast is the harvest home, with
+its crowning ceremony of the Wedding
+of the Rice</q> (<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 229 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>). I have
+to thank my friend Dr. A. C. Haddon
+for directing my attention to Miss de
+Wit's book.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Another
+account
+of the
+Javanese
+custom.</note>
+Another account of the Javanese custom runs as
+follows. When the rice at harvest is to be brought home,
+two handfuls of common unhusked rice (paddy) are tied
+together into a sheaf, and two handfuls of a special
+kind of rice (<foreign rend='italic'>kleefrijst</foreign>) are tied up into another sheaf;
+then the two sheaves are fastened together in a bundle
+which goes by the name of <q>the bridal pair</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>pĕn-gantenan</foreign>).
+The special rice is the bridegroom, the common
+rice is the bride. At the barn <q>the bridal pair</q> is received
+on a winnowing-fan by a wizard, who removes them from
+the fan and lays them on the floor with a couch of <foreign rend='italic'>kloewih</foreign>
+leaves under them <q>in order that the rice may increase,</q> and
+beside them he places a <foreign rend='italic'>kĕmiri</foreign> nut, tamarind pips, and a top
+and string as playthings with which the young couple may
+divert themselves. The bride is called Emboq Sri and the
+bridegroom Sadana, and the wizard addresses them by name,
+saying: <q>Emboq Sri and Sadana, I have now brought you
+home and I have prepared a place for you. May you sleep
+agreeably in this agreeable place! Emboq Sri and Sadana,
+you have been received by So-and-So (the owner), let So-and-So
+<pb n='201'/><anchor id='Pg201'/>
+lead a life free from care. May Emboq Sri's luck
+continue in this very agreeable place!</q><note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Gebruiken bij den
+rijstoogst in enkele streken op Oost-Java,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen van wege het
+Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap</hi>,
+xlvii. (1903) pp. 132-134. Compare
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <q>De rijst-moeder in den Indischen
+Archipel,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verslagen en Mededeelingen
+der koninklijke Akademie van
+Wetenschappen</hi>, Afdeeling Letterkunde,
+Vierde Reeks, v. part 4 (Amsterdam,
+1903), pp. 398 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The rice-spirit
+as
+husband
+and wife
+in Bali and
+Lombok.</note>
+The same idea of the rice-spirit as a husband and wife
+meets us also in the harvest customs of Bali and Lombok,
+two islands which lie immediately to the east of Java. <q>The
+inhabitants of Lombok,</q> we are told, <q>think of the rice-plant
+as animated by a soul. They regard it as one with a
+divinity and treat it with the distinction and honour that are
+shewn to a very important person. But as it is impossible
+to treat all the rice-stalks in a field ceremoniously, the native,
+feeling the need of a visible and tangible representative of
+the rice-deity and taking a part for the whole, picks out
+some stalks and conceives them as the visible abode of the
+rice-soul, to which he can pay his homage and from which
+he hopes to derive advantage. These few stalks, the foremost
+among their many peers, form what is called the <foreign rend='italic'>ninin
+pantun</foreign> by the people of Bali and the <foreign rend='italic'>inan paré</foreign> by the
+Sassaks</q> of Lombok.<note place='foot'>J. C. van Eerde, <q>Gebruiken bij
+den rijstbouw en rijstoogst op Lombok,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land-
+en Volkenkunde</hi>, xlv. (1902) pp. 563-565
+note.</note> The name <foreign rend='italic'>ina paré</foreign> is sometimes
+translated Rice-mother, but the more correct translation is
+said to be <q>the principal rice.</q> The stalks of which this
+<q>principal rice</q> consists are the first nine shoots which the
+husbandman himself takes with his own hands from the
+nursery or bedding-out ground and plants at the upper end
+of the rice-field beside the inlet of the irrigation water. They
+are planted with great care in a definite order, one of them
+in the middle and the other eight in a circle about it. When
+the whole field has been planted, an offering, which usually
+consists of rice in many forms, is made to <q>the principal
+rice</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>inan paré</foreign>). When the rice-stalks begin to swell the
+rice is said to be pregnant, and the <q>principal rice</q> is
+treated with the delicate attentions which are paid to a
+woman with child. Thus rice-pap and eggs are laid down
+beside it, and sour fruits are often presented to it, because
+pregnant women are believed to long for sour fruit. Moreover
+<pb n='202'/><anchor id='Pg202'/>
+the fertilisation of the rice by the irrigation water is
+compared to the union of the goddess Batari Sri with her
+husband Ida Batara (Vishnu), who is identified with the
+flowing water. Some people sprinkle the pregnant rice
+with water in which cooling drugs have been infused or with
+water which has stood on a holy grave, in order that the
+ears may fill out well. When the time of harvest has come,
+the owner of the field himself makes a beginning by cutting
+<q>the principal rice</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>inan paré</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>ninin pantun</foreign>) with his
+own hands and binding it into two sheaves, each composed
+of one hundred and eight stalks with their leaves
+attached to them. One of the sheaves represents a man
+and the other a woman, and they are called <q>husband and
+wife</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>istri kakung</foreign>). The male sheaf is wound about with
+thread so that none of the leaves are visible, whereas the
+female sheaf has its leaves bent over and tied so as to
+resemble the roll of a woman's hair. Sometimes, for further
+distinction, a necklace of rice-straw is tied round the female
+sheaf. The two sheaves are then fastened together and tied
+to a branch of a tree, which is stuck in the ground at the
+inlet of the irrigation water. There they remain while all
+the rest of the rice is being reaped. Sometimes, instead of
+being tied to a bough, they are laid on a little bamboo altar.
+The reapers at their work take great care to let no grains of
+rice fall on the ground, otherwise the Rice-goddess would
+grieve and weep at being parted from her sisters, who are
+carried to the barn. If any portion of the field remains
+unreaped at nightfall, the reapers make loops in the leaves
+of some of the standing stalks to prevent the evil spirits
+from proceeding with the harvest during the hours of darkness,
+or, according to another account, lest the Rice-goddess
+should go astray. When the rice is brought home from
+the field, the two sheaves representing the husband and
+wife are carried by a woman on her head, and are the last
+of all to be deposited in the barn. There they are laid to
+rest on a small erection or on a cushion of rice-straw
+along with three lumps of <foreign rend='italic'>nasi</foreign>, which are regarded
+as the attendants or watchers of the bridal pair. The
+whole arrangement, we are informed, has for its object
+to induce the rice to increase and multiply in the granary,
+<pb n='203'/><anchor id='Pg203'/>
+so that the owner may get more out of it than he
+put in. Hence when the people of Bali bring the two
+sheaves, the husband and wife, into the barn, they say
+<q>Increase ye and multiply without ceasing.</q> When a
+woman fetches rice from the granary for the use of her
+household, she has to observe a number of rules, all of
+which are clearly dictated by respect for the spirit of the
+rice. She should not enter the barn in the dark or at noon
+perhaps because the spirit may then be supposed to be
+sleeping. She must enter with her right foot first. She
+must be decently clad with her breasts covered. She must
+not chew betel, and she would do well to rinse her mouth
+before repairing to the barn, just as she would do if she
+waited on a person of distinction or on a divinity. No sick
+or menstruous woman may enter the barn, and there must
+be no talking in it, just as there must be no talking when
+shelled rice is being scooped up. When all the rice in the
+barn has been used up, the two sheaves representing the husband
+and wife remain in the empty building till they have
+gradually disappeared or been devoured by mice. The
+pinch of hunger sometimes drives individuals to eat up the
+rice of these two sheaves, but the wretches who do so are
+viewed with disgust by their fellows and branded as pigs
+and dogs. Nobody would ever sell these holy sheaves with
+the rest of their profane brethren.<note place='foot'>J. C. van Eerde, <q>Gebruiken bij
+den rijstbouw en rijstoogst op Lombok,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land-
+en Volkenkunde</hi>, xlv. (1902) pp. 563-573.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Father
+and
+Mother
+of the Rice
+among the
+Szis of
+Burma.</note>
+The same notion of the propagation of the rice by a
+male and female power finds expression amongst the Szis of
+Upper Burma. When the paddy, that is, the rice with the
+husks still on it, has been dried and piled in a heap for
+threshing, all the friends of the household are invited to the
+threshing-floor, and food and drink are brought out. The
+heap of paddy is divided and one half spread out for
+threshing, while the other half is left piled up. On the pile
+food and spirits are set, and one of the elders, addressing
+<q>the father and mother of the paddy-plant,</q> prays for
+plenteous harvests in future, and begs that the seed may
+bear many fold. Then the whole party eat, drink, and
+make merry. This ceremony at the threshing-floor is the
+<pb n='204'/><anchor id='Pg204'/>
+only occasion when these people invoke <q>the father and
+mother of the paddy.</q><note place='foot'>(Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman,
+<hi rend='italic'>Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the
+Shan States</hi>, Part i. vol. i. (Rangoon,
+1900) p. 426.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='5. The Spirit of the Corn embodied in Human Beings.'/>
+<head>§ 5. The Spirit of the Corn embodied in Human Beings.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The spirit
+of the corn
+sometimes
+thought to
+be embodied
+in
+men or
+women.</note>
+Thus the theory which recognises in the European Corn-mother,
+Corn-maiden, and so forth, the embodiment in
+vegetable form of the animating spirit of the crops is amply
+confirmed by the evidence of peoples in other parts of the
+world, who, because they have lagged behind the European races
+in mental development, retain for that very reason a keener
+sense of the original motives for observing those rustic rites
+which among ourselves have sunk to the level of meaningless
+survivals. The reader may, however, remember that according
+to Mannhardt, whose theory I am expounding, the spirit
+of the corn manifests itself not merely in vegetable but also
+in human form; the person who cuts the last sheaf or gives
+the last stroke at threshing passes for a temporary embodiment
+of the corn-spirit, just as much as the bunch of corn
+which he reaps or threshes. Now in the parallels which have
+been hitherto adduced from the customs of peoples outside
+Europe the spirit of the crops appears only in vegetable
+form. It remains, therefore, to prove that other races besides
+our European peasantry have conceived the spirit of
+the crops as incorporate in or represented by living men
+and women. Such a proof, I may remind the reader, is
+germane to the theme of this book; for the more instances
+we discover of human beings representing in themselves
+the life or animating spirit of plants, the less difficulty will
+be felt at classing amongst them the King of the Wood at
+Nemi.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Old
+Woman
+who Never
+Dies, the
+goddess of
+the crops
+among the
+Mandans
+and Minnitarees.</note>
+The Mandans and Minnitarees of North America used
+to hold a festival in spring which they called the corn-medicine
+festival of the women. They thought that a certain
+Old Woman who Never Dies made the crops to grow, and
+that, living somewhere in the south, she sent the migratory
+waterfowl in spring as her tokens and representatives. Each
+sort of bird represented a special kind of crop cultivated by
+<pb n='205'/><anchor id='Pg205'/>
+the Indians: the wild goose stood for the maize, the wild
+swan for the gourds, and the wild duck for the beans. So
+when the feathered messengers of the Old Woman began to
+arrive in spring the Indians celebrated the corn-medicine
+festival of the women. Scaffolds were set up, on which the
+people hung dried meat and other things by way of offerings
+to the Old Woman; and on a certain day the old women of
+the tribe, as representatives of the Old Woman who Never
+Dies, assembled at the scaffolds each bearing in her hand an
+ear of maize fastened to a stick. They first planted these
+sticks in the ground, then danced round the scaffolds, and
+finally took up the sticks again in their arms. Meanwhile
+old men beat drums and shook rattles as a musical accompaniment
+to the performance of the old women. Further,
+young women came and put dried flesh into the mouths of
+the old women, for which they received in return a grain of
+the consecrated maize to eat. Three or four grains of the
+holy corn were also placed in the dishes of the young women,
+to be afterwards carefully mixed with the seed-corn, which
+they were supposed to fertilise. The dried flesh hung on
+the scaffold belonged to the old women, because they represented
+the Old Woman who Never Dies. A similar corn-medicine
+festival was held in autumn for the purpose of
+attracting the herds of buffaloes and securing a supply of
+meat. At that time every woman carried in her arms an
+uprooted plant of maize. They gave the name of the Old
+Woman who Never Dies both to the maize and to those
+birds which they regarded as symbols of the fruits of the
+earth, and they prayed to them in autumn saying, <q>Mother,
+have pity on us! send us not the bitter cold too soon, lest
+we have not meat enough! let not all the game depart, that
+we may have something for the winter!</q> In autumn, when
+the birds were flying south, the Indians thought that they
+were going home to the Old Woman and taking to her the
+offerings that had been hung up on the scaffolds, especially
+the dried meat, which she ate.<note place='foot'>Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, <hi rend='italic'>Reise in das innere Nord-America</hi> (Coblenz,
+1839-1841), ii. 182 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Here then we have the
+spirit or divinity of the corn conceived as an Old Woman
+and represented in bodily form by old women, who in their
+<pb n='206'/><anchor id='Pg206'/>
+capacity of representatives receive some at least of the
+offerings which are intended for her.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Miami
+myth of
+the Corn-spirit
+in
+the form
+of a
+broken-down
+old man.</note>
+The Miamis, another tribe of North American Indians,
+tell a tale in which the spirit of the corn figures as a broken-down
+old man. They say that corn, that is, maize, first
+grew in heaven, and that the Good Spirit commanded it to
+go down and dwell with men on earth. At first it was
+reluctant to do so, but the Good Spirit prevailed on it to go
+by promising that men would treat it well in return for the
+benefit they derived from it. <q>So corn came down from
+heaven to benefit the Indian, and this is the reason why
+they esteem it, and are bound to take good care of it, and to
+nurture it, and not raise more than they actually require,
+for their own consumption.</q> But once a whole town of the
+Miamis was severely punished for failing in respect for the
+corn. They had raised a great crop and stored much of it
+under ground, and much of it they packed for immediate
+use in bags. But the corn was so plentiful that much of it
+still remained on the stalks, and the young men grew reckless
+and played with the shelled cobs, throwing them at each
+other, and at last they even broke the cobs from the growing
+stalks and pelted each other with them too. But a judgment
+soon followed on such wicked conduct. For when the
+hunters went out to hunt, though the deer seemed to abound,
+they could kill nothing. So the corn was gone and they
+could get no meat, and the people were hungry. Well, one
+of the hunters, roaming by himself in the woods to find
+something to eat for his aged father, came upon a small
+lodge in the wilderness where a decrepit old man was lying
+with his back to the fire. Now the old man was no other
+than the Spirit of the Corn. He said to the young hunter,
+<q>My grandson, the Indians have afflicted me much, and
+reduced me to the sad state in which you see me. In the
+side of the lodge you will find a small kettle. Take it and
+eat, and when you have satisfied your hunger, I will speak
+to you.</q> But the kettle was full of such fine sweet corn as
+the hunter had never in his life seen before. When he had
+eaten his fill, the old man resumed the thread of his discourse,
+saying, <q>Your people have wantonly abused and
+reduced me to the state you now see me in: my back-bone
+<pb n='207'/><anchor id='Pg207'/>
+is broken in many places; it was the foolish young men of
+your town who did me this evil, for I am Mondamin, or
+corn, that came down from heaven. In their play they
+threw corn-cobs and corn-ears at one another, treating me
+with contempt. I am the corn-spirit whom they have
+injured. That is why you experience bad luck and famine.
+I am the cause; you feel my just resentment, therefore
+your people are punished. Other Indians do not treat me
+so. They respect me, and so it is well with them. Had
+you no elders to check the youths at their wanton sport?
+You are an eye-witness of my sufferings. They are the
+effect of what you did to my body.</q> With that he groaned
+and covered himself up. So the young hunter returned and
+reported what he had seen and heard; and since then the
+Indians have been very careful not to play with corn in
+the ear.<note place='foot'>H. R. Schoolcraft, <hi rend='italic'>Indian Tribes
+of the United States</hi>, v. (Philadelphia,
+1856) pp. 193-195.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+harvest-goddess
+Gauri represented
+by a girl
+and a
+bundle of
+plants.</note>
+In some parts of India the harvest-goddess Gauri is
+represented at once by an unmarried girl and by a bundle
+of wild balsam plants, which is made up into the figure of a
+woman and dressed as such with mask, garments, and ornaments.
+Both the human and the vegetable representative
+of the goddess are worshipped, and the intention of the
+whole ceremony appears to be to ensure a good crop of
+rice.<note place='foot'>B. A. Gupte, <q>Harvest Festivals
+in honour of Gauri and Ganesh,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Indian
+Antiquary</hi>, xxxv. (1906) p. 61.
+For details see <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, ii. 77 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='6. The Double Personification of the Corn
+as Mother and Daughter.'/>
+<head>§ 6. The Double Personification of the Corn as Mother
+and Daughter.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Analogy of
+Demeter
+and Persephone
+to
+the Corn-mother,
+the
+Harvest-maiden,
+and similar
+figures in
+the harvest
+customs of
+modern
+European
+peasantry. The rustic
+analogues
+of Demeter
+and Persephone.</note>
+Compared with the Corn-mother of Germany and the
+Harvest-maiden of Scotland, the Demeter and Persephone
+of Greece are late products of religious growth. Yet as
+members of the Aryan family the Greeks must at one
+time or another have observed harvest customs like those
+which are still practised by Celts, Teutons, and Slavs, and
+which, far beyond the limits of the Aryan world, have
+been practised by the Indians of Peru, the Dyaks of
+Borneo, and many other natives of the East Indies&mdash;a
+<pb n='208'/><anchor id='Pg208'/>
+sufficient proof that the ideas on which these customs rest
+are not confined to any one race, but naturally suggest themselves
+to all untutored peoples engaged in agriculture. It
+is probable, therefore, that Demeter and Persephone, those
+stately and beautiful figures of Greek mythology, grew out
+of the same simple beliefs and practices which still prevail
+among our modern peasantry, and that they were represented
+by rude dolls made out of the yellow sheaves on many a
+harvest-field long before their breathing images were wrought
+in bronze and marble by the master hands of Phidias and
+Praxiteles. A reminiscence of that olden time&mdash;a scent, so
+to say, of the harvest-field&mdash;lingered to the last in the title
+of the Maiden (<foreign rend='italic'>Kore</foreign>) by which Persephone was commonly
+known. Thus if the prototype of Demeter is the Corn-mother
+of Germany, the prototype of Persephone is the
+Harvest-maiden, which, autumn after autumn, is still made
+from the last sheaf on the Braes of Balquhidder. Indeed, if
+we knew more about the peasant-farmers of ancient Greece,
+we should probably find that even in classical times they
+continued annually to fashion their Corn-mothers (Demeters)
+and Maidens (Persephones) out of the ripe corn on the
+harvest-fields.<note place='foot'>It is possible that the image of
+Demeter with corn and poppies in her
+hands, which Theocritus (vii. 155 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>)
+describes as standing on a rustic threshing-floor
+(see above, p. <ref target='Pg047'>47</ref>), may have
+been a Corn-mother or a Corn-maiden
+of the kind described in the text. The
+suggestion was made to me by my
+learned and esteemed friend Dr. W.
+H. D. Rouse.</note> But unfortunately the Demeter and Persephone
+whom we know were the denizens of towns, the majestic
+inhabitants of lordly temples; it was for such divinities
+alone that the refined writers of antiquity had eyes; the
+uncouth rites performed by rustics amongst the corn were
+beneath their notice. Even if they noticed them, they
+probably never dreamed of any connexion between the
+puppet of corn-stalks on the sunny stubble-field and the
+marble divinity in the shady coolness of the temple. Still
+the writings even of these town-bred and cultured persons
+afford us an occasional glimpse of a Demeter as rude as the
+rudest that a remote German village can shew. Thus
+the story that Iasion begat a child Plutus (<q>wealth,</q>
+<q>abundance</q>) by Demeter on a thrice-ploughed field,<note place='foot'>Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Odyssey</hi>, v. 125 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Theog.</hi> 969 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> may
+<pb n='209'/><anchor id='Pg209'/>
+be compared with the West Prussian custom of the mock
+birth of a child on the harvest-field.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg150'>150</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In this Prussian
+custom the pretended mother represents the Corn-mother
+(<foreign rend='italic'>Žytniamatka</foreign>); the pretended child represents the Corn-baby,
+and the whole ceremony is a charm to ensure a crop
+next year.<note place='foot'>It is possible that a ceremony
+performed in a Cyprian worship of
+Ariadne may have been of this nature:
+at a certain annual sacrifice a young
+man lay down and mimicked a
+woman in child-bed. See Plutarch,
+<hi rend='italic'>Theseus</hi>, 20:
+ἐν δὴ τῇ θυσίᾳ τοῦ
+Γορπιαίου μηνὸς ἰσταμένου δευτέρᾳ κατακλινόμενόν
+τινα τῶν νεανίσκων φθέγγεσθαι
+καὶ ποιεῖν ἅπερ ὠδινοῦσαι γυναῖκες. We
+have already seen grounds for regarding
+Ariadne as a goddess or spirit of vegetation.
+See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, ii. 138. Amongst
+the Minnitarees in North America, the
+Prince of Neuwied saw a tall strong
+woman pretend to bring up a stalk of
+maize out of her stomach; the object
+of the ceremony was to secure a good
+crop of maize in the following year.
+See Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, <hi rend='italic'>Reise
+in das innere Nord-America</hi> (Coblenz,
+1839-1841), ii. 269.</note> The custom and the legend alike point to an
+older practice of performing, among the sprouting crops in
+spring or the stubble in autumn, one of those real or mimic
+acts of procreation by which, as we have seen, primitive
+man often seeks to infuse his own vigorous life into the
+languid or decaying energies of nature.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, ii. 97 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Another glimpse
+of the savage under the civilised Demeter will be afforded
+farther on, when we come to deal with another aspect of
+these agricultural divinities.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Why did
+the Greeks
+personify
+the corn as
+a mother
+and a
+daughter?</note>
+The reader may have observed that in modern folk-customs
+the corn-spirit is generally represented either by a
+Corn-mother (Old Woman, etc.) or by a Maiden (Harvest-child,
+etc.), not both by a Corn-mother and by a Maiden.
+Why then did the Greeks represent the corn both as a
+mother and a daughter?
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Demeter
+was perhaps
+the
+ripe crop
+and Persephone
+the seed-corn.</note>
+In the Breton custom the mother-sheaf&mdash;a large figure
+made out of the last sheaf with a small corn-doll inside of
+it&mdash;clearly represents both the Corn-mother and the Corn-daughter,
+the latter still unborn.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg135'>135</ref>.</note> Again, in the Prussian
+custom just referred to, the woman who plays the part of
+Corn-mother represents the ripe grain; the child appears to
+represent next year's corn, which may be regarded, naturally
+enough, as the child of this year's corn, since it is from the
+seed of this year's harvest that next year's crop will spring.
+Further, we have seen that among the Malays of the Peninsula
+<pb n='210'/><anchor id='Pg210'/>
+and sometimes among the Highlanders of Scotland the spirit
+of the grain is represented in double female form, both as old
+and young, by means of ears taken alike from the ripe crop:
+in Scotland the old spirit of the corn appears as the Carline
+or <foreign lang='gd' rend='italic'>Cailleach</foreign>, the young spirit as the Maiden; while among
+the Malays of the Peninsula the two spirits of the rice are
+definitely related to each other as mother and child.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg140'>140</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg155'>155</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>,
+<ref target='Pg164'>164</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg197'>197</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Judged
+by these analogies Demeter would be the ripe crop of this
+year; Persephone would be the seed-corn taken from it and
+sown in autumn, to reappear in spring.<note place='foot'>However, the Sicilians seem on the
+contrary to have regarded Demeter as
+the seed-corn and Persephone as the
+ripe crop. See above, pp. <ref target='Pg057'>57</ref>, <ref target='Pg058'>58</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The descent of
+Persephone into the lower world would thus be a mythical
+expression for the sowing of the seed; her reappearance in
+spring would signify the sprouting of the young corn. In
+this way the Persephone of one year becomes the Demeter
+of the next, and this may very well have been the original
+form of the myth. But when with the advance of religious
+thought the corn came to be personified, no longer as a
+being that went through the whole cycle of birth, growth,
+reproduction, and death within a year, but as an immortal
+goddess, consistency required that one of the two personifications,
+the mother or the daughter, should be sacrificed.
+However, the double conception of the corn as mother and
+daughter may have been too old and too deeply rooted in
+the popular mind to be eradicated by logic, and so room
+had to be found in the reformed myth both for mother
+and daughter. This was done by assigning to Persephone
+the character of the corn sown in autumn and sprouting in
+spring, while Demeter was left to play the somewhat vague
+part of the heavy mother of the corn, who laments its annual
+disappearance underground, and rejoices over its reappearance
+in spring. Thus instead of a regular succession of
+divine beings, each living a year and then giving birth to her
+successor, the reformed myth exhibits the conception of two
+divine and immortal beings, one of whom annually disappears
+into and reappears from the ground, while the other has little
+to do but to weep and rejoice at the appropriate seasons.<note place='foot'>According to Augustine (<hi rend='italic'>De civitate
+Dei</hi>, iv. 8) the Romans imagined
+a whole series of distinct deities, mostly
+goddesses, who took charge of the corn
+at all its various stages from the time
+when it was committed to the ground
+to the time when it was lodged in the
+granary. Such a multiplication of
+mythical beings to account for the
+process of growth is probably late
+rather than early.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='211'/><anchor id='Pg211'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Or the
+Greeks
+may have
+started
+with the
+personification
+of
+the corn as
+a single
+goddess,
+and the
+conception
+of a second
+goddess
+may have
+been a
+later
+development. Duplication
+of
+deities as
+a consequence
+of the
+anthropomorphic
+tendency.
+Example
+of such
+duplication
+in Japan,
+where there
+are two
+distinct
+deities of
+the sun. Perhaps
+the Greek
+personification
+of
+the corn as
+a mother
+and a
+daughter
+(Demeter
+and Persephone)
+is a
+case of such
+a mythical
+duplication.</note>
+This theory of the double personification of the corn
+in Greek myth assumes that both personifications (Demeter
+and Persephone) are original. But if we suppose that the
+Greek myth started with a single personification, the after-growth
+of a second personification may perhaps be explained
+as follows. On looking over the harvest customs which have
+been passed under review, it may be noticed that they involve
+two distinct conceptions of the corn-spirit. For whereas in
+some of the customs the corn-spirit is treated as immanent in
+the corn, in others it is regarded as external to it. Thus
+when a particular sheaf is called by the name of the corn-spirit,
+and is dressed in clothes and handled with reverence,<note place='foot'>In some places it was customary
+to kneel down before the last sheaf, in
+others to kiss it. See W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Korndämonen</hi>, p. 26; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 339. The
+custom of kneeling and bowing before
+the last corn is said to have been
+observed, at least occasionally, in
+England. See <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore Journal</hi>, vii.
+(1888) p. 270; and Herrick's evidence,
+above, p. <ref target='Pg147'>147</ref>, note 1. The Malay
+sorceress who cut the seven ears of
+rice to form the Rice-child kissed the
+ears after she had cut them (W. W.
+Skeat, <hi rend='italic'>Malay Magic</hi>, p. 241).</note>
+the spirit is clearly regarded as immanent in the corn. But
+when the spirit is said to make the crops grow by passing
+through them, or to blight the grain of those against whom
+she has a grudge,<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg132'>132</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> she is apparently conceived as distinct
+from, though exercising power over, the corn. Conceived in
+the latter way the corn-spirit is in a fair way to become a
+deity of the corn, if she has not become so already. Of
+these two conceptions, that of the corn-spirit as immanent in
+the corn is doubtless the older, since the view of nature as
+animated by indwelling spirits appears to have generally
+preceded the view of it as controlled by external deities;
+to put it shortly, animism precedes deism. In the harvest
+customs of our European peasantry the corn-spirit seems
+to be conceived now as immanent in the corn and now as
+external to it. In Greek mythology, on the other hand,
+Demeter is viewed rather as the deity of the corn than as the
+spirit immanent in it.<note place='foot'>Even in one of the oldest documents,
+the Homeric <hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Demeter</hi>,
+Demeter is represented as the goddess
+who controls the growth of the corn
+rather than as the spirit who is immanent
+in it. See above, pp. <ref target='Pg036'>36</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The process of thought which leads
+<pb n='212'/><anchor id='Pg212'/>
+to the change from the one mode of conception to the other
+is anthropomorphism, or the gradual investment of the immanent
+spirits with more and more of the attributes of
+humanity. As men emerge from savagery the tendency to
+humanise their divinities gains strength; and the more
+human these become the wider is the breach which severs
+them from the natural objects of which they were at first
+merely the animating spirits or souls. But in the progress
+upwards from savagery men of the same generation do
+not march abreast; and though the new anthropomorphic
+gods may satisfy the religious wants of the more developed
+intelligences, the backward members of the community will
+cling by preference to the old animistic notions. Now when
+the spirit of any natural object such as the corn has been
+invested with human qualities, detached from the object, and
+converted into a deity controlling it, the object itself is, by
+the withdrawal of its spirit, left inanimate; it becomes, so to
+say, a spiritual vacuum. But the popular fancy, intolerant
+of such a vacuum, in other words, unable to conceive anything
+as inanimate, immediately creates a fresh mythical
+being, with which it peoples the vacant object. Thus the
+same natural object comes to be represented in mythology
+by two distinct beings: first by the old spirit now separated
+from it and raised to the rank of a deity; second, by the
+new spirit, freshly created by the popular fancy to supply
+the place vacated by the old spirit on its elevation to a
+higher sphere. For example, in Japanese religion the solar
+character of Ama-terasu, the great goddess of the Sun, has
+become obscured, and accordingly the people have personified
+the sun afresh under the name of <foreign lang='ja' rend='italic'>Nichi-rin sama</foreign>, <q>sun-wheeling
+personage,</q> and <foreign lang='ja' rend='italic'>O tentō sama</foreign>, <q>august-heaven-path-personage</q>;
+to the lower class of Japanese at the
+present day, especially to women and children, <foreign lang='ja' rend='italic'>O tentō sama</foreign>
+is the actual sun, sexless, mythless, and unencumbered by
+any formal worship, yet looked up to as a moral being who
+rewards the good, punishes the wicked, and enforces oaths
+made in his name.<note place='foot'>W. G. Aston, <hi rend='italic'>Shinto</hi> (London, 1905), p. 127.</note> In such cases the problem for mythology
+is, having got two distinct personifications of the same object,
+what to do with them? How are their relations to each other
+<pb n='213'/><anchor id='Pg213'/>
+to be adjusted, and room found for both in the mythological
+system? When the old spirit or new deity is conceived as
+creating or producing the object in question, the problem is
+easily solved. Since the object is believed to be produced
+by the old spirit, and animated by the new one, the latter, as
+the soul of the object, must also owe its existence to the
+former; thus the old spirit will stand to the new one as producer
+to produced, that is, in mythology, as parent to child,
+and if both spirits are conceived as female, their relation will
+be that of mother and daughter. In this way, starting from
+a single personification of the corn as female, mythic fancy
+might in time reach a double personification of it as mother
+and daughter. It would be very rash to affirm that this was
+the way in which the myth of Demeter and Persephone
+actually took shape; but it seems a legitimate conjecture
+that the reduplication of deities, of which Demeter and
+Persephone furnish an example, may sometimes have arisen
+in the way indicated. For example, among the pairs of
+deities dealt with in a former part of this work, it has been
+shewn that there are grounds for regarding both Isis and her
+companion god Osiris as personifications of the corn.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 323 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 330 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 346
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> On
+the hypothesis just suggested, Isis would be the old corn-spirit,
+and Osiris would be the newer one, whose relationship
+to the old spirit was variously explained as that of brother,
+husband, and son;<note place='foot'>A. Pauly, <hi rend='italic'>Real-Encyclopädie der
+classischen Alterthumswissenschaft</hi>, v.
+(Stuttgart, 1849) p. 1011.</note> for of course mythology would always
+be free to account for the coexistence of the two divinities
+in more ways than one. It must not, however, be forgotten
+that this proposed explanation of such pairs of deities as
+Demeter and Persephone or Isis and Osiris is purely conjectural,
+and is only given for what it is worth.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='214'/><anchor id='Pg214'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter VII. Lityerses.</head>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='1. Songs of the Corn Reapers.'/>
+<head>§ 1. Songs of the Corn Reapers.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Death and
+resurrection
+a
+leading
+incident in
+the myth
+of Persephone,
+as in the
+myths of
+Adonis,
+Attis,
+Osiris, and
+Dionysus.</note>
+In the preceding pages an attempt has been made to shew
+that in the Corn-mother and Harvest-maiden of Northern
+Europe we have the prototypes of Demeter and Persephone.
+But an essential feature is still wanting to complete the
+resemblance. A leading incident in the Greek myth is the
+death and resurrection of Persephone; it is this incident
+which, coupled with the nature of the goddess as a deity of
+vegetation, links the myth with the cults of Adonis, Attis,
+Osiris, and Dionysus; and it is in virtue of this incident
+that the myth finds a place in our discussion of the Dying
+God. It remains, therefore, to see whether the conception
+of the annual death and resurrection of a god, which figures
+so prominently in these great Greek and Oriental worships,
+has not also its origin or its analogy in the rustic rites
+observed by reapers and vine-dressers amongst the corn-shocks
+and the vines.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Popular
+harvest
+and vintage
+customs in
+ancient
+Egypt,
+Syria, and
+Phrygia.</note>
+Our general ignorance of the popular superstitions and
+customs of the ancients has already been confessed. But
+the obscurity which thus hangs over the first beginnings of
+ancient religion is fortunately dissipated to some extent in
+the present case. The worships of Osiris, Adonis, and Attis
+had their respective seats, as we have seen, in Egypt, Syria,
+and Phrygia; and in each of these countries certain harvest
+and vintage customs are known to have been observed, the
+resemblance of which to each other and to the national rites
+struck the ancients themselves, and, compared with the
+<pb n='215'/><anchor id='Pg215'/>
+harvest customs of modern peasants and barbarians, seems
+to throw some light on the origin of the rites in question.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Maneros,
+a plaintive
+song of
+Egyptian
+reapers.</note>
+It has been already mentioned, on the authority of
+Diodorus, that in ancient Egypt the reapers were wont to
+lament over the first sheaf cut, invoking Isis as the goddess
+to whom they owed the discovery of corn.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, i. 14, ἔτι γὰρ
+καὶ νῦν κατὰ τὸν θερισμὸν τοὺς πρώτους
+ἀμηθέντας στάχυς θέντας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους
+κόπτεσθαι πλησίον τοῦ δράγματοσ καὶ τὴν
+Ἶσιν ἀνακαλεῖσθαι κτλ. For θέντας
+we should perhaps read σύνθεντας,
+which is supported by the following
+δράγματος.</note> To the plaintive
+song or cry sung or uttered by Egyptian reapers the Greeks
+gave the name of Maneros, and explained the name by a
+story that Maneros, the only son of the first Egyptian king,
+invented agriculture, and, dying an untimely death, was thus
+lamented by the people.<note place='foot'>Herodotus, ii. 79; Julius Pollux, iv.
+54; Pausanias, ix. 29. 7; Athenaeus,
+xiv. 11, p. 620 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a</hi>.</note> It appears, however, that the name
+Maneros is due to a misunderstanding of the formula
+<foreign rend='italic'>mââ-ne-hra</foreign>, <q>Come to the house,</q> which has been discovered
+in various Egyptian writings, for example in the dirge of
+Isis in the Book of the Dead.<note place='foot'>H. Brugsch, <hi rend='italic'>Die Adonisklage und
+das Linoslied</hi> (Berlin, 1852), p. 24.
+According to another interpretation,
+however, Maneros is the Egyptian
+<foreign rend='italic'>manurosh</foreign>, <q>Let us be merry.</q> See
+Lauth, <q>Über den ägyptischen
+Maneros,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Sitzungsberichte der königl.
+bayer.</hi> <hi rend='italic'>Akademie der Wissenschaften
+zu München</hi>, 1869, ii. 163-194.</note> Hence we may suppose that
+the cry <foreign rend='italic'>mââ-ne-hra</foreign> was chanted by the reapers over the cut
+corn as a dirge for the death of the corn-spirit (Isis or Osiris)
+and a prayer for its return. As the cry was raised over the
+first ears reaped, it would seem that the corn-spirit was
+believed by the Egyptians to be present in the first corn
+cut and to die under the sickle. We have seen that in the
+Malay Peninsula and Java the first ears of rice are taken to
+represent either the Soul of the Rice or the Rice-bride and
+the Rice-bridegroom.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg197'>197</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> In parts of Russia the first sheaf is
+treated much in the same way that the last sheaf is treated
+elsewhere. It is reaped by the mistress herself, taken home
+and set in the place of honour near the holy pictures; afterwards
+it is threshed separately, and some of its grain is
+mixed with the next year's seed-corn.<note place='foot'>W. R. S. Ralston, <hi rend='italic'>Songs of the
+Russian People</hi> (London, 1872), pp.
+249 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In Aberdeenshire,
+while the last corn cut was generally used to make the
+<foreign rend='italic'>clyack</foreign> sheaf,<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg158'>158</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> it was sometimes, though rarely, the first corn
+<pb n='216'/><anchor id='Pg216'/>
+cut that was dressed up as a woman and carried home with
+ceremony.<note place='foot'>W. Gregor, <q>Quelques coutumes
+du Nord-est du comté d'Aberdeen,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Revue des Traditions populaires</hi>, iii.
+(1888) p. 487 (should be 535).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Linus or
+Ailinus, a
+plaintive
+song sung
+at the
+vintage in
+Phoenicia.</note>
+In Phoenicia and Western Asia a plaintive song, like
+that chanted by the Egyptian corn-reapers, was sung at the
+vintage and probably (to judge by analogy) also at harvest.
+This Phoenician song was called by the Greeks Linus or
+Ailinus and explained, like Maneros, as a lament for the
+death of a youth named Linus.<note place='foot'>Homer, <hi rend='italic'>Iliad</hi>, xviii. 570; Herodotus,
+ii. 79; Pausanias, ix. 29. 6-9;
+Conon, <hi rend='italic'>Narrat</hi>. 19. For the form
+Ailinus see Suidas, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>; Euripides,
+<hi rend='italic'>Orestes</hi>, 1395; Sophocles, <hi rend='italic'>Ajax</hi>, 627.
+Compare Moschus, <hi rend='italic'>Idyl.</hi> iii. 1;
+Callimachus, <hi rend='italic'>Hymn to Apollo</hi>, 20.
+See Greve, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Linos,</q> in W. H.
+Roscher's <hi rend='italic'>Ausführliches Lexikon der
+griech, und röm. Mythologie</hi>, ii. 2053
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> According to one story
+Linus was brought up by a shepherd, but torn to pieces by
+his dogs.<note place='foot'>Conon, <hi rend='italic'>Narrat.</hi> 19.</note> But, like Maneros, the name Linus or Ailinus
+appears to have originated in a verbal misunderstanding, and
+to be nothing more than the cry <foreign rend='italic'>ai lanu</foreign>, that is <q>Woe to us,</q>
+which the Phoenicians probably uttered in mourning for
+Adonis;<note place='foot'>F. C. Movers, <hi rend='italic'>Die Phönizier</hi>, i.
+(Bonn, 1841), p. 246; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und Feldkulte</hi> (Berlin,
+1877), p. 281. In Hebrew the expression
+would be <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>oï lanu</foreign> (אוי לנו),
+which occurs in 1 Samuel, iv. 7 and 8;
+Jeremiah, iv. 13, vi. 4. However,
+the connexion of the Linus song with
+the lament for Adonis is regarded by
+Baudissin as very doubtful. See W.
+W. Graf Baudissin, <hi rend='italic'>Adonis und
+Esmun</hi> (Leipsic, 1911), p. 360, note 3.</note> at least Sappho seems to have regarded Adonis
+and Linus as equivalent.<note place='foot'>Pausanias, ix. 29. 8.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Bormus, a
+plaintive
+song sung
+by Mariandynian
+reapers in
+Bithynia.</note>
+In Bithynia a like mournful ditty, called Bormus or
+Borimus, was chanted by Mariandynian reapers. Bormus
+was said to have been a handsome youth, the son of King
+Upias or of a wealthy and distinguished man. One summer
+day, watching the reapers at work in his fields, he went to
+fetch them a drink of water and was never heard of more.
+So the reapers sought for him, calling him in plaintive
+strains, which they continued to chant at harvest ever afterwards.<note place='foot'>Julius Pollux, iv. 54; Athenaeus,
+xiv. 11, pp. 619 <hi rend='smallcaps'>f</hi>-620 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a</hi>; Hesychius,
+<hi rend='italic'>svv.</hi> Βῶρμον and Μαριανουνὸς θρῆνος.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='2. Killing the Corn-spirit.'/>
+<head>§ 2. Killing the Corn-spirit.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Lityerses,
+a song
+sung at
+reaping
+and
+threshing
+in Phrygia.
+Legend of
+Lityerses.</note>
+In Phrygia the corresponding song, sung by harvesters
+both at reaping and at threshing, was called Lityerses.
+<pb n='217'/><anchor id='Pg217'/>
+According to one story, Lityerses was a bastard son of
+Midas, King of Phrygia, and dwelt at Celaenae. He
+used to reap the corn, and had an enormous appetite.
+When a stranger happened to enter the corn-field or to
+pass by it, Lityerses gave him plenty to eat and drink,
+then took him to the corn-fields on the banks of the
+Maeander and compelled him to reap along with him.
+Lastly, it was his custom to wrap the stranger in a sheaf,
+cut off his head with a sickle, and carry away his
+body, swathed in the corn stalks. But at last Hercules
+undertook to reap with him, cut off his head with the
+sickle, and threw his body into the river.<note place='foot'>The story was told by Sositheus in
+his play of <hi rend='italic'>Daphnis</hi>. His verses have
+been preserved in the tract of an
+anonymous writer. See <hi rend='italic'>Scriptores
+rerum mirabilium Graeci</hi>, ed. A.
+Westermann (Brunswick, 1839), pp.
+220 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; also Athenaeus, x. 8, p.
+415 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b</hi>; Scholiast on Theocritus, x.
+41; Photius, <hi rend='italic'>Lexicon</hi>, Suidas, and
+Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Lityerses</q>; Apostolius,
+<hi rend='italic'>Centur.</hi> x. 74; Servius, on Virgil,
+<hi rend='italic'>Bucol.</hi> viii. 68. Photius mentions the
+sickle with which Lityerses beheaded
+his victims. Servius calls Lityerses a
+king and says that Hercules cut off his
+head with the sickle that had been given
+him to reap with. Lityerses is the subject
+of a special study by W. Mannhardt
+(<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, pp. 1 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>),
+whom I follow. Compare O. Crusius,
+<hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Lityerses,</q> in W. H. Roscher's
+<hi rend='italic'>Ausführliches Lexikon der griech. und
+röm. Mythologie</hi>, ii. 2065 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> As Hercules
+is reported to have slain Lityerses in the same way that
+Lityerses slew others (as Theseus treated Sinis and Sciron),
+we may infer that Lityerses used to throw the bodies of his
+victims into the river. According to another version of the
+story, Lityerses, a son of Midas, was wont to challenge
+people to a reaping match with him, and if he vanquished
+them he used to thrash them; but one day he met with a
+stronger reaper, who slew him.<note place='foot'>Julius Pollux, iv. 54.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+story of
+Lityerses
+seems to
+reflect
+an old
+Phrygian
+harvest
+custom of
+killing
+strangers
+as embodiments
+of
+the corn-spirit.</note>
+There are some grounds for supposing that in these
+stories of Lityerses we have the description of a Phrygian
+harvest custom in accordance with which certain persons,
+especially strangers passing the harvest field, were regularly
+regarded as embodiments of the corn-spirit, and as such were
+seized by the reapers, wrapt in sheaves, and beheaded, their
+bodies, bound up in the corn-stalks, being afterwards thrown
+into water as a rain-charm. The grounds for this supposition
+are, first, the resemblance of the Lityerses story to
+the harvest customs of European peasantry, and, second, the
+frequency of human sacrifices offered by savage races to
+<pb n='218'/><anchor id='Pg218'/>
+promote the fertility of the fields. We will examine these
+grounds successively, beginning with the former.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In comparing the story with the harvest customs of
+Europe,<note place='foot'>In this comparison I closely follow
+W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>,
+pp. 18 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> three points deserve special attention, namely: I. the
+reaping match and the binding of persons in the sheaves; II. the
+killing of the corn-spirit or his representatives; III. the treatment
+of visitors to the harvest field or of strangers passing it.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Contests
+among
+reapers,
+binders,
+and
+threshers
+in order
+not to be
+the last at
+their work.</note>
+I. In regard to the first head, we have seen that in
+modern Europe the person who cuts or binds or threshes the
+last sheaf is often exposed to rough treatment at the hands
+of his fellow-labourers. For example, he is bound up in the
+last sheaf, and, thus encased, is carried or carted about,
+beaten, drenched with water, thrown on a dunghill, and so
+forth. Or, if he is spared this horseplay, he is at least
+the subject of ridicule or is thought to be destined to suffer
+some misfortune in the course of the year. Hence the
+harvesters are naturally reluctant to give the last cut at
+reaping or the last stroke at threshing or to bind the last
+sheaf, and towards the close of the work this reluctance
+produces an emulation among the labourers, each striving
+to finish his task as fast as possible, in order that he
+may escape the invidious distinction of being last.<note place='foot'>Compare above, pp. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>, <ref target='Pg136'>136</ref>,
+<ref target='Pg137'>137</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg140'>140</ref>, <ref target='Pg142'>142</ref>, <ref target='Pg143'>143</ref>, <ref target='Pg144'>144</ref>, <ref target='Pg145'>145</ref>,
+<ref target='Pg147'>147</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg149'>149</ref>, <ref target='Pg164'>164</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> On the other
+hand, the last sheaf is sometimes an
+object of desire and emulation. See
+above, pp. <ref target='Pg136'>136</ref>, <ref target='Pg141'>141</ref>, <ref target='Pg153'>153</ref>, <ref target='Pg154'>154</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+<ref target='Pg156'>156</ref>, <ref target='Pg162'>162</ref> note 3, <ref target='Pg165'>165</ref>. It is so at
+Balquhidder also (<hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore Journal</hi>,
+vi. 269); and it was formerly so on
+the Gareloch, Dumbartonshire, where
+there was a competition for the honour
+of cutting it, and handfuls of standing
+corn used to be hidden under sheaves
+in order that the last to be uncovered
+should form the Maiden.&mdash;(From the
+information of Archie Leitch. See
+pp. 157 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>)</note> For
+example, in the neighbourhood of Danzig, when the winter
+corn is cut and mostly bound up in sheaves, the portion
+which still remains to be bound is divided amongst the
+women binders, each of whom receives a swath of equal
+length to bind. A crowd of reapers, children, and idlers
+gather round to witness the contest, and at the word, <q>Seize
+the Old Man,</q> the women fall to work, all binding their
+allotted swaths as hard as they can. The spectators watch
+them narrowly, and the woman who cannot keep pace with
+the rest and consequently binds the last sheaf has to carry
+<pb n='219'/><anchor id='Pg219'/>
+the Old Man (that is, the last sheaf made up in the form of
+a man) to the farmhouse and deliver it to the farmer with
+the words, <q>Here I bring you the Old Man.</q> At the supper
+which follows, the Old Man is placed at the table and receives
+an abundant portion of food, which, as he cannot eat it, falls
+to the share of the woman who carried him. Afterwards the
+Old Man is placed in the yard and all the people dance
+round him. Or the woman who bound the last sheaf dances
+for a good while with the Old Man, while the rest form a
+ring round them; afterwards they all, one after the other,
+dance a single round with him. Further, the woman who
+bound the last sheaf goes herself by the name of the Old
+Man till the next harvest, and is often mocked with the cry,
+<q>Here comes the Old Man.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 19 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In the Mittelmark district of
+Prussia, when the rye has been reaped, and the last sheaves
+are about to be tied up, the binders stand in two rows
+facing each other, every woman with her sheaf and her
+straw rope before her. At a given signal they all tie up
+their sheaves, and the one who is the last to finish is ridiculed
+by the rest. Not only so, but her sheaf is made up into
+human shape and called the Old Man, and she must
+carry it home to the farmyard, where the harvesters dance in
+a circle round her and it. Then they take the Old Man
+to the farmer and deliver it to him with the words, <q>We
+bring the Old Man to the Master. He may keep him till
+he gets a new one.</q> After that the Old Man is set up
+against a tree, where he remains for a long time, the butt of
+many jests.<note place='foot'>A. Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Märkische Sagen und
+Märchen</hi> (Berlin, 1843), p. 342.</note> At Aschbach in Bavaria, when the reaping is
+nearly finished, the reapers say, <q>Now, we will drive out the
+Old Man.</q> Each of them sets himself to reap a patch of
+corn as fast as he can; he who cuts the last handful or the
+last stalk is greeted by the rest with an exulting cry, <q>You
+have the Old Man.</q> Sometimes a black mask is fastened on
+the reaper's face and he is dressed in woman's clothes; or if
+the reaper is a woman, she is dressed in man's clothes. A
+dance follows. At the supper the Old Man gets twice as
+large a portion of food as the others. The proceedings are
+similar at threshing; the person who gives the last stroke is
+<pb n='220'/><anchor id='Pg220'/>
+said to have the Old Man. At the supper given to the
+threshers he has to eat out of the cream-ladle and to drink a
+great deal. Moreover, he is quizzed and teased in all sorts
+of ways till he frees himself from further annoyance by
+treating the others to brandy or beer.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 20; F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag
+zur deutschen Mythologie</hi> (Munich,
+1848-1855), ii. p. 217, § 397; A. Witzschel,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche
+aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna, 1878), p. 222,
+§ 69.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Custom of
+wrapping
+up in
+corn-stalks
+the last
+reaper,
+binder, or
+thresher.</note>
+These examples illustrate the contests in reaping, threshing,
+and binding which take place amongst the harvesters,
+from their unwillingness to suffer the ridicule and discomfort
+incurred by the one who happens to finish his work last. It
+will be remembered that the person who is last at reaping,
+binding, or threshing, is regarded as the representative of
+the corn-spirit,<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg167'>167</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> and this idea is more fully expressed by
+binding him or her in corn-stalks. The latter custom has
+been already illustrated, but a few more instances may be
+added. At Kloxin, near Stettin, the harvesters call out to
+the woman who binds the last sheaf, <q>You have the Old
+Man, and must keep him.</q> The Old Man is a great bundle
+of corn decked with flowers and ribbons, and fashioned into
+a rude semblance of the human form. It is fastened on a
+rake or strapped on a horse, and brought with music to the
+village. In delivering the Old Man to the farmer, the
+woman says:&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>Here, dear Sir, is the Old Man.</hi></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>He can stay no longer on the field,</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>He can hide himself no longer,</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>He must come into the village.</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Ladies and gentlemen, pray be so kind</hi></l>
+<l><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>As to give the Old Man a present.</hi></q></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+As late as the first half of the nineteenth century the
+custom was to tie up the woman herself in pease-straw, and
+bring her with music to the farmhouse, where the harvesters
+danced with her till the pease-straw fell off.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 22.</note> In other
+villages round Stettin, when the last harvest-waggon is being
+loaded, there is a regular race amongst the women, each
+striving not to be last. For she who places the last sheaf
+on the waggon is called the Old Man, and is completely
+<pb n='221'/><anchor id='Pg221'/>
+swathed in corn-stalks; she is also decked with flowers, and
+flowers and a helmet of straw are placed on her head. In
+solemn procession she carries the harvest-crown to the squire,
+over whose head she holds it while she utters a string of
+good wishes. At the dance which follows, the Old Man
+has the right to choose his, or rather her, partner; it is an
+honour to dance with him.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 22.</note> At Blankenfelde, in the district
+of Potsdam, the woman who binds the last sheaf at the rye-harvest
+is saluted with the cry, <q>You have the Old Man.</q>
+A woman is then tied up in the last sheaf in such a way
+that only her head is left free; her hair also is covered with
+a cap made of rye-stalks, adorned with ribbons and flowers.
+She is called the Harvest-man, and must keep dancing in
+front of the last harvest-waggon till it reaches the squire's
+house, where she receives a present and is released from her
+envelope of corn.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 22 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At Gommern, near Magdeburg, the
+reaper who cuts the last ears of corn is often wrapt up in
+corn-stalks so completely that it is hard to see whether
+there is a man in the bundle or not. Thus wrapt up he is
+taken by another stalwart reaper on his back, and carried
+round the field amidst the joyous cries of the harvesters.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 23.</note>
+At Neuhausen, near Merseburg, the person who binds the
+last sheaf is wrapt in ears of oats and saluted as the Oats-man,
+whereupon the others dance round him.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 23 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At Brie, Isle
+de France, the farmer himself is tied up in the <emph>first</emph> sheaf.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 24.</note>
+At the harvest-home at Udvarhely, Transylvania, a person
+is encased in corn-stalks, and wears on his head a crown
+made out of the last ears cut. On reaching the village he is
+soused with water over and over.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 24.</note> At Dingelstedt, in the
+district of Erfurt, down to the first half of the nineteenth
+century it was the custom to tie up a man in the last sheaf.
+He was called the Old Man, and was brought home on the
+last waggon, amid huzzas and music. On reaching the farmyard
+he was rolled round the barn and drenched with water.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 24.</note>
+At Nördlingen in Bavaria the man who gives the last stroke
+at threshing is wrapt in straw and rolled on the
+<pb n='222'/><anchor id='Pg222'/>
+threshing-floor.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 24 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In some parts of Oberpfalz, Bavaria, he is said to
+<q>get the Old Man,</q> is wrapt in straw, and carried to a
+neighbour who has not yet finished his threshing.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 25.</note> In Silesia
+the woman who binds the last sheaf has to submit to a good
+deal of horse-play. She is pushed, knocked down, and tied
+up in the sheaf, after which she is called the corn-puppet
+(<foreign rend='italic'>Kornpopel</foreign>).<note place='foot'>P. Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906),
+ii. 65.</note> In Thüringen a sausage is stuck in the last
+sheaf at threshing, and thrown, with the sheaf, on the
+threshing-floor. It is called the <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Barrenwurst</foreign> or <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Bazenwurst</foreign>,
+and is eaten by all the threshers. After they have eaten it a
+man is encased in pease-straw, and thus attired is led through
+the village.<note place='foot'>A. Witzschel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und
+Gebräuche aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna,
+1878), p. 223, § 70.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit,
+driven
+out of the
+last corn,
+lives in the
+barn during
+the
+winter.</note>
+<q>In all these cases the idea is that the spirit of the
+corn&mdash;the Old Man of vegetation&mdash;is driven out of the corn
+last cut or last threshed, and lives in the barn during the
+winter. At sowing-time he goes out again to the fields to
+resume his activity as animating force among the sprouting
+corn.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 25 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Similar
+ideas as to
+the last
+corn in
+India.</note>
+Ideas of the same sort appear to attach to the last corn
+in India. At Hoshangábád, in Central India, when the reaping
+is nearly done, a patch of corn, about a rood in extent, is left
+standing in the cultivator's last field, and the reapers rest a little.
+Then they rush at this remnant, tear it up, and cast it into the
+air, shouting victory to one or other of the local gods, according
+to their religious persuasion. A sheaf is made out of this
+corn, tied to a bamboo, set up in the last harvest cart, and
+carried home in triumph. Here it is fastened up in the
+threshing-floor or attached to a tree or to the cattle-shed,
+where its services are held to be essential for the purpose of
+averting the evil-eye.<note place='foot'>C. A. Elliot, <hi rend='italic'>Hoshangábád Settlement
+Report</hi>, p. 178, quoted in <hi rend='italic'>Panjab
+Notes and Queries</hi>, iii. §§ 8, 168 (October
+and December, 1885); W. Crooke,
+<hi rend='italic'>Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern
+India</hi> (Westminster, 1896), ii. 306.</note> A like custom prevails in the eastern
+districts of the North-Western Provinces of India. Sometimes
+a little patch is left untilled as a refuge for the field-spirit;
+sometimes it is sown, and when the corn of this patch has
+been reaped with a rush and a shout, it is presented to the
+<pb n='223'/><anchor id='Pg223'/>
+priest, who offers it to the local gods or bestows it on a
+beggar.<note place='foot'>W. Crooke, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. 306 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+supposed
+to
+be killed at
+reaping or
+threshing. Corn-spirit
+represented
+by
+a man,
+who is
+threshed.</note>
+II. Passing to the second point of comparison between
+the Lityerses story and European harvest customs, we have
+now to see that in the latter the corn-spirit is often believed
+to be killed at reaping or threshing. In the Romsdal and
+other parts of Norway, when the haymaking is over, the
+people say that <q>the Old Hay-man has been killed.</q> In
+some parts of Bavaria the man who gives the last stroke
+at threshing is said to have killed the Corn-man, the Oats-man,
+or the Wheat-man, according to the crop.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 31.</note> In the
+Canton of Tillot, in Lothringen, at threshing the last corn
+the men keep time with their flails, calling out as they
+thresh, <q>We are killing the Old Woman! We are killing
+the Old Woman!</q> If there is an old woman in the house
+she is warned to save herself, or she will be struck dead.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 334.</note>
+Near Ragnit, in Lithuania, the last handful of corn is left
+standing by itself, with the words, <q>The Old Woman (<foreign rend='italic'>Boba</foreign>)
+is sitting in there.</q> Then a young reaper whets his scythe,
+and, with a strong sweep, cuts down the handful. It is now
+said of him that <q>he has cut off the Boba's head</q>; and he
+receives a gratuity from the farmer and a jugful of water over
+his head from the farmer's wife.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 330.</note> According to another
+account, every Lithuanian reaper makes haste to finish his
+task; for the Old Rye-woman lives in the last stalks, and
+whoever cuts the last stalks kills the Old Rye-woman, and by
+killing her he brings trouble on himself.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> In Wilkischken, in
+the district of Tilsit, the man who cuts the last corn goes by
+the name of <q>the killer of the Rye-woman.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 331.</note> In Lithuania,
+again, the corn-spirit is believed to be killed at threshing as
+well as at reaping. When only a single pile of corn remains
+to be threshed, all the threshers suddenly step back a few
+paces, as if at the word of command. Then they fall to work,
+plying their flails with the utmost rapidity and vehemence,
+till they come to the last bundle. Upon this they fling
+themselves with almost frantic fury, straining every nerve,
+and raining blows on it till the word <q>Halt!</q> rings out
+<pb n='224'/><anchor id='Pg224'/>
+sharply from the leader. The man whose flail is the last to
+fall after the command to stop has been given is immediately
+surrounded by all the rest, crying out that <q>he has struck
+the Old Rye-woman dead.</q> He has to expiate the deed by
+treating them to brandy; and, like the man who cuts the
+last corn, he is known as <q>the killer of the Old Rye-woman.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 335.</note>
+Sometimes in Lithuania the slain corn-spirit was
+represented by a puppet. Thus a female figure was made
+out of corn-stalks, dressed in clothes, and placed on the
+threshing-floor, under the heap of corn which was to be
+threshed last. Whoever thereafter gave the last stroke at
+threshing <q>struck the Old Woman dead.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 335.</note> We have already
+met with examples of burning the figure which represents
+the corn-spirit.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg135'>135</ref>, <ref target='Pg146'>146</ref>.</note> In the East Riding of Yorkshire a custom
+called <q>burning the Old Witch</q> is observed on the last day
+of harvest. A small sheaf of corn is burnt on the field in a
+fire of stubble; peas are parched at the fire and eaten with
+a liberal allowance of ale; and the lads and lasses romp
+about the flames and amuse themselves by blackening each
+other's faces.<note place='foot'>J. Nicholson, <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore of East
+Yorkshire</hi> (London, Hull, and Driffield,
+1890), p. 28, supplemented by a
+letter of the author's addressed to Mr.
+E. S. Hartland and dated 33 Leicester
+Street, Hull, 11th September,
+1890. I have to thank Mr. E. S.
+Hartland for calling my attention to
+the custom and allowing me to see
+Mr. Nicholson's letter.</note> Sometimes, again, the corn-spirit is represented
+by a man, who lies down under the last corn;
+it is threshed upon his body, and the people say that
+<q>the Old Man is being beaten to death.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 26.</note> We saw that
+sometimes the farmer's wife is thrust, together with the last
+sheaf, under the threshing-machine, as if to thresh her, and
+that afterwards a pretence is made of winnowing her.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg149'>149</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At
+Volders, in the Tyrol, husks of corn are stuck behind the
+neck of the man who gives the last stroke at threshing, and
+he is throttled with a straw garland. If he is tall, it is
+believed that the corn will be tall next year. Then he is
+tied on a bundle and flung into the river.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 50.</note> In Carinthia,
+the thresher who gave the last stroke, and the person who
+<pb n='225'/><anchor id='Pg225'/>
+untied the last sheaf on the threshing-floor, are bound hand
+and foot with straw bands, and crowns of straw are placed
+on their heads. Then they are tied, face to face, on a
+sledge, dragged through the village, and flung into a brook.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 50 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+The custom of throwing the representative of the corn-spirit
+into a stream, like that of drenching him with water, is,
+as usual, a rain-charm.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg146'>146</ref>, <ref target='Pg170'>170</ref> note 1;
+<hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second Edition,
+pp. 195 sqq.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Corn-spirit
+represented
+by
+a stranger
+or a visitor
+to the
+harvest-field,
+who
+is treated
+accordingly.</note>
+III. Thus far the representatives of the corn-spirit have
+generally been the man or woman who cuts, binds, or
+threshes the last corn. We now come to the cases in which
+the corn-spirit is represented either by a stranger passing
+the harvest-field (as in the Lityerses tale), or by a visitor
+entering it for the first time. All over Germany it is
+customary for the reapers or threshers to lay hold of
+passing strangers and bind them with a rope made of
+corn-stalks, till they pay a forfeit; and when the farmer
+himself or one of his guests enters the field or the threshing-floor
+for the first time, he is treated in the same way.
+Sometimes the rope is only tied round his arm or his feet
+or his neck.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschunge</hi>
+pp. 32 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> Compare K.
+Bartsch, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche
+aus Meklenburg</hi> (Vienna, 1879-1880),
+ii. 296 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; P. Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch
+und Volksglaube in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic,
+1903-1906), ii. 62 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; A. John,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im
+deutschen Westböhmen</hi> (Prague, 1905),
+p. 193; A. Witzschel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten
+und Gebräuche aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna,
+1878), p. 221, § 61; R. Krause, <hi rend='italic'>Sitten,
+Gebräuche und Aberglauben in Westpreussen</hi>
+(Berlin, preface dated March,
+1904), p. 51; <hi rend='italic'>Revue des Traditions
+populaires</hi>, iii. (1888) p. 598.</note> But sometimes he is regularly swathed in
+corn. Thus at Solör in Norway, whoever enters the field,
+be he the master or a stranger, is tied up in a sheaf and
+must pay a ransom. In the neighbourhood of Soest, when
+the farmer visits the flax-pullers for the first time, he is
+completely enveloped in flax. Passers-by are also surrounded
+by the women, tied up in flax, and compelled to
+stand brandy.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 35 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At Nördlingen strangers are caught with
+straw ropes and tied up in a sheaf till they pay a forfeit.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 36.</note>
+Among the Germans of Haselberg, in West Bohemia, as soon
+as a farmer had given the last corn to be threshed on the
+threshing-floor, he was swathed in it and had to redeem
+<pb n='226'/><anchor id='Pg226'/>
+himself by a present of cakes.<note place='foot'>A. John, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch, und
+Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen</hi>,
+(Prague, 1905), p. 194.</note> In Anhalt, when the proprietor
+or one of his family, the steward, or even a stranger
+enters the harvest-field for the first time after the reaping
+has begun, the wife of the chief reaper ties a rope twisted of
+corn-ears, or a nosegay made of corn-ears and flowers, to
+his arm, and he is obliged to ransom himself by the payment
+of a fine.<note place='foot'>O. Hartung, <q>Zur Volkskunde aus
+Anhalt,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift des Vereins für
+Volkskunde</hi>, vii. (1897) p. 153.</note> In the canton of Putanges, in Normandy, a
+pretence of tying up the owner of the land in the last sheaf
+of wheat is still practised, or at least was still practised some
+quarter of a century ago. The task falls to the women alone.
+They throw themselves on the proprietor, seize him by the
+arms, the legs, and the body, throw him to the ground, and
+stretch him on the last sheaf. Then a show is made of
+binding him, and the conditions to be observed at the
+harvest-supper are dictated to him. When he has accepted
+them, he is released and allowed to get up.<note place='foot'>J. Lecœur, <hi rend='italic'>Esquisses du Bocage
+Normand</hi> (Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887),
+ii. 240 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At Brie, Isle
+de France, when any one who does not belong to the farm
+passes by the harvest-field, the reapers give chase. If they
+catch him, they bind him in a sheaf and bite him, one after
+the other, in the forehead, crying, <q>You shall carry the key
+of the field.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 36.</note> <q>To have the key</q> is an expression used
+by harvesters elsewhere in the sense of to cut or bind or
+thresh the last sheaf;<note place='foot'>For the evidence, see <hi rend='italic'>ibid.</hi> p. 36,
+note 2. The <q>key</q> in the European
+custom is probably intended to serve
+the same purpose as the <q>knot</q> in
+the Cingalese custom, as to which see
+<hi rend='italic'>Taboo and the Perils of the Soul</hi>, pp.
+308 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> hence, it is equivalent to the phrases
+<q>You have the Old Man,</q> <q>You are the Old Man,</q> which
+are addressed to the cutter, binder, or thresher of the last
+sheaf. Therefore, when a stranger, as at Brie, is tied up in
+a sheaf and told that he will <q>carry the key of the field,</q> it
+is as much as to say that he is the Old Man, that is, an
+embodiment of the corn-spirit. In hop-picking, if a well-dressed
+stranger passes the hop-yard, he is seized by the
+women, tumbled into the bin, covered with leaves, and not
+released till he has paid a fine.<note place='foot'>From a letter written to me by
+Colonel Henry Wilson, of Farnborough
+Lodge, Farnborough, Kent. The
+letter is dated 21st March, 1901.</note> In some parts of Scotland,
+<pb n='227'/><anchor id='Pg227'/>
+particularly in the counties of Fife and Kinross, down to
+recent times the reapers used to seize and dump, as it was
+called, any stranger who happened to visit or pass by the
+harvest field. The custom was to lay hold of the stranger
+by his ankles and armpits, lift him up, and bring the lower
+part of his person into violent contact with the ground.
+Women as well as men were liable to be thus treated.
+The practice of interposing a sheaf between the sufferer
+and the ground is said to be a modern refinement.<note place='foot'><q>Notes on Harvest Customs,</q> <hi rend='italic'>The Folk-lore Journal</hi>, vii. (1889) pp. 52 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Comparing
+this custom with the one practised at Putanges in
+Normandy, which has just been described, we may conjecture
+that in Scotland the <q>dumping</q> of strangers on the
+harvest-field was originally a preliminary to wrapping them
+up in sheaves of corn.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Ceremonies
+of the
+Tarahumare
+Indians
+at hoeing,
+ploughing,
+and
+harvest.</note>
+Ceremonies of a somewhat similar kind are performed by
+the Tarahumare Indians of Mexico not only at harvest but
+also at hoeing and ploughing. <q>When the work of hoeing
+and weeding is finished, the workers seize the master of the
+field, and, tying his arms crosswise behind him, load all the
+implements, that is to say, the hoes, upon his back, fastening
+them with ropes. Then they form two single columns, the
+landlord in the middle between them, and all facing the
+house. Thus they start homeward. Simultaneously the
+two men at the heads of the columns begin to run rapidly
+forward some thirty yards, cross each other, then turn back,
+run along the two columns, cross each other again at the rear
+and take their places each at the end of his row. As they
+pass each other ahead and in the rear of the columns they
+beat their mouths with the hollow of their hands and yell.
+As soon as they reach their places at the foot, the next pair
+in front of the columns starts off, running in the same way,
+and thus pair after pair performs the tour, the procession all
+the time advancing toward the house. A short distance in
+front of it they come to a halt, and are met by two young
+men who carry red handkerchiefs tied to sticks like flags.
+The father of the family, still tied up and loaded with the
+hoes, steps forward alone and kneels down in front of his
+house-door. The flag-bearers wave their banners over him,
+and the women of the household come out and kneel on
+<pb n='228'/><anchor id='Pg228'/>
+their left knees, first toward the east, and after a little while
+toward each of the other cardinal points, west, south, and north.
+In conclusion the flags are waved in front of the house.
+The father then rises and the people untie him, whereupon
+he first salutes the women with the usual greeting, <q><foreign rend='italic'>Kwīra!</foreign></q>
+or <q><foreign rend='italic'>Kwirevá!</foreign></q> Now they all go into the house, and the man
+makes a short speech thanking them all for the assistance
+they have given him, for how could he have gotten through
+his work without them? They have provided him with a
+year's life (that is, with the wherewithal to sustain it), and
+now he is going to give them tesvino. He gives a drinking-gourd
+full to each one in the assembly, and appoints one
+man among them to distribute more to all. The same
+ceremony is performed after the ploughing and after the
+harvesting. On the first occasion the tied man may be
+made to carry the yoke of the oxen, on the second he does
+not carry anything.</q><note place='foot'>C. Lumholtz, <hi rend='italic'>Unknown Mexico</hi>
+(London, 1903), i. 214 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The meaning of these Mexican
+ceremonies is not clear. Perhaps the custom of tying up
+the farmer at hoeing, ploughing, and reaping is a form of
+expiation or apology offered to the spirits of the earth, who
+are naturally disturbed by agricultural operations.<note place='foot'>Compare <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>,
+Second Edition, pp. 75 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> When
+the Yabim of Simbang in German New Guinea see that
+the taro plants in their fields are putting forth leaves, they
+offer sacrifice of sago-broth and pork to the spirits of the
+former owners of the land, in order that they may be kindly
+disposed and not do harm but let the fruits ripen.<note place='foot'>K. Vetter, <hi rend='italic'>Komm herüber und hilf
+uns!</hi> Heft 2 (Barmen, 1898), p. 7.</note>
+Similarly when the Alfoors or Toradjas of Central Celebes
+are planting a new field, they offer rice, eggs, and so forth
+to the souls of the former owners of the land, hoping that,
+mollified by these offerings, the souls will make the crops to
+grow and thrive.<note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Een en ander
+aangaande het geestelijk en maatschappelijk
+leven van den Poso-Alfoer,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xxxix.
+(1895) p. 137. As to influence
+which the spirits of the dead are
+thought to exercise on the growth of
+the crops, see above, pp. <ref target='Pg103'>103</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, and
+below, vol. ii. pp. 109 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> However, this explanation of the Mexican
+ceremonies at hoeing, ploughing, and reaping is purely conjectural.
+In these ceremonies there is no evidence that, as
+in the parallel European customs, the farmer is identified
+<pb n='229'/><anchor id='Pg229'/>
+with the corn-spirit, since he is not wrapt up in the
+sheaves.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Pretence
+made by
+the reapers
+of killing
+some one
+with their
+scythes.</note>
+Be that as it may, the evidence adduced above suffices
+to prove that, like the ancient Lityerses, modern European
+reapers have been wont to lay hold of a passing stranger
+and tie him up in a sheaf. It is not to be expected that
+they should complete the parallel by cutting off his head;
+but if they do not take such a strong step, their language
+and gestures are at least indicative of a desire to do so. For
+instance, in Mecklenburg on the first day of reaping, if the
+master or mistress or a stranger enters the field, or merely
+passes by it, all the mowers face towards him and sharpen
+their scythes, clashing their whet-stones against them in
+unison, as if they were making ready to mow. Then the
+woman who leads the mowers steps up to him and ties
+a band round his left arm. He must ransom himself by
+payment of a forfeit.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, p. 39.</note> Near Ratzeburg, when the master
+or other person of mark enters the field or passes by it,
+all the harvesters stop work and march towards him in a
+body, the men with their scythes in front. On meeting him
+they form up in line, men and women. The men stick the
+poles of their scythes in the ground, as they do in whetting
+them; then they take off their caps and hang them on the
+scythes, while their leader stands forward and makes a
+speech. When he has done, they all whet their scythes in
+measured time very loudly, after which they put on their
+caps. Two of the women binders then come forward; one
+of them ties the master or stranger (as the case may be)
+with corn-ears or with a silken band; the other delivers
+a rhyming address. The following are specimens of the
+speeches made by the reaper on these occasions. In some
+parts of Pomerania every passer-by is stopped, his way being
+barred with a corn-rope. The reapers form a circle round
+him and sharpen their scythes, while their leader says:&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>The men are ready,</hi></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>The scythes are bent,</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>The corn is great and small,</hi></l>
+<l><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>The gentleman must be mowed.</hi></q></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<pb n='230'/><anchor id='Pg230'/>
+
+<p>
+Then the process of whetting the scythes is repeated.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 39 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At
+Ramin, in the district of Stettin, the stranger, standing
+encircled by the reapers, is thus addressed:&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>We'll stroke the gentleman</hi></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>With our naked sword,</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Wherewith we shear meadows and fields.</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>We shear princes and lords.</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Labourers are often athirst;</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>If the gentleman will stand beer and brandy</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>The joke will soon be over.</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>But, if our prayer he does not like,</hi></l>
+<l><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>The sword has a right to strike.</hi></q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 40. For the speeches made
+by the woman who binds the stranger
+or the master, see <hi rend='italic'>ibid.</hi> p. 41; C.
+Lemke, <hi rend='italic'>Volksthümliches in Ostpreussen</hi>
+(Mohrungen, 1884-1887), i. 23 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+That in these customs the whetting of the scythes is
+really meant as a preliminary to mowing appears from the
+following variation of the preceding customs. In the district
+of Lüneburg, when any one enters the harvest-field, he is
+asked whether he will engage a good fellow. If he says
+yes, the harvesters mow some swaths, yelling and screaming,
+and then ask him for drink-money.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 41 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Pretence
+made by
+threshers
+of choking
+a person
+with their
+flails.</note>
+On the threshing-floor strangers are also regarded as
+embodiments of the corn-spirit, and are treated accordingly.
+At Wiedingharde in Schleswig when a stranger comes to
+the threshing-floor he is asked, <q>Shall I teach you the flail-dance?</q>
+If he says yes, they put the arms of the threshing-flail
+round his neck as if he were a sheaf of corn, and press
+them together so tight that he is nearly choked.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 42. See
+also above, p. <ref target='Pg150'>150</ref>.</note> In some
+parishes of Wermland (Sweden), when a stranger enters
+the threshing-floor where the threshers are at work, they say
+that <q>they will teach him the threshing-song.</q> Then they
+put a flail round his neck and a straw rope about his body.
+Also, as we have seen, if a stranger woman enters the
+threshing-floor, the threshers put a flail round her body and
+a wreath of corn-stalks round her neck, and call out, <q>See
+the Corn-woman! See! that is how the Corn-maiden
+looks!</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 42. See
+above, p. <ref target='Pg149'>149</ref>. In Thüringen a being
+called the Rush-cutter (<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Binsenschneider</foreign>)
+used to be much dreaded. On the
+morning of St. John's Day he was wont
+to walk through the fields with sickles
+tied to his ankles cutting avenues in the
+corn as he walked. To detect him,
+seven bundles of brushwood were
+silently threshed with the flail on the
+threshing-floor, and the stranger who
+appeared at the door of the barn during
+the threshing was the Rush-cutter.
+See A. Witzschel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und
+Gebräuche aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna,
+1878), p. 221. With the <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Binsenschneider</foreign>
+compare the <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Bilschneider</foreign> and
+<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Biberschneider</foreign> (F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur
+deutschen Mythologie</hi>, Munich, 1848-1855,
+ii. pp. 210 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, §§ 372-378).</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='231'/><anchor id='Pg231'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Custom
+observed
+at the
+madder-harvest
+in
+Zealand.</note>
+In these customs, observed both on the harvest-field and
+on the threshing-floor, a passing stranger is regarded as a
+personification of the corn, in other words, as the corn-spirit;
+and a show is made of treating him like the corn by mowing,
+binding, and threshing him. If the reader still doubts
+whether European peasants can really regard a passing
+stranger in this light, the following custom should set his
+doubts at rest. During the madder-harvest in the Dutch
+province of Zealand a stranger passing by a field, where the
+people are digging the madder-roots, will sometimes call out
+to them <foreign lang='nl' rend='italic'>Koortspillers</foreign> (a term of reproach). Upon this, two
+of the fleetest runners make after him, and, if they catch
+him, they bring him back to the madder-field and bury him
+in the earth up to his middle at least, jeering at him the
+while; then they ease nature before his face.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 47 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The spirit
+of the corn
+conceived
+as poor and
+robbed
+by the
+reapers. Some of
+the corn
+left on the
+harvest-field
+for the
+corn-spirit. Little fields
+or gardens
+cultivated
+for spirits
+or gods.</note>
+This last act is to be explained as follows. The spirit of
+the corn and of other cultivated plants is sometimes conceived,
+not as immanent in the plant, but as its owner; hence the cutting
+of the corn at harvest, the digging of the roots, and the
+gathering of fruit from the fruit-trees are each and all of them
+acts of spoliation, which strip him of his property and reduce
+him to poverty. Hence he is often known as <q>the Poor
+Man</q> or <q>the Poor Woman.</q> Thus in the neighbourhood
+of Eisenach a small sheaf is sometimes left standing on the
+field for <q>the Poor Old Woman.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 48.</note> At Marksuhl, near
+Eisenach, the puppet formed out of the last sheaf is itself
+called <q>the Poor Woman.</q> At Alt Lest in Silesia the man
+who binds the last sheaf is called the Beggar-man.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note> In a
+village near Roeskilde, in Zealand (Denmark), old-fashioned
+peasants sometimes make up the last sheaf into a rude
+puppet, which is called the Rye-beggar.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 48 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In Southern
+Schonen the sheaf which is bound last is called the Beggar;
+<pb n='232'/><anchor id='Pg232'/>
+it is made bigger than the rest and is sometimes dressed
+in clothes. In the district of Olmütz the last sheaf is called
+the Beggar; it is given to an old woman, who must carry it
+home, limping on one foot.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 49.</note> Sometimes a little of the crop
+is left on the field for the spirit, under other names than
+<q>the Poor Old Woman.</q> Thus at Szagmanten, a village of
+the Tilsit district, the last sheaf was left standing on the
+field <q>for the Old Rye-woman.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 337.</note> In Neftenbach (Canton
+of Zurich) the first three ears of corn reaped are thrown
+away on the field <q>to satisfy the Corn-mother and to make
+the next year's crop abundant.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> At Kupferberg, in Bavaria,
+some corn is left standing on the field when the rest has
+been cut. Of this corn left standing they say that <q>it
+belongs to the Old Woman,</q> to whom it is dedicated in the
+following words:&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<quote rend='display'>
+<lg>
+<l><q rend='pre'><hi rend='italic'>We give it to the Old Woman;</hi></q></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>She shall keep it.</hi></l>
+<l><hi rend='italic'>Next year may she be to us</hi></l>
+<l><q rend='post'><hi rend='italic'>As kind as this time she has been.</hi></q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 337 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note></l>
+</lg>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+These words clearly shew that the Old Woman for whom
+the corn is left on the field is not a real personage, poor and
+hungry, but the mythical Old Woman who makes the corn
+to grow. At Schüttarschen, in West Bohemia, after the
+crop has been reaped, a few stalks are left standing and a
+garland is attached to them. <q>That belongs to the Wood-woman,</q>
+they say, and offer a prayer. In this way the
+Wood-woman, we are told, has enough to live on through
+the winter and the corn will thrive the better next year.
+The same thing is done for all the different kinds of corn-crop.<note place='foot'>A. John, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube
+im deutschen Westböhmen</hi> (Prague,
+1905), p. 189.</note>
+So in Thüringen, when the after-grass (<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Grummet</foreign>) is
+being got in, a little heap is left lying on the field; it belongs
+to <q>the Little Wood-woman</q> in return for the blessing she
+has bestowed.<note place='foot'>A. Witzschel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und
+Gebräuche aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna,
+1878), p. 224, § 74.</note> In the Frankenwald of Bavaria three handfuls
+of flax were left on the field <q>for the Wood-woman.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde
+des Königreichs Bayern</hi> (Munich, 1860-1867),
+iii. 343 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+<pb n='233'/><anchor id='Pg233'/>
+At Lindau in Anhalt the reapers used to leave some stalks
+standing in the last corner of the last field for <q>the Corn-woman
+to eat.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde</hi>,
+vii. (1897) p. 154.</note> In some parts of Silesia it was till lately
+the custom to leave a few corn-stalks standing in the field,
+<q>in order that the next harvest should not fail.</q><note place='foot'>P. Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch, und
+Volksglaube in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906),
+ii. 64, § 419.</note> In Russia
+it is customary to leave patches of unreaped corn in the fields
+and to place bread and salt on the ground near them. <q>These
+ears are eventually knotted together, and the ceremony is
+called <q>the plaiting of the beard of Volos,</q> and it is supposed
+that after it has been performed no wizard or other evilly-disposed
+person will be able to hurt the produce of the fields.
+The unreaped patch is looked upon as tabooed; and it is
+believed that if any one meddles with it he will shrivel up,
+and become twisted like the interwoven ears. Similar customs
+are kept up in various parts of Russia. Near Kursk and
+Voroneje, for instance, a patch of rye is usually left in honour
+of the Prophet Elijah, and in another district one of oats is
+consecrated to St. Nicholas. As it is well known that both
+the Saint and the Prophet have succeeded to the place once
+held in the estimation of the Russian people by Perun, it
+seems probable that Volos really was, in ancient times, one
+of the names of the thunder-god.</q><note place='foot'>W. R. S. Ralston, <hi rend='italic'>Songs of the
+Russian People</hi>, Second Edition
+(London, 1872), pp. 251 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> As to
+Perun, the old Slavonic thunder-god,
+see <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, ii. 365.</note> In the north-east of
+Scotland a few stalks were sometimes left unreaped on the
+field for the benefit of <q>the aul' man.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. Walter Gregor, <hi rend='italic'>Notes on the
+Folk-lore of the North-east of Scotland</hi>
+(London, 1881), p. 182.</note> Here <q>the aul'
+man</q> is probably the equivalent of the harvest Old Man of
+Germany.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg136'>136</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Among the Mohammedans of Zanzibar it is
+customary at sowing a field to reserve a certain portion of it
+for the guardian spirits, who at harvest are invited, to the
+tuck of drum, to come and take their share; tiny huts are
+also built in which food is deposited for their use.<note place='foot'>A. Germain, <q>Note zur Zanzibar
+et la Côte Orientale d'Afrique,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Bulletin
+de la Société de Géographie</hi> (Paris), Vème
+Série, xvi. (1868) p. 555.</note> In the
+island of Nias, to prevent the depredations of wandering
+spirits among the rice at harvest, a miniature field is dedicated
+<pb n='234'/><anchor id='Pg234'/>
+to them and in it are sown all the plants that grow in the
+real fields.<note place='foot'>E. Modigliani, <hi rend='italic'>Un Viaggio a Nías</hi>
+(Milan, 1890), p. 593.</note> The Hos, a Ewe tribe of negroes in Togoland,
+observe a similar custom for a similar reason. At the entrance
+to their yam-fields the traveller may see on both sides of the
+path small mounds on which yams, stock-yams, beans, and
+maize are planted and appear to flourish with more than
+usual luxuriance. These little gardens, tended with peculiar
+care, are dedicated to the <q>guardian gods</q> of the owner of
+the land; there he cultivates for their benefit the same
+plants which he cultivates for his own use in the fields;
+and the notion is that the <q>guardian gods</q> will content
+themselves with eating the fruits which grow in their little
+private preserves and will not poach on the crops which are
+destined for human use.<note place='foot'>J. Spieth, <hi rend='italic'>Die Ewe-Stämme</hi> (Berlin,
+1906), p. 303. In the Central
+Provinces of India <q>sometimes the
+oldest man in the house cuts the first
+five bundles of the crop and they are
+afterwards left in the fields for the
+birds to eat. And at the end of harvest
+the last one or two sheaves are left
+standing in the field and any one who
+likes can cut and carry them away. In
+some localities the last sheaves are left
+standing in the field and are known as
+<foreign rend='italic'>barhona</foreign>, or the giver of increase. Then
+all the labourers rush together at this
+last patch of corn and tear it up by the
+roots; everybody seizes as much as he
+can [and] keeps it, the master having
+no share in this patch. After the <foreign rend='italic'>barhona</foreign>
+has been torn up all the labourers
+fall on their faces to the ground and
+worship the field</q> (A. E. Nelson,
+<hi rend='italic'>Central Provinces Gazetteers, Bilaspur
+District</hi>, vol. A, 1910, p. 75). This
+quotation was kindly sent to me by
+Mr. W. Crooke; I have not seen the
+original. It seems to shew that in the
+Central Provinces the last corn is left
+standing on the field as a portion for
+the corn-spirit, and that he is believed
+to be immanent in it; hence the name
+of <q>the giver of increase</q> bestowed on
+it, and the eagerness with which other
+people, though not the owner of the
+land, seek to appropriate it.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Hence
+perhaps
+we may
+explain the
+dedication
+of sacred
+fields and
+the offering
+of first-fruits
+to
+gods and
+spirits.</note>
+These customs suggest that the little sacred rice-fields
+on which the Kayans of Borneo perform the various
+operations of husbandry in mimicry before they address
+themselves to the real labours of the field,<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg093'>93</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> may be dedicated
+to the spirits of the rice to compensate them for
+the loss they sustain by allowing men to cultivate all
+the rest of the land for their own benefit. Perhaps the
+Rarian plain at Eleusis<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg036'>36</ref>, <ref target='Pg074'>74</ref>.</note> was a spiritual preserve of the
+same kind set apart for the exclusive use of the corn-goddesses
+Demeter and Persephone. It may even be that
+the law which forbade the Hebrews to reap the corners and
+gather the gleanings of the harvest-fields and to strip the
+<pb n='235'/><anchor id='Pg235'/>
+vines of their last grapes<note place='foot'>Leviticus, xix. 9 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, xxiii. 22;
+Deuteronomy, xxiv. 19-21.</note> was originally intended for the
+benefit, not of the human poor, but of the poor spirits of
+the corn and the vine, who had just been despoiled by the
+reapers and the vintagers, and who, if some provision were
+not made for their subsistence, would naturally die of hunger
+before another year came round. In providing for their
+wants the prudent husbandman was really consulting his
+own interests; for how could he expect to reap wheat and
+barley and to gather grapes next year if he suffered the
+spirits of the corn and of the vine to perish of famine in
+the meantime? This train of thought may possibly explain
+the wide-spread custom of offering the first-fruits of the
+crops to gods or spirits:<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg046'>46</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg053'>53</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>,
+and below, vol. ii. pp. 109 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> such offerings may have been
+originally not so much an expression of gratitude for benefits
+received as a means of enabling the benefactors to continue
+their benefactions in time to come. Primitive man has
+generally a shrewd eye to the main chance: he is more
+prone to provide for the future than to sentimentalise over
+the past.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Passing
+strangers
+treated as
+the spirit
+of the
+madder-roots.</note>
+Thus when the spirit of vegetation is conceived as
+a being who is robbed of his store and impoverished
+by the harvesters, it is natural that his representative&mdash;the
+passing stranger&mdash;should upbraid them; and it
+is equally natural that they should seek to disable him
+from pursuing them and recapturing the stolen property.
+Now, it is an old superstition that by easing nature on the
+spot where a robbery is committed, the robbers secure
+themselves, for a certain time, against interruption.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 49 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; A. Wuttke,
+<hi rend='italic'>Der deutsche Volksaberglaube</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Berlin,
+1869), p. 254, § 400; M. Töppen,
+<hi rend='italic'>Aberglaube aus Masuren</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Danzig,
+1867), p. 57. The same belief is held
+and acted upon in Japan (L. Hearn,
+<hi rend='italic'>Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan</hi>, London,
+1904, ii. 603).</note> Hence
+when madder-diggers resort to this proceeding in presence
+of the stranger whom they have caught and buried in the
+field, we may infer that they consider themselves robbers
+and him as the person robbed. Regarded as such, he must
+be the natural owner of the madder-roots, that is, their
+spirit or demon; and this conception is carried out by
+<pb n='236'/><anchor id='Pg236'/>
+burying him, like the madder-roots, in the ground.<note place='foot'>The explanation of the custom is
+W. Mannhardt's (<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>,
+p. 49).</note> The
+Greeks, it may be observed, were quite familiar with the
+idea that a passing stranger may be a god. Homer says
+that the gods in the likeness of foreigners roam up and
+down cities.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Odyssey</hi>, xvii. 485 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> Compare
+Plato, <hi rend='italic'>Sophist</hi>, p. 216 A.</note> Once in Poso, a district of Celebes, when a new
+missionary entered a house where a number of people were
+gathered round a sick man, one of them addressed the newcomer
+in these words: <q>Well, sir, as we had never seen
+you before, and you came suddenly in, while we sat here by
+ourselves, we thought it was a spirit.</q><note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Mijne eerste
+ervaringen te Poso,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen
+van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap</hi>,
+xxxvi. (1892) p. 402.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Killing
+of the
+personal
+representative
+of the
+corn-spirit.</note>
+Thus in these harvest-customs of modern Europe the
+person who cuts, binds, or threshes the last corn is treated as
+an embodiment of the corn-spirit by being wrapt up in
+sheaves, killed in mimicry by agricultural implements, and
+thrown into the water.<note place='foot'>For throwing him into the water,
+see p. <ref target='Pg225'>225</ref>.</note> These coincidences with the
+Lityerses story seem to prove that the latter is a genuine
+description of an old Phrygian harvest-custom. But since in
+the modern parallels the killing of the personal representative
+of the corn-spirit is necessarily omitted or at most enacted
+only in mimicry, it is desirable to shew that in rude society
+human beings have been commonly killed as an agricultural
+ceremony to promote the fertility of the fields. The following
+examples will make this plain.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='3. Human Sacrifices for the Crops.'/>
+<head>§ 3. Human Sacrifices for the Crops.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+for the
+crops in
+South and
+Central
+America.</note>
+The Indians of Guayaquil, in Ecuador, used to sacrifice
+human blood and the hearts of men when they sowed their
+fields.<note place='foot'>Cieza de Leon, <hi rend='italic'>Travels</hi>, translated
+by C. R. Markham, p. 203
+(Hakluyt Society, London, 1864).</note> The people of Cañar (now Cuenca in Ecuador) used
+to sacrifice a hundred children annually at harvest. The
+kings of Quito, the Incas of Peru, and for a long time the
+Spaniards were unable to suppress the bloody rite.<note place='foot'>Juan de Velasco, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire du
+Royaume de Quito</hi>, i. (Paris, 1840) pp.
+121 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> (Ternaux-Compans, <hi rend='italic'>Voyages,
+Relations et Mémoires Originaux pour
+servir à l'Histoire de la Découverte de
+l'Amérique</hi>, vol. xviii.).</note> At a
+<pb n='237'/><anchor id='Pg237'/>
+Mexican harvest-festival, when the first-fruits of the season
+were offered to the sun, a criminal was placed between two
+immense stones, balanced opposite each other, and was
+crushed by them as they fell together. His remains were
+buried, and a feast and dance followed. This sacrifice was
+known as <q>the meeting of the stones.</q><note place='foot'>Brasseur de Bourbourg, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire
+des Nations civilisées du Mexique et
+de l'Amérique Centrale</hi> (Paris, 1857-1859),
+i. 274; H. H. Bancroft, <hi rend='italic'>Native
+Races of the Pacific States</hi> (London,
+1875-1876), ii. 340.</note> <q>Tlaloc was
+worshipped in Mexico as the god of the thunder and the
+storm which precedes the fertilising rain; elsewhere his wife
+Xochiquetzal, who at Tlaxcallan was called Matlalcuéyé or
+the Lady of the Blue Petticoats, shared these honours, and
+it was to her that many countries in Central America
+particularly paid their devotions. Every year, at the time
+when the cobs of the still green and milky maize are about
+to coagulate and ripen, they used to sacrifice to the goddess
+four young girls, chosen among the noblest families of the
+country; they were decked out in festal attire, crowned with
+flowers, and conveyed in rich palanquins to the brink of the
+hallowed waters, where the sacrifice was to be offered.
+The priests, clad in long floating robes, their heads encircled
+with feather crowns, marched in front of the litters carrying
+censers with burning incense. The town of Elopango,
+celebrated for its temple, was near the lake of the same
+name, the etymology of which refers to the sheaves of tender
+maize (<foreign rend='italic'>elotl</foreign>, <q>sheaf of tender maize</q>). It was dedicated to
+the goddess Xochiquetzal, to whom the young victims were
+offered by being hurled from the top of a rock into the
+abyss. At the moment of consummating this inhuman rite,
+the priests addressed themselves in turn to the four virgins
+in order to banish the fear of death from their minds. They
+drew for them a bright picture of the delights they were
+about to enjoy in the company of the gods, and advised
+them not to forget the earth which they had left behind, but
+to entreat the divinity, to whom they despatched them, to
+bless the forthcoming harvest.</q><note place='foot'>Brasseur de Bourbourg, <q>Aperçus
+d'un voyage dans les États de San-Salvador
+et de Guatemala,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Bulletin
+de la Société de Géographie</hi> (Paris),
+IVème Série, xiii. (1857) pp. 278
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> We have seen that the
+ancient Mexicans also sacrificed human beings at all the
+<pb n='238'/><anchor id='Pg238'/>
+various stages in the growth of the maize, the age of the
+victims corresponding to the age of the corn; for they
+sacrificed new-born babes at sowing, older children when
+the grain had sprouted, and so on till it was fully ripe,
+when they sacrificed old men.<note place='foot'>Herrera, quoted by A. Bastian, <hi rend='italic'>Die
+Culturländer des alten Amerika</hi> (Berlin,
+1878), ii. 379 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis,
+Osiris</hi>, Second Edition, pp. 338 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> No doubt the correspondence
+between the ages of the victims and the state
+of the corn was supposed to enhance the efficacy of the
+sacrifice.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+for the
+crops
+among the
+Pawnees.</note>
+The Pawnees annually sacrificed a human victim in
+spring when they sowed their fields. The sacrifice was
+believed to have been enjoined on them by the Morning
+Star, or by a certain bird which the Morning Star had sent
+to them as its messenger. The bird was stuffed and preserved
+as a powerful talisman. They thought that an
+omission of this sacrifice would be followed by the total
+failure of the crops of maize, beans, and pumpkins. The
+victim was a captive of either sex. He was clad in the
+gayest and most costly attire, was fattened on the choicest
+food, and carefully kept in ignorance of his doom. When
+he was fat enough, they bound him to a cross in the presence
+of the multitude, danced a solemn dance, then cleft his head
+with a tomahawk and shot him with arrows. According to
+one trader, the squaws then cut pieces of flesh from the
+victim's body, with which they greased their hoes; but this
+was denied by another trader who had been present at the
+ceremony. Immediately after the sacrifice the people proceeded
+to plant their fields. A particular account has been
+preserved of the sacrifice of a Sioux girl by the Pawnees in
+April 1837 or 1838. The girl was fourteen or fifteen years
+old and had been kept for six months and well treated.
+Two days before the sacrifice she was led from wigwam to
+wigwam, accompanied by the whole council of chiefs and
+warriors. At each lodge she received a small billet of wood
+and a little paint, which she handed to the warrior next to
+her. In this way she called at every wigwam, receiving at
+each the same present of wood and paint. On the twenty-second
+of April she was taken out to be sacrificed, attended
+by the warriors, each of whom carried two pieces of wood
+<pb n='239'/><anchor id='Pg239'/>
+which he had received from her hands. Her body having
+been painted half red and half black, she was attached to a
+sort of gibbet and roasted for some time over a slow fire, then
+shot to death with arrows. The chief sacrificer next tore
+out her heart and devoured it. While her flesh was still
+warm it was cut in small pieces from the bones, put in little
+baskets, and taken to a neighbouring corn-field. There the
+head chief took a piece of the flesh from a basket and
+squeezed a drop of blood upon the newly-deposited grains of
+corn. His example was followed by the rest, till all the seed
+had been sprinkled with the blood; it was then covered up
+with earth. According to one account the body of the victim
+was reduced to a kind of paste, which was rubbed or sprinkled
+not only on the maize but also on the potatoes, the beans,
+and other seeds to fertilise them. By this sacrifice they
+hoped to obtain plentiful crops.<note place='foot'>E. James, <hi rend='italic'>Account of an Expedition
+from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains</hi>
+(London, 1823), ii. 80 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; H. R.
+Schoolcraft, <hi rend='italic'>Indian Tribes of the United
+States</hi> (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v.
+77 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; J. De Smet, in <hi rend='italic'>Annales de la
+Propagation de la Foi</hi>, xi. (1838) pp.
+493 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, in <hi rend='italic'>Annales de la Propagation
+de la Foi</hi>, xv. (1843) pp. 277-279;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Voyages aux Montagnes Rocheuses</hi>,
+Nouvelle Edition (Paris and Brussels,
+1873), pp. 121 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> The accounts by
+Schoolcraft and De Smet of the sacrifice
+of the Sioux girl are independent and
+supplement each other. According to
+De Smet, who wrote from the descriptions
+of four eye-witnesses, the procession
+from hut to hut for the purpose
+of collecting wood took place on the
+morning of the sacrifice. Another
+description of the sacrifice is given by
+Mr. G. B. Grinnell from the recollection
+of an eye-witness (<hi rend='italic'>Pawnee Hero Stories
+and Folk-tales</hi>, New York, 1889, pp.
+362-369). According to this last
+account the victim was shot with arrows
+and afterwards burnt. Before the body
+was consumed in the fire a man pulled
+out the arrows, cut open the breast of
+the victim, and having smeared his face
+with the blood ran away as fast as he
+could.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+for the
+crops in
+Africa.</note>
+A West African queen used to sacrifice a man and
+woman in the month of March. They were killed with
+spades and hoes, and their bodies buried in the middle of a
+field which had just been tilled.<note place='foot'>J. B. Labat, <hi rend='italic'>Relation historique
+de l'Ethiopie occidentale</hi> (Paris, 1732),
+i. 380.</note> At Lagos in Guinea it
+was the custom annually to impale a young girl alive soon
+after the spring equinox in order to secure good crops.
+Along with her were sacrificed sheep and goats, which, with
+yams, heads of maize, and plantains, were hung on stakes on
+each side of her. The victims were bred up for the purpose
+in the king's seraglio, and their minds had been so powerfully
+wrought upon by the fetish men that they went cheerfully to
+<pb n='240'/><anchor id='Pg240'/>
+their fate.<note place='foot'>John Adams, <hi rend='italic'>Sketches taken during
+Ten Voyages in Africa between the years
+1786 and 1800</hi> (London, <hi rend='smallcaps'>n.d.</hi>), p.
+25.</note> A similar sacrifice used to be annually offered
+at Benin, in Guinea.<note place='foot'>P. Bouche, <hi rend='italic'>La Côte des Esclaves</hi>
+(Paris, 1885), p. 132.</note> The Marimos, a Bechuana tribe,
+sacrifice a human being for the crops. The victim chosen
+is generally a short, stout man. He is seized by violence
+or intoxicated and taken to the fields, where he is killed
+amongst the wheat to serve as <q>seed</q> (so they phrase it).
+After his blood has coagulated in the sun, it is burned along
+with the frontal bone, the flesh attached to it, and the brain;
+the ashes are then scattered over the ground to fertilise it.
+The rest of the body is eaten.<note place='foot'>T. Arbousset et F. Daumas,
+<hi rend='italic'>Voyage d'exploration au Nord-est de
+la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance</hi>
+(Paris, 1842), pp. 117 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> The
+custom has probably long been obsolete.</note> The Wamegi of the Usagara
+hills in German East Africa used to offer human sacrifices
+of a peculiar kind once a year about the time of harvest,
+which was also the time of sowing; for the Wamegi have
+two crops annually, one in September and one in February.
+The festival was usually held in September or October.
+The victim was a girl who had attained the age of puberty.
+She was taken to a hill where the festival was to be
+celebrated, and there she was crushed to death between two
+branches.<note place='foot'>From information given me by
+my friend the Rev. John Roscoe, who
+resided for some time among the
+Wamegi and suppressed the sacrifice
+in 1886.</note> The sacrifice was not performed in the fields,
+and my informant could not ascertain its object, but we may
+conjecture that it was to ensure good crops in the following
+year.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+for the
+crops in the
+Philippines.</note>
+The Bagobos of Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands,
+offer a human sacrifice before they sow their rice. The victim
+is a slave, who is hewn to pieces in the forest.<note place='foot'>F. Blumentritt, <q>Das Stromgebiet
+des Rio Grande de Mindanao,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Petermanns
+Mitteilungen</hi>, xxxvii. (1891)
+p. 110.</note> The
+natives of Bontoc, a province in the interior of Luzon,
+one of the Philippine Islands, are passionate head-hunters.
+Their principal seasons for head-hunting are the times
+of planting and reaping the rice. In order that the
+crop may turn out well, every farm must get at least one
+human head at planting and one at sowing. The head-hunters
+go out in twos or threes, lie in wait for the victim,
+<pb n='241'/><anchor id='Pg241'/>
+whether man or woman, cut off his or her head, hands, and
+feet, and bring them back in haste to the village, where they
+are received with great rejoicings. The skulls are at first
+exposed on the branches of two or three dead trees which
+stand in an open space of every village surrounded by large
+stones which serve as seats. The people then dance round
+them and feast and get drunk. When the flesh has decayed
+from the head, the man who cut it off takes it home and
+preserves it as a relic, while his companions do the same
+with the hands and the feet.<note place='foot'>A. Schadenberg, <q>Beiträge zur
+Kenntniss der im Innern Nordluzons
+lebenden Stämme,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verhandlungen der
+Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,
+Ethnologie und Urgeschichte</hi>,
+1888, p. (39) (bound with <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift
+für Ethnologie</hi>, xx. 1888).</note> Similar customs are observed
+by the Apoyaos, another tribe in the interior of Luzon.<note place='foot'>Schadenberg, in <hi rend='italic'>Verhandlungen
+der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,
+Ethnologie und Urgeschichte</hi>,
+1889, p. (681) (bound with <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift
+für Ethnologie</hi>, xxi. 1889).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+for the
+crops
+among the
+Wild Wa
+of Burma.</note>
+The Wild Wa, an agricultural tribe on the north-eastern
+frontier of Upper Burma, still hunt for human
+heads as a means of promoting the welfare of the crops.
+The Wa regards his skulls as a protection against the
+powers of evil. <q>Without a skull his crops would fail;
+without a skull his kine might die; without a skull the
+father and mother spirits would be shamed and might be
+enraged; if there were no protecting skull the other spirits
+who are all malignant, might gain entrance and kill the
+inhabitants, or drink all the liquor.</q> The Wa country is
+a series of mountain ranges shelving rapidly down to narrow
+valleys from two to five thousand feet deep. The villages
+are all perched high on the slopes, some just under the
+crest of the ridge, some lower down on a small projecting
+spur of flat ground. Industrious cultivation has cleared
+away the jungle, and the villages stand out conspicuously
+in the landscape as yellowish-brown blotches on the hillsides.
+Each village is fortified by an earthen rampart so
+thickly overgrown with cactuses and other shrubs as to be
+impenetrable. The only entrance is through a narrow, low
+and winding tunnel, the floor of which, for additional
+security, is thickly studded with pegs to wound the feet of
+enemies who might attempt to force a way in. The Wa
+depend for their subsistence mainly on their crops of
+<pb n='242'/><anchor id='Pg242'/>
+buckwheat, beans, and maize; rice they cultivate only to
+distil a strong spirituous liquor from it. They had need be
+industrious, for no field can be reached without a climb up
+or down the steep mountain-side. Sometimes the rice-fields
+lie three thousand feet or more below the village, and they
+require constant attention. But the chief crop raised by
+the Wa is the poppy, from which they make opium. In
+February and March the hill-tops for miles are white
+with the blossom, and you may travel for days through
+nothing but fields of poppies. Then, too, is the proper
+season for head-hunting. It opens in March and lasts
+through April. Parties of head-hunters at that time go
+forth to prowl for human prey. As a rule they will not
+behead people of a neighbouring village nor even of any
+village on the same range of hills. To find victims they go
+to the next range or at any rate to a distance, and the
+farther the better, for the heads of strangers are preferred.
+The reason is that the ghosts of strangers, being unfamiliar
+with the country, are much less likely to stray away from
+their skulls; hence they make more vigilant sentinels than
+the ghosts of people better acquainted with the neighbourhood,
+who are apt to go off duty without waiting for the
+tedious formality of relieving guard. When head-hunters
+return to a village with human heads, the rejoicing is
+uproarious. Then the great drum is beaten frantically,
+and its deep hollow boom resounding far and wide through
+the hills announces to the neighbourhood the glad tidings of
+murder successfully perpetrated. Then the barrels, or rather
+the bamboos, of rice-spirit are tapped, and while the genial
+stream flows and the women and children dance and sing
+for glee, the men drink themselves blind and mad drunk.
+The ghastly head, which forms the centre of all this
+rejoicing, is first taken to the spirit-house, a small shed
+which usually stands on the highest point of the village
+site. There, wrapt in grass or leaves, it is hung up in
+a basket to ripen and bleach. When all the flesh and
+sinews have mouldered away and nothing remains but the
+blanched and grinning skull, it is put to rest in the village
+Golgotha. This is an avenue of huge old trees, whose interlacing
+boughs form a verdant archway overhead and, with the
+<pb n='243'/><anchor id='Pg243'/>
+dense undergrowth, cast a deep shadow on the ground below.
+Every village has such an avenue stretching along the hillside
+sometimes for a long distance, or even till it meets the
+avenue of the neighbouring village. In the solemn gloom
+of this verdurous canopy is the Place of Skulls. On one side
+of the avenue stands a row of wooden posts, usually mere
+trunks of trees with the bark peeled off, but sometimes
+rudely carved and painted with designs in red and black.
+A little below the top of each post is cut a niche, and in
+front of the niche is a ledge. On this ledge the skull
+is deposited, sometimes so that it is in full view of
+passers-by in the avenue, sometimes so that it only grins
+at them through a slit. Most villages count their skulls by
+tens or twenties, but some of them have hundreds of these
+trophies, especially when the avenue forms an unbroken
+continuity of shade between the villages. The old skulls
+ensure peace to the village, but at least one new one should
+be taken every year, that the rice may grow green far down
+in the depths of the valley, that the maize may tinge with
+its golden hue the steep mountain-sides, and that the hilltops
+may be white for miles and miles with the bloom of
+the poppy.<note place='foot'>(Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P.
+Hardiman, <hi rend='italic'>Gazetteer of Upper
+Burma and the Shan States</hi> (Rangoon,
+1900-1901), Part i. vol. i. pp. 493-509.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+for the
+crops
+among the
+Shans of
+Indo-China
+and the
+Nagas and
+other tribes
+of India.</note>
+The Shans of Indo-China still believe in the efficacy of
+human sacrifice to procure a good harvest, though they act
+on the belief less than some other tribes of this region.
+Their practice now is to poison somebody at the state
+festival, which is generally held at some time between March
+and May.<note place='foot'>Col. R. G. Woodthorpe, <q>Some
+Account of the Shans and Hill Tribes
+of the States on the Mekong,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal
+of the Anthropological Institute</hi>, xxvi.
+(1897) p. 24.</note> Among the Lhota Naga, one of the many
+savage tribes who inhabit the deep rugged labyrinthine glens
+which wind into the mountains from the rich valley of
+Brahmapootra,<note place='foot'>For a general description of the
+country and the tribes see L. A.
+Waddell, <q>The Tribes of the Brahmaputra
+Valley,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Asiatic
+Society of Bengal</hi>, lxix. Part iii.
+(Calcutta, 1901), pp. 1-127.</note> it used to be a common custom to chop
+off the heads, hands, and feet of people they met with,
+and then to stick up the severed extremities in their
+fields to ensure a good crop of grain. They bore no
+<pb n='244'/><anchor id='Pg244'/>
+ill-will whatever to the persons upon whom they operated
+in this unceremonious fashion. Once they flayed a
+boy alive, carved him in pieces, and distributed the flesh
+among all the villagers, who put it into their corn-bins to
+avert bad luck and ensure plentiful crops of grain. The
+Angami, another tribe of the same region, used also to relieve
+casual passers-by of their heads, hands, and feet, with the
+same excellent intention.<note place='foot'>Miss G. M. Godden, <q>Naga and
+other Frontier Tribes of North-Eastern
+India,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Anthropological
+Institute</hi>, xxvii. (1898) pp. 9 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 38 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The hill tribe Kudulu, near
+Vizagapatam in the Madras Presidency, offered human
+sacrifices to the god Jankari for the purpose of obtaining
+good crops. The ceremony was generally performed on the
+Sunday before or after the Pongal feast. For the most part
+the victim was purchased, and until the time for the sacrifice
+came he was free to wander about the village, to eat and
+drink what he liked, and even to lie with any woman he
+met. On the appointed day he was carried before the
+idol drunk; and when one of the villagers had cut a hole
+in his stomach and smeared the blood on the idol, the
+crowds from the neighbouring villages rushed upon him
+and hacked him to pieces. All who were fortunate enough
+to secure morsels of his flesh carried them away and presented
+them to their village idols.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>North Indian Notes and Queries</hi>,
+i. p. 4, § 15 (April 1891).</note> The Gonds of India, a
+Dravidian race, kidnapped Brahman boys, and kept them as
+victims to be sacrificed on various occasions. At sowing and
+reaping, after a triumphal procession, one of the lads was
+slain by being punctured with a poisoned arrow. His blood
+was then sprinkled over the ploughed field or the ripe crop,
+and his flesh was devoured.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Panjab Notes and Queries</hi>, ii. pp.
+127 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, § 721 (May 1885).</note> The Oraons or Uraons of
+Chota Nagpur worship a goddess called Anna Kuari, who
+can give good crops and make a man rich, but to induce her
+to do so it is necessary to offer human sacrifices. In spite
+of the vigilance of the British Government these sacrifices are
+said to be still secretly perpetrated. The victims are poor
+waifs and strays whose disappearance attracts no notice.
+April and May are the months when the catchpoles are out
+on the prowl. At that time strangers will not go about the
+<pb n='245'/><anchor id='Pg245'/>
+country alone, and parents will not let their children enter
+the jungle or herd the cattle. When a catchpole has found
+a victim, he cuts his throat and carries away the upper
+part of the ring finger and the nose. The goddess takes up
+her abode in the house of any man who has offered her a
+sacrifice, and from that time his fields yield a double harvest.
+The form she assumes in the house is that of a small child.
+When the householder brings in his unhusked rice, he takes
+the goddess and rolls her over the heap to double its size.
+But she soon grows restless and can only be pacified with
+the blood of fresh human victims.<note place='foot'>Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., <q>Religion
+and Customs of the Uraons,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Memoirs
+of the Asiatic Society of Bengal</hi>, vol. i.
+No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906), pp. 141 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+sacrifices
+for the
+crops
+among the
+Khonds.</note>
+But the best known case of human sacrifices, systematically
+offered to ensure good crops, is supplied by the
+Khonds or Kandhs, another Dravidian race in Bengal. Our
+knowledge of them is derived from the accounts written by
+British officers who, about the middle of the nineteenth
+century, were engaged in putting them down.<note place='foot'>Major S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>Memorials
+of Service in India</hi> (London,
+1865), pp. 113-131; Major-General
+John Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>Wild Tribes of Khondistan</hi>
+(London, 1864), pp. 52-58, etc.
+Compare Mgr. Neyret, Bishop of Vizagapatam,
+in <hi rend='italic'>Annales de la Propagation
+de la Foi</hi>, xxiii. (1851) pp. 402-404;
+E. Thurston, <hi rend='italic'>Ethnographic Notes on
+Southern India</hi> (Madras, 1906), pp.
+510-519; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Castes and Tribes of
+Southern India</hi> (Madras, 1909), iii.
+371-385.</note> The sacrifices
+were offered to the Earth Goddess, Tari Pennu or Bera
+Pennu, and were believed to ensure good crops and immunity
+from all disease and accidents. In particular, they were
+considered necessary in the cultivation of turmeric, the
+Khonds arguing that the turmeric could not have a deep red
+colour without the shedding of blood.<note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 56.</note> The victim or Meriah,
+as he was called, was acceptable to the goddess only if he
+had been purchased, or had been born a victim&mdash;that is, the
+son of a victim father, or had been devoted as a child
+by his father or guardian. Khonds in distress often
+sold their children for victims, <q>considering the beatification
+of their souls certain, and their death, for the benefit of
+mankind, the most honourable possible.</q> A man of the
+Panua tribe was once seen to load a Khond with curses,
+and finally to spit in his face, because the Khond had sold
+for a victim his own child, whom the Panua had wished to
+<pb n='246'/><anchor id='Pg246'/>
+marry. A party of Khonds, who saw this, immediately
+pressed forward to comfort the seller of his child, saying,
+<q>Your child has died that all the world may live, and the
+Earth Goddess herself will wipe that spittle from your face.</q><note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+115 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+The victims were often kept for years before they were
+sacrificed. Being regarded as consecrated beings, they were
+treated with extreme affection, mingled with deference, and
+were welcomed wherever they went. A Meriah youth, on
+attaining maturity, was generally given a wife, who was herself
+usually a Meriah or victim; and with her he received
+a portion of land and farm-stock. Their offspring were
+also victims. Human sacrifices were offered to the Earth
+Goddess by tribes, branches of tribes, or villages, both at
+periodical festivals and on extraordinary occasions. The
+periodical sacrifices were generally so arranged by tribes and
+divisions of tribes that each head of a family was enabled, at
+least once a year, to procure a shred of flesh for his fields,
+generally about the time when his chief crop was laid
+down.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+117 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 112.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Ceremonies
+preliminary
+to the
+sacrifice.</note>
+The mode of performing these tribal sacrifices was as
+follows. Ten or twelve days before the sacrifice, the victim
+was devoted by cutting off his hair, which, until then, had
+been kept unshorn. Crowds of men and women assembled
+to witness the sacrifice; none might be excluded, since the
+sacrifice was declared to be for all mankind. It was preceded
+by several days of wild revelry and gross debauchery.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+117 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+On the day before the sacrifice the victim, dressed in a new
+garment, was led forth from the village in solemn procession,
+with music and dancing, to the Meriah grove, a clump of
+high forest trees standing a little way from the village and
+untouched by the axe. There they tied him to a post, which
+was sometimes placed between two plants of the sankissar
+shrub. He was then anointed with oil, ghee, and turmeric,
+and adorned with flowers; and <q>a species of reverence,
+which it is not easy to distinguish from adoration,</q> was paid
+to him throughout the day. A great struggle now arose to
+obtain the smallest relic from his person; a particle of the
+<pb n='247'/><anchor id='Pg247'/>
+turmeric paste with which he was smeared, or a drop of his
+spittle, was esteemed of sovereign virtue, especially by the
+women.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 118.</note> The crowd danced round the post to music, and,
+addressing the earth, said, <q>O God, we offer this sacrifice to
+you; give us good crops, seasons, and health</q>; then speaking
+to the victim they said, <q>We bought you with a price,
+and did not seize you; now we sacrifice you according to
+custom, and no sin rests with us.</q><note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 54 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Consummation
+of the
+sacrifice.</note>
+On the last morning the orgies, which had been scarcely
+interrupted during the night, were resumed, and continued
+till noon, when they ceased, and the assembly proceeded to
+consummate the sacrifice. The victim was again anointed
+with oil, and each person touched the anointed part, and
+wiped the oil on his own head. In some places they took
+the victim in procession round the village, from door to door,
+where some plucked hair from his head, and others begged
+for a drop of his spittle, with which they anointed their
+heads.<note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 55, 112.</note> As the victim might not be bound nor make any
+show of resistance, the bones of his arms and, if necessary,
+his legs were broken; but often this precaution was rendered
+unnecessary by stupefying him with opium.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p.
+119; J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 113.</note> The mode of
+putting him to death varied in different places. One of the
+commonest modes seems to have been strangulation, or
+squeezing to death. The branch of a green tree was cleft
+several feet down the middle; the victim's neck (in other
+places, his chest) was inserted in the cleft, which the priest,
+aided by his assistants, strove with all his force to close.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 127.
+Instead of the branch of a green tree,
+Campbell mentions two strong planks
+or bamboos (p. 57) or a slit bamboo
+(p. 182).</note>
+Then he wounded the victim slightly with his axe, whereupon
+the crowd rushed at the wretch and hewed the flesh from the
+bones, leaving the head and bowels untouched. Sometimes
+he was cut up alive.<note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 56, 58,
+120.</note> In Chinna Kimedy he was dragged
+along the fields, surrounded by the crowd, who, avoiding his
+head and intestines, hacked the flesh from his body with
+their knives till he died.<note place='foot'>E. T. Dalton, <hi rend='italic'>Descriptive Ethnology
+of Bengal</hi> (Calcutta, 1872), p. 288,
+quoting Colonel Campbell's <hi rend='italic'>Report</hi>.</note> Another very common mode of
+<pb n='248'/><anchor id='Pg248'/>
+sacrifice in the same district was to fasten the victim to the
+proboscis of a wooden elephant, which revolved on a stout
+post, and, as it whirled round, the crowd cut the flesh from
+the victim while life remained. In some villages Major
+Campbell found as many as fourteen of these wooden
+elephants, which had been used at sacrifices.<note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 126. The
+elephant represented the Earth Goddess
+herself, who was here conceived
+in elephant-form (Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+51, 126). In the hill tracts of Goomsur
+she was represented in peacock-form,
+and the post to which the victim was
+bound bore the effigy of a peacock
+(Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 54).</note> In one district
+the victim was put to death slowly by fire. A low
+stage was formed, sloping on either side like a roof; upon it
+they laid the victim, his limbs wound round with cords to
+confine his struggles. Fires were then lighted and hot
+brands applied, to make him roll up and down the slopes of
+the stage as long as possible; for the more tears he shed the
+more abundant would be the supply of rain. Next day the
+body was cut to pieces.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 130.
+In Mexico also the tears of the human
+victims were sometimes regarded as an
+omen of rain (B. de Sahagun, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire
+générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne</hi>,
+traduite par D. Jourdanet et R.
+Simeon, Paris, 1880, bk. ii. ch. 20,
+p. 86).</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Flesh of
+the victim
+used to
+fertilise the
+fields.</note>
+The flesh cut from the victim was instantly taken home
+by the persons who had been deputed by each village to
+bring it. To secure its rapid arrival, it was sometimes
+forwarded by relays of men, and conveyed with postal fleetness
+fifty or sixty miles.<note place='foot'>E. T. Dalton, <hi rend='italic'>Descriptive Ethnology
+of Bengal</hi>, p. 288, referring to Colonel
+Campbell's <hi rend='italic'>Report</hi>.</note> In each village all who stayed at
+home fasted rigidly until the flesh arrived. The bearer
+deposited it in the place of public assembly, where it was
+received by the priest and the heads of families. The priest
+divided it into two portions, one of which he offered to the
+Earth Goddess by burying it in a hole in the ground with
+his back turned, and without looking. Then each man
+added a little earth to bury it, and the priest poured water
+on the spot from a hill gourd. The other portion of flesh
+he divided into as many shares as there were heads of
+houses present. Each head of a house rolled his shred of
+flesh in leaves, and buried it in his favourite field, placing it
+in the earth behind his back without looking.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 129.
+Compare J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 55,
+58, 113, 121, 187.</note> In some
+<pb n='249'/><anchor id='Pg249'/>
+places each man carried his portion of flesh to the stream
+which watered his fields, and there hung it on a pole.<note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 182.</note> For
+three days thereafter no house was swept; and, in one
+district, strict silence was observed, no fire might be given
+out, no wood cut, and no strangers received. The remains
+of the human victim (namely, the head, bowels, and bones)
+were watched by strong parties the night after the sacrifice;
+and next morning they were burned, along with a whole
+sheep, on a funeral pile. The ashes were scattered over
+the fields, laid as paste over the houses and granaries, or
+mixed with the new corn to preserve it from insects.<note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p.
+128; E. T. Dalton, <hi rend='italic'>Descriptive Ethnology
+of Bengal</hi>, p. 288.</note>
+Sometimes, however, the head and bones were buried, not
+burnt.<note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 55, 182.</note> After the suppression of the human sacrifices, inferior
+victims were substituted in some places; for instance,
+in the capital of Chinna Kimedy a goat took the place of
+a human victim.<note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 187.</note> Others sacrifice a buffalo. They tie it
+to a wooden post in a sacred grove, dance wildly round it
+with brandished knives, then, falling on the living animal,
+hack it to shreds and tatters in a few minutes, fighting and
+struggling with each other for every particle of flesh. As
+soon as a man has secured a piece he makes off with it at
+full speed to bury it in his fields, according to ancient
+custom, before the sun has set, and as some of them have far
+to go they must run very fast. All the women throw clods
+of earth at the rapidly retreating figures of the men, some of
+them taking very good aim. Soon the sacred grove, so
+lately a scene of tumult, is silent and deserted except for a
+few people who remain to guard all that is left of the buffalo,
+to wit, the head, the bones, and the stomach, which are
+burned with ceremony at the foot of the stake.<note place='foot'>E. Thurston, <hi rend='italic'>Castes and Tribes of
+Southern India</hi> (Madras, 1909), iii.
+381-385.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>In these
+Khond
+sacrifices
+the human
+victims
+appear to
+have been
+regarded as
+divine.</note>
+In these Khond sacrifices the Meriahs are represented
+by our authorities as victims offered to propitiate the Earth
+Goddess. But from the treatment of the victims both
+before and after death it appears that the custom cannot
+be explained as merely a propitiatory sacrifice. A part of
+the flesh certainly was offered to the Earth Goddess, but the
+<pb n='250'/><anchor id='Pg250'/>
+rest was buried by each householder in his fields, and the
+ashes of the other parts of the body were scattered over the
+fields, laid as paste on the granaries, or mixed with the new
+corn. These latter customs imply that to the body of the
+Meriah there was ascribed a direct or intrinsic power of
+making the crops to grow, quite independent of the indirect
+efficacy which it might have as an offering to secure the
+good-will of the deity. In other words, the flesh and ashes
+of the victim were believed to be endowed with a magical or
+physical power of fertilising the land. The same intrinsic
+power was ascribed to the blood and tears of the Meriah,
+his blood causing the redness of the turmeric and his tears
+producing rain; for it can hardly be doubted that, originally
+at least, the tears were supposed to bring down the rain, not
+merely to prognosticate it. Similarly the custom of pouring
+water on the buried flesh of the Meriah was no doubt a rain-charm.
+Again, magical power as an attribute of the Meriah
+appears in the sovereign virtue believed to reside in anything
+that came from his person, as his hair or spittle. The
+ascription of such power to the Meriah indicates that he was
+much more than a mere man sacrificed to propitiate a deity.
+Once more, the extreme reverence paid him points to the
+same conclusion. Major Campbell speaks of the Meriah as
+<q>being regarded as something more than mortal,</q><note place='foot'>J. Campbell, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 112.</note> and
+Major Macpherson says, <q>A species of reverence, which it is
+not easy to distinguish from adoration, is paid to him.</q><note place='foot'>S. C. Macpherson, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 118.</note> In
+short, the Meriah seems to have been regarded as divine.
+As such, he may originally have represented the Earth
+Goddess or, perhaps, a deity of vegetation; though in later
+times he came to be regarded rather as a victim offered to a
+deity than as himself an incarnate god. This later view of
+the Meriah as a victim rather than a divinity may perhaps
+have received undue emphasis from the European writers
+who have described the Khond religion. Habituated to the
+later idea of sacrifice as an offering made to a god for the
+purpose of conciliating his favour, European observers are
+apt to interpret all religious slaughter in this sense, and to
+suppose that wherever such slaughter takes place, there must
+necessarily be a deity to whom the carnage is believed by
+<pb n='251'/><anchor id='Pg251'/>
+the slayers to be acceptable. Thus their preconceived ideas
+may unconsciously colour and warp their descriptions of
+savage rites.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Traces of
+an identification
+of
+the human
+victim with
+the god in
+other
+sacrifices.</note>
+The same custom of killing the representative of a god,
+of which strong traces appear in the Khond sacrifices, may
+perhaps be detected in some of the other human sacrifices
+described above. Thus the ashes of the slaughtered Marimo
+were scattered over the fields; the blood of the Brahman
+lad was put on the crop and field; the flesh of the slain
+Naga was stowed in the corn-bin; and the blood of the
+Sioux girl was allowed to trickle on the seed.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg239'>239</ref>, <ref target='Pg240'>240</ref>, <ref target='Pg244'>244</ref>.</note> Again, the
+identification of the victim with the corn, in other words,
+the view that he is an embodiment or spirit of the corn, is
+brought out in the pains which seem to be taken to secure
+a physical correspondence between him and the natural
+object which he embodies or represents. Thus the Mexicans
+killed young victims for the young corn and old ones for the
+ripe corn; the Marimos sacrifice, as <q>seed,</q> a short, fat man,
+the shortness of his stature corresponding to that of the
+young corn, his fatness to the condition which it is desired
+that the crops may attain; and the Pawnees fattened their
+victims probably with the same view. Again, the identification
+of the victim with the corn comes out in the African
+custom of killing him with spades and hoes, and the Mexican
+custom of grinding him, like corn, between two stones.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+One more point in these savage customs deserves to be
+noted. The Pawnee chief devoured the heart of the Sioux
+girl, and the Marimos and Gonds ate the victim's flesh. If,
+as we suppose, the victim was regarded as divine, it follows
+that in eating his flesh his worshippers believed themselves
+to be partaking of the body of their god.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='4. The Corn-spirit slain in his Human Representatives.'/>
+<head>§ 4. The Corn-spirit slain in his Human Representatives.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Analogy
+of these
+barbarous
+rites to the
+harvest
+customs of
+Europe.</note>
+The barbarous rites just described offer analogies to the
+harvest customs of Europe. Thus the fertilising virtue
+ascribed to the corn-spirit is shewn equally in the savage
+custom of mixing the victim's blood or ashes with the seed-corn
+and the European custom of mixing the grain from
+<pb n='252'/><anchor id='Pg252'/>
+the last sheaf with the young corn in spring.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>.</note> Again, the
+identification of the person with the corn appears alike in
+the savage custom of adapting the age and stature of the
+victim to the age and stature, whether actual or expected, of
+the crop; in the Scotch and Styrian rules that when the corn-spirit
+is conceived as the Maiden the last corn shall be cut
+by a young maiden, but when it is conceived as the Corn-mother
+it shall be cut by an old woman;<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg134'>134</ref>, <ref target='Pg157'>157</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> in the Lothringian
+warning given to old women to save themselves when the
+Old Woman is being killed, that is, when the last corn
+is being threshed;<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg223'>223</ref>.</note> and in the Tyrolese expectation that
+if the man who gives the last stroke at threshing is tall,
+the next year's corn will be tall also.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg224'>224</ref>.</note> Further, the same
+identification is implied in the savage custom of killing the
+representative of the corn-spirit with hoes or spades or by
+grinding him between stones, and in the European custom of
+pretending to kill him with the scythe or the flail. Once
+more the Khond custom of pouring water on the buried flesh
+of the victim is parallel to the European customs of pouring
+water on the personal representative of the corn-spirit or
+plunging him into a stream.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg170'>170</ref>, with the references
+in note 1; <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 195-197.</note> Both the Khond and the
+European customs are rain-charms.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Human
+representative
+of the
+corn-spirit
+slain on the
+harvest-field.</note>
+To return now to the Lityerses story. It has been
+shewn that in rude society human beings have been commonly
+killed to promote the growth of the crops. There is
+therefore no improbability in the supposition that they may
+once have been killed for a like purpose in Phrygia and
+Europe; and when Phrygian legend and European folk-custom,
+closely agreeing with each other, point to the conclusion
+that men were so slain, we are bound, provisionally
+at least, to accept the conclusion. Further, both the Lityerses
+story and European harvest-customs agree in indicating that
+the victim was put to death as a representative of the corn-spirit,
+and this indication is in harmony with the view which
+some savages appear to take of the victim slain to make the
+crops flourish. On the whole, then, we may fairly suppose
+that both in Phrygia and in Europe the representative of
+<pb n='253'/><anchor id='Pg253'/>
+the corn-spirit was annually killed upon the harvest-field.
+Grounds have been already shewn for believing that similarly
+in Europe the representative of the tree-spirit was annually
+slain. The proofs of these two remarkable and closely
+analogous customs are entirely independent of each other.
+Their coincidence seems to furnish fresh presumption in
+favour of both.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The victim
+who represented
+the
+corn-spirit
+may have
+been a
+passing
+stranger or
+the reaper,
+binder, or
+thresher
+of the
+last corn.</note>
+To the question, How was the representative of the corn-spirit
+chosen? one answer has been already given. Both
+the Lityerses story and European folk-custom shew that
+passing strangers were regarded as manifestations of the
+corn-spirit escaping from the cut or threshed corn, and as
+such were seized and slain. But this is not the only answer
+which the evidence suggests. According to the Phrygian
+legend the victims of Lityerses were not simply passing
+strangers, but persons whom he had vanquished in a reaping
+contest and afterwards wrapt up in corn-sheaves and
+beheaded.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg217'>217</ref>.</note> This suggests that the representative of the
+corn-spirit may have been selected by means of a competition
+on the harvest-field, in which the vanquished
+competitor was compelled to accept the fatal honour.
+The supposition is countenanced by European harvest-customs.
+We have seen that in Europe there is sometimes
+a contest amongst the reapers to avoid being last, and that
+the person who is vanquished in this competition, that is,
+who cuts the last corn, is often roughly handled. It is true
+we have not found that a pretence is made of killing him;
+but on the other hand we have found that a pretence is
+made of killing the man who gives the last stroke at threshing,
+that is, who is vanquished in the threshing contest.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg224'>224</ref>.</note>
+Now, since it is in the character of representative of the
+corn-spirit that the thresher of the last corn is slain in
+mimicry, and since the same representative character attaches
+(as we have seen) to the cutter and binder as well as to the
+thresher of the last corn, and since the same repugnance is
+evinced by harvesters to be last in any one of these labours,
+we may conjecture that a pretence has been commonly made
+of killing the reaper and binder as well as the thresher of the
+last corn, and that in ancient times this killing was actually
+<pb n='254'/><anchor id='Pg254'/>
+carried out. This conjecture is corroborated by the common
+superstition that whoever cuts the last corn must die soon.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 5.</note>
+Sometimes it is thought that the person who binds the last
+sheaf on the field will die in the course of next year.<note place='foot'>H. Pfannenschmid, <hi rend='italic'>Germanische
+Erntefeste</hi> (Hanover, 1878), p. 98.</note> The
+reason for fixing on the reaper, binder, or thresher of the
+last corn as the representative of the corn-spirit may be this.
+The corn-spirit is supposed to lurk as long as he can in the
+corn, retreating before the reapers, the binders, and the
+threshers at their work. But when he is forcibly expelled
+from his refuge in the last corn cut or the last sheaf bound
+or the last grain threshed, he necessarily assumes some other
+form than that of the corn-stalks which had hitherto been his
+garment or body. And what form can the expelled corn-spirit
+assume more naturally than that of the person who
+stands nearest to the corn from which he (the corn-spirit)
+has just been expelled? But the person in question is
+necessarily the reaper, binder, or thresher of the last corn.
+He or she, therefore, is seized and treated as the corn-spirit
+himself.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Perhaps
+the victim
+annually
+sacrificed
+in the
+character
+of the
+corn-spirit
+may have
+been the
+king
+himself.</note>
+Thus the person who was killed on the harvest-field as
+the representative of the corn-spirit may have been either
+a passing stranger or the harvester who was last at reaping,
+binding, or threshing. But there is a third possibility, to
+which ancient legend and modern folk-custom alike point.
+Lityerses not only put strangers to death; he was himself
+slain, and apparently in the same way as he had slain others,
+namely, by being wrapt in a corn-sheaf, beheaded, and cast
+into the river; and it is implied that this happened to
+Lityerses on his own land.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg217'>217</ref>. It is not expressly
+said that he was wrapt in a
+sheaf.</note> Similarly in modern harvest-customs
+the pretence of killing appears to be carried out
+quite as often on the person of the master (farmer or squire)
+as on that of strangers.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg225'>225</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg229'>229</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Now when we remember that
+Lityerses was said to have been a son of the King of
+Phrygia, and that in one account he is himself called a king,
+and when we combine with this the tradition that he was
+put to death, apparently as a representative of the corn-spirit,
+we are led to conjecture that we have here another
+<pb n='255'/><anchor id='Pg255'/>
+trace of the custom of annually slaying one of those divine
+or priestly kings who are known to have held ghostly sway
+in many parts of Western Asia and particularly in Phrygia.
+The custom appears, as we have seen,<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, pp. 160 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> to have been so far
+modified in places that the king's son was slain in the king's
+stead. Of the custom thus modified the story of Lityerses
+would be, in one version at least, a reminiscence.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Relation of
+Lityerses
+to Attis:
+both may
+have been
+originally
+corn-spirits,
+or
+the one a
+corn-spirit
+and the
+other a
+tree-spirit. Human
+representatives
+both
+of Lityerses
+and Attis
+annually
+slain.</note>
+Turning now to the relation of the Phrygian Lityerses
+to the Phrygian Attis, it may be remembered that at Pessinus&mdash;the
+seat of a priestly kingship&mdash;the high-priest appears
+to have been annually slain in the character of Attis, a god
+of vegetation, and that Attis was described by an ancient
+authority as <q>a reaped ear of corn.</q><note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 231 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, 239 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Thus Attis, as an
+embodiment of the corn-spirit, annually slain in the person
+of his representative, might be thought to be ultimately
+identical with Lityerses, the latter being simply the rustic
+prototype out of which the state religion of Attis was
+developed. It may have been so; but, on the other hand,
+the analogy of European folk-custom warns us that amongst
+the same people two distinct deities of vegetation may have
+their separate personal representatives, both of whom are
+slain in the character of gods at different times of the year.
+For in Europe, as we have seen, it appears that one man
+was commonly slain in the character of the tree-spirit in
+spring, and another in the character of the corn-spirit in
+autumn. It may have been so in Phrygia also. Attis was
+especially a tree-god, and his connexion with corn may have
+been only such an extension of the power of a tree-spirit as
+is indicated in customs like the Harvest-May.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the Evolution
+of Kings</hi>, ii. 47 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Again, the
+representative of Attis appears to have been slain in spring;
+whereas Lityerses must have been slain in summer or
+autumn, according to the time of the harvest in Phrygia.<note place='foot'>I do not know when the corn is
+reaped in Phrygia; but the high upland
+character of the country makes it likely
+that harvest is later there than on the
+coasts of the Mediterranean.</note>
+On the whole, then, while we are not justified in regarding
+Lityerses as the prototype of Attis, the two may be regarded
+as parallel products of the same religious idea, and may have
+stood to each other as in Europe the Old Man of harvest
+<pb n='256'/><anchor id='Pg256'/>
+stands to the Wild Man, the Leaf Man, and so forth, of
+spring. Both were spirits or deities of vegetation, and the
+personal representatives of both were annually slain. But
+whereas the Attis worship became elevated into the dignity
+of a State religion and spread to Italy, the rites of Lityerses
+seem never to have passed the limits of their native Phrygia,
+and always retained their character of rustic ceremonies performed
+by peasants on the harvest-field. At most a few
+villages may have clubbed together, as amongst the Khonds,
+to procure a human victim to be slain as representative of the
+corn-spirit for their common benefit. Such victims may have
+been drawn from the families of priestly kings or kinglets,
+which would account for the legendary character of Lityerses
+as the son of a Phrygian king or as himself a king. When
+villages did not so club together, each village or farm may
+have procured its own representative of the corn-spirit by
+dooming to death either a passing stranger or the harvester
+who cut, bound, or threshed the last sheaf. Perhaps in the
+olden time the practice of head-hunting as a means of promoting
+the growth of the corn may have been as common
+among the rude inhabitants of Europe and Western Asia as
+it still is, or was till lately, among the primitive agricultural
+tribes of Assam, Burma, the Philippine Islands, and the
+Indian Archipelago.<note place='foot'>See above, pp. <ref target='Pg240'>240</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; and
+<hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second Edition,
+pp. 247-249. As to head-hunting in
+British Borneo see H. L. Roth, <hi rend='italic'>The
+Natives of Sarawak and British North
+Borneo</hi> (London, 1896), ii. 140 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; in
+Central Celebes, see A. C. Kruijt,
+<q>Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van
+Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke
+Akademie van Wetenschappen</hi>,
+Afdeelung Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks,
+iii. part 2 (Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 147-229;
+among the Igorot of Bontoc in
+Luzon, see A. E. Jenks, <hi rend='italic'>The Bontoc
+Igorot</hi> (Manilla, 1905), pp. 172 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>;
+among the Naga tribes of Assam, see
+Miss G. M. Godden, <q>Naga and other
+Frontier Tribes of North-East India</q>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</hi>,
+xxvii. (1898) pp. 12-17. It must not,
+however, be thought that among these
+tribes the custom of procuring human
+heads is practised merely as a means
+to ensure the growth of the crops; it is
+apparently supposed to exert a salutary
+influence on the whole life of the people
+by providing them with guardian spirits
+in the shape of the ghosts of the men
+to whom in their lifetime the heads
+belonged. The Scythians of Central
+Europe in antiquity set great store on
+the heads of the enemies whom they
+had slain in war. See Herodotus,
+iv. 64 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> It is hardly necessary to add that in
+Phrygia, as in Europe, the old barbarous custom of killing
+a man on the harvest-field or the threshing-floor had doubtless
+passed into a mere pretence long before the classical era,
+<pb n='257'/><anchor id='Pg257'/>
+and was probably regarded by the reapers and threshers
+themselves as no more than a rough jest which the license
+of a harvest-home permitted them to play off on a passing
+stranger, a comrade, or even on their master himself.<note place='foot'>There are traces in Greece itself of
+an old custom of sacrificing human
+victims to promote the fertility of the
+earth. See Pausanias, vii. 19. 3 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>
+compared with vii. 20. 1; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, viii.
+53. 3; L. R. Farnell, <hi rend='italic'>The Cults of the
+Greek States</hi>, ii. (Oxford, 1896) p. 455;
+and <hi rend='italic'>The Dying God</hi>, pp. 161 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Similarity
+of the
+Bithynian
+Bormus
+to the
+Phrygian
+Attis.</note>
+I have dwelt on the Lityerses song at length because it
+affords so many points of comparison with European and
+savage folk-custom. The other harvest songs of Western
+Asia and Egypt, to which attention has been called above,<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg215'>215</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+may now be dismissed much more briefly. The similarity
+of the Bithynian Bormus<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg216'>216</ref>.</note> to the Phrygian Lityerses helps to
+bear out the interpretation which has been given of the
+latter. Bormus, whose death or rather disappearance was
+annually mourned by the reapers in a plaintive song, was,
+like Lityerses, a king's son or at least the son of a wealthy
+and distinguished man. The reapers whom he watched
+were at work on his own fields, and he disappeared in going
+to fetch water for them; according to one version of the
+story he was carried off by the nymphs, doubtless the
+nymphs of the spring or pool or river whither he went to
+draw water.<note place='foot'>Hesychius, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> Βῶρμον.</note> Viewed in the light of the Lityerses story
+and of European folk-custom, this disappearance of Bormus
+may be a reminiscence of the custom of binding the
+farmer himself in a corn-sheaf and throwing him into the
+water. The mournful strain which the reapers sang was
+probably a lamentation over the death of the corn-spirit,
+slain either in the cut corn or in the person of a human
+representative; and the call which they addressed to him
+may have been a prayer that he might return in fresh vigour
+next year.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+Phoenician
+Linus song
+at the
+vintage. Linus
+identified
+with
+Adonis,
+who may
+have been
+annually
+represented
+by a
+human
+victim.</note>
+The Phoenician Linus song was sung at the vintage, at
+least in the west of Asia Minor, as we learn from Homer;
+and this, combined with the legend of Syleus, suggests that
+in ancient times passing strangers were handled by vintagers
+and vine-diggers in much the same way as they are said to
+have been handled by the reaper Lityerses. The Lydian
+<pb n='258'/><anchor id='Pg258'/>
+Syleus, so ran the legend, compelled passers-by to dig for
+him in his vineyard, till Hercules came and killed him and
+dug up his vines by the roots.<note place='foot'>Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, ii. 6. 3.</note> This seems to be the outline
+of a legend like that of Lityerses; but neither ancient writers
+nor modern folk-custom enable us to fill in the details.<note place='foot'>The scurrilities exchanged both in
+ancient and modern times between
+vine-dressers, vintagers, and passers-by
+seem to belong to a different category.
+See W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 53 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+But, further, the Linus song was probably sung also by
+Phoenician reapers, for Herodotus compares it to the
+Maneros song, which, as we have seen, was a lament raised
+by Egyptian reapers over the cut corn. Further, Linus was
+identified with Adonis, and Adonis has some claims to be
+regarded as especially a corn-deity.<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, pp. 188 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> Thus the Linus
+lament, as sung at harvest, would be identical with the
+Adonis lament; each would be the lamentation raised by
+reapers over the dead spirit of the corn. But whereas Adonis,
+like Attis, grew into a stately figure of mythology, adored
+and mourned in splendid cities far beyond the limits of his
+Phoenician home, Linus appears to have remained a simple
+ditty sung by reapers and vintagers among the corn-sheaves
+and the vines. The analogy of Lityerses and of folk-custom,
+both European and savage, suggests that in Phoenicia the
+slain corn-spirit&mdash;the dead Adonis&mdash;may formerly have
+been represented by a human victim; and this suggestion
+is possibly supported by the Harran legend that Tammuz
+(Adonis) was slain by his cruel lord, who ground his bones
+in a mill and scattered them to the wind. For in Mexico,
+as we have seen, the human victim at harvest was crushed between
+two stones; and both in Africa and India the ashes or
+other remains of the victim were scattered over the fields.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg236'>236</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg240'>240</ref>, <ref target='Pg243'>243</ref>,
+<ref target='Pg244'>244</ref>, <ref target='Pg248'>248</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> But
+the Harran legend may be only a mythical way of expressing
+the grinding of corn in the mill and the scattering of the
+seed. It seems worth suggesting that the mock king who was
+annually killed at the Babylonian festival of the Sacaea on
+the sixteenth day of the month Lous may have represented
+Tammuz himself. For the historian Berosus, who records
+the festival and its date, probably used the Macedonian
+<pb n='259'/><anchor id='Pg259'/>
+calendar, since he dedicated his history to Antiochus Soter;
+and in his day the Macedonian month Lous appears to have
+corresponded to the Babylonian month Tammuz.<note place='foot'>The probable correspondence of
+the months, which supplies so welcome
+a confirmation of the conjecture in the
+text, was pointed out to me by my
+friend W. Robertson Smith, who furnished
+me with the following note:
+<q>In the Syro-Macedonian calendar
+Lous represents Ab, not Tammuz.
+Was it different in Babylon? I think
+it was, and one month different, at
+least in the early times of the Greek
+monarchy in Asia. For we know
+from a Babylonian observation in the
+Almagest (<hi rend='italic'>Ideler</hi>, i. 396) that in 229
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> Xanthicus began on February 26.
+It was therefore the month before the
+equinoctial moon, not Nisan but Adar,
+and consequently Lous answered to the
+lunar month Tammuz.</q></note> If this
+conjecture is right, the view that the mock king at the Sacaea
+was slain in the character of a god would be established.
+But to this point we shall return later on.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in
+Egypt
+(Osiris)
+annually
+represented
+by a human
+victim.</note>
+There is a good deal more evidence that in Egypt the
+slain corn-spirit&mdash;the dead Osiris&mdash;was represented by a
+human victim, whom the reapers slew on the harvest-field,
+mourning his death in a dirge, to which the Greeks, through
+a verbal misunderstanding, gave the name of Maneros.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg215'>215</ref>.</note> For
+the legend of Busiris seems to preserve a reminiscence of
+human sacrifices once offered by the Egyptians in connexion
+with the worship of Osiris. Busiris was said to have been
+an Egyptian king who sacrificed all strangers on the altar
+of Zeus. The origin of the custom was traced to a dearth
+which afflicted the land of Egypt for nine years. A Cyprian
+seer informed Busiris that the dearth would cease if a man
+were annually sacrificed to Zeus. So Busiris instituted the
+sacrifice. But when Hercules came to Egypt, and was being
+dragged to the altar to be sacrificed, he burst his bonds
+and slew Busiris and his son.<note place='foot'>Apollodorus, <hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, ii. 5.
+11; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius,
+<hi rend='italic'>Argon.</hi> iv. 1396; Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Parall.</hi> 38.
+Herodotus (ii. 45) discredits the idea
+that the Egyptians ever offered human
+sacrifices. But his authority is not to
+be weighed against that of Manetho
+(Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 73), who
+affirms that they did. See further
+Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge, <hi rend='italic'>Osiris and
+the Egyptian Resurrection</hi> (London
+and New York, 1911), i. 210 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>,
+who says (pp. 210, 212): <q>There is
+abundant proof for the statement that
+the Egyptians offered up sacrifices of
+human beings, and that, in common
+with many African tribes at the present
+day, their customs in dealing with
+vanquished enemies were bloodthirsty
+and savage.... The passages from
+Egyptian works quoted earlier in this
+chapter prove that human sacrifices
+were offered up at Heliopolis as well
+as at Tetu, or Busiris, and the rumour
+of such sacrifices has found expression
+in the works of Greek writers.</q></note> Here then is a legend that
+in Egypt a human victim was annually sacrificed to prevent
+<pb n='260'/><anchor id='Pg260'/>
+the failure of the crops, and a belief is implied that an
+omission of the sacrifice would have entailed a recurrence of
+that infertility which it was the object of the sacrifice to
+prevent. So the Pawnees, as we have seen, believed that an
+omission of the human sacrifice at planting would have been
+followed by a total failure of their crops. The name Busiris
+was in reality the name of a city, <foreign rend='italic'>pe-Asar</foreign>, <q>the house of
+Osiris,</q><note place='foot'>E. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Geschichte des Altertums</hi>,
+i. (Stuttgart, 1884), § 57,
+p. 68.</note> the city being so called because it contained the
+grave of Osiris. Indeed some high modern authorities
+believe that Busiris was the original home of Osiris, from
+which his worship spread to other parts of Egypt.<note place='foot'>E. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Geschichte des Altertums</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi>
+i. 2 (Stuttgart and Berlin,
+1909), p. 97; G. Maspero, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire
+Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique,
+Les Origines</hi> (Paris, 1895), pp.
+129 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> Both these eminent historians
+have abandoned their former theory
+that Osiris was the Sun-god. Professor
+E. Meyer now speaks of Osiris as <q>the
+great vegetation god</q> and, on the
+same page, as <q>an earth-god</q> (<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi>
+i. 2. p. 70). I am happy to find the
+view of the nature of Osiris, which I
+advocated many years ago, supported
+by the authority of so distinguished an
+Oriental scholar. Dr. E. A. Wallis
+Budge holds that Busiris was the
+oldest shrine of Osiris in the north of
+Egypt, but that it was less ancient
+than his shrine at Abydos in the south.
+See E. A. Wallis Budge, <hi rend='italic'>Osiris and
+the Egyptian Resurrection</hi> (London
+and New York, 1911), ii. 1.</note> The
+human sacrifices were said to have been offered at his grave,
+and the victims were red-haired men, whose ashes were
+scattered abroad by means of winnowing-fans.<note place='foot'>Diodorus Siculus, i. 88; Plutarch,
+<hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 73, compare 30, 33.</note> This tradition
+of human sacrifices offered at the tomb of Osiris is
+confirmed by the evidence of the monuments; for <q>we find
+in the temple of Dendereh a human figure with a hare's
+head and pierced with knives, tied to a stake before Osiris
+Khenti-Amentiu, and Horus is shown in a Ptolemaic sculpture
+at Karnak killing a bound hare-headed figure before the
+bier of Osiris, who is represented in the form of Harpocrates.
+That these figures are really human beings with the head of
+an animal fastened on is proved by another sculpture at
+Dendereh, where a kneeling man has the hawk's head and
+wings over his head and shoulders, and in another place a
+priest has the jackal's head on his shoulders, his own head
+appearing through the disguise. Besides, Diodorus tells us
+that the Egyptian kings in former times had worn on their
+heads the fore-part of a lion, or of a bull, or of a dragon,
+<pb n='261'/><anchor id='Pg261'/>
+showing that this method of disguise or transformation was
+a well-known custom.</q><note place='foot'>Margaret A. Murray, <hi rend='italic'>The Osireion
+at Abydos</hi> (London, 1904), p. 30,
+referring to Mariette, <hi rend='italic'>Dendereh</hi>, iv.
+plates xxxi., lvi., and lxxxi. The passage
+of Diodorus Siculus referred to is i.
+62. 4. As to masks of animals worn
+by Egyptian men and women in religious
+rites see <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, ii. 133; <hi rend='italic'>The
+Dying God</hi>, p. 72.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Assimilation
+of
+human
+victims to
+the corn
+which they
+represent.</note>
+In the light of the foregoing discussion the Egyptian
+tradition of Busiris admits of a consistent and fairly probable
+explanation. Osiris, the corn-spirit, was annually
+represented at harvest by a stranger, whose red hair made
+him a suitable representative of the ripe corn. This man,
+in his representative character, was slain on the harvest-field,
+and mourned by the reapers, who prayed at the same time
+that the corn-spirit might revive and return (<foreign rend='italic'>mââ-ne-rha</foreign>,
+Maneros) with renewed vigour in the following year. Finally,
+the victim, or some part of him, was burned, and the ashes
+scattered by winnowing-fans over the fields to fertilise them.
+Here the choice of the victim on the ground of his resemblance
+to the corn which he was to represent agrees with
+the Mexican and African customs already described.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg237'>237</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg240'>240</ref>, <ref target='Pg251'>251</ref>.</note>
+Similarly the woman who died in the character of the Corn-mother
+at the Mexican midsummer sacrifice had her face
+painted red and yellow in token of the colours of the corn,
+and she wore a pasteboard mitre surmounted by waving
+plumes in imitation of the tassel of the maize.<note place='foot'>E. J. Payne, <hi rend='italic'>History of the New
+World called America</hi>, i. (Oxford,
+1892) p. 422.</note> On the
+other hand, at the festival of the Goddess of the White
+Maize the Mexicans sacrificed lepers.<note place='foot'>Brasseur de Bourbourg, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire
+des Nations civilisées du Mexique et
+de l'Amérique Centrale</hi> (Paris, 1857-1859),
+iii. 535.</note> The Romans sacrificed
+red-haired puppies in spring to avert the supposed
+blighting influence of the Dog-star, believing that the crops
+would thus grow ripe and ruddy.<note place='foot'>Festus, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <hi rend='italic'>Catularia</hi>, p. 45 ed.
+C. O. Müller. Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi>
+<hi rend='italic'>Rutilae canes</hi>, p. 285; Columella, <hi rend='italic'>De
+re rustica</hi>, x. 342 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, iv.
+905 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> xviii.
+14.</note> The heathen of Harran
+offered to the sun, moon, and planets human victims who
+were chosen on the ground of their supposed resemblance
+to the heavenly bodies to which they were sacrificed; for
+example, the priests, clothed in red and smeared with blood,
+offered a red-haired, red-cheeked man to <q>the red planet
+<pb n='262'/><anchor id='Pg262'/>
+Mars</q> in a temple which was painted red and draped with
+red hangings.<note place='foot'>D. Chwolsohn, <hi rend='italic'>Die Ssabier und
+der Ssabismus</hi> (St. Petersburg, 1856),
+ii. 388 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare <hi rend='italic'>ibid.</hi>, pp. 384
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 386 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 391, 393, 395, 397.
+For other instances of the assimilation
+of the victim to the god, see H. Oldenberg,
+<hi rend='italic'>Die Religion des Veda</hi> (Berlin,
+1894), pp. 77 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 357-359.</note> These and the like cases of assimilating the
+victim to the god, or to the natural phenomenon which he
+represents, are based ultimately on the principle of homoeopathic
+or imitative magic, the notion being that the object
+aimed at will be most readily attained by means of a sacrifice
+which resembles the effect that it is designed to bring about.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Remains of
+victims
+scattered
+over the
+fields to
+fertilise
+them.</note>
+Again, the scattering of the Egyptian victim's ashes over
+the fields resembles the Marimo and Khond custom,<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg240'>240</ref>, <ref target='Pg249'>249</ref>.</note> and the
+use of winnowing-fans for the purpose is another hint of his
+identification with the corn. So in Vendée a pretence is
+made of threshing and winnowing the farmer's wife, regarded
+as an embodiment of the corn-spirit; in Mexico the victim
+was ground between stones; and in Africa he was slain with
+spades and hoes.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg149'>149</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg237'>237</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg239'>239</ref>.</note> The story that the fragments of Osiris's
+body were scattered up and down the land, and buried by
+Isis on the spots where they lay,<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 18.</note> may very well be a reminiscence
+of a custom, like that observed by the Khonds, of
+dividing the human victim in pieces and burying the pieces,
+often at intervals of many miles from each other, in the
+fields.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg248'>248</ref>; and compare
+<hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second Edition,
+pp. 331 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note> However, it is possible that the story of the dismemberment
+of Osiris, like the similar story told of Tammuz,
+may have been simply a mythical expression for the scattering
+of the seed. Once more, the legend that the body of
+Osiris enclosed in a coffer was thrown by Typhon into the
+Nile, perhaps points to a custom of casting the body of the
+victim, or at least a portion of it, into the Nile as a rain-charm,
+or rather to make the river rise. For a similar
+purpose Phrygian reapers seem to have flung the headless
+bodies of their victims, wrapt in corn-sheaves, into a river,
+and the Khonds poured water on the buried flesh of the
+human victim. Probably when Osiris ceased to be represented
+by a human victim, an image of him was annually
+thrown into the Nile, just as the effigy of his Syrian counterpart,
+<pb n='263'/><anchor id='Pg263'/>
+Adonis, used to be cast into the sea at Alexandria.
+Or water may have been simply poured over it, as on the
+monument already mentioned<note place='foot'>See <hi rend='italic'>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</hi>, Second
+Edition, p. 323.</note> a priest is seen pouring water
+over the body of Osiris, from which corn-stalks are sprouting.
+The accompanying legend, <q>This is Osiris of the
+mysteries, who springs from the returning waters,</q> bears out
+the view that at the mysteries of Osiris a charm to make
+rain fall or the river rise was regularly wrought by pouring
+water on his effigy or flinging it into the Nile.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The black
+and green
+Osiris like
+the black
+and green
+Demeter.</note>
+It may be objected that the red-haired victims were
+slain as representatives, not of Osiris, but of his enemy
+Typhon; for the victims were called Typhonian, and red
+was the colour of Typhon, black the colour of Osiris.<note place='foot'>Plutarch, <hi rend='italic'>Isis et Osiris</hi>, 22, 30,
+31, 33, 73.</note> The
+answer to this objection must be reserved for the present.
+Meantime it may be pointed out that if Osiris is often
+represented on the monuments as black, he is still more
+commonly depicted as green,<note place='foot'>Sir J. G. Wilkinson, <hi rend='italic'>Manners and
+Customs of the Ancient Egyptians</hi> (ed.
+1878), iii. 81.</note> appropriately enough for a
+corn-god, who may be conceived as black while the seed is
+under ground, but as green after it has sprouted. So the
+Greeks recognised both a Green and a Black Demeter,<note place='foot'>Pausanias, i. 22. 3, viii. 5. 8, viii.
+42. i.</note> and
+sacrificed to the Green Demeter in spring with mirth and
+gladness.<note place='foot'>Cornutus, <hi rend='italic'>Theologiae Graecae Compendium</hi>,
+28. See above, p. <ref target='Pg042'>42</ref>.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The key
+to the
+mysteries
+of Osiris
+furnished
+by the
+lamentations
+of the
+reapers for
+the annual
+death of the
+corn-spirit.</note>
+Thus, if I am right, the key to the mysteries of Osiris is
+furnished by the melancholy cry of the Egyptian reapers,
+which down to Roman times could be heard year after year
+sounding across the fields, announcing the death of the corn-spirit,
+the rustic prototype of Osiris. Similar cries, as we
+have seen, were also heard on all the harvest-fields of
+Western Asia. By the ancients they are spoken of as songs;
+but to judge from the analysis of the names Linus and
+Maneros, they probably consisted only of a few words uttered
+in a prolonged musical note which could be heard for a
+great distance. Such sonorous and long-drawn cries, raised
+by a number of strong voices in concert, must have had a
+striking effect, and could hardly fail to arrest the attention
+<pb n='264'/><anchor id='Pg264'/>
+of any wayfarer who happened to be within hearing. The
+sounds, repeated again and again, could probably be distinguished
+with tolerable ease even at a distance; but to a
+Greek traveller in Asia or Egypt the foreign words would
+commonly convey no meaning, and he might take them, not
+unnaturally, for the name of some one (Maneros, Linus,
+Lityerses, Bormus) upon whom the reapers were calling.
+And if his journey led him through more countries than one,
+as Bithynia and Phrygia, or Phoenicia and Egypt, while the
+corn was being reaped, he would have an opportunity of
+comparing the various harvest cries of the different peoples.
+Thus we can readily understand why these harvest cries
+were so often noted and compared with each other by the
+Greeks. Whereas, if they had been regular songs, they
+could not have been heard at such distances, and therefore
+could not have attracted the attention of so many travellers;
+and, moreover, even if the wayfarer were within hearing of
+them, he could not so easily have picked out the words.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Crying
+<q>the neck</q>
+at harvest
+in Devonshire.</note>
+Down to recent times Devonshire reapers uttered cries
+of the same sort, and performed on the field a ceremony
+exactly analogous to that in which, if I am not mistaken, the
+rites of Osiris originated. The cry and the ceremony are
+thus described by an observer who wrote in the first half of
+the nineteenth century. <q>After the wheat is all cut, on
+most farms in the north of Devon, the harvest people have
+a custom of <q>crying the neck.</q> I believe that this practice
+is seldom omitted on any large farm in that part of the
+country. It is done in this way. An old man, or some one
+else well acquainted with the ceremonies used on the
+occasion (when the labourers are reaping the last field of
+wheat), goes round to the shocks and sheaves, and picks out
+a little bundle of all the best ears he can find; this bundle
+he ties up very neat and trim, and plats and arranges the
+straws very tastefully. This is called <q>the neck</q> of wheat,
+or wheaten-ears. After the field is cut out, and the pitcher
+once more circulated, the reapers, binders, and the women
+stand round in a circle. The person with <q>the neck</q> stands
+in the centre, grasping it with both his hands. He first
+stoops and holds it near the ground, and all the men forming
+the ring take off their hats, stooping and holding them
+<pb n='265'/><anchor id='Pg265'/>
+with both hands towards the ground. They then all begin
+at once in a very prolonged and harmonious tone to cry
+<q>The neck!</q> at the same time slowly raising themselves
+upright, and elevating their arms and hats above their heads;
+the person with <q>the neck</q> also raising it on high. This is
+done three times. They then change their cry to <q>Wee
+yen!</q>&mdash;<q>Way yen!</q>&mdash;which they sound in the same prolonged
+and slow manner as before, with singular harmony
+and effect, three times. This last cry is accompanied by the
+same movements of the body and arms as in crying <q>the
+neck.</q>... After having thus repeated <q>the neck</q> three
+times, and <q>wee yen,</q> or <q>way yen</q> as often, they all burst
+out into a kind of loud and joyous laugh, flinging up their
+hats and caps into the air, capering about and perhaps
+kissing the girls. One of them then gets 'the neck' and
+runs as hard as he can down to the farmhouse, where the
+dairymaid, or one of the young female domestics, stands at
+the door prepared with a pail of water. If he who holds
+<q>the neck</q> can manage to get into the house, in any way
+unseen, or openly, by any other way than the door at which
+the girl stands with the pail of water, then he may lawfully
+kiss her; but, if otherwise, he is regularly soused with the
+contents of the bucket. On a fine still autumn evening the
+<q>crying of the neck</q> has a wonderful effect at a distance, far
+finer than that of the Turkish muezzin, which Lord Byron
+eulogises so much, and which he says is preferable to all the
+bells in Christendom. I have once or twice heard upwards
+of twenty men cry it, and sometimes joined by an equal
+number of female voices. About three years back, on some
+high grounds, where our people were harvesting, I heard six
+or seven <q>necks</q> cried in one night, although I know that
+some of them were four miles off. They are heard through
+the quiet evening air at a considerable distance sometimes.</q><note place='foot'>W. Hone, <hi rend='italic'>Every-day Book</hi> (London, <hi rend='smallcaps'>n.d.</hi>), ii. coll. 1170 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+Again, Mrs. Bray tells how, travelling in Devonshire, <q>she
+saw a party of reapers standing in a circle on a rising
+ground, holding their sickles aloft. One in the middle held
+up some ears of corn tied together with flowers, and the
+party shouted three times (what she writes as) <q>Arnack,
+arnack, arnack, we <foreign rend='italic'>haven</foreign>, we <foreign rend='italic'>haven</foreign>, we <foreign rend='italic'>haven</foreign>.</q> They went
+<pb n='266'/><anchor id='Pg266'/>
+home, accompanied by women and children carrying boughs
+of flowers, shouting and singing. The manservant who
+attended Mrs. Bray said <q>it was only the people making
+their games, as they always did, <emph>to the spirit of harvest</emph>.</q></q><note place='foot'>Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F.
+Jackson, <hi rend='italic'>Shropshire Folk-lore</hi> (London,
+1883), pp. 372 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, referring to Mrs.
+Bray's <hi rend='italic'>Traditions of Devon</hi>, i. 330.</note>
+Here, as Miss Burne remarks, <q><q>arnack, we haven!</q> is
+obviously in the Devon dialect, <q>a neck (or nack)! we have
+un!</q></q> <q>The neck</q> is generally hung up in the farmhouse,
+where it sometimes remains for two or three years.<note place='foot'>W. Hone, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. 1172.</note> A
+similar custom is still observed in some parts of Cornwall,
+as I was told by my lamented friend J. H. Middleton.
+<q>The last sheaf is decked with ribbons. Two strong-voiced
+men are chosen and placed (one with the sheaf) on opposite
+sides of a valley. One shouts, <q>I've gotten it.</q> The other
+shouts, <q>What hast gotten?</q> The first answers, <q>I'se gotten
+the neck.</q></q><note place='foot'>The Rev. Sydney Cooper, of 80
+Gloucester Street, Cirencester, wrote
+to me (4th February 1893) that his
+wife remembers the <q>neck</q> being
+kept on the mantelpiece of the parlour
+in a Cornish farmhouse; it generally
+stayed there throughout the year.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Other
+accounts
+of cutting
+and crying
+<q>the neck</q>
+in Devonshire.</note>
+Another account of this old custom, written at Truro in
+1839, runs thus: <q>Now, when all the corn was cut at
+Heligan, the farming men and maidens come in front of the
+house, and bring with them a small sheaf of corn, the last
+that has been cut, and this is adorned with ribbons and
+flowers, and one part is tied quite tight, so as to look like a
+neck. Then they cry out <q>Our (my) side, my side,</q> as loud
+as they can; then the dairymaid gives the neck to the head
+farming-man. He takes it, and says, very loudly three times,
+<q>I have him, I have him, I have him.</q> Then another farming-man
+shouts very loudly, <q>What have ye? what have ye?
+what have ye?</q> Then the first says, <q>A neck, a neck, a
+neck.</q> And when he has said this, all the people make a
+very great shouting. This they do three times, and after
+one famous shout go away and eat supper, and dance, and
+sing songs.</q><note place='foot'><q>Old Harvest Customs in Devon
+and Cornwall,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, i. (1890) p.
+280.</note> According to another account, <q>all went out
+to the field when the last corn was cut, the <q>neck</q> was tied
+with ribbons and plaited, and they danced round it, and
+carried it to the great kitchen, where by-and-by the supper
+<pb n='267'/><anchor id='Pg267'/>
+was. The words were as given in the previous account, and
+<q>Hip, hip, hack, heck, I have 'ee, I have 'ee, I have 'ee.</q> It
+was hung up in the hall.</q> Another account relates that one
+of the men rushed from the field with the last sheaf, while the
+rest pursued him with vessels of water, which they tried to
+throw over the sheaf before it could be brought into the barn.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Cutting
+<q>the neck</q>
+in Pembrokeshire.</note>
+Similar customs appear to have been formerly observed
+in Pembrokeshire, as appears from the following account,
+in which, however, nothing is said of the sonorous cries
+raised by the reapers when their work was done: <q>At
+harvest-time, in South Pembrokeshire, the last ears of
+corn left standing in the field were tied together, and the
+harvesters then tried to cut this neck by throwing their
+hatchets at it. What happened afterwards appears to have
+varied somewhat. I have been told by one old man that
+the one who got possession of the neck would carry it over
+into some neighbouring field, leave it there, and take to his
+heels as fast as he could; for, if caught, he had a rough
+time of it. The men who caught him would shut him up
+in a barn without food, or belabour him soundly, or perhaps
+shoe him, as it was called, beating the soles of his feet with
+rods&mdash;a very severe and much-dreaded punishment. On
+my grandfather's farm the man used to make for the house
+as fast as possible, and try to carry in the neck. The maids
+were on the look-out for him, and did their best to drench
+him with water. If they succeeded, they got the present of
+half-a-crown, which my grandfather always gave, and which
+was considered a very liberal present indeed. If the man
+was successful in dodging the maids, and getting the neck
+into the house without receiving the wetting, the half-crown
+became his. The neck was then hung up, and kept until
+the following year, at any rate, like the bunches of flowers
+or boughs gathered at the St. Jean, in the south of France.
+Sometimes the necks of many successive years were to be
+found hanging up together. In these two ways of disposing
+of the neck one sees the embodiment, no doubt, of the two
+ways of looking at the corn-spirit, as good (to be kept) or
+as bad (to be passed on to the neighbour).</q><note place='foot'>Frances Hoggan, M.D., <q>The
+Neck Feast,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, iv. (1893) p.
+123. In Pembrokeshire the last sheaf
+of corn seems to have been commonly
+known as <q>the Hag</q> (<foreign rend='italic'>wrach</foreign>) rather
+than as <q>the Neck.</q> See above,
+pp. <ref target='Pg142'>142-144</ref>.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='268'/><anchor id='Pg268'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Cutting
+<q>the neck</q>
+in Shropshire.
+Why the
+last corn
+cut is
+called <q>the
+neck.</q></note>
+In the foregoing customs a particular bunch of ears,
+generally the last left standing,<note place='foot'>J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>, ii.
+20 (Bohn's edition); Miss C. S. Burne
+and Miss G. F. Jackson, <hi rend='italic'>Shropshire
+Folk-lore</hi>, p. 371.</note> is conceived as the neck
+of the corn-spirit, who is consequently beheaded when the
+bunch is cut down. Similarly in Shropshire the name
+<q>neck,</q> or <q>the gander's neck,</q> used to be commonly given
+to the last handful of ears left standing in the middle of
+the field when all the rest of the corn was cut. It was
+plaited together, and the reapers, standing ten or twenty
+paces off, threw their sickles at it. Whoever cut it through
+was said to have cut off the gander's neck. The <q>neck</q>
+was taken to the farmer's wife, who was supposed to keep
+it in the house for good luck till the next harvest came
+round.<note place='foot'>Burne and Jackson, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note> Near Trèves, the man who reaps the last standing
+corn <q>cuts the goat's neck off.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 185.</note> At Faslane, on the
+Gareloch (Dumbartonshire), the last handful of standing
+corn was sometimes called the <q>head.</q><note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg158'>158</ref>.</note> At Aurich, in
+East Friesland, the man who reaps the last corn <q>cuts the
+hare's tail off.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 185.</note> In mowing down the last corner of a field
+French reapers sometimes call out, <q>We have the cat by the
+tail.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> In Bresse (Bourgogne) the last sheaf represented the
+fox. Beside it a score of ears were left standing to form
+the tail, and each reaper, going back some paces, threw his
+sickle at it. He who succeeded in severing it <q>cut off the
+fox's tail,</q> and a cry of <q><foreign rend='italic'>You cou cou!</foreign></q> was raised in his
+honour.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Revue des Traditions populaires</hi>,
+ii. (1887) p. 500.</note> These examples leave no room to doubt the
+meaning of the Devonshire and Cornish expression <q>the
+neck,</q> as applied to the last sheaf. The corn-spirit is conceived
+in human or animal form, and the last standing corn
+is part of its body&mdash;its neck, its head, or its tail. Sometimes,
+as we have seen, the last corn is regarded as the
+navel-string.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg150'>150</ref>.</note> Lastly, the Devonshire custom of drenching
+with water the person who brings in <q>the neck</q> is a rain-charm,
+such as we have had many examples of. Its parallel
+<pb n='269'/><anchor id='Pg269'/>
+in the mysteries of Osiris was the custom of pouring water on
+the image of Osiris or on the person who represented him.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Cries of the
+reapers in
+Germany.</note>
+In Germany cries of <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Waul!</foreign> or <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Wol!</foreign> or <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Wôld!</foreign> are
+sometimes raised by the reapers at cutting the last corn.
+Thus in some places the last patch of standing rye was
+called the <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Waul</foreign>-rye; a stick decked with flowers was inserted
+in it, and the ears were fastened to the stick. Then
+all the reapers took off their hats and cried thrice, <q><foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Waul!</foreign>
+<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Waul!</foreign> <foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Waul!</foreign></q> Sometimes they accompanied the cry by
+clashing with their whetstones on their scythes.<note place='foot'>E. Meier, in <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift für deutsche
+Mythologie und Sittenkunde</hi>, i. (1853)
+pp. 170-173; U. Jahn, <hi rend='italic'>Die deutschen
+Opfergebräuche bei Ackerbau und Viehzucht</hi>
+(Breslau, 1884), pp. 166-169;
+H. Pfannenschmid, <hi rend='italic'>Germanische Erntefeste</hi>
+(Hanover, 1878), pp. 104 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; A.
+Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen
+aus Westfalen</hi> (Leipsic, 1859), ii. pp.
+177 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, §§ 491, 492; A. Kuhn und
+W. Schwartz, <hi rend='italic'>Norddeutsche Sagen,
+Märchen und Gebräuche</hi> (Leipsic, 1848),
+p. 395), § 97; K. Lynker, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsche
+Sagen und Sitten in hessischen Gauen</hi>
+(Cassel and Göttingen, 1860), p. 256,
+§ 340.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='270'/><anchor id='Pg270'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter VIII. The Corn-Spirit as an Animal.</head>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='1. Animal Embodiments of the Corn-Spirit.'/>
+<head>§ 1. Animal Embodiments of the Corn-spirit.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as an
+animal.</note>
+In some of the examples which I have cited to establish
+the meaning of the term <q>neck</q> as applied to the last sheaf,
+the corn-spirit appears in animal form as a gander, a goat, a
+hare, a cat, and a fox. This introduces us to a new aspect
+of the corn-spirit, which we must now examine. By doing
+so we shall not only have fresh examples of killing the god,
+but may hope also to clear up some points which remain
+obscure in the myths and worship of Adonis, Attis, Osiris,
+Dionysus, Demeter, and Virbius.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in the
+form of an
+animal is
+supposed
+to be
+present in
+the last
+corn cut or
+threshed,
+and to be
+caught or
+killed by
+the reaper
+or thresher.</note>
+Amongst the many animals whose forms the corn-spirit is
+supposed to take are the wolf, dog, hare, fox, cock, goose, quail,
+cat, goat, cow (ox, bull), pig, and horse. In one or other of
+these shapes the corn-spirit is often believed to be present in the
+corn, and to be caught or killed in the last sheaf. As the corn
+is being cut the animal flees before the reapers, and if a reaper
+is taken ill on the field, he is supposed to have stumbled
+unwittingly on the corn-spirit, who has thus punished the
+profane intruder. It is said <q>the Rye-wolf has got hold of
+him,</q> <q>the Harvest-goat has given him a push.</q> The person
+who cuts the last corn or binds the last sheaf gets the name
+of the animal, as the Rye-wolf, the Rye-sow, the Oats-goat,
+and so forth, and retains the name sometimes for a year.
+Also the animal is frequently represented by a puppet made
+out of the last sheaf or of wood, flowers, and so on, which is
+carried home amid rejoicings on the last harvest-waggon.
+Even where the last sheaf is not made up in animal shape,
+it is often called the Rye-wolf, the Hare, Goat, and so forth.
+<pb n='271'/><anchor id='Pg271'/>
+Generally each kind of crop is supposed to have its special
+animal, which is caught in the last sheaf, and called the
+Rye-wolf, the Barley-wolf, the Oats-wolf, the Pea-wolf, or the
+Potato-wolf, according to the crop; but sometimes the figure
+of the animal is only made up once for all at getting in the
+last crop of the whole harvest. Sometimes the creature is
+believed to be killed by the last stroke of the sickle or scythe.
+But oftener it is thought to live so long as there is corn still
+unthreshed, and to be caught in the last sheaf threshed.
+Hence the man who gives the last stroke with the flail is told
+that he has got the Corn-sow, the Threshing-dog, or the like.
+When the threshing is finished, a puppet is made in the
+form of the animal, and this is carried by the thresher of the
+last sheaf to a neighbouring farm, where the threshing is still
+going on. This again shews that the corn-spirit is believed
+to live wherever the corn is still being threshed. Sometimes
+the thresher of the last sheaf himself represents the animal;
+and if the people of the next farm, who are still threshing,
+catch him, they treat him like the animal he represents, by
+shutting him up in the pig-sty, calling him with the cries
+commonly addressed to pigs, and so forth.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>
+(Berlin, 1868), pp. 1-6.</note> These general
+statements will now be illustrated by examples.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='2. The Corn-spirit as a Wolf or a Dog.'/>
+<head>§ 2. The Corn-spirit as a Wolf or a Dog.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+wolf or
+a dog,
+supposed
+to run
+through
+the corn.</note>
+We begin with the corn-spirit conceived as a wolf or
+a dog. This conception is common in France, Germany,
+and Slavonic countries. Thus, when the wind sets the
+corn in wave-like motion the peasants often say, <q>The
+Wolf is going over, or through, the corn,</q> <q>the Rye-wolf
+is rushing over the field,</q> <q>the Wolf is in the corn,</q>
+<q>the mad Dog is in the corn,</q> <q>the big Dog is there.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Danzig, 1866), pp. 6
+<hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und Feldkulte</hi>
+(Berlin, 1877), pp. 318 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, p. 103; A.
+Witzchel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche
+aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna, 1878), p. 213;
+O. Hartung, <q>Zur Volkskunde aus
+Anhalt,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift des Vereins für
+Volkskunde</hi>, vii. (1897) p. 150; W.
+Müller, <hi rend='italic'>Beiträge zur Volkskunde der
+Deutschen in Mähren</hi> (Vienna and
+Olmütz, 1893), p. 327; P. Drechsler,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in
+Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906), ii,
+60.</note>
+When children wish to go into the corn-fields to pluck ears
+<pb n='272'/><anchor id='Pg272'/>
+or gather the blue corn-flowers, they are warned not to do so,
+for <q>the big Dog sits in the corn,</q> or <q>the Wolf sits in the
+corn, and will tear you in pieces,</q> <q>the Wolf will eat you.</q>
+The wolf against whom the children are warned is not a
+common wolf, for he is often spoken of as the Corn-wolf,
+Rye-wolf, or the like; thus they say, <q>The Rye-wolf will
+come and eat you up, children,</q> <q>the Rye-wolf will carry
+you off,</q> and so forth.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 10 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Antike
+Wald- und Feldkulte</hi>, p. 319.</note> Still he has all the outward appearance
+of a wolf. For in the neighbourhood of Feilenhof (East
+Prussia), when a wolf was seen running through a field, the
+peasants used to watch whether he carried his tail in the air
+or dragged it on the ground. If he dragged it on the
+ground, they went after him, and thanked him for bringing
+them a blessing, and even set tit-bits before him. But if he
+carried his tail high, they cursed him and tried to kill him.
+Here the wolf is the corn-spirit whose fertilising power is in
+his tail.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 14 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+dog at
+reaping
+and
+threshing.</note>
+Both dog and wolf appear as embodiments of the corn-spirit
+in harvest-customs. Thus in some parts of Silesia the
+person who cuts or binds the last sheaf is called the Wheat-dog
+or the Peas-pug.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 104; P. Drechsler,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in
+Schlesien</hi>, ii. 64.</note> But it is in the harvest-customs of
+the north-east of France that the idea of the Corn-dog comes
+out most clearly. Thus when a harvester, through sickness,
+weariness, or laziness, cannot or will not keep up with the
+reaper in front of him, they say, <q>The White Dog passed
+near him,</q> <q>he has the White Bitch,</q> or <q>the White Bitch
+has bitten him.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 104.</note> In the Vosges the Harvest-May is called
+the <q>Dog of the harvest,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 104 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> On the Harvest-May,
+see <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, ii. 47 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> and the person who cuts the last
+handful of hay or wheat is said to <q>kill the Dog.</q><note place='foot'>L. F. Sauvé, <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges</hi>
+(Paris, 1889), p. 191.</note> About
+Lons-le-Saulnier, in the Jura, the last sheaf is called the
+Bitch. In the neighbourhood of Verdun the regular expression
+for finishing the reaping is, <q>They are going to kill the
+Dog</q>; and at Epinal they say, according to the crop, <q>We
+will kill the Wheat-dog, or the Rye-dog, or the
+<pb n='273'/><anchor id='Pg273'/>
+Potato-dog.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 105.</note> In Lorraine it is said of the man who cuts the
+last corn, <q>He is killing the Dog of the harvest.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 30.</note> At
+Dux, in the Tyrol, the man who gives the last stroke at
+threshing is said to <q>strike down the Dog</q>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 30, 105.</note> and at Ahnebergen,
+near Stade, he is called, according to the crop,
+Corn-pug, Rye-pug, Wheat-pug.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 105 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+wolf at
+reaping.</note>
+So with the wolf. In Silesia, when the reapers gather
+round the last patch of standing corn to reap it they are
+said to be about <q>to catch the Wolf.</q><note place='foot'>P. Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906),
+ii. 64.</note> In various parts of
+Mecklenburg, where the belief in the Corn-wolf is particularly
+prevalent, every one fears to cut the last corn, because they
+say that the Wolf is sitting in it; hence every reaper exerts
+himself to the utmost in order not to be the last, and every
+woman similarly fears to bind the last sheaf because <q>the
+Wolf is in it.</q> So both among the reapers and the binders
+there is a competition not to be the last to finish.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 33, 39; K. Bartsch,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche aus
+Meklenburg</hi> (Vienna, 1879-1880), ii.
+p. 309, § 1496, p. 310, §§ 1497,
+1498.</note> And in
+Germany generally it appears to be a common saying that
+<q>the Wolf sits in the last sheaf.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, p. 320.</note> In some places they call
+out to the reaper, <q>Beware of the Wolf</q>; or they say, <q>He
+is chasing the Wolf out of the corn.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> p. 33.</note> In Mecklenburg the
+last bunch of standing corn is itself commonly called the
+Wolf, and the man who reaps it <q>has the Wolf,</q> the animal
+being described as the Rye-wolf, the Wheat-wolf, the Barley-wolf,
+and so on according to the particular crop. The reaper
+of the last corn is himself called Wolf or the Rye-wolf, if the
+crop is rye, and in many parts of Mecklenburg he has
+to support the character by pretending to bite the other
+harvesters or by howling like a wolf.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 33 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; K. Bartsch,
+<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. p. 309, § 1496, p. 310, §§
+1497, 1500, 1501.</note> The last sheaf of
+corn is also called the Wolf or the Rye-wolf or the Oats-wolf
+according to the crop, and of the woman who binds it they
+say, <q>The Wolf is biting her,</q> <q>She has the Wolf,</q> <q>She
+must fetch the Wolf</q> (out of the corn). Moreover, she
+<pb n='274'/><anchor id='Pg274'/>
+herself is called Wolf; they cry out to her, <q>Thou art the
+Wolf,</q> and she has to bear the name for a whole year;
+sometimes, according to the crop, she is called the Rye-wolf
+or the Potato-wolf.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 33, 34.</note> In the island of Rügen not only is the
+woman who binds the last sheaf called Wolf, but when she
+comes home she bites the lady of the house and the
+stewardess, for which she receives a large piece of meat.
+Yet nobody likes to be the Wolf. The same woman may
+be Rye-wolf, Wheat-wolf, and Oats-wolf, if she happens to
+bind the last sheaf of rye, wheat, and oats.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> p. 38; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald-
+und Feldkulte</hi>, p. 320.</note> At Buir, in the
+district of Cologne, it was formerly the custom to give to the
+last sheaf the shape of a wolf. It was kept in the barn till
+all the corn was threshed. Then it was brought to the
+farmer and he had to sprinkle it with beer or brandy.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 34 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At
+Brunshaupten in Mecklenburg the young woman who bound
+the last sheaf of wheat used to take a handful of stalks out
+of it and make <q>the Wheat-wolf</q> with them; it was the
+figure of a wolf about two feet long and half a foot high, the
+legs of the animal being represented by stiff stalks and its
+tail and mane by wheat-ears. This Wheat-wolf she carried
+back at the head of the harvesters to the village, where it
+was set up on a high place in the parlour of the farm and
+remained there for a long time.<note place='foot'>K. Bartsch, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. p. 311, §
+1505.</note> In many places the sheaf
+called the Wolf is made up in human form and dressed in
+clothes. This indicates a confusion of ideas between the
+corn-spirit conceived in human and in animal form. Generally
+the Wolf is brought home on the last waggon with
+joyful cries. Hence the last waggon-load itself receives the
+name of the Wolf.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Roggenwolf und
+Roggenhund</hi>,<hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> pp. 35-37; K. Bartsch,
+<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. p. 309, § 1496, p. 310,
+§§ 1499, 1501, p. 311, §§ 1506,
+1507.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+a wolf
+killed at
+threshing.</note>
+Again, the Wolf is supposed to hide himself amongst the
+cut corn in the granary, until he is driven out of the last
+bundle by the strokes of the flail. Hence at Wanzleben,
+near Magdeburg, after the threshing the peasants go in procession,
+leading by a chain a man who is enveloped in the
+<pb n='275'/><anchor id='Pg275'/>
+threshed-out straw and is called the Wolf.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, p. 321.</note> He represents
+the corn-spirit who has been caught escaping from the
+threshed corn. In the district of Treves it is believed that
+the Corn-wolf is killed at threshing. The men thresh the
+last sheaf till it is reduced to chopped straw. In this way
+they think that the Corn-wolf, who was lurking in the last
+sheaf, has been certainly killed.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 321 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-wolf
+at
+harvest in
+France.
+The corn-wolf
+killed
+on the
+harvest-field.</note>
+In France also the Corn-wolf appears at harvest. Thus
+they call out to the reaper of the last corn, <q>You will
+catch the Wolf.</q> Near Chambéry they form a ring round
+the last standing corn, and cry, <q>The Wolf is in there.</q>
+In Finisterre, when the reaping draws near an end, the
+harvesters cry, <q>There is the Wolf; we will catch him.</q>
+Each takes a swath to reap, and he who finishes first calls
+out, <q>I've caught the Wolf.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 320.</note> In Guyenne, when the last
+corn has been reaped, they lead a wether all round the field.
+It is called <q>the Wolf of the field.</q> Its horns are decked with
+a wreath of flowers and corn-ears, and its neck and body are
+also encircled with garlands and ribbons. All the reapers
+march, singing, behind it. Then it is killed on the field. In this
+part of France the last sheaf is called the <foreign lang='fr' rend='italic'>coujoulage</foreign>, which, in
+the patois, means a wether. Hence the killing of the wether
+represents the death of the corn-spirit, considered as present
+in the last sheaf; but two different conceptions of the corn-spirit&mdash;as
+a wolf and as a wether&mdash;are mixed up together.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 320 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-wolf
+at
+midwinter.</note>
+Sometimes it appears to be thought that the Wolf,
+caught in the last corn, lives during the winter in the farmhouse,
+ready to renew his activity as corn-spirit in the spring.
+Hence at midwinter, when the lengthening days begin to
+herald the approach of spring, the Wolf makes his appearance
+once more. In Poland a man, with a wolf's skin
+thrown over his head, is led about at Christmas; or a
+stuffed wolf is carried about by persons who collect money.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 322.</note>
+There are facts which point to an old custom of leading
+about a man enveloped in leaves and called the Wolf, while
+his conductors collected money.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 323.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='276'/><anchor id='Pg276'/>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='3. The Corn-spirit as a Cock.'/>
+<head>§ 3. The Corn-spirit as a Cock.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+cock at
+harvest.</note>
+Another form which the corn-spirit often assumes is that
+of a cock. In Austria children are warned against straying
+in the corn-fields, because the Corn-cock sits there, and will
+peck their eyes out.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 13.</note> In North Germany they say that <q>the
+Cock sits in the last sheaf</q>; and at cutting the last corn the
+reapers cry, <q>Now we will chase out the Cock.</q> When it is
+cut they say, <q>We have caught the Cock.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi>; J. H. Schmitz,
+<hi rend='italic'>Sitten und Sagen, Lieder, Sprüchwörter
+und Rathsel des Eifler Volkes</hi> (Treves,
+1856-1858), i. 95; A. Kuhn und W.
+Schwartz, <hi rend='italic'>Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen
+und Gebräuche</hi> (Leipsic, 1848), p. 398.</note> At Braller, in
+Transylvania, when the reapers come to the last patch of corn,
+they cry, <q>Here we shall catch the Cock.</q><note place='foot'>G. A. Heinrich, <hi rend='italic'>Agrarische Sitten
+und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen
+Siebenbürgens</hi> (Hermannstadt, 1880),
+p. 21.</note> At Fürstenwalde,
+when the last sheaf is about to be bound, the master releases
+a cock, which he has brought in a basket, and lets it run
+over the field. All the harvesters chase it till they catch it.
+Elsewhere the harvesters all try to seize the last corn cut;
+he who succeeds in grasping it must crow, and is called
+Cock.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 13. Compare A. Kuhn and W.
+Schwartz, <hi rend='italic'>l.c.</hi></note> Among the Wends it is or used to be customary
+for the farmer to hide a live cock under the last sheaf as it
+lay on the field; and when the corn was being gathered up,
+the harvester who lighted upon this sheaf had a right to
+keep the cock, provided he could catch it. This formed the
+close of the harvest-festival and was known as <q>the Cock-catching,</q>
+and the beer which was served out to the reapers
+at this time went by the name of <q>Cock-beer.</q><note place='foot'>K. Haupt, <hi rend='italic'>Sagenbuch der Lausitz</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1862-1863), i. p. 232, No.
+277 note.</note> The last
+sheaf is called Cock, Cock-sheaf, Harvest-cock, Harvest-hen,
+Autumn-hen. A distinction is made between a Wheat-cock,
+Bean-cock, and so on, according to the crop.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 13.</note> At
+Wünschensuhl, in Thüringen, the last sheaf is made into
+the shape of a cock, and called the Harvest-cock.<note place='foot'>A. Witzschel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und
+Gebräuche aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna,
+1878), p. 220.</note> A
+figure of a cock, made of wood, pasteboard, ears of corn,
+<pb n='277'/><anchor id='Pg277'/>
+or flowers, is borne in front of the harvest-waggon, especially
+in Westphalia, where the cock carries in his beak fruits of
+the earth of all kinds. Sometimes the image of the cock is
+fastened to the top of a May-tree on the last harvest-waggon.
+Elsewhere a live cock, or a figure of one, is attached to a
+harvest-crown and carried on a pole. In Galicia and elsewhere
+this live cock is fastened to the garland of corn-ears
+or flowers, which the leader of the women-reapers carries on
+her head as she marches in front of the harvest procession.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+pp. 13 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; J. H. Schmitz, <hi rend='italic'>Sitten und
+Sagen, Lieder, Sprüchwörter und
+Räthsel des Eifler Volkes</hi> (Treves, 1856-1858),
+i. 95; A. Kuhn, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Gebräuche
+und Märchen aus Westfalen</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1859), ii. 180 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; H. Pfannenschmid,
+<hi rend='italic'>Germanische Erntefeste</hi>
+(Hanover, 1878), p. 110.</note>
+In Silesia a live cock is presented to the master on a plate.
+The harvest-supper is called Harvest-cock, Stubble-cock, etc.,
+and a chief dish at it, at least in some places, is a cock.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 14; H. Pfannenschmid, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp.
+111, 419 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> If
+a waggoner upsets a harvest-waggon, it is said that <q>he has
+spilt the Harvest cock,</q> and he loses the cock, that is, the
+harvest-supper.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 15. So in Shropshire, where the
+corn-spirit is conceived in the form of
+a gander (see above, p. <ref target='Pg268'>268</ref>), the
+expression for overthrowing a load at
+harvest is <q>to lose the goose,</q> and the
+penalty used to be the loss of the goose
+at the harvest-supper (C. S. Burne and
+G. F. Jackson, <hi rend='italic'>Shropshire Folk-lore</hi>,
+London, 1883, p. 375); and in some
+parts of England the harvest-supper was
+called the Harvest Gosling, or the
+Inning Goose (J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>,
+ii. 23, 26, Bohn's edition).</note> The harvest-waggon, with the figure of
+the cock on it, is driven round the farmhouse before it is
+taken to the barn. Then the cock is nailed over or at the
+side of the house-door, or on the gable, and remains there
+till next harvest.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 14.</note> In East Friesland the person who gives
+the last stroke at threshing is called the Clucking-hen, and
+grain is strewed before him as if he were a hen.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 15.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+killed
+in the form
+of a live
+cock.</note>
+Again, the corn-spirit is killed in the form of a cock.
+In parts of Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Picardy the
+reapers place a live cock in the corn which is to be cut last,
+and chase it over the field, or bury it up to the neck in the
+ground; afterwards they strike off its head with a sickle or
+scythe.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 30.</note> In many parts of Westphalia, when the harvesters
+bring the wooden cock to the farmer, he gives them a live
+<pb n='278'/><anchor id='Pg278'/>
+cock, which they kill with whips or sticks, or behead with
+an old sword, or throw into the barn to the girls, or give to
+the mistress to cook. If the harvest-cock has not been
+spilt&mdash;that is, if no waggon has been upset&mdash;the harvesters
+have the right to kill the farmyard cock by throwing stones
+at it or beheading it. Where this custom has fallen into
+disuse, it is still common for the farmer's wife to make
+cockie-leekie for the harvesters, and to shew them the
+head of the cock which has been killed for the soup.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 15.</note> In
+the neighbourhood of Klausenburg, Transylvania, a cock is
+buried on the harvest-field in the earth, so that only its head
+appears. A young man then takes a scythe and cuts off
+the cock's head at a single sweep. If he fails to do this,
+he is called the Red Cock for a whole year, and people
+fear that next year's crop will be bad.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 15 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Near Udvarhely,
+in Transylvania, a live cock is bound up in the last sheaf
+and killed with a spit. It is then skinned. The flesh
+is thrown away, but the skin and feathers are kept till next
+year; and in spring the grain from the last sheaf is mixed
+with the feathers of the cock and scattered on the field which
+is to be tilled.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 15; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>,
+p. 30.</note> Nothing could set in a clearer light the
+identification of the cock with the spirit of the corn. By
+being tied up in the last sheaf and killed, the cock is identified
+with the corn, and its death with the cutting of the corn.
+By keeping its feathers till spring, then mixing them with
+the seed-corn taken from the very sheaf in which the bird
+had been bound, and scattering the feathers together with
+the seed over the field, the identity of the bird with the corn
+is again emphasised, and its quickening and fertilising power,
+as an embodiment of the corn-spirit, is intimated in the
+plainest manner. Thus the corn-spirit, in the form of a
+cock, is killed at harvest, but rises to fresh life and activity
+in spring. Again, the equivalence of the cock to the corn is
+expressed, hardly less plainly, in the custom of burying the
+bird in the ground, and cutting off its head (like the ears of
+corn) with the scythe.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='279'/><anchor id='Pg279'/>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='4. The Corn-spirit as a Hare.'/>
+<head>§ 4. The Corn-spirit as a Hare.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+hare at
+harvest. The corn-spirit
+as a
+hare killed
+in the last
+corn cut.</note>
+Another common embodiment of the corn-spirit is the
+hare.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 1.</note> In Galloway the reaping of the last standing corn
+is called <q>cutting the Hare.</q> The mode of cutting it is as
+follows. When the rest of the corn has been reaped, a
+handful is left standing to form the Hare. It is divided
+into three parts and plaited, and the ears are tied in a knot.
+The reapers then retire a few yards and each throws his or
+her sickle in turn at the Hare to cut it down. It must be
+cut below the knot, and the reapers continue to throw their
+sickles at it, one after the other, until one of them succeeds
+in severing the stalks below the knot. The Hare is then
+carried home and given to a maidservant in the kitchen, who
+places it over the kitchen-door on the inside. Sometimes
+the Hare used to be thus kept till the next harvest. In the
+parish of Minnigaff, when the Hare was cut, the unmarried
+reapers ran home with all speed, and the one who arrived
+first was the first to be married.<note place='foot'>W. Gregor, <q>Preliminary Report
+on Folklore in Galloway, Scotland,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Report of the British Association for
+1896</hi>, p. 623.</note> In Southern Ayrshire the
+last corn cut is also called the Hare, and the mode of cutting
+it seems to be the same as in Galloway; at least in the neighbourhood
+of Kilmarnock the last corn left standing in the
+middle of the field is plaited, and the reapers used to try to
+cut it by throwing their sickles at it. When cut, it was carried
+home and hung up over the door.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore Journal</hi>, vii. (1889) pp.
+47 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In the Vosges Mountains
+the person who cuts the last handful of hay or wheat is sometimes
+said to have caught the Hare; he is congratulated by
+his comrades and has the honour of carrying the nosegay or
+the small fir-tree decorated with ribbons which marks the conclusion
+of the harvest.<note place='foot'>L. F. Sauvé, <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges</hi>
+(Paris, 1889), p. 191.</note> In Germany also one of the names
+for the last sheaf is the Hare.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi>,
+p. 3.</note> Thus in some parts of
+Anhalt, when the corn has been reaped and only a few stalks
+are left standing, they say, <q>The Hare will soon come,</q> or
+the reapers cry to each other, <q>Look how the Hare comes
+<pb n='280'/><anchor id='Pg280'/>
+jumping out.</q><note place='foot'>O. Hartung, <q>Zur Volkskunde
+aus Anhalt,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift des Vereins für
+Volkskunde</hi>, vii. (1897) p. 154.</note> In East Prussia they say that the Hare sits in
+the last patch of standing corn, and must be chased out by the
+last reaper. The reapers hurry with their work, each being
+anxious not to have <q>to chase out the Hare</q>; for the man
+who does so, that is, who cuts the last corn, is much laughed
+at.<note place='foot'>C. Lemke, <hi rend='italic'>Volksthümliches in Ostpreussen</hi>
+(Mohrungen, 1884-1887), i.
+24.</note> At Birk, in Transylvania, when the reapers come to the
+last patch, they cry out, <q>We have the Hare.</q><note place='foot'>G. A. Heinrich, <hi rend='italic'>Agrarische Sitten
+und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen Siebenbürgens</hi>
+(Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 21.</note> At Aurich,
+as we have seen,<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg268'>268</ref>.</note> an expression for cutting the last corn is
+<q>to cut off the Hare's tail.</q> <q>He is killing the Hare</q> is
+commonly said of the man who cuts the last corn in Germany,
+Sweden, Holland, France, and Italy.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 29.</note> In Norway
+the man who is thus said to <q>kill the Hare</q> must give
+<q>hare's blood</q> in the form of brandy, to his fellows to
+drink.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 29 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Die
+Korndämonen</hi>, p. 5.</note> In Lesbos, when the reapers are at work in two
+neighbouring fields, each party tries to finish first in order
+to drive the Hare into their neighbour's field; the reapers
+who succeed in doing so believe that next year the crop
+will be better. A small sheaf of corn is made up and kept
+beside the holy picture till next harvest.<note place='foot'>Georgeakis et Pineau, <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore de
+Lesbos</hi> (Paris, 1894), p. 310.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='5. The Corn-spirit as a Cat.'/>
+<head>§ 5. The Corn-spirit as a Cat.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+a cat
+sitting in
+the corn.
+The corn-spirit
+as a
+cat killed at reaping
+and
+threshing.</note>
+Again, the corn-spirit sometimes takes the form of a cat.
+Near Kiel children are warned not to go into the corn-fields
+because <q>the Cat sits there.</q> In the Eisenach Oberland they
+are told <q>the Corn-cat will come and fetch you,</q> <q>the Corn-cat
+goes in the corn.</q> In some parts of Silesia at mowing
+the last corn they say, <q>The Cat is caught</q>; and at threshing,
+the man who gives the last stroke is called the Cat. In
+the neighbourhood of Lyons the last sheaf and the harvest-supper
+are both called the Cat. About Vesoul when they
+cut the last corn they say, <q>We have the Cat by the tail.</q>
+At Briançon, in Dauphiné, at the beginning of reaping a
+<pb n='281'/><anchor id='Pg281'/>
+cat is decked out with ribbons, flowers, and ears of corn. It
+is called the Cat of the ball-skin (<foreign lang='fr' rend='italic'>le chat de peau de balle</foreign>).
+If a reaper is wounded at his work, they make the cat lick
+the wound. At the close of the reaping the cat is again
+decked out with ribbons and ears of corn; then they dance
+and make merry. When the dance is over the girls solemnly
+strip the cat of its finery. At Grüneberg, in Silesia, the
+reaper who cuts the last corn goes by the name of the
+Tom-cat. He is enveloped in rye-stalks and green withes,
+and is furnished with a long plaited tail. Sometimes as a
+companion he has a man similarly dressed, who is called the
+(female) Cat. Their duty is to run after people whom they
+see and to beat them with a long stick. Near Amiens the
+expression for finishing the harvest is, <q>They are going to
+kill the Cat</q>; and when the last corn is cut they kill a cat
+in the farmyard. At threshing, in some parts of France, a
+live cat is placed under the last bundle of corn to be
+threshed, and is struck dead with the flails. Then on
+Sunday it is roasted and eaten as a holiday dish.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, pp. 172-174; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 30; P.
+Drechsler, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube
+in Schlesien</hi> (Leipsic, 1903-1906),
+ii. 64, 65.</note> In the
+Vosges Mountains the close of haymaking or harvest
+is called <q>catching the cat,</q> <q>killing the dog,</q> or more
+rarely <q>catching the hare.</q> The cat, the dog, or the hare
+is said to be fat or lean according as the crop is good
+or bad. The man who cuts the last handful of hay or of
+wheat is said to catch the cat or the hare or to kill the dog.
+He is congratulated by his comrades and has the honour of
+carrying the nosegay or rather the small fir-tree decked
+with ribbons which marks the end of the haymaking or of
+the harvest.<note place='foot'>L. F. Sauvé, <hi rend='italic'>Le Folk-lore des
+Hautes-Vosges</hi> (Paris, 1889), p. 191.</note> In Franche-Comté also the close of harvest is
+called <q>catching or killing the cat.</q><note place='foot'>Ch. Beauquier, <hi rend='italic'>Les Mois en
+Franche-Comté</hi> (Paris, 1900), p. 102.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='6. The Corn-spirit as a Goat.'/>
+<head>§ 6. The Corn-spirit as a Goat.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+a goat
+running
+through
+the corn
+or sitting
+in it.
+The corn-goat
+at
+reaping
+and
+binding
+the corn.</note>
+Further, the corn-spirit often appears in the form of a
+goat. In some parts of Prussia, when the corn bends before
+<pb n='282'/><anchor id='Pg282'/>
+the wind, they say, <q>The Goats are chasing each other,</q>
+<q>the wind is driving the Goats through the corn,</q> <q>the
+Goats are browsing there,</q> and they expect a very good
+harvest. Again they say, <q>The Oats-goat is sitting in the
+oats-field,</q> <q>the Corn-goat is sitting in the rye-field.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, pp. 155 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+Children are warned not to go into the corn-fields to pluck
+the blue corn-flowers, or amongst the beans to pluck pods,
+because the Rye-goat, the Corn-goat, the Oats-goat, or the
+Bean-goat is sitting or lying there, and will carry them away
+or kill them.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 157 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> When a harvester is taken sick or lags
+behind his fellows at their work, they call out, <q>The Harvest-goat
+has pushed him,</q> <q>he has been pushed by the Corn-goat.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 159.</note>
+In the neighbourhood of Braunsberg (East Prussia)
+at binding the oats every harvester makes haste <q>lest the
+Corn-goat push him.</q> At Oefoten, in Norway, each reaper
+has his allotted patch to reap. When a reaper in the middle
+has not finished reaping his piece after his neighbours have
+finished theirs, they say of him, <q>He remains on the island.</q>
+And if the laggard is a man, they imitate the cry with which
+they call a he-goat; if a woman, the cry with which they
+call a she-goat.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> pp. 161 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Near Straubing, in Lower Bavaria, it is said
+of the man who cuts the last corn that <q>he has the Corn-goat,
+or the Wheat-goat, or the Oats-goat,</q> according to
+the crop. Moreover, two horns are set up on the last heap
+of corn, and it is called <q>the horned Goat.</q> At Kreutzburg,
+East Prussia, they call out to the woman who is binding the
+last sheaf, <q>The Goat is sitting in the sheaf.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 162.</note> At Gablingen,
+in Swabia, when the last field of oats upon a farm is
+being reaped, the reapers carve a goat out of wood. Ears
+of oats are inserted in its nostrils and mouth, and it is
+adorned with garlands of flowers. It is set up on the field
+and called the Oats-goat. When the reaping approaches an
+end, each reaper hastens to finish his piece first; he who is
+the last to finish gets the Oats-goat.<note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen
+Mythologie</hi> (Munich, 1848-1855), ii.
+pp. 232 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, § 426; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und Feldkulte</hi>, p. 162.</note> Again, the last sheaf
+is itself called the Goat. Thus, in the valley of the Wiesent,
+Bavaria, the last sheaf bound on the field is called the Goat,
+<pb n='283'/><anchor id='Pg283'/>
+and they have a proverb, <q>The field must bear a goat.</q><note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. pp. 228 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+§ 422; W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald-
+und Feldkulte</hi>, p. 163; <hi rend='italic'>Bavaria,
+Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs
+Bayern</hi>, iii. (Munich, 1865) p. 344.</note> At
+Spachbrücken, in Hesse, the last handful of corn which is
+cut is called the Goat, and the man who cuts it is much
+ridiculed.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, p. 163.</note> At Dürrenbüchig and about Mosbach in Baden the
+last sheaf is also called the Goat.<note place='foot'>E. H. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Badisches Volksleben</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1900), p. 428.</note> Sometimes the last sheaf
+is made up in the form of a goat, and they say, <q>The Goat
+is sitting in it.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, p. 164.</note> Again, the person who cuts or binds the
+last sheaf is called the Goat. Thus, in parts of Mecklenburg
+they call out to the woman who binds the last sheaf, <q>You
+are the Harvest-goat.</q> Near Uelzen, in Hanover, the harvest
+festival begins with <q>the bringing of the Harvest-goat</q>;
+that is, the woman who bound the last sheaf is wrapt in
+straw, crowned with a harvest-wreath, and brought in a wheelbarrow
+to the village, where a round dance takes place.
+About Luneburg, also, the woman who binds the last corn is
+decked with a crown of corn-ears and is called the Corn-goat.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 164.</note>
+At Münzesheim in Baden the reaper who cuts the
+last handful of corn or oats is called the Corn-goat or the
+Oats-goat.<note place='foot'>E. H. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Badisches Volksleben</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1900), p. 428.</note> In the Canton St. Gall, Switzerland, the person
+who cuts the last handful of corn on the field, or drives the
+last harvest-waggon to the barn, is called the Corn-goat or the
+Rye-goat, or simply the Goat.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, pp. 164 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In the Canton Thurgau he
+is called Corn-goat; like a goat he has a bell hung round his
+neck, is led in triumph, and drenched with liquor. In parts
+of Styria, also, the man who cuts the last corn is called
+Corn-goat, Oats-goat, or the like. As a rule, the man who
+thus gets the name of Corn-goat has to bear it a whole year
+till the next harvest.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 165.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as the
+Cripple
+Goat in
+Skye.</note>
+According to one view, the corn-spirit, who has been
+caught in the form of a goat or otherwise, lives in the farmhouse
+or barn over winter. Thus, each farm has its own
+embodiment of the corn-spirit. But, according to another
+view, the corn-spirit is the genius or deity, not of the corn
+<pb n='284'/><anchor id='Pg284'/>
+of one farm only, but of all the corn. Hence when the corn
+on one farm is all cut, he flees to another where there is still
+corn left standing. This idea is brought out in a harvest-custom
+which was formerly observed in Skye. The farmer
+who first finished reaping sent a man or woman with a
+sheaf to a neighbouring farmer who had not finished; the
+latter in his turn, when he had finished, sent on the sheaf to
+his neighbour who was still reaping; and so the sheaf made
+the round of the farms till all the corn was cut. The sheaf
+was called the <foreign rend='italic'>goabbir bhacagh</foreign>, that is, the Cripple Goat.<note place='foot'>J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>,
+ii. 24, Bohn's edition, quoting <hi rend='italic'>The
+Gentleman's Magazine</hi> for February,
+1795, p. 124; W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi>
+p. 165.</note>
+The custom appears not to be extinct at the present day,
+for it was reported from Skye only a few years ago. We
+are told that when the crofters and small farmers are cutting
+down their corn, each tries his best to finish before his
+neighbour. The first to finish goes to his neighbour's field
+and makes up at one end of it a bundle of sheaves in a
+fanciful shape which goes by the name of the <foreign rend='italic'>gobhar bhacach</foreign>
+or Lame Goat. As each man in succession finishes reaping
+his field, he proceeds to set up a lame goat of this sort in
+his neighbour's field where there is still corn standing. No
+one likes to have the Lame Goat put in his field, <q>not from
+any ill-luck it brings, but because it is humiliating to have it
+standing there visible to all neighbours and passers-by, and
+of course he cannot retaliate.</q><note place='foot'>R. C. Maclagan, <q>Notes on folk-lore
+objects collected in Argyleshire,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, vi. (1895) p. 151, from information
+given by Mrs. C. Nicholson.</note> The corn-spirit was probably
+thus represented as lame because he had been crippled
+by the cutting of the corn. We have seen that sometimes
+the old woman who brings home the last sheaf must limp
+on one foot.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg232'>232</ref>.</note> In the Böhmer Wald mountains, between
+Bohemia and Bavaria, when two peasants are driving home
+their corn together, they race against each other to see who
+shall get home first. The village boys mark the loser in the
+race, and at night they come and erect on the roof of his
+house the Oats-goat, which is a colossal figure of a goat made
+of straw.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, p. 165.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+killed
+as a goat
+on the
+harvest-field.</note>
+But sometimes the corn-spirit, in the form of a goat, is
+<pb n='285'/><anchor id='Pg285'/>
+believed to be slain on the harvest-field by the sickle or
+scythe. Thus, in the neighbourhood of Bernkastel, on the
+Moselle, the reapers determine by lot the order in which they
+shall follow each other. The first is called the fore-reaper,
+the last the tail-bearer. If a reaper overtakes the man in
+front he reaps past him, bending round so as to leave the
+slower reaper in a patch by himself. This patch is called
+the Goat; and the man for whom <q>the Goat is cut</q> in this
+way, is laughed and jeered at by his fellows for the rest of
+the day. When the tail-bearer cuts the last ears of corn, it
+is said, <q>He is cutting the Goat's neck off.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 166;
+<hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, p. 185.</note> In the neighbourhood
+of Grenoble, before the end of the reaping, a live
+goat is adorned with flowers and ribbons and allowed to run
+about the field. The reapers chase it and try to catch it.
+When it is caught, the farmer's wife holds it fast while the
+farmer cuts off its head. The goat's flesh serves to furnish
+the harvest-supper. A piece of the flesh is pickled and kept
+till the next harvest, when another goat is killed. Then all
+the harvesters eat of the flesh. On the same day the skin of
+the goat is made into a cloak, which the farmer, who works
+with his men, must always wear at harvest-time if rain or
+bad weather sets in. But if a reaper gets pains in his back,
+the farmer gives him the goat-skin to wear.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, p. 166.</note> The reason
+for this seems to be that the pains in the back, being inflicted
+by the corn-spirit, can also be healed by it. Similarly, we
+saw that elsewhere, when a reaper is wounded at reaping, a
+cat, as the representative of the corn-spirit, is made to lick
+the wound.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg281'>281</ref>.</note> Esthonian reapers in the island of Mon think
+that the man who cuts the first ears of corn at harvest will
+get pains in his back,<note place='foot'>J. B. Holzmayer, <q>Osiliana,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verhandlungen
+der gelehrten Estnischen
+Gesellschaft zu Dorpat</hi>, vii. Heft 2
+(Dorpat, 1872), p. 107.</note> probably because the corn-spirit is
+believed to resent especially the first wound; and, in order to
+escape pains in the back, Saxon reapers in Transylvania gird
+their loins with the first handful of ears which they cut.<note place='foot'>G. A. Heinrich, <hi rend='italic'>Agrarische Sitten
+und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen Siebenbürgens</hi>
+(Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 19.
+Compare W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Baumkultus</hi>,
+pp. 482 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+Here, again, the corn-spirit is applied to for healing or protection,
+<pb n='286'/><anchor id='Pg286'/>
+but in his original vegetable form, not in the form of
+a goat or a cat.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in the
+form of a
+goat supposed
+to
+lurk among
+the corn in
+the barn,
+till he is
+expelled by
+the flail at
+threshing.</note>
+Further, the corn-spirit under the form of a goat is sometimes
+conceived as lurking among the cut corn in the barn,
+till he is driven from it by the threshing-flail. Thus in
+Baden the last sheaf to be threshed is called the Corn-goat,
+the Spelt-goat, or the Oats-goat according to the kind of
+grain.<note place='foot'>E. L. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Badisches Volksleben</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1900), p. 436.</note> Again, near Marktl, in Upper Bavaria, the sheaves
+are called Straw-goats or simply Goats. They are laid in
+a great heap on the open field and threshed by two rows
+of men standing opposite each other, who, as they ply
+their flails, sing a song in which they say that they see the
+Straw-goat amongst the corn-stalks. The last Goat, that is,
+the last sheaf, is adorned with a wreath of violets and other
+flowers and with cakes strung together. It is placed right
+in the middle of the heap. Some of the threshers rush at
+it and tear the best of it out; others lay on with their flails
+so recklessly that heads are sometimes broken. In threshing
+this last sheaf, each man casts up to the man opposite
+him the misdeeds of which he has been guilty throughout
+the year.<note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen
+Mythologie</hi>, ii. pp. 225 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>, § 421;
+W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und Feldkulte</hi>,
+pp. 167 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At Oberinntal, in the Tyrol, the last thresher is
+called Goat.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, p. 168.</note> So at Haselberg, in West Bohemia, the man
+who gives the last stroke at threshing oats is called the Oats-goat.<note place='foot'>A. John, <hi rend='italic'>Sitte, Brauch und
+Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen</hi>
+(Prague, 1905), p. 194.</note>
+At Tettnang, in Würtemburg, the thresher who
+gives the last stroke to the last bundle of corn before it is
+turned goes by the name of the He-goat, and it is said, <q>He
+has driven the He-goat away.</q> The person who, after the
+bundle has been turned, gives the last stroke of all, is called
+the She-goat.<note place='foot'>E. Meier, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten
+und Gebräuche aus Schwaben</hi> (Stuttgart,
+1852), p. 445, § 162; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und Feldkulte</hi>, p. 168.</note> In this custom it is implied that the corn is
+inhabited by a pair of corn-spirits, male and female.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in the
+form of a
+goat passed
+on to a
+neighbour
+who has
+not finished
+his
+threshing.</note>
+Further, the corn-spirit, captured in the form of a goat at
+threshing, is passed on to a neighbour whose threshing is not
+yet finished. In Franche Comté, as soon as the threshing is
+over, the young people set up a straw figure of a goat on the
+<pb n='287'/><anchor id='Pg287'/>
+farmyard of a neighbour who is still threshing. He must
+give them wine or money in return. At Ellwangen, in
+Würtemburg, the effigy of a goat is made out of the last
+bundle of corn at threshing; four sticks form its legs, and
+two its horns. The man who gives the last stroke with
+the flail must carry the Goat to the barn of a neighbour
+who is still threshing and throw it down on the floor; if he
+is caught in the act, they tie the goat on his back.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 169.</note> A
+similar custom is observed at Indersdorf, in Upper Bavaria;
+the man who throws the straw Goat into the neighbour's
+barn imitates the bleating of a goat; if they catch him, they
+blacken his face and tie the Goat on his back.<note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen
+Mythologie</hi>, ii. pp. 224 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, § 420;
+W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und Feldkulte</hi>,
+p. 169.</note> At Zabern,
+in Elsace, when a farmer is a week or more behind his neighbours
+with his threshing, they set a real stuffed goat or fox
+before his door.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 169.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in
+goat form
+killed at
+threshing.</note>
+Sometimes the spirit of the corn in goat form is believed
+to be killed at threshing. In the district of Traunstein,
+Upper Bavaria, they think that the Oats-goat is in the last
+sheaf of oats. He is represented by an old rake set up on
+end, with an old pot for a head. The children are then told
+to kill the Oats-goat.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 170.</note> Elsewhere, however, the corn-spirit
+in the form of a goat is apparently thought to live in the
+field throughout the winter. Hence at Wannefeld near
+Gardelegen, and also between Calbe and Salzwedel, in the
+Altmark, the last stalks used to be left uncut on the harvest-field
+with the words, <q>That shall the He-goat keep!</q>
+Evidently the last corn was here left as a provision for the
+corn-spirit, lest, robbed of all his substance, he should die of
+hunger. A stranger passing a harvest-field is sometimes
+taken for the Corn-goat escaping in human shape from the
+cut or threshed grain. Thus, when a stranger passes a
+harvest-field, all the labourers stop and shout as with one
+voice, <q>He-goat! He-goat!</q> At rape-seed threshing in
+Schleswig, which is generally done on the field, the same
+cry is raised if the stranger does not take off his hat.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 170. As to the custom
+of leaving a little corn on the field for
+the subsistence of the corn-spirit, see
+above, pp. <ref target='Pg231'>231</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='288'/><anchor id='Pg288'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Old
+Prussian
+custom of
+killing a
+goat at
+sowing.</note>
+At sowing their winter corn the old Prussians used to
+kill a goat, consume its flesh with many superstitious ceremonies,
+and hang the skin on a high pole near an oak and
+a large stone. There it remained till harvest, when a great
+bunch of corn and herbs was fastened to the pole above the
+goat-skin. Then, after a prayer had been offered by a peasant
+who acted as priest (<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Weidulut</foreign>), the young folks joined hands
+and danced round the oak and the pole. Afterwards they
+scrambled for the bunch of corn, and the priest distributed
+the herbs with a sparing hand. Then he placed the goat-skin
+on the large stone, sat down on it, and preached to the
+people about the history of their forefathers and their old
+heathen customs and beliefs.<note place='foot'>M. Praetorius, <hi rend='italic'>Deliciae Prussicae</hi>
+(Berlin, 1871), pp. 23 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Baumkultus</hi>, pp. 394 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The goat-skin thus suspended
+on the field from sowing time to harvest perhaps represents
+the corn-spirit superintending the growth of the corn. The
+Tomori of Central Celebes imagine that the spirits which
+cause rice to grow have the form of great goats with long
+hair and long lips.<note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Eenige ethnografische
+aanteekeningen omtrent de
+Toboengkoe en de Tomori,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen
+van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xliv. (1900) p.
+241.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='7. The Corn-spirit as a Bull, Cow, or Ox.'/>
+<head>§ 7. The Corn-spirit as a Bull, Cow, or Ox.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in the
+form of a
+bull
+running
+through
+the corn or
+lying in it.
+The corn-spirit
+as a
+bull, ox, or
+cow at
+harvest.</note>
+Another form which the corn-spirit often assumes is that
+of a bull, cow, or ox. When the wind sweeps over the corn
+they say at Conitz, in West Prussia, <q>The Steer is running
+in the corn</q>;<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 58.</note> when the corn is thick and strong in one
+spot, they say in some parts of East Prussia, <q>The Bull is
+lying in the corn.</q> When a harvester has overstrained and
+lamed himself, they say in the Graudenz district of West
+Prussia, <q>The Bull pushed him</q>; in Lothringen they say,
+<q>He has the Bull.</q> The meaning of both expressions is
+that he has unwittingly lighted upon the divine corn-spirit,
+who has punished the profane intruder with lameness.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note> So
+near Chambéry when a reaper wounds himself with his
+sickle, it is said that he has <q>the wound of the Ox.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 62.</note> In
+<pb n='289'/><anchor id='Pg289'/>
+the district of Bunzlau (Silesia) the last sheaf is sometimes
+made into the shape of a horned ox, stuffed with tow and
+wrapt in corn-ears. This figure is called the Old Man.
+In some parts of Bohemia the last sheaf is made up in
+human form and called the Buffalo-bull.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 59.</note> These cases shew
+a confusion of the human with the animal shape of the corn-spirit.
+The confusion is like that of killing a wether under
+the name of a wolf.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg275'>275</ref>.</note> In the Canton of Thurgau, Switzerland,
+the last sheaf, if it is a large one, is called the Cow.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 59.</note>
+All over Swabia the last bundle of corn on the field is called
+the Cow; the man who cuts the last ears <q>has the Cow,</q>
+and is himself called Cow or Barley-cow or Oats-cow, according
+to the crop; at the harvest-supper he gets a nosegay of
+flowers and corn-ears and a more liberal allowance of drink
+than the rest. But he is teased and laughed at; so no one
+likes to be the Cow.<note place='foot'>E. Meier, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten
+und Gebräuche aus Schwaben</hi> (Stuttgart,
+1852), pp. 440 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, §§ 151, 152,
+153; F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen
+Mythologie</hi>, ii. p. 234, § 428; W.
+Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>,
+p. 59.</note> The Cow was sometimes represented
+by the figure of a woman made out of ears of corn and corn-flowers.
+It was carried to the farmhouse by the man who
+had cut the last handful of corn. The children ran after
+him and the neighbours turned out to laugh at him, till the
+farmer took the Cow from him.<note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. p. 233, §
+427; W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 59.</note> Here again the confusion
+between the human and the animal form of the corn-spirit is
+apparent. In various parts of Switzerland the reaper who
+cuts the last ears of corn is called Wheat-cow, Corn-cow,
+Oats-cow, or Corn-steer, and is the butt of many a joke.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 59 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+In some parts of East Prussia, when a few ears of corn have
+been left standing by inadvertence on the last swath, the
+foremost reaper seizes them and cries, <q>Bull! Bull!</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 58.</note> On
+the other hand, in the district of Rosenheim, Upper Bavaria,
+when a farmer is later of getting in his harvest than his
+neighbours, they set up on his land a Straw-bull, as it is
+called. This is a gigantic figure of a bull made of stubble
+on a framework of wood and adorned with flowers and
+leaves. Attached to it is a label on which are scrawled
+<pb n='290'/><anchor id='Pg290'/>
+doggerel verses in ridicule of the man on whose land the
+Straw-bull is set up.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 58 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in the
+form of a
+bull or ox
+killed at
+the close
+of the
+reaping.</note>
+Again, the corn-spirit in the form of a bull or ox is
+killed on the harvest-field at the close of the reaping. At
+Pouilly, near Dijon, when the last ears of corn are about to
+be cut, an ox adorned with ribbons, flowers, and ears of corn
+is led all round the field, followed by the whole troop of
+reapers dancing. Then a man disguised as the Devil cuts
+the last ears of corn and immediately slaughters the ox.
+Part of the flesh of the animal is eaten at the harvest-supper;
+part is pickled and kept till the first day of sowing
+in spring. At Pont à Mousson and elsewhere on the evening
+of the last day of reaping, a calf adorned with flowers and
+ears of corn is led thrice round the farmyard, being allured
+by a bait or driven by men with sticks, or conducted by the
+farmer's wife with a rope. The calf chosen for this ceremony
+is the calf which was born first on the farm in the spring of
+the year. It is followed by all the reapers with their tools.
+Then it is allowed to run free; the reapers chase it, and
+whoever catches it is called King of the Calf. Lastly, it is
+solemnly killed; at Lunéville the man who acts as butcher
+is the Jewish merchant of the village.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 60.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+bull or
+cow at
+threshing.</note>
+Sometimes again the corn-spirit hides himself amongst
+the cut corn in the barn to reappear in bull or cow form at
+threshing. Thus at Wurmlingen, in Thüringen, the man who
+gives the last stroke at threshing is called the Cow, or rather
+the Barley-cow, Oats-cow, Peas-cow, or the like, according
+to the crop. He is entirely enveloped in straw; his head
+is surmounted by sticks in imitation of horns, and two lads
+lead him by ropes to the well to drink. On the way thither
+he must low like a cow, and for a long time afterwards he
+goes by the name of the Cow.<note place='foot'>E. Meier, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten
+und Gebräuche aus Schwaben</hi>, pp. 444
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, § 162; W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 61.</note> At Obermedlingen, in
+Swabia, when the threshing draws near an end, each man
+is careful to avoid giving the last stroke. He who does give
+it <q>gets the Cow,</q> which is a straw figure dressed in an old
+ragged petticoat, hood, and stockings. It is tied on his back
+<pb n='291'/><anchor id='Pg291'/>
+with a straw-rope; his face is blackened, and being bound
+with straw-ropes to a wheelbarrow he is wheeled round
+the village.<note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen
+Mythologie</hi>, ii. p. 233, § 427.</note> Here, again, we meet with that confusion
+between the human and animal shape of the corn-spirit
+which we have noted in other customs. In Canton Schaffhausen
+the man who threshes the last corn is called the
+Cow; in Canton Thurgau, the Corn-bull; in Canton Zurich,
+the Thresher-cow. In the last-mentioned district he is
+wrapt in straw and bound to one of the trees in the orchard.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 61 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+At Arad, in Hungary, the man who gives the last stroke at
+threshing is enveloped in straw and a cow's hide with the
+horns attached to it.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 62.</note> At Pessnitz, in the district of Dresden,
+the man who gives the last stroke with the flail is called
+Bull. He must make a straw-man and set it up before a
+neighbour's window.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 62.</note> Here, apparently, as in so many
+cases, the corn-spirit is passed on to a neighbour who has
+not finished threshing. So at Herbrechtingen, in Thüringen,
+the effigy of a ragged old woman is flung into the barn of
+the farmer who is last with his threshing. The man who
+throws it in cries, <q>There is the Cow for you.</q> If the
+threshers catch him they detain him over night and punish
+him by keeping him from the harvest-supper.<note place='foot'>E. Meier, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten
+und Gebräuche aus Schwaben</hi>, pp. 445
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, § 163.</note> In these
+latter customs the confusion between the human and the
+animal shape of the corn-spirit meets us again.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+in the
+form of a
+bull supposed
+to be
+killed at
+threshing.</note>
+Further, the corn-spirit in bull form is sometimes believed
+to be killed at threshing. At Auxerre, in threshing the last
+bundle of corn, they call out twelve times, <q>We are killing
+the Bull.</q> In the neighbourhood of Bordeaux, where a
+butcher kills an ox on the field immediately after the close
+of the reaping, it is said of the man who gives the last
+stroke at threshing that <q>he has killed the Bull.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 60.</note> At
+Chambéry the last sheaf is called the sheaf of the Young
+Ox, and a race takes place to it in which all the reapers
+join. When the last stroke is given at threshing they
+say that <q>the Ox is killed</q>; and immediately thereupon
+<pb n='292'/><anchor id='Pg292'/>
+a real ox is slaughtered by the reaper who cut the last
+corn. The flesh of the ox is eaten by the threshers at
+supper.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 62.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+calf at
+harvest or
+in spring.</note>
+We have seen that sometimes the young corn-spirit,
+whose task it is to quicken the corn of the coming year, is
+believed to be born as a Corn-baby on the harvest-field.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg150'>150</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+Similarly in Berry the young corn-spirit is sometimes
+supposed to be born on the field in calf form; for when a
+binder has not rope enough to bind all the corn in sheaves,
+he puts aside the wheat that remains over and imitates the
+lowing of a cow. The meaning is that <q>the sheaf has given
+birth to a calf.</q><note place='foot'>Laisnel de la Salle, <hi rend='italic'>Croyances et
+Légendes du Centre de la France</hi> (Paris,
+1875), ii. 135.</note> In Puy-de-Dôme when a binder cannot
+keep up with the reaper whom he or she follows, they say
+<q>He (or she) is giving birth to the Calf.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 62: <q><foreign lang='fr' rend='italic'>Il fait le veau.</foreign></q></note> In some parts of
+Prussia, in similar circumstances, they call out to the woman,
+<q>The Bull is coming,</q> and imitate the bellowing of a bull.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note>
+In these cases the woman is conceived as the Corn-cow or
+old corn-spirit, while the supposed calf is the Corn-calf or
+young corn-spirit. In some parts of Austria a mythical calf
+(<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>Muhkälbchen</foreign>) is believed to be seen amongst the sprouting
+corn in spring and to push the children; when the corn waves
+in the wind they say, <q>The Calf is going about.</q> Clearly, as
+Mannhardt observes, this calf of the spring-time is the same
+animal which is afterwards believed to be killed at reaping.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 63.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='8. The Corn-spirit as a Horse or Mare.'/>
+<head>§ 8. The Corn-spirit as a Horse or Mare.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+horse or
+mare
+running
+through
+the corn.
+<q>Crying
+the Mare</q>
+in Hertfordshire
+and Shropshire.</note>
+Sometimes the corn-spirit appears in the shape of a
+horse or mare. Between Kalw and Stuttgart, when the corn
+bends before the wind, they say, <q>There runs the Horse.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi> p. 167.</note>
+At Bohlingen, near Radolfzell in Baden, the last sheaf of
+oats is called the Oats-stallion.<note place='foot'>E. H. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Badisches Volksleben</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1900), p. 428.</note> In Hertfordshire, at the
+end of the reaping, there is or used to be observed a ceremony
+called <q>crying the Mare.</q> The last blades of corn left
+standing on the field are tied together and called the Mare.
+<pb n='293'/><anchor id='Pg293'/>
+The reapers stand at a distance and throw their sickles at
+it; he who cuts it through <q>has the prize, with acclamations
+and good cheer.</q> After it is cut the reapers cry thrice with
+a loud voice, <q>I have her!</q> Others answer thrice, <q>What
+have you?</q>&mdash;<q>A Mare! a Mare! a Mare!</q>&mdash;<q>Whose is
+she?</q> is next asked thrice. <q>A. B.'s,</q> naming the owner
+thrice. <q>Whither will you send her?</q>&mdash;<q>To C. D.,</q> naming
+some neighbour who has not reaped all his corn.<note place='foot'>J. Brand, <hi rend='italic'>Popular Antiquities</hi>, ii. 24, Bohn's edition.</note> In this
+custom the corn-spirit in the form of a mare is passed on
+from a farm where the corn is all cut to another farm where
+it is still standing, and where therefore the corn-spirit may
+be supposed naturally to take refuge. In Shropshire the
+custom is similar. <q rend='pre'>Crying, calling, or shouting the mare is
+a ceremony performed by the men of that farm which is the
+first in any parish or district to finish the harvest. The
+object of it is to make known their own prowess, and to
+taunt the laggards by a pretended offer of the <q>owd mar'</q>
+[old mare] to help out their <q>chem</q> [team]. All the men
+assemble (the wooden harvest-bottle being of course one of
+the company) in the stackyard, or, better, on the highest
+ground on the farm, and there shout the following dialogue,
+preceding it by a grand <q>Hip, hip, hip, hurrah!</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'><q>I 'ave 'er, I 'ave 'er, I 'ave 'er!</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'><q>Whad 'ast thee, whad 'ast thee, whad 'ast thee?</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'><q>A mar'! a mar'! a mar'!</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'><q>Whose is 'er, whose is 'er, whose is 'er?</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'><q>Maister A.'s, Maister A.'s, Maister A.'s!</q> (naming the
+farmer whose harvest is finished).</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'><q>W'eer sha't the' send 'er? w'eer sha't the' send 'er?
+w'eer sha't the' send 'er?</q></q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q rend='pre'><q>To Maister B.'s, to Maister B.'s, to Maister B.'s</q>
+(naming one whose harvest is <emph>not</emph> finished).</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<q><q>'Uth a hip, hip, hip, hurrah!</q> (in chorus).</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The farmer who finishes his harvest last, and who
+therefore cannot send the Mare to any one else, is said
+<q>to keep her all winter.</q> The mocking offer of the Mare
+was sometimes responded to by a mocking acceptance of
+her help. Thus an old man told an enquirer, <q>While we
+wun at supper, a mon cumm'd wi' a autar [halter] to fatch
+<pb n='294'/><anchor id='Pg294'/>
+her away.</q> But at one place (Longnor, near Leebotwood),
+down to about 1850, the Mare used really to be sent.
+<q>The head man of the farmer who had finished harvest
+first was mounted on the best horse of the team&mdash;the
+leader&mdash;both horse and man being adorned with ribbons,
+streamers, etc. Thus arrayed, a boy on foot led the pair in
+triumph to the neighbouring farmhouses. Sometimes the
+man who took the <q>mare</q> received, as well as plenty of
+harvest-ale, some rather rough, though good-humoured, treatment,
+coming back minus his decorations, and so on.</q><note place='foot'>C. F. Burne and G. F. Jackson,
+<hi rend='italic'>Shropshire Folk-lore</hi> (London, 1883),
+pp. 373 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as a
+horse in
+France.</note>
+In the neighbourhood of Lille the idea of the corn-spirit
+in horse form is clearly preserved. When a harvester grows
+weary at his work, it is said, <q>He has the fatigue of the
+Horse.</q> The first sheaf, called the <q>Cross of the Horse,</q> is
+placed on a cross of boxwood in the barn, and the youngest
+horse on the farm must tread on it. The reapers dance
+round the last blades of corn, crying, <q>See the remains of the
+Horse.</q> The sheaf made out of these last blades is given
+to the youngest horse of the parish (<foreign rend='italic'>commune</foreign>) to eat. This
+youngest horse of the parish clearly represents, as Mannhardt
+says, the corn-spirit of the following year, the Corn-foal,
+which absorbs the spirit of the old Corn-horse by eating the
+last corn cut; for, as usual, the old corn-spirit takes his
+final refuge in the last sheaf. The thresher of the last
+sheaf is said to <q>beat the Horse.</q><note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 167. We may compare
+the Scotch custom of giving the
+last sheaf to a horse or mare to eat.
+See above, pp. <ref target='Pg141'>141</ref>, <ref target='Pg156'>156</ref>, <ref target='Pg158'>158</ref>, <ref target='Pg160'>160</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+<ref target='Pg162'>162</ref>.</note> Again, a trace of the
+horse-shaped corn-spirit is reported from Berry. The
+harvesters there are accustomed to take a noonday nap
+in the field. This is called <q>seeing the Horse.</q> The leader
+or <q>King</q> of the harvesters gives the signal for going to
+sleep. If he delays giving the signal, one of the harvesters
+will begin to neigh like a horse, the rest imitate him, and
+then they all go <q>to see the Horse.</q><note place='foot'>Laisnel de la Salle, <hi rend='italic'>Croyances et
+Légendes du Centre de la France</hi> (Paris,
+1875), ii. 133; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, pp. 167 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>
+We have seen (above, p. <ref target='Pg267'>267</ref>) that in
+South Pembrokeshire the man who cut
+the <q>Neck</q> used to be <q>shod,</q> that
+is, to have the soles of his feet severely
+beaten with sods. Perhaps he was
+thus treated as representing the corn-spirit
+in the form of a horse.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='295'/><anchor id='Pg295'/>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='9. The Corn-spirit as a Bird.'/>
+<head>§ 9. The Corn-spirit as a Bird.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+a quail.
+The rice-spirit
+as a
+blue bird. The rice-spirit
+as
+a quail.</note>
+Sometimes the corn-spirit assumes the form of a bird.
+Thus among the Saxons of the Bistritz district in Transylvania
+there is a saying that the quail is sitting in the last
+standing stalks on the harvest-field, and all the reapers rush
+at these stalks in order, as they say, to catch the quail.<note place='foot'>G. A. Heinrich, <hi rend='italic'>Agrarische Sitten
+und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen
+Siebenbürgens</hi> (Hermannstadt, 1880),
+p. 21.</note>
+Exactly the same expression is used by reapers in Austrian
+Silesia when they are about to cut the last standing corn,
+whatever the kind of grain may be.<note place='foot'>A. Peter, <hi rend='italic'>Völksthumliches aus
+Österreichisch-Schlesien</hi> (Troppau,
+1865-1867), ii. 268.</note> In the Bocage of
+Normandy, when the reapers have come to the last ears of
+the last rig, they surround them for the purpose of catching
+the quail, which is supposed to have taken refuge there. They
+run about the corn crying, <q>Mind the Quail!</q> and make
+believe to grab at the bird amid shouts and laughter.<note place='foot'>J. Lecoeur, <hi rend='italic'>Esquisses du Bocage
+Normand</hi> (Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887),
+ii. 240.</note>
+Connected with this identification of the corn-spirit with a
+quail is probably the belief that the cry of the bird in spring
+is prophetic of the price of corn in the autumn; in Germany
+they say that corn will sell at as many gulden a bushel as
+the quail uttered its cry over the fields in spring. Similar
+prognostications are drawn from the note of the bird in
+central and western France, in Switzerland and in Tuscany.<note place='foot'>A. Wuttke, <hi rend='italic'>Der deutsche Volks
+aberglaube</hi><hi rend='vertical-align: super'>2</hi> (Berlin, 1869), p. 189,
+§ 277; Chr. Schneller, <hi rend='italic'>Märchen und
+Sagen aus Wälschtirol</hi> (Innsbruck,
+1867), p. 238; Rev. Ch. Swainson,
+<hi rend='italic'>The Folk Lore and Provincial Names of
+British Birds</hi> (London, 1886), p. 173.</note>
+Perhaps one reason for identifying the quail with the corn-spirit
+is that the bird lays its eggs on the ground, without
+making much of a nest.<note place='foot'>Alfred Newton, <hi rend='italic'>Dictionary of
+Birds</hi>, New Edition (London, 1893-1896),
+p. 755.</note> Similarly the Toradjas of Central
+Celebes think that the soul of the rice is embodied in a
+pretty little blue bird which builds its nest in the rice-field
+at the time when the rice is beginning to germinate, and
+which disappears again after the harvest. Thus both the
+place and the time of the appearance of the bird suggest to
+the natives the notion that the blue bird is the rice incarnate.
+And like the note of the quail in Europe the note of this
+<pb n='296'/><anchor id='Pg296'/>
+little bird in Celebes is believed to prognosticate the state
+of the harvest, foretelling whether the rice will be abundant
+or scarce. Nobody may drive the bird away; to do so
+would not merely injure the rice, it would hurt the eyes of
+the sacrilegious person and might even strike him blind.
+In Minahassa, a district in the north of Celebes, a similar
+though less definite belief attaches to a sort of small quail
+which loves to haunt the rice-fields before the rice is reaped;
+and when the Galelareeze of Halmahera hear a certain kind
+of bird, which they call <foreign rend='italic'>togè</foreign>, croaking among the rice in ear,
+they say that the bird is putting the grain into the rice, so
+they will not kill it.<note place='foot'>A. C. Kruijt, <q>Eenige ethnografische
+aanteekeningen omtrent de
+Toboengkoe en de Tomori,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Mededeelingen
+van wege het Nederlandsche
+Zendelinggenootschap</hi>, xliv. (1900) pp.
+228, 229; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <q>De rijstmoeder in den
+Indischen Archipel,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verslagen en
+Mededeelingen van der koninklijke
+Akademie van Wetenschappen</hi>, Afdeeling
+Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, v.,
+part 3 (Amsterdam, 1903), pp. 374
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='10. The Corn-spirit as a Fox.'/>
+<head>§ 10. The Corn-spirit as a Fox.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+a fox
+running
+through
+the corn or
+sitting in it.
+The corn-spirit
+as a
+fox at
+reaping
+the last
+corn. The corn-spirit
+as a
+fox at
+threshing.
+The
+Japanese
+rice-god
+associated
+with the
+fox.</note>
+Another animal whose shape the corn-spirit is sometimes
+thought to assume is the fox. The conception is recorded
+at various places in Germany and France. Thus at Nördlingen
+in Bavaria, when the corn waves to and fro in the
+wind, they say, <q>The fox goes through the corn,</q> and at
+Usingen in Nassau they say, <q>The foxes are marching
+through the corn.</q> At Ravensberg, in Westphalia, and at
+Steinau, in Kurhessen, children are warned against straying
+in the corn, <q>because the Fox is there.</q> At Campe, near
+Stade, when they are about to cut the last corn, they call
+out to the reaper, <q>The Fox is sitting there, hold him fast!</q>
+In the Department of the Moselle they say, <q>Watch
+whether the Fox comes out.</q> In Bourbonnais the expression
+is, <q>You will catch the Fox.</q> When a reaper
+wounds himself or is sick at reaping, they say in the Lower
+Loire that <q>He has the Fox.</q> In Côte-d'or they say, <q>He
+has killed the Fox.</q> At Louhans, in Sâone-et-Loire, when
+the reapers are cutting the last corn they leave a handful
+standing and throw their sickles at it. He who hits it is
+called the Fox, and two girls deck his bonnet with flowers.
+<pb n='297'/><anchor id='Pg297'/>
+In the evening there is a dance, at which the Fox dances
+with all the girls. The supper which follows is also called
+the Fox; they say, <q>We have eaten the Fox,</q> meaning that
+they have partaken of the harvest-supper. In the Canton
+of Zurich the last sheaf is called the Fox. At Bourgogne,
+in Ain, they cry out, <q>The Fox is sitting in the last sheaf,</q>
+and having made the figure of an animal out of white cloth
+and some ears of the last corn, they dub it the Fox and
+throw it into the house of a neighbour who has not yet got
+in all his harvest.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 109 note 2.</note> In Poitou, when the corn is being
+reaped in a district, all the reapers strive to finish as quickly
+as possible in order that they may send <q>the Fox</q> to the
+fields of a farmer who has not yet garnered his sheaves.
+The man who cuts the last handful of standing corn is said
+to <q>have the Fox.</q> This last handful is carried to the
+farmer's house and occupies a place on the table during the
+harvest-supper; and the custom is to drench it with water.
+After that it is set up on the chimney-piece and remains
+there the whole year.<note place='foot'>L. Pineau, <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore du Poitou</hi>
+(Paris, 1892), pp. 500 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> At threshing, also, in Sâone-et-Loire,
+the last sheaf is called the Fox; in Lot they say,
+<q>We are going to beat the Fox</q>; and at Zabern in Alsace
+they set a stuffed fox before the door of the threshing-floor
+of a neighbour who has not finished his threshing.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 109 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, note 2.</note> With
+this conception of the fox as an embodiment of the corn-spirit
+may possibly be connected an old custom, observed in
+Holstein and Westphalia, of carrying a dead or living fox
+from house to house in spring; the intention of the custom
+was perhaps to diffuse the refreshing and invigorating
+influence of the reawakened spirit of vegetation.<note place='foot'>J. F. L. Woeste, <hi rend='italic'>Völksüberlieferungen
+in der Grafschaft Mark</hi> (Iserlohn,
+1848), p. 27; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, p. 110 note.</note> In Japan
+the rice-god Inari is represented as an elderly man with a
+long beard riding on a white fox, and the fox is always
+associated with this deity. In front of his shrines may
+usually be seen a pair of foxes carved in wood or stone.<note place='foot'>Lafcadio Hearn, <hi rend='italic'>Glimpses of Unfamiliar
+Japan</hi> (London, 1894), ii.
+312 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; W. G. Aston, <hi rend='italic'>Shinto</hi>
+(London, 1905), pp. 162 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> At the
+festival of the Roman corn-goddess
+Ceres, celebrated on the nineteenth of
+April, foxes were allowed to run about
+with burning torches tied to their tails,
+and the custom was explained as a
+punishment inflicted on foxes because
+a fox had once in this way burned
+down the crops (Ovid, <hi rend='italic'>Fasti</hi>, iv.
+679 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>). Samson is said to have
+burned the crops of the Philistines in
+a similar fashion (Judges xv. 4 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>).
+Whether the custom and the tradition
+are connected with the idea of the fox
+as an embodiment of the corn-spirit is
+doubtful. Compare W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, pp. 108 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>;
+W. Warde Fowler, <hi rend='italic'>Roman Festivals
+of the Period of the Republic</hi> (London,
+1899), pp. 77-79.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='298'/><anchor id='Pg298'/>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='11. The Corn-spirit as a Pig (Boar or Sow).'/>
+<head>§ 11. The Corn-spirit as a Pig (Boar or Sow).</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+a boar
+rushing
+through
+the corn.
+The corn-spirit
+as a
+boar or
+sow at
+reaping.
+The corn-spirit
+as a
+sow at
+threshing.</note>
+The last animal embodiment of the corn-spirit which we
+shall notice is the pig (boar or sow). In Thüringen, when
+the wind sets the young corn in motion, they sometimes say,
+<q>The Boar is rushing through the corn.</q><note place='foot'>A. Witzschel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und
+Gebräuche aus Thüringen</hi> (Vienna,
+1878), p. 213, § 4. So at Klepzig, in
+Anhalt (<hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift des Vereins für
+Volkskunde</hi>, vii. (1897) p. 150).</note> Amongst the
+Esthonians of the island of Oesel the last sheaf is called the
+Rye-boar, and the man who gets it is saluted with a cry of
+<q>You have the Rye-boar on your back!</q> In reply he
+strikes up a song, in which he prays for plenty.<note place='foot'>J. B. Holzmayer, <q>Osiliana,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verhandlungen
+der gelehrten Estnischen
+Gesellschaft zu Dorpat</hi>, vii. Heft 2 (Dorpat,
+1872), p. 107; W. Mannhardt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Mythologische Forschungen</hi>, p. 187.</note> At
+Kohlerwinkel, near Augsburg, at the close of the harvest,
+the last bunch of standing corn is cut down, stalk by stalk,
+by all the reapers in turn. He who cuts the last stalk <q>gets
+the Sow,</q> and is laughed at.<note place='foot'>A. Birlinger, <hi rend='italic'>Aus Schwaben</hi> (Wiesbaden,
+1874), ii. 328.</note> In other Swabian villages
+also the man who cuts the last corn <q>has the Sow,</q> or <q>has
+the Rye-sow.</q><note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen
+Mythologie</hi> (Munich, 1848-1855), ii.
+pp. 223, 224, §§ 417, 419.</note> In the Traunstein district, Upper Bavaria,
+the man who cuts the last handful of rye or wheat <q>has
+the Sow,</q> and is called Sow-driver.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 112.</note> At Bohlingen, near
+Radolfzell in Baden, the last sheaf is called the Rye-sow or
+the Wheat-sow, according to the crop; and at Röhrenbach
+in Baden the person who brings the last armful for the last
+sheaf is called the Corn-sow or the Oats-sow. And in the
+south-east of Baden the thresher who gives the last stroke at
+threshing, or is the last to hang up his flail on the wall, is
+called the Sow or the Rye-sow.<note place='foot'>E. L. Meyer, <hi rend='italic'>Badisches Volksleben</hi>
+(Strasburg, 1900), pp. 428, 436.</note> At Friedingen, in Swabia,
+the thresher who gives the last stroke is called Sow&mdash;Barley-sow,
+Corn-sow, or the like, according to the crop.
+<pb n='299'/><anchor id='Pg299'/>
+At Onstmettingen the man who gives the last stroke at
+threshing <q>has the Sow</q>; he is often bound up in a sheaf
+and dragged by a rope along the ground.<note place='foot'>E. Meier, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsche Sagen, Sitten
+und Gebaüche aus Schwaben</hi> (Stuttgart,
+1852), p. 445, § 162.</note> And, generally,
+in Swabia the man who gives the last stroke with the flail is
+called Sow. He may, however, rid himself of this invidious
+distinction by passing on to a neighbour the straw-rope,
+which is the badge of his position as Sow. So he goes to a
+house and throws the straw-rope into it, crying, <q>There, I
+bring you the Sow.</q> All the inmates give chase; and if
+they catch him they beat him, shut him up for several hours
+in the pig-sty, and oblige him to take the <q>Sow</q> away
+again.<note place='foot'>A. Birlinger, <hi rend='italic'>Volksthümliches aus
+Schwaben</hi> (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1861-1862),
+ ii. p. 425, § 379.</note> In various parts of Upper Bavaria the man who
+gives the last stroke at threshing must <q>carry the Pig</q>&mdash;that
+is, either a straw effigy of a pig or merely a bundle of straw-ropes.
+This he carries to a neighbouring farm where the
+threshing is not finished, and throws it into the barn. If the
+threshers catch him they handle him roughly, beating him,
+blackening or dirtying his face, throwing him into filth,
+binding the Sow on his back, and so on; if the bearer of
+the Sow is a woman they cut off her hair. At the harvest
+supper or dinner the man who <q>carried the Pig</q> gets one
+or more dumplings made in the form of pigs; sometimes he
+gets a large dumpling and a number of small ones, all in
+pig form, the large one being called the sow and the small
+ones the sucking-pigs. Sometimes he has the right to be
+the first to put his hand into the dish and take out as many
+small dumplings (<q>sucking-pigs</q>) as he can, while the other
+threshers strike at his hand with spoons or sticks. When
+the dumplings are served up by the maid-servant, all the
+people at table cry <q>Süz, süz, süz!</q> that being the cry used
+in calling pigs. Sometimes after dinner the man who <q>carried
+the Pig</q> has his face blackened, and is set on a cart and
+drawn round the village by his fellows, followed by a crowd
+crying <q>Süz, süz, süz!</q> as if they were calling swine.
+Sometimes, after being wheeled round the village, he is flung
+on the dunghill.<note place='foot'>F. Panzer, <hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen
+Mythologie</hi>, ii. pp. 221-224, §§ 409,
+410, 411, 412, 413, 414, 415, 418.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='300'/><anchor id='Pg300'/>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+as
+a pig at
+sowing.</note>
+Again, the corn-spirit in the form of a pig plays his part
+at sowing-time as well as at harvest At Neuautz, in Courland,
+when barley is sown for the first time in the year, the
+farmer's wife boils the chine of a pig along with the tail,
+and brings it to the sower on the field. He eats of it, but
+cuts off the tail and sticks it in the field; it is believed that
+the ears of corn will then grow as long as the tail.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, pp. 186 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> Here
+the pig is the corn-spirit, whose fertilising power is sometimes
+supposed to lie especially in his tail.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg272'>272</ref>; compare <ref target='Pg268'>268</ref>.</note> As a pig he is
+put in the ground at sowing-time, and as a pig he reappears
+amongst the ripe corn at harvest. For amongst the neighbouring
+Esthonians, as we have seen,<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg298'>298</ref>.</note> the last sheaf is called
+the Rye-boar. Somewhat similar customs are observed in
+Germany. In the Salza district, near Meiningen, a certain
+bone in the pig is called <q>the Jew on the winnowing-fan.</q>
+The flesh of this bone is boiled on Shrove Tuesday, but the
+bone is put amongst the ashes which the neighbours exchange
+as presents on St. Peter's Day (the twenty-second of
+February), and then mix with the seed-corn.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 187.</note> In the whole
+of Hesse, Meiningen, and other districts, people eat pea-soup
+with dried pig-ribs on Ash Wednesday or Candlemas. The
+ribs are then collected and hung in the room till sowing-time,
+when they are inserted in the sown field or in the seed-bag
+amongst the flax seed. This is thought to be an infallible
+specific against earth-fleas and moles, and to cause the flax
+to grow well and tall.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> pp. 187
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; A. Witzschel, <hi rend='italic'>Sagen, Sitten und
+Gebräuche aus Thüringen</hi>, pp. 189,
+218; W. Kolbe, <hi rend='italic'>Hessische Volks-Sitten
+und Gebräuche</hi> (Marburg, 1888),
+p. 35.</note> In many parts of White Russia
+people eat a roast lamb or sucking-pig at Easter, and then
+throw the bones backwards upon the fields, to preserve the
+corn from hail.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Mythologische
+Forschungen</hi>, p. 188; W. R. S. Ralston,
+<hi rend='italic'>Songs of the Russian People</hi>
+(London, 1872), p. 220.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The corn-spirit
+embodied
+in
+the Yule
+Boar of
+Scandinavia. The Yule
+straw in
+Sweden.</note>
+But the idea of the corn-spirit as embodied in pig form
+is nowhere more clearly expressed than in the Scandinavian
+custom of the Yule Boar. In Sweden and Denmark at
+Yule (Christmas) it is the custom to bake a loaf in the form
+of a boar-pig. This is called the Yule Boar. The corn of
+<pb n='301'/><anchor id='Pg301'/>
+the last sheaf is often used to make it. All through Yule
+the Yule Boar stands on the table. Often it is kept till the
+sowing-time in spring, when part of it is mixed with the
+seed-corn and part given to the ploughmen and plough-horses
+or plough-oxen to eat, in the expectation of a good
+harvest.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Antike Wald- und
+Feldkulte</hi>, pp. 197 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; F. Panzer,
+<hi rend='italic'>Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie</hi>, ii.
+491; J. Jamieson, <hi rend='italic'>Etymological
+Dictionary of the Scottish Language</hi>,
+New Edition (Paisley, 1879-1882),
+vol. iii. pp. 206 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi> <q>Maiden</q>;
+Arv. Aug. Afzelius, <hi rend='italic'>Volkssagen und
+Volkslieder aus Schwedens älterer und
+neuerer Zeit</hi>, übersetzt von F. H.
+Ungewitter (Leipsic, 1842), i. 9.</note> In this custom the corn-spirit, immanent in the
+last sheaf, appears at midwinter in the form of a boar made
+from the corn of the last sheaf; and his quickening influence
+on the corn is shewn by mixing part of the Yule Boar with
+the seed-corn, and giving part of it to the ploughman and
+his cattle to eat. Similarly we saw that the Corn-wolf
+makes his appearance at midwinter, the time when the year
+begins to verge towards spring.<note place='foot'>Above, p. <ref target='Pg275'>275</ref>.</note> We may conjecture that
+the Yule straw, which Swedish peasants turn to various
+superstitious uses, comes, in part at least, from the sheaf out
+of which the Yule Boar is made. The Yule straw is long
+rye-straw, a portion of which is always set apart for this
+season. It is strewn over the floor at Christmas, and the
+peasants attribute many virtues to it. For example, they
+think that some of it scattered on the ground will make a
+barren field productive. Again, the peasant at Christmas
+seats himself on a log; and his eldest son or daughter, or the
+mother herself, if the children are not old enough, places a
+wisp of the Yule straw on his knee. From this he draws
+out single straws, and throws them, one by one, up to the
+ceiling; and as many as lodge in the rafters, so many will
+be the sheaves of rye he will have to thresh at harvest.<note place='foot'>L. Lloyd, <hi rend='italic'>Peasant Life in Sweden</hi>
+(London, 1870), pp. 169 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 182.
+On Christmas night children sleep on
+a bed of the Yule straw (<hi rend='italic'>ibid.</hi> p. 177).</note>
+Again, it is only the Yule straw which may be used in binding
+the fruit-trees as a charm to fertilise them.<note place='foot'>U. Jahn, <hi rend='italic'>Die deutschen Opfergebräuche</hi>
+(Breslau, 1884), p. 215.
+Compare <hi rend='italic'>The Magic Art and the
+Evolution of Kings</hi>, ii. 17, 27 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> These uses
+of the Yule straw shew that it is believed to possess fertilising
+virtues analogous to those ascribed to the Yule Boar;
+we may therefore fairly conjecture that the Yule straw is
+<pb n='302'/><anchor id='Pg302'/>
+made from the same sheaf as the Yule Boar. Formerly a
+real boar was sacrificed at Christmas,<note place='foot'>A. A. Afzelius, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i. 31.</note> and apparently also
+a man in the character of the Yule Boar. This, at least,
+may perhaps be inferred from a Christmas custom still
+observed in Sweden. A man is wrapt up in a skin, and
+carries a wisp of straw in his mouth, so that the projecting
+straws look like the bristles of a boar. A knife is brought,
+and an old woman, with her face blackened, pretends to
+sacrifice him.<note place='foot'>A. A. Afzelius, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> i. 9; L.
+Lloyd, <hi rend='italic'>Peasant Life in Sweden</hi>, pp.
+181, 185.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The Christmas
+Boar
+among the
+Esthonians.</note>
+On Christmas Eve in some parts of the Esthonian
+island of Oesel they bake a long cake with the two ends
+turned up. It is called the Christmas Boar, and stands
+on the table till the morning of New Year's Day, when
+it is distributed among the cattle. In other parts of the
+island the Christmas Boar is not a cake but a little pig
+born in March, which the housewife fattens secretly, often
+without the knowledge of the other members of the family.
+On Christmas Eve the little pig is secretly killed, then
+roasted in the oven, and set on the table standing on all
+fours, where it remains in this posture for several days. In
+other parts of the island, again, though the Christmas cake
+has neither the name nor the shape of a boar, it is kept till
+the New Year, when half of it is divided among all the
+members and all the quadrupeds of the family. The other
+half of the cake is kept till sowing-time comes round, when
+it is similarly distributed in the morning among human
+beings and beasts.<note place='foot'>J. B. Holzmayer, <q>Osiliana,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verhandlungen
+der gelehrten Estnischen
+Gesellschaft zu Dorpat</hi>, vii. Heft 2
+(Dorpat, 1872), pp. 55 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In other parts of Esthonia, again, the
+Christmas Boar, as it is called, is baked of the first rye cut
+at harvest; it has a conical shape and a cross is impressed
+on it with a pig's bone or a key, or three dints are made in
+it with a buckle or a piece of charcoal. It stands with a
+light beside it on the table all through the festal season.
+On New Year's Day and Epiphany, before sunrise, a little of
+the cake is crumbled with salt and given to the cattle. The
+rest is kept till the day when the cattle are driven out to
+pasture for the first time in spring. It is then put in the
+<pb n='303'/><anchor id='Pg303'/>
+herdsman's bag, and at evening is divided among the cattle
+to guard them from magic and harm. In some places the
+Christmas Boar is partaken of by farm-servants and cattle
+at the time of the barley sowing, for the purpose of thereby
+producing a heavier crop.<note place='foot'>F. J. Wiedemann, <hi rend='italic'>Aus dem inneren
+und äussern Leben der Ehsten</hi> (St.
+Petersburg, 1876), pp. 344, 485.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf' level1='12. On the Animal Embodiments of the Corn-spirit.'/>
+<head>§ 12. On the Animal Embodiments of the Corn-spirit.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Sacramental
+character
+of the
+harvest-supper.</note>
+So much for the animal embodiments of the corn-spirit
+as they are presented to us in the folk-customs of Northern
+Europe. These customs bring out clearly the sacramental
+character of the harvest-supper. The corn-spirit is conceived
+as embodied in an animal; this divine animal is slain, and
+its flesh and blood are partaken of by the harvesters. Thus,
+the cock, the goose, the hare, the cat, the goat, and the ox
+are eaten sacramentally by the harvesters, and the pig is
+eaten sacramentally by ploughmen in spring.<note place='foot'>Above, pp. <ref target='Pg277'>277</ref> <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, <ref target='Pg280'>280</ref>, <ref target='Pg281'>281</ref>, <ref target='Pg285'>285</ref>,
+<ref target='Pg290'>290</ref>, <ref target='Pg300'>300</ref>, <ref target='Pg301'>301</ref>. In regard to the hare,
+the substitution of brandy for hare's
+blood is probably modern.</note> Again, as
+a substitute for the real flesh of the divine being, bread or
+dumplings are made in his image and eaten sacramentally;
+thus, pig-shaped dumplings are eaten by the harvesters, and
+loaves made in boar-shape (the Yule Boar) are eaten in
+spring by the ploughman and his cattle.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Parallelism
+between the
+conceptions
+of the
+corn-spirit
+in human
+and animal
+forms.</note>
+The reader has probably remarked the complete parallelism
+between the conceptions of the corn-spirit in human
+and in animal form. The parallel may be here briefly
+resumed. When the corn waves in the wind it is said
+either that the Corn-mother or that the Corn-wolf, etc.,
+is passing through the corn. Children are warned against
+straying in corn-fields either because the Corn-mother or
+because the Corn-wolf, etc., is there. In the last corn cut or
+the last sheaf threshed either the Corn-mother or the Corn-wolf,
+etc., is supposed to be present. The last sheaf is itself
+called either the Corn-mother or the Corn-wolf, etc., and is
+made up in the shape either of a woman or of a wolf, etc.
+The person who cuts, binds, or threshes the last sheaf is
+called either the Old Woman or the Wolf, etc., according to
+<pb n='304'/><anchor id='Pg304'/>
+the name bestowed on the sheaf itself. As in some places
+a sheaf made in human form and called the Maiden, the
+Mother of the Maize, etc., is kept from one harvest to the
+next in order to secure a continuance of the corn-spirit's
+blessing; so in some places the Harvest-cock and in others
+the flesh of the goat is kept for a similar purpose from one
+harvest to the next. As in some places the grain taken
+from the Corn-mother is mixed with the seed-corn in spring
+to make the crop abundant; so in some places the feathers
+of the cock, and in Sweden the Yule Boar, are kept till spring
+and mixed with the seed-corn for a like purpose. As part
+of the Corn-mother or Maiden is given to the cattle at
+Christmas or to the horses at the first ploughing, so part of
+the Yule Boar is given to the ploughing horses or oxen in
+spring. Lastly, the death of the corn-spirit is represented by
+killing or pretending to kill either his human or his animal
+representative; and the worshippers partake sacramentally
+either of the actual body and blood of the representative
+of the divinity, or of bread made in his likeness.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The reason
+why the
+corn-spirit
+is thought
+to take the
+forms of so
+many animals
+may
+be that wild
+creatures
+are commonly
+penned by
+the advance
+of the
+reapers into
+the last
+patch of
+standing
+corn, which
+is usually
+regarded as
+the last
+refuge of
+the corn-spirit.</note>
+Other animal forms assumed by the corn-spirit are the
+stag, roe, sheep, bear, ass, mouse, stork, swan, and kite.<note place='foot'>W. Mannhardt, <hi rend='italic'>Die Korndämonen</hi> (Berlin, 1868), p. 1.</note>
+If it is asked why the corn-spirit should be thought to
+appear in the form of an animal and of so many different
+animals, we may reply that to primitive man the simple
+appearance of an animal or bird among the corn is probably
+enough to suggest a mysterious link between the creature
+and the corn; and when we remember that in the old days,
+before fields were fenced in, all kinds of animals must have
+been free to roam over them, we need not wonder that the
+corn-spirit should have been identified even with large
+animals like the horse and cow, which nowadays could not,
+except by a rare accident, be found straying in an English
+corn-field. This explanation applies with peculiar force to
+the very common case in which the animal embodiment of
+the corn-spirit is believed to lurk in the last standing corn.
+For at harvest a number of wild animals, such as hares,
+rabbits, and partridges, are commonly driven by the progress
+of the reaping into the last patch of standing corn, and
+make their escape from it as it is being cut down. So
+<pb n='305'/><anchor id='Pg305'/>
+regularly does this happen that reapers and others often
+stand round the last patch of corn armed with sticks or
+guns, with which they kill the animals as they dart out of
+their last refuge among the stalks. Now, primitive man, to
+whom magical changes of shape seem perfectly credible,
+finds it most natural that the spirit of the corn, driven from
+his home in the ripe grain, should make his escape in the
+form of the animal which is seen to rush out of the last
+patch of corn as it falls under the scythe of the reaper.
+Thus the identification of the corn-spirit with an animal
+is analogous to the identification of him with a passing
+stranger. As the sudden appearance of a stranger near the
+harvest-field or threshing-floor is, to the primitive mind,
+enough to identify him as the spirit of the corn escaping
+from the cut or threshed corn, so the sudden appearance of
+an animal issuing from the cut corn is enough to identify
+it with the corn-spirit escaping from his ruined home. The
+two identifications are so analogous that they can hardly be
+dissociated in any attempt to explain them. Those who
+look to some other principle than the one here suggested
+for the explanation of the latter identification are bound
+to shew that their theory covers the former identification
+also.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='307'/><anchor id='Pg307'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Note. The Pleiades in Primitive Calendars.</head>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Importance
+of the
+Pleiades in
+primitive
+calendars.</note>
+The constellation of the Pleiades plays an important part in the
+calendar of primitive peoples, both in the northern and in the
+southern hemisphere; indeed for reasons which at first sight are
+not obvious savages appear to have paid more attention to this
+constellation than to any other group of stars in the sky, and in
+particular they have commonly timed the various operations of the
+agricultural year by observation of its heliacal rising or setting.
+Some evidence on the subject was adduced by the late Dr. Richard
+Andree,<note place='foot'>R. Andree, <q>Die Pleiaden im
+Mythus und in ihrer Beziehung zum
+Jahresbeginn und Landbau,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Globus</hi>,
+lxiv. (1893) pp. 362-366.</note> but much more exists, and it may be worth while to put
+certain of the facts together.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades
+by the
+Australian
+aborigines.</note>
+In the first place it deserves to be noticed that great attention
+has been paid to the Pleiades by savages in the southern hemisphere
+who do not till the ground, and who therefore lack that incentive to
+observe the stars which is possessed by peoples in the agricultural
+stage of society; for we can scarcely doubt that in early ages the
+practical need of ascertaining the proper seasons for sowing and
+planting has done more than mere speculative curiosity to foster
+a knowledge of astronomy by compelling savages to scrutinise the
+great celestial clock for indications of the time of year. Now
+amongst the rudest of savages known to us are the Australian
+aborigines, none of whom in their native state ever practised
+agriculture. Yet we are told that <q>they do, according to their
+manner, worship the hosts of heaven, and believe particular constellations
+rule natural causes. For such they have names, and
+sing and dance to gain the favour of the Pleiades (<foreign rend='italic'>Mormodellick</foreign>),
+the constellation worshipped by one body as the giver of rain; but
+if it should be deferred, instead of blessings curses are apt to be
+bestowed upon it.</q><note place='foot'>Mr. McKellar, quoted by the Rev.
+W. Ridley, <q>Report on Australian
+Languages and Traditions,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of
+the Anthropological Institute</hi>, ii. (1873)
+p. 279; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Kamilaroi</hi> (Sydney, 1875),
+p. 138. Mr. McKellar's evidence was
+given before a Select Committee of the
+Legislative Council of Victoria in 1858;
+from which we may perhaps infer that
+his statement refers especially to the
+tribes of Victoria or at all events of
+south-eastern Australia. It seems to
+be a common belief among the aborigines
+of central and south-eastern
+Australia that the Pleiades are women
+who once lived on earth but afterwards
+went up into the sky. See W. E. Stanbridge,
+in <hi rend='italic'>Transactions of the Ethnological
+Society of London</hi>, N.S. i. (1861)
+p. 302; P. Beveridge, <q>Of the Aborigines
+inhabiting the great Lacustrine
+and Riverine Depression of the Lower
+Murray,</q> etc., <hi rend='italic'>Journal and Proceedings
+of the Royal Society of New South Wales</hi>,
+xvii. (Sydney, 1884) p. 61; Baldwin
+Spencer and F. J. Gillen, <hi rend='italic'>Native
+Tribes of Central Australia</hi> (London,
+1899), p. 566; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>Northern Tribes
+of Central Australia</hi> (London, 1904),
+p. 628; A. W. Howitt, <hi rend='italic'>Native Tribes of
+South-East Australia</hi> (London, 1904),
+pp. 429 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Some tribes of Victoria
+believed that the Pleiades were originally
+a queen and six of her attendants,
+but that the Crow (Waa) fell in love
+with the queen and ran away with her,
+and that since then the Pleiades have
+been only six in number. See James
+Dawson, <hi rend='italic'>Australian Aborigines</hi> (Melbourne,
+Sydney, and Adelaide, 1881),
+p. 100.</note> According to a writer, whose evidence on
+<pb n='308'/><anchor id='Pg308'/>
+other matters of Australian beliefs is open to grave doubt, some of
+the aborigines of New South Wales denied that the sun is the
+source of heat, because he shines also in winter when the weather is
+cold; the real cause of warm weather they held to be the Pleiades,
+because as the summer heat increases, that constellation rises higher
+and higher in the sky, reaching its greatest elevation in the height
+of summer, and gradually sinking again in autumn as the days grow
+cooler, till in winter it is either barely visible or lost to view
+altogether.<note place='foot'>J. Manning, <q>Notes on the
+Aborigines of New Holland,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal
+and Proceedings of the Royal Society of
+New South Wales</hi>, xvi. (Sydney, 1883)
+p. 168.</note> Another writer, who was well acquainted with the
+natives of Victoria in the early days of the colony and whose testimony
+can be relied upon, tells us that an old chief of the Spring
+Creek tribe <q>taught the young people the names of the favourite
+planets and constellations, as indications of the seasons. For
+example, when Canopus is a very little above the horizon in the
+east at daybreak, the season for emu eggs has come; when the
+Pleiades are visible in the east an hour before sunrise, the time
+for visiting friends and neighbouring tribes is at hand.</q><note place='foot'>James Dawson, <hi rend='italic'>Australian Aborigines</hi>,
+p. 75.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades by
+the Indians
+of Paraguay
+and
+Brazil.</note>
+Again, the Abipones of Paraguay, who neither sowed nor reaped,<note place='foot'>M. Dobrizhoffer, <hi rend='italic'>Historia de Abiponibus</hi>
+(Vienna, 1784), ii. 118.</note>
+nevertheless regarded the Pleiades as an image of their ancestor.
+As that constellation is invisible in the sky of South America
+for several months every year, the Abipones believed that their
+ancestor was then sick, and they were dreadfully afraid that he
+would die. But when the constellation reappeared in the month
+of May, they saluted the return of their ancestor with joyous shouts
+and the glad music of flutes and horns, and they congratulated
+him on his recovery from sickness. Next day they all went out to
+collect wild honey, from which they brewed a favourite beverage.
+Then at sunset they feasted and kept up the revelry all night by the
+<pb n='309'/><anchor id='Pg309'/>
+light of torches, while a sorceress, who presided at the festivity,
+shook her rattle and danced. But the proceedings were perfectly
+decorous; the sexes did not mix with each other.<note place='foot'>M. Dobrizhoffer, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> ii. 77 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+101-105.</note> The Mocobis of
+Paraguay also looked upon the Pleiades as their father and creator.<note place='foot'>Pedro de Angelis, <hi rend='italic'>Coleccion de
+Obras y Documentes relativos a la
+Historia antigua y moderna de las
+Provincias del Rio de la Plata</hi> (Buenos
+Ayres, 1836-1837), iv. 15.</note>
+The Guaycurus of the Gran Chaco used to rejoice greatly at the
+reappearance of the Pleiades. On this occasion they held a festival
+at which men and women, boys and girls all beat each other soundly,
+believing that this brought them health, abundance, and victory over
+their enemies.<note place='foot'>P. Lozano, <hi rend='italic'>Descripcion chorographico
+del terreno, rios, arboles, y
+animales del Gran Chaco</hi> (Cordova,
+1733). p. 67.</note> Amongst the Lengua Indians of Paraguay at the
+present day the rising of the Pleiades is connected with the beginning
+of spring, and feasts are held at this time, generally of a markedly
+immoral character.<note place='foot'>W. Barbrooke Grubb, <hi rend='italic'>An Unknown
+People in an Unknown Land</hi>
+(London, 1911), p. 139.</note> The Guaranis of Paraguay knew the time of
+sowing by observation of the Pleiades;<note place='foot'>Pedro de Angelis, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> iv. 14.</note> they are said to have
+revered the constellation and to have dated the beginning of their
+year from the rising of the constellation in May.<note place='foot'>Th. Waitz, <hi rend='italic'>Anthropologie der
+Naturvölker</hi>, iii. (Leipsic, 1862) p. 418,
+referring to Marcgrav de Liebstadt,
+<hi rend='italic'>Hist. rerum naturalium Brasil</hi>. (Amsterdam,
+1648), viii. 5 and 12.</note> The Tapuiyas,
+formerly a numerous and warlike tribe of Brazil, hailed the rising
+of the Pleiades with great respect, and worshipped the constellation
+with songs and dances.<note place='foot'>M. Dobrizhoffer, <hi rend='italic'>Historia de Abiponibus</hi>,
+ii. 104.</note> The Indians of north-western
+Brazil, an agricultural people who subsist mainly by the cultivation
+of manioc, determine the time for their various field
+labours by the position of certain constellations, especially the
+Pleiades; when that constellation has sunk beneath the horizon,
+the regular, heavy rains set in.<note place='foot'>Th. Koch-Grünberg, <hi rend='italic'>Zwei Jahre
+unter den Indianern</hi> (Berlin, 1909-1910),
+ii. 203.</note> The Omagua Indians of Brazil
+ascribe to the Pleiades a special influence on human destiny.<note place='foot'>C. F. Phil. v. Martius, <hi rend='italic'>Zur Ethnographie
+Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens</hi>
+(Leipsic, 1867), p. 441.</note>
+A Brazilian name for the Pleiades is <hi rend='italic'>Cyiuce</hi>, that is, <q>Mother
+of those who are thirsty.</q> The constellation, we are told, <q>is
+known to the Indians of the whole of Brasil and appears to
+be even worshipped by some tribes in Matto Grosso. In the
+valley of the Amazon a number of popular sayings are current
+about it. Thus they say that in the first days of its appearance
+in the firmament, while it is still low, the birds and especially the
+fowls sleep on the lower branches or perches, and that just as it
+rises so do they; that it brings much cold and rain; that when the
+constellation vanishes, the serpents lose their venom; that the reeds
+<pb n='310'/><anchor id='Pg310'/>
+used in making arrows must be cut before the appearance of the
+Pleiades, else they will be worm-eaten. According to the legend
+the Pleiades disappear in May and reappear in June. Their
+reappearance coincides with the renewal of vegetation and of animal
+life. Hence the legend relates that everything which appears before
+the constellation is renewed, that is, the appearance of the Pleiades,
+marks the beginning of spring.</q><note place='foot'>Carl Teschauer, S.J., <q>Mythen
+und alte Volkssagen aus Brasilien,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Anthropos</hi>, i. (1906) p. 736.</note> The Indians of the Orinoco
+called the Pleiades <foreign rend='italic'>Ucasu</foreign> or <foreign rend='italic'>Cacasau</foreign>, according to their dialect,
+and they dated the beginning of their year from the time when these
+stars are visible in the east after sunset.<note place='foot'>J. Gumilla, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire Naturelle et
+Civile et Géographique de l'Orenoque</hi>
+(Avignon, 1758), iii. 254 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades by
+the Indians
+of Peru and
+Mexico.</note>
+By the Indians of Peru <q>the Pleiades were called <foreign rend='italic'>Collca</foreign>
+(the maize-heap): in this constellation the Peruvians both of
+the sierra and the coast beheld the prototype of their cherished
+stores of corn. It made their maize to grow, and was worshipped
+accordingly.</q><note place='foot'>E. J. Payne, <hi rend='italic'>History of the New
+World called America</hi>, i. (Oxford,
+1892) p. 492.</note> When the Pleiades appeared above the horizon on or
+about Corpus Christi Day, these Indians celebrated their chief festival
+of the year and adored the constellation <q>in order that the maize
+might not dry up.</q><note place='foot'>P. J. de Arriaga, <hi rend='italic'>Extirpacion de
+la Idolatria del Piru</hi> (Lima, 1621),
+pp. 11, 29 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> According to Arriaga,
+the Peruvian name for the Pleiades is
+<foreign rend='italic'>Oncoy</foreign>.</note> Adjoining the great temple of the Sun at Cuzco
+there was a cloister with halls opening off it. One of these halls
+was dedicated to the Moon, and another to the planet Venus, the
+Pleiades, and all the other stars. The Incas venerated the Pleiades
+because of their curious position and the symmetry of their shape.<note place='foot'>Garcilasso de la Vega, <hi rend='italic'>First Part
+of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas</hi>,
+translated by (Sir) Clements R. Markham
+(London, 1869-1871, Hakluyt
+Society), i. 275. Compare J. de
+Acosta, <hi rend='italic'>Natural and Moral History of
+the Indies</hi> (London, 1880, Hakluyt
+Society), ii. 304.</note>
+The tribes of Vera Cruz, on the coast of Mexico, dated the beginning
+of their year from the heliacal setting of the Pleiades, which in the
+latitude of Vera Cruz (19° N.) in the year 1519 fell on the first of
+May of the Gregorian calendar.<note place='foot'>E. Seler, <hi rend='italic'>Alt-Mexikanische Studien</hi>,
+ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 166 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, referring
+to Petrus Martyr, <hi rend='italic'>De nuper sub D.
+Carolo repertis insulis</hi> (Basileae, 1521),
+p. 15.</note> The Aztecs appear to have attached
+great importance to the Pleiades, for they timed the most solemn
+and impressive of all their religious ceremonies so as to coincide with
+the moment when that constellation was in the middle of the sky at
+midnight. The ceremony consisted in kindling a sacred new fire
+on the breast of a human victim on the last night of a great period
+of fifty-two years. They expected that at the close of one of these
+periods the stars would cease to revolve and the world itself would
+come to an end. Hence, when the critical moment approached,
+<pb n='311'/><anchor id='Pg311'/>
+the priests watched from the top of a mountain the movement of
+the stars, and especially of the Pleiades, with the utmost anxiety.
+When that constellation was seen to cross the meridian, great was the
+joy; for they knew that the world was respited for another fifty-two
+years. Immediately the bravest and handsomest of the captives
+was thrown down on his back; a board of dry wood was placed on
+his breast, and one of the priests made fire by twirling a stick
+between his hands on the board. As soon as the flame burst
+forth, the breast of the victim was cut open, his heart was torn out,
+and together with the rest of his body was thrown into the fire.
+Runners carried the new fire at full speed to all parts of the kingdom
+to rekindle the cold hearths; for every fire throughout the
+country had been extinguished as a preparation for this solemn rite.<note place='foot'>B. de Sahagun, <hi rend='italic'>Histoire Générale
+des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne</hi> (Paris,
+1880), pp. 288 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 489 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi>; A. de
+Herrera, <hi rend='italic'>General History of the Vast
+Continent and Islands of America</hi>,
+translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London,
+1725-1726), iii. 222; F. S. Clavigero,
+<hi rend='italic'>History of Mexico</hi>, translated by C.
+Cullen (London, 1807), i. 315 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>; J. G.
+Müller, <hi rend='italic'>Geschichte der amerikanischen
+Urreligionen</hi> (Bâle, 1867), pp. 519 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>;
+H. H. Bancroft, <hi rend='italic'>The Native Races of
+the Pacific States of North America</hi>
+(London, 1875-1876), iii. 393-395.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades by
+the North
+American
+Indians.</note>
+The Blackfeet Indians of North America <q>know and observe
+the Pleiades, and regulate their most important feast by those stars.
+About the first and the last days of the occultation of the Pleiades
+there is a sacred feast among the Blackfeet. The mode of observance
+is national, the whole of the tribe turning out for the celebration
+of its rites, which include two sacred vigils, the solemn blessing
+and planting of the seed. It is the opening of the agricultural
+season.... In all highly religious feasts the calumet, or pipe, is
+always presented towards the Pleiades, with invocation for life-giving
+goods. The women swear by the Pleiades as the men do by
+the sun or the morning star.</q> At the general meeting of the nation
+there is a dance of warriors, which is supposed to represent the
+dance of the seven young men who are identified with the Pleiades.
+For the Indians say that the seven stars of the constellation were
+seven brothers, who guarded by night the field of sacred seed and
+danced round it to keep themselves awake during the long hours of
+darkness.<note place='foot'>Jean l'Heureux, <q>Ethnological
+Notes on the Astronomical Customs
+and Religious Ideas of the Chokitapia
+or Blackfeet Indians,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Journal of the
+Anthropological Institute</hi>, xv. (1886)
+pp. 301-303.</note> According to another legend told by the Blackfeet, the
+Pleiades are six children, who were so ashamed because they had
+no little yellow hides of buffalo calves that they wandered away on
+the plains and were at last taken up into the sky. <q>They are not
+seen during the moon, when the buffalo calves are yellow (spring,
+the time of their shame), but, every year, when the calves turn
+brown (autumn), the lost children can be seen in the sky every
+night.</q><note place='foot'>Walter McClintock, <hi rend='italic'>The Old North
+Trail</hi> (London, 1910), p. 490.</note> This version of the myth, it will be observed, recognises
+<pb n='312'/><anchor id='Pg312'/>
+only six stars in the constellation, and many savages apparently see
+no more, which speaks ill for the keenness of their vision; since
+among ourselves persons endowed with unusually good sight are
+able, I understand, to discern seven. Among the Pueblo Indians
+of Tusayan, an ancient province of Arizona, the culmination of the
+Pleiades is often used to determine the proper time for beginning
+a sacred nocturnal rite, especially an invocation addressed to the six
+deities who are believed to rule the six quarters of the world. The
+writer who records this fact adds: <q>I cannot explain its significance,
+and why of all stellar objects this minute cluster of stars of a
+low magnitude is more important than other stellar groups is not
+clear to me.</q><note place='foot'>J. Walter Fewkes, <q>The Tusayan
+New Fire Ceremony,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Proceedings of
+the Boston Society of Natural History</hi>,
+xxvi. (1895) p. 453.</note> If the Pueblo Indians see only six stars in the
+cluster, as to which I cannot speak, it might seem to them a reason
+for assigning one of the stars to each of the six quarters, namely,
+north, south, east, west, above, and below.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades by
+the Polynesians.</note>
+The Society Islanders in the South Pacific divided the year into
+two seasons, which they determined by observation of the Pleiades.
+<q>The first they called <foreign rend='italic'>Matarii i nia</foreign>, Pleiades above. It commenced
+when, in the evening, these stars appeared on or near the horizon;
+and the half year, during which, immediately after sunset, they were
+seen above the horizon, was called <foreign rend='italic'>Matarii i nia</foreign>. The other season
+commenced when, at sunset, the stars were invisible, and continued
+until at that hour they appeared again above the horizon. This
+season was called <foreign rend='italic'>Matarii i raro</foreign>, Pleiades below.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. W. Ellis, <hi rend='italic'>Polynesian Researches</hi>,
+Second Edition (London,
+1832-1836), i. 87.</note> In the Hervey
+Islands of the South Pacific it is said that the constellation was
+originally a single star, which was shattered into six fragments by
+the god Tane. <q>This cluster of little stars is appropriately named
+Mata-riki or <emph>little-eyes</emph>, on account of their brightness. It is also
+designated Tau-ono, or <emph>the-six</emph>, on account of the apparent number
+of the fragments; the presence of the seventh star not having been
+detected by the unassisted native eye.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. W. W. Gill, <hi rend='italic'>Myths and
+Songs from the South Pacific</hi> (London,
+1876), p. 43.</note> Among these islanders the
+arrival of the new year was indicated by the appearance of the constellation
+on the eastern horizon just after sunset, that is, about the middle
+of December. <q>Hence the idolatrous worship paid to this beautiful
+cluster of stars in many of the South Sea Islands. The Pleiades
+were worshipped at Danger Island, and at the Penrhyns, down to
+the introduction of Christianity in 1857. In many islands extravagant
+joy is still manifested at the rising of this constellation out of
+the ocean.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. W. W. Gill, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 317,
+compare p. 44.</note> For example, in Manahiki or Humphrey's Island,
+South Pacific, <q>when the constellation Pleiades was seen there was
+unusual joy all over the month, and expressed by singing, dancing,
+<pb n='313'/><anchor id='Pg313'/>
+and blowing-shell trumpets.</q><note place='foot'>G. Turner, <hi rend='italic'>Samoa</hi> (London, 1884),
+p. 279.</note> So the Maoris of New Zealand,
+another Polynesian people of the South Pacific, divided the year
+into moons and determined the first moon by the rising of the
+Pleiades, which they called <foreign rend='italic'>Matariki</foreign>.<note place='foot'>E. Shortland, <hi rend='italic'>Traditions and
+Superstitions of the New Zealanders</hi>,
+Second Edition (London, 1856), p.
+219.</note> Indeed throughout Polynesia
+the rising of the Pleiades (variously known as Matariki, Mataliki,
+Matalii, Makalii, etc.) seems to have marked the beginning of
+the year.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>The United States Exploring Expedition,
+Ethnography and Philology</hi>,
+by Horatio Hale (Philadelphia, 1846),
+p. 170; E. Tregear, <hi rend='italic'>Maori-Polynesian
+Comparative Dictionary</hi> (Wellington,
+N.Z., 1891), p. 226.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades by
+the Melanesians.</note>
+Among some of the Melanesians also the Pleiades occupy an
+important position in the calendar. <q>The Banks' islanders and
+Northern New Hebrides people content themselves with distinguishing
+the Pleiades, by which the approach of yam harvest is marked.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. R. H. Codrington, <hi rend='italic'>The
+Melanesians</hi> (Oxford, 1891), p. 348.
+In the island of Florida the Pleiades
+are called <foreign rend='italic'>togo ni samu</foreign>, <q>the company
+of maidens</q> (<hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 349).</note>
+<q>Amongst the constellations, the Pleiades and Orion's belt seem to
+be those which are most familiar to the natives of Bougainville
+Straits. The former, which they speak of as possessing six stars,
+they name <foreign rend='italic'>Vuhu</foreign>; the latter <foreign rend='italic'>Matatala</foreign>. They have also names for
+a few other stars. As in the case of many other savage races, the
+Pleiades is a constellation of great significance with the inhabitants
+of these straits. The Treasury Islanders hold a great feast towards
+the end of October, to celebrate, as far as I could learn, the
+approaching appearance of the constellation above the eastern
+horizon soon after sunset. Probably, as in many of the Pacific
+Islands, this event marks the beginning of their year. I learned
+from Mr. Stephens that, in Ugi, where of all the constellations the
+Pleiades alone receives a name, the natives are guided by it in
+selecting the times for planting and taking up the yams.</q><note place='foot'>H. B. Guppy, <hi rend='italic'>The Solomon Islands
+and their Natives</hi> (London, 1887), p.
+56.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades by
+the natives
+of New
+Guinea and
+the Indian
+Archipelago.</note>
+The natives of the Torres Straits islands observe the appearance
+of the Pleiades (<foreign rend='italic'>Usiam</foreign>) on the horizon at sunset; and when they
+see it, they say that the new yam time has come.<note place='foot'>A. C. Haddon, <q>Legends from
+Torres Straits,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Folk-lore</hi>, i. (1890) p.
+195. We may conjecture that the
+<q>new yam time</q> means the time for
+planting yams.</note> The Kai and
+the Bukaua, two agricultural tribes of German New Guinea, also
+determine the season of their labour in the fields by observation of
+the Pleiades: the Kai say that the time for such labours is when
+the Pleiades are visible above the horizon at night.<note place='foot'>R. Neuhauss, <hi rend='italic'>Deutsch Neu-Guinea</hi>
+(Berlin, 1911), pp. 159, 431 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> In some
+districts of northern Celebes the rice-fields are similarly prepared for
+cultivation when the Pleiades are seen at a certain height above the
+<pb n='314'/><anchor id='Pg314'/>
+horizon.<note place='foot'>A. F. van Spreeuwenberg, <q>Een
+blik op de Minahassa,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift
+voor Neerlands Indië</hi>, Vierde Deel
+(Batavia, 1845), p. 316; J. G. F.
+Riedel, <q>De landschappen Holontalo,
+Limoeto, Bone, Boalemo, en Kattinggola,
+of Andagile,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift voor
+Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde</hi>,
+xix. (1869) p. 140; <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, in <hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift
+für Ethnologie</hi>, iii. (1871) p. 404.</note> As to the Dyaks of Sarawak we read that <q>the Pleiades
+themselves tell them when to farm; and according to their position
+in the heavens, morning and evening, do they cut down the forest,
+burn, plant, and reap. The Malays are obliged to follow their
+example, or their lunar year would soon render their farming operations
+unprofitable.</q><note place='foot'>Spenser St. John, <hi rend='italic'>Life in the
+Forests of the Far East</hi>, Second
+Edition (London, 1863), i. 214.
+Compare H. Low, <hi rend='italic'>Sarawak</hi> (London,
+1848), p. 251.</note> When the season for clearing fresh land in
+the forest approaches, a wise man is appointed to go out before
+dawn and watch for the Pleiades. As soon as the constellation is
+seen to rise while it is yet dark, they know that the time has come
+to begin. But not until the Pleiades are at the zenith before dawn
+do the Dyaks think it desirable to burn the fallen timber and to sow
+the rice.<note place='foot'>Dr. Charles Hose, <q>Various
+Modes of computing the Time for
+Planting among the Races of Borneo,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Straits Branch of the
+Royal Asiatic Society</hi>, No. 42 (Singapore,
+1905), pp. 1 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare
+Charles Brooke, <hi rend='italic'>Ten Years in Sarawak</hi>
+(London, 1866), i. 59; Rev.
+J. Perham, <q>Sea Dyak Religion,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Straits Branch of the
+Royal Asiatic Society</hi>, No. 10 (Singapore,
+1883), p. 229.</note> However, the Kenyahs and Kayans, two other tribes of
+Sarawak, determine the agricultural seasons by observation of the
+sun rather than of the stars; and for this purpose they have devised
+certain simple but ingenious mechanisms. The Kenyahs measure
+the length of the shadow cast by an upright pole at noon; and the
+Kayans let in a beam of light through a hole in the roof and
+measure the distance from the point immediately below the hole to
+the place where the light reaches the floor.<note place='foot'>Dr. Charles Hose, <hi rend='italic'>op. cit.</hi> p. 4.
+Compare <hi rend='italic'>id.</hi>, <q>The Natives of Borneo,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Anthropological
+Institute</hi>, xxiii. (1894) pp. 168 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>,
+where the writer tells us that the
+Kayans and many other races in Borneo
+sow the rice when the Pleiades appear
+just above the horizon at daybreak,
+though the Kayans more usually determine
+the time for sowing by observation
+of the sun. As to the Kayan
+mode of determining the time for sowing
+by the length of shadow cast by an
+upright pole, see also W. Kükenthal,
+<hi rend='italic'>Forschungsreise in den Molukken und
+in Borneo</hi> (Frankfort, 1896), pp. 292
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Some Dyaks employ a species of
+sun-dial for dating the twelve months
+of the year. See H. E. D. Engelhaard,
+<q>Aanteekeningen betreffende
+de Kindjin Dajaks in het Landschap
+Baloengan,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Tijdschrift voor Indische
+Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde</hi>, xxxix.
+(1897) pp. 484-486.</note> But the Kayans of the
+Mahakam river, in Dutch Borneo, determine the time for sowing by
+observing when the sun sets in a line with two upright stones.<note place='foot'>A. W. Nieuwenhuis, <hi rend='italic'>Quer durch
+Borneo</hi> (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 160.</note> In
+Bali, an island to the east of Java, the appearance of the Pleiades at
+sunset in March marks the end of the year.<note place='foot'>F. K. Ginzel, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der
+mathematischen und technischen Chronologie</hi>,
+i. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 424.</note> The Pleiades and
+<pb n='315'/><anchor id='Pg315'/>
+Orion are the only constellations which the people of Bali observe
+for the purpose of correcting their lunar calendar by intercalation.
+For example, they bring the lunar year into harmony
+with the solar by prolonging the month Asada until the Pleiades
+are visible at sunset.<note place='foot'>R. Friederich, <q>Voorloopig Verslag
+van het eiland Bali,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Verhandelingen
+van het Bataviaasch Genootschap
+van Kunsten en Wetenschappen</hi>, xxiii.
+(1849) p. 49.</note> The natives of Nias, an island to the
+south of Sumatra, pay little heed to the stars, but they have
+names for the Morning Star and for the Pleiades; and when
+the Pleiades appear in the sky, the people assemble to till their
+fields, for they think that to do so before the rising of the constellation
+would be useless.<note place='foot'>J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B.
+von Rosenberg, <q>Verslag omtrent het
+eiland Nias en deszelfs Bewoners,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch
+Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen</hi>,
+xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 119.</note> In some districts of Sumatra <q>much
+confusion in regard to the period of sowing is said to have arisen
+from a very extraordinary cause. Anciently, say the natives, it was
+regulated by the stars, and particularly by the appearance (heliacal
+rising) of the <foreign rend='italic'>bintang baniak</foreign> or Pleiades; but after the introduction
+of the Mahometan religion, they were induced to follow the returns
+of the <foreign rend='italic'>puāsa</foreign> or great annual fast, and forgot their old rules. The
+consequence of this was obvious; for the lunar year of the <foreign rend='italic'>hejrah</foreign>
+being eleven days short of the sidereal or solar year, the order of the
+seasons was soon inverted; and it is only astonishing that its inaptness
+to the purposes of agriculture should not have been immediately
+discovered.</q><note place='foot'>W. Marsden, <hi rend='italic'>History of Sumatra</hi>,
+Third Edition (London, 1811), p.
+71.</note> The Battas or Bataks of central Sumatra date
+the various operations of the agricultural year by the positions of
+Orion and the Pleiades. When the Pleiades rise before the sun at
+the beginning of July, the Achinese of northern Sumatra know that
+the time has come to sow the rice.<note place='foot'>F. K. Ginzel, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der
+mathematischen und technischen Chronologie</hi>,
+i. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 428.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>Attention
+paid to the
+Pleiades by
+the natives
+of Africa, Greeks, and Romans.</note>
+Scattered and fragmentary as these notices are, they suffice to
+shew that the Pleiades have received much attention from savages
+in the tropical regions of the world from Brasil in the east to
+Sumatra in the west. Far to the north of the tropics the rude
+Kamchatkans are said to know only three constellations, the Great
+Bear, the Pleiades, and three stars in Orion.<note place='foot'>S. Krascheninnikow, <hi rend='italic'>Beschreibung
+des Landes Kamtschatka</hi> (Lemgo,
+1766), p. 217. The three stars are
+probably the Belt.</note> When we pass to
+Africa we again find the Pleiades employed by tribes in various
+parts of the continent to mark the seasons of the agricultural year.
+We have seen that the Caffres of South Africa date their new year
+from the rising of the Pleiades just before sunrise and fix the time
+for sowing by observation of that constellation.<note place='foot'>See above, vol. i. p. <ref target='Pg116'>116</ref>.</note> <q>They calculate
+<pb n='316'/><anchor id='Pg316'/>
+only twelve lunar months for the year, for which they have descriptive
+names, and this results in frequent confusion and difference of
+opinion as to which month it really is. The confusion is always
+rectified by the first appearance of Pleiades just before sunrise, and
+a fresh start is made and things go on smoothly till once more the
+moons get out of place, and reference has again to be made to the
+stars.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. J. Macdonald, <hi rend='italic'>Light in
+Africa</hi>, Second Edition (London,
+1890), pp. 194 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Compare J.
+Sechefo, <q>The Twelve Lunar Months
+among the Basuto,</q> <hi rend='italic'>Anthropos</hi>, iv.
+(1909) p. 931.</note> According to another authority on the Bantu tribes of
+South Africa, <q>the rising of the Pleiades shortly after sunset was
+regarded as indicating the planting season. To this constellation,
+as well as to several of the prominent stars and planets,
+they gave expressive names. They formed no theories concerning
+the nature of the heavenly bodies and their motions, and were not
+given to thinking of such things.</q><note place='foot'>G. McCall Theal, <hi rend='italic'>Records of
+South-Eastern Africa</hi>, vii. (1901) p.
+418. Compare G. Thompson, <hi rend='italic'>Travels
+and Adventures in Southern Africa</hi>
+(London, 1827), ii. 359.</note> The Amazulu call the Pleiades
+<foreign rend='italic'>Isilimela</foreign>, which means <q>The digging-for (stars),</q> because when the
+Pleiades appear the people begin to dig. They say that <q><foreign rend='italic'>Isilimela</foreign>
+(the Pleiades) dies, and is not seen. It is not seen in winter; and
+at last, when the winter is coming to an end, it begins to appear&mdash;one
+of its stars first, and then three, until going on increasing it
+becomes a cluster of stars, and is perfectly clear when the sun is
+about to rise. And we say <foreign rend='italic'>Isilimela</foreign> is renewed, and the year
+is renewed, and so we begin to dig.</q><note place='foot'>Rev. H. Callaway, <hi rend='italic'>The Religious
+System of the Amazulu</hi>, Part iii.
+(London, etc., 1870), p. 397.</note> The Bechuanas <q>are
+directed by the position of certain stars in the heavens, that the
+time has arrived, in the revolving year, when particular roots can be
+dug up for use, or when they may commence their labours of the
+field. This is their <foreign rend='italic'>likhakologo</foreign> (turnings or revolvings), or what we
+should call the spring time of the year. The Pleiades they call
+<foreign rend='italic'>seleméla</foreign>, which may be translated <q>cultivator,</q> or the precursor of
+agriculture, from <foreign rend='italic'>leméla</foreign>, the relative verb to cultivate <emph>for</emph>; and <foreign rend='italic'>se</foreign>,
+a pronominal prefix, distinguishing them as the actors. Thus,
+when this constellation assumes a certain position in the heavens,
+it is the signal to commence cultivating their fields and gardens.</q><note place='foot'>R. Moffat, <hi rend='italic'>Missionary Labours and
+Scenes in Southern Africa</hi> (London,
+1842), pp. 337 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note>
+Among some of these South African tribes the period of seclusion
+observed by lads after circumcision comes to an end with
+the appearance of the Pleiades, and accordingly the youths are
+said to long as ardently for the rising of the constellation as
+Mohammedans for the rising of the moon which will put an end
+to the fast of Ramadan.<note place='foot'>Stephen Kay, <hi rend='italic'>Travels and Researches
+in Caffraria</hi> (London, 1833),
+p. 273.</note> The Hottentots date the seasons of the
+<pb n='317'/><anchor id='Pg317'/>
+year by the rising and setting of the Pleiades.<note place='foot'>Gustav Fritsch, <hi rend='italic'>Die Eingeborenen
+Süd-Afrika's</hi> (Breslau, 1872). p. 340.</note> An early Moravian
+missionary settled among the Hottentots, reports that <q>at the return of
+the Pleiades these natives celebrate an anniversary; as soon as these
+stars appear above the eastern horizon mothers will lift their little ones
+on their arms, and running up to elevated spots, will show to them
+those friendly stars, and teach them to stretch their little hands towards
+them. The people of a kraal will assemble to dance and to sing
+according to the old custom of their ancestors. The chorus always
+sings: <q>O Tiqua, our Father above our heads, give rain to us, that
+the fruits (bulbs, etc.), <foreign rend='italic'>uientjes</foreign>, may ripen, and that we may have
+plenty of food, send us a good year.</q></q><note place='foot'>Theophilus Hahn, <hi rend='italic'>Tsuni-Goam,
+the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi</hi>
+(London, 1881), p. 43, quoting the
+Moravian missionary George Schmidt,
+who was sent out to the Cape of Good
+Hope in 1737.</note> With some tribes of British
+Central Africa the rising of the Pleiades early in the evening is the
+signal for the hoeing to begin.<note place='foot'>H. S. Stannus, <q>Notes on some
+Tribes of British Central Africa,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the R. Anthropological Institute</hi>,
+xl. (1910) p. 289.</note> To the Masai of East Africa the
+appearance of the Pleiades in the wrest is the sign of the beginning
+of the rainy season, which takes its name from the constellation.<note place='foot'>M. Merker, <hi rend='italic'>Die Masai</hi> (Berlin,
+1894), pp. 155, 198.</note>
+In Masailand the Pleiades are above the horizon from September
+till about the seventeenth of May; and the people, as they express
+it themselves, <q>know whether it will rain or not according to the
+appearance or non-appearance of the six stars, called The Pleiades,
+which follow after one another like cattle. When the month which
+the Masai call <q>Of the Pleiades</q><note place='foot'>May.</note> arrives, and the Pleiades are no
+longer visible, they know that the rains are over. For the Pleiades
+set in that month and are not seen again until the season of
+showers has come to an end:<note place='foot'>June-August.</note> it is then that they reappear.</q><note place='foot'>A. C. Hollis, <hi rend='italic'>The Masai</hi> (Oxford,
+1905), p. 275, compare p. 333. The
+<q>season of showers</q> seems to be a
+name for the dry season (June, July,
+August), when rain falls only occasionally;
+it is thus distinguished from the
+rainy season of winter, which begins
+after the reappearance of the Pleiades
+in September.</note>
+The only other groups of stars for which the Masai appear to
+have names are Orion's sword and Orion's belt.<note place='foot'>A. C. Hollis, <hi rend='italic'>The Masai</hi>, pp.
+275 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi></note> The Nandi
+of British East Africa have a special name (<foreign rend='italic'>Koremerik</foreign>) for the
+Pleiades, <q>and it is by the appearance or non-appearance of these
+stars that the Nandi know whether they may expect a good or a
+bad harvest.</q><note place='foot'>A. C. Hollis, <hi rend='italic'>The Nandi</hi> (Oxford,
+1909), p. 100.</note> The Kikuyu of the same region say that <q>the
+Pleiades is the mark in the heavens to show the people when to
+plant their crops; they plant when this constellation is in a certain
+position early in the night.</q><note place='foot'>C. W. Hobley, <q>Further Researches
+into Kikuyu and Kamba
+Religious Beliefs and Customs,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Journal of the Royal Anthropological
+Institute</hi>, xli. (1911) p. 442.</note> In Sierra Leone <q>the proper time
+<pb n='318'/><anchor id='Pg318'/>
+for preparing the plantations is shewn by the particular situation in
+which the Pleiades, called by the Bulloms <foreign rend='italic'>a-warrang</foreign>, the only stars
+which they observe or distinguish by peculiar names, are to be seen
+at sunset.</q><note place='foot'>Thomas Winterbottom, <hi rend='italic'>An Account
+of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood
+of Sierra Leone</hi> (London,
+1803), p. 48.</note> We have seen that ancient Greek farmers reaped their
+corn when the Pleiades rose at sunrise in May, and that they ploughed
+their fields when the constellation set at sunrise in November.<note place='foot'>Hesiod, <hi rend='italic'>Works and Days</hi>, 383
+<hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi>, 615 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> See above, pp. <ref target='Pg045'>45</ref>, <ref target='Pg048'>48</ref>.</note> The
+interval between the two dates is about six months. Both the Greeks
+and the Romans dated the beginning of summer from the heliacal
+rising of the Pleiades and the beginning of winter from their heliacal
+setting.<note place='foot'>Aratus, <hi rend='italic'>Phaenomena</hi>, 264-267;
+Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> ii. 123, 125, xviii.
+280, <q><foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>Vergiliae privatim attinent ad
+fructus, ut quarum exortu aestas incipiat,
+occasu hiems, semenstri spatio
+intra se messes vindemiasque et omnium
+maturitatem conplexae.</foreign></q> Compare L.
+Ideler, <hi rend='italic'>Handbuch der mathematischen
+und technischen Chronologie</hi> (Berlin,
+1825-1826), i. 241 <hi rend='italic'>sq.</hi> Pliny dated
+the rising of the Pleiades on the 10th
+of May and their setting on the 11th of
+November (<hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> ii. 123, 125).</note> Pliny regarded the autumnal setting of the Pleiades as the
+proper season for sowing the corn, particularly the wheat and the
+barley, and he tells us that in Greece and Asia all the crops were
+sown at the setting of that constellation.<note place='foot'>Pliny, <hi rend='italic'>Nat. Hist.</hi> xviii. 49 and 223.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<note place='margin'>The
+widespread
+association
+of the
+Pleiades
+with agriculture
+seems to be
+based on
+the coincidence
+of
+their rising
+or setting
+with the
+commencement
+of
+the rainy
+season.</note>
+So widespread over the world has been and is the association of
+the Pleiades with agriculture, especially with the sowing or planting
+of the crops. The reason for the association seems to be the coincidence
+of the rising or setting of the constellation with the commencement
+of the rainy season; since men must very soon have learned
+that the best, if not the only, season to sow and plant is the time
+of year when the newly-planted seeds or roots will be quickened by
+abundant showers. The same association of the Pleiades with rain
+seems sufficient to explain their importance even for savages who
+do not till the ground; for ignorant though such races are, they yet
+can hardly fail to observe that wild fruits grow more plentifully, and
+therefore that they themselves have more to eat after a heavy fall of
+rain than after a long drought. In point of fact we saw that some
+of the Australian aborigines, who are wholly ignorant of agriculture,
+look on the Pleiades as the givers of rain, and curse the constellation
+if its appearance is not followed by the expected showers.<note place='foot'>See above, p. <ref target='Pg307'>307</ref>.</note> On the
+other side of the world, and at the opposite end of the scale of
+culture, the civilised Greeks similarly supposed that the autumnal
+setting of the Pleiades was the cause of the rains which followed it;
+and the astronomical writer Geminus thought it worth while to argue
+against the supposition, pointing out that the vicissitudes of the
+weather and of the seasons, though they may coincide with the
+risings and settings of the constellations, are not produced by them,
+<pb n='319'/><anchor id='Pg319'/>
+the stars being too distant from the earth to exercise any appreciable
+influence on our atmosphere. Hence, he says, though the constellations
+serve as the signals, they must not be regarded as the causes,
+of atmospheric changes; and he aptly illustrates the distinction by a
+reference to beacon-fires, which are the signals, but not the causes,
+of war.<note place='foot'>Geminus, <hi rend='italic'>Elementa Astronomiae</hi>,
+xvii. 10 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi> If <q>the sweet influences
+of the Pleiades</q> in the Authorised
+Version of the English Bible were an
+exact translation of the corresponding
+Hebrew words in Job xxxviii. 31, we
+should naturally explain the <q>sweet influences</q>
+by the belief that the autumnal
+setting of the constellation is the cause
+of rain. But the rendering of the
+words is doubtful; it is not even certain
+that the constellation referred to is the
+Pleiades. See the commentaries of
+A. B. Davidson and Professor A. S.
+Peak on the passage. The Revised
+English Version translates the words
+in question <q>the cluster of the
+Pleiades.</q> Compare H. Grimme, <hi rend='italic'>Das
+israelitische Pfingstfest und der Plejadenkult</hi>
+(Paderborn, 1907), pp. 61 <hi rend='italic'>sqq.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+</body>
+<back rend="page-break-before: right">
+  <div id="footnotes">
+    <index index="toc" />
+    <index index="pdf" />
+    <head>Footnotes</head>
+    <divGen type="footnotes"/>
+  </div>
+  <div rend="page-break-before: right">
+    <divGen type="pgfooter" />
+  </div>
+</back>
+</text>
+</TEI.2>
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author	Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>	2025-10-14 18:33:57 -0700
committer	Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>	2025-10-14 18:33:57 -0700
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tree	827a75f0efff4430e5297ecf740725c57b97b668 /42067-tei