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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 42059 ***
+
+ By Justin Winsor.
+
+ NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.
+ With Bibliographical and Descriptive Essays on its
+ Historical Sources and Authorities. Profusely
+ illustrated with portraits, maps, facsimiles, etc.
+ Edited by JUSTIN WINSOR, Librarian of Harvard
+ University, with the coöperation of a Committee
+ from the Massachusetts Historical Society, and with
+ the aid of other learned Societies. In eight royal
+ 8vo volumes. Each volume, _net_, $5.50; sheep,
+ _net_, $6.50; half morocco, _net_, $7.50.
+ (_Sold only by subscription for the entire set._)
+
+ READER'S HANDBOOK OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
+ 16mo, $1.25.
+
+ WAS SHAKESPEARE SHAPLEIGH?
+ 16mo, rubricated parchment paper, 75 cents.
+
+ CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
+ With portrait and maps. 8vo.
+
+ HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & COMPANY,
+ BOSTON AND NEW YORK.
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: BEHAIM, 1492.]
+
+[Illustration: AMERICA, 1892.]
+
+
+
+
+ CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS
+
+ AND HOW HE RECEIVED AND
+ IMPARTED THE SPIRIT
+ OF DISCOVERY
+
+ BY
+ JUSTIN WINSOR
+
+
+ They that go down to the sea in ships,
+ that do business in great waters, these
+ see the works of the Lord and his
+ wonders in the deep.--_Psalms_, cvii. 23, 24
+
+
+ BOSTON AND NEW YORK
+ HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
+ The Riverside Press, Cambridge
+ 1891
+
+
+
+
+
+ Copyright, 1891,
+ BY JUSTIN WINSOR.
+
+ _All rights reserved._
+
+
+ _The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A._
+ Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co.
+
+
+
+
+ To FRANCIS PARKMAN, LL.D.,
+
+ THE HISTORIAN OF NEW FRANCE.
+
+
+DEAR PARKMAN:--
+
+You and I have not followed the maritime peoples of western Europe in
+planting and defending their flags on the American shores without
+observing the strange fortunes of the Italians, in that they have
+provided pioneers for those Atlantic nations without having once secured
+in the New World a foothold for themselves.
+
+When Venice gave her Cabot to England and Florence bestowed Verrazano
+upon France, these explorers established the territorial claims of their
+respective and foster motherlands, leading to those contrasts and
+conflicts which it has been your fortune to illustrate as no one else
+has.
+
+When Genoa gave Columbus to Spain and Florence accredited her Vespucius
+to Portugal, these adjacent powers, whom the Bull of Demarcation would
+have kept asunder in the new hemisphere, established their rival races
+in middle and southern America, neighboring as in the Old World; but
+their contrasts and conflicts have never had so worthy a historian as
+you have been for those of the north.
+
+The beginnings of their commingled history I have tried to relate in the
+present work, and I turn naturally to associate in it the name of the
+brilliant historian of FRANCE AND ENGLAND IN NORTH AMERICA with that of
+your obliged friend,
+
+[Illustration: Justin Winsor]
+
+ CAMBRIDGE, _June, 1890_.
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
+
+
+ PAGE
+ CHAPTER I.
+
+ SOURCES, AND THE GATHERERS OF THEM 1
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Manuscript of Columbus, 2; the Genoa Custodia, 5;
+ Columbus's Letter to the Bank of St. George, 6; Columbus's
+ Annotations on the _Imago Mundi_, 8; First Page, Columbus's
+ First Letter, Latin edition (1493), 16; Archivo de Simancas, 24.
+
+
+ CHAPTER II.
+
+ BIOGRAPHERS AND PORTRAITISTS 30
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Page of the Giustiniani Psalter, 31; Notes of
+ Ferdinand Columbus on his Books, 42; Las Casas, 48; Roselly de
+ Lorgues, 53; St. Christopher, a Vignette on La Cosa's Map (1500),
+ 62; Earliest Engraved Likeness of Columbus in Jovius, 63; the
+ Florence Columbus, 65; the Yañez Columbus, 66; a Reproduction of
+ the Capriolo Cut of Columbus, 67; De Bry's Engraving of Columbus,
+ 68; the Bust on the Tomb at Havana, 69.
+
+
+ CHAPTER III.
+
+ THE ANCESTRY AND HOME OF COLUMBUS 71
+
+
+ CHAPTER IV.
+
+ THE UNCERTAINTIES OF THE EARLY LIFE OF COLUMBUS 79
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Drawing ascribed to Columbus, 80; Benincasa's Map
+ (1476), 81; Ship of the Fifteenth Century, 82.
+
+
+ CHAPTER V.
+
+ THE ALLUREMENTS OF PORTUGAL 85
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Part of the Laurentian Portolano, 87; Map of
+ Andrea Bianco, 89; Prince Henry, the Navigator, 93; Astrolabes
+ of Regiomontanus, 95, 96; Sketch Map of African Discovery, 98;
+ Fra Mauro's World-Map, 99; Tomb of Prince Henry at Batalha,
+ 100; Statue of Prince Henry at Belem, 101.
+
+ CHAPTER VI.
+
+ COLUMBUS IN PORTUGAL 103
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Toscanelli's Map restored, 110; Map of Eastern
+ Asia, with Old and New Names, 113; Catalan Map of Eastern Asia
+ (1375), 114; Marco Polo, 115; Albertus Magnus, 120; the Laon
+ Globe, 123; Oceanic Currents, 130; Tables of Regiomontanus
+ (1474-1506), 132; Map of the African Coast (1478), 133; Martin
+ Behaim, 134.
+
+
+ CHAPTER VII.
+
+ WAS COLUMBUS IN THE NORTH? 135
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Olaus Magnus (1539), 136; Map of Claudius
+ Clavus (1427), 141; Bordone's Map (1528), 142; Map of Sigurd
+ Stephanus (1570), 145.
+
+ CHAPTER VIII.
+
+ COLUMBUS LEAVES PORTUGAL FOR SPAIN 149
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Portuguese Mappemonde (1490), 152; Père Juan
+ Perez de Marchena, 155; University of Salamanca, 162; Monument
+ to Columbus at Genoa, 163; Ptolemy's Map of Spain (1482), 165;
+ Cathedral of Seville, 171; Cathedral of Cordoba, 172.
+
+
+ CHAPTER IX.
+
+ THE FINAL AGREEMENT AND THE FIRST VOYAGE, 1492 178
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Behaim's Globe (1492), 186, 187; Doppelmayer's
+ Reproduction of this Globe, 188, 189; the actual America in
+ Relation to Behaim's Geography, 190; Ships of Columbus's Time,
+ 192, 193; Map of the Canary Islands, 194; Map of the Routes of
+ Columbus, 196; of his track in 1492, 197; Map of the Agonic
+ Line, 199; Lapis Polaris Magnes, 200; Map of Polar Regions by
+ Mercator (1509), 202; Map of the Landfall of Columbus, 210;
+ Columbus's Armor, 211; Maps of the Bahamas (1601 and modern),
+ 212, 213.
+
+
+ CHAPTER X.
+
+ AMONG THE ISLANDS AND THE RETURN VOYAGE 218
+
+ ILLUSTRATION: Indian Beds, 222.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XI.
+
+ COLUMBUS IN SPAIN AGAIN; MARCH TO SEPTEMBER, 1493 243
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: The Arms of Columbus, 250; Pope Alexander VI.,
+ 253; Crossbow-Maker, 258; Clock-Maker, 260.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XII.
+
+ THE SECOND VOYAGE, 1493-1494 264
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Guadaloupe, Marie Galante, and Dominica,
+ 267; Cannibal Islands, 269.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIII.
+
+ THE SECOND VOYAGE, CONTINUED, 1494 284
+
+ ILLUSTRATION: Mass on Shore, 298.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIV.
+
+ THE SECOND VOYAGE, CONTINUED, 1494-1496 303
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of
+ the Native Divisions of Española, 306; Map of Spanish
+ Settlements in Española, 321.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XV.
+
+ IN SPAIN, 1496-1498. DA GAMA, VESPUCIUS, CABOT 325
+
+ LLUSTRATIONS: Ferdinand of Aragon, 328; Bartholomew Columbus, 329;
+ Vasco Da Gama, 334; Map of South Africa (1513), 335; Earliest
+ Representation of South American Natives, 336.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVI.
+
+ THE THIRD VOYAGE, 1498-1500 347
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of the Gulf of Paria, 353; Pre-Columbian
+ Mappemonde, restored, 357; Ramusio's Map of Española, 369;
+ La Cosa's Map (1500), 380, 381; Ribero's Map of the Antilles
+ (1529), 383; Wytfliet's Cuba, 384, 385.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVII.
+
+ THE DEGRADATION AND DISHEARTENMENT OF COLUMBUS (1500) 388
+
+ ILLUSTRATION: Santo Domingo, 391.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVIII.
+
+ COLUMBUS AGAIN IN SPAIN, 1500-1502 407
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: First Page of the _Mundus Novus_, 411; Map of
+ the Straits of Belle Isle, 413; Manuscript of Gaspar Cortereal,
+ 414; of Miguel Cortereal, 416; the Cantino Map, 419.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIX.
+
+ THE FOURTH VOYAGE, 1502-1504 437
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Bellin's Map of Honduras, 443; of Veragua, 446.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XX.
+
+ COLUMBUS'S LAST YEARS. DEATH AND CHARACTER 477
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: House where Columbus died, 490; Cathedral at Santo
+ Domingo, 493; Statue of Columbus at Santo Domingo, 495.
+
+
+ CHAPTER XXI.
+
+ THE DESCENT OF COLUMBUS'S HONORS 513
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Pope Julius II., 517; Charles the Fifth, 519;
+ Ruins of Diego Colon's House, 521.
+
+
+ APPENDIX.
+
+ THE GEOGRAPHICAL RESULTS 529
+
+ ILLUSTRATIONS: Ptolemy, 530; Map by Donis (1482), 531; Ruysch's
+ Map (1508), 532; the so-called Admiral's Map (1513), 534;
+ Münster's Map (1532), 535; Title-Page of the _Globus Mundi_,
+ 352; of Eden's _Treatyse of the Newe India_, 537; Vespucius,
+ 539; Title of the _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, 541; Map in
+ Ptolemy (1513), 544, 545; the Tross Gores, 547; the Hauslab
+ Globe, 548; the Nordenskiöld Gores, 549; Map by Apianus (1520),
+ 550; Schöner's Globe (1515), 551; Frisius's Map (1522), 552;
+ Peter Martyr's Map (1511), 557; Ponce de Leon, 558; his tracks
+ on the Florida Coast, 559; Ayllon's Map, 561; Balboa, 563;
+ Grijalva, 566; Globe in Schöner's _Opusculum_, 567; Garay's
+ Map of the Gulf of Mexico, 568; Cortes's Map of the Gulf of
+ Mexico, 569; the Maiollo Map (1527), 570; the Lenox Globe, 571;
+ Schöner's Globe (1520), 572; Magellan, 573; Magellan's Straits
+ by Pizafetta, 575; Modern Map of the Straits, 576; Freire's Map
+ (1546), 578; Sylvanus's Map in Ptolemy (1511), 579; Stobnieza's
+ Map, 580; the Alleged Da Vinci Sketch-Map, 582; Reisch's Map
+ (1515), 583; Pomponius Mela's World-Map, 584; Vadianus, 585;
+ Apianus, 586; Schöner, 588; Rosenthal or Nuremberg Gores, 590;
+ the Martyr-Oviedo Map (1534), 592, 593; the Verrazano Map, 594;
+ Sketch of Agnese's Map (1536), 595; Münster's Map (1540), 596,
+ 597; Michael Lok's Map (1582), 598; John White's Map, 599;
+ Robert Thorne's Map (1527), 600; Sebastian Münster, 602;
+ House and Library of Ferdinand Columbus, 604; Spanish Map (1527),
+ 605; the Nancy Globe, 606, 607; Map of Orontius Finæus (1532),
+ 608; the same, reduced to Mercator's projection, 609; Cortes,
+ 610; Castillo's California, 611; Extract from an old Portolano
+ of the northeast Coast of North America, 613; Homem's Map (1558),
+ 614; Ziegler's Schondia, 615; Ruscelli's Map (1544), 616; Carta
+ Marina (1548), 617; Myritius's Map (1590), 618; Zaltière's Map
+ (1566), 619; Porcacchi's Map (1572), 620; Mercator's Globe
+ (1538), 622, 623; Münster's America (1545), 624; Mercator's
+ Gores (1541), reduced to a plane projection, 625; Sebastian
+ Cabot's Mappemonde (1544), 626; Medina's Map (1544), 628, 629;
+ Wytfliet's America (1597), 630, 631; the Cross-Staff, 632; the
+ Zeni Map, 634, 635; the Map in the Warsaw Codex (1467), 636,
+ 637; Mercator's America (1569), 638; Portrait of Mercator,
+ 639; of Ortelius, 640; Map by Ortelius (1570), 641; Sebastian
+ Cabot, 642; Frobisher, 643; Frobisher's Chart (1578), 644;
+ Francis Drake, 645; Gilbert's Map (1576), 647; the Back-Staff,
+ 648; Luke Fox's Map of the Arctic Regions (1635), 651;
+ Hennepin's Map of Jesso, 653; Domina Farrer's Map (1651), 654,
+ 655; Buache's Theory of North American Geography (1752), 656;
+ Map of Bering's Straits, 657; Map of the Northwest Passage, 659.
+
+ INDEX 661
+
+
+
+
+
+CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+SOURCES, AND THE GATHERERS OF THEM.
+
+
+In considering the sources of information, which are original, as
+distinct from those which are derivative, we must place first in
+importance the writings of Columbus himself. We may place next the
+documentary proofs belonging to private and public archives.
+
+[Sidenote: His prolixity.]
+
+Harrisse points out that Columbus, in his time, acquired such a popular
+reputation for prolixity that a court fool of Charles the Fifth linked
+the discoverer of the Indies with Ptolemy as twins in the art of
+blotting. He wrote as easily as people of rapid impulses usually do,
+when they are not restrained by habits of orderly deliberation. He has
+left us a mass of jumbled thoughts and experiences, which,
+unfortunately, often perplex the historian, while they of necessity aid
+him.
+
+[Sidenote: His writings.]
+
+Ninety-seven distinct pieces of writing by the hand of Columbus either
+exist or are known to have existed. Of such, whether memoirs, relations,
+or letters, sixty-four are preserved in their entirety. These include
+twenty-four which are wholly or in part in his own hand. All of them
+have been printed entire, except one which is in the Biblioteca
+Colombina, in Seville, the _Libro de las Proficias_, written apparently
+between 1501 and 1504, of which only part is in Columbus's own hand. A
+second document, a memoir addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella, before
+June, 1497, is now in the collection of the Marquis of San Roman at
+Madrid, and was printed for the first time by Harrisse in his
+_Christophe Colomb_. A third and fourth are in the public archives in
+Madrid, being letters addressed to the Spanish monarchs: one without
+date in 1496 or 1497, or perhaps earlier, in 1493, and the other
+February 6, 1502; and both have been printed and given in facsimile in
+the _Cartas de Indias_, a collection published by the Spanish government
+in 1877. The majority of the existing private papers of Columbus are
+preserved in Spain, in the hands of the present representative of
+Columbus, the Duke of Veragua, and these have all been printed in the
+great collection of Navarrete. They consist, as enumerated by Harrisse
+in his _Columbus and the Bank of Saint George_, of the following pieces:
+a single letter addressed about the year 1500 to Ferdinand and Isabella;
+four letters addressed to Father Gaspar Gorricio,--one from San Lucar,
+April 4, 1502; a second from the Grand Canaria, May, 1502; a third from
+Jamaica, July 7, 1503; and the last from Seville, January 4, 1505;--a
+memorial addressed to his son, Diego, written either in December, 1504,
+or in January, 1505; and eleven letters addressed also to Diego, all
+from Seville, late in 1504 or early in 1505.
+
+[Illustration: MANUSCRIPT OF COLUMBUS.
+
+[From a MS. in the Biblioteca Colombina, given in Harrisse's _Notes
+on Columbus_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: All in Spanish.]
+
+Without exception, the letters of Columbus of which we have knowledge
+were written in Spanish. Harrisse has conjectured that his stay in Spain
+made him a better master of that language than the poor advantages of
+his early life had made him of his mother tongue.
+
+[Sidenote: His privileges.]
+
+Columbus was more careful of the documentary proofs of his titles and
+privileges, granted in consequence of his discoveries, than of his own
+writings. He had more solicitude to protect, by such records, the
+pecuniary and titular rights of his descendants than to preserve those
+personal papers which, in the eyes of the historian, are far more
+valuable. These attested evidences of his rights were for a while
+inclosed in an iron chest, kept at his tomb in the monastery of Las
+Cuevas, near Seville, and they remained down to 1609 in the custody of
+the Carthusian friars of that convent. At this date, Nuño de Portugallo
+having been declared the heir to the estate and titles of Columbus, the
+papers were transferred to his keeping; and in the end, by legal
+decision, they passed to that Duke of Veragua who was the grandfather of
+the present duke, who in due time inherited these public memorials, and
+now preserves them in Madrid.
+
+[Sidenote: _Codex Diplomaticus._]
+
+In 1502 there were copies made in book form, known as the _Codex
+Diplomaticus_, of these and other pertinent documents, raising the
+number from thirty-six to forty-four. These copies were attested at
+Seville, by order of the Admiral, who then aimed to place them so that
+the record of his deeds and rights should not be lost. Two copies seem
+to have been sent by him through different channels to Nicoló Oderigo,
+the Genoese ambassador in Madrid; and in 1670 both of these copies came
+from a descendant of that ambassador as a gift to the Republic of Genoa.
+Both of these later disappeared from its archives. A third copy was sent
+to Alonso Sanchez de Carvajal, the factor of Columbus in Española, and
+this copy is not now known. A fourth copy was deposited in the monastery
+of Las Cuevas, near Seville, to be later sent to Father Gorricio. It is
+very likely this last copy which is mentioned by Edward Everett in a
+note to his oration at Plymouth (Boston, 1825, p. 64), where, referring
+to the two copies sent to Oderigo as the only ones made by the order of
+Columbus, as then understood, he adds: "Whether the two manuscripts thus
+mentioned be the only ones in existence may admit of doubt. When I was
+in Florence, in 1818, a small folio manuscript was brought to me,
+written on parchment, apparently two or three centuries old, in binding
+once very rich, but now worn, containing a series of documents in Latin
+and Spanish, with the following title on the first blank page: 'Treslado
+de las Bullas del Papa Alexandro VI., de la concession de las Indias y
+los titulos, privilegios y cedulas reales, que se dieron a Christoval
+Colon.' I was led by this title to purchase the book." After referring
+to the _Codice_, then just published, he adds: "I was surprised to find
+my manuscript, as far as it goes, nearly identical in its contents with
+that of Genoa, supposed to be one of the only two in existence. My
+manuscript consists of almost eighty closely written folio pages, which
+coincide precisely with the text of the first thirty-seven documents,
+contained in two hundred and forty pages of the Genoese volume."
+
+Caleb Cushing says of the Everett manuscript, which he had examined
+before he wrote of it in the _North American Review_, October, 1825,
+that, "so far as it goes, it is a much more perfect one than the Oderigo
+manuscript, as several passages which Spotorno was unable to decipher in
+the latter are very plain and legible in the former, which indeed is in
+most complete preservation." I am sorry to learn from Dr. William
+Everett that this manuscript is not at present easily accessible.
+
+Of the two copies named above as having disappeared from the archives of
+Genoa, Harrisse at a late day found one in the archives of the Ministry
+of Foreign Affairs in Paris. It had been taken to Paris in 1811, when
+Napoleon I. caused the archives of Genoa to be sent to that city, and it
+was not returned when the chief part of the documents was recovered by
+Genoa in 1815. The other copy was in 1816 among the papers of Count
+Cambiaso, and was bought by the Sardinian government, and given to the
+city of Genoa, where it is now deposited in a marble _custodia_, which,
+surmounted by a bust of Columbus, stands at present in the main hall of
+the palace of the municipality. This "custodia" is a pillar, in which a
+door of gilded bronze closes the receptacle that contains the relics,
+which are themselves inclosed in a bag of Spanish leather, richly
+embossed. A copy of this last document was made and placed in the
+archives at Turin.
+
+[Sidenote: Their publication by Spotorno.]
+
+These papers, as selected by Columbus for preservation, were edited by
+Father Spotorno at Genoa, in 1823, in a volume called _Codice
+diplomatico Colombo-Americano_, and published by authority of the state.
+There was an English edition at London, in 1823; and a Spanish at
+Havana, in 1867. Spotorno was reprinted, with additional matter, at
+Genoa, in 1857, as _La Tavola di Bronzo, il pallio di seta, ed il Codice
+Colomboamericano, nuovamente illustrati per cura di Giuseppe Banchero_.
+
+[Illustration: THE GENOA CUSTODIA.]
+
+[Sidenote: Letters to the Bank of St. George.]
+
+This Spotorno volume included two additional letters of Columbus, not
+yet mentioned, and addressed, March 21, 1502, and December 27, 1504, to
+Oderigo. They were found pasted in the duplicate copy of the papers
+given to Genoa, and are now preserved in a glass case, in the same
+custodia. A third letter, April 2, 1502, addressed to the governors of
+the bank of St. George, was omitted by Spotorno; but it is given by
+Harrisse in his _Columbus and the Bank of Saint George_ (New York,
+1888). This last was one of two letters, which Columbus sent, as he
+says, to the bank, but the other has not been found. The history of the
+one preserved is traced by Harrisse in the work last mentioned, and
+there are lithographic and photographic reproductions of it. Harrisse's
+work just referred to was undertaken to prove the forgery of a
+manuscript which has within a few years been offered for sale, either as
+a duplicate of the one at Genoa, or as the original. When represented as
+the original, the one at Genoa is pronounced a facsimile of it. Harrisse
+seems to have proved the forgery of the one which is seeking a
+purchaser.
+
+[Illustration: COLUMBUS'S LETTER, APRIL 2, 1502, ADDRESSED TO THE BANK
+ OF ST. GEORGE IN GENOA.
+
+[Reduced in size by photographic process.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Marginalia.]
+
+[Sidenote: Toscanelli's letter.]
+
+Some manuscript marginalia found in three different books, used by
+Columbus and preserved in the Biblioteca Colombina at Seville, are also
+remnants of the autographs of Columbus. These marginal notes are in
+copies of Æneas Sylvius's _Historia Rerum ubique gestarum_ (Venice,
+1477) of a Latin version of Marco Polo (Antwerp, 1485?), and of Pierre
+d'Ailly's _De Imagine Mundi_ (perhaps 1490), though there is some
+suspicion that these last-mentioned notes may be those of Bartholomew,
+and not of Christopher, Columbus. These books have been particularly
+described in José Silverio Jorrin's _Varios Autografos ineditos de
+Cristóbal Colon_, published at Havana in 1888. In May, 1860, José Maria
+Fernandez y Velasco, the librarian of the Biblioteca Colombina,
+discovered a Latin text of the letter of Toscanelli, written by Columbus
+in this same copy of Æneas Sylvius. He believed it a Latin version of a
+letter originally written in Italian; but it was left for Harrisse to
+discover that the Latin was the original draft. A facsimile of this
+script is in Harrisse's _Fernando Colon_ (Seville, 1871), and specimens
+of the marginalia were first given by Harrisse in his _Notes on
+Columbus_, whence they are reproduced in part in the _Narrative and
+Critical History of America_ (vol. ii.).
+
+[Sidenote: Harrisse's memorial of Columbus.]
+
+It is understood that, under the auspices of the Italian government,
+Harrisse is now engaged in collating the texts and preparing a national
+memorial issue of the writings of Columbus, somewhat in accordance with
+a proposition which he made to the Minister of Public Instruction at
+Rome in his _Le Quatrième Centenaire de la Découverte du Nouveau Monde_
+(Genoa, 1887).
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's printed works.]
+
+There are references to printed works of Columbus which I have not seen,
+as a _Declaracion de Tabla Navigatoria_, annexed to a treatise, _Del Uso
+de la Carta de Navegar_, by Dr. Grajales: a _Tratado de las Cinco Zonas
+Habitables_, which Humboldt found it very difficult to find.
+
+[Illustration: ANNOTATIONS BY COLUMBUS ON THE _IMAGO MUNDI_.
+
+[From Harrisse's _Notes on Columbus_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: His lost writings.]
+
+Of the manuscripts of Columbus which are lost, there are traces still to
+be discovered. One letter, which he dated off the Canaries, February 15,
+1493, and which must have contained some account of his first voyage,
+is only known to us from an intimation of Marino Sanuto that it was
+included in the _Chronica Delphinea_. It is probably from an imperfect
+copy of this last in the library at Brescia, that the letter in question
+was given in the book's third part (A. D. 1457-1500), which is now
+missing. We know also, from a letter still preserved (December 27,
+1504), that there must be a letter somewhere, if not destroyed, sent by
+him respecting his fourth voyage, to Messer Gian Luigi Fieschi, as is
+supposed, the same who led the famous conspiracy against the house of
+Doria. Other letters, Columbus tells us, were sent at times to the
+Signora Madonna Catalina, who was in some way related to Fieschi.
+
+In 1780, Francesco Pesaro, examining the papers of the Council of Ten,
+at Venice, read there a memoir of Columbus, setting forth his maritime
+project; or at least Pesaro was so understood by Marin, who gives the
+story at a later day in the seventh volume of his history of Venetian
+commerce. As Harrisse remarks, this paper, if it could be discovered,
+would prove the most interesting of all Columbian documents, since it
+would probably be found to fall within a period, from 1473 to 1487, when
+we have little or nothing authentic respecting Columbus's life. Indeed,
+it might happily elucidate a stage in the development of the Admiral's
+cosmographical views of which we know nothing.
+
+We have the letter which Columbus addressed to Alexander VI., in
+February, 1502, as preserved in a copy made by his son Ferdinand; but no
+historical student has ever seen the Commentary, which he is said to
+have written after the manner of Cæsar, recounting the haps and mishaps
+of the first voyage, and which he is thought to have sent to the ruling
+Pontiff. This act of duty, if done after his return from his last
+voyage, must have been made to Julius the Second, not to Alexander.
+
+[Sidenote: Journal of his first voyage.]
+
+Irving and others seem to have considered that this Cæsarian performance
+was in fact, the well-known journal of the first voyage; but there is a
+good deal of difficulty in identifying that which we only know in an
+abridged form, as made by Las Casas, with the narrative sent or intended
+to be sent to the Pope.
+
+Ferdinand, or the writer of the _Historie_, later to be mentioned,
+it seems clear, had Columbus's journal before him, though he excuses
+himself from quoting much from it, in order to avoid wearying the
+reader.
+
+The original "journal" seems to have been in 1554 still in the
+possession of Luis Colon. It had not, accordingly, at that date been put
+among the treasures of the Biblioteca Colombina. Thus it may have
+fallen, with Luis's other papers, to his nephew and heir, Diego Colon y
+Pravia, who in 1578 entrusted them to Luis de Cardona. Here we lose
+sight of them.
+
+[Sidenote: Abridged by Las Casas.]
+
+Las Casas's abridgment in his own handwriting, however, has come down to
+us, and some entries in it would seem to indicate that Las Casas
+abridged a copy, and not the original. It was, up to 1886, in the
+library of the Duke of Orsuna, in Madrid, and was at that date bought by
+the Spanish government. While it was in the possession of Orsuna, it was
+printed by Varnhagen, in his _Verdadera Guanahani_ (1864). It was
+clearly used by Las Casas in his own _Historia_, and was also in the
+hands of Ferdinand, when he wrote, or outlined, perhaps, what now passes
+for the life of his father, and Ferdinand's statements can sometimes
+correct or qualify the text in Las Casas. There is some reason to
+suppose that Herrera may have used the original. Las Casas tells us that
+in some parts, and particularly in describing the landfall and the
+events immediately succeeding, he did not vary the words of the
+original. This Las Casas abridgment was in the archives of the Duke del
+Infantado, when Navarrete discovered its importance, and edited it as
+early as 1791, though it was not given to the public till Navarrete
+published his _Coleccion_ in 1825. When this journal is read, even as we
+have it, it is hard to imagine that Columbus could have intended so
+disjointed a performance to be an imitation of the method of Cæsar's
+_Commentaries_.
+
+The American public was early given an opportunity to judge of this, and
+of its importance. It was by the instigation of George Ticknor that
+Samuel Kettell made a translation of the text as given by Navarrete, and
+published it in Boston in 1827, as a _Personal Narrative of the first
+Voyage of Columbus to America, from a Manuscript recently discovered in
+Spain_.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Descriptions of his first voyage.]
+
+We also know that Columbus wrote other concise accounts of his
+discovery. On his return voyage, during a gale, on February 14, 1493,
+fearing his ship would founder, he prepared a statement on parchment,
+which was incased in wax, put in a barrel, and thrown overboard, to take
+the chance of washing ashore. A similar account, protected in like
+manner, he placed on his vessel's poop, to be washed off in case of
+disaster. Neither of these came, as far as is known, to the notice of
+anybody. They very likely simply duplicated the letters which he wrote
+on the voyage, intended to be dispatched to their destination on
+reaching port. The dates and places of these letters are not
+reconcilable with his journal. He was apparently approaching the Azores,
+when, on February 15, he dated a letter "off the Canaries," directed to
+Luis de Santangel. So false a record as "the Canaries" has never been
+satisfactorily explained. It may be imagined, perhaps, that the letter
+had been written when Columbus supposed he would make those islands
+instead of the Azores, and that the place of writing was not changed. It
+is quite enough, however, to rest satisfied with the fact that Columbus
+was always careless, and easily erred in such things, as Navarrete has
+shown. The postscript which is added is dated March 14, which seems
+hardly probable, or even possible, so that March 4 has been suggested.
+He professes to write it on the day of his entering the Tagus, and this
+was March 4. It is possible that he altered the date when he reached
+Palos, as is Major's opinion. Columbus calls this a second letter.
+Perhaps a former letter was the one which, as already stated, we have
+lost in the missing part of the _Chronica Delphinea_.
+
+[Sidenote: Letter to Santangel.]
+
+[Sidenote: Letter to Sanchez.]
+
+The original of this letter to Santangel, the treasurer of Aragon, and
+intended for the eyes of Ferdinand and Isabella, was in Spanish, and is
+known in what is thought to be a contemporary copy, found by Navarrete
+at Simancas; and it is printed by him in his _Coleccion_, and is given
+by Kettell in English, to make no other mention of places where it is
+accessible. Harrisse denies that this Simancas manuscript represents the
+original, as Navarrete had contended. A letter dated off the island of
+Santa Maria, the southernmost of the Azores, three days after the letter
+to Santangel, February 18, essentially the same, and addressed to
+Gabriel Sanchez, was found in what seemed to be an early copy, among the
+papers of the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca. This text was printed by
+Varnhagen at Valencia, in 1858, as _Primera Epistola del Almirante Don
+Cristóbal Colon_, and it is claimed by him that it probably much more
+nearly represents the original of Columbus's own drafting.
+
+[Sidenote: Printed editions.]
+
+There was placed in 1852 in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana at Milan, from the
+library of Baron Pietro Custodi, a printed edition of this Spanish
+letter, issued in 1493, perhaps somewhere in Spain or Portugal, for
+Barcelona and Lisbon have been named. Harrisse conjectures that Sanchez
+gave his copy to some printer in Barcelona. Others have contended that
+it was not printed in Spain at all. No other copy of this edition has
+ever been discovered. It was edited by Cesare Correnti at Milan in 1863,
+in a volume called _Lettere autografe di Cristoforo Colombo, nuovamente
+stampate_, and was again issued in facsimile in 1866 at Milan, under the
+care of Girolamo d'Adda, as _Lettera in lingua Spagnuola diretta da
+Cristoforo Colombo a Luis de Sant-Angel_. Major and Becher, among
+others, have given versions of it to the English reader, and Harrisse
+gives it side by side with a French version in his _Christophe Colomb_
+(i. 420), and with an English one in his _Notes on Columbus_.
+
+This text in Spanish print had been thought the only avenue of approach
+to the actual manuscript draft of Columbus, till very recently two other
+editions, slightly varying, are said to have been discovered, one or
+both of which are held by some, but on no satisfactory showing, to have
+preceded in issue, probably by a short interval, the Ambrosian copy.
+
+One of these newly alleged editions is on four leaves in quarto, and
+represents the letter as dated on February 15 and March 14, and its cut
+of type has been held to be evidence of having been printed at Burgos,
+or possibly at Salamanca. That this and the Ambrosian letter were
+printed one from the other, or independently from some unknown anterior
+edition, has been held to be clear from the fact that they correspond
+throughout in the division of lines and pages. It is not easily
+determined which was the earlier of the two, since there are errors in
+each corrected in the other. This unique four-leaf quarto was a few
+months since offered for sale in London, by Ellis and Elvey, who have
+published (1889) an English translation of it, with annotations by Julia
+E. S. Rae. It is now understood to be in the possession of a New York
+collector. It is but fair to say that suspicions of its genuineness have
+been entertained; indeed, there can be scarce a doubt that it is a
+modern fabrication.
+
+The other of these newly discovered editions is in folio of two leaves,
+and was the last discovered, and was very recently held by Maisonneuve
+of Paris at 65,000 francs, and has since been offered by Quaritch in
+London for £1,600. It is said to have been discovered in Spain, and to
+have been printed at Barcelona; and this last fact is thought to be
+apparent from the Catalan form of some of the Spanish, which has
+disappeared in the Ambrosian text. It also gives the dates February 15
+and March 14. A facsimile edition has been issued under the title _La
+Lettre de Christophe Colomb, annonçant la Découverte du Nouveau Monde_.
+
+Caleb Cushing, in the _North American Review_ in October, 1825, refers
+to newspaper stories then current of a recent sale of a copy of the
+Spanish text in London, for £33 12_s._ to the Duke of Buckingham. It
+cannot now be traced.
+
+[Sidenote: Catalan text.]
+
+Harrisse finds in Ferdinand's catalogue of the Biblioteca Colombina what
+was probably a Catalan text of this Spanish letter; but it has
+disappeared from the collection.
+
+[Sidenote: Letter found by Bergenroth.]
+
+Bergenroth found at Simancas, some years ago, the text of another letter
+by Columbus, with the identical dates already given, and addressed to a
+friend; but it conveyed nothing not known in the printed Spanish texts.
+He, however, gave a full abstract of it in the _Calendar of State Papers
+relating to England and Spain_.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus gives papers to Bernaldez.]
+
+Columbus is known, after his return from the second voyage, to have been
+the guest of Andrès Bernaldez, the Cura de los Palacios, and he is also
+known to have placed papers in this friend's hands; and so it has been
+held probable by Muñoz that another Spanish text of Columbus's first
+account is embodied in Bernaldez's _Historia de los Reyes Católicos_.
+The manuscript of this work, which gives thirteen chapters to Columbus,
+long remained unprinted in the royal library at Madrid, and Irving,
+Prescott, and Humboldt all used it in that form. It was finally printed
+at Granada in 1856, as edited by Miguel Lafuente y Alcántara, and was
+reprinted at Seville in 1870. Harrisse, in his _Notes on Columbus_,
+gives an English version of this section on the Columbus voyage.
+
+[Sidenote: Varieties of the Spanish text.]
+
+These, then, are all the varieties of the Spanish text of Columbus's
+first announcement of his discovery which are at present known. When the
+Ambrosian text was thought to be the only printed form of it, Varnhagen,
+in his _Carta de Cristóbal Colon enviada de Lisboa á Barcelona en Marzo
+de 1493_ (Vienna, 1869; and Paris, 1870), collated the different texts
+to try to reconstruct a possible original text, as Columbus wrote it. In
+the opinion of Major no one of these texts can be considered an accurate
+transcript of the original.
+
+[Sidenote: Origin of the Latin text.]
+
+There is a difference of opinion among these critics as to the origin of
+the Latin text which scholars generally cite as this first letter of
+Columbus. Major thinks this Latin text was not taken from the Spanish,
+though similar to it; while Varnhagen thinks that the particular Spanish
+text found in the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca was the original of the Latin
+version.
+
+[Sidenote: Transient fame of the discovery.]
+
+There is nothing more striking in the history of the years immediately
+following the discovery of America than the transient character of the
+fame which Columbus acquired by it. It was another and later generation
+that fixed his name in the world's regard.
+
+[Sidenote: English mentions of it.]
+
+Harrisse points out how some of the standard chroniclers of the world's
+history, like Ferrebouc, Regnault, Galliot du Pré, and Fabian, failed
+during the early half of the sixteenth century to make any note of the
+acts of Columbus; and he could find no earlier mention among the German
+chroniclers than that of Heinrich Steinhowel, some time after 1531.
+There was even great reticence among the chroniclers of the Low
+Countries; and in England we need to look into the dispatches sent
+thence by the Spanish ambassadors to find the merest mention of Columbus
+so early as 1498. Perhaps the reference to him made eleven years later
+(1509), in an English version of Brandt's _Shyppe of Fools_, and another
+still ten years later in a little native comedy called _The New
+Interlude_, may have been not wholly unintelligible. It was not till
+about 1550 that, so far as England is concerned, Columbus really became
+a historical character, in Edward Hall's _Chronicle_.
+
+Speaking of the fewness of the autographs of Columbus which are
+preserved, Harrisse adds: "The fact is that Columbus was very far from
+being in his lifetime the important personage he now is; and his
+writings, which then commanded neither respect nor attention, were
+probably thrown into the waste-basket as soon as received."
+
+[Sidenote: Editions of the Latin text.]
+
+Nevertheless, substantial proof seems to exist in the several editions
+of the Latin version of this first letter, which were issued in the
+months immediately following the return of Columbus from his first
+voyage, as well as in the popular versification of its text by Dati in
+two editions, both in October, 1493, besides another at Florence in
+1495, to show that for a brief interval, at least, the news was more or
+less engrossing to the public mind in certain confined areas of Europe.
+Before the discovery of the printed editions of the Spanish text, there
+existed an impression that either the interest in Spain was less than in
+Italy, or some effort was made by the Spanish government to prevent a
+wide dissemination of the details of the news.
+
+The two Genoese ambassadors who left Barcelona some time after the
+return of Columbus, perhaps in August, 1493, may possibly have taken to
+Italy with them some Spanish edition of the letter. The news, however,
+had in some form reached Rome in season to be the subject of a papal
+bull on May 3d. We know that Aliander or Leander de Cosco, who made the
+Latin version, very likely from the Sanchez copy, finished it probably
+at Barcelona, on the 29th of April, not on the 25th as is sometimes
+said. Cosco sent it at once to Rome to be printed, and his manuscript
+possibly conveyed the first tidings, to Italy,--such is Harrisse's
+theory,--where it reached first the hands of the Bishop of Monte Peloso,
+who added to it a Latin epigram. It was he who is supposed to have
+committed it to the printer in Rome, and in that city, during the rest
+of 1493, four editions at least of Cosco's Latin appeared. Two of these
+editions are supposed to be printed by Plannck, a famous Roman printer;
+one is known to have come from the press of Franck Silber. All but one
+were little quartos, of the familiar old style, of three or four
+black-letter leaves; while the exception was a small octavo with
+woodcuts. It is Harrisse's opinion that this pictorial edition was
+really printed at Basle. In Paris, during the same time or shortly
+after, there were three editions of a similar appearance, all from one
+press. The latest of all, brought to light but recently, seems to have
+been printed by a distinguished Flemish printer, Thierry Martens,
+probably at Antwerp. It is not improbable that other editions printed in
+all these or other cities may yet be found. It is noteworthy that
+nothing was issued in Germany, as far as we know, before a German
+version of the letter appeared at Strassburg in 1497.
+
+[Illustration: FIRST PAGE, COLUMBUS'S FIRST LETTER, LATIN EDITION, 1493.
+
+[From the Barlow copy, now in the Boston Public Library.]]
+
+The text in all these Latin editions is intended to be the same. But a
+very few copies of any edition, and only a single copy of two or three
+of them, are known. The Lenox, the Carter-Brown, and the Ives libraries
+in this country are the chief ones possessing any of them, and the
+collections of the late Henry C. Murphy and Samuel L. M. Barlow also
+possessed a copy or two, the edition owned by Barlow passing in
+February, 1890, to the Boston Public Library. This scarcity and the
+rivalry of collectors would probably, in case any one of them should be
+brought upon the market, raise the price to fifteen hundred dollars or
+more. The student is not so restricted as this might imply, for in
+several cases there have been modern facsimiles and reprints, and there
+is an early reprint by Veradus, annexed to his poem (1494) on the
+capture of Granada. The text usually quoted by the older writers,
+however, is that embodied in the _Bellum Christianorum Principum_ of
+Robertus Monarchus (Basle, 1533).
+
+[Sidenote: Order of publication.]
+
+In these original small quartos and octavos, there is just enough
+uncertainty and obscurity as to dates and printers, to lure
+bibliographers and critics of typography into research and controversy;
+and hardly any two of them agree in assigning the same order of
+publication to these several issues. The present writer has in the
+second volume of the _Narrative and Critical History of America_ grouped
+the varied views, so far as they had in 1885 been made known. The
+bibliography to which Harrisse refers as being at the end of his work on
+Columbus was crowded out of its place and has not appeared; but he
+enters into a long examination of the question of priority in the second
+chapter of his last volume. The earliest English translation of this
+Latin text appeared in the _Edinburgh Review_ in 1816, and other issues
+have been variously made since that date.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Additional sources respecting the first voyage.]
+
+We get some details of this first voyage in Oviedo, which we do not find
+in the journal, and Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Hernan Perez Matheos, who
+were companions of Columbus, are said to be the source of this
+additional matter. The testimony in the lawsuit of 1515, particularly
+that of Garcia Hernandez, who was in the "Pinta," and of a sailor named
+Francisco Garcia Vallejo, adds other details.
+
+[Sidenote: Second voyage.]
+
+There is no existing account by Columbus himself of his experiences
+during his second voyage, and of that cruise along the Cuban coast in
+which he supposed himself to have come in sight of the Golden
+Chersonesus. The _Historie_ tells us that during this cruise he kept a
+journal, _Libro del Segundo Viage_, till he was prostrated by sickness,
+and this itinerary is cited both in the _Historie_ and by Las Casas. We
+also get at second-hand from Columbus, what was derived from him in
+conversation after his return to Spain, in the account of these
+explorations which Bernaldez has embodied in his _Reyes Católicos_.
+Irving says that he found these descriptions of Bernaldez by far the
+most useful of the sources for this period, as giving him the details
+for a picturesque narrative. On disembarking at Cadiz in June, 1495,
+Columbus sent to his sovereigns two dispatches, neither of which is now
+known.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's letters.]
+
+It was in the collection of the Duke of Veragua that Navarrete
+discovered fifteen autograph letters of Columbus, four of them addressed
+to his friend, the Father Gaspar Gorricio, and the rest to his son
+Diego. Navarrete speaks of them when found as in a very deplorable and
+in parts almost unreadable condition, and severely taxing, for
+deciphering them, the practiced skill of Tomas Gonzalez, which had been
+acquired in the care which he had bestowed on the archives of Simancas.
+It is known that two letters addressed to Gorricio in 1498, and four in
+1501, beside a single letter addressed in the last year to Diego Colon,
+which were in the iron chest at Las Cuevas, are not now in the archives
+of the Duke of Veragua; and it is further known that during the great
+lawsuit of Columbus's heirs, Cristoval de Cardona tampered with that
+chest, and was brought to account for the act in 1580. Whatever he
+removed may possibly some day be found, as Harrisse thinks, among the
+notarial records of Valencia.
+
+[Sidenote: Third voyage.]
+
+Two letters of Columbus respecting his third voyage are only known in
+early copies; one in Las Casas's hand belonged to the Duke of Orsuna,
+and the other addressed to the nurse of Prince Juan is in the Custodia
+collection at Genoa. Both are printed by Navarrete.
+
+[Sidenote: Fourth voyage.]
+
+Columbus, in a letter dated December 27, 1504, mentions a relation of
+his fourth voyage with a supplement, which he had sent from Seville to
+Oderigo; but it is not known. We are without trace also of other
+letters, which he wrote at Dominica and at other points during this
+voyage. We do know, however, a letter addressed by Columbus to Ferdinand
+and Isabella, giving some account of his voyage to July 7, 1503. The
+lost Spanish original is represented in an early copy, which is printed
+by Navarrete. Though no contemporary Spanish edition is known, an
+Italian version was issued at Venice in 1505, as _Copia de la Lettera
+per Colombo mandata_. This was reprinted with comments by Morelli, at
+Bassano, in 1810, and the title which this librarian gave it of _Lettera
+Rarissima_ has clung to it, in most of the citations which refer to it.
+
+Peter Martyr, writing in January, 1494, mentions just having received a
+letter from Columbus, but it is not known to exist.
+
+[Sidenote: Las Casas uses Columbus's papers.]
+
+Las Casas is said to have once possessed a treatise by Columbus on the
+information obtained from Portuguese and Spanish pilots, concerning
+western lands; and he also refers to _Libros de Memorias del Almirante_.
+He is also known by his own statements to have had numerous autograph
+letters of Columbus. What has become of them is not known. If they were
+left in the monastery of San Gregorio at Valladolid, where Las Casas
+used them, they have disappeared with papers of the convent, since they
+were not among the archives of the suppressed convents, as Harrisse
+tells us, which were entrusted in 1850 to the Academy of History at
+Madrid.
+
+[Sidenote: Work on the Arctic pole.]
+
+In his letter to Doña Juana, Columbus says that he has deposited a work
+in the Convent de la Mejorada, in which he has predicted the discovery
+of the Arctic pole. It has not been found.
+
+[Sidenote: Missing letters.]
+
+Harrisse also tells us of the unsuccessful search which he has made for
+an alleged letter of Columbus, said in Gunther and Schultz's handbook of
+autographs (Leipzig, 1856) to have been bought in England by the Duke of
+Buckingham; and it was learned from Tross, the Paris bookseller, that
+about 1850 some autograph letters of Columbus, seen by him, were sent to
+England for sale.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's maps.]
+
+After his return from his first voyage, Columbus prepared a map and an
+accompanying table of longitudes and latitudes for the new discoveries.
+They are known to have been the subject of correspondence between him
+and the queen.
+
+There are various other references to maps which Columbus had
+constructed, to embody his views or show his discoveries. Not one,
+certainly to be attributed to him, is known, though Ojeda, Niño, and
+others are recorded as having used, in their explorations, maps made by
+Columbus. Peter Martyr's language does not indicate that Columbus ever
+completed any chart, though he had, with the help of his brother
+Bartholomew, begun one. The map in the Ptolemy of 1513 is said by
+Santarem to have been drawn by Columbus, or to have been based on his
+memoranda, but the explanation on the map seems rather to imply that
+information derived from an admiral in the service of Portugal was used
+in correcting it, and since Harrisse has brought to light what is
+usually called the Cantino map, there is strong ground for supposing
+that the two had one prototype.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Italian notarial records.]
+
+Let us pass from records by Columbus to those about him. We owe to an
+ancient custom of Italy that so much has been preserved, to throw in the
+aggregate no small amount of light on the domestic life of the family in
+which Columbus was the oldest born. During the fourteen years in which
+his father lived at Savona, every little business act and legal
+transaction was attested before notaries, whose records have been
+preserved filed in _filzas_ in the archives of the town.
+
+These _filzas_ were simply a file of documents tied together by a string
+passed through each, and a _filza_ generally embraced a year's
+accumulation. The photographic facsimile which Harrisse gives in his
+_Columbus and the Bank of Saint George_, of the letter of Columbus
+preserved by the bank, shows how the sheet was folded once lengthwise,
+and then the hole was made midway in each fold.
+
+We learn in this way that, as early as 1470 and later, Columbus stood
+security for his father. We find him in 1472 the witness of another's
+will. As under the Justinian procedure the notary's declaration
+sufficed, such documents in Italy are not rendered additionally
+interesting by the autograph of the witness, as they would be in
+England. This notarial resource is no new discovery. As early as 1602,
+thirteen documents drawn from similar depositaries were printed at
+Genoa, in some annotations by Giulio Salinerio upon Cornelius Tacitus.
+Other similar papers were discovered by the archivists of Savona, Gian
+Tommaso and Giambattista Belloro, in 1810 (reprinted, 1821) and 1839
+respectively, and proving the general correctness of the earlier
+accounts of Columbus's younger days given in Gallo, Senarega, and
+Giustiniani. It is to be regretted that the original entries of some of
+these notarial acts are not now to be found, but patient search may yet
+discover them, and even do something more to elucidate the life of the
+Columbus family in Savona.
+
+[Sidenote: Savona.]
+
+There has been brought into prominence and published lately a memoir of
+the illustrious natives of Savona, written by a lawyer, Giovanni
+Vincenzo Verzellino, who died in that town in 1638. This document was
+printed at Savona in 1885, under the editorial care of Andrea Astengo;
+but Harrisse has given greater currency to its elucidations for our
+purpose in his _Christophe Colomb et Savone_ (Genoa, 1877).
+
+[Sidenote: Genoa notarial records.]
+
+Harrisse is not unwisely confident that the nineteen documents--if no
+more have been added--throwing light on minor points of the obscure
+parts of the life of Columbus and his kindred, which during recent years
+have been discovered in the notarial files of Genoa by the Marquis
+Marcello Staglieno, may be only the precursors of others yet to be
+unearthed, and that the pages of the _Giornale Ligustico_ may continue
+to record such discoveries as it has in the past.
+
+[Sidenote: Records of the Bank of St. George.]
+
+The records of the Bank of Saint George in Genoa have yielded something,
+but not much. In the state archives of Genoa, preserved since 1817 in
+the Palazzetto, we might hope to find some report of the great
+discovery, of which the Genoese ambassadors, Francesco Marchesio and
+Gian Antonio Grimaldi, were informed, just as they were taking leave of
+Ferdinand and Isabella for returning to Italy; but nothing of that kind
+has yet been brought to light there; nor was it ever there, unless the
+account which Senarega gives in the narrative printed in Muratori was
+borrowed thence. We may hope, but probably in vain, to have these public
+archives determine if Columbus really offered to serve his native
+country in a voyage of discovery. The inquirer is more fortunate if he
+explores what there is left of the archives of the old abbey of St.
+Stephen, which, since the suppression of the convents in 1797, have been
+a part of the public papers, for he can find in them some help in
+solving some pertinent questions.
+
+[Sidenote: Vatican archives.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hidden manuscripts.]
+
+[Sidenote: Letters about Columbus.]
+
+Harrisse tells us in 1887 that he had been waiting two years for
+permission to search the archives of the Vatican. What may yet be
+revealed in that repository, the world waits anxiously to learn. It may
+be that some one shall yet discover there the communication in which
+Ferdinand and Isabella announced to the Pope the consummation of the
+hopes of Columbus. It may be that the diplomatic correspondence covering
+the claims of Spain by virtue of the discovery of Columbus, and leading
+to the bull of demarcation of May, 1493, may yet be found, accompanied
+by maps, of the highest interest in interpreting the relations of the
+new geography. There is no assurance that the end of manuscript
+disclosures has yet come. Some new bit of documentary proof has been
+found at times in places quite unexpected. The number of Italian
+observers in those days of maritime excitement living in the seaports
+and trading places of Spain and Portugal, kept their home friends alert
+in expectation by reason of such appetizing news. Such are the letters
+sent to Italy by Hanibal Januarius, and by Luca, the Florentine
+engineer, concerning the first voyage. There are similar transient
+summaries of the second voyage. Some have been found in the papers of
+Macchiavelli, and others had been arranged by Zorzi for a new edition of
+his documentary collection. These have all been recovered of recent
+years, and Harrisse himself, Gargiolli, Guerrini, and others, have been
+instrumental in their publication.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Spanish archives.]
+
+[Sidenote: Simancas and Seville.]
+
+[Sidenote: Simancas.]
+
+It was thirty-seven years after the death of Columbus before, under an
+order of Charles the Fifth, February 19, 1543, the archives of Spain
+were placed in some sort of order and security at Simancas. The great
+masses of papers filed by the crown secretaries and the Councils of the
+Indies and of Seville, were gradually gathered there, but not until many
+had been lost. Others apparently disappeared at a later day, for we are
+now aware that many to which Herrera refers cannot be found. New efforts
+to secure the preservation and systematize the accumulation of
+manuscripts were made by order of Philip the Second in 1567, but it
+would seem without all the success that might have been desired. Towards
+the end of the last century, it was the wish of Charles the Third that
+all the public papers relating to the New World should be selected from
+Simancas and all other places of deposit and carried to Seville. The act
+was accomplished in 1788, when they were placed in a new building which
+had been provided for them. Thus it is that to-day the student of
+Columbus must rather search Seville than Simancas for new documents,
+though a few papers of some interest in connection with the contests of
+his heirs with the crown of Castile may still exist at Simancas. Thirty
+years ago, if not now, as Bergenroth tells us, there was little comfort
+for the student of history in working at Simancas. The papers are
+preserved in an old castle, formerly belonging to the admirals of
+Castile, which had been confiscated and devoted to the uses of such a
+repository. The one large room which was assigned for the accommodation
+of readers had a northern aspect, and as no fires were allowed, the
+note-taker found not infrequently in winter the ink partially congealed
+in his pen. There was no imaginable warmth even in the landscape as seen
+from the windows, since, amid a treeless waste, the whistle of cold
+blasts in winter and a blinding African heat in summer characterize the
+climate of this part of Old Castile.
+
+Of the early career of Columbus, it is very certain that something may
+be gained at Simancas, for when Bergenroth, sent by the English
+government, made search there to illustrate the relations of Spain with
+England, and published his results, with the assistance of Gayangos, in
+1862-1879, as a _Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers
+relating to Negotiations between England and Spain_, one of the earliest
+entries of his first printed volume, under 1485, was a complaint of
+Ferdinand and Isabella against a Columbus--some have supposed it our
+Christopher--for his participancy in the piratical service of the
+French.
+
+[Illustration: ARCHIVO DE SIMANCAS.
+
+[From Parcerisa and Quadrado's _España_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Seville.]
+
+Harrisse complains that we have as yet but scant knowledge of what the
+archives of the Indies at Seville may contain, but they probably throw
+light rather upon the successors of Columbus than upon the career of the
+Admiral himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Seville notarial records.]
+
+The notarial archives of Seville are of recent construction, the
+gathering of scattered material having been first ordered so late as
+1869. The partial examination which has since been made of them has
+revealed some slight evidences of the life of some of Columbus's
+kindred, and it is quite possible some future inquirer will be rewarded
+for his diligent search among them.
+
+It is also not unlikely that something of interest may be brought to
+light respecting the descendants of Columbus who have lived in Seville,
+like the Counts of Gelves; but little can be expected regarding the life
+of the Admiral himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Santa Maria de las Cuevas.]
+
+The personal fame of Columbus is much more intimately connected with the
+monastery of Santa Maria de las Cuevas. Here his remains were
+transported in 1509; and at a later time, his brother and son, each
+Diego by name, were laid beside him, as was his grandson Luis. Here in
+an iron chest the family muniments and jewels were kept, as has been
+said. It is affirmed that all the documents which might have grown out
+of these transactions of duty and precaution, and which might
+incidentally have yielded some biographical information, are nowhere to
+be found in the records of the monastery. A century ago or so, when
+Muñoz was working in these records, there seems to have been enough to
+repay his exertions, as we know by his citations made between 1781 and
+1792.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese archives. Torre do Tombo.]
+
+The national archives of the Torre do Tombo, at Lisbon, begun so far
+back as 1390, are well known to have been explored by Santarem, then
+their keeper, primarily for traces of the career of Vespucius; but so
+intelligent an antiquary could not have forgotten, as a secondary aim,
+the acts of Columbus. The search yielded him, however, nothing in this
+last direction; nor was Varnhagen more fortunate. Harrisse had hopes to
+discover there the correspondence of Columbus with John the Second, in
+1488; but the search was futile in this respect, though it yielded not
+a little respecting the Perestrello family, out of which Columbus took
+his wife, the mother of the heir of his titles. There is even hope that
+the notarial acts of Lisbon might serve a similar purpose to those which
+have been so fruitful in Genoa and Savona. There are documents of great
+interest which may be yet obscurely hidden away, somewhere in Portugal,
+like the letter from the mouth of the Tagus, which Columbus on his
+return in March, 1493, addressed to the Portuguese king, and the
+diplomatic correspondence of John the Second and Ferdinand of Aragon,
+which the project of a second voyage occasioned, as well as the
+preliminaries of the treaty of Tordesillas.
+
+[Sidenote: Santo Domingo archives.]
+
+[Sidenote: Lawsuit papers.]
+
+There may be yet some hope from the archives of Santo Domingo itself,
+and from those of its Cathedral, to trace in some of their lines the
+descendants of the Admiral through his son Diego. The mishaps of nature
+and war have, however, much impaired the records. Of Columbus himself
+there is scarce a chance to learn anything here. The papers of the
+famous lawsuit of Diego Colon with the crown seem to have escaped the
+attention of all the historians before the time of Muñoz and Navarrete.
+The direct line of male descendants of the Admiral ended in 1578, when
+his great-grandson, Diego Colon y Pravia, died on the 27th January, a
+childless man. Then began another contest for the heritage and titles,
+and it lasted for thirty years, till in 1608 the Council of the Indies
+judged the rights to descend by a turn back to Diego's aunt Isabel, and
+thence to her grandson, Nuño de Portugallo, Count of Gelves. The
+excluded heirs, represented by the children of a sister of Diego,
+Francisca, who had married Diego Ortegon, were naturally not content;
+and out of the contest which followed we get a large mass of printed
+statements and counter statements, which used with caution, offer a
+study perhaps of some of the transmitted traits of Columbus. Harrisse
+names and describes nineteen of these documentary memorials, the last of
+which bears date in 1792. The most important of them all, however, is
+one printed at Madrid in 1606, known as _Memorial del Pleyto_, in which
+we find the descent of the true and spurious lines, and learn something
+too much of the scandalous life of Luis, the grandson of the Admiral, to
+say nothing of the illegitimate taints of various other branches.
+Harrisse finds assistance in working out some of the lines of the
+Admiral's descendants, in Antonio Caetano de Sousa's _Historia
+Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza_ (Lisbon, 1735-49, in 14 vols.).
+
+[Sidenote: The Muñoz collection.]
+
+The most important collection of documents gathered by individual
+efforts in Spain, to illustrate the early history of the New World, was
+that made by Juan Bautista Muñoz, in pursuance of royal orders issued to
+him in 1781 and 1788, to examine all Spanish archives, for the purpose
+of collecting material for a comprehensive History of the Indies. Muñoz
+has given in the introduction of his history a clear statement of the
+condition of the different depositories of archives in Spain, as he
+found them towards the end of the last century, when a royal order
+opened them all to his search. A first volume of Muñoz's elaborate and
+judicious work was issued in 1793, and Muñoz died in 1799, without
+venturing on a second volume to carry the story beyond 1500, where he
+had left it. He was attacked for his views, and there was more or less
+of a pamphlet war over the book before death took him from the strife;
+but he left a fragment of the second volume in manuscript, and of this
+there is a copy in the Lenox Library in New York. Another copy was sold
+in the Brinley sale. The Muñoz collection of copies came in part, at
+least, at some time after the collector's death into the hands of
+Antonio de Uguina, who placed them at the disposal of Irving; and
+Ternaux seems also to have used them. They were finally deposited by the
+Spanish government in the Academy of History at Madrid. Here Alfred
+Demersey saw them in 1862-63, and described them in the _Bulletin_ of
+the French Geographical Society in June, 1864, and it is on this
+description as well as on one in Fuster's _Biblioteca Valenciana_, that
+Harrisse depends, not having himself examined the documents.
+
+[Sidenote: The Navarrete collection.]
+
+Martin Fernandez de Navarrete was guided in his career as a collector of
+documents, when Charles the Fourth made an order, October 15, 1789, that
+there should be such a work begun to constitute the nucleus of a library
+and museum. The troublous times which succeeded interrupted the work,
+and it was not till 1825 that Navarrete brought out the first volume of
+his _Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos que hicieron por Mar los
+Españoles desde_ _Fines del Siglo XV._, a publication which a fifth
+volume completed in 1837, when he was over seventy years of age.
+
+Any life of Columbus written from documentary sources must reflect much
+light from this collection of Navarrete, of which the first two volumes
+are entirely given to the career of the Admiral, and indeed bear the
+distinctive title of _Relaciones, Cartas y otros Documentos_, relating
+to him.
+
+[Sidenote: The researches of Navarrete.]
+
+Navarrete was engaged thirty years on his work in the archives of Spain,
+and was aided part of the time by Muñoz the historian, and by Gonzales
+the keeper of the archives at Simancas. His researches extended to all
+the public repositories, and to such private ones as could be thought to
+illustrate the period of discovery. Navarrete has told the story of his
+searches in the various archives of Spain, in the introduction to his
+_Coleccion_, and how it was while searching for the evidences of the
+alleged voyage of Maldonado on the Pacific coast of North America, in
+1588, that he stumbled upon Las Casas's copies of the relations of
+Columbus, for his first and third voyages, then hid away in the archives
+of the Duc del Infantado; and he was happy to have first brought them to
+the attention of Muñoz.
+
+There are some advantages for the student in the use of the French
+edition of Navarrete's _Relations des Quatre Voyages entrepris par
+Colomb_, since the version was revised by Navarrete himself, and it is
+elucidated, not so much as one would wish, with notes by Rémusat, Balbi,
+Cuvier, Jomard, Letronne, St. Martin, Walckenaer, and others. It was
+published at Paris in three volumes in 1828. The work contains
+Navarrete's accounts of Spanish pre-Columbian voyages, of the later
+literature on Columbus, and of the voyages of discovery made by other
+efforts of the Spaniards, beside the documentary material respecting
+Columbus and his voyages, the result of his continued labors. Caleb
+Cushing, in his _Reminiscences of Spain_ in 1833, while commending the
+general purposes of Navarrete, complains of his attempts to divert the
+indignation of posterity from the selfish conduct of Ferdinand, and to
+vindicate him from the charge of injustice towards Columbus. This plea
+does not find to-day the same sympathy in students that it did sixty
+years ago.
+
+[Sidenote: Madrid Academy of History.]
+
+Father Antonio de Aspa of the monastery of the Mejorada, formed a
+collection of documents relating to the discovery of the New World, and
+it was in this collection, now preserved in the Academy of History at
+Madrid, that Navarrete discovered that curious narration of the second
+voyage of Columbus by Dr. Chanca, which had been sent to the chapter of
+the Cathedral, and which Navarrete included in his collection. It is
+thought that Bernaldez had used this Chanca narrative in his _Reyes
+Católicos_.
+
+[Sidenote: _Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos._]
+
+Navarrete's name is also connected, as one of its editors, with the
+extensive _Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de España_,
+the publication of which was begun in Madrid in 1847, two years before
+Navarrete's death. This collection yields something in elucidation of
+the story to be here told; but not much, except that in it, at a late
+day, the _Historia_ of Las Casas was first printed.
+
+In 1864, there was still another series begun at Madrid, _Coleccion de
+Documentos Ineditos relativos al Descubrimiento, Conquista y
+Colonizacion de las Posesiones Españolas en América y Oceania_, under
+the editing of Joaquin Pacheco and Francisco de Cárdenas, who have not
+always satisfied students by the way in which they have done their work.
+Beyond the papers which Navarrete had earlier given, and which are here
+reprinted, there is not much in this collection to repay the student of
+Columbus, except some long accounts of the Repartimiento in Española.
+
+[Sidenote: Cartas de Indias.]
+
+The latest documentary contribution is the large folio, with an appendix
+of facsimile writings of Columbus, Vespucius, and others, published at
+Madrid in 1877, by the government, and called _Cartas de Indias_, in
+which it has been hinted some use has been made of the matter
+accumulated by Navarrete for additional volumes of his _Coleccion_.
+
+[Illustration: PART OF A PAGE IN THE GIUSTINIANI PSALTER, SHOWING THE
+BEGINNING OF THE EARLIEST PRINTED LIFE OF COLUMBUS.
+
+[From the copy in Harvard College Library.]]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+BIOGRAPHERS AND PORTRAITISTS.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Contemporary notices.]
+
+[Sidenote: Giustiniani.]
+
+We may most readily divide by the nationalities of the writers our
+enumeration of those who have used the material which has been
+considered in the previous chapter. We begin, naturally, with the
+Italians, the countrymen of Columbus. We may look first to three
+Genoese, and it has been shown that while they used documents apparently
+now lost, they took nothing from them which we cannot get from other
+sources; and they all borrowed from common originals, or from each
+other. Two of these writers are Antonio Gallo, the official chronicler
+of the Genoese Republic, on the first and second voyages of Columbus,
+and so presumably writing before the third was made, and Bartholomew
+Senarega on the affairs of Genoa, both of which recitals were published
+by Muratori, in his great Italian collection. The third is Giustiniani,
+the Bishop of Nebbio, who, publishing in 1516, at Genoa, a polyglot
+Psalter, added, as one of his elucidations of the nineteenth psalm, on
+the plea that Columbus had often boasted he was chosen to fulfill its
+prophecy, a brief life of Columbus, in which the story of the humble
+origin of the navigator has in the past been supposed to have first been
+told. The other accounts, it now appears, had given that condition an
+equal prominence. Giustiniani was but a child when Columbus left Genoa,
+and could not have known him; and taking, very likely, much from
+hearsay, he might have made some errors, which were repeated or only
+partly corrected in his Annals of Genoa, published in 1537, the year
+following his own death. It is not found, however, that the sketch is in
+any essential particular far from correct, and it has been confirmed by
+recent investigations. The English of it is given in Harrisse's _Notes
+on Columbus_ (pp. 74-79). The statements of the Psalter respecting
+Columbus were reckoned with other things so false that the Senate of
+Genoa prohibited its perusal and allowed no one to possess it,--at least
+so it is claimed in the _Historie_ of 1571; but no one has ever found
+such a decree, nor is it mentioned by any who would have been likely to
+revert to it, had it ever existed.
+
+[Sidenote: Bergomas.]
+
+The account in the _Collectanea_ of Battista Fulgoso (sometimes written
+Fregoso), printed at Milan in 1509, is of scarcely any original value,
+though of interest as the work of another Genoese. Allegetto degli
+Allegetti, whose _Ephemerides_ is also published in Muratori, deserves
+scarcely more credit, though he seems to have got his information from
+the letters of Italian merchants living in Spain, who communicated
+current news to their home correspondents. Bergomas, who had published a
+chronicle as early as 1483, made additions to his work from time to
+time, and in an edition printed at Venice, in 1503, he paraphrased
+Columbus's own account of his first voyage, which was reprinted in the
+subsequent edition of 1506. In this latter year Maffei de Volterra
+published a commentary at Rome, of much the same importance. Such was
+the filtering process by which Italy, through her own writers, acquired
+contemporary knowledge of her adventurous son.
+
+The method was scarcely improved in the condensation of Jovius (1551),
+or in the traveler's tales of Benzoni (1565).
+
+[Sidenote: Casoni, 1708.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bossi.]
+
+Harrisse affirms that it is not till we come down to the Annals of
+Genoa, published by Filippo Casoni, in 1708, that we get any new
+material in an Italian writer, and on a few points this last writer has
+adduced documentary evidence, not earlier made known. It is only when we
+pass into the present century that we find any of the countrymen of
+Columbus undertaking in a sustained way to tell the whole story of
+Columbus's life. Léon had noted that at some time in Spain, without
+giving place and date, Columbus had printed a little tract, _Declaration
+de Tabla Navigatoria_; but no one before Luigi Bossi had undertaken to
+investigate the writings of Columbus. He is precursor of all the modern
+biographers of Columbus, and his book was published at Milan, in 1818.
+He claimed in his appendix to have added rare and unpublished documents,
+but Harrisse points out how they had all been printed earlier.
+
+Bossi expresses opinions respecting the Spanish nation that are by no
+means acceptable to that people, and Navarrete not infrequently takes
+the Italian writer to task for this as for his many errors of statement,
+and for the confidence which he places even in the pictorial designs of
+De Bry as historical records.
+
+There is nothing more striking in the history of American discovery than
+the fact that the Italian people furnished to Spain Columbus, to England
+Cabot, and to France Verrazano; and that the three leading powers of
+Europe, following as maritime explorers in the lead of Portugal, who
+could not dispense with Vespucius, another Italian, pushed their rights
+through men whom they had borrowed from the central region of the
+Mediterranean, while Italy in its own name never possessed a rood of
+American soil. The adopted country of each of these Italians gave more
+or less of its own impress to its foster child. No one of these men was
+so impressible as Columbus, and no country so much as Spain was likely
+at this time to exercise an influence on the character of an alien.
+Humboldt has remarked that Columbus got his theological fervor in
+Andalusia and Granada, and we can scarcely imagine Columbus in the garb
+of a Franciscan walking the streets of free and commercial Genoa as he
+did those of Seville, when he returned from his second voyage.
+
+The latest of the considerable popular Italian lives of Columbus is G.
+B. Lemoyne's _Colombo e la Scoperta dell' America_, issued at Turin, in
+1873.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese writers.]
+
+We may pass now to the historians of that country to which Columbus
+betook himself on leaving Italy; but about all to be found at first hand
+is in the chronicle of João II. of Portugal, as prepared by Ruy de Pina,
+the archivist of the Torre do Tombo. At the time of the voyage of
+Columbus Ruy was over fifty, while Garcia de Resende was a young man
+then living at the Portuguese court, who in his _Choronica_, published
+in 1596, did little more than borrow from his elder, Ruy; and Resende in
+turn furnished to João de Barros the staple of the latter's narrative in
+his _Decada da Asia_, printed at Lisbon, in 1752.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Spanish writers.]
+
+[Sidenote: Peter Martyr.]
+
+We find more of value when we summon the Spanish writers. Although Peter
+Martyr d'Anghiera was an Italian, Muñoz reckons him a Spaniard, since he
+was naturalized in Spain. He was a man of thirty years, when, coming
+from Rome, he settled in Spain, a few years before Columbus attracted
+much notice. Martyr had been borne thither on a reputation of his own,
+which had commended his busy young nature to the attention of the
+Spanish court. He took orders and entered upon a prosperous career,
+proceeding by steps, which successively made him the chaplain of Queen
+Isabella, a prior of the Cathedral of Granada, and ultimately the
+official chronicler of the Indies. Very soon after his arrival in Spain,
+he had disclosed a quick eye for the changeful life about him, and he
+began in 1488 the writing of those letters which, to the number of over
+eight hundred, exist to attest his active interest in the events of his
+day. These events he continued to observe till 1525. We have no more
+vivid source of the contemporary history, particularly as it concerned
+the maritime enterprise of the peninsular peoples. He wrote fluently,
+and, as he tells us, sometimes while waiting for dinner, and necessarily
+with haste. He jotted down first and unconfirmed reports, and let them
+stand. He got news by hearsay, and confounded events. He had candor and
+sincerity enough, however, not to prize his own works above their true
+value. He knew Columbus, and, his letters readily reflect what interest
+there was in the exploits of Columbus, immediately on his return from
+his first voyage; but the earlier preparations of the navigator for that
+voyage, with the problematical characteristics of the undertaking, do
+not seem to have made any impression upon Peter Martyr, and it is not
+till May of 1493, when the discovery had been made, and later in
+September, that he chronicles the divulged existence of the newly
+discovered islands. The three letters in which this wonderful
+intelligence was first communicated are printed by Harrisse in English,
+in his _Notes on Columbus_. Las Casas tells us how Peter Martyr got his
+accounts of the first discoveries directly from the lips of Columbus
+himself and from those who accompanied him; but he does not fail to tell
+us also of the dangers of too implicitly trusting to all that Peter
+says. From May 14, 1493, to June 5, 1497, in twelve separate letters, we
+read what this observer has to say of the great navigator who had
+suddenly and temporarily stepped into the glare of notice. These and
+other letters of Peter Martyr have not escaped some serious criticism.
+There are contradictions and anachronisms in them that have forcibly
+helped Ranke, Hallam, Gerigk, and others to count the text which we have
+as more or less changed from what must have been the text, if honestly
+written by Martyr. They have imagined that some editor, willful or
+careless, has thrown this luckless accompaniment upon them. The letters,
+however, claimed the confidence of Prescott, and have, as regards the
+parts touching the new discoveries, seldom failed to impress with their
+importance those who have used them. It is the opinion of the last
+examiner of them, J. H. Mariéjol, in his _Peter Martyr d'Anghera_
+(Paris, 1887), that to read them attentively is the best refutation of
+the skeptics. Martyr ceased to refer to the affairs of the New World
+after 1499, and those of his earlier letters which illustrate the early
+voyage have appeared in a French version, made by Gaffarel and Louvot
+(Paris, 1885).
+
+The representations of Columbus easily convinced Martyr that there
+opened a subject worthy of his pen, and he set about composing a special
+treatise on the discoveries in the New World, and, under the title of
+_De Orbe Novo_, it occupied his attention from October, 1494, to the day
+of his death. For the earlier years he had, if we may believe him, not a
+little help from Columbus himself; and it would seem from his one
+hundred and thirty-five epistles that he was not altogether prepared to
+go with Columbus, in accounting the new islands as lying off the coast
+of Asia. He is particularly valuable to us in treating of Columbus's
+conflicts with the natives of Española, and Las Casas found him as
+helpful as we do.
+
+These _Decades_, as the treatise is usually called, formed enlarged
+bulletins, which, in several copies, were transmitted by him to some of
+his noble friends in Italy, to keep them conversant with the passing
+events.
+
+[Sidenote: Trivigiano.]
+
+A certain Angelo Trivigiano, into whose hands a copy of some of the
+early sections fell, translated them into easy, not to say vulgar,
+Italian, and sent them to Venice, in four different copies, a few months
+after they were written; and in this way the first seven books of the
+first decade fell into the hands of a Venetian printer, who, in April,
+1504, brought out a little book of sixteen leaves in the dialect of that
+region, known in bibliography as the _Libretto de Tutta la Navigation
+de Re de Spagna de le Isole et Terreni novamente trovati_. This
+publication is known to us in a single copy lacking a title, in the
+Biblioteca Marciana. Here we have the first account of the new
+discoveries, written upon report, and supplementing the narrative of
+Columbus himself. We also find in this little narrative some personal
+details about Columbus, not contained in the same portions when embodied
+in the larger _De Orbe Novo_ of Martyr, and it may be a question if
+somebody who acted as editor to the Venetian version may not have added
+them to the translation. The story of the new discoveries attracted
+enough notice to make Zorzi or Montalboddo--if one or the other were its
+editor--include this Venetian version of Martyr bodily in the collection
+of voyages which, as _Paesi novamente retrovati_, was published at
+Vicentia somewhere about November, 1507. It is, perhaps, a measure of
+the interest felt in the undertakings of Columbus, not easily understood
+at this day, that it took fourteen years for a scant recital of such
+events to work themselves into the context of so composite a record of
+discovery as the _Paesi_ proved to be; and still more remarkable it may
+be accounted that the story could be told with but few actual references
+to the hero of the transactions, "Columbus, the Genoese." It is not only
+the compiler who is so reticent, but it is the author whence he borrowed
+what he had to say, Martyr himself, the observer and acquaintance of
+Columbus, who buries the discoverer under the event. With such an
+augury, it is not so strange that at about the same time in the little
+town of St. Dié, in the Vosges, a sequestered teacher could suggest a
+name derived from that of a follower of Columbus, Americus Vespucius,
+for that part of the new lands then brought into prominence. If the
+documentary proofs of Columbus's priority had given to the Admiral's
+name the same prominence which the event received, the result might not,
+in the end, have been so discouraging to justice.
+
+Martyr, unfortunately, with all his advantages, and with his access to
+the archives of the Indies, did not burden his recital with documents.
+He was even less observant of the lighter traits that interest those
+eager for news than might have been expected, for the busy chaplain was
+a gossip by nature: he liked to retail hearsays and rumors; he enlivened
+his letters with personal characteristics; but in speaking of Columbus
+he is singularly reticent upon all that might picture the man to us as
+he lived.
+
+[Sidenote: Oviedo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ramusio.]
+
+When, in 1534, these portions of Martyr's _Decades_ were combined with a
+summary of Oviedo, in a fresh publication, there were some curious
+personal details added to Martyr's narrative; but as Ramusio is supposed
+to have edited the compilation, these particulars are usually accredited
+to that author. It is not known whence this Italian compiler could have
+got them, and there is no confirmation of them elsewhere to be found. If
+these additions, as is supposed, were a foreign graft upon Martyr's
+recitals, the staple of his narrative still remains not altogether free
+from some suspicions that, as a writer himself, he was not wholly frank
+and trustworthy. At least a certain confusion in his method leads some
+of the critics to discover something like imposture in what they charge
+as a habit of antedating a letter so as to appear prophetic; while his
+defenders find in these same evidences of incongruity a sign of
+spontaneity that argues freshness and sincerity.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Bernaldez.]
+
+The confidence which we may readily place in what is said of Columbus in
+the chronicle of Ferdinand and Isabella, written by Andrès Bernaldez, is
+prompted by his acquaintance with Columbus, and by his being the
+recipient of some of the navigator's own writings from his own hands. He
+is also known to have had access to what Chanca and other companions of
+Columbus had written. This country curate, who lived in the neighborhood
+of Seville, was also the chaplain of the Archbishop of Seville, a
+personal friend of the Admiral, and from him Bernaldez received some
+help. He does not add much, however, to what is given us by Peter
+Martyr, though in respect to the second voyage and to a few personal
+details Bernaldez is of some confirmatory value. The manuscript of his
+narrative remained unprinted in the royal library at Madrid till about
+thirty-five years ago; but nearly all the leading writers have made use
+of it in copies which have been furnished.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Oviedo.]
+
+In coming to Oviedo, we encounter a chronicler who, as a writer,
+possesses an art far from skillful. Muñoz laments that his learning was
+not equal to his diligence. He finds him of little service for the times
+of Columbus, and largely because he was neglectful of documents and
+pursued uncritical combinations of tales and truths. With all his
+vagaries he is a helpful guide. "It is not," says Harrisse, "that Oviedo
+shows so much critical sagacity, as it is that he collates all the
+sources available to him, and gives the reader the clues to a final
+judgment." He is generally deemed honest, though Las Casas thought him
+otherwise. The author of the _Historie_ looks upon him as an enemy of
+Columbus, and would make it appear that he listened to the tales of the
+Pinzons, who were enemies of the Admiral. His administrative services in
+the Indies show that he could be faithful to a trust, even at the risk
+of popularity. This gives a presumption in favor of his historic
+fairness. He was intelligent if not learned, and a power of happy
+judgments served him in good stead, even with a somewhat loose method of
+taking things as he heard them. He further inspires us with a certain
+amount of confidence, because he is not always a hero-worshiper, and he
+does not hesitate to tell a story, which seems to have been in
+circulation, to the effect that Columbus got his geographical ideas from
+an old pilot. Oviedo, however, refrains from setting the tale down as a
+fact, as some of the later writers, using little of Oviedo's caution,
+and borrowing from him, did. His opportunities of knowing the truth were
+certainly exceptional, though it does not appear that he ever had direct
+communication with the Admiral himself. He was but a lad of fifteen when
+we find him jotting down notes of what he saw and heard, as a page in
+attendance upon Don Juan, the son of the Spanish sovereigns, when, at
+Barcelona, he saw them receive Columbus after his first voyage. During
+five years, between 1497 and 1502, he was in Italy. With that exception
+he was living within the Spanish court up to 1514, when he was sent to
+the New World, and passed there the greater part of his remaining life.
+While he had been at court in his earlier years, the sons of Columbus,
+Diego and Ferdinand, were his companions in the pages' anteroom, and he
+could hardly have failed to profit by their acquaintance. We know that
+from the younger son he did derive not a little information. When he
+went to America, some of Columbus's companions and followers were still
+living,--Pinzon, Ponce de Leon, and Diego Velasquez,--and all these
+could hardly have failed to help him in his note-taking. He also tells
+us that he sought some of the Italian compatriots of the Admiral, though
+Harrisse judges that what he got from them was not altogether
+trustworthy. Oviedo rose naturally in due time into the position of
+chronicler of the Indies, and tried his skill at first in a descriptive
+account of the New World. A command of Charles the Fifth, with all the
+facilities which such an order implied, though doubtless in some degree
+embarrassed by many of the documentary proofs being preserved rather in
+Spain than in the Indies, finally set him to work on a _Historia General
+de las Indias_, the opening portions of which, and those covering the
+career of Columbus, were printed at Seville in 1535. It is the work of a
+consistent though not blinded admirer of the Discoverer, and while we
+might wish he had helped us to more of the proofs of his narrative, his
+recital is, on the whole, one to be signally grateful for.
+
+Gomara, in the early part of his history, mixed up what he took from
+Oviedo with what else came in his way, with an avidity that rejected
+little.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: _Historie_ ascribed to Ferdinand Columbus.]
+
+But it is to a biography of Columbus, written by his youngest son,
+Ferdinand, as was universally believed up to 1871, that all the
+historians of the Admiral have been mainly indebted for the personal
+details and other circumstances which lend vividness to his story. As
+the book has to-day a good many able defenders, notwithstanding the
+discredit which Harrisse has sought to place upon it, it is worth while
+to trace the devious paths of its transmission, and to measure the
+burden of confidence placed upon it from the days of Ferdinand to our
+own.
+
+The rumor goes that some of the statements in the Psalter note of 1516,
+particularly one respecting the low origin of the Admiral, disturbed the
+pride of Ferdinand to such a degree that this son of Columbus undertook
+to leave behind him a detailed account of his father's career, such as
+the Admiral, though urged to do it, had never found time to write.
+Ferdinand was his youngest son, and was born only three or four years
+before his father left Palos. There are two dates given for his birth,
+each apparently on good authority, but these are a year apart.
+
+[Sidenote: Career of Ferdinand Columbus.]
+
+The language of Columbus's will, as well as the explicit statements of
+Oviedo and Las Casas, leaves no reasonable ground for doubting his
+illegitimacy. Bastardy was no bar to heirship in Spain, if a testator
+chose to make a natural son his heir, as Columbus did, in giving
+Ferdinand the right to his titles after the failure of heirs to Diego,
+his legitimate son. Columbus's influence early found him a place as a
+page at court, and during the Admiral's fourth voyage, in 1502-1504, the
+boy accompanied his father, and once or twice at a later day he again
+visited the Indies. When Columbus died, this son inherited many of his
+papers; but if his own avowal be believed, he had neglected occasions in
+his father's lifetime to question the Admiral respecting his early life,
+not having, as he says, at that time learned to have interest in such
+matters. His subsequent education at court, however, implanted in his
+mind a good deal of the scholar's taste, and as a courtier in attendance
+upon Charles the Fifth he had seasons of travel, visiting pretty much
+every part of Western Europe, during which he had opportunities to pick
+up in many places a large collection of books. He often noted in them
+the place and date of purchase, so that it is not difficult to learn in
+this way something of his wanderings.
+
+The income of Ferdinand was large, or the equivalent of what Harrisse
+calls to-day 180,000 francs, which was derived from territorial rights
+in San Domingo, coming to him from the Admiral, increased by slave labor
+in the mines, assigned to him by King Ferdinand, which at one time
+included the service of four hundred Indians, and enlarged by pensions
+bestowed by Charles the Fifth.
+
+It has been said sometimes that he was in orders; but Harrisse, his
+chief biographer, could find no proof of it. Oviedo describes him in
+1535 as a person of "much nobility of character, of an affable turn and
+of a sweet conversation."
+
+[Sidenote: Biblioteca Colombina.]
+
+When he died at Seville, July 12, 1539, he had amassed a collection of
+books, variously estimated in contemporary accounts at from twelve to
+twenty thousand volumes. Harrisse, in his _Grandeur et Décadence de la
+Colombine_ (2d ed., Paris, 1885), represents Ferdinand as having
+searched from 1510 to 1537 all the principal book marts of Europe. He
+left these books by will to his minor nephew, Luis Colon, son of Diego,
+but there was a considerable delay before Luis renounced the legacy,
+with the conditions attached. Legal proceedings, which accompanied the
+transactions of its executors, so delayed the consummation of the
+alternative injunction of the will that the chapter of the Cathedral of
+Seville, which, was to receive the library in case Don Luis declined it,
+did not get possession of it till 1552.
+
+The care of it which ensued seems to have been of a varied nature. Forty
+years later a scholar bitterly complains that it was inaccessible. It is
+known that by royal command certain books and papers were given up to
+enrich the national archives, which, however, no longer contain them.
+When, in 1684, the monks awoke to a sense of their responsibility and
+had a new inventory of the books made, it was found that the collection
+had been reduced to four or five thousand volumes. After the librarian
+who then had charge of it died in 1709, the collection again fell into
+neglect. There are sad stories of roistering children let loose in its
+halls to make havoc of its treasures. There was no responsible care
+again taken of it till a new librarian was chosen, in 1832, who
+discovered what any one might have learned before, that the money which
+Ferdinand left for the care and increase of the library had never been
+applied to it, and that the principal, even, had disappeared. Other
+means of increasing it were availed of, and the loss of the original
+inestimable bibliographical treasures was forgotten in the crowd of
+modern books which were placed upon its shelves. Amid all this new
+growth, it does not appear just how many of the books which descended
+from Ferdinand still remain in it. Something of the old carelessness--to
+give it no worse name--has despoiled it, even as late as 1884 and 1885,
+when large numbers of the priceless treasures still remaining found a
+way to the Quay Voltaire and other marts for old books in Paris, while
+others were disposed of in London, Amsterdam, and even in Spain. This
+outrage was promptly exposed by Harrisse in the _Revue Critique_, and in
+two monographs, _Grandeur et Décadence_, etc., already named, and in his
+_Colombine et Clément Marot_ (Paris, 1886); and the story has been
+further recapitulated in the accounts of Ferdinand and his library,
+which Harrisse has also given in his _Excerpta Colombiana: Bibliographie
+de Quatre Cents Pièces Gothiques_ _Francaises, Italiennes et Latines du
+Commencement du XVI Siecle_ (Paris, 1887), an account of book rarities
+found in that library.
+
+[Illustration: SPECIMENS OF THE NOTES OF FERDINAND COLUMBUS ON HIS
+BOOKS.
+
+[From Harrisse's _Grandeur el Décadence de la Colombine_ (Paris,
+1885).]]
+
+[Sidenote: Perez de Oliva.]
+
+We are fortunate, nevertheless, in having a manuscript catalogue of it
+in Ferdinand's own hand, though not a complete one, for he died while he
+was making it. This library, as well as what we know of his writings and
+of the reputation which he bore among his contemporaries, many of whom
+speak of him and of his library with approbation, shows us that a habit,
+careless of inquiry in his boyhood, gave place in his riper years to
+study and respect for learning. He is said by the inscription on his
+tomb to have composed an extensive work on the New World and his
+father's finding of it, but it has disappeared. Neither in his library
+nor in his catalogue do we find any trace of the life of his father
+which he is credited with having prepared. None of his friends, some of
+them writers on the New World, make any mention of such a book. There is
+in the catalogue a note, however, of a life of Columbus written about
+1525, of which the manuscript is credited to Ferdinand Perez de Oliva, a
+man of some repute, who died in 1530. Whether this writing bore any
+significant relation to the life which is associated with the owner of
+the library is apparently beyond discovery. It can scarcely be supposed
+that it could have been written other than with Ferdinand's cognizance.
+That there was an account of the Admiral's career, quoted in Las Casas
+and attributed to Ferdinand Columbus, and that it existed before 1559,
+seems to be nearly certain. A manuscript of the end of the sixteenth
+century, by Gonzalo Argote de Molina, mentions a report that Ferdinand
+had written a life of his father. Harrisse tells us that he has seen a
+printed book catalogue, apparently of the time of Muñoz or Navarette, in
+which a Spanish life of Columbus by Ferdinand Columbus is entered; but
+the fact stands without any explanation or verification. Spotorno, in
+1823, in an introduction to his collection of documents about Columbus,
+says that the manuscript of what has passed for Ferdinand's memoir of
+his father was taken from Spain to Genoa by Luis Colon, the Duke of
+Veragua, son of Diego and grandson of Christopher Columbus. It is not
+known that Luis ever had any personal relations with Ferdinand, who died
+while Luis was still in Santo Domingo.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of the _Historie_.]
+
+It is said that it was in 1568 that Luis took the manuscript to Genoa,
+but in that year he is known to have been living elsewhere. He had been
+arrested in Spain in 1558 for having three wives, when he was exiled to
+Oran, in Africa, for ten years, and he died in 1572. Spotorno adds that
+the manuscript afterwards fell into the hands of a patrician, Marini,
+from whom Alfonzo de Ullua received it, and translated it into Italian.
+It is shown, however, that Marini was not living at this time. The
+original Spanish, if that was the tongue of the manuscript, then
+disappeared, and the world has only known it in this Italian _Historie_,
+published in 1571. Whether the copy brought to Italy had been in any way
+changed from its original condition, or whether the version then made
+public fairly represented it, there does not seem any way of determining
+to the satisfaction of everybody. At all events, the world thought it
+had got something of value and of authority, and in sundry editions and
+retranslations, with more or less editing and augmentation, it has
+passed down to our time--the last edition appearing in
+1867--unquestioned for its service to the biographers of Columbus. Muñoz
+hardly knew what to make of some of "its unaccountable errors," and
+conjectured that the Italian version had been made from "a corrupt and
+false copy;" and coupling with it the "miserable" Spanish rendering in
+Barcia's _Historiadores_, Muñoz adds that "a number of falsities and
+absurdities is discernible in both." Humboldt had indeed expressed
+wonder at the ignorance of the book in nautical matters, considering the
+reputation which Ferdinand held in such affairs. It began the Admiral's
+story in detail when he was said to be fifty-six years of age. It has
+never been clear to all minds that Ferdinand's asseveration of a
+youthful want of curiosity respecting the Admiral's early life was
+sufficient to account for so much reticence respecting that formative
+period. It has been, accordingly, sometimes suspected that a desire to
+ignore the family's early insignificance rather than ignorance had most
+to do with this absence of information. This seems to be Irving's
+inference from the facts.
+
+[Sidenote: Attacked by Harrisse.]
+
+In 1871, Henry Harrisse, who in 1866 had written of the book, "It is
+generally accepted with some latitude," made the first assault on its
+integrity, in his _Fernando Colon_, published in Seville, in
+Spanish, which was followed the next year by his _Fernand Colomb_, in
+the original French text as it had been written, and published at Paris.
+Harrisse's view was reënforced in the _Additions_ to his _Bibliotheca
+Americana Vetustissima_, and he again reverted to the subject in the
+first volume of his _Christophe Colomb_, in 1884. In the interim the
+entire text of Las Casas's _Historia_ had been published for the first
+time, rendering a comparison of the two books more easy. Harrisse
+availed himself of this facility of examination, and made no abatement
+of his confident disbelief. That Las Casas borrowed from the _Historie_,
+or rather that the two books had a common source, Harrisse thinks
+satisfactorily shown. He further throws out the hint that this source,
+or prototype, may have been one of the lost essays of Ferdinand, in
+which he had followed the career of his father; or indeed, in some way,
+the account written by Oliva may have formed the basis of the book. He
+further implies that, in the transformation to the Italian edition of
+1571, there were engrafted upon the narrative many contradictions and
+anachronisms, which seriously impair its value. Hence, as he contends,
+it is a shame to impose its authorship in that foreign shape upon
+Ferdinand. He also denies in the main the story of its transmission as
+told by Spotorno.
+
+So much of this book as is authentic, and may be found to be
+corroborated by other evidence, may very likely be due to the manuscript
+of Oliva, transported to Italy, and used as the work of Ferdinand
+Columbus, to give it larger interest than the name of Oliva would carry;
+while, to gratify prejudices and increase its attractions, the various
+interpolations were made, which Harrisse thinks--and with much
+reason--could not have proceeded from one so near to Columbus, so well
+informed, and so kindly in disposition as we know his son Ferdinand to
+have been.
+
+[Sidenote: Defended by Stevens and others.]
+
+So iconoclastic an outburst was sure to elicit vindicators of the
+world's faith as it had long been held. In counter publications,
+Harrisse and D'Avezac, the latter an eminent French authority on
+questions of this period, fought out their battle, not without some
+sharpness. Henry Stevens, an old antagonist of Harrisse, assailed the
+new views with his accustomed confidence and rasping assertion. Oscar
+Peschel, the German historian, and Count Circourt, the French student,
+gave their opposing opinions; and the issue has been joined by others,
+particularly within a few years by Prospero Peragallo, the pastor of an
+Italian church in Lisbon, who has pressed defensive views with some
+force in his _L'Autenticità delle Historie di Fernando Colombo_ (1884),
+and later in his _Cristoforo Colombo et sua Famiglia_ (1888). It is held
+by some of these later advocates of the book that parts of the original
+Spanish text can be identified in Las Casas. The controversy has thus
+had two stages. The first was marked by the strenuousness of D'Avezac
+fifteen years ago. The second sprang from the renewed propositions of
+Harrisse in his _Christophe Colomb_, ten years later. Sundry critics
+have summed up the opposing arguments with more or less tendency to
+oppose the iconoclast, and chief among them are two German scholars:
+Professor Max Büdinger, in his _Acten zur Columbus' Geschichte_ (Wien,
+1886), and his _Zur Columbus Literatur_ (Wien, 1889); and Professor
+Eugen Gelcich, in the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu
+Berlin_ (1887).
+
+Harrisse's views cannot be said to have conquered a position; but his
+own scrutiny and that which he has engendered in others have done good
+work in keeping the _Historie_ constantly subject to critical caution.
+Dr. Shea still says of it: "It is based on the same documents of
+Christopher Columbus which Las Casas used. It is a work of authority."
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Las Casas.]
+
+Reference has already been made to the tardy publication of the
+narrative of Las Casas. Columbus had been dead something over twenty
+years, when this good man set about the task of describing in this work
+what he had seen and heard respecting the New World,--or at least this
+is the generally accredited interval, making him begin the work in 1527;
+and yet it is best to remember that Helps could not find any positive
+evidence of his being at work on the manuscript before 1552. Las Casas
+did not live to finish the task, though he labored upon it down to 1561,
+when he was eighty-seven years old. He died five years later. Irving,
+who made great use of Las Casas, professed to consult him with that
+caution which he deemed necessary in respect to a writer given to
+prejudice and overheated zeal. For the period of Columbus's public life
+(1492-1506), no other one of his contemporaries gives us so much of
+documentary proof. Of the thirty-one papers, falling within this
+interval, which he transcribed into his pages nearly in their
+entirety,--throwing out some preserved in the archives of the Duke of
+Veragua, and others found at Simancas or Seville,--there remain
+seventeen, that would be lost to us but for this faithful chronicler.
+How did he command this rich resource? As a native of Seville, Las Casas
+had come there to be consecrated as bishop in 1544, and again in 1547,
+after he had quitted the New World forever. At this time the family
+papers of Columbus, then held for Luis Colon, a minor, were locked up in
+a strong box in the custody of the monks of the neighboring monastery of
+Las Cuevas. There is no evidence, however, that the chest was opened for
+the inspection of the chronicler. He also professes to use original
+letters sent by Columbus to Ferdinand and Isabella, which he must have
+found in the archives at Valladolid before 1545, or at Simancas after
+that date. Again he speaks of citing as in his own collection attested
+copies of some of Columbus's letters.
+
+In 1550, and during his later years, Las Casas lived in the monastery of
+San Gregorio, at Valladolid, leaving it only for visits to Toledo or
+Madrid, unless it was for briefer visits to Simancas, not far off. Some
+of the documents, which he might have found in that repository, are not
+at present in those archives. It was there that he might have found
+numerous letters which he cites, but which are not otherwise known. From
+the use Las Casas makes of them, it would seem that they were of more
+importance in showing the discontent and querulousness of Columbus than
+as adding to details of his career. Again it appears clear that Las
+Casas got documents in some way from the royal archives. We know the
+journal of Columbus on his first voyage only from the abridgment which
+Las Casas made of it, and much the same is true of the record of his
+third voyage.
+
+In some portion, at least, of his citations from the letters of
+Columbus, there may be reason to think that Las Casas took them at
+second hand, and Harrisse, with his belief in the derivative character
+of the _Historie_ of Ferdinand Columbus, very easily conjectures that
+this primal source may have been the manuscript upon which the compiler
+of the _Historie_ was equally dependent. One kind of reasoning which
+Harrisse uses is this: If Las Casas had used the original Latin of the
+correspondence with Toscanelli, instead of the text of this supposed
+Spanish prototype, it would not appear in so bad a state as it does in
+Las Casas's book.
+
+[Illustration: LAS CASAS.]
+
+If this missing prototype of the _Historie_ was among Ferdinand's books
+in his library, which had been removed from his house in 1544 to the
+convent of San Pablo in Seville, and was not removed to the cathedral
+till 1552, it may also have happened that along with it he used there
+the _De Imagine Mundi_ of Pierre d'Ailly, Columbus's own copy of which
+was, and still is, preserved in the Biblioteca Colombina, and shows the
+Admiral's own manuscript annotations.
+
+It was in the chapel of San Pablo that Las Casas had been consecrated as
+bishop in 1544, and his associations with the monks could have given
+easy access to what they held in custody,--too easy, perhaps, if
+Harrisse's supposition is correct, that they let him take away the map
+which Toscanelli sent to Columbus, and which would account for its not
+being in the library now.
+
+[Sidenote: His opportunities.]
+
+We know, also, that Las Casas had use of the famous letter respecting
+his third voyage, which the Admiral addressed to the nurse of the Infant
+Don Juan, and which was first laid before modern students when Spotorno
+printed it, in 1823. We further understand that the account of the
+fourth voyage, which students now call, in its Italian form, the
+_Lettera Rarissima_, was also at his disposal, as were many letters of
+Bartholomew, the brother of Columbus, though they apparently only
+elucidate the African voyage of Diaz.
+
+In addition to these manuscript sources, Las Casas shows that, as a
+student, he was familiar with and appreciated the decades of Peter
+Martyr, and had read the accounts of Columbus in Garcia de Resende,
+Barros, and Castañeda,--to say nothing of what he may have derived from
+the supposable prototype of the _Historie_. It is certain that his
+personal acquaintance brought him into relations with the Admiral
+himself,--for he accompanied him on his fourth voyage,--with the
+Admiral's brother, son, and son's wife; and moreover his own father and
+uncle had sailed with Columbus. There were, among his other
+acquaintances, the Archbishop of Seville, Pinzon, and other of the
+contemporary navigators. It has been claimed by some, not accurately, we
+suspect, that Las Casas had also accompanied Columbus on his third
+voyage. Notwithstanding all these opportunities of acquiring a thorough
+intimacy with the story of Columbus, it is contended by Harrisse that
+the aid afforded by Las Casas disappoints one; and that all essential
+data with which his narrative is supplied can be found elsewhere,
+nearer the primal source.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of his writings.]
+
+This condition arises, as he thinks, from the fact that the one
+engrossing purpose of Las Casas--his aim to emancipate the Indians from
+a cruel domination--constantly stood in the way of a critical
+consideration of the other aspects of the early Spanish contact with the
+New World. It was while at the University of Salamanca that the father
+of Las Casas gave the son an Indian slave, one of those whom Columbus
+had sent home; and it was taken from the young student when Isabella
+decreed the undoing of Columbus's kidnapping exploits. It was this event
+which set Las Casas to thinking on the miseries of the poor natives,
+which Columbus had planned, and which enables us to discover, in the
+example of Las Casas, that the customs of the time are not altogether an
+unanswerable defense of the time's inhumanity and greed.
+
+As is well known, all but the most recent writers on Spanish-American
+history have been forced to use this work of Las Casas in manuscript
+copies, as a license to print such an exposure of Spanish cruelty could
+not be obtained till 1875, when the _Historia_ was first printed at
+Madrid.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Herrera.]
+
+Herrera, so far as his record concerns Columbus, simply gives us what he
+takes from Las Casas. He was born about the time that the older writer
+was probably making his investigations. Herrera did not publish his
+results, which are slavishly chronological in their method, till half a
+century later (1601-15). Though then the official historiographer of the
+Indies, with all the chances for close investigation which that
+situation afforded him, Herrera failed in all ways to make the record of
+his _Historia_ that comprehensive and genuine source of the story of
+Columbus which the reader might naturally look for. The continued
+obscuration of Las Casas by reason of the long delay in printing his
+manuscript served to give Herrera, through many generations, a
+prominence as an authoritative source which he could not otherwise have
+had. Irving, when he worked at the subject, soon discovered that Las
+Casas stood behind the story as Herrera told it, and accordingly the
+American writer resorted by preference to such a copy of the manuscript
+of Las Casas as he could get. There is a manifest tendency in Herrera to
+turn Las Casas's qualified statements into absolute ones.
+
+[Sidenote: Later Spanish writers.]
+
+The personal contributions of the later writers, Muñoz and Navarrete,
+have been already considered, in speaking of the diversified mass of
+documentary proofs which accompany or gave rise to their narratives.
+
+The _Colon en España_ of Tomas Rodriguez Pinilla (Madrid, 1884) is in
+effect a life of the Admiral; but it ignores much of the recent critical
+and controversial literature, and deals mainly with the old established
+outline of events.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: German writers.]
+
+[Sidenote: Humboldt.]
+
+Among the Germans there was nothing published of any importance till the
+critical studies of Forster, Peschel, and Ruge, in recent days. De Bry
+had, indeed, by his translations of Benzoni (1594) and Herrera (1623),
+familiarized the Germans with the main facts of the career of Columbus.
+During the present century, Humboldt, in his _Examen Critique de
+l'Histoire et de la Geographie du Nouveau Continent_, has borrowed the
+language of France to show the scope of his critical and learned
+inquiries into the early history of the Spanish contact in America, and
+has left it to another hand to give a German rendering to his labors.
+With this work by Humboldt, brought out in its completer shape in
+1836-39, and using most happily all that had been done by Muñoz and
+Navarrete to make clear both the acts and environments of the Admiral,
+the intelligence of our own time may indeed be said to have first
+clearly apprehended, under the light of a critical spirit, in which
+Irving was deficient, the true significance of the great deeds that gave
+America to Europe. Humboldt has strikingly grouped the lives of
+Toscanelli and Las Casas, from the birth of the Florentine physician in
+1397 to the death of the Apostle to the Indians in 1566, as covering the
+beginning and end of the great discoveries of the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries.
+
+[Sidenote: Henry Harrisse.]
+
+It is also to be remarked that this service of broadly, and at the same
+time critically, surveying the field was the work of a German writing in
+French; while it is to an American citizen writing in French that we
+owe, in more recent years, such a minute collation and examination of
+every original source of information as set the labors of Henry
+Harrisse, for thoroughness and discrimination, in advance of any
+critical labor that has ever before been given to the career and
+character of Christopher Columbus. Without the aid of his researches, as
+embodied in his _Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, 1884), it would have been
+quite impossible for the present writer to have reached conclusions on a
+good many mooted points in the history of the Admiral and of his
+reputation. Of almost equal usefulness have been the various subsidiary
+books and tracts which Harrisse has devoted to similar fields.
+
+Harrisse's books constitute a good example of the constant change of
+opinion and revision of the relations of facts which are going on
+incessantly in the mind of a vigilant student in recondite fields of
+research. The progress of the correction of error respecting Columbus is
+illustrated continually in his series of books on the great navigator,
+beginning with the _Notes on Columbus_ (N. Y., 1866), which have been
+intermittently published by him during the last twenty-five years.
+
+Harrisse himself is a good deal addicted to hypotheses; but they fare
+hard at his hands if advanced by others.
+
+[Sidenote: French writers.]
+
+[Sidenote: Attempted canonization of Columbus.]
+
+[Illustration: ROSELLY DE LORGUES.]
+
+The only other significant essays which have been made in French have
+been a series of biographies of Columbus, emphasizing his missionary
+spirit, which have been aimed to prepare the way for the canonization of
+the great navigator, in recognition of his instrumentality in carrying
+the cross to the New World. That, in the spirit which characterized the
+age of discovery, the voyage of Columbus was, at least in profession,
+held to be one conducted primarily for that end does not, certainly,
+admit of dispute. Columbus himself, in his letter to Sanchez, speaks of
+the rejoicing of Christ at seeing the future redemption of souls. He
+made a first offering of the foreign gold by converting a mass of it
+into a cup to hold the sacred host, and he spent a wordy enthusiasm in
+promises of a new crusade to wrest the Holy Sepulchre from the Moslems.
+Ferdinand and Isabella dwelt upon the propagandist spirit of the
+enterprise they had sanctioned, in their appeals to the Pontiff to
+confirm their worldly gain in its results. Ferdinand, the son of the
+Admiral, referring to the family name of Colombo, speaks of his father
+as like Noah's dove, carrying the olive branch and oil of baptism over
+the ocean. Professions, however, were easy; faith is always exuberant
+under success, and the world, and even the Catholic world, learned, as
+the ages went on, to look upon the spirit that put the poor heathen
+beyond the pale of humanity as not particularly sanctifying a pioneer of
+devastation.
+
+[Sidenote: Roselly de Lorgues.]
+
+It is the world's misfortune when a great opportunity loses any of its
+dignity; and it is no great satisfaction to look upon a person of
+Columbus's environments and find him but a creature of questionable
+grace. So his canonization has not, with all the endeavors which have
+been made, been brought about. The most conspicuous of the advocates of
+it, with a crowd of imitators about him, has been Antoine François Félix
+Valalette, Comte Roselly de Lorgues, who began in 1844 to devote his
+energies to this end. He has published several books on Columbus, part
+of them biographical, and all of them, including his _Christoph Colomb_
+of 1864, mere disguised supplications to the Pope to order a deserved
+sanctification. As contributions to the historical study of the life of
+Columbus, they are of no importance whatever. Every act and saying of
+the Admiral capable of subserving the purpose in view are simply made
+the salient points of a career assumed to be holy. Columbus was in fact
+of a piece, in this respect, with the age in which he lived. The
+official and officious religious profession of the time belonged to a
+period which invented the Inquisition and extirpated a race in order to
+send them to heaven. None knew this better than those, like Las Casas,
+who mated their faith with charity of act. Columbus and Las Casas had
+little in common.
+
+The _Histoire Posthume de Colomb_, which Roselly de Lorgues finally
+published in 1885, is recognized even by Catholic writers as a work of
+great violence and indiscretion, in its denunciations of all who fail to
+see the saintly character of Columbus. Its inordinate intemperance gave
+a great advantage to Cesario Fernandez Duro in his examination of De
+Lorgues's position, made in his _Colon y la Historia Postuma_.
+
+Columbus was certainly a mundane verity. De Lorgues tells us that if we
+cannot believe in the supernatural we cannot understand this worldly
+man. The writers who have followed him, like Charles Buet in his
+_Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, 1886), have taken this position. The
+Catholic body has so far summoned enough advocates of historic truth to
+prevent the result which these enthusiasts have kept in view,
+notwithstanding the seeming acquiescence of Pius IX. The most popular of
+the idealizing lives of Columbus is probably that by Auguste, Marquis de
+Belloy, which is tricked out with a display of engravings as idealized
+as the text, and has been reproduced in English at Philadelphia (1878,
+1889). It is simply an ordinary rendering of the common and conventional
+stories of the last four centuries. The most eminent Catholic historical
+student of the United States, Dr. John Gilmary Shea, in a paper on this
+century's estimates of Columbus, in the _American Catholic Quarterly
+Review_ (1887), while referring to the "imposing array of members of the
+hierarchy" who have urged the beatification of Columbus, added, "But
+calm official scrutiny of the question was required before permission
+could be given to introduce the cause;" and this permission has not yet
+been given, and the evidence in its favor has not yet been officially
+produced.
+
+France has taken the lead in these movements for canonization,
+ostensibly for the reason that she needed to make some reparation for
+snatching the honor of naming the New World from Columbus, through the
+printing-presses of Saint Dié and Strassburg. A sketch of the literature
+which has followed this movement is given in Baron van Brocken's _Des
+Vicissitudes Posthumes de Christophe Colomb, et de sa Beatification
+Possible_ (Leipzig et Paris, 1865).
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: English writers.]
+
+[Sidenote: Robertson.]
+
+Of the writers in English, the labors of Hakluyt and Purchas only
+incidentally touched the career of Columbus; and it was not till Stevens
+issued his garbled version of Herrera in 1725, that the English public
+got the record of the Spanish historian, garnished with something that
+did not represent the original. This book of Stevens is responsible for
+not a little in English opinion respecting the Spanish age of discovery,
+which needs in these later days to be qualified. Some of the early
+collections of voyages, like those of Churchill, Pinkerton, and Kerr,
+included the story of the _Historie_ of 1571. It was not till Robertson,
+in 1777, published the beginning of a contemplated _History of America_
+that the English reader had for the first time a scholarly and justified
+narrative, which indeed for a long time remained the ordinary source of
+the English view of Columbus. It was, however, but an outline sketch,
+not a sixth or seventh part in extent of what Irving, when he was
+considering the subject, thought necessary for a reasonable presentation
+of the subject. Robertson's footnotes show that his main dependence for
+the story of Columbus was upon the pages of the _Historie_ of 1571,
+Peter Martyr, Oviedo, and Herrera. He was debarred the help to be
+derived from what we now use, as conveying Columbus's own record of his
+story. Lord Grantham, then the British ambassador at Madrid, did all the
+service he could, and his secretary of legation worked asssiduously in
+complying with the wishes which Robertson preferred; but no solicitation
+could at that day render easily accessible the archives at Simancas.
+Still, Robertson got from one source or another more than it was
+pleasant to the Spanish authorities to see in print, and they later
+contrived to prevent a publication of his work in Spanish.
+
+[Sidenote: Jeremy Belknap.]
+
+The earliest considerable recounting of the story of Columbus in America
+was by Dr. Jeremy Belknap, who, having delivered a commemorative
+discourse in Boston in 1792, before the Massachusetts Historical
+Society, afterward augmented his text when it became a part of his
+well-known _American Biography_, a work of respectable standing for the
+time, but little remembered to-day.
+
+[Sidenote: Washington Irving.]
+
+It was in 1827 that Washington Irving published his _Life of Columbus_,
+and he produced a book that has long remained for the English reader a
+standard biography. Irving's canons of historical criticism were not,
+however, such as the fearless and discriminating student to-day would
+approve. He commended Herrera for "the amiable and pardonable error of
+softening excesses," as if a historian sat in a confessional to deal out
+exculpations. The learning which probes long established pretenses and
+grateful deceits was not acceptable to Irving. "There is a certain
+meddlesome spirit," he says, "which, in the garb of learned research,
+goes prying about the traces of history, casting down its monuments, and
+marring and mutilating its fairest trophies. Care should be taken to
+vindicate great names from such pernicious erudition."
+
+Under such conditions as Irving summoned, there was little chance that a
+world's exemplar would be pushed from his pedestal, no matter what the
+evidence. The _vera pro gratis_ in personal characterization must not
+assail the traditional hero. And such was Irving's notion of the upright
+intelligence of a historian.
+
+Mr. Alexander H. Everett, who was then the minister of the United States
+at Madrid, saw a chance of making a readable book out of the journal of
+Columbus as preserved by Las Casas, and recommended the task of
+translating it to Irving, then in Europe. This proposition carried the
+willing writer to Madrid, where he found comfortable quarters, with
+quick sympathy of intercourse, under the roof of a Boston scholar then
+living there, Obadiah Rich. The first two volumes of the documentary
+work of Navarrete coming out opportunely, Irving was not long in
+determining that, with its wealth of material, there was a better
+opportunity for a newly studied life of Columbus than for the proposed
+task. So Irving settled down in Madrid to the larger endeavor, and soon
+found that he could have other assistance and encouragement from
+Navarrete himself, from the Duke of Veragua, and from the then possessor
+of the papers of Muñoz. The subject grew under his hands. "I had no
+idea," he says, "of what a complete labyrinth I had entangled myself
+in." He regretted that the third volume of Navarrete's book was not far
+enough advanced to be serviceable; but he worked as best he could, and
+found many more facilities than Robertson's helper had discovered. He
+went to the Biblioteca Colombina, and he even brought the annotations of
+Columbus in the copy of Pierre d'Ailly, there preserved, to the
+attention of its custodians for the first time; almost feeling himself
+the discoverer of the book, though it was known to him that Las Casas,
+at least, had had the advantage of using these minutes of Columbus.
+Irving knew that his pains were not unavailing, at any rate, for the
+English reader. "I have woven into my book," he says, "many curious
+particulars not hitherto known concerning Columbus; and I think I have
+thrown light upon some points of his character which have not been
+brought out by his former biographers." One of the things that pleased
+the new biographer most was his discovery, as he felt, in the account by
+Bernaldez, that Columbus was born ten years earlier than had been
+usually reckoned; and he supposed that this increase of the age of the
+discoverer at the time of his voyage added much greater force to the
+characteristics of his career. Irving's book readily made a mark.
+Jeffrey thought that its fame would be enduring, and at a time when no
+one looked for new light from Italy, he considered that Irving had done
+best in working, almost exclusively, the Spanish field, where alone "it
+was obvious" material could be found.
+
+When Alexander H. Everett, pardonably, as a godfather to the work,
+undertook in January, 1829, to say in the _North American Review_ that
+Irving's book was a delight of readers, he anticipated the judgment of
+posterity; but when he added that it was, by its perfection, the despair
+of critics, he was forgetful of a method of critical research that is
+not prone to be dazed by the prestige of demigods.
+
+In the interval between the first and second editions of the book,
+Irving paid a visit to Palos and the convent of La Rabida, and he got
+elsewhere some new light in the papers of the lawsuit of Columbus's
+heirs. The new edition which soon followed profited by all these
+circumstances.
+
+[Sidenote: Prescott.]
+
+Irving's occupation of the field rendered it both easy and gracious for
+Prescott, when, ten years later (1837), he published his _Ferdinand and
+Isabella_, to say that his predecessor had stripped the story of
+Columbus of the charm of novelty; but he was not quite sure, however, in
+the privacy of his correspondence, that Irving, by attempting to
+continue the course of Columbus's life in detail after the striking
+crisis of the discovery, had made so imposing a drama as he would have
+done by condensing the story of his later years. In this Prescott shared
+something of the spirit of Irving, in composing history to be read as a
+pastime, rather than as a study of completed truth. Prescott's own
+treatment of the subject is scant, as he confined his detailed record to
+the actions incident to the inception and perfection of the enterprise
+of the Admiral, to the doings in Spain or at court. He was, at the same
+time, far more independent than Irving had been, in his views of the
+individual character round which so much revolves, and the reader is not
+wholly blinded to the unwholesome deceit and overweening selfishness of
+Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Arthur Helps.]
+
+Within twenty years Arthur Helps approached the subject from the point
+of view of one who was determined, as he thought no one of the writers
+on the subject of the Spanish Conquest had been, to trace the origin of,
+and responsibility for, the devastating methods of Spanish colonial
+government; "not conquest only, but the result of conquest, the mode of
+colonial government which ultimately prevailed, the extirpation of
+native races, the introduction of other races, the growth of slavery,
+and the settlement of the _encomiendas_, on which all Indian society
+depended." It is not to Helps, therefore, that we are to look for any
+extended biography of Columbus; and when he finds him in chains, sent
+back to Spain, he says of the prisoner, "He did not know how many
+wretched beings would have to traverse those seas, in bonds much worse
+than his; nor did he foresee, I trust, that some of his doings would
+further all this coming misery." It does not appear from his footnotes
+that Helps depended upon other than the obvious authorities, though he
+says that he examined the Muñoz collection, then as now in the Royal
+Academy of History at Madrid.
+
+[Sidenote: R. H. Major.]
+
+The last scholarly summary of Columbus's career previous to the views
+incident to the criticism of Harrisse on the _Historie_ of 1571 was that
+which was given by R. H. Major, in the second edition of his _Select
+Letters of Columbus_ (London, 1870).
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Aaron Goodrich.]
+
+There have been two treatments of the subject by Americans within the
+last twenty years, which are characteristic. The _Life and Achievements
+of the So-called Christopher Columbus_ (New York, 1874), by Aaron
+Goodrich, mixes that unreasoning trust and querulous conceit which is so
+often thrown into the scale when the merits of the discoverers of the
+alleged Vinland are contrasted with those of the imagined Indies. With a
+craze of petulancy, he is not able to see anything that cannot be
+twisted into defamation, and his book is as absurdly constant in
+derogation as the hallucinations of De Lorgues are in the other
+direction.
+
+[Sidenote: H. H. Bancroft.]
+
+When Hubert Howe Bancroft opened the story of his Pacific States in his
+_History of Central America_ (San Francisco, 1882), he rehearsed the
+story of Columbus, but did not attempt to follow it critically except as
+he tracked the Admiral along the coasts of Honduras, Nicaragua, and
+Costa Rica. This writer's estimate of the character of Columbus conveys
+a representation of what the Admiral really was, juster than national
+pride, religious sympathy, or kindly adulation has usually permitted. It
+is unfortunately, not altogether chaste in its literary presentation.
+His characterization of Irving and Prescott in their endeavors to draw
+the character of Columbus has more merit in its insight than skill in
+its drafting.
+
+[Sidenote: Winsor.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bibliography of Columbus.]
+
+The brief sketch of the career of Columbus, and the examination of the
+events that culminated in his maritime risks and developments, as it was
+included in the _Narrative and Critical History of America_ (vol. ii.,
+Boston, 1885), gave the present writer an opportunity to study the
+sources and trace the bibliographical threads that run through an
+extended and diversified literature, in a way, it may be, not earlier
+presented to the English reader. If any one desires to compass all the
+elucidations and guides which a thorough student of the career and fame
+of Columbus would wish to consider, the apparatus thus referred to, and
+the footnotes in Harrisse's _Christophe Colomb_ and in his other germane
+publications, would probably most essentially shorten his labors.
+Harrisse, who has prepared, but not yet published, lists of the books
+devoted to Columbus _exclusively_, says that they number about six
+hundred titles. The literature which treats of him incidentally is of a
+vast extent.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Varied estimates of Columbus.]
+
+In concluding this summary of the commentaries upon the life of
+Columbus, the thought comes back that his career has been singularly
+subject to the gauging of opinionated chroniclers. The figure of the
+man, as he lives to-day in the mind of the general reader, in whatever
+country, comports in the main with the characterizations of Irving, De
+Lorgues, or Goodrich. These last two have entered upon their works with
+a determined purpose, the Frenchman of making a saint, and the American
+a scamp, of the great discoverer of America. They each, in their twists,
+pervert and emphasize every trait and every incident to favor their
+views. Their narratives are each without any background of that mixture
+of incongruity, inconsistency, and fatality from which no human being is
+wholly free. Their books are absolutely worthless as historical records.
+That of Goodrich has probably done little to make proselytes. That of De
+Lorgues has infected a large body of tributary devotees of the Catholic
+Church.
+
+The work of Irving is much above any such level; but it has done more
+harm because its charms are insidious. He recognized at least that human
+life is composite; but he had as much of a predetermination as they, and
+his purpose was to create a hero. He glorified what was heroic,
+palliated what was unheroic, and minimized the doubtful aspects of
+Columbus's character. His book is, therefore, dangerously seductive to
+the popular sense. The genuine Columbus evaporates under the warmth of
+the writer's genius, and we have nothing left but a refinement of his
+clay. The _Life of Columbus_ was a sudden product of success, and it has
+kept its hold on the public very constantly; but it has lost ground in
+these later years among scholarly inquirers. They have, by their
+collation of its narrative with the original sources, discovered its
+flaccid character. They have outgrown the witcheries of its graceful
+style. They have learned to put at their value the repetitionary changes
+of stock sentiment, which swell the body of the text, sometimes,
+provokingly.
+
+[Sidenote: Portraits of Columbus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's person.]
+
+Out of the variety of testimony respecting the person of the adult
+Columbus, it is not easy to draw a picture that his contemporaries would
+surely recognize. Likeness we have none that can be proved beyond a
+question the result of any sitting, or even of any acquaintance. If we
+were called upon to picture him as he stood on San Salvador, we might
+figure a man of impressive stature with lofty, not to say austere,
+bearing, his face longer by something more than its breadth, his cheek
+bones high, his nose aquiline, his eyes a light gray, his complexion
+fair with freckles spotting a ruddy glow, his hair once light, but then
+turned to gray. His favorite garb seems to have been the frock of a
+Franciscan monk. Such a figure would not conflict with the descriptions
+which those who knew him, and those who had questioned his associates,
+have transmitted to us, as we read them in the pages ascribed to
+Ferdinand, his son; in those of the Spanish historian, Oviedo; of the
+priest Las Casas; and in the later recitals of Gomara and Benzoni, and
+of the official chronicler of the Spanish Indies, Antonio Herrera. The
+oldest description of all is one made in 1501, in the unauthorized
+version of the first decade of Peter Martyr, emanating, very likely,
+from the translator Trivigiano, who had then recently come in contact
+with Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: La Cosa's St. Christopher.]
+
+Turning from these descriptions to the pictures that have been put forth
+as likenesses, we find not a little difficulty in reconciling the two.
+There is nothing that unmistakably goes back to the lifetime of Columbus
+except the figure of St. Christopher, which makes a vignette in colors
+on the mappemonde, which was drawn in 1500, by one of Columbus's pilots,
+Juan de la Cosa, and is now preserved in Madrid. It has been fondly
+claimed that Cosa transferred the features of his master to the
+lineaments of the saint; but the assertion is wholly without proof.
+
+[Illustration: ST. CHRISTOPHER.
+
+[The vignette of La Cosa's map.]]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Jovius's gallery.]
+
+[Illustration: JOVIUS'S COLUMBUS, THE EARLIEST ENGRAVED LIKENESS.]
+
+Paolo Giovio, or, as better known in the Latin form, Paulus Jovius, was
+old enough in 1492 to have, in later life, remembered the thrill of
+expectation which ran for the moment through parts of Europe, when the
+letter of Columbus describing his voyage was published in Italy, where
+Jovius was then a schoolboy. He was but an infant, or perhaps not born
+when Columbus left Italy. So the interest of Jovius in the Discoverer
+could hardly have arisen from any other associations than those easily
+suggestive to one who, like Jovius, was a student of his own times.
+Columbus had been dead ten years when Jovius, as a historian, attracted
+the notice of Pope Leo X., and entered upon such a career of prosperity
+that he could build a villa on Lake Como, and adorn it with a gallery of
+portraits of those who had made his age famous. That he included a
+likeness of Columbus among his heroes there seems to be no doubt.
+Whether the likeness was painted from life, and by whom, or modeled
+after an ideal, more or less accordant with the reports of those who may
+have known the Genoese, is entirely beyond our knowledge. As a
+historian Jovius professed the right to distort the truth for any
+purpose that suited him, and his conceptions of the truth of portraiture
+may quite as well have been equally loose. Just a year before his own
+death, Jovius gave a sketch of Columbus's career in his _Elogia Virorum
+Illustrium_, published at Florence in 1551; but it was not till
+twenty-four years later, in 1575, that a new edition of the book gave
+wood-cuts of the portraits in the gallery of the Como villa, to
+illustrate the sketches, and that of Columbus appeared among them. This
+engraving, then, is the oldest likeness of Columbus presenting any
+claims to consideration. It found place also, within a year or two, in
+what purported to be a collection of portraits from the Jovian gallery;
+and the engraver of them was Tobias Stimmer, a Swiss designer, who
+stands in the biographical dictionaries of artists as born in 1534, and
+of course could not have assisted his skill by any knowledge of
+Columbus, on his own part. This picture, to which a large part of the
+very various likenesses called those of Columbus can be traced, is done
+in the bold, easy handling common in the wood-cuts of that day, and with
+a precision of skill that might well make one believe that it preserves
+a dashing verisimilitude to the original picture. It represents a
+full-face, shaven, curly-haired man, with a thoughtful and somewhat sad
+countenance, his hands gathering about the waist a priest's robe, of
+which the hood has fallen about his neck. If there is any picture to be
+judged authentic, this is best entitled to that estimation.
+
+[Sidenote: The Florence picture.]
+
+Connection with the Como gallery is held to be so significant of the
+authenticity of any portrait of Columbus that it is claimed for two
+other pictures, which are near enough alike to have followed the same
+prototype, and which are not, except in garb, very unlike the Jovian
+wood-cut. As copies of the Como original in features, they may easily
+have varied in apparel. One of these is a picture preserved in the
+gallery at Florence,--a well-moulded, intellectual head, full-faced,
+above a closely buttoned tunic, or frock, seen within drapery that falls
+off the shoulders. It is not claimed to be the Como portrait, but it may
+have been painted from it, perhaps by Christofano dell' Altissimo, some
+time before 1568. A copy of it was made for Thomas Jefferson, which,
+having hung for a while at Monticello, came at last to Boston, and
+passed into the gallery of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
+
+[Illustration: THE FLORENCE COLUMBUS.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Yanez picture.]
+
+The picture resembling this, and which may have had equal claims of
+association with the Jovian gallery, is one now preserved in Madrid, and
+the oldest canvas representing Columbus that is known in Spain. It takes
+the name of the Yanez portrait from that of the owner of it, from whom
+it was bought in Granada, in 1763. Representing, when brought to notice,
+a garment trimmed with fur, there has been disclosed upon it, and
+underlying this later paint, an original, close-fitting tunic, much like
+the Florence picture; while a further removal of the superposed pigment
+has revealed an inscription, supposed to authenticate it as Columbus,
+the discoverer of the New World. It is said that the Duke of Veragua
+holds it to be the most authentic likeness of his ancestor.
+
+[Illustration: THE YANEZ COLUMBUS.]
+
+[Sidenote: De Bry's picture.]
+
+[Illustration: COLUMBUS.
+
+[A reproduction of the so-called Capriolo cut given in Giuseppe
+Banchero's _La Tavola di Bronzo_, (Genoa, 1857), and based on the
+Jovian type.]]
+
+Another conspicuous portrait is that given by De Bry in the larger
+series of his Collection of Early Voyages. De Bry claims that it was
+painted by order of King Ferdinand, and that it was purloined from the
+offices of the Council of the Indies in Spain, and brought to the
+Netherlands, and in this way fell into the hands of that engraver and
+editor. It bears little resemblance to the pictures already mentioned;
+nor does it appear to conform to the descriptions of Columbus's person.
+It has a more rugged and shorter face, with a profusion of closely waved
+hair falling beneath an ugly, angular cap. De Bry engraved it, or rather
+published it, in 1595, twenty years after the Jovian wood-cut appeared,
+and we know of no engraving intervening. No one of the generation that
+was old enough to have known the navigator could then have survived,
+and the picture has no other voucher than the professions of the
+engraver of it.
+
+[Illustration: DE BRY'S COLUMBUS.]
+
+[Sidenote: Other portraits.]
+
+[Sidenote: Havana monument.]
+
+[Sidenote: Peschiera's bust.]
+
+These are but a few of the many pictures that have been made to pass,
+first and last, for Columbus, and the only ones meriting serious study
+for their claims. The American public was long taught to regard the
+effigy of Columbus as that of a bedizened courtier, because Prescott
+selected for an engraving to adorn his _Ferdinand and Isabella_ a
+picture of such a person, which is ascribed to Parmigiano, and is
+preserved in the Museo Borbonico, at Naples. Its claims long ago ceased
+to be considered. The traveler in Cuba sees in the Cathedral at Havana a
+monumental effigy, of which there is no evidence of authenticity worthy
+of consideration. The traveler in Italy can see in Genoa, placed on the
+cabinet which was made to hold the manuscript titles of Columbus, a
+bust by Peschiera. It has the negative merit of having no relation to
+any of the alleged portraits; but represents the sculptor's conception
+of the man, guided by the scant descriptions of him given to us by his
+contemporaries.
+
+[Illustration: THE BUST OF COLUMBUS ON THE TOMB AT HAVANA.]
+
+If the reader desires to see how extensive the field of research is,
+for one who can spend the time in tracing all the clues connected with
+all the representations which pass for Columbus, he can make a
+beginning, at least, under the guidance of the essay on the portraits
+which the present writer contributed to the _Narrative and Critical
+History of America_, vol. ii.
+
+When Columbus, in 1502, ordered a tenth of his income to be paid
+annually to the Bank of St. George, in Genoa, for the purpose of
+reducing the tax upon corn, wine, and other provisions, the generous
+act, if it had been carried out, would have entitled him to such a
+recognition as a public benefactor as the bank was accustomed to bestow.
+The main hall of the palace of this institution commemorates such
+patriotic efforts by showing a sitting statue for the largest
+benefactors; a standing figure for lesser gifts, while still lower
+gradations of charitable help are indicated in busts, or in mere
+inscriptions on a mural tablet. It has been thought that posterity,
+curious to see the great Admiral as his contemporaries saw him, suffers
+with the state of Genoa, in not having such an effigy, by the neglect or
+inattention which followed upon the announced purpose of Columbus. We
+certainly find there to-day no such visible proof of his munificence or
+aspect. Harrisse, while referring to this deprivation, takes occasion,
+in his _Bank of St. George_ (p. 108), to say that he does not "believe
+that the portrait of Columbus was ever drawn, carved, or painted from
+the life." He contends that portrait-painting was not common in Spain,
+in Columbus's day, and that we have no trace of the painters, whose work
+constitutes the beginning of the art, in any record, or authentic
+effigy, to show that the person of the Admiral was ever made the subject
+of the art. The same writer indicates that the interval during which
+Columbus was popular enough to be painted extended over only six weeks
+in April and May, 1493. He finds that much greater heroes, as the world
+then determined, like Boabdil and Cordova, were not thus honored, and
+holds that the portraits of Ferdinand and Isabella, which editions of
+Prescott have made familiar, are really fancy pictures of the close of
+the sixteenth century.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+THE ANCESTRY AND HOME OF COLUMBUS.
+
+
+[Sidenote: The name Colombo.]
+
+No one has mastered so thoroughly as Harrisse the intricacies of the
+Columbus genealogy. A pride in the name of Colombo has been shared by
+all who have borne it or have had relationship with it, and there has
+been a not unworthy competition among many branches of the common stock
+to establish the evidences of their descent in connection, more or less
+intimate, with the greatest name that has signalized the family history.
+
+This reduplication of families, as well as the constant recurrence of
+the same fore-names, particularly common in Italian families, has
+rendered it difficult to construct the genealogical tree of the Admiral,
+and has given ground for drafts of his pedigree, acceptable to some, and
+disputed by other claimants of kinship.
+
+[Sidenote: The French Colombos.]
+
+There was a Gascon-French subject of Louis XI., Guillaume de Casanove,
+sometimes called Coulomp, Coullon, Colon, in the Italian accounts
+Colombo, and Latinized as Columbus, who is said to have commanded a
+fleet of seven sail, which, in October, 1474, captured two galleys
+belonging to Ferdinand, king of Sicily. When Leibnitz published, for the
+first time, some of the diplomatic correspondence which ensued, he
+interjected the fore-name Christophorus in the references to the
+Columbus of this narrative. This was in his _Codex Juris Gentium
+Diplomaticus_, published at Hannover in 1693. Leibnitz was soon
+undeceived by Nicolas Thoynard, who explained that the corsair in
+question was Guillaume de Casanove, vice-admiral of France, and Leibnitz
+disavowed the imputation upon the Genoese navigator in a subsequent
+volume. Though there is some difference of opinion respecting the
+identity of Casanove and the capturer of the galleys, there can no
+longer be any doubt, in the light of pertinent investigations, that the
+French Colombos were of no immediate kin to the family of Genoa and
+Savona, as is abundantly set forth by Harrisse in his _Les Colombo de
+France et d'Italie_ (Paris, 1874). Since the French Coullon, or Coulomp,
+was sometimes in the waters neighboring to Genoa, it is not unlikely
+that some confusion may arise in separating the Italian from the French
+Colombos; and it has been pointed out that a certain entry of wreckage
+in the registry of Genoa, which Spotorno associates with Christopher
+Columbus, may more probably be connected with this Gascon navigator.
+
+Bossi, the earliest biographer in recent times, considers that a Colombo
+named in a letter to the Duke of Milan as being in a naval fight off
+Cyprus, between Genoese and Venetian vessels, in 1476, was the
+discoverer of the New World. Harrisse, in his _Les Colombo_, has printed
+this letter, and from it it does not appear that the commander of the
+Genoese fleet is known by name, and that the only mention of a Colombo
+is that a fleet commanded by one of that name was somewhere encountered.
+There is no indication, however, that this commander was Christopher
+Columbus. The presumption is that he was the roving Casanove.
+
+Leibnitz was doubtless misled by the assertion of the _Historie_ of
+1571, which allows that Christopher Columbus had sailed under the orders
+of an admiral of his name and family, and, particularly, was in that
+naval combat off Lisbon, when, his vessel getting on fire, he swam with
+the aid of an oar to the Portuguese shore. The doubtful character of
+this episode will be considered later; but it is more to the purpose
+here that this same book, in citing a letter, of which we are supposed
+to have the complete text as preserved by Columbus himself, makes
+Columbus say that he was not the only admiral which his family had
+produced. This is a clear reference, it is supposed, to this
+vice-admiral of France. It is enough to say that the genuine text of
+this letter to the nurse of Don Juan does not contain this controverted
+passage, and the defenders of the truth of the _Historie_, like
+D'Avezac, are forced to imagine there must have been another letter, not
+now known.
+
+[Sidenote: The younger French admiral.]
+
+Beside the elder admiral of France, the name of Colombo Junior belonged
+to another of these French sea-rovers in the fifteenth century, who has
+been held to be a nephew, or at least a relative, of the elder. He has
+also sometimes been confounded with the Genoese Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Genealogy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pretenders.]
+
+To determine the exact relationship between the various French and
+Italian Colombos and Coulons of the fifteenth century would be
+hazardous. It is enough to say that no evidence that stands a critical
+test remains to connect these famous mariners with the line of
+Christopher Columbus. The genealogical tables which Spotorno presents,
+upon which Caleb Cushing enlightened American readers at the time in the
+_North American Review_, and in which the French family is made to issue
+from an alleged great-grandfather of Christopher Columbus, are affirmed
+by Harrisse, with much reason, to have been made up not far from 1583,
+to support the claims of Bernardo and Baldassare (Balthazar) Colombo, as
+pretenders to the rights and titles of the discoverer of the New World.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Ferdinand is made in his own name to say of his father, "I think it
+better that all the honor be derived to us from his person than to go
+about to inquire whether his father was a merchant or a man of quality,
+that kept his hawks and hounds." Other biographers, however, have
+pursued the inquiry diligently.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's family line.]
+
+In one of the sections of his book on _Christopher Columbus and the Bank
+of Saint George_, Harrisse has shown how the notarial records of Savona
+and Genoa have been worked, to develop the early history of the
+Admiral's family from documentary proofs. These evidences are distinct
+from the narratives of those who had known him, or who at a later day
+had told his story, as Gallo, the writer of the _Historie_, and Oviedo
+did. Reference has already been made to the prevalence of Colombo as a
+patronymic in Genoa and the neighboring country at that time. Harrisse
+in his _Christophe Colomb_ has enumerated two hundred of this name in
+Liguria alone, in those days, who seem to have had no kinship to the
+family of the Admiral. There appear to have been in Genoa, moreover,
+four Colombos, and in Liguria, outside of Genoa, six others who bore the
+name of Christopher's father, Domenico; but the searchers have not yet
+found a single other Christoforo. These facts show the discrimination
+which those who of late years have been investigating the history of the
+Admiral's family have been obliged to exercise. There are sixty notarial
+acts of one kind and another, out of which these investigators have
+constructed a pedigree, which must stand till present knowledge is
+increased or overthrown.
+
+[Sidenote: His grandfather.]
+
+What we know in the main is this: Giovanni Colombo, the grandfather of
+the Admiral, lived probably in Quinto al Mare, and was of a stock that
+seemingly had been earlier settled in the valley of Fontanabuona, a
+region east of Genoa. This is a parentage of the father of Columbus
+quite different from that shown in the genealogical chart made by
+Napione in 1805 and later; and Harrisse tells us that the notarial acts
+which were given then as the authority for such other line of descent
+cannot now be found, and that there are grave doubts of their
+authenticity.
+
+[Sidenote: His father.]
+
+It was this Giovanni's son, Domenico, who came from Quinto (where he
+left a brother, Antonio) at least as early as 1439, and perhaps earlier,
+and settled himself in the wool-weaver's quarter, so called, in Genoa,
+where in due time he owned a house. Thence he seems to have removed to
+Savona, where various notarial acts recognize him at a later period as a
+Genoese, resident in Savona.
+
+The essential thing remaining to be proved is that the Domenico Colombo
+of these notarial acts was the Domenico who was the father of
+Christopher Columbus. For this purpose we must take the testimony of
+those who knew the genuine Colombos, as Oviedo and Gallo did; and from
+their statements we learn that the father of Christopher was a weaver
+named Domenico, who lived in Genoa, and had sons, Christoforo,
+Bartolomeo, and Giacomo. These, then, are the test conditions, and
+finding them every one answered in the Savona-Genoa family, the proof
+seems incontestable, even to the further fact that at the end of the
+fifteenth century all three brothers had for some years lived under the
+Spanish crown.
+
+It is too much to say that this concatenation of identities may not
+possibly be overturned, perhaps by discrediting the documents, not
+indeed untried already by Peragallo and others, but it is safe to accept
+it under present conditions of knowledge; though we have to trust on
+some points to the statements of those who have seen what no longer can
+be found. Domenico Colombo, who had removed to Savona in 1470, did not,
+apparently, prosper there. He and his son Christopher pursued their
+trade as weavers, as the notarial records show. Lamartine, in his _Life
+of Columbus_, speaking of the wool-carding of the time, calls it "a
+business now low, but then respectable and almost noble,"--an
+idealization quite of a kind with the spirit that pervades Lamartine's
+book, and a spirit in which it has been a fashion to write of Columbus
+and other heroes. The calling was doubtless, then as now, simply
+respectable. The father added some experience, it would seem, in keeping
+a house of entertainment. The joint profit, however, of these two
+occupations did not suffice to keep him free from debt, out of which his
+son Christopher is known to have helped him in some measure. Domenico
+sold and bought small landed properties, but did not pay for one of them
+at least. There were fifteen years of this precarious life passed in
+Savona, during which he lost his wife, when, putting his youngest son to
+an apprenticeship, he returned in 1484, or perhaps a little earlier, to
+Genoa, to try other chances. His fortune here was no better. Insolvency
+still followed him. When we lose sight of him, in 1494, the old man may,
+it is hoped, have heard rumors of the transient prosperity of his son,
+and perhaps have read in the fresh little quartos of Plaanck the
+marvelous tale of the great discovery. He lived we know not how much
+longer, but probably died before the winter of 1499-1500, when the heirs
+of Corrado de Cuneo, who had never received due payment for an estate
+which Domenico had bought in Savona, got judgment against Christopher
+and his brother Diego, the sons of Domenico, then of course beyond reach
+in foreign lands.
+
+[Sidenote: Domenico's house in Genoa.]
+
+Within a few years the Marquis Marcello Staglieno, a learned antiquary
+in Genoa, who has succeeded in throwing much new light on the early life
+of Columbus from the notarial records of that city, has identified a
+house in the Vico Dritto Ponticello, No. 37, as the one in which
+Domenico Colombo lived during the younger years of Christopher's life.
+The municipality bought this estate in June, 1887, and placed over its
+door an inscription recording the associations of the spot. Harrisse
+thinks it not unlikely that the great navigator was even born here. The
+discovery of his father's ownership of the house seems to have been made
+by carefully tracing back the title of the land to the time when
+Domenico owned it. This was rendered surer by tracing the titles of the
+adjoining estates back to the time of Nicolas Paravania and Antonio
+Bondi, who, according to the notarial act of 1477, recording Domenico's
+wife's assent to the sale of the property, lived as Domenico's next
+neighbors.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus born.]
+
+If Christopher Columbus was born in this house, that event took place,
+as notarial records, brought to bear by the Marquis Staglieno, make
+evident, between October 29, 1446, and October 29, 1451; and if some
+degree of inference be allowed, Harrisse thinks he can narrow the range
+to the twelve months between March 15, 1446, and March 20, 1447. This is
+the period within which, by deduction from other statements, some of the
+modern authorities, like Muñoz, Bossi, and Spotorno, among the Italians,
+D'Avezac among the French, and Major in England, have placed the event
+of Columbus's birth without the aid of attested documents. This
+conclusion has been reached by taking an avowal of Columbus that he had
+led twenty-three years a sailor's life at the time of his first voyage,
+and was fourteen years old when he began a seaman's career. The question
+which complicates the decision is: When did Columbus consider his
+sailor's life to have ended? If in 1492, as Peschel contends, it would
+carry his birth back no farther than 1455-56, according as fractions are
+managed; and Peschel accepts this date, because he believes the
+unconfirmed statement of Columbus in a letter of July 7, 1503, that he
+was twenty-eight when he entered the service of Spain in 1484.
+
+[Sidenote: 1445-1447.]
+
+But if 1484 is accepted as the termination of that twenty-three years of
+sea life, as Muñoz and the others already mentioned say, then we get the
+result which most nearly accords with the notarial records, and we can
+place the birth of Columbus somewhere in the years 1445-47, according as
+the fractions are considered. This again is confirmed by another of the
+varied statements of Columbus, that in 1501 it was forty years since, at
+fourteen, he first took to the sea.
+
+[Sidenote: 1435-1437.]
+
+There has been one other deduction used, through which Navarrete,
+Humboldt, Irving, Roselly de Lorgues, Napione, and others, who copy
+them, determine that his birth must have taken place, by a similar
+fractional allowance of margin, in 1435-37. This is based upon the
+explicit statement of Andrès Bernaldez, in his book on the Catholic
+monarchs of Spain, that Columbus at his death was about seventy years
+old. So there is a twenty years' range for those who may be influenced
+by one line of argument or another in determining the date of the
+Admiral's birth. Many writers have discussed the arguments; but the
+weight of authority seems, on the whole, to rest upon the records which
+are used by Harrisse.
+
+[Sidenote: His mother, brothers, and sister.]
+
+The mother of Columbus was Susanna, a daughter of Giacomo de
+Fontanarossa, and Domenico married her in the Bisagno country, a region
+lying east of Genoa. She was certainly dead in 1489, and had, perhaps,
+died as early as 1482, in Savona. Beside Christoforo, this alliance with
+Domenico Colombo produced four other children, who were probably born in
+one and the same house. They were Giovanni-Pellegrino, who, in 1501, had
+been dead ten years, and was unmarried; Bartolomeo, who was never
+married, and who will be encountered later as Bartholomew; and Giacomo,
+who when he went to Spain became known as Diego Colon, but who is called
+Jacobus in all Latin narratives. There was also a daughter,
+Bianchinetta, who married a cheesemonger named Bavarello, and had one
+child.
+
+[Sidenote: His uncle and cousins.]
+
+Antonio, the brother of Domenico, seems to have had three sons,
+Giovanni, Matteo, and Amighetto. They were thus cousins of the Admiral,
+and they were so far cognizant of his fame in 1496 as to combine in a
+declaration before a notary that they united in sending one of their
+number, Giovanni, on a voyage to Spain to visit their famous kinsman,
+the Admiral of the Indies; their object being, most probably, to profit,
+if they could, by basking in his favor.
+
+[Sidenote: Born in Genoa.]
+
+[Sidenote: Claim for Savona,]
+
+[Sidenote: and other places.]
+
+If the evidences thus set forth of his family history be accepted, there
+is no question that Columbus, as he himself always said, and finally in
+his will declared, and as Ferdinand knew, although it is not affirmed in
+the _Historie_, was born in Genoa. Among the early writers, if we except
+Galindez de Carvajal, who claimed him for Savona, there seems to have
+been little or no doubt that he was born in Genoa. Peter Martyr and Las
+Casas affirm it. Bernaldez believed it. Giustiniani asserts it. But when
+Oviedo, not many years after Columbus's death, wrote, it was become so
+doubtful where Columbus was born that he mentions five or six towns
+which claimed the honor of being his birthplace. The claim for Savona
+has always remained, after Genoa, that which has received the best
+recognition. The grounds of such a belief, however, have been pretty
+well disproved in Harrisse's _Christophe Colomb et Savone_ (Genoa,
+1887), and it has been shown, as it would seem conclusively, that, prior
+to Domenico Colombo's settling in Savona in 1470-71, he had lived in
+Genoa, where his children, taking into account their known or computed
+ages, must have been born. It seems useless to rehearse the arguments
+which strenuous advocates have, at one time or another, offered in
+support of the pretensions of many other Italian towns and villages to
+have furnished the great discoverer to the world,--Plaisance, Cuccaro,
+Cogoleto, Pradello, Nervi, Albissola, Bogliasco, Cosseria, Finale,
+Oneglia, Quinto, Novare, Chiavari, Milan, Modena. The pretensions of
+some of them were so urgent that in 1812 the Academy of History at Genoa
+thought it worth while to present the proofs as respects their city in a
+formal way. The claims of Cuccaro were used in support of a suit by
+Balthazar Colombo, to obtain possession of the Admiral's legal rights.
+The claim of Cogoleto seems to have been mixed up with the supposed
+birth of the corsairs, Colombos, in that town, who for a long while were
+confounded with the Admiral. There is left in favor of any of them,
+after their claims are critically examined, nothing but local pride and
+enthusiasm.
+
+The latest claimant for the honor is the town of Calvi, in Corsica, and
+this cause has been particularly embraced by the French. So late as
+1882, President Grévy, of the French Republic, undertook to give a
+national sanction to these claims by approving the erection there of a
+statue of Columbus. The assumption is based upon a tradition that the
+great discoverer was a native of that place. The principal elucidator of
+that claim, the Abbé Martin Casanova de Pioggiola, seems to have a
+comfortable notion that tradition is the strongest kind of historical
+proof, though it is not certain that he would think so with respect to
+the twenty and more other places on the Italian coast where similar
+traditions exist or are said to be current. Harrisse seems to have
+thought the claim worth refuting in his _Christophe Colomb et La Corse_
+(Paris, 1888), to say nothing of other examinations of the subject in
+the _Revue de Paris_ and the _Revue Critique_, and of two very recent
+refutations, one by the Abbé Casabianca in his _Le Berceau de Christophe
+Colomb et la Corse_ (Paris, 1889), and the last word of Harrisse in the
+_Revue Historique_ (1890, p. 182).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+THE UNCERTAINTIES OF THE EARLY LIFE OF COLUMBUS.
+
+
+The condition of knowledge respecting Columbus's early life was such,
+when Prescott wrote, that few would dispute his conclusion that it is
+hopeless to unravel the entanglement of events, associated with the
+opening of his career. The critical discernment of Harrisse and other
+recent investigators has since then done something to make the confusion
+even more apparent by unsettling convictions too hastily assumed. A
+bunch of bewildering statements, in despite of all that present
+scholarship can do, is left to such experts as may be possessed in the
+future of more determinate knowledge. It may well be doubted if absolute
+clarification of the record is ever to be possible.
+
+[Sidenote: His education.]
+
+[Illustration: DRAWING ASCRIBED TO COLUMBUS.]
+
+The student naturally inquires of the contemporaries of Columbus as to
+the quality and extent of his early education, and he derives most from
+Las Casas and the _Historie_ of 1571. It has of late been ascertained
+that the woolcombers of Genoa established local schools for the
+education of their children, and the young Christopher may have had his
+share of their instruction, in addition to whatever he picked up at his
+trade, which continued, as long as he remained in Italy, that of his
+father. We know from the manuscripts which have come down to us that
+Columbus acquired the manual dexterity of a good penman; and if some
+existing drawings are not apocryphal, he had a deft hand, too, in making
+a spirited sketch with a few strokes. His drawing of maps, which we are
+also told about, implies that he had fulfilled Ptolemy's definition of
+that art of the cosmographer which could represent the cartographic
+outlines of countries with supposable correctness. He could do it with
+such skill that he practiced it at one time, as is said, for the gaining
+of a livelihood. We know, trusting the _Historie_, that he was for a
+brief period at the University of Pavia, perhaps not far from 1460,
+where he sought to understand the mysteries of cosmography, astrology,
+and geometry.
+
+[Sidenote: At Pavia.]
+
+Bossi has enumerated the professors in these departments at that time,
+from whose teaching Columbus may possibly have profited. Harrisse with
+his accustomed distrust, throws great doubt on the whole narrative of
+his university experiences, and thinks Pavia at this time offered no
+peculiar advantages for an aspiring seaman, to be compared with the
+practical instruction which Genoa in its commercial eminence could at
+the same time have offered to any sea-smitten boy. It was at Genoa at
+this very time (1461), that Benincasa was producing his famous
+sea-charts.
+
+[Illustration: ANDREAS BENINCASA, 1476.
+
+[From St. Martin's _Atlas_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Goes to sea.]
+
+After his possible, if not probable, sojourn at Pavia, made transient,
+it has been suggested but not proved, by the failing fortunes of his
+father, Christopher returned to Genoa, and then after an uncertain
+interval entered on his seafaring career. If what passes for his own
+statement be taken he was at this turn of his life not more than
+fourteen years old. The attractions of the sea at that period of the
+fifteenth century were great for adventurous youths. There was a spice
+of piracy in even the soberest ventures of commerce. The ships of one
+Christian state preyed on another. Private ventures were buccaneerish,
+and the hand of the Catalonian and of the Moslem were turned against
+all. The news which sped from one end of the Mediterranean to the other
+was of fight and plunder, here and everywhere. Occasionally it was mixed
+with rumors of the voyages beyond the Straits of Hercules, which told of
+the Portuguese and their hazards on the African coast towards the
+equator.
+
+[Sidenote: Prince Henry, the Navigator.]
+
+Not far from the time when our vigorous young Genoese wool-comber may be
+supposed to have embarked on some of these venturesome exploits of the
+great inland sea, there might have come jumping from port to port,
+westerly along the Mediterranean shores, the story of the death of that
+great maritime spirit of Portugal, Prince Henry, the Navigator, and of
+the latest feats of his captains in the great ocean of the west.
+
+[Illustration: SHIP, FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+[From the _Isolario_, 1547.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Anjou's expedition.]
+
+It has been usual to associate the earliest maritime career of our
+dashing Genoese with an expedition fitted out in Genoa by John of Anjou,
+Duke of Calabria, to recover possession of the kingdom of Naples for his
+father, Duke René, Count of Provence. This is known to have been
+undertaken in 1459-61. The pride of Genoa encouraged the service of the
+attacking fleet, and many a citizen cast in his lot with that naval
+armament, and embarked with his own subsidiary command. There is mention
+of a certain doughty captain, Colombo by name, as leading one part of
+this expeditionary force. He was very likely one of those French
+corsairs of that name, already mentioned, and likely to have been a man
+of importance in the Franco-Genoese train. He has, indeed, been
+sometimes made a kinsman of the wool-comber's son. There is little
+likelihood of his having been our Christopher himself, then, as we may
+easily picture him, a red-haired youth, or in life's early prime, with a
+ruddy complexion,--a type of the Italian which one to-day is not without
+the chance of encountering in the north of Italy, preserving, it may be,
+some of that northern blood which had produced the Vikings.
+
+The _Historie_ of 1571 gives what purports to be a letter of Columbus
+describing some of the events of this campaign. It was addressed to the
+Spanish monarchs in 1495. If Anjou was connected with any service in
+which Columbus took part, it is easy to make it manifest that it could
+not have happened later than 1461, because the reverses of that year
+drove the unfortunate René into permanent retirement. The rebuttal of
+this testimony depends largely upon the date of Columbus's birth; and if
+that is placed in 1446, as seems well established, Columbus, the Genoese
+mariner, could hardly have commanded a galley in it at fourteen; and it
+is still more improbable if, as D'Avezac says, Columbus was in the
+expedition when it set out in 1459, since the boy Christopher was then
+but twelve. As Harrisse puts it, the letter of Columbus quoted in the
+_Historie_ is apocryphal, or the correct date of Columbus's birth is not
+1446.
+
+It is, however, not to be forgotten that Columbus himself testifies to
+the tender age at which he began his sea-service, when, in 1501, he
+recalled some of his early experiences; but, unfortunately, Columbus was
+chronically given to looseness of statement, and the testimony of his
+contemporaries is often the better authority. In 1501, his mind,
+moreover, was verging on irresponsibility. He had a talent for deceit,
+and sometimes boasted of it, or at least counted it a merit.
+
+Much investigation has wonderfully confirmed the accuracy of that
+earliest sketch of his career contained in the Giustiniani Psalter in
+1516; and it is learned from that narrative that Columbus had
+attained an adult age when he first went to sea,--and this was one of
+the statements which the _Historie_ of 1571 sought to discredit. If the
+notarial records of Savona are correct in calling Columbus a wool-comber
+in 1472, and he was of the Savona family, and born in 1446, he was then
+twenty-six years old, and of the adult age that is claimed by the
+Psalter and by other early writers, who either knew or mentioned him,
+when he began his seafaring life. In that case he could have had no part
+in the Anjou-René expedition, whose whole story, even with the
+expositions of Harrisse and Max Büdinger, is shrouded in uncertainties
+of time and place. That after 1473 he disappears from every notarial
+record that can be found in Genoa shows, in Harrisse's opinion, that it
+was not till then that he took to the sea as a profession.
+
+We cannot say that the information which we have of this early seafaring
+life of Columbus, whenever beginning, is deserving of much credit, and
+it is difficult to place whatever it includes in chronological order.
+
+We may infer from one of his statements that he had, at some time, been
+at Scio observing the making of mastic. Certain reports which most
+likely concern his namesakes, the French corsairs, are sometimes
+associated with him as leading an attack on Spanish galleys somewhere in
+the service of Louis XI., or as cruising near Cyprus.
+
+So everything is misty about these early days; but the imagination of
+some of his biographers gives us abundant precision for the daily life
+of the school-boy, apprentice, cabin boy, mariner, and corsair, even to
+the receiving of a wound which we know troubled him in his later years.
+Such a story of details is the filling up of a scant outline with the
+colors of an unfaithful limner.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+THE ALLUREMENTS OF PORTUGAL.
+
+
+[Sidenote: 1473.]
+
+[Sidenote: Maritime enterprise in Portugal.]
+
+Columbus, disappearing from Italy in 1473, is next found in Portugal,
+and it is a natural inquiry why an active, adventurous spirit, having
+tested the exhilaration of the sea, should have made his way to that
+outpost of maritime ambition, bordering on the great waters, that had
+for many ages attracted and puzzled the discoverer and cosmographer. It
+is hardly to be doubted that the fame of the Portuguese voyaging out
+upon the vasty deep, or following the western coast of Africa, had for
+some time been a not unusual topic of talk among the seamen of the
+Mediterranean. It may be only less probable that an intercourse of
+seafaring Mediterranean people with the Arabs of the Levant had brought
+rumors of voyages in the ocean that washed the eastern shores of Africa.
+These stories from the Orient might well have induced some to speculate
+that such voyages were but the complements of those of the Portuguese in
+their efforts to solve the problem of the circumnavigation of the great
+African continent. It is not, then, surprising that a doughty mariner
+like Columbus, in life's prime, should have desired to be in the thick
+of such discussions, and to no other European region could he have
+turned as a wanderer with the same satisfaction as to Portugal.
+
+Let us see how the great maritime questions stood in Portugal in 1473,
+and from what antecedents they had arisen.
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese seamanship.]
+
+[Sidenote: Explorations on the Sea of Darkness.]
+
+[Sidenote: Marino Sanuto, 1306.]
+
+The Portuguese, at this time, had the reputation of being the most
+expert seamen in Europe, or at least they divided it with the Catalans
+and Majorcans. Their fame lasted, and at a later day was repeated by
+Acosta. These hardy mariners had pushed boldly out, as early as we have
+any records, into the enticing and yet forbidding Sea of Darkness, not
+often perhaps willingly out of sight of land; but storms not
+infrequently gave them the experience of sea and sky, and nothing else.
+The great ocean was an untried waste for cartography. A few straggling
+beliefs in islands lying westward had come down from the ancients, and
+the fantastic notions of floating islands and steady lands, upon which
+the imagination of the Middle Ages thrived, were still rife, when we
+find in the map of Marino Sanuto, in 1306, what may well be considered
+the beginning of Atlantic cartography.
+
+[Sidenote: The Canaries.]
+
+There is no occasion to make it evident that the Islands of the West
+found by the Phoenicians, the Fortunate Islands of Sertorius, and the
+Hesperides of Pliny were the Canaries of later times, brought to light
+after thirteen centuries of oblivion; but these islands stand in the
+planisphere of Sanuto at the beginning of the fourteenth century, to be
+casually visited by the Spaniards and others for a hundred years and
+more before the Norman, Jean de Béthencourt, in the beginning of the
+fifteenth century (1402), settled himself on one of them. Here his
+kinspeople ruled, till finally the rival claims of sovereignty by Spain
+and Portugal ended in the rights of Spain being established, with
+compensating exclusive rights to Portugal on the African coast.
+
+[Sidenote: The Genoese in Portugal.]
+
+But it was by Genoese in the service of Portugal, the fame of whose
+exploits may not have been unknown to Columbus, that the most important
+discoveries of ocean islands had been made.
+
+[Sidenote: Madeira.]
+
+It was in the early part of the fourteenth century that the Madeira
+group had been discovered. In the Laurentian portolano of 1351,
+preserved at Florence, it is unmistakably laid down and properly named,
+and that atlas has been considered, for several reasons, the work of
+Genoese, and as probably recording the voyage by the Genoese Pezagno for
+the Portuguese king,--at least Major holds that to be demonstrable. The
+real right of the Portuguese to these islands, rests, however, on their
+rediscovery by Prince Henry's captains at a still later period, in
+1418-20, when Madeira, seen as a cloud in the horizon from Porto Santo,
+was approached in a boat from the smaller island.
+
+[Sidenote: Azores.]
+
+[Sidenote: Maps.]
+
+It is also from the Laurentian portolano of 1351 that we know how, at
+some anterior time, the greater group of the Azores had been found by
+Portuguese vessels under Genoese commanders. We find these islands also
+in the Catalan map of 1373, and in that of Pizigani of the same period
+(1367, 1373).
+
+[Illustration: PART OF THE LAURENTIAN PORTOLANO.
+
+[From Major's _Prince Henry_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Robert Machin.]
+
+It was in the reign of Edward III. of England that one Robert Machin,
+flying from England to avoid pursuit for stealing a wife, accidentally
+reached the island of Madeira. Here disaster overtook Machin's company,
+but some of his crew reached Africa in a boat and were made captives by
+the Moors. In 1416, the Spaniards sent an expedition to redeem Christian
+captives held by these same Moors, and, while bringing them away, the
+Spanish ship was overcome by a Portuguese navigator, Zarco, and among
+his prisoners was one Morales, who had heard, as was reported, of the
+experiences of Machin.
+
+[Sidenote: Porto Santo and Madeira rediscovered.]
+
+Zarco, a little later, being sent by Prince Henry of Portugal to the
+coast of Guinea, was driven out to sea, and discovered the island of
+Porto Santo; and subsequently, under the prompting of Morales, he
+rediscovered Madeira, then uninhabited. This was in 1418 or 1419, and
+though there are some divergences in the different forms of the story,
+and though romance and anachronism somewhat obscure its truth, the main
+circumstances are fairly discernible.
+
+[Sidenote: The Perestrello family.]
+
+This discovery was the beginning of the revelations which the navigators
+of Prince Henry were to make. A few years later (1425) he dispatched
+colonists to occupy the two islands, and among them was a gentleman of
+the household, Bartolomeo Perestrello, whose name, in a descendant, we
+shall again encounter when, near the close of the century, we follow
+Columbus himself to this same island of Porto Santo.
+
+[Sidenote: Maps.]
+
+It is conjectured that the position of the Azores was laid down on a map
+which, brought to Portugal from Venice in 1428, instigated Prince Henry
+to order his seamen to rediscover those islands. That they are laid down
+on Valsequa's Catalan map of 1439 is held to indicate the accomplishment
+of the prince's purpose, probably in 1432, though it took twenty years
+to bring the entire group within the knowledge of the Portuguese.
+
+[Sidenote: Bianco's map, 1436.]
+
+[Sidenote: Other maps.]
+
+The well-known map of Andrea Bianco in 1436, preserved in the Biblioteca
+Marciana at Venice, records also the extent of supposition at that date
+respecting the island-studded waste of the Atlantic. Between this date
+and the period of the arrival of Columbus in Portugal, the best known
+names of the map makers of the Atlantic are those of Valsequa (1439),
+Leardo (1448, 1452, 1458), Pareto (1455), and Fra Mauro (1459). This
+last there will be occasion to mention later.
+
+[Sidenote: Flores.]
+
+In 1452, Pedro de Valasco, in sailing about Fayal westerly, seeing and
+following a flight of birds, had discovered the island of Flores. From
+what Columbus says in the journal of his first voyage, forty years
+later, this tracking of the flight of birds was not an unusual way, in
+these early exploring days, of finding new islands.
+
+[Illustration: MAP OF ANDREA BIANCO.
+
+[From _Allgem. Geog. Ephemeriden_, Weimar, 1807.]]
+
+
+Thus it was that down to a period a very little later than the middle of
+the fifteenth century the Portuguese had been accustoming themselves to
+these hazards of the open ocean. Without knowing it they had, in the
+discovery of Flores, actually reached the farthest land westerly, which
+could in the better knowledge of later years be looked upon as the
+remotest outpost of the Old World.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The African route to India.]
+
+There was, as they thought, a much larger cosmographical problem lying
+to the south,--a route to India by a supposable African cape.
+
+For centuries the Orient had been the dream of the philosopher and the
+goal of the merchant. Everything in the East was thought to be on a
+larger scale than in Europe,--metals were more abundant, pearls were
+rarer, spices were richer, plants were nobler, animals were statelier.
+Everything but man was more lordly. He had been fed there so luxuriously
+that he was believed to have dwindled in character. Europe was the world
+of active intelligence, the inheritor of Greek and Roman power, and its
+typical man belonged naturally with the grander externals of the East.
+There was a fitness in bringing the better man and the better nature
+into such relations that the one should sustain and enjoy the other.
+
+[Sidenote: China.]
+
+The earliest historical record of the peoples of Western Asia with China
+goes back, according to Yule, to the second century before Christ. Three
+hundred years later we find the first trace of Roman intercourse (A. D.
+166). With India, China had some trade by sea as early as the fourth
+century, and with Babylonia possibly in the fifth century. There were
+Christian Nestorian missionaries there as early as the eighth century,
+and some of their teachings had been found there by Western travelers in
+the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The communication of Ceylon
+with China was revived in the thirteenth century.
+
+[Sidenote: Cathay.]
+
+[Sidenote: Marco Polo.]
+
+It was in the twelfth century, under the Mongol dynasty, that China
+became first generally known in Europe, under the name of Cathay, and
+then for the first time the Western nations received travelers' stories
+of the kingdom of the great Khan. Two Franciscans, one an Italian, Plano
+Carpini, the other a Fleming, Rubruquis, sent on missions for the
+Church, returned to Europe respectively in 1247 and 1255. It was not,
+however, till Marco Polo returned from his visit to Kublai Khan, in the
+latter part of the thirteenth century, that a new enlargement of the
+ideas of Europe respecting the far Orient took place. The influence of
+his marvelous tales continued down to the days of Columbus, and
+when the great discoverer came on the scene it was to find the public
+mind occupied with the hopes of reaching these Eastern realms by way of
+the south. The experimental and accidental voyagings of the Portuguese
+on the Atlantic were held to be but preliminary to a steadier
+progression down the coast of Africa.
+
+[Sidenote: The African route and the ancients.]
+
+[Sidenote: The African cape.]
+
+Whether the ancients had succeeded in circumnavigating Africa is a
+question never likely to be definitely settled, and opposing views, as
+weighed by Bunbury in his _History of Ancient Geography_, are too evenly
+balanced to allow either side readily to make conquest of judicial
+minds. It is certain that Hipparchus had denied the possibility of it,
+and had supposed the Indian Ocean a land-bound sea, Africa extending at
+the south so as to connect with a southern prolongation of eastern Asia.
+This view had been adopted by Ptolemy, whose opinions were dominating at
+this time the Western mind. Nevertheless, that Africa ended in a
+southern cape seems to have been conceived of by those who doubted the
+authority of Ptolemy early enough for Sanuto, in 1306, to portray such a
+cape in his planisphere. If Sanuto really knew of its existence the
+source of his knowledge is a subject for curious speculation. Not
+unlikely an African cape may have been surmised by the Venetian sailors,
+who, frequenting the Mediterranean coasts of Asia Minor, came in contact
+with the Arabs. These last may have cherished the traditions of maritime
+explorers on the east coast of Africa, who may have already discovered
+the great southern cape, perhaps without passing it.
+
+[Sidenote: African coast discovery, 1393.]
+
+Navarrete records that as early as 1393 a company had been formed in
+Andalusia and Biscay for promoting discoveries down the coast of Africa.
+It was an effort to secure in the end such a route to Asia as might
+enable the people of the Iberian peninsula to share with those of the
+Italian the trade with the East, which the latter had long conducted
+wholly or in part overland from the Levant. The port of Barcelona had
+indeed a share in this opulent commerce; but its product for Spain was
+insignificant in comparison with that for Italy.
+
+[Sidenote:
+Prince Henry, the Navigator.]
+
+The guiding spirit in this new habit of exploration was that scion of
+the royal family of Portugal who became famous eventually as Prince
+Henry the Navigator, and whose biography has been laid before the
+English reader within twenty years, abundantly elucidated by the
+careful hand of Richard H. Major. The Prince had assisted King João
+in the attack on the Moors at Ceuta, in 1415, and this success had
+opened to the Prince the prospect of possessing the Guinea coast, and of
+ultimately finding and passing the anticipated cape at the southern end
+of Africa.
+
+[Sidenote: Cape Bojador.]
+
+This was the mission to which the Prince early in the fifteenth century
+gave himself. His ships began to crawl down the western Barbary coast,
+and each season added to the extent of their explorations, but Cape
+Bojador for a while blocked their way, just as it had stayed other hardy
+adventurers even before the birth of Henry. "We may wonder," says Helps,
+"that he never took personal command of any of his expeditions, but he
+may have thought that he served the cause better by remaining at home,
+and forming a centre whence the electric energy of enterprise was
+communicated to many discoverers and then again collected from them."
+
+[Sidenote: Sagres.]
+
+Meanwhile, Prince Henry had received from his father the government of
+Algaroe, and he selected the secluded promontory of Sagres, jutting into
+the sea at the southwestern extremity of Portugal, as his home, going
+here in 1418, or possibly somewhat later. Whether he so organized his
+efforts as to establish here a school of navigation is in dispute, but
+it is probably merely a question of what constitutes a school. There
+seems no doubt that he built an observatory and drew about him skillful
+men in the nautical arts, including a somewhat famous Majorcan, Jayme.
+He and his staff of workers took seamanship as they found it, with its
+cylindrical charts, and so developed it that it became in the hands of
+the Portuguese the evidence of the highest skill then attainable.
+
+[Sidenote: Art of seamanship.]
+
+Seamanship as then practiced has become an interesting study. Under the
+guidance of Humboldt, in his remarkable work, the _Examen Critique_, in
+which he couples a consideration of the nautical astronomy with the
+needs of this age of discovery, we find an easy path among the
+intricacies of the art. These complications have, in special aspects,
+been further elucidated by Navarrete, Margry, and a recent German
+writer, Professor Ernst Mayer.
+
+[Sidenote: Lully's _Arte de Navegar_.]
+
+It was just at the end of the thirteenth century (1295) that the _Arte
+de Navegar_ of Raymond Lully, or Lullius, gave mariners a handbook,
+which, so far as is made apparent, was not superseded by a better even
+in the time of Columbus.
+
+[Illustration: PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR.
+
+[From a Chronicle in the National Library at Paris.]]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Sacrobosco.]
+
+Another nautical text-book at this time was a treatise by John Holywood,
+a Yorkshire man, who needs to be a little dressed up when we think of
+him as the Latinized Sacrobosco. His _Sphera Mundi_ was not put into
+type till 1472, just before Columbus's arrival in Portugal,--a work
+which is mainly paraphrased from Ptolemy's _Almagest_. It was one of the
+books which, by law, the royal cosmographer of Spain, at a later day,
+was directed to expound in his courses of instruction.
+
+[Sidenote: The loadstone.]
+
+The loadstone was known in western and northern Europe as early as the
+eleventh century, and for two or three centuries there are found in
+books occasional references to the magnet. We are in much doubt,
+however, as to the prevalence of its use in navigation. If we are to
+believe some writers on the subject, it was known to the Norsemen as
+early as the seventh century. Its use in the Levant, derived, doubtless,
+from the peoples navigating the Indian Ocean, goes back to an antiquity
+not easily to be limited.
+
+[Sidenote: Magnetic needle.]
+
+By the year 1200, a knowledge of the magnetic needle, coming from China
+through the Arabs, had become common enough in Europe to be mentioned in
+literature, and in another century its use did not escape record by the
+chroniclers of maritime progress. In the fourteenth century, the
+adventurous spirit of the Catalans and the Normans stretched the scope
+of their observations from the Hebrides on the north to the west coast
+of tropical Africa on the south, and to the westward, two fifths across
+the Atlantic to the neighborhood of the Azores,--voyages made safely
+under the direction of the magnet.
+
+[Sidenote: Observations for latitude.]
+
+[Sidenote: The astrolabe.]
+
+There was not much difficulty in computing latitude either by the
+altitude of the polar star or by using tables of the sun's declination,
+which the astronomers of the time were equal to calculating. The
+astrolabe used for gauging the altitude was a simple instrument, which
+had been long in use among the Mediterranean seamen, and had been
+described by Raymond Lullius in the latter part of the thirteenth
+century. Before Columbus's time it had been somewhat improved by
+Johannes Müller of Königsberg, who became better known from the Latin
+form of his native town as Regiomontanus. He had, perhaps, the best
+reputation in his day as a nautical astronomer, and Humboldt has
+explained the importance of his labors in the help which he afforded in
+an age of discovery.
+
+[Sidenote: Dead reckoning.]
+
+It is quite certain that the navigators of Prince Henry, and even
+Columbus, practiced no artificial method for ascertaining the speed of
+their ships. With vessels of the model of those days, no great rapidity
+was possible, and the utmost a ship could do under favorable
+circumstances was not usually beyond four miles an hour. The hourglass
+gave them the time, and afforded the multiple according as the eye
+adjusted the apparent number of miles which the ship was making hour by
+hour. This was the method by which Columbus, in 1492, calculated the
+distances, which he recorded day by day in his journal. Of course the
+practiced seaman made allowances for drift in the ocean currents, and
+met with more or less intelligence the various deterrent elements in
+beating to windward.
+
+[Sidenote: The seaman's log.]
+
+Humboldt, with his keen insight into all such problems concerning their
+relations to oceanic discoveries, tells us in his _Cosmos_ how he has
+made the history of the log a subject of special investigation in the
+sixth volume of his _Examen Critique de l'Histoire de la Géographie_,
+which, unfortunately, the world has never seen; but he gives,
+apparently, the results in his later _Cosmos_.
+
+[Illustration: THE ASTROLABE OF REGIOMONTANUS.]
+
+It is perhaps surprising that the Mediterranean peoples had not
+perceived a method, somewhat clumsy as it was, which had been in use by
+the Romans in the time of the republic. Though the habit of throwing the
+log is still, in our day, kept up on ocean steamers, I find that
+experienced commanders quite as willingly depend on the report of their
+engineers as to the number of revolutions which the wheel or screw has
+made in the twenty-four hours. In this they were anticipated by these
+republicans of Rome who attached wheels of four feet diameter to the
+sides of their ships and let the passage of the water turn them. Their
+revolutions were then recorded by a device which threw a pebble into a
+tally-pot for each revolution.
+
+[Illustration: REGIOMONTANUS'S ASTROLABE, 1468.
+
+[After an original in the museum at Nuremberg, shown in E. Mayer's _Die
+Hilfsmittel der Schiffahrtskunde_.]]
+
+From that time, so far as Humboldt could ascertain, down to a period
+later than Columbus, and certainly after the revival of long ocean
+voyages by the Catalans, Portuguese, and Normans, there seems to have
+been no skill beyond that of the eyes in measuring the speed of vessels.
+After the days of Columbus, it is only when we come to the voyages of
+Magellan that we find any mention of such a device as a log, which
+consisted, as his chronicler explains, of some arrangements of
+cog-wheels and chains carried on the poop.
+
+[Sidenote: Prince Henry's character.]
+
+Such were in brief the elements of seamanship in which Prince Henry the
+Navigator caused his sailors to be instructed, and which more or less
+governed the instrumentalities employed in his career of discovery. He
+was a man who, as his motto tells us, wished, and was able, to do well.
+He was shadowed with few infirmities of spirit. He joined with the pluck
+of his half-English blood--for he was the grandson of John of Gaunt--a
+training for endurance derived in his country's prolonged contests with
+the Moor. He was the staple and lofty exemplar of this great age of
+discovery. He was more so than Columbus, and rendered the adventitious
+career of the Genoese possible. He knew how to manage men, and stuck
+devotedly to his work. He respected his helpers too much to drug them
+with deceit, and there is a straightforward honesty of purpose in his
+endeavors. He was a trainer of men, and they grew courageous under his
+instruction. To sail into the supposed burning zone beyond Cape Bojador,
+and to face the destruction of life which was believed to be inevitable,
+required a courage quite as conspicuous as to cleave the floating
+verdure of the Sargasso Sea, on a western passage. It must be confessed
+that he shared with Columbus those proclivities which in the instigators
+of African slavery so easily slipped into cruelty. They each believed
+there was a merit, if a heathen's soul be at stake, in not letting
+commiseration get the better of piety.
+
+[Sidenote: Cape Bojador passed, 1434.]
+
+It was not till 1434 that Prince Henry's captains finally passed Cape
+Bojador. It was a strenuous and daring effort in the face of conceded
+danger, and under the impulse of the Prince's earnest urging. Gil Eannes
+returned from this accomplished act a hero in the eyes of his master.
+Had it ever been passed before? Not apparently in any way to affect the
+importance of this Portuguese enterprise. We can go back indeed, to the
+expedition of Hanno the Carthaginian, and in the commentaries of Carl
+Müller and Vivien de St. Martin track that navigator outside the Pillars
+of Hercules, and follow him southerly possibly to Cape Verde or its
+vicinity; and this, if Major's arguments are to be accepted, is the only
+antecedent venture beyond Cape Bojador, though there have been claims
+set up for the Genoese, the Catalans, and the Dieppese. That the map of
+Marino Sanuto in 1306, and the so-called Laurentian portolano of 1351,
+both of which establish a vague southerly limit to Africa, rather give
+expression to a theory than chronicle the experience of navigators is
+the opinion of Major. It is of course possible that some indefinite
+knowledge of oriental tracking of the eastern coast of Africa, and
+developing its terminal shape southerly, may have passed, as already
+intimated, with other nautical knowledge, by the Red Sea to the
+Mediterranean peoples. To attempt to settle the question of any
+circumnavigation of Africa before the days of Diaz and Da Gama, by the
+evidence of earlier maps, makes us confront very closely geographical
+theories on the one hand, and on the other a possible actual knowledge
+filtered through the Arabs. All this renders it imprudent to assume any
+tone of certainty in the matter.
+
+[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF AFRICAN DISCOVERY.]
+
+The captains of Prince Henry now began, season by season, to make a
+steady advance. The Pope had granted to the Portuguese monarchy the
+exclusive right to discovered lands on this unexplored route to India,
+and had enjoined all others not to interfere.
+
+[Sidenote: Cape Blanco passed, 1441.]
+
+In 1441 the Prince's ships passed beyond Cape Blanco, and in succeeding
+years they still pushed on little by little, bringing home in 1442 some
+negroes for slaves, the first which were seen in Europe, as Helps
+supposes, though this is a matter of some doubt.
+
+[Sidenote: Cape Verde reached, 1445.]
+
+Cape Verde had been reached by Diniz Dyàz (Fernandez) in 1445, and the
+discovery that the coast beyond had a general easterly trend did much to
+encourage the Portuguese, with the illusory hope that the way to India
+was at last opened. They had by this time passed beyond the countries of
+the Moors, and were coasting along a country inhabited by negroes.
+
+[Sidenote: Cadamosto, 1445.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cape Verde Islands.]
+
+In 1455, the Venetian Cadamosto, a man who proved that he could write
+intelligently of what he saw, was induced by Prince Henry to conduct a
+new expedition, which was led to the Gambia; so that Europeans saw for
+the first time the constellation of the Southern Cross. In the following
+year, still patronized by Prince Henry, who fitted out one of his
+vessels, Cadamosto discovered the Cape Verde Islands, or at least his
+narrative would indicate that he did. By comparison of documents,
+however, Major has made it pretty clear that Cadamosto arrogated to
+himself a glory which belonged to another, and that the true discoverer
+of the Cape Verde Islands was Diogo Gomez, in 1460. It was on this
+second voyage that Cadamosto passed Cape Roxo, and reached the Rio
+Grande.
+
+[Illustration: FRA MAURO'S WORLD, 1439.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fra Mauro's maps, 1457.]
+
+[Illustration: TOMB OF PRINCE HENRY AT BATALHA.
+
+[From Major's _Prince Henry_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Prince Henry dies, 1460.]
+
+In 1457, Prince Henry sent, by order of his nephew and sovereign,
+Alfonso V., the maps of his captains to Venice, to have them combined in
+a large mappemonde; and Fra Mauro was entrusted with the making of it,
+in which he was assisted by Andrea Bianco, a famous cartographer of the
+time. This great map came to Portugal the year before the Prince died,
+and it stands as his final record, left behind him at his death,
+November 13, 1460, to attest his constancy and leadership. The
+pecuniary sacrifices which he had so greatly incurred in his
+enterprises had fatally embarrassed his estate. His death was not as
+Columbus's was, an obscuration that no one noted; his life was prolonged
+in the school of seamanship which he had created.
+
+[Illustration: STATUE OF PRINCE HENRY AT BELEM.
+
+[From Major's _Prince Henry_.]]
+
+The Prince's enthusiasm in his belief that there was a great southern
+point of Africa had been imparted to all his followers. Fra Mauro gave
+it credence in his map by an indication that an Indian junk from the
+East had rounded the cape with the sun in 1420. In this Mauro map the
+easterly trend of the coast beyond Cape Verde is adequately shown, but
+it is made only as the northern shore of a deep gulf indenting the
+continent. The more southern parts are simply forced into a shape to
+suit and fill out the circular dimensions of the map.
+
+[Sidenote: Sierra Leone, Gold Coast.]
+
+[Sidenote: La Mina.]
+
+Within a few years after Henry's death--though some place it
+earlier--the explorations had been pushed to Sierra Leone and beyond
+Cape Mezurada. When the revenues of the Gold Coast were farmed out in
+1469, it was agreed that discovery should be pushed a hundred leagues
+farther south annually; and by 1474, when the contract expired, Fernam
+Gomez, who had taken it, had already found the gold dust region of La
+Mina, which Columbus, in 1492, was counseled by Spain to avoid while
+searching for his western lands.
+
+This, then, was the condition of Portuguese seamanship and of its
+exploits when Columbus, some time, probably, in 1473, reached Portugal.
+He found that country so content with the rich product of the Guinea
+coast that it was some years later before the Portuguese began to push
+still farther to the south. The desire to extend the Christian faith to
+heathen, often on the lips of the discoverers of the fifteenth century,
+was never so powerful but that gold and pearls made them forget it.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+COLUMBUS IN PORTUGAL.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Date of his arrival.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1470.]
+
+It has been held by Navarrete, Irving, and other writers of the older
+school that Columbus first arrived in Portugal in 1470; and his coming
+has commonly been connected with a naval battle near Lisbon, in which he
+escaped from a burning ship by swimming to land with the aid of an oar.
+It is easily proved, however, that notarial entries in Italy show him to
+have been in that country on August 7, 1473. We may, indeed, by some
+stretch of inference, allow the old date to be sustained, by supposing
+that he really was domiciled in Lisbon as early as 1470, but made
+occasional visits to his motherland for the next three or four years.
+
+[Sidenote: Supposed naval battle.]
+
+The naval battle, in its details, is borrowed by the _Historie_ of 1571
+from the _Rerum Venitiarum ab Urbe Condita_ of Sabellicus. This author
+makes Christopher Columbus a son of the younger corsair Colombo, who
+commanded in the fight, which could not have happened either in 1470,
+the year usually given, or in 1473-74, the time better determined for
+Columbus's arrival in Portugal, since this particular action is known to
+have taken place on August 22, 1485. Those who defend the _Historie_,
+like D'Avezac, claim that its account simply confounds the battle of
+1485 with an earlier one, and that the story of the oar must be accepted
+as an incident of this supposable anterior fight. The action in 1485
+took place when the French corsair, Casaneuve or Colombo, intercepted
+some richly laden Venetian galleys between Lisbon and Cape St. Vincent.
+History makes no mention of any earlier action of similar import which
+could have been the occasion of the escape by swimming; and to sustain
+the _Historie_ by supposing such is a simple, perhaps allowable,
+hypothesis.
+
+[Sidenote: Probable
+arrival in 1473-1474.]
+
+Rawdon Brown, in the introduction to his volumes of the _Calendar of
+State Papers in the Archives of Venice_, has connected Columbus
+with this naval combat, but, as he later acknowledged to Harrisse,
+solely on the authority of the _Historie_. Irving has rejected the
+story. There seems no occasion to doubt its inconsistencies and
+anachronisms, and, once discarded, we are thrown back upon the
+notarial evidence in Italy, by which we may venture to accept the date
+of 1473-74 as that of the entrance of Columbus into Portugal. Irving,
+though he discards the associated incidents, accepts the earlier date.
+Nevertheless, the date of 1473-74 is not taken without some hazard. As
+it has been of late ascertained that when Columbus left Portugal it was
+not for good, as was supposed, so it may yet be discovered that it was
+from some earlier adventure that the buoyancy of an oar took him to the
+land.
+
+[Sidenote: Italians as maritime discoverers.]
+
+This coming of an Italian to Portugal to throw in his lot with a foreign
+people leads the considerate observer to reflect on the strange
+vicissitudes which caused Italy to furnish to the western nations so
+many conspicuous leaders in the great explorations of the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries, without profiting in the slightest degree through
+territorial return. Cadamosto and Cabot, the Venetians, Columbus, the
+Genoese, Vespucius and Verrazano, the Florentines, are, on the whole,
+the most important of the great captains of discovery in this virgin age
+of maritime exploration through the dark waters of the Atlantic; and yet
+Spain and Portugal, France and England, were those who profited by their
+genius and labors.
+
+It is a singular fact that, during the years which Columbus spent in
+Portugal, there is not a single act of his life that can be credited
+with an exact date, and few can be placed beyond cavil by undisputed
+documentary evidence.
+
+[Sidenote: Occupation in Portugal.]
+
+It is the usual story, given by his earliest Italian biographers, Gallo
+and his copiers, that Columbus had found his brother Bartholomew already
+domiciled in Portugal, and earning a living by making charts and selling
+books, and that Christopher naturally fell, for a while, into similar
+occupations. He was not, we are also told, unmindful of his father's
+distresses in Italy, when he disposed of his small earnings. We likewise
+know the names of a few of his fellow Genoese settled in Lisbon in
+traffic, because he speaks of their kindnesses to him, and the help
+which they had given him (1482) in what would appear to have been
+commercial ventures.
+
+It seems not unlikely that he had not been long in the country when the
+incident occurred at Lisbon which led to his marriage, which is thus
+recorded in the _Historie_.
+
+[Sidenote: His marriage.]
+
+During his customary attendance upon divine worship in the Convent of
+All Saints, his devotion was observed by one of the pensioners of the
+monastery, who sought him with such expressions of affection that he
+easily yielded to her charms. This woman, Felipa Moñiz by name, is said
+to have been a daughter, by his wife Caterina Visconti, of Bartolomeo
+Perestrello, a gentleman of Italian origin, who is associated with the
+colonization of Madeira and Porto Santo. From anything which Columbus
+himself says and is preserved to us, we know nothing more than that he
+desired in his will that masses should be said for the repose of her
+soul; for she was then long dead, and, as Diego tells us, was buried in
+Lisbon. We learn her name for the first time from Diego's will, in 1509,
+and this is absolutely all the documentary evidence which we have
+concerning her. Oviedo and the writers who wrote before the publication
+of the _Historie_ had only said that Columbus had married in Portugal,
+without further particulars.
+
+[Sidenote: The Perestrellos.]
+
+But the _Historie_, with Las Casas following it, does not wholly satisfy
+our curiosity, neither does Oviedo, later, nor Gomara and Benzoni, who
+copy from Oviedo. There arises a question of the identity of this
+Bartolomeo Perestrello, among three of the name of three succeeding
+generations. Somewhere about 1420, or later, the eldest of this line was
+made the first governor of Porto Santo, after the island had been
+discovered by one of the expeditions which had been down the African
+coast. It is of him the story goes that, taking some rabbits thither,
+their progeny so quickly possessed the island that its settlers deserted
+it! Such genealogical information as can be acquired of this earliest
+Perestrello is against the supposition of his being the father of Felipa
+Moñiz, but rather indicates that by a second wife, Isabel Moñiz by name,
+he had the second Bartolomeo, who in turn became the father of our
+Felipa Moñiz. The testimony of Las Casas seems to favor this view. If
+this is the Bartolomeo who, having attained his majority, was assigned
+to the captaincy of Porto Santo in 1473, it could hardly be that a
+daughter would have been old enough to marry in 1474-75.
+
+The first Bartolomeo, if he was the father-in-law of Columbus, seems to
+have died in 1457, and was succeeded in 1458, in command of the island
+of Porto Santo, by another son-in-law, Pedro Correa da Cunha, who
+married a daughter of his first marriage,--or at least that is one
+version of this genealogical complication,--and who was later succeeded
+in 1473 by the second Bartolomeo.
+
+The Count Bernardo Pallastrelli, a modern member of the family, has of
+late years, in his _Il Suocero e la Moglie di Cristoforo Colombo_ (2d
+ed., Piacenza, 1876), attempted to identify the kindred of the wife of
+Columbus. He has examined the views of Harrisse, who is on the whole
+inclined to believe that the wife of Columbus was a daughter of one
+Vasco Gill Moñiz, whose sister had married the Perestrello of the
+_Historie_ story. The successive wills of Diego Columbus, it may be
+observed, call her in one (1509) Philippa Moñiz, and in the other (1523)
+Philippa Muñiz, without the addition of Perestrello. The genealogical
+table of the count's monograph, on the other hand, makes Felipa to be
+the child of Isabella Moñiz, who was the second wife of Bartolomeo
+Pallastrelli, the son of Felipo, who came to Portugal some time after
+1371, from Plaisance, in Italy. Bartolomeo had been one of the household
+of Prince Henry, and had been charged by him with founding a colony at
+Porto Santo, in 1425, over which island he was long afterward (1446)
+made governor. We must leave it as a question involved in much doubt.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's son Diego born.]
+
+The issue of this marriage was one son, Diego, but there is no distinct
+evidence as to the date of his birth. Sundry incidents go to show that
+it was somewhere between 1475 and 1479. Columbus's marriage to Doña
+Felipa had probably taken place at Lisbon, and not before 1474 at the
+earliest, a date not difficult to reconcile with the year (1473-74) now
+held to be that of his arrival in Portugal. It is supposed that it was
+while Columbus was living at Porto Santo, where his wife had some
+property, that Diego was born, though Harrisse doubts if any evidence
+can be adduced to support such a statement beyond a sort of conjecture
+on Las Casas's part, derived from something he thought he remembered
+Diego to have told him.
+
+[Sidenote: Perestrello's MSS.]
+
+The story of Columbus's marriage, as given in the _Historie_
+and followed by Oviedo, couples with it the belief that it was among the
+papers of his dead father-in-law, Perestrello, that Columbus found
+documents and maps which prompted him to the conception of a western
+passage to Asia. In that case, this may perhaps have been the motive
+which induced him to draw from Paolo Toscanelli that famous letter,
+which is usually held to have had an important influence on the mind of
+Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Story of a sailor dying in Columbus's house.]
+
+The fact of such relationship of Columbus with Perestrello is called in
+question, and so is another incident often related by the biographers of
+Columbus. This is that an old seaman who had returned from an
+adventurous voyage westward had found shelter in the house of Columbus,
+and had died there, but not before he had disclosed to him a discovery
+he had made of land to the west. This story is not told in any writer
+that is now known before Gomara (1552), and we are warned by Benzoni
+that in Gomara's hands this pilot story was simply an invention "to
+diminish the immortal fame of Christopher Columbus, as there were many
+who could not endure that a foreigner and Italian should have acquired
+so much honor and so much glory, not only for the Spanish kingdom, but
+also for the other nations of the world."
+
+[Sidenote: Pomponius Mela, Strabo, etc.]
+
+[Sidenote: Manilius, Solinus, Ptolemy.]
+
+It is certain, however, that under the impulse of the young art of
+printing men's minds had at this time become more alive than they had
+been for centuries to the search for cosmographical views. The old
+geographers, just at this time, were one by one finding their way into
+print, mainly in Italy, while the intercourse of that country with
+Portugal was quickened by the attractions of the Portuguese discoveries.
+While Columbus was still in Italy, the great popularity of Pomponius
+Mela began with the first edition in Latin, which was printed at Milan
+in 1471, followed soon by other editions in Venice. The _De Situ Orbis_
+of Strabo had already been given to the world in Latin as early as 1469,
+and during the next few years this text was several times reprinted at
+Rome and Venice. The teaching of the sphericity of the earth in the
+astronomical poem of Manilius, long a favorite with the monks of the
+Middle Ages, who repeated it in their labored script, appeared in type
+at Nuremberg at the same time. The _Polyhistor_ of Solinus did not long
+delay to follow. A Latin version of Ptolemy had existed since 1409, but
+it was later than the rest in appearing in print, and bears the date of
+1475. These were the newer issues of the Italian and German presses,
+which were attracting the notice of the learned in this country of the
+new activities when Columbus came among them, and they were having their
+palpable effect.
+
+[Sidenote: Toscanelli's theory.]
+
+[Sidenote: His letter to Columbus.]
+
+Just when we know not, but some time earlier than this, Alfonso V. of
+Portugal had sought, through the medium of the monk Fernando Martinez
+(Fernam Martins), to know precisely what was meant by the bruit of
+Toscanelli's theory of a westward way to India. To an inquiry thus
+vouched Toscanelli had replied to Fernando Martinez (June 25, 1474),
+some days before a similar inquiry addressed to Toscanelli reached
+Florence, from Columbus himself, and through the agency of an aged
+Florentine merchant settled in Lisbon. It seems probable that no
+knowledge of Martinez's correspondence with Toscanelli had come to the
+notice of Columbus; and that the message which the Genoese sent to the
+Florentine was due simply to the same current rumors of Toscanelli's
+views which had attracted the attention of the king. So in replying to
+Columbus Toscanelli simply shortened his task by inclosing, with a brief
+introduction, a copy of the letter, which he says he had sent "some days
+before" to Martinez. This letter outlined a plan of western discovery;
+but it is difficult to establish beyond doubt the exact position which
+the letter of Toscanelli should hold in the growth of Columbus's views.
+If Columbus reached Portugal as late as 1473-74, as seems likely, it is
+rendered less certain that Columbus had grasped his idea anterior to the
+spread of Toscanelli's theory. In any event, the letter of the
+Florentine physician would strengthen the growing notions of the
+Genoese.
+
+As Toscanelli was at this time a man of seventy-seven, and as a belief
+in the sphericity of the earth was then not unprevalent, and as the
+theory of a westward way to the East was a necessary concomitant of such
+views in the minds of thinking men, it can hardly be denied that the
+latent faith in a westward passage only needed a vigilant mind to
+develop the theory, and an adventurous spirit to prove its correctness.
+The development had been found in Toscanelli and the proof was waiting
+for Columbus,--both Italians; but Humboldt points out how the
+Florentine very likely thought he was communicating with a Portuguese,
+when he wrote to Columbus.
+
+This letter has been known since 1571 in the Italian text as given in
+the _Historie_, which, as it turns out, was inexact and overladen with
+additions. At least such is the inference when we compare this Italian
+text with a Latin text, supposed to be the original tongue of the
+letter, which has been discovered of late years in the handwriting of
+Columbus himself, on the flyleaf of an Æneas Sylvius (1477), once
+belonging to Columbus, and still preserved in the Biblioteca Colombina
+at Seville. The letter which is given in the _Historie_ is accompanied
+by an antescript, which says that the copy had been sent to Columbus at
+his request, and that it had been originally addressed to Martinez, some
+time "before the wars of Castile." How much later than the date June 25,
+1474, this copy was sent to Columbus, and when it was received by him,
+there is no sure means of determining, and it may yet be in itself one
+of the factors for limiting the range of months during which Columbus
+must have arrived in Portugal.
+
+[Sidenote: Toscanelli's visions of the East.]
+
+The extravagances of the letter of Toscanelli, in his opulent
+descriptions of a marvelous Asiatic region, were safely made in that age
+without incurring the charge of credulity. Travelers could tell tales
+then that were as secure from detection as the revealed arcana of the
+Zuñi have been in our own days. Two hundred towns, whose marble bridges
+spanned a single river, and whose commerce could incite the cupidity of
+the world, was a tale easily to stir numerous circles of listeners in
+the maritime towns of the Mediterranean, wherever wandering mongers of
+marvels came and went. There were such travelers whose recitals
+Toscanelli had read, and others whose tales he had heard from their own
+lips, and these last were pretty sure to augment the wonders of the
+elder talebearers.
+
+Columbus had felt this influence with the rest, and the tales lost
+nothing of their vividness in coming to him freshened, as it were, by
+the curious mind of the Florentine physician. The map which accompanied
+Toscanelli's letter, and which depicted his notions of the Asiatic coast
+lying over against that of Spain, is lost to us, but various attempts
+have been made to restore it, as is done in the sketch annexed. It will
+be a precious memorial, if ever recovered, worthy of study as a reflex,
+in more concise representation than is found in the text of the letter,
+of the ideas which one of the most learned cosmographers of his day had
+imbibed from mingled demonstrations of science and imagination.
+
+[Illustration: TOSCANELLI'S MAP AS RESTORED IN _DAS AUSLAND_.]
+
+[Sidenote: The passage westward.]
+
+It is said that in our own day, in the first stages of a belief in the
+practicability of an Atlantic telegraphic cable, it was seriously
+claimed that the vast stretch of its extension could be broken by a
+halfway station on Jacquet Island, one of those relics of the Middle
+Ages, which has disappeared from our ocean charts only in recent years.
+
+[Sidenote: Antillia.]
+
+Just in the same way all the beliefs which men had had in the island of
+Antillia, and in the existence of many another visionary bit of land,
+came to the assistance of these theoretical discoverers in planning the
+chances of a desperate voyage far out into a sea of gorgons and chimeras
+dire. Toscanelli's map sought to direct the course of any one who dared
+to make the passage, in a way that, in case of disaster to his ships, a
+secure harbor could be found in Antillia, and in such other havens as no
+lack of islands would supply.
+
+Ferdinand claimed to have found in his father's papers some statements
+which he had drawn from Aristotle of Carthaginian voyages to Antillia,
+on the strength of which the Portuguese had laid that island down in
+their charts in the latitude of Lisbon, as one occupied by their people
+in 714, when Spain was conquered by the Moors. Even so recently as the
+time of Prince Henry it had been visited by Portuguese ships, if records
+were to be believed. It also stands in the Bianco map of 1436.
+
+[Sidenote: Fabulous islands of the Atlantic.]
+
+There are few more curious investigations than those which concern these
+fantastic and fabulous islands of the Sea of Darkness. They are
+connected with views which were an inheritance in part from the classic
+times, with involved notions of the abodes of the blessed and of
+demoniacal spirits. In part they were the aërial creation of popular
+mythologies, going back to a remoteness of which it is impossible to
+trace the beginning, and which got a variable color from the popular
+fancies of succeeding generations. The whole subject is curiously
+without the field of geography, though entering into all surveys of
+mediæval knowledge of the earth, and depending very largely for its
+elucidation on the maps of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
+whose mythical traces are not beyond recognition in some of the best
+maps which have instructed a generation still living.
+
+[Sidenote: St. Brandan.]
+
+To place the island of the Irish St. Brandan--whose coming there with
+his monks is spoken of as taking place in the sixth century--in the
+catalogue of insular entities is to place geography in such a marvelous
+guise as would have satisfied the monk Philoponus and the rest of the
+credulous fictionmongers who hang about the skirts of the historic
+field. But the belief in it long prevailed, and the apparition sometimes
+came to sailors' eyes as late as the last century.
+
+[Sidenote: Antillia, or the Seven Cities.]
+
+The great island of Antillia, or the Seven Cities, already referred to,
+was recognized, so far as we know, for the first time in the Weimar map
+of 1424, and is known in legends as the resort of some Spanish bishops,
+flying from the victorious Moors, in the eighth century. It never quite
+died out from the recognition of curious minds, and was even thought to
+have been seen by the Portuguese, not far from the time when Columbus
+was born. Peter Martyr also, after Columbus had returned from his first
+voyage, had a fancy that what the Admiral had discovered was really the
+great island of Antillia, and its attendant groups of smaller isles, and
+the fancy was perpetuated when Wytfliet and Ortelius popularized the
+name of Antilles for the West Indian Archipelago.
+
+[Sidenote: Brazil Island.]
+
+Another fleeting insular vision of this pseudo-geographical realm was a
+smaller body of floating land, very inconstant in position, which is
+always given some form of the name that, in later times, got a constant
+shape in the word Brazil. We can trace it back into the portolanos of
+the middle of the fourteenth century; and it had not disappeared as a
+survival twenty or thirty years ago in the admiralty charts of Great
+Britain. The English were sending out expeditions from Bristol in search
+of it even while Columbus was seeking countenance for his western
+schemes; and Cabot, at a little later day, was instrumental in other
+searches.
+
+[Sidenote: Travelers in the Orient.]
+
+Foremost among the travelers who had excited the interest of Toscanelli,
+and whose names he possibly brought for the first time to the attention
+of Columbus, were Marco Polo, Sir John Mandeville, and Nicolas de Conti.
+
+[Illustration: MODERN EASTERN ASIA, WITH THE OLD AND NEW NAMES.
+
+[From Yule's _Cathay_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Marco Polo,]
+
+It is a question to be resolved only by critical study as to what was
+the language in which Marco Polo first dictated, in a Genoese prison in
+1298, the original narrative of his experiences in Cathay. The inquiry
+has engaged the attention of all his editors, and has invited the
+critical sagacity of D'Avezac. There seems little doubt that it was
+written down in French.
+
+[Illustration: EASTERN ASIA, CATALAN MAP, 1375.
+
+[From Yule's _Cathay_, vol. i.]]
+
+[Illustration: MARCO POLO.
+
+[From an original at Rome.]]
+
+There are no references by Columbus himself to the Asiatic travels of
+Marco Polo, but his acquaintance with the marvelous book of the Venetian
+observer may safely be assumed. The multiplication of texts of the
+_Milione_ following upon his first dictation, and upon the subsequent
+revision in 1307, may not, indeed, have caused it to be widely known in
+various manuscript forms, be it in Latin or Italian. Nor is it likely
+that Columbus could have read the earliest edition which was put in
+type, for it was in German in 1477; but there is the interesting
+possibility that this work of the Nuremberg press may have been known to
+Martin Behaim, a Nuremberger then in Lisbon, and likely enough to have
+been a familiar of Columbus. The fact that there is in the Biblioteca
+Colombina at Seville a copy of the first Latin printed edition (1485)
+with notes, which seem to be in Columbus's handwriting, may be taken as
+evidence, that at least in the later years of his study the inspiration
+which Marco Polo could well have been to him was not wanting; and the
+story may even be true as told in Navarrete, that Columbus had a copy
+of this famous book at his side during his first voyage, in 1492.
+
+At the time when Humboldt doubted the knowledge of Columbus in respect
+to Marco Polo, this treasure of the Colombina was not known, and these
+later developments have shown how such a question was not to be settled
+as Humboldt supposed, by the fact that Columbus quoted Æneas Sylvius
+upon Cipango, and did not quote Marco Polo.
+
+[Sidenote: Sir John Mandeville.]
+
+Neither does Columbus refer to the journey and strange stories of Sir
+John Mandeville, whose recitals came to a generation which was beginning
+to forget the stories of Marco Polo, and which, by fostering a passion
+for the marvelous, had readily become open to the English knight's
+bewildering fancies. The same negation of evidence, however, that
+satisfied Humboldt as respects Marco Polo will hardly suffice to
+establish Columbus's ignorance of the marvels which did more, perhaps,
+than the narratives of any other traveler to awaken Europe to the
+wonders of the Orient. Bernaldez, in fact, tells us that Columbus was a
+reader of Mandeville, whose recital was first printed in French at Lyons
+in 1480, within a few years after Columbus's arrival in Portugal.
+
+[Sidenote: Nicolo di Conti.]
+
+It was to Florence, in Toscanelli's time, not far from 1420, that Nicolo
+di Conti, a Venetian, came, after his long sojourn of a quarter of a
+century in the far East. In Conti's new marvels, the Florentine scholar
+saw a rejuvenation of the wonders of Marco Polo. It was from Conti,
+doubtless, that Toscanelli got some of that confidence in a western
+voyage which, in his epistle to Columbus, he speaks of as derived from a
+returned traveler.
+
+Pope Eugene IV., not far from the time of the birth of Columbus,
+compelled Conti to relate his experiences to Poggio Bracciolini. This
+scribe made what he could out of the monstrous tales, and translated the
+stories into Latin. In this condition Columbus may have known the
+narrative at a later day. The information which Conti gave was eagerly
+availed of by the cosmographers of the time, and Colonel Yule, the
+modern English writer on ancient Cathay, thinks that Fra Mauro got for
+his map more from Conti than that traveler ventured to disclose to
+Poggio.
+
+[Sidenote: Toscanelli's death, 1482.]
+
+Toscanelli, at the time of writing this letter to Columbus, had long
+enjoyed a reputation as a student of terrestrial and celestial
+phenomena. He had received, in 1463, the dedication by Regiomontanus of
+his treatise on the quadrature of the circle. He was, as has been said,
+an old man of seventy-seven when Columbus opened his correspondence with
+him. It was not his fate to live long enough to see his physical views
+substantiated by Diaz and Columbus, for he died in 1482.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus confers with others.]
+
+In two of the contemporary writers, Bartholomew Columbus is credited
+with having incited his brother Christopher to the views which he
+developed regarding a western passage, and these two were Antonio Gallo
+and Giustiniani, the commentator of the Psalms. It has been of late
+contended by H. Grothe, in his _Leonardo da Vinci_ (Berlin, 1874), that
+it was at this time, too, when that eminent artist conducted a
+correspondence with Columbus about a western way to Asia. But there is
+little need of particularizing other advocates of a belief which had
+within the range of credible history never ceased to have exponents. The
+conception was in no respect the merit of Columbus, except as he grasped
+a tradition, which others did not, and it is strange, that Navarrete in
+quoting the testimony of Ferdinand and Isabella, of August 8, 1497, to
+the credit of the discovery of Columbus, as his own proper work, does
+not see that it was the venturesome, and as was then thought foolhardy,
+deed to prove the conception which those monarchs commended, and not the
+conception itself.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus writes out reasons for his belief.]
+
+We learn from the _Historie_ that its writer had found among the papers
+of Columbus the evidence of the grounds of his belief in the western
+passage, as under varying impressions it had been formulated in his
+mind. These reasons divide easily into three groups: First, those based
+on deductions drawn from scientific research, and as expressed in the
+beliefs of Ptolemy, Marinus, Strabo, and Pliny; second, views which the
+authority of eminent writers had rendered weightier, quoting as such the
+works of Aristotle, Seneca, Strabo, Pliny, Solinus, Marco Polo,
+Mandeville, Pierre d'Ailly, and Toscanelli; and third, the stories of
+sailors as to lands and indications of lands westerly.
+
+From these views, instigated or confirmed by such opinions, Columbus
+gradually arranged his opinions, in not one of which did he prove to be
+right, except as regards the sphericity of the earth; and the last was a
+belief which had been the common property of learned men, and at
+intervals occupying even the popular mind, from a very early date.
+
+[Sidenote: Sphericity of the earth.]
+
+[Sidenote: Transmission of the belief in it.]
+
+The conception among the Greeks of a plane earth, which was taught in
+the Homeric and Hesiodic poems, began to give place to a crude notion of
+a spherical form at a period that no one can definitely determine,
+though we find it taught by the Pythagoreans in Italy in the sixth
+century before Christ. The spherical view and its demonstration passed
+down through long generations of Greeks, under the sanction of Plato and
+their other highest thinkers. In the fourth century before Christ,
+Aristotle and others, by watching the moon's shadow in an eclipse, and
+by observing the rising and setting of the heavenly bodies in different
+latitudes, had proved the roundness of the earth to their satisfaction;
+Eratosthenes first measured a degree of latitude in the third century;
+Hipparchus, in the second century, was the earliest to establish
+geographical positions; and in the second century of the Christian era
+Ptolemy had formulated for succeeding times the general scope of the
+transmitted belief. During all these centuries it was perhaps rather a
+possession of the learned. We infer from Aristotle that the view was a
+novelty in his time; but in the third century before Christ it began to
+engage popular attention in the poem of Aratus, and at about 200 B. C.
+Crates is said to have given palpable manifestation of the theory in a
+globe, ten feet in diameter, which he constructed.
+
+The belief passed to Italy and the Latins, and was sung by Hyginus and
+Manilius in the time of Augustus. We find it also in the minds of Pliny,
+Cicero, Virgil, and Ovid. So the belief became the heirloom of the
+learned throughout the classic times, and it was directly coupled in the
+minds of Aristotle, Eratosthenes, Strabo, Seneca, and others with a
+conviction, more or less pronounced, of an easy western voyage from
+Spain to India.
+
+[Sidenote: Seneca's _Medea_.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cosmas.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bacon, Albertus Magnus, Pierre d'Ailly.]
+
+No one of the ancient expressions of this belief seems to have clung
+more in the memory of Columbus than that in the _Medea_ of Seneca; and
+it is an interesting confirmation that in a copy of the book which
+belonged to his son Ferdinand, and which is now preserved in Seville,
+the passage is scored by the son's hand, while in a marginal note he has
+attested the fact that its prophecy of a western passage had been made
+good by his father in 1492. Though the opinion was opposed by St.
+Chrysostom in the fourth century, it was taught by St. Augustine and
+Isidore in the fifth. Cosmas in the sixth century was unable to
+understand how, if the earth was a sphere, those at the antipodes could
+see Christ at his coming. That settled the question in his mind. The
+Venerable Bede, however, in the eighth century, was not constrained by
+any such arguments, and taught the spherical theory. Jourdain, a modern
+French authority, has found distinct evidence that all through the
+Middle Ages the belief in the western way was kept alive by the study of
+Aristotle; and we know how the Arabs perpetuated the teachings of that
+philosopher, which in turn were percolated through the Levant to
+Mediterranean peoples. It is a striking fact that at a time when Spain
+was bending all her energies to drive the Moor from the Iberian
+peninsula, that country was also engaged in pursuing those discoveries
+along the western way to India which were almost a direct result of the
+Arab preservation of the cosmographical learning of Aristotle and
+Ptolemy. A belief in an earth-ball had the testimony of Dante in the
+twelfth century, and it was the well-known faith of Albertus Magnus,
+Roger Bacon, and the schoolmen, in the thirteenth. It continued to be
+held by the philosophers, who kept alive these more recent names, and
+came to Columbus because of the use of Bacon which Pierre d'Ailly had
+made.
+
+The belief in the sphericity of the earth carried with it of necessity
+another,--that the east was to be found in the west. Superstition,
+ignorance, and fear might magnify the obstacles to a passage through
+that drear Sea of Darkness, but in Columbus's time, in some learned
+minds at least, there was no distrust as to the accomplishment of such a
+voyage beyond the chance of obstacles in the way.
+
+[Illustration: ALBERTUS MAGNUS.
+
+[From Reusner's _Icones_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: The belief opposed by the Church.]
+
+It is true that in this interval of very many centuries there had been
+lapses into unbelief. There were long periods, indeed, when no one dared
+to teach the doctrine. Whenever and wherever the Epicureans supplanted
+the Pythagoreans, the belief fell with the disciples of Pythagoras.
+There had been, during the days of St. Chrysostom and other of the
+fathers, a decision of the Church against it. There were doubtless, as
+Humboldt says, conservers, during all this time, of the traditions of
+antiquity, since the monasteries and colleges--even in an age when to be
+unlearned was more pardonable than to be pagan--were of themselves quite
+a world apart from the dullness of the masses of the people.
+
+[Sidenote: Pierre D'Ailly's _Imago Mundi_.]
+
+[Sidenote: Roger Bacon's _Opus Majus_.]
+
+A hundred years before Columbus, the inheritor of much of this
+conservation was the Bishop of Cambray, that Pierre d'Ailly whose _Imago
+Mundi_ (1410) was so often on the lips of Columbus, and out of which it
+is more than likely that Columbus drank of the knowledge of Aristotle,
+Strabo, and Seneca, and to a degree greater perhaps than he was aware of
+he took thence the wisdom of Roger Bacon. It was through the _Opus
+Majus_ (1267) of this English philosopher that western Europe found
+accessible the stories of the "silver walls and golden towers" of
+Quinsay as described by Rubruquis, the wandering missionary, who in the
+thirteenth century excited the cupidity of the Mediterranean merchants
+by his accounts of the inexhaustible treasures of eastern Asia, and
+which the reader of to-day may find in the collections of Samuel
+Purchas.
+
+Pierre d'Ailly's position in regard to cosmographical knowledge was
+hardly a dominant one. He seems to know nothing of Marco Polo, Bacon's
+contemporary, and he never speaks of Cathay, even when he urges the
+views which he has borrowed from Roger Bacon, of the extension of Asia
+towards Western Europe.
+
+Any acquaintance with the _Imago Mundi_ during these days of Columbus in
+Portugal came probably through report, though possibly he may have met
+with manuscripts of the work; for it was not till after he had gone to
+Spain that D'Ailly could have been read in any printed edition, the
+first being issued in 1490.
+
+[Sidenote: Rotundity and gravitation.]
+
+The theory of the rotundity of the earth carried with it one objection,
+which in the time of Columbus was sure sooner or later to be seized
+upon. If, going west, the ship sank with the declivity of the earth's
+contour, how was she going to mount such an elevation on her return
+voyage?--a doubt not so unreasonable in an age which had hardly more
+than the vaguest notion of the laws of gravitation, though some, like
+Vespucius, were not without a certain prescience of the fact.
+
+[Sidenote: Size of the earth.]
+
+By the middle of the third century before Christ, Eratosthenes,
+accepting sphericity, had by astronomical methods studied the extent of
+the earth's circumference, and, according to the interpretation of his
+results by modern scholars, he came surprisingly near to the actual
+size, when he exceeded the truth by perhaps a twelfth part. The
+calculations of Eratosthenes commended themselves to Hipparchus, Strabo,
+and Pliny. A century later than Eratosthenes, a new calculation, made by
+Posidonius of Rhodes, reduced the magnitude to a globe of about four
+fifths its proper size. It was palpably certain to the observant
+philosophers, from the beginning of their observations on the size of
+the earth, that the portion known to commerce and curiosity was but a
+small part of what might yet be known. The unknown, however, is always a
+terror. Going north from temperate Europe increased the cold, going
+south augmented the heat; and it was no bold thought for the naturalist
+to conclude that a north existed in which the cold was unbearable, and a
+south in which the heat was too great for life. Views like these stayed
+the impulse for exploration even down to the century of Columbus, and
+magnified the horrors which so long balked the exploration of the
+Portuguese on the African coast. There had been intervals, however, when
+men in the Indian Ocean had dared to pass the equator.
+
+[Sidenote: Unknown regions.]
+
+[Sidenote: Strabo and Marinus on the size of the earth.]
+
+Therefore it was before the age of Columbus that, east and west along
+the temperate belt, men's minds groped to find new conditions beyond the
+range of known habitable regions. Strabo, in the first century before
+Christ, made this habitable zone stretch over 120 degrees, or a third of
+the circumference of the earth. The corresponding extension of Marinus
+of Tyre in the second century after Christ stretched over 225 degrees.
+This geographer did not define the land's border on the ocean at the
+east, but it was not unusual with the cosmographers who followed him to
+carry the farthest limits of Asia to what is actually the meridian of
+the Sandwich Islands. On the west Marinus pushed the Fortunate Islands
+(Canaries) two degrees and a half beyond Cape Finisterre, failing to
+comprehend their real position, which for the westernmost, Ferro, is
+something like nine degrees beyond the farther limits of the main land.
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy's view.]
+
+The belt of the known world running in the direction of the equator was,
+in the conception of Ptolemy, the contemporary of Marinus, about
+seventy-nine degrees wide, sixteen of these being south of the
+equatorial line. This was a contraction from the previous estimate of
+Marinus, who had made it over eighty-seven degrees.
+
+[Sidenote: Toscanelli's view.]
+
+Toscanelli reduced the globe to a circumference of about 18,000 miles,
+losing about 6,000 miles; and the untracked ocean, lying west of Lisbon,
+was about one third of this distance. In other words, the known world
+occupied about 240 of the 360 degrees constituting the equatorial
+length. Few of the various computations of this time gave such scant
+dimensions to the unknown proportion of the line. The Laon globe, which
+was made ten or twelve years later than Toscanelli's time, was equally
+scant. Behaim, who figured out the relations of the known to the unknown
+circuit, during the summer before Columbus sailed on his first voyage,
+reduced what was known to not much more than a third of the whole. It
+was the fashion, too, with an easy reliance on their genuineness, to
+refer to the visions of Esdras in support of a belief in the small
+part--a sixth--of the surface of the globe covered by the ocean.
+
+[Illustration: LAON GLOBE.
+
+[After D'Avezac.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Views of Columbus.]
+
+The problem lay in Columbus's mind thus: he accepted the theory of the
+division of the circumference of the earth into twenty-four hours, as it
+had come down from Marinus of Tyre, when this ancient astronomer
+supposed that from the eastern verge of Asia to the western extremity of
+Europe there was a space of fifteen hours. The discovery of the Azores
+had pushed the known limit a single hour farther towards the setting
+sun, making sixteen hours, or two thirds of the circumference of 360
+degrees. There were left eight hours, or one hundred and twenty degrees,
+to represent the space between the Azores and Asia. This calculation in
+reality brought the Asiatic coast forward to the meridian of California,
+obliterating the width of the Pacific at that latitude, and reducing by
+so much the size of the globe as Columbus measured it, on the assumption
+that Marinus was correct. This, however, he denied. If the _Historie_
+reports Columbus exactly, he contended that the testimony of Marco Polo
+and Mandeville carried the verge of Asia so far east that the land
+distance was more than fifteen hours across; and by as much as this
+increased the distance, by so much more was the Asiatic shore pushed
+nearer the coasts of Europe. "We can thus determine," he says, "that
+India is even neighboring to Spain and Africa."
+
+[Sidenote: Length of a degree.]
+
+The calculation of course depended on what was the length of a degree,
+and on this point there was some difference of opinion. Toscanelli had
+so reduced a degree's length that China was brought forward on his
+planisphere till its coast line cut the meridian of the present
+Newfoundland.
+
+[Sidenote: Quinsay.]
+
+We can well imagine how this undue contraction of the size of the globe,
+as the belief lay in the mind of Columbus, and as he expressed it later
+(July 7, 1503), did much to push him forward, and was a helpful illusion
+in inducing others to venture upon the voyage with him. The courage
+required to sail out of some Iberian port due west a hundred and twenty
+degrees in order to strike the regions about the great Chinese city of
+Quinsay, or Kanfu, Hangtscheufu, and Kingszu, as it has been later
+called, was more easily summoned than if the actual distance of two
+hundred and thirty-one degrees had been recognized, or even the two
+hundred and four degrees necessary in reality to reach Cipango, or
+Japan. The views of Toscanelli, as we have seen, reduced the duration of
+risk westward to so small a figure as fifty-two degrees. So it had not
+been an unusual belief, more or less prominent for many generations,
+that with a fair wind it required no great run westward to reach Cathay,
+if one dared to undertake it. If there were no insurmountable obstacles
+in the Sea of Darkness, it would not be difficult to reach earlier that
+multitude of islands which was supposed to fringe the coast of China.
+
+[Sidenote: Asiatic islands.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cipango.]
+
+[Sidenote: Spanish and Portuguese explorations.]
+
+It was a common belief, moreover, that somewhere in this void lay the
+great island of Cipango,--the goal of Columbus's voyage. Sometimes
+nearer and sometimes farther it lay from the Asiatic coast. Pinzon saw
+in Rome in 1491 a map which carried it well away from that coast; and if
+one could find somewhere in the English archives the sea-chart with
+which Bartholomew Columbus enforced the views of his brother, to gain
+the support of the English king, it is supposed that it would reveal a
+somewhat similar location of the coveted island. Here, then, was a
+space, larger or smaller, as men differently believed, interjacent along
+this known zone between the ascertained extreme east in Asia and the
+accepted most distant west at Cape St. Vincent in Spain, as was thought
+in Strabo's time, or at the Canaries, as was comprehended in the days of
+Ptolemy. What there was in this unknown space between Spain and Cathay
+was the problem which balked the philosophers quite as much as that
+other uncertainty, which concerned what might possibly be found in the
+southern hemisphere, could one dare to enter the torrid heats of the
+supposed equatorial ocean, or in the northern wastes, could one venture
+to sail beyond the Arctic Circle. These curious quests of the
+inquisitive and learned minds of the early centuries of the Christian
+era were the prototypes of the actual explorations which it was given in
+the fifteenth century to the Spaniards and Portuguese respectively to
+undertake. The commercial rivalry which had in the past kept Genoa and
+Venice watchful of each other's advantage had by their maritime ventures
+in the Atlantic passed to these two peninsular nations, and England was
+not long behind them in starting in her race for maritime supremacy.
+
+[Sidenote: Sea of Darkness.]
+
+It was in human nature that these unknown regions should become those
+either of enchantment or dismay, according to personal proclivities. It
+is not necessary to seek far for any reason for this. An unknown stretch
+of waters was just the place for the resorts of the Gorgons and to find
+the Islands of the Blest, and to nurture other creations of the literary
+and spiritual instincts, seeking to give a habitation to fancies. It is
+equally in human nature that what the intellect has habilitated in this
+way the fears, desires, and superstitions of men in due time turn to
+their own use. It was easy, under the stress of all this complexity of
+belief and anticipation, for this supposable interjacent oceanic void to
+teem in men's imaginations with regions of almost every imaginable
+character; and when, in the days of the Roman republic, the Canaries
+were reached, there was no doubt but the ancient Islands of the Blest
+had been found, only in turn to pass out of cognizance, and once more to
+fall into the abyss of the Unknown.
+
+[Sidenote: Story of Atlantis.]
+
+[Sidenote: Land of the Meropes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Saturnian continent.]
+
+There are, however, three legends which have come down to us from the
+classic times, which the discovery of America revived with new interest
+in the speculative excursions of the curiously learned, and it is one of
+the proofs of the narrow range of Columbus's acquaintance with original
+classic writers that these legends were not pressed by him in support of
+his views. The most persistent of these in presenting a question for the
+physical geographer is the story of Atlantis, traced to a tale told by
+Plato of a tradition of an island in the Atlantic which eight thousand
+years ago had existed in the west, opposite the Pillars of Hercules; and
+which, in a great inundation, had sunken beneath the sea, leaving in mid
+ocean large mud shoals to impede navigation and add to the terrors of a
+vast unknown deep. There have been those since the time of Gomara who
+have believed that the land which Columbus found dry and inhabited was a
+resurrected Atlantis, and geographers even of the seventeenth century
+have mapped out its provinces within the usual outline of the American
+continents. Others have held, and some still hold, that the Atlantic
+islands are but peaks of this submerged continent. There is no evidence
+to show that these fancies of the philosopher ever disturbed even the
+most erratic moments of Columbus, nor could he have pored over the
+printed Latin of Plato, if it came in his way, till its first edition
+appeared in 1483, during his stay in Portugal. Neither do we find that
+he makes any references to that other creation, the land of the Meropes,
+as figured in the passages cited by Ælian some seven hundred years after
+Theopompus had conjured up the vision in the fourth century before
+Christ. Equally ignorant was Columbus, it would appear, of the great
+Saturnian continent, lying five days west from Britain, which makes a
+story in Plutarch's _Morals_.
+
+[Sidenote: Earlier voyages on the Atlantic.]
+
+[Sidenote: Phoenicians.]
+
+[Sidenote: Carthaginians.]
+
+[Sidenote: Romans.]
+
+We deal with a different problem when we pass from these theories and
+imaginings of western lands to such records as exist of what seem like
+attempts in the earliest days to attain by actual exploration the secret
+of this interjacent void. The Phoenicians had passed the Straits of
+Gibraltar and found Gades (Cadiz), and very likely attempted to course
+the Atlantic, about 1100 years before the birth of Christ. Perhaps they
+went to Cornwall for tin. It may have been by no means impossible for
+them to have passed among the Azores and even to have reached the
+American islands and main, as a statement in Diodorus Siculus has been
+interpreted to signify. Then five hundred years later or more we observe
+the Carthaginians pursuing their adventurous way outside the Pillars of
+Hercules, going down the African coast under Hanno to try the equatorial
+horrors, or running westerly under Hamilko to wonder at the Sargasso
+sea. Later, the Phoenicians seem to have made some lodgment in the
+islands off the coasts of northwestern Africa. The Romans in the fourth
+century before Christ pushed their way out into the Atlantic under
+Pytheas and Euthymenes, the one daring to go as far as Thule--whatever
+that was--in the north, and the other to Senegal in the south. It was in
+the same century that Rome had the strange sight of some unknown
+barbarians, of a race not recognizable, who were taken upon the shores
+of the German Ocean, where they had been cast away. Later writers have
+imagined--for no stronger word can be used--that these weird beings were
+North American Indians, or rather more probably Eskimos. About the same
+time, Sertorius, a Roman commander in Spain, learned, as already
+mentioned, of some salubrious islands lying westward from Africa, and
+gave Horace an opportunity, in the evil days of the civil war, to
+picture them as a refuge.
+
+When the Romans ruled the world, commerce lost much of the hazard and
+enterprise which had earlier instigated international rivalry. The
+interest in the western ocean subsided into merely speculative concern;
+and wild fancy was brought into play in depicting its horrors, its
+demons and shoals, with the intermingling of sky and water.
+
+[Sidenote: Knowledge of such early attempts.]
+
+[Sidenote: Maps XVth cent.]
+
+[Sidenote: Genoese voyages, 1291.]
+
+It is by no means certain that Columbus knew anything of this ancient
+lore of the early Mediterranean people. There is little or nothing in
+the early maps of the fifteenth century to indicate that such knowledge
+was current among those who made or contributed to the making of such of
+these maps as have come down to us. The work of some of the more famous
+chart makers Columbus could hardly have failed to see, or heard
+discussed in the maritime circles of Portugal; and indeed it was to his
+own countrymen, Marino Sanuto, Pizignani, Bianco, and Fra Mauro, that
+Portuguese navigators were most indebted for the broad cartographical
+treatment of their own discoveries. At the same time there was no dearth
+of legends of the venturesome Genoese, with fortunes not always
+reassuring. There was a story, for instance, of some of these latter
+people, who in 1291 had sailed west from the Pillars of Hercules and had
+never returned. Such was a legend that might not have escaped Columbus's
+attention even in his own country, associating with it the names of the
+luckless Tedisio Doria and Ugolino Vivaldi in their efforts to find a
+western way to India. Harrisse, however, who has gone over all the
+evidence of such a purpose, fails to be satisfied.
+
+These stories of ocean hazards hung naturally about the seaports of
+Portugal.
+
+[Sidenote: Antillia.]
+
+Galvano tells us of such a tale concerning a Portuguese ship, driven
+west, in 1447, to an island with seven cities, where its sailors found
+the people speaking Portuguese, who said they had deserted their country
+on the death of King Roderigo. This is the legend of Antillia, already
+referred to.
+
+[Sidenote: Islands seen.]
+
+Columbus recalled, when afterwards at the Canaries on his first voyage,
+how it was during his sojourn in Portugal that some one from Madeira
+presented to the Portuguese king a petition for a vessel to go in quest
+of land, occasionally seen to the westward from that island. Similar
+stories were not unknown to him of like apparitions being familiar in
+the Azores. A story which he had also heard of one Antonio Leme having
+seen three islands one hundred leagues west of the Azores had been set
+down to a credulous eye, which had been deceived by floating fields of
+vegetation.
+
+[Sidenote: The Basques.]
+
+There was no obstacle in the passing of similar reports around the Bay
+of Biscay from the coasts of the Basques, and the story might be heard
+of Jean de Echaide, who had found stores of stockfish off a land far
+oceanward,--an exploit supposed to be commemorated in the island of
+Stokafixia, which stands far away to the westward in the Bianco map of
+1436. All these tales of the early visits of the Basques to what
+imaginative minds have supposed parts of the American coasts derive much
+of their perennial charm from associations with a remarkable people.
+There is indeed nothing improbable in a hardy daring which could have
+borne the Basques to the Newfoundland shores at almost any date earlier
+than the time of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Newfoundland banks possibly visited.]
+
+Fructuoso, writing as late as 1590, claimed that a Portuguese navigator,
+João Vaz Cortereal, had sailed to the codfish coast of Newfoundland as
+early as 1464, but Barrow seems to be the only writer of recent times
+who has believed the tale, and Biddle and Harrisse find no evidence to
+sustain it.
+
+[Sidenote: Tartary supposed to be seen.]
+
+There is a statement recorded by Columbus, if we may trust the account
+of the _Historie_, that a sailor at Santa Maria had told him how, being
+driven westerly in a voyage to Ireland, he had seen land, which he then
+thought to be Tartary. Some similar experiences were also told to
+Columbus by Pieter de Velasco, of Galicia; and this land, according to
+the account, would seem to have been the same sought at a later day by
+the Cortereals (1500).
+
+[Sidenote: Dubious pre-Columbian voyages.]
+
+It is not easy to deal historically with long-held traditions. The
+furbishers of transmitted lore easily make it reflect what they bring to
+it. To find illustrations in any inquiry is not so difficult if you
+select what you wish, and discard all else, and the result of this
+discriminating accretion often looks very plausible. Historical truth is
+reached by balancing everything, and not by assimilating that which
+easily suits. Almost all these discussions of pre-Columbian voyagings to
+America afford illustrations of this perverted method. Events in which
+there is no inherent untruth are not left with the natural defense of
+probability, but are proved by deductions and inferences which could
+just as well be applied to prove many things else, and are indeed
+applied in a new way by every new upstart in such inquiries. The story
+of each discoverer before Columbus has been upheld by the stock
+intimation of white-bearded men, whose advent is somehow
+mysteriously discovered to have left traces among the aborigines of every
+section of the coast.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Illustration: OCEANIC CURRENTS.
+
+[From Reclus's _Amérique Boréale_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Traces of a western land in drift.]
+
+There was another class of evidence which, as the _Historie_ informs us,
+served some purpose in bringing conviction to the mind of Columbus. Such
+were the phenomenal washing ashore on European coasts of unknown pines
+and other trees, sculptured logs, huge bamboos, whose joints could be
+made into vessels to hold nine bottles of wine, and dead bodies with
+strange, broad faces. Even canoes, with living men in them of wonderful
+aspects, had at times been reported as thrown upon the Atlantic islands.
+Such events had not been unnoticed ever since the Canaries and the
+Azores had been inhabited by a continental race, and conjectures had
+been rife long before the time of Columbus that westerly winds had
+brought these estrays from a distant land,--a belief more
+comprehensible at that time than any dependence upon the unsuspected
+fact that it was the oceanic currents, rather, which impelled these
+migratory objects.
+
+[Sidenote: Gulf Stream.]
+
+It required the experiences of later Spanish navigators along the Bahama
+Channel, and those of the French and English farther north upon the
+Banks of Newfoundland, before it became clear that the currents of the
+Atlantic, grazing the Cape of Good Hope and whirling in the Gulf of
+Mexico, sprayed in a curling fringe in the North Atlantic. This in a
+measure became patent to Sir Humphrey Gilbert sixty or seventy years
+after the death of Columbus.
+
+If science had then been equal to the microscopic tasks which at this
+day it imposes on itself, the question of western lands might have been
+studied with an interest beyond what attached to the trunks of trees,
+carved timbers, edible nuts, and seeds of alien plants, which the Gulf
+Stream is still bringing to the shores of Europe. It might have found in
+the dust settling upon the throngs of men in the Old World, the shells
+of animalcules, differing from those known to the observing eye in
+Europe, which, indeed, had been carried in the upper currents of air
+from the banks of the Orinoco.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Influence of Portuguese discoveries upon Columbus.]
+
+[Sidenote: _Ephemerides_ of Regiomontanus.]
+
+Once in Portugal, Columbus was brought in close contact with that eager
+spirit of exploration which had survived the example of Prince Henry and
+his navigators. If Las Casas was well informed, these Portuguese
+discoveries were not without great influence upon the Genoese's
+receptive mind. He was now where he could hear the fresh stories of
+their extending acquaintance with the African coast. His wife's sister,
+by the accepted accounts, had married Pedro Correa, a navigator not
+without fame in those days, and a companion in maritime inquiry upon
+whom Columbus could naturally depend,--unless, as Harrisse decides, he
+was no navigator at all. Columbus was also at hand to observe the
+growing skill in the arts of navigation which gave the Portuguese their
+preëminence. He had not been long in Lisbon when Regiomontanus gave a
+new power in astronomical calculations of positions at sea by publishing
+his _Ephemerides_, for the interval from 1475 to 1506, upon which
+Columbus was yet to depend in his eventful voyage.
+
+[Sidenote: Martin Behaim.]
+
+The most famous of the pupils of this German mathematician was himself
+in Lisbon during the years of Columbus's sojourn. We have no distinct
+evidence that Martin Behaim, a Nuremberger, passed any courtesies with
+the Genoese adventurer, but it is not improbable that he did. His
+position was one that would attract Columbus, who might never have been
+sought by Behaim. The Nuremberger's standing was, indeed, such as to
+gain the attention of the Court, and he was thought not unworthy to be
+joined with the two royal physicians, Roderigo and Josef, on a
+commission to improve the astrolabe. Their perfected results mark an
+epoch in the art of seamanship in that age.
+
+[Illustration: SAMPLES OF THE TABLES OF REGIOMONTANUS, 1474-1506.]
+
+[Illustration: THE AFRICAN COAST, 1478.
+
+[From Nordenskiöld's _Facsimile Atlas_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Guinea coast, 1482.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Congo reached, 1484.]
+
+It was a new sensation when news came that at last the Portuguese had
+crossed the equator, in pushing along the African coast. In January,
+1482, they had said their first mass on the Guinea coast, and the castle
+of San Jorge da Mina was soon built under the new impulse to enterprise
+which came with the accession of João II. In 1484 they reached the
+Congo, under the guidance of Diogo Cam, and Martin Behaim was of his
+company.
+
+[Illustration: MARTIN BEHAIM.]
+
+These voyages were not without strong allurements to the Genoese sailor.
+He is thought to have been a participant in some of the later cruises.
+The _Historie_ claims that he began to reason, from his new experiences,
+that if land could be discovered to the south there was much the same
+chance of like discoveries in the west. But there were experiences of
+other kinds which, in the interim, if we believe the story, he underwent
+in the north.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+WAS COLUMBUS IN THE NORTH?
+
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus supposed to have sailed beyond Iceland, 1477.]
+
+There is, in the minds of some inquirers into the early discovery of
+America, no more pivotal incident attaching to the career of Columbus
+than an alleged voyage made to the vicinity of what is supposed to have
+been Iceland, in the assigned year of 1477. The incident is surrounded
+with the confusion that belongs to everything dependent on Columbus's
+own statements, or on what is put forth as such.
+
+Our chief knowledge of his voyage is in the doubtful Italian rendering
+of the _Historie_ of 1571, where, citing a memoir by Columbus himself on
+the five habitable zones, the translator or adapter of that book makes
+the Admiral say that "in February, 1477, he sailed a hundred leagues
+beyond the island Tile, which lies under the seventy-third parallel, and
+not under the sixty-third, as some say." The only evidence that he saw
+Tile, in sailing beyond it, is in what he further says, that he was able
+to ascertain that the tide rose and fell twenty-six fathoms, which
+observation necessitates the seeing of some land, whether Tile or not.
+
+[Sidenote: Inconsistencies in the statement.]
+
+There is no land at all in the northern Atlantic under 73°. Iceland
+stretches from 64° to 67°; Jan Mayen is too small for Columbus's further
+description of the island, and is at 71°, and Spitzbergen is at 76°.
+What Columbus says of the English of Bristol trading at this island
+points to Iceland; and it is easy, if one will, to imagine a misprint of
+the figures, an error of calculation, a carelessness of statement, or
+even the disappearance, through some cataclysm, of the island, as has
+been suggested.
+
+[Illustration: MAP OF OLAUS MAGNUS, 1539.
+
+[From Dr. Brenner's Essay.]]
+
+Humboldt in his _Cosmos_ quotes Columbus as saying of this voyage near
+Thule that "the sea was not at that time covered with ice," and he
+credits that statement to the same _Tratado de las Cinco Zonas
+Habitables_ of Columbus, and urges in proof that Finn Magnusen had found
+in ancient historical sources that in February, 1477, ice had not set in
+on the southern coast of that island.
+
+[Sidenote: Thyle.]
+
+Speaking of "Tile," the same narrative adds that "it is west of the
+western verge of Ptolemy [that is, Ptolemy's world map], and larger than
+England." This expression of its size could point only to Iceland, of
+all islands in the northern seas.
+
+There are elements in the story, however, not easily reconcilable with
+what might be expected of an experienced mariner; and if the story is
+true in its main purpose, there is little more in the details than the
+careless inexactness, which characterizes a good many of the
+well-authenticated asseverations of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: The Zeni's Frisland.]
+
+Again the narrative says, "It is true that Ptolemy's Thule is where that
+geographer placed it, but that it is now called Frislande." Does this
+mean that the Zeni story had been a matter of common talk forty years
+after the voyage to their Frisland had been made, and eighty-four years
+before a later scion of the family published the remarkable narrative in
+Venice, in 1558? It is possible that the maker of the _Historie_ of
+1571, in the way in which it was given to the world, had interpolated
+this reference to the Frisland of the Zeni to help sustain the credit of
+his own or the other book.
+
+A voyage undertaken by Columbus to such high latitudes is rendered in
+all respects doubtful, to say the least, from the fact that in 1492
+Columbus detailed for the eyes of his sovereigns the unusual advantages
+of the harbors of the new islands which he had discovered, and added
+that he was entitled to express such an opinion, because his exploration
+had extended from Guinea on the south to England on the north. It was an
+occasion when he desired to make his acquaintance seem as wide as the
+facts would warrant, and yet he does not profess to have been farther
+north than England. A hundred leagues, moreover, beyond Iceland might
+well have carried him to the upper Greenland coast, but he makes no
+mention of other land being seen in those high latitudes.
+
+[Sidenote: Thyle and Iceland.]
+
+Thyle and Iceland are made different islands in the Ptolemy of 1486,
+which, if it does not prove that Iceland was not then the same as Thyle
+in the mind of geographers, shows that geographical confusion still
+prevailed at the north. It may be further remarked that Muñoz and others
+have found no time in Columbus's career to which this voyage to the
+north could so easily pertain as to a period anterior to his going to
+Portugal, and consequently some years before the 1477 of the _Historie_.
+
+[Sidenote: The English in Iceland.]
+
+[Sidenote: Kolno.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Zeni.]
+
+A voyage to Iceland was certainly no new thing. The English traded
+there, and a large commerce was maintained with it by Bristol, and had
+been for many years. A story grew up at a later day, and found
+expression in Gomara and Wytfliet, that in 1476, the year before this
+alleged voyage of Columbus, a Danish expedition, under the command of
+the Pole Kolno, or Skolno, had found in these northern regions an
+entrance to the straits of Anian, which figure so constantly in later
+maps, and which opened a passage to the Indies; but there seems to be no
+reason to believe that it had any definite foundation, and it could
+hardly have been known to Columbus. It is also easy to conjecture that
+Columbus had been impelled to join some English trading vessel from
+Bristol, through mere nautical curiosity, and even been urged by reports
+which may have reached him of the northern explorations of the Zeni,
+long before the accounts were printed. But if he knew anything, he
+either treasured it up as a proof of his theories, not yet to be
+divulged,--why is not clear,--or, what is vastly more probable, it never
+occurred to him to associate any of these dim regions with the coasts of
+Marco Polo's Cathay.
+
+[Sidenote: Madoc.]
+
+There was no lack of stories, even at this time, of venturesome voyages
+west along the latitude of England and to the northwest, and of these
+tales Columbus may possibly have heard. Such was the story which had
+been obscurely recorded, that Madoc, a Welsh chieftain, in the later
+years of the twelfth century had carried a colony westerly. Nor can it
+be positively asserted that the Estotiland and Drogeo of the Zeni
+narrative, then lying in the cabinet of an Italian family unknown, had
+ever come to his knowledge.
+
+There are stories in the _Historie_ of reports which had reached him,
+that mariners sailing for Ireland had been driven west, and had sighted
+land which had been supposed to be Tartary, which at a later day was
+thought to be the Baccalaos of the Cortereals.
+
+[Sidenote: Bresil, or Brazil, Island.]
+
+The island of Bresil had been floating about the Atlantic, usually in
+the latitude of Ireland, since the days when the maker of the Catalan
+planisphere, in 1375, placed it in that sea, and current stories of its
+existence resulted, at a later day (1480), in the sending from Bristol
+of an expedition of search, as has already been said.
+
+[Sidenote: Did Columbus land on Thule?]
+
+Finn Magnusen among the Scandinavian writers, and De Costa and others
+among Americans, have thought it probable that Columbus landed at
+Hualfiord, in Iceland. Columbus, however, does not give sufficient
+ground for any such inference. He says he went beyond Thule, not to it,
+whatever Thule was, and we only know by his observations on the tides,
+that he approached dry land.
+
+[Sidenote: Bishop Magnus in Iceland.]
+
+Laing, in his introduction to the _Heimskringla_, says confidently that
+Columbus "came to Iceland from Bristol, in 1477, on purpose to gain
+nautical information,"--an inference merely,--"and must have heard of
+the written accounts of the Norse discoveries recorded in" the _Codex
+Flatoyensis_. Laing says again that as Bishop Magnus is known to have
+been in Iceland in the spring of 1477, "it is presumed Columbus must
+have met and conversed with him"!
+
+A great deal turns on this purely imaginary conversation, and the
+possibilities of its scope.
+
+[Sidenote: The Norse in Iceland.]
+
+[Sidenote: Eric the Red.]
+
+[Sidenote: Greenland.]
+
+The listening Columbus might, indeed, have heard of Irish monks and
+their followers, who had been found in Iceland by the first Norse
+visitors, six hundred years before, if perchance the traditions of them
+had been preserved, and these may even have included the somewhat vague
+stories of visits to a country somewhere, which they called Ireland the
+Great. Possibly, too, there were stories told at the firesides of the
+adventures of a sea-rover, Gunnbiorn by name, who had been driven
+westerly from Iceland and had seen a strange land, which after some
+years was visited by Eric the Red; and there might have been wondrous
+stories told of this same land, which Eric had called Greenland, in
+order to lure settlers, where there is some reason to believe yet
+earlier wanderers had found a home.
+
+[Sidenote: _Heimskringla._]
+
+[Sidenote: Position of Greenland.]
+
+[Sidenote: Thought to be a part of Europe.]
+
+There mightpossibly have been shown to Columbus an old manuscript
+chronicle of the kings of Norway, which they called the _Heimskringla_,
+and which had been written by Snorre Sturlason in the thirteenth
+century; and if he had turned the leaves with any curiosity, he could
+have read, or have had translated for him, accounts of the Norse
+colonization of Greenland in the ninth century. Where, then, was this
+Greenland? Could it possibly have had any connection with that Cathay of
+Marco Polo, so real in the vision of Columbus, and which was supposed to
+lie above India in the higher latitudes? As a student of contemporary
+cartography, Columbus would have answered such a question readily, had
+it been suggested; for he would have known that Greenland had been
+represented in all the maps, since it was first recognized at all, as
+merely an extended peninsula of Scandinavia, made by a southward twist
+to enfold a northern sea, in which Iceland lay. One certainly cannot
+venture to say how far Columbus may have had an acquaintance with the
+cartographical repertories, more or less well stocked, as they doubtless
+were, in the great commercial centres of maritime Europe, but the
+knowledge which we to-day have in detail could hardly have been
+otherwise than a common possession among students of geography then. We
+comprehend now how, as far back as 1427, a map of Claudius Clavus showed
+Greenland as this peninsular adjunct to the northwest of Europe,--a view
+enforced also in a map of 1447, in the Pitti palace, and in one which
+Nordenskiöld recently found in a Codex of Ptolemy at Warsaw, dated in
+1467. A few years later, and certainly before Columbus could have gone
+on this voyage, we find a map which it is more probable he could have
+known, and that is the engraved one of Nicholas Donis, drawn presumably
+in 1471, and later included in the edition of Ptolemy published at Ulm
+in 1482. The same European connection is here maintained. Again it is
+represented in the map of Henricus Martellus (1489-90), in a way that
+produced a succession of maps, which till long after the death of
+Columbus continued to make this Norse colony a territorial appendage of
+Scandinavian Europe, betraying not the slightest symptom of a belief
+that Eric the Red had strayed beyond the circle of European connections.
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, 1427.
+
+[From Nordenskiöld's _Studien_.]]
+
+[Illustration: BORDONE, 1528.
+
+[Greenland is the Northernmost Peninsula of N. W. Europe.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Made a Part of Asia.]
+
+It is only when we get down to the later years of Columbus's life that
+we find, on a Portuguese chart of 1503, a glimmer of the truth, and this
+only transiently, though the conception of the mariners, upon which this
+map was based, probably associated Greenland with the Asiatic main, as
+Ruysch certainly did, by a bold effort to reconcile the Norse traditions
+with the new views of his time, when he produced the first engraved map
+of the discoveries of Columbus and Cabot in the Roman Ptolemy of 1508.
+
+[Sidenote: Again made a part of Europe.]
+
+It is thus beyond dispute that if Columbus entertained any views as to
+the geographical relations of Greenland, which had been practically lost
+to Europe since communication with it ceased, earlier in the fifteenth
+century, they were simply those of a peninsula of northern Europe, which
+could have no connection with any country lying beyond the Atlantic; for
+it was not till after his death that any general conception of it
+associated with the Asiatic main arose. It is quite certain, however,
+that as the conception began to prevail, after the discovery of the
+South Sea by Balboa, in 1513, that an interjacent new world had really
+been found, there was a tendency, as shown in the map of Thorne (1527),
+representing current views in Spain, and in those of Finæus (1531),
+Ziegler (1532), Mercator (1538), and Bordone (1528-1547), to relegate
+the position of Greenland to a peninsular connection with Europe.
+
+There is a curious instance of the evolution of the correct idea in the
+Ptolemy of 1525, and repeated in the same plate as used in the editions
+of 1535 and 1545. The map was originally engraved to show "Gronlandia"
+as a European peninsula, but apparently, at a later stage, the word
+Gronlandia was cut in the corner beside the sketch of an elephant, and
+farther west, as if to indicate its transoceanic and Asiatic situation,
+though there was no attempt to draw in a coast line.
+
+[Sidenote: Later diverse views.]
+
+Later in the century there was a strife of opinion between the
+geographers of the north, as represented in the Olaus Magnus map of
+1567, who disconnected the country from Europe, and those of the south,
+who still united Greenland with Scandinavia, as was done in the Zeno map
+of 1558. By this time, however, the southern geographers had begun to
+doubt, and after 1540 we find Labrador and Greenland put in close
+proximity in many of their maps; and in this the editors of the Ptolemy
+of 1561 agreed, when they altered their reëngraved map--as the plate
+shows--in a way to disconnect Greenland from Scandinavia.
+
+It is not necessary to trace the cartographical history of Greenland to
+a later day. It is manifest that it was long after Columbus's death when
+the question was raised of its having any other connection than with
+Europe, and Columbus could have learned in Iceland nothing to suggest to
+him that the land of Eric the Red had any connection with the western
+shores of Asia, of which he was dreaming.
+
+[Sidenote: Discovery of Vinland.]
+
+If any of the learned men in Iceland had referred Columbus once more to
+the _Heimskringla_, it would have been to the brief entry which it shows
+in the records as the leading Norse historian made it, of the story of
+the discovery of Vinland. There he would have read, "Leif also found
+Vinland the Good," and he could have read nothing more. There was
+nothing in this to excite the most vivid imagination as to place or
+direction.
+
+[Sidenote: Scandinavian views of Vinland.]
+
+[Sidenote: Stephanius's map, 1570.]
+
+It was not till a time long after the period of Columbus that, so far as
+we know, any cartographical records of the discoveries associated with
+the Vinland voyages were made in the north; and not till the discoveries
+of Columbus and his successors were a common inheritance in Europe did
+some of the northern geographers, in 1570, undertake to reconcile the
+tales of the sagas with the new beliefs. The testimony of these later
+maps is presumably the transmitted view then held in the north from the
+interpretation of the Norse sagas in the light of later knowledge. This
+testimony is that the "America" of the Spaniards, including Terra
+Florida and the "Albania" of the English, was a territory south of the
+Norse region and beyond a separating water, very likely that of Davis'
+Straits. The map of Sigurd Stephanius of this date (1570) puts Vinland
+north of the Straits of Belle Isle, and makes it end at the south in a
+"wild sea," which separates it [B of map] from "America." Torfæus quotes
+Torlacius as saying that this map of Stephanius's was drawn from ancient
+Icelandic records. If this cartographical record has its apparent value,
+it is not likely that Columbus could have seen in it anything more than
+a manifestation of that vague boreal region which was far remote from
+the thoughts which possessed him, in seeking a way to India over
+against Spain.
+
+[Illustration: SIGURD STEPHANIUS, 1570.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dubious sagas.]
+
+Beside the scant historic record respecting Vinland which has been cited
+from the _Heimskringla_, it is further possible that Columbus may have
+seen that series of sagas which had come down in oral shape to the
+twelfth century. At this period put into writing, two hundred years
+after the events of the Vinland voyages, there are none of the
+manuscript copies of these sagas now existing which go back of the
+fourteenth century. This rendering of the old sagas into script came at
+a time when, in addition to the inevitable transformations of long oral
+tradition, there was superadded the romancing spirit then rife in the
+north, and which had come to them from the south of Europe. The result
+of this blending of confused tradition with the romancing of the period
+of the written preservation has thrown, even among the Scandinavians
+themselves, a shade of doubt, more or less intense at times, which
+envelops the saga record with much that is indistinguishable from myth,
+leaving little but the general drift of the story to be held of the
+nature of a historic record. The Icelandic editor of Egel's saga,
+published at Reikjavik in 1856, acknowledges this unavoidable reflex of
+the times when the sagas were reduced to writing, and the most
+experienced of the recent writers on Greenland, Henrik Rink, has allowed
+the untrustworthiness of the sagas except for their general scope.
+
+[Sidenote: Codex Flatoyensis.]
+
+[Sidenote: Leif Erikson.]
+
+Less than a hundred years before the alleged visit of Columbus to Thule,
+there had been a compilation of some of the early sagas, and this _Codex
+Flatoyensis_ is the only authority which we have for any details of the
+Vinland voyages. It is possible that the manuscript now known is but one
+copy of several or many which may have been made at an early period, not
+preceding, however, the twelfth century, when writing was introduced.
+This particular manuscript was discovered in an Icelandic monastery in
+the seventeenth century, and there is no evidence of its being known
+before. Of course it is possible that copies may have been in the hands
+of learned Icelanders at the time of Columbus's supposed voyage to the
+north, and he may have heard of it, or have had parts of it read to him.
+The collection is recognized by Scandinavian writers as being the most
+confused and incongruous of similar records; and it is out of such
+romancing, traditionary, and conflicting recitals that the story of the
+Norse voyages to Vinland is made, if it is made at all. The sagas say
+that it was sixteen winters after the settlement of Greenland that Leif
+went to Norway, and in the next year he sailed to Vinland. These are the
+data from which the year A. D. 1000 has been deduced as that of the
+beginning of the Vinland voyages. The principal events are to be traced
+in the saga of Eric the Red, which, in the judgment of Rask, a leading
+Norse authority, is "somewhat fabulous, written long after the event,
+and taken from tradition."
+
+[Sidenote: Peringskiöld's edition of the sagas.]
+
+Such, then, was the record which, if it ever came to the notice of
+Columbus, was little suited to make upon him any impression to be
+associated in his mind with the Asia of his dreams. Humboldt, discussing
+the chances of Columbus's gaining any knowledge of the story, thinks
+that when the Spanish Crown was contesting with the heirs of the Admiral
+his rights of discovery, the citing of these northern experiences of
+Columbus would have been in the Crown's favor, if there had been any
+conception at that time that the Norse discoveries, even if known to
+general Europe, had any relation to the geographical problems then under
+discussion. Similar views have been expressed by Wheaton and Prescott,
+and there is no evidence that up to the time of Columbus an acquaintance
+with the Vinland story had ever entered into the body of historical
+knowledge possessed by Europeans in general. The scant references in the
+manuscripts of Adam of Bremen (A. D. 1073), of Ordericus Vitalis (A. D.
+1140), and of Saxo Grammaticus (A. D. 1200), were not likely to be
+widely comprehended, even if they were at all known, and a close
+scrutiny of the literature of the subject does not seem to indicate that
+there was any considerable means of propagating a knowledge of the sagas
+before Peringskiöld printed them in 1697, two hundred years after the
+time of Columbus. This editor inserted them in an edition of the
+_Heimskringla_ and concealed the patchwork. This deception caused it
+afterwards to be supposed that the accounts in the _Heimskringla_ had
+been interpolated by some later reviser of the chronicle; but the truth
+regarding Peringskiöld's action was ultimately known.
+
+[Sidenote: Probabilities.]
+
+Basing, then, their investigation on a narrative confessedly confused
+and unauthentic, modern writers have sought to determine with precision
+the fact of Norse visits to British America, and to identify the
+localities. The fact that every investigator finds geographical
+correspondences where he likes, and quite independently of all others,
+is testimony of itself to the confused condition of the story. The soil
+of the United States and Nova Scotia contiguous to the Atlantic may now
+safely be said to have been examined by competent critics sufficiently
+to affirm that no archæological trace of the presence of the Norse here
+is discernible. As to such a forbidding coast as that of Labrador, there
+has been as yet no such familiarity with it by trained archæologists as
+to render it reasonably certain that some trace may not be found there,
+and on this account George Bancroft allows the possibility that the
+Norse may have reached that coast. There remains, then, no evidence
+beyond a strong probability that the Norse from Greenland crossed Davis'
+Straits and followed south the American coast. That indisputable
+archæological proofs may yet be found to establish the fact of their
+southern course and sojourn is certainly possible. Meanwhile we must be
+content that there is no testimony satisfactory to a careful historical
+student, that this course and such sojourn ever took place. A belief in
+it must rest on the probabilities of the case.
+
+Many writers upon the Norseman discovery would do well to remember the
+advice of Ampère to present as doubtful what is true, sooner than to
+give as true what is doubtful.
+
+"Ignorance," says Muñoz, in speaking of the treacherous grounds of
+unsupported narrative, "is generally accompanied by vanity and
+temerity."
+
+[Sidenote: Did Columbus hear of the saga stories?]
+
+It is an obvious and alluring supposition that this story should have
+been presented to Columbus, whatever the effect may have been on his
+mind. Lowell in a poem pardonably pictures him as saying:--
+
+"I brooded on the wise Athenian's tale Of happy Atlantis; and heard
+Björne's keel Crunch the gray pebbles of the Vinland shore, For I
+believed the poets."
+
+But the belief is only a proposition. Rafn and other extreme advocates
+of the Norse discovery have made as much as they could of the
+supposition of Columbus's cognizance of the Norse voyages. Laing seems
+confident that this contact must have happened. The question, however,
+must remain unsettled; and whether Columbus landed in Iceland or not,
+and whether the bruit of the Norse expeditions struck his ears elsewhere
+or not, the fact of his never mentioning them, when he summoned every
+supposable evidence to induce acceptance of his views, seems to be
+enough to show at least that to a mind possessed as his was of the
+scheme of finding India by the west the stories of such northern
+wandering offered no suggestion applicable to his purpose. It is,
+moreover, inconceivable that Columbus should have taken a course
+southwest from the Canaries, if he had been prompted in any way by
+tidings of land in the northwest.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+COLUMBUS LEAVES PORTUGAL FOR SPAIN.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's obscure record, 1473-1487.]
+
+It is a rather striking fact, as Harrisse puts it, that we cannot place
+with an exact date any event in Columbus's life from August 7, 1473,
+when a document shows him to have been in Savona, Italy, till he
+received at Cordoba, Spain, from the treasurer of the Catholic
+sovereigns, his first gratuity on May 5, 1487, as is shown by the entry
+in the books, "given this day 3,000 maravedis," about $18, "to Cristobal
+Colomo, a stranger." The events of this period of about fourteen years
+were those which made possible his later career. The incidents connected
+with this time have become the shuttlecocks which have been driven
+backward and forward in their chronological bearings, by all who have
+undertaken to study the details of this part of Columbus's life. It is
+nearly as true now as it was when Prescott wrote, that "the
+discrepancies among the earliest authorities are such as to render
+hopeless any attempt to settle with precision the chronology of
+Columbus's movements previous to his first voyage."
+
+[Sidenote: His motives for leaving Portugal.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chief sources of our knowledge.]
+
+The motives which induced him to abandon Portugal, where he had married,
+and where he had apparently found not a little to reconcile him to his
+exile, are not obscure ones as detailed in the ordinary accounts of his
+life. All these narratives are in the main based, first, on the
+_Historie_ (1571); secondly, on the great historical work of Joam de
+Barros, pertaining to the discoveries of the Portuguese in the East
+Indies, first published in 1552, and still holding probably the loftiest
+position in the historical literature of that country; and, finally, on
+the lives of João II., then monarch of Portugal, by Ruy de Pina and by
+Vasconcellos. The latter borrowing in the main from the former, was
+exclusively used by Irving. Las Casas apparently depended on Barros as
+well as on the _Historie_. It is necessary to reconcile their
+statements, as well as it can be done, to get even an inductive view of
+the events concerned.
+
+The treatment of the subject by Irving would make it certain that it was
+a new confidence in the ability to make long voyages, inspired by the
+improvements of the astrolabe as directed by Behaim, that first gave
+Columbus the assurance to ask for royal patronage of the maritime scheme
+which had been developing in his mind.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Behaim.]
+
+Just what constituted the acquaintance of Columbus with Behaim is not
+clearly established. Herrera speaks of them as friends. Humboldt thinks
+some intimacy between them may have existed, but finds no decisive proof
+of it. Behaim had spent much of his life in Lisbon and in the Azores,
+and there are some striking correspondences in their careers, if we
+accept the usual accounts. They were born and died in the same year.
+Each lived for a while on an Atlantic island, the Nuremberger at Fayal,
+and the Genoese at Porto Santo; and each married the daughter of the
+governor of his respective island. They pursued their nautical studies
+at the same time in Lisbon, and the same physicians who reported to the
+Portuguese king upon Columbus's scheme of westward sailing were engaged
+with Behaim in perfecting the sea astrolabe.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the king of Portugal.]
+
+The account of the audience with the king which we find in the
+_Historie_ is to the effect that Columbus finally succeeded in inducing
+João to believe in the practicability of a western passage to Asia; but
+that the monarch could not be brought to assent to all the titular and
+pecuniary rewards which Columbus contended for as emoluments of success,
+and that a commission, to whom the monarch referred the project,
+pronounced the views of Columbus simply chimerical. Barros represents
+that the advances of Columbus were altogether too arrogant and fantastic
+ever to have gained the consideration of the king, who easily disposed
+of the Genoese's pretentious importunities by throwing the burden of
+denial upon a commission. This body consisted of the two physicians of
+the royal household, already mentioned, Roderigo and Josef, to whom was
+added Cazadilla, the Bishop of Ceuta.
+
+Vasconcellos's addition to this story, which he derived almost entirely
+from Ruy de Pina, Resende, and Barros, is that there was subsequently
+another reference to a royal council, in which the subject was discussed
+in arguments, of which that historian preserves some reports. This
+discussion went farther than was perhaps intended, since Cazadilla
+proceeded to discourage all attempts at exploration even by the African
+route, as imperiling the safety of the state, because of the money which
+was required; and because it kept at too great a distance for an
+emergency a considerable force in ships and men. In fact the drift of
+the debate seems to have ignored the main projects as of little moment
+and as too visionary, and the energy of the hour was centered in a
+rallying speech made by the Count of Villa Real, who endeavored to save
+the interests of African exploration. The count's speech quite
+accomplished its purpose, if we can trust the reports, since it
+reassured the rather drooping energies of the king, and induced some
+active measures to reach the extremity of Africa.
+
+[Sidenote: Diaz's African voyage, 1486.]
+
+[Sidenote: Passes the Cape.]
+
+[Illustration: PORTUGUESE MAPPEMONDE, 1490.
+
+[Sketched from the original MS. in the British Museum.]]
+
+In August, 1486, Bartholomew Diaz, the most eminent of a line of
+Portuguese navigators, had departed on the African route, with two
+consorts. As he neared the latitude of the looked-for Cape, he was
+driven south, and forced away from the land, by a storm. When he was
+enabled to return on his track he struck the coast, really to the
+eastward of the true cape, though he did not at the time know it. This
+was in May, 1487. His crew being unwilling to proceed farther, he
+finally turned westerly, and in due time discovered what he had done.
+The first passage of the Cape was thus made while sailing west, just as,
+possibly, the mariners of the Indian seas may have done. In December he
+was back in Lisbon with the exhilarating news, and it was probably
+conveyed to Columbus, who was then in Spain, by his brother Bartholomew,
+the companion of Diaz in this eventful voyage, as Las Casas discovered
+by an entry made by Bartholomew himself in a copy of D'Ailly's _Imago
+Mundi_. Thirty years before, as we have seen, Fra Mauro had prefigured
+the Cape in his map, but it was now to be put on the charts as a
+geographical discovery; and by 1490, or thereabouts, succeeding
+Portuguese navigators had pushed up the west coast of Africa to a point
+shown in a map preserved in the British Museum, but not far enough to
+connect with what was supposed with some certainty to be the limit
+reached during the voyages of the Arabian navigators, while sailing
+south from the Red Sea. There was apparently not a clear conception in
+the minds of the Portuguese, at this time, just how far from the Cape
+the entrance of the Arabian waters really was. It is possible that
+intelligence may have thus early come from the Indian Ocean, by way of
+the Mediterranean, that the Oriental sailors knew of the great African
+cape by approaching it from the east.
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese missionaries to Egypt.]
+
+Such knowledge, if held to be visionary, was, however, established with
+some certainty in men's minds before Da Gama actually effected the
+passage of the Cape. This confirmation had doubtless come through some
+missionaries of the Portuguese king, who in 1490 sent such a positive
+message from Cairo.
+
+But while the new exertions along the African coast, thus inadvertently
+instigated by Columbus, were making, what was becoming of his own
+westward scheme?
+
+[Sidenote: The Portuguese send out an expedition to forestall Columbus.]
+
+The story goes that it was by the advice of Cazadilla that the
+Portuguese king lent himself to an unworthy device. This was a project
+to test the views of Columbus, and profit by them without paying him his
+price. An outline of his intended voyage had been secured from him in
+the investigation already mentioned. A caravel, under pretense of a
+voyage to the Cape de Verde Islands, was now dispatched to search for
+the Cipango of Marco Polo, in the position which Columbus had given it
+in his chart. The mercenary craft started out, and buffeted with head
+seas and angry winds long enough to emasculate what little courage the
+crew possessed. Without the prop of conviction they deserted their
+purpose and returned. Once in port, they began to berate the Genoese for
+his foolhardy scheme. In this way they sought to vindicate their own
+timidity. This disclosed to Columbus the trick which had been played
+upon him. Such is the story as the _Historie_ tells it, and which has
+been adopted by Herrera and others.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus leaves Portugal, 1484.]
+
+At this point there is too much uncertainty respecting the movements of
+Columbus for even his credulous biographers to fill out the tale. It
+seems to be agreed that in the latter part of 1484 he left Portugal with
+a secrecy which was supposed to be necessary to escape the vigilance of
+the government spies. There is beside some reason for believing that it
+was also well for him to shun arrest for debts, which had been incurred
+in the distractions of his affairs.
+
+[Sidenote: Supposed visit of Columbus to Genoa.]
+
+There is no other authority than Ramusio for believing with Muñoz that
+Columbus had already laid his project before the government of Genoa by
+letter, and that he now went to reënforce it in person. That power was
+sorely pressed with misfortunes at this time, and is said to have
+declined to entertain his proposals. It may be the applicant was
+dismissed contemptuously, as is sometimes said. It is not, however, as
+Harrisse has pointed out, till we come down to Cassoni, in his _Annals
+of Genoa_, published in 1708, that we find a single Genoese authority
+crediting the story of this visit to Genoa. Harrisse, with his skeptical
+tendency, does not believe the statement.
+
+[Sidenote: Supposed visit to Venice.]
+
+Eagerness to fill the gaps in his itinerary has sometimes induced the
+supposition that Columbus made an equally unsuccessful offer to Venice;
+but the statement is not found except in modern writers, with no other
+citations to sustain it than the recollections of some one who had seen
+at some time in the archives a memorial to this effect made by Columbus.
+Some writers make him at this time also visit his father and provide for
+his comfort,--a belief not altogether consonant with the supposition of
+Columbus's escape from Portugal as a debtor.
+
+[Sidenote: The death of his wife.]
+
+[Sidenote: Shown to be uncertain.]
+
+Irving and the biographers in general find in the death of Columbus's
+wife a severing of the ties which bound him to Portugal; but if there is
+any truth in the tumultuous letter which Columbus wrote to Doña Juana de
+la Torre in 1500, he left behind him in Portugal, when he fled into
+Spain, a wife and children. If there is the necessary veracity in the
+_Historie_, this wife had died before he abandoned the country. That he
+had other children at this time than Diego is only known through this
+sad, ejaculatory epistle. If he left a wife in Portugal, as his own
+words aver, Harrisse seems justified in saying that he deserted her, and
+in the same letter Columbus himself says that he never saw her again.
+
+[Sidenote: Convent of Rabida.]
+
+Ever since a physician of Palos, Garcia Fernandez, gave his testimony in
+the lawsuit through which, after Columbus's death, his son defended his
+titles against the Crown, the picturesque story of the convent of
+Rabida, and the appearance at its gate of a forlorn traveler accompanied
+by a little boy, and the supplication for bread and water for the child,
+has stood in the lives of Columbus as the opening scene of his career in
+Spain.
+
+This Franciscan convent, dedicated to Santa Maria de Rabida, stood on a
+height within sight of the sea, very near the town of Palos, and after
+having fallen into a ruin it was restored by the Duke of Montpensier in
+1855. A recent traveler has found this restoration "modernized,
+whitewashed, and forlorn," while the refurnishing of the interior is
+described as "paltry and vulgar," even in the cell of its friar, where
+the visitor now finds a portrait of Columbus and pictures of scenes in
+his career.
+
+[Illustration: PÈRE JUAN PEREZ DE MARCHENA.
+
+[As given by Roselly de Lorgues.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Friar Marchena.]
+
+This friar, Juan Perez de Marchena, was at the time of the supposed
+visit of Columbus the prior of the convent, and being casually attracted
+by the scene at the gate, where the porter was refreshing the vagrant
+travelers, and by the foreign accent of the stranger, he entered into
+talk with the elder of them and learned his name. Columbus also told him
+that he was bound to Huelva to find the home of one Muliar, a Spaniard
+who had married the youngest sister of his wife. The story goes further
+that the friar was not uninformed in the cosmographical lore of the
+time, had not been unobservant of the maritime intelligence which had
+naturally been rife in the neighboring seaport of Palos, and had kept
+watch of the recent progress in geographical science. He was
+accordingly able to appreciate the interest which Columbus manifested in
+such subjects, as he unfolded his own notions of still greater
+discoveries which might be made at the west. Keeping the wanderer and
+his little child a few days, Marchena invited to the convent, to join
+with them in discussion, the most learned man whom the neighborhood
+afforded, the physician of Palos,--the very one from whose testimony our
+information comes. Their talks were not without reënforcements from the
+experiences of some of the mariners of that seaport, particularly one
+Pedro de Velasco, who told of manifestation of land which he had himself
+seen, without absolute contact, thirty years before, when his ship had
+been blown a long distance to the northwest of Ireland.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus goes to Cordoba.]
+
+The friendship formed in the convent kept Columbus there amid congenial
+sympathizers, and it was not till some time in the winter of 1485-86,
+and when he heard that the Spanish sovereigns were at Cordoba, gathering
+a force to attack the Moors in Granada, that, leaving behind his boy to
+be instructed in the convent, Columbus started for that city. He went
+not without confidence and elation, as he bore a letter of credentials
+which the friar had given him to a friend, Fernando de Talavera, the
+prior of the monastery of Prado, and confessor of Queen Isabella.
+
+[Sidenote: Doubts about the visits to Rabida.]
+
+This story has almost always been placed in the opening of the career of
+Columbus in Spain. It has often in sympathizing hands pointed a moral in
+contrasting the abject condition of those days with the proud expectancy
+under which, some years later, he sailed out of the neighboring harbor
+of Palos, within eyeshot of the monks of Rabida. Irving, however, as he
+analyzed the reports of the famous trial already referred to, was quite
+sure that the events of two visits to Rabida had been unwittingly run
+into one in testimony given after so long an interval of years. It does
+indeed seem that we must either apply this evidence of 1513 and 1515 to
+a later visit, or else we must determine that there was great similarity
+in some of the incidents of the two visits.
+
+The date of 1491, to which Harrisse pushes the incidents forward,
+depends in part on the evidence of one Rodriguez Cobezudo that in 1513
+it was about twenty-two years since he had lent a mule to Juan Perez de
+Marchena, when he went to Santa Fé from Rabida to interpose for
+Columbus. The testimony of Garcia Fernandez is that this visit of
+Marchena took place after Columbus had once been rebuffed at court, and
+the words of the witness indicate that it was on that visit when Juan
+Perez asked Columbus who he was and whence he came; showing, perhaps,
+that it was the first time Perez had seen Columbus. Accordingly this, as
+well as the mule story, points to 1491. But that the circumstances of
+the visit which Garcia Fernandez recounts may have belonged to an
+earlier visit, in part confounded after fifteen years with a later one,
+may yet be not beyond a possibility. It is to be remembered that the
+_Historie_ speaks of two visits, one later than that of 1484. It is not
+easy to see that all the testimony which Harrisse introduced to make the
+visit of 1491 the first and only visit of Columbus to the convent is
+sufficient to do more than render the case probable.
+
+[Sidenote: 1486. Enters the service of Spain.]
+
+We determine the exact date of the entering of Columbus into the service
+of Spain to be January 20, 1486, from a record of his in his journal on
+shipboard under January 14, 1493, where he says that on the 20th of the
+same month he would have been in their Highnesses' service just seven
+years. We find almost as a matter of course other statements of his
+which give somewhat different dates by deduction. Two statements of
+Columbus agreeing would be a little suspicious. Certain payments on the
+part of the Crowns of Castile and Aragon do not seem to have begun,
+however, till the next year, or at least we have no earlier record of
+such than one on May 5, 1487, and from that date on they were made at
+not great intervals, till an interruption came, as will be later shown.
+
+[Sidenote: Changes his name to Colon.]
+
+In Spain the Christoforo Colombo of Genoa chose to call himself
+Cristoval Colon, and the _Historie_ tells us that he sought merely to
+make his descendants distinct of name from their remote kin. He argued
+that the Roman name was Colonus, which readily was transformed to a
+Spanish equivalent. Inasmuch as the Duke of Medina-Celi, who kept
+Columbus in his house for two years during the early years of his
+Spanish residence, calls him Colomo in 1493, and Oviedo calls him Colom,
+it is a question if he chose the form of Colon before he became famous
+by his voyage.
+
+[Sidenote: The Genoese in Spain.]
+
+The Genoese had been for a long period a privileged people in Spain,
+dating such acceptance back to the time of St. Ferdinand. Navarrete has
+instanced numerous confirmations of these early favors by successive
+monarchs down to the time of Columbus. But neither this prestige of his
+birthright nor the letter of Friar Perez had been sufficient to secure
+in the busy camp at Cordoba any recognition of this otherwise unheralded
+and humble suitor. The power of the sovereigns was overtaxed already in
+the engrossing preparations which the Court and army were making for a
+vigorous campaign against the Moors. The exigencies of the war carried
+the sovereigns, sometimes together and at other times apart, from point
+to point. Siege after siege was conducted, and Talavera, whose devotion
+had been counted upon by Columbus, had too much to occupy his attention,
+to give ear to propositions which at best he deemed chimerical.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus in Cordoba.]
+
+We know in a vague way that while the Court was thus withdrawn from
+Cordoba the disheartened wanderer remained in that city, supporting
+himself, according to Bernaldez, in drafting charts and in selling
+printed books, which Harrisse suspects may have been publications, such
+as were then current, containing calendars and astronomical predictions,
+like the _Lunarios_ of Granollach and Andrès de Li.
+
+[Sidenote: Makes acquaintances.]
+
+It was probably at this time, too, that he made the acquaintance of
+Alonso de Quintanilla, the comptroller of the finances of Castile. He
+attained some terms of friendship with Antonio Geraldini, the papal
+nuncio, and his brother, Alexander Geraldini, the tutor of the royal
+children. It is claimed that all these friends became interested in his
+projects, and were advocates of them.
+
+[Sidenote: Writes out the proofs of a western land.]
+
+We are told by Las Casas that Columbus at one time gathered and placed
+in order all the varied manifestations, as he conceived them, of some
+such transatlantic region as his theory demanded; and it seems probable
+that this task was done during a period of weary waiting in Cordoba. We
+know nothing, however, of the manuscript except as Las Casas and the
+_Historie_ have used its material, and through them some of the details
+have been gleaned in the preceding chapter.
+
+[Sidenote: Mendoza.]
+
+These accessions of friends, aided doubtless by some such systemization
+of the knowledge to be brought to the question as this lost manuscript
+implies, opened the way to an acquaintance with Pedro Gonzales de
+Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo and Grand Cardinal of Spain. This prelate,
+from the confidence which the sovereigns placed in him, was known in
+Martyr's phrase as "the third king of Spain," and it could but be seen
+by Columbus that his sympathies were essential to the success of plans
+so far reaching as his own. The cardinal was gracious in his
+intercourse, and by no means inaccessible to such a suitor as Columbus;
+but he was educated in the exclusive spirit of the prevailing theology,
+and he had a keen scent for anything that might be supposed heterodox.
+It proved necessary for the thought of a spherical earth to rest some
+time in his mind, till his ruminations could bring him to a perception
+of the truths of science.
+
+[Sidenote: Gets the ear of Ferdinand for Columbus.]
+
+According to the reports which Oviedo gives us, the seed which Columbus
+sowed, in his various talks with the cardinal, in due time germinated,
+and the constant mentor of the sovereigns was at last brought to prepare
+the way, so that Columbus could have a royal audience. Thus it was that
+Columbus finally got the ear of Ferdinand, at Salamanca, whither the
+monarchs had come for a winter's sojourn after the turmoils of a
+summer's campaign against the Moors.
+
+[Sidenote: Characters of the sovereigns of Spain.]
+
+We cannot proceed farther in this narrative without understanding, in
+the light of all the early and late evidence which we have, what kind of
+beings these sovereigns of Aragon and Castile were, with whom Columbus
+was to have so much intercourse in the years to come. Ferdinand and
+Isabella, the wearers of the crowns of Aragon and Castile, were linked
+in common interests, and their joint reign had augured a powerful,
+because united, Spain. The student of their characters, as he works
+among the documents of the time, cannot avoid the recognition of
+qualities little calculated to satisfy demands for nobleness and
+devotion which the world has learned to associate with royal
+obligations. It may be possibly too much to say that habitually, but not
+too much to assert that often, these Spanish monarchs were more ready at
+perfidy and deceit than even an allowance for the teachings of their
+time would permit. Often the student will find himself forced to grant
+that the queen was more culpable in these respects than the king. An
+anxious inquirer into the queen's ways is not quite sure that she was
+able to distinguish between her own interests and those of God. The
+documentary researches of Bergenroth have decidedly lowered her in the
+judgments of those who have studied that investigator's results. We need
+to plead the times for her, and we need to push the plea very far.
+
+[Sidenote: Isabella.]
+
+"Perhaps," says Helps, speaking of Isabella, "there is hardly any great
+personage whose name and authority are found in connection with so much
+that is strikingly evil, all of it done, or rather assented to, upon the
+highest and purest motives." To palliate on such grounds is to believe
+in the irresponsibility of motives, which should transcend times and
+occasions.
+
+She is not, however, without loyal adulators of her own time and race.
+
+We read in Oviedo of her splendid soul. Peter Martyr found commendations
+of ordinary humanity not enough for her. Those nearest her person spoke
+as admiringly. It is the fortune, however, of a historical student, who
+lies beyond the influence of personal favor, to read in archives her
+most secret professions, and to gauge the innermost wishes of a soul
+which was carefully posed before her contemporaries. It is mirrored
+to-day in a thousand revealing lenses that were not to be seen by her
+contemporaries. Irving and Prescott simply fall into the adulation of
+her servitors, and make her confessors responsible for her acquiescence
+in the expulsion of the Jews and in the horrors of the Inquisition.
+
+[Sidenote: Ferdinand.]
+
+The king, perhaps, was good enough for a king as such personages went in
+the fifteenth century; but his smiles and remorseless coldness were
+mixed as few could mix them, even in those days. If the Pope regarded
+him from Italy, that Holy Father called him pious. The modern student
+finds him a bigot. His subjects thought him great and glorious, but they
+did not see his dispatches, nor know his sometimes baleful domination in
+his cabinet. The French would not trust him. The English watched his
+ambition. The Moors knew him as their conqueror. The Jews fled before
+his evil eye. The miserable saw him in his inquisitors. All this
+pleased the Pope, and the papal will made him in preferred phrase His
+Most Catholic Majesty,--a phrase that rings in diplomatic formalities
+to-day.
+
+Every purpose upon which he had set his heart was apt to blind him to
+aught else, and at times very conveniently so. We may allow that it is
+precisely this single mind which makes a conspicuous name in history;
+but conspicuousness and justness do not always march with a locked step.
+
+He had, of course, virtues that shone when the sun shone. He could be
+equable. He knew how to work steadily, to eat moderately, and to dress
+simply. He was enterprising in his actions, as the Moors and heretics
+found out. He did not extort money; he only extorted agonized
+confessions. He said masses, and prayed equally well for God's
+benediction on evil as on good things. He made promises, and then got
+the papal dispensation to break them. He juggled in state policy as his
+mind changed, and he worked his craft very readily. Machiavelli would
+have liked this in him, and indeed he was a good scholar of an existing
+school, which counted the act of outwitting better than the arts of
+honesty; and perhaps the world is not loftier in the purposes of
+statecraft to-day. He got people to admire him, but few to love him.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's views considered by Talavera and others.]
+
+[Sidenote: At Salamanca.]
+
+The result of an audience with the king was that the projects of
+Columbus were committed to Talavera, to be laid by him before such a
+body of wise men as the prior could gather in council. Las Casas says
+that the consideration of the plans was entrusted to "certain persons of
+the Court," and he enumerates Cardinal Mendoza, Diego de Deza, Alonso de
+Cardenas, and Juan Cabrero, the royal chamberlain. The meeting was
+seemingly held in the winter of 1486-87. The Catholic writers accuse
+Irving, and apparently with right, of an unwarranted assumption of the
+importance of what he calls the Council at Salamanca, and they find he
+has no authority for it, except a writer one hundred and twenty years
+after the event, who mentions the matter but incidentally. This source
+was Remesal's _Historia de Chyapa_ (Madrid, 1619), an account of one of
+the Mexican provinces. There seems no reason to suppose that at best it
+was anything more than some informal conference of Talavera with a few
+councilors, and in no way associated with the prestige of the university
+at Salamanca. The registers of the university, which begin back of the
+assigned date for such Council, have been examined in vain for any
+reference to it.
+
+[Illustration: UNIVERSITY OF SALAMANCA.
+
+[_España_, p. 132]]
+
+
+[Illustration: MONUMENT TO COLUMBUS ERECTED AT GENOA, 1862.]
+
+The "Junta of Salamanca" has passed into history as a convocation of
+considerable extent and importance, and a representation of it is made
+to adorn one of the bas-reliefs of the Admiral's monument at Genoa. We
+have, however, absolutely no documentary records of it. Of whatever
+moment it may have been, if the problem as Columbus would have presented
+it had been discussed, the reports, if preserved, could have thrown
+much light upon the relations which the cosmographical views of its
+principal character bore to the opinions then prevailing in learned
+circles of Spain. We know what the _Historie_, Bernaldez, and Las Casas
+tell us of Columbus's advocacy, but we must regret the loss of his own
+language and his own way of explaining himself to these learned men.
+Such a paper would serve a purpose of showing how, in this period of
+courageous and ardent insistence on a physical truth, he stood manfully
+for the light that was in him; and it would afford a needed foil to
+those pitiful aberrations of intellect which, in the years following,
+took possession of him, and which were so constantly reiterated with
+painful and maundering wailing.
+
+[Sidenote: Find favor with Deza.]
+
+Discarding, then, the array of argument which Irving borrows from
+Remesal, and barely associating a little conference, in which Columbus
+is a central figure, with that St. Stephen's convent whose wondrous
+petrifactions of creamy and reticulated stone still hold the admiring
+traveler, we must accept nothing more about its meetings than the scant
+testimony which has come down to us. It is pleasant to think how it was
+here that the active interest which Diego de Deza, a Dominican friar,
+finally took in the cause of Columbus may have had its beginning; but
+the extent of our positive knowledge regarding the meeting is the
+deposition of Rodriguez de Maldonado, who simply says that several
+learned men and mariners, hearing the arguments of Columbus, decided
+they could not be true, or at least a majority so decided, and that this
+testimony against Columbus had no effect to convince him of his errors.
+This is all that the "Junta of Salamanca" meant. A minority of unknown
+size favored the advocate.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1487. The Court at Cordoba.]
+
+[Sidenote: Malaga surrenders, 1487.]
+
+When the spring of 1487 came, and the court departed to Cordoba, and
+began to make preparations for the campaign against Malaga, there was no
+hope that the considerations which had begun in the learned sessions at
+Salamanca would be followed up. Columbus seems to have journeyed after
+the Court in its migrations: sometimes lured by pittances doled out to
+him by the royal treasurer; sometimes getting pecuniary assistance from
+his new friend, Diego de Deza; selling now and then a map that he had
+made, it may be; and accepting hospitality where he could get it, from
+such as Alonso de Quintanilla. In these wandering days, he was for a
+while, at least, in attendance on the Court, then surrounded with
+military parade, before the Moorish stronghold at Malaga. The town
+surrendered on August 18, 1487, and the Court then returned to Cordoba.
+
+[Illustration: SPAIN, 1482.
+
+[From the _Ptolemy_ of 1482.]]
+
+[Sidenote: 1487. Intimacy of Columbus with Beatrix Enriquez.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ferdinand Columbus born, 1488.]
+
+It was in the autumn of 1487, at Cordoba, that Columbus fell into such
+an intimacy as spousehood only can sanction with a person of good
+condition as to birth, but poor in the world's goods. Whether this
+relation had the sanction of the Church or not has been a subject of
+much inquiry and opinion. The class of French writers, who are aiming to
+secure the canonization of Columbus, have found it essential to clear
+the moral character of Columbus from every taint, and they confidently
+assert, and doubtless think they show, that nothing but conjugal right
+is manifest in this connection,--a question which the Church will in due
+time have to decide, if it ever brings itself to the recognition of the
+saintly character of the great discoverer. Even the ardent supporters of
+the cause of beatification are forced to admit that there is no record
+of such a marriage. No contemporary recognition of such a relation is
+evinced by any family ceremonies of baptism or the like, and there is no
+mention of a wife in all the transactions of the crowning endeavors of
+his life. As viceroy, at a later day, he constantly appears with no
+attendant vice-queen. She is absolutely out of sight until Columbus
+makes a significant reference to her in his last will, when he
+recommends this Beatrix Enriquez to his lawful son Diego; saying that
+she is a person to whom the testator had been under great obligations,
+and that his conscience is burdened respecting her, for a reason which
+he does not then think fitting to explain. This testamentary behest and
+acknowledgment, in connection with other manifestations, and the absence
+of proof to the contrary, has caused the belief to be general among his
+biographers, early and late, that the fruit of this intimacy, Ferdinand
+Columbus, was an illegitimate offspring. He was born, as near as can be
+made out, on the 15th of August, 1488. The mother very likely received
+for a while some consolation from her lover, but Columbus did not
+apparently carry her to Seville, when he went there himself; and the
+support which he gave her was not altogether regularly afforded, and was
+never of the quality which he asked Diego to grant to her when he died.
+She unquestionably survived the making of Diego's will in 1523, and then
+she fades into oblivion. Her son, Ferdinand, if he is the author of the
+_Historie_, makes no mention of a marriage to his mother, though he is
+careful to record the one which was indisputably legal, and whose fruit
+was Diego, the Admiral's successor. The lawful son was directed by
+Columbus, when starting on his third voyage, to pay to Beatrix ten
+thousand maravedis a year; but he seems to have neglected to do so for
+the last three or four years of her life. Diego finally ordered these
+arrears to be paid to her heirs. Las Casas distinctly speaks of
+Ferdinand as a natural son, and Las Casas had the best of opportunities
+for knowing whereof he wrote.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus sends his brother to England.]
+
+[Sidenote: Relations of England to the views of Columbus.]
+
+While all this suspense and amorous intrigue were perplexing the ardent
+theorist, he is supposed to have dispatched his brother Bartholomew to
+England to disclose his projects to Henry VII. Hakluyt, in his _Westerne
+Planting_, tells us that it "made much for the title of the kings of
+England" to the New World that Henry VII. gave a ready acceptance to the
+theory of Columbus as set forth somewhat tardily by his brother
+Bartholomew, when escaping from the detention of the pirates, he was at
+last able, on February 13, 1488, to offer in England his sea-card,
+embodying Christopher's theories, for the royal consideration.
+
+[Sidenote: The Cabots in England.]
+
+William Castell, in his _Short Discovery of America_, says that Henry
+VII. "unhappily refused to be at any charge in the discovery, supposing
+the learned Columbus to build castles in the air." It is a common story
+that Henry finally brought himself to accede to the importunities of
+Bartholomew, but only at a late day, and after Christopher had effected
+his conquest of the Spanish Court. Columbus himself is credited with
+saying that Henry actually wrote him a letter of acceptance. This
+epistle was very likely a fruition of the new impulses to oceanic
+discovery which the presence, a little later, of the Venetian Cabots,
+was making current among the English sailors; for John Cabot and his
+sons, one of whom, Sebastian, being at that time a youth of sixteen or
+seventeen, had, according to the best testimony, established a home in
+Bristol, not far from 1490.
+
+If the report of the Spanish envoy in England to his sovereigns is
+correct as to dates, it was near this time that the Bristol merchants
+were renewing their quests oceanward for the islands of Brazil and the
+Seven Cities. We have seen that these islands with others had for some
+time appeared on the conjectural charts of the Atlantic, and very likely
+they had appeared on the sea-card shown by Bartholomew Columbus to Henry
+VII. These efforts may perhaps have been in a measure instigated by that
+fact. At all events, any hazards of further western exploration could be
+met with greater heart if such stations of progress could be found in
+mid ocean. Of the report of all this which Bartholomew may have made to
+his brother we know absolutely nothing, and he seems not to have
+returned to Spain till after a sojourn in France which ended in 1494.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus invited back to Portugal.]
+
+It was believed by Irving that Columbus, having opened a correspondence
+with the Portuguese king respecting a return to the service of that
+country, had received from that monarch an epistle, dated March 20,
+1488, in which he was permitted to come back, with the offer of
+protection against any suit of civil or criminal nature, and that this
+had been declined. We are left to conjecture of what suits of either
+kind he could have been apprehensive.
+
+Humboldt commends the sagacity of Navarrete in discerning that it was
+not so much the persuasion of Diego de Deza which kept Columbus at this
+time from accepting such royal offers, as the illicit connection which
+he had formed in Cordoba with Doña Beatrix Enriquez, who before the
+summer was over had given birth to a son.
+
+On the other hand, that the permission was not neglected seems proved by
+a memorandum made by Columbus's own hand in a copy of Pierre d'Ailly's
+_Imago Mundi_, preserved in the Biblioteca Colombina at Seville, where,
+under date of December, 1488, "at Lisbon," he speaks of the return of
+Diaz from his voyage to the Cape of Good Hope. This proof is indeed
+subject to the qualification that Las Casas has considered the
+handwriting of the note to be that of Bartholomew Columbus, but Harrisse
+has no question of its identity with the chirography of Columbus. This
+last critic ventures the conjecture that it was in some way to settle
+the estate of his wife that Columbus at this time visited Portugal.
+
+[Sidenote: Spanish subsidies withheld.]
+
+Columbus had ceased to receive the Spanish subsidies in June, 1488, or
+at least we know no record of any later largess. Ferdinand was born to
+him in August. It was very likely subsequent to this last event
+that Columbus crossed the Spanish frontier into Portugal, if Harrisse's
+view of his crossing at all be accepted. His stay was without doubt a
+short one, and from 1489 to 1492 there is every indication that he never
+left the Spanish kingdom.
+
+[Sidenote: Duke of Medina-Celi harbors Columbus.]
+
+We know on the testimony of a letter of Luis de la Cerda, the Duke of
+Medina-Celi, given in Navarrete, that for two years after the arrival of
+Columbus from Portugal he had been a guest under the duke's roof in
+Cogulludo, and it seems to Harrisse probable that this gracious help on
+the part of the duke was bestowed after the return to Spain. All that we
+know with certainty of its date is that it occurred before the first
+voyage, the duke himself mentioning it in a letter of March 19, 1493.
+
+[Sidenote: 1489. Columbus ordered to Cordoba.]
+
+It was not till May, 1489, when the court was again at Cordoba,
+according to Diego Ortiz de Zuñiga, in his work on Seville, that the
+sovereigns were gracious enough to order Columbus to appear there, when
+they furnished him lodgings. They also, perhaps, at the same time,
+issued a general order, dated at Cordoba May 12, in which all cities and
+towns were directed to furnish suitable accommodations to Columbus and
+his attendants, inasmuch as he was journeying in the royal service.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus at the siege of Baza.]
+
+[Sidenote: Friars from the Holy Sepulchre.]
+
+The year 1489 was a hazardous but fruitful one. The sovereigns were
+pushing vigorously their conquest of the Moor. Isabella herself attended
+the army, and may have appeared in the beleaguering lines about Baza, in
+one of those suits of armor which are still shown to travelers. Zuñiga
+says that Columbus arrayed himself among the combatants, and was
+doubtless acquainted with the mission of two friars who had been
+guardians of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. These priests arrived
+during the siege, bringing a message from the Grand Soldan of Egypt, in
+which that potentate threatened to destroy all Christians within his
+grasp, unless the war against Granada should be stopped. The point of
+driving the Moors from Spain was too nearly reached for such a threat to
+be effective, and Isabella decreed the annual payment of a thousand
+ducats to support the faithful custodians of the Sepulchre, and sent a
+veil embroidered with her own hand to decorate the shrine. Irving traces
+to this circumstance the impulse, which Columbus frequently in later
+days showed, to devote the anticipated wealth of the Indies to a crusade
+in Palestine, to recover and protect the Holy Sepulchre.
+
+[Sidenote: Boabdil surrenders, December 22, 1489.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's views again considered.]
+
+The campaign closed with the surrender on December 22 of the fortress of
+Baza, when Spain received from Muley Boabdil, the elder of the rival
+Moorish kings, all the territory which he claimed to have in his power.
+In February, 1490, Ferdinand and Isabella entered Seville in triumph,
+and a season of hilarity and splendor followed, signalized in the spring
+by the celebration with great jubilation of the marriage of the Princess
+Isabella with Don Alonzo, the heir to the crown of Portugal. These
+engrossing scenes were little suited to give Columbus a chance to press
+his projects on the Court. He soon found nothing could be done to get
+the farther attention of the monarchs till some respites occurred in the
+preparations for their final campaign against the younger Moorish king.
+It was at this time, as Irving and others have conjectured, that the
+consideration of the project of a western passage, which had been
+dropped when events moved the Court from Salamanca, was again taken up
+by such investigators as Talavera had summoned, and again the result was
+an adverse decision. This determination was communicated by Talavera
+himself to the sovereign, and it was accompanied by the opinion that it
+did not become great princes to engage in such chimerical undertakings.
+
+[Sidenote: Deza impressed.]
+
+[Sidenote: Delays.]
+
+It is supposed, however, that the decision was not reached without some
+reservation in the minds of certain of the reviewers, and that
+especially this was the case with Diego de Deza, who showed that the
+stress of the arguments advanced by Columbus had not been without
+result. This friar was tutor to Prince Juan, and it was not difficult
+for him to modify the emphatic denial of the judges. It was the pride of
+those who later erected the tombstone of Deza, in the cathedral at
+Seville, to inscribe upon it that he was the generous and faithful
+patron of Columbus. A temporizing policy was, therefore, adopted by the
+monarchs, and Columbus was informed that for the present the perils and
+expenses of the war called for an undivided attention, and that further
+consideration of his project must be deferred till the war was over. It
+was at Cordoba that this decision reached Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus goes to Seville; but is repelled.]
+
+In his eagerness of hope he suspected that the judgment had received
+some adverse color in passing through Talavera's mind, and so he
+hastened to Seville, but only to meet the same chilling repulse from the
+monarchs themselves. With dashed expectations he left the city, feeling
+that the instrumentality of Talavera, as Peter Martyr tells us, had
+turned the sovereigns against him.
+
+[Illustration: CATHEDRAL OF SEVILLE.
+
+[From Parcerisa and Quadrado's _España_.]]
+
+[Illustration: CATHEDRAL OF CORDOBA.
+
+[From Parcerisa and Quadrado's _España_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Seeks the grandees of Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: Medina-Sidonia and Medina-Celi.]
+
+Columbus now sought to engage the attention of some of the powerful
+grandees of Spain, who, though subjects, were almost autocratic in their
+own regions, serving the Crown not so much as vassals as sympathetic
+helpers in its wars. They were depended upon to recruit the armies from
+their own trains and dependents; money came from their chests,
+provisions from their estates, and ships from their own marine; their
+landed patrimonies, indeed, covered long stretches of the coast, whose
+harbors sheltered their considerable navies. Such were the dukes of
+Medina-Sidonia and Medina-Celi. Columbus found in them, however, the
+same wariness which he had experienced at the greater court. There was a
+willingness to listen; they found some lures in the great hopes of
+Eastern wealth which animated Columbus, but in the end there was the
+same disappointment. One of them, the Duke of Medina-Celi, at last
+adroitly parried the importunities of Columbus, by averring that the
+project deserved the royal patronage rather than his meaner aid. He,
+however, told the suitor, if a farther application should be made to the
+Crown at some more opportune moment, he would labor with the queen in
+its behalf. The duke kept his word, and we get much of what we know of
+his interest in Columbus from the information given by one of the duke's
+household to Las Casas. This differs so far as to make the duke, perhaps
+as Harrisse thinks in the spring of 1491, actually fit out some caravels
+for the use of Columbus; but when seeking a royal license, he was
+informed that the queen had determined to embark in the enterprise
+herself. Such a decision seems to carry this part of the story, at
+least, forward to a time when Columbus was summoned from Rabida.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus at Rabida.]
+
+A consultation which now took place at the convent of Rabida affords
+particulars which the historians have found difficulty, as already
+stated, in keeping distinct from those of an earlier visit, if there was
+such. Columbus, according to the usual story, visited the convent
+apparently in October or November, 1491, with the purpose of reclaiming
+his son Diego, and taking him to Cordoba, where he might be left with
+Ferdinand in the charge of the latter's mother. Columbus himself
+intended to pass to France, to see if a letter, which had been received
+from the king of France, might possibly open the way to the fulfillment
+of his great hopes. It is represented that it was this expressed
+intention of abandoning Spain which aroused the patriotism of Marchena,
+who undertook to prevent the sacrifice.
+
+[Sidenote: Marchena encourages him.]
+
+[Sidenote: Talks with Pinzon.]
+
+We derive what we know of his method of prevention from the testimony of
+Garcia Fernandez, the physician of Palos, who has been cited in respect
+to the alleged earlier visit. This witness says that he was summoned to
+Rabida to confer with Columbus. It is also made a part of the story that
+the head of a family of famous navigators in Palos, Martin Alonso
+Pinzon, was likewise drawn into the little company assembled by the
+friar to consider the new situation. Pinzon readily gave his adherence
+to the views of Columbus. It is claimed, however, that the presence of
+Pinzon is disproved by documents showing him to have been in Rome at
+this time.
+
+[Sidenote: Cousin's alleged voyage, 1488,]
+
+[Sidenote: and Pinzon's supposed connection with it.]
+
+An alleged voyage of Jean Cousin, in 1488, two years and more before
+this, from Dieppe to the coast of Brazil, is here brought in by certain
+French writers, like Estancelin and Gaffarel, as throwing some light on
+the intercourse of Columbus and Pinzon, later if not now. It must be
+acknowledged that few other than French writers have credited the voyage
+at all. Major, who gave the story careful examination, utterly
+discredits it. It is a part of the story that one Pinzon, a Castilian,
+accompanied Cousin as a pilot, and this man is identified by these
+French writers as the navigator who is now represented as yielding a
+ready credence to the views of Columbus, and for the reason that he knew
+more than he openly professed. They find in the later intercourse of
+Columbus and this Pinzon certain evidence of the estimation in which
+Columbus seemed to hold the practiced judgment, if not the knowledge, of
+Pinzon. This they think conspicuous in the yielding which Columbus made
+to Pinzon's opinion during Columbus's first voyage, in changing his
+course to the southwest, which is taken to have been due to a knowledge
+of Pinzon's former experience in passing those seas in 1488. They trace
+to it the confidence of Pinzon in separating from the Admiral on the
+coast of Cuba, and in his seeking to anticipate Columbus by an earlier
+arrival at Palos, on the return, as the reader will later learn. Thus it
+is ingeniously claimed that the pilot of Cousin and colleague of
+Columbus were one and the same person. It has hardly convinced other
+students than the French. When the Pinzon of the "Pinta" at a later day
+was striving to discredit the leadership of Columbus, in the famous
+suit of the Admiral's heirs, he could hardly, for any reason which the
+French writers aver, have neglected so important a piece of evidence as
+the fact of the Cousin voyage and his connection with it, if there had
+been any truth in it.
+
+[Sidenote: Pinzon aids Columbus,]
+
+So we must be content, it is pretty clear, in charging Pinzon's
+conversion to the views of Columbus at Rabida upon the efficacy of
+Columbus's arguments. This success of Columbus brought some substantial
+fruit in the promise which Pinzon now made to bear the expenses of a
+renewed suit to Ferdinand and Isabella.
+
+[Sidenote: and Rodriguez goes to Santa Fé, with a letter to the queen.]
+
+[Sidenote: Marchena follows.]
+
+[Sidenote: The queen invites Columbus once more.]
+
+A conclusion to the deliberation of this little circle in the convent
+was soon reached. Columbus threw his cause into the hands of his
+friends, and agreed to rest quietly in the convent while they pressed
+his claims. Perez wrote a letter of supplication to the Queen, and it
+was dispatched by a respectable navigator of the neighborhood, Sebastian
+Rodriguez. He found the Queen in the city of Santa Fé, which had grown
+up in the military surroundings before the city of Granada, whose siege
+the Spanish armies were then pressing. The epistle was opportune, for it
+reënforced one which she had already received from the Duke of
+Medina-Celi, who had been faithful to his promise to Columbus, and who,
+judging from a letter which he wrote at a later day, March 19, 1493,
+took to himself not a little credit that he had thus been instrumental,
+as he thought, in preventing Columbus throwing himself into the service
+of France. The result was that the pilot took back to Rabida an
+intimation to Marchena that his presence would be welcome at Santa Fé.
+So mounting his mule, after midnight, fourteen days after Rodriguez had
+departed, the friar followed the pilot's tracks, which took him through
+some of the regions already conquered from the Moors, and, reaching the
+Court, presented himself before the Queen. Perez is said to have found a
+seconder in Luis de Santangel, a fiscal officer of Aragon, and in the
+Marchioness of Moya, one of the ladies of the household. The friar is
+thought to have urged his petition so strongly that the Queen, who had
+all along been more open to the representations of Columbus than
+Ferdinand had been, finally determined to listen once more to the
+Genoese's appeals.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus reaches Santa Fé, December, 1491.]
+
+[Sidenote: Quintanilla and Mendoza.]
+
+Learning of the poor plight of Columbus, she ordered a gratuity to be
+sent to him, to restore his wardrobe and to furnish himself with the
+conveniences of the journey. Perez, having borne back the happy news,
+again returned to the Court, with Columbus under his protection. Thus
+once more buoyed in hope, and suitably arrayed for appearing at Court,
+Columbus, on his mule, early in December, 1491, rode into the camp at
+Santa Fé, where he was received and provided with lodgings by the
+accountant-general. This officer was one whom he had occasion happily to
+remember, Alonso de Quintanilla, through whose offices it was, in the
+end, that the Grand Cardinal of Spain, Mendoza, was at this time brought
+into sympathy with the Genoese aspirant.
+
+[Sidenote: Boabdil the younger submits.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Moorish wars end.]
+
+Military events were still too imposing, however, for any immediate
+attention to his projects, and he looked on with admiration and a
+reserved expectancy, while the grand parade of the final submission of
+Boabdil the younger, the last of the Moorish kings, took place, and a
+long procession of the magnificence of Spain moved forward from the
+beleaguering camp to receive the keys of the Alhambra. Wars succeeding
+wars for nearly eight centuries had now come to an end. The Christian
+banner of Spain floated over the Moorish palace. The kingdom was alive
+in all its provinces. Congratulation and jubilation, with glitter and
+vauntings, pervaded the air.
+
+[Sidenote: Talavera and Columbus.]
+
+Few observed the humble Genoese who stood waiting the sovereigns'
+pleasure during all this tumult of joy; but he was not forgotten. They
+remembered, as he did, the promise given him at Seville. The war was
+over, and the time was come. Talavera had by this time gone so far
+towards an appreciation of Columbus's views that Peter Martyr tells him,
+at a later day, that the project would not have succeeded without him.
+He was directed to confer with the expectant dreamer, and Cardinal
+Mendoza became prominent in the negotiations.
+
+Columbus's position was thus changed. He had been a suitor. He was now
+sought. He had been persuaded from his purposed visit to France, in
+order that he might by his plans rehabilitate Spain with a new glory,
+complemental to her martial pride. This view as presented by Perez to
+Isabella had been accepted, and Columbus was summoned to present his
+case.
+
+[Sidenote: The mistake of Columbus.]
+
+Here, when he seemed at last to be on the verge of success, the poor
+man, unused to good fortune, and mistaking its token, repeated the
+mistake which had driven him an outcast from Portugal. His arrogant
+spirit led him to magnify his importance before he had proved it; and he
+failed in the modesty which marks a conquering spirit.
+
+True science places no gratulations higher than those of its own
+conscience. Copernicus was at this moment delving into the secrets of
+nature like a nobleman of the universe. So he stands for all time in
+lofty contrast to the plebeian nature and sordid cravings of his
+contemporary.
+
+[Sidenote: His pretensions.]
+
+When, at the very outset of the negotiations, Talavera found this
+uplifted suitor making demands that belonged rather to proved success
+than to a contingent one, there was little prospect of accommodation,
+unless one side or the other should abandon its position. If Columbus's
+own words count for anything, he was conscious of being a
+laughing-stock, while he was making claims for office and emoluments
+that would mortgage the power of a kingdom. A dramatic instinct has in
+many minds saved Columbus from the critical estimate of such
+presumption. Irving and the French canonizers dwell on what strikes them
+as constancy of purpose and loftiness of spirit. They marvel that
+poverty, neglect, ridicule, contumely, and disappointment had not
+dwarfed his spirit. This is the vulgar liking for the hero who is
+without heroism, and the martyr who makes a trade of it. The honest
+historian has another purpose. He tries to gauge pretense by wisdom.
+Columbus was indeed to succeed; but his success was an error in
+geography, and a failure in policy and in morals. The Crown was yet to
+succumb; but its submission was to entail miseries upon Columbus and his
+line, and a reproach upon Spain. The outcome to Columbus and to Spain is
+the direst comment of all.
+
+Columbus would not abate one jot of his pretensions, and an end was put
+to the negotiations. Making up his mind to carry his suit to France, he
+left Cordoba on his mule, in the beginning of February, 1492.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+THE FINAL AGREEMENT AND THE FIRST VOYAGE, 1492.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus leaves the Court.]
+
+Columbus, a disheartened wanderer, with his back turned on the Spanish
+Court, his mule plodding the road to Cordoba, offered a sad picture to
+the few adherents whom he had left behind. They had grown to have his
+grasp of confidence, but lacked his spirit to clothe an experimental
+service with all the certainties of an accomplished fact.
+
+[Sidenote: The Queen relents.]
+
+The sight of the departing theorist abandoning the country, and going to
+seek countenance at rival courts, stirred the Spanish pride. He and his
+friends had, in mutual counsels, pictured the realms of the Indies made
+tributary to the Spanish fame. It was this conception of a chance so
+near fruition, and now vanishing, that moved Luis de Santangel and
+Alonso de Quintanilla to determine on one last effort. They immediately
+sought the Queen. In an audience the two advocates presented the case
+anew, appealing to the royal ambition, to the opportunity of spreading
+her holy religion, to the occasions of replenishing her treasure-chests,
+emptied by the war, and to every other impulse, whether of pride or
+patriotism. The trivial cost and risk were contrasted with the glowing
+possibilities. They repeated the offer of Columbus to share an eighth of
+the expense. They pictured her caravels, fitted out at a cost of not
+more than 3,000,000 crowns, bearing the banner of Spain to these regions
+of opulence. The vision, once fixed in the royal eye, spread under their
+warmth of description, into succeeding glimpses of increasing splendor.
+Finally the warmth and glory of an almost realized expectancy filled the
+Queen's cabinet.
+
+The conquest was made. The royal companion, the Marchioness of Moya, saw
+and encouraged the kindling enthusiasm of Isabella; but a shade came
+over the Queen's face. The others knew it was the thought of Ferdinand's
+aloofness. The warrior of Aragon, with new conquests to regulate, with
+a treasury drained almost to the last penny, would have little heart for
+an undertaking in which his enthusiasm, if existing at all, had always
+been dull as compared with hers. She solved the difficulty in a flash.
+The voyage shall be the venture of Castile alone, and it shall be
+undertaken.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus brought back.]
+
+Orders were at once given for a messenger to overtake Columbus. A
+horseman came up with him at the bridge of Pinòs, two leagues from
+Granada. There was a moment's hesitancy, as thoughts of cruelly
+protracted and suspended feelings in the past came over him. His
+decision, however, was not stayed. He turned his mule, and journeyed
+back to the city. Columbus was sought once more, and in a way to give
+him the vantage which his imperious demands could easily use.
+
+The interview with the Queen which followed removed all doubt of his
+complete ascendency. Ferdinand in turn yielded to the persuasions of his
+chamberlain, Juan Cabrero, and to the supplications of Isabella; but he
+succumbed without faith, if the story which is told of him in relation
+to the demand for similar concessions made twenty years later by Ponce
+de Leon is to be believed. "Ah," said Ferdinand, to the discoverer of
+Florida, "it is one thing to give a stretch of power when no one
+anticipates the exercise of it; but we have learned something since
+then; you will succeed, and it is another thing to give such power to
+you." This story goes a great way to explain the later efforts of the
+Crown to counteract the power which was, in the flush of excitement,
+unwittingly given to the new Admiral.
+
+[Sidenote: The Queen's jewels.]
+
+The ensuing days were devoted to the arrangement of details. The usual
+story, derived from the _Historie_, is that the Queen offered to pawn
+her jewels, as her treasury of Castile could hardly furnish the small
+sum required; but Harrisse is led to believe that the exigencies of the
+war had already required this sacrifice of the Queen, though the
+documentary evidence is wanting. Santangel, however, interposed. As
+treasurer of the ecclesiastical revenues in Aragon, he was able to show
+that while Isabella was foremost in promoting the enterprise, Ferdinand
+could join her in a loan from these coffers; and so it was that the
+necessary funds were, in reality, paid in the end from the revenues of
+Aragon. This is the common story, enlarged by later writers upon the
+narrative in Las Casas; but Harrisse finds no warrant for it, and judges
+the advance of funds to have been by Santangel from his private
+revenues, and in the interests of Castile only. And this seems to be
+proved by the invariable exclusion of Ferdinand's subjects from
+participating in the advantages of trade in the new lands, unless an
+exception was made for some signal service. This rule, indeed,
+prevailed, even after Ferdinand began to reign alone.
+
+[Sidenote: Aims of the expedition.]
+
+[Sidenote: End of the world approaching.]
+
+There is something quite as amusing as edifying in the ostensible
+purposes of all this endeavor. To tap the resources of the luxuriant
+East might be gratifying, but it was holy to conceive that the energies
+of the undertaking were going to fill the treasury out of which a new
+crusade for the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre could be sustained. The
+pearls and spices of the Orient, the gold and precious jewels of its
+mines, might conduce to the gorgeous and luxurious display of the
+throne, but there was a noble condescension in giving Columbus a
+gracious letter to the Great Khan, and in hoping to seduce his subjects
+to the sway of a religion that allowed to the heathen no rights but
+conversion. There was at least a century and a half of such holy
+endeavors left for the ministrants of the church, as was believed, since
+the seven thousand years of the earth's duration was within one hundred
+and fifty-five years of its close, as the calculations of King Alonso
+showed. Columbus had been further drawn to these conclusions from his
+study of that conglomerating cardinal, Pierre d'Ailly, whose works, in a
+full edition, had been at this time only a few months in the book
+stalls. Humboldt has gone into an examination of the data to show that
+Columbus's calculation was singularly inexact; but the labor of
+verification seems hardly necessary, except as a curious study of
+absurdities. Columbus's career has too many such to detain us on any
+one.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. April 17. Agreement with Columbus.]
+
+On April 17, 1492, the King and Queen signed at Santa Fé and delivered
+to Columbus a passport to all persons in unknown parts, commending the
+Admiral to their friendship. This paper is preserved in Barcelona. On
+the same day the monarchs agreed to the conditions of a document which
+was drawn by the royal secretary, Juan de Coloma, and is preserved
+among the papers of the Duke of Veragua. It was printed from that copy
+by Navarrete, and is again printed by Bergenroth as found at Barcelona.
+As formulated in English by Irving, its purport is as follows:--
+
+
+1. That Columbus should have for himself during his life, and for his
+heirs and successors forever, the office of Admiral in all the lands and
+continents which he might discover or acquire in the ocean, with similar
+honors and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of Castile
+in his district.
+
+2. That he should be viceroy and governor-general over all the said
+lands and continents, with the privilege of nominating three candidates
+for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be
+selected by the sovereigns.
+
+3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one tenth of all
+pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles of
+merchandises, in whatever manner found, bought, bartered, or gained
+within his admiralty, the costs being first deducted.
+
+4. That he or his lieutenant should be the sole judge in all causes or
+disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and Spain,
+provided the high admiral of Castile had similar jurisdiction in his
+district.
+
+5. That he might then and at all after times contribute an eighth part
+of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this enterprise, and
+receive an eighth part of the profits.
+
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. April 30. Colummbus allowed to use the prefix Don.]
+
+These capitulations were followed on the 30th of April by a commission
+which the sovereigns signed at Granada, in which it was further granted
+that the Admiral and his heirs should use the prefix Don.
+
+[Sidenote: Arranges his domestic affairs.]
+
+It is supposed he now gave some heed to his domestic concerns. We know
+nothing, however, of any provision for the lonely Beatrix, but it is
+said that he placed his boy Ferdinand, then but four years of age, at
+school in Cordoba near his mother. He left his lawful son, Diego, well
+provided for through an appointment by the Queen, on May 8, which made
+him page to Prince Juan, the heir apparent.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. May. Reaches Palos.]
+
+Columbus himself tells us that he then left Granada on the 12th of May,
+1492, and went direct to Palos; stopping, however, on the way at Rabida,
+to exchange congratulations with its friar, Juan Perez, if indeed he did
+not lodge at the convent during his stay in the seaport.
+
+[Sidenote: Palos described.]
+
+Palos to-day consists of a double street of lowly, whitened houses, in a
+depression among the hills. The guides point out the ruins of a larger
+house, which was the home of the Pinzons. The Moorish mosque, converted
+into St. George's church in Columbus's day, still stands on the hill,
+just outside the village, with an image of St. George and the dragon
+over its high altar, just as Columbus saw it, while above the church are
+existing ruins of an old Moorish castle.
+
+[Sidenote: Ships fitted out.]
+
+The story which Las Casas has told of the fitting out of the vessels
+does not agree in some leading particulars with that which Navarrete
+holds to be more safely drawn from the documents which he has published.
+The fact seems to be that two of the vessels of Columbus were not
+constructed by the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, and later bought by the
+Queen, as Las Casas says; but, it happening that the town of Palos, in
+consequence of some offense to the royal dignity, had been mulcted in
+the service of two armed caravels for twelve months, the opportunity was
+now taken by royal order, dated April 30, 1492, of assigning this
+service of crews and vessels to Columbus's fateful expedition.
+
+[Sidenote: The Pinzons aid him.]
+
+The royal command had also provided that Columbus might add a third
+vessel, which he did with the aid, it is supposed, of the Pinzons,
+though there is no documentary proof to show whence he acquired the
+necessary means. Las Casas and Herrera, however, favor the supposition,
+and it is of course sustained in the evidence adduced in the famous
+trial which was intended to magnify the service of the Pinzons. It was
+also directed that the seamen of the little fleet should receive the
+usual wages of those serving in armed vessels, and be paid four months
+in advance. All maritime towns were enjoined to furnish supplies at a
+reasonable price. All criminal processes against anybody engaged for the
+voyage were to be suspended, and this suspension was to last for two
+months after the return.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. May 23. Demands two ships of Palos.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. June 20. Vessels and crews impressed.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Pinzons.]
+
+It was on the 23d of May that, accompanied by Juan Perez, Columbus met
+the people of Palos assembled in the church of St. George, while a
+notary read the royal commands laid upon the town. It took a little time
+for the simple people to divine the full extent of such an order,--its
+consignment of fellow-creatures to the dreaded evils of the great
+unknown ocean. The reluctance to enter upon the undertaking proved so
+great, except among a few prisoners taken from the jails, that it became
+necessary to report the obstacle to the Court, when a new peremptory
+order was issued on June 20 to impress the vessels and crews. Juan de
+Peñalosa, an officer of the royal household, appeared in Palos to
+enforce this demand. Even such imperative measures availed little, and
+it was not till Martin Alonso Pinzon came forward, and either by an
+agreement to divide with Columbus the profits, or through some other
+understanding,--for the testimony on the point is doubtful, and Las
+Casas disbelieves any such division of profits,--exerted his influence,
+in which he was aided by his brother, also a navigator, Vicente Yañez
+Pinzon. There is a story traceable to a son of the elder Pinzon, who
+testified in the Columbus lawsuit that Martin Alonso had at one time
+become convinced of the existence of western lands from some documents
+and charts which he had seen at Rome. The story, like that of his
+companionship with Cousin, already referred to, has in it, however, many
+elements of suspicion.
+
+This help of the Pinzons proved opportune and did much to save the
+cause, for it had up to this time seemed impossible to get vessels or
+crews. The standing of these navigators as men and their promise to
+embark personally put a new complexion on the undertaking, and within a
+month the armament was made up. Harrisse has examined the evidence in
+the matter to see if there is any proof that the Pinzons contributed
+more than their personal influence, but there is no apparent ground for
+believing they did, unless they stood behind Columbus in his share of
+the expenses, which are computed at 500,000 maravedis, while those of
+the Queen, arranged through Santangel, are reckoned at 1,140,000 of that
+money. The fleet consisted, as Peter Martyr tells us, of two open
+caravels, "Nina" and "Pinta"--the latter, with its crew, being pressed
+into the service,--decked only at the extremities, where high prows and
+poops gave quarters for the crews and their officers. A large-decked
+vessel of the register known as a carack, and renamed by Columbus the
+"Santa Maria," which proved "a dull sailer and unfit for discovery," was
+taken by Columbus as his flagship. There is some confusion in the
+testimony relating to the name of this ship. The _Historie_ alone calls
+her by this name. Las Casas simply styles her "The Captain." One of the
+pilots speaks of her as the "Mari Galante." Her owner was one Juan de la
+Cosa, apparently not the same person as the navigator and cosmographer
+later to be met, and he had command of her, while Pero Alonso Nino and
+Sancho Ruis served as pilots.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of the ships.]
+
+Captain G. V. Fox has made an estimate of her dimensions from her
+reputed tonnage by the scale of that time, and thinks she was
+sixty-three feet over all in length, fifty-one feet along her keel,
+twenty feet beam, and ten and a half in depth.
+
+[Sidenote: The crews.]
+
+The two Pinzons were assigned to the command of the other
+caravels,--Martin Alonso to the "Pinta," the larger of the two, with a
+third brother of his as pilot, and Vicente Yañez to the "Nina." Many
+obstacles and the natural repugnances of sailors to embark in so
+hazardous a service still delayed the preparations, but by the beginning
+of August the arrangements were complete, and a hundred and twenty
+persons, as Peter Martyr and Oviedo tell us, but perhaps the _Historie_
+and Las Casas are more correct in saying ninety in all, were ready to be
+committed to what many of them felt were most desperate fortunes. Duro
+has of late published in his _Colón y Pinzon_ what purports to be a list
+of their names. It shows in Tallerte de Lajes a native of England who
+has been thought to be one named in his vernacular Arthur Lake; and
+Guillemio Ires, called of Galway, has sometimes been fancied to have
+borne in his own land the name perhaps of Rice, Herries, or Harris.
+There was no lack of the formal assignments usual in such important
+undertakings. There was a notary to record the proceedings and a
+historian to array the story; an interpreter to be prepared with Latin,
+Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, Coptic, and Armenian, in the hopes that one of
+these tongues might serve in intercourse with the great Asiatic
+potentates, and a metallurgist to pronounce upon precious ores. They
+were not without a physician and a surgeon. It does not appear if their
+hazards should require the last solemn rites that there was any priest
+to shrive them; but Columbus determined to start with all the solemnity
+that a confession and the communion could impart, and this service was
+performed by Juan Perez, both for him and for his entire company.
+
+[Sidenote: Sailing directions from the Crown.]
+
+The directions of the Crown also provided that Columbus should avoid the
+Guinea coast and all other possessions of the Portuguese, which seems to
+be little more than a striking manifestation of a certain kind of
+incredulity respecting what Columbus, after all, meant by sailing west.
+Indeed, there was necessarily more or less vagueness in everybody's mind
+as to what a western passage would reveal, or how far a westerly course
+might of necessity be swung one way or the other.
+
+[Sidenote: Islands first to be sought.]
+
+The _Historie_ tells us distinctly that Columbus hoped to find some
+intermediate land before reaching India, to be used, as the modern
+phrase goes, as a sort of base of operations. This hope rested on the
+belief, then common, that there was more land than sea on the earth, and
+consequently that no wide stretch of ocean could exist without
+interlying lands.
+
+There was, moreover, no confidence that such things as floating islands
+might not be encountered. Pliny and Seneca had described them, and
+Columbus was inclined to believe that St. Brandan and the Seven Cities,
+and such isles as the dwellers at the Azores had claimed to see in the
+offing, might be of this character.
+
+There seems, in fact, to be ground for believing that Columbus thought
+his course to the Asiatic shores could hardly fail to bring him in view
+of other regions or islands lying in the western ocean. Muñoz holds that
+"the glory of such discoveries inflamed him still more, perhaps, than
+his chief design."
+
+[Sidenote: Asiatic archipelago.]
+
+That a vast archipelago would, be the first land encountered was not
+without confident believers. The Catalan map of 1374 had shown such
+islands in vast numbers, amounting to 7,548 in all; Marco Polo had made
+them 12,700, or was thought to do so; and Behaim was yet to cite the
+latter on his globe.
+
+[Sidenote: Behaim's globe.]
+
+It was, indeed, at this very season that Behaim, having returned from
+Lisbon to his home in Nuremberg, had imparted to the burghers of that
+inland town those great cosmographical conceptions, which he was
+accustomed to hear discussed in the Atlantic seaports. Such views were
+exemplified in a large globe which Behaim had spent the summer in
+constructing in Nuremberg. It was made of pasteboard covered with
+parchment, and is twenty-one inches in diameter.
+
+[Illustration: BEHAIM'S GLOBE, 1492.
+
+_Note._ The curved sides of these cuts divide the Globe in the mid
+Atlantic.]
+
+[Illustration: BEHAIM'S GLOBE, 1492.
+
+[Taken from Ernest Mayer's _Die Hilfsmittel der Schiffahrtkunde_ (Wein,
+1879).]]
+
+[Illustration: DOPPELMAYER'S ENGRAVING OF BEHAIM'S GLOBE, MUCH REDUCED.]
+
+[Sidenote: Laon globe.]
+
+It shows the equator, the tropics, the polar circle, in a latitudinal
+way; but the first meridian, passing through Madeira, is the only one of
+the longitudinal sectors which it represents. Behaim had in this work
+the help of Holtzschner, and the globe has come down to our day,
+preserved in the town hall at Nuremberg, one of the sights and honors of
+that city. It shares the credit, however, with another, called the Laon
+globe, as the only well-authenticated geographical spheres which date
+back of the discovery of America. This Laon globe is much smaller, being
+only six inches in diameter; and though it is dated 1493, it is thought
+to have been made a few years earlier,--as D'Avezac thinks, in 1486.
+
+[Illustration: THE ACTUAL AMERICA IN RELATION TO BEHAIM'S GEOGRAPHY.]
+
+Clements K. Markham, in a recent edition of Robert Hues' _Tractatus de
+Globis_, cites Nordenskiöld as considering Behaim's globe, without
+comparison, the most important geographical document since the atlas of
+Ptolemy, in A. D. 150. "He points out that it is the first which
+unreservedly adopts the existence of antipodes; the first which clearly
+shows that there is a passage from Europe to India; the first which
+attempts to deal with the discoveries of Marco Polo. It is an exact
+representation of geographical knowledge immediately previous to the
+first voyage of Columbus."
+
+The Behaim globe has become familiar by many published drawings.
+
+[Sidenote: Toscanelli's map.]
+
+It has been claimed that Columbus probably took with him, on his voyage,
+the map which he had received from Toscanelli, with its delineation of
+the interjacent and island-studded ocean, which washed alike the shores
+of Europe and Asia, and that it was the subject of study by him and
+Pinzon at a time when Columbus refers in his journal to the use they
+made of a chart.
+
+That Toscanelli's map long survived the voyage is known, and Las Casas
+used it. Humboldt has not the same confidence which Sprengel had, that
+at this time it crossed the sea in the "Santa Maria;" and he is inclined
+rather to suppose that the details of Toscanelli's chart, added to all
+others which Columbus had gathered from the maps of Bianco and
+Benincasa--for it is not possible he could have seen the work of Behaim,
+unless indeed, in fragmentary preconceptions--must have served him
+better as laid down on a chart of his own drafting. There is good reason
+to suppose that, more than once, with the skill which he is known to
+have possessed, he must have made such charts, to enforce and
+demonstrate his belief, which, though in the main like that of
+Toscanelli, were in matters of distance quite different.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1492, August 3, Columbus sails.]
+
+So, everything being ready, on the third of August, 1492, a half hour
+before sunrise, he unmoored his little fleet in the stream and,
+spreading his sails, the vessels passed out of the little river
+roadstead of Palos, gazed after, perhaps, in the increasing light, as
+the little crafts reached the ocean, by the friar of Rabida, from its
+distant promontory of rock.
+
+[Illustration: SHIPS OF COLUMBUS'S TIME.
+
+(From Medina's _Arte de Navegar_, 1545.)]
+
+[Sidenote: On Friday.]
+
+The day was Friday, and the advocates of Columbus's canonization have
+not failed to see a purpose in its choice, as the day of our Redemption,
+and as that of the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre by Geoffrey de
+Bouillon, and of the rendition of Granada, with the fall of the Moslem
+power in Spain. We must resort to the books of such advocates, if we
+would enliven the picture with a multitude of rites and devotional
+feelings that they gather in the meshes of the story of the departure.
+They supply to the embarkation a variety of detail that their holy
+purposes readily imagine, and place Columbus at last on his poop, with
+the standard of the Cross, the image of the Saviour nailed to the holy
+wood, waving in the early breezes that heralded the day. The
+embellishments may be pleasing, but they are not of the strictest
+authenticity.
+
+[Illustration: SHIP, 1486.]
+
+[Sidenote: Keeps a journal.]
+
+In order that his performance of an embassy to the princes of the East
+might be duly chronicled, Columbus determined, as his journal says, to
+keep an account of the voyage by the west, "by which course," he says,
+"unto the present time, we do not know, _for certain_, that any one has
+passed." It was his purpose to write down, as he proceeded, everything
+he saw and all that he did, and to make a chart of his discoveries, and
+to show the directions of his track.
+
+[Illustration: [From Bethencourt's _Canarian_, London, 1872.]]
+
+[Sidenote: The "Pinta" disabled.]
+
+Nothing occurred during those early August days to mar his run to the
+Canaries, except the apprehension which he felt that an accident,
+happening to the rudder of the "Pinta,"--a steering gear now for some
+time in use, in place of the old lateral paddles,--was a trick of two
+men, her owners, Gomez Rascon and Christopher Quintero, to impede a
+voyage in which they had no heart. The Admiral knew the disposition of
+these men well enough not to be surprised at the mishap, but he tried to
+feel secure in the prompt energy of Pinzon, who commanded the "Pinta."
+
+[Sidenote: Reaches the Canaries.]
+
+As he passed (August 24-25, 1492) the peak of Teneriffe, it was the time
+of an eruption, of which he makes bare mention in his journal. It is to
+the corresponding passages of the _Historie_, that we owe the somewhat
+sensational stories of the terrors of the sailors, some of whom
+certainly must long have been accustomed to like displays in the
+volcanoes of the Mediterranean.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. September 6, leaves Gomera.]
+
+At the Gran Canaria the "Nina" was left to have her lateen sails changed
+to square ones; and the "Pinta," it being found impossible to find a
+better vessel to take her place, was also left to be overhauled for her
+leaks, and to have her rudder again repaired, while Columbus visited
+Gomera, another of the islands. The fleet was reunited at Gomera on
+September 2. Here he fell in with some residents of Ferro, the
+westernmost of the group, who repeated the old stories of land
+occasionally seen from its heights, lying towards the setting sun.
+Having taking on board wood, water, and provisions, Columbus finally
+sailed from Gomera on the morning of Thursday, September 6. He seems to
+have soon spoken a vessel from Ferro, and from this he learned that
+three Portuguese caravels were lying in wait for him in the neighborhood
+of that island, with a purpose as he thought of visiting in some way
+upon him, for having gone over to the interests of Spain, the
+indignation of the Portuguese king. He escaped encountering them.
+
+[Sidenote: Sunday, September 9, 1492.]
+
+[Sidenote: Falsifies his reckoning.]
+
+Up to Sunday, September 9, they had experienced so much calm weather,
+that their progress had been slow. This tediousness soon raised an
+apprehension in the mind of Columbus that the voyage might prove too
+long for the constancy of his men. He accordingly determined to falsify
+his reckoning. This deceit was a large confession of his own timidity in
+dealing with his crew, and it marked the beginning of a long struggle
+with deceived and mutinous subordinates, which forms so large a part of
+the record of his subsequent career.
+
+[Illustration: ROUTES OF COLUMBUS'S FOUR VOYAGES.
+
+[Taken from the map in Blanchero's _La Tavola di Bronzo_ (Geneva,
+1857).]]
+
+[Illustration: COLUMBUS'S TRACK IN 1492.] The result of Monday's sail,
+which he knew to be sixty leagues, he noted as forty-eight, so that the
+distance from home might appear less than it was. He continued to
+practice this deceit.
+
+[Sidenote: His dead reckoning.]
+
+The distances given by Columbus are those of dead reckoning beyond any
+question. Lieutenant Murdock, of the United States navy, who has
+commented on this voyage, makes his league the equivalent of three
+modern nautical miles, and his mile about three quarters of our present
+estimate for that distance. Navarrete says that Columbus reckoned in
+Italian miles, which are a quarter less than a Spanish mile. The Admiral
+had expected to make land after sailing about seven hundred leagues from
+Ferro; and in ordering his vessels in case of separation to proceed
+westward, he warned them when they sailed that distance to come to the
+wind at night, and only to proceed by day.
+
+The log as at present understood in navigation had not yet been devised.
+Columbus depended in judging of his speed on the eye alone, basing his
+calculations on the passage of objects or bubbles past the ship, while
+the running out of his hour glasses afforded the multiple for long
+distances.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. September 13.]
+
+[Sidenote: Reaches point of no variation of the needle.]
+
+[Sidenote: Knowledge of the magnet.]
+
+On Thursday, the 13th of September, he notes that the ships were
+encountering adverse currents. He was now three degrees west of Flores,
+and the needle of the compass pointed as it had never been observed
+before, directly to the true north. His observation of this fact marks a
+significant point in the history of navigation. The polarity of the
+magnet, an ancient possession of the Chinese, had been known perhaps for
+three hundred years, when this new spirit of discovery awoke in the
+fifteenth century. The Indian Ocean and its traditions were to impart,
+perhaps through the Arabs, perhaps through the returning Crusaders, a
+knowledge of the magnet to the dwellers on the shores of the
+Mediterranean, and to the hardier mariners who pushed beyond the Pillars
+of Hercules, so that the new route to that same Indian Ocean was made
+possible in the fifteenth century. The way was prepared for it
+gradually. The Catalans from the port of Barcelona pushed out into the
+great Sea of Darkness under the direction of their needles, as early at
+least as the twelfth century. The pilots of Genoa and Venice, the hardy
+Majorcans and the adventurous Moors, were followers of almost equal
+temerity.
+
+[Illustration: [From the _United States Coast Survey Report_, 1880, No.
+84.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Variation of the needle.]
+
+A knowledge of the variation of the needle came more slowly to be known
+to the mariners of the Mediterranean. It had been observed by Peregrini
+as early as 1269, but that knowledge of it which rendered it greatly
+serviceable in voyages does not seem to be plainly indicated in any of
+the charts of these transition centuries, till we find it laid down on
+the maps of Andrea Bianco in 1436.
+
+[Illustration: [From Hirth's _Bilderbuch_, vol. iii.]]
+
+It was no new thing then when Columbus, as he sailed westward, marked
+the variation, proceeding from the northeast more and more westerly; but
+it was a revelation when he came to a position where the magnetic north
+and the north star stood in conjunction, as they did on this 13th of
+September, 1492.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's misconception of the line of no variation.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sebastian Cabot's observations of its help in determining
+longitude.]
+
+As he still moved westerly the magnetic line was found to move farther
+and farther away from the pole as it had before the 13th approached it.
+To an observer of Columbus's quick perceptions, there was a ready guess
+to possess his mind. This inference was that this line of no variation
+was a meridian line, and that divergences from it east and west might
+have a regularity which would be found to furnish a method of
+ascertaining longitude far easier and surer than tables or water clocks.
+We know that four years later he tried to sail his ship on observations
+of this kind. The same idea seems to have occurred to Sebastian Cabot,
+when a little afterwards he approached and passed in a higher latitude,
+what he supposed to be the meridian of no variation. Humboldt is
+inclined to believe that the possibility of such a method of
+ascertaining longitude was that uncommunicable secret, which Sebastian
+Cabot many years later hinted at on his death-bed.
+
+The claim was made near a century later by Livio Sanuto in his
+_Geographia_, published at Venice, in 1588, that Sebastian Cabot had
+been the first to observe this variation, and had explained it to Edward
+VI., and that he had on a chart placed the line of no variation at a
+point one hundred and ten miles west of the island of Flores in the
+Azores.
+
+[Sidenote: Various views.]
+
+These observations of Columbus and Cabot were not wholly accepted during
+the sixteenth century. Robert Hues, in 1592, a hundred years later,
+tells us that Medina, the Spanish grand pilot, was not disinclined to
+believe that mariners saw more in it than really existed and that they
+found it a convenient way to excuse their own blunders. Nonius was
+credited with saying that it simply meant that worn-out magnets were
+used, which had lost their power to point correctly to the pole. Others
+had contended that it was through insufficient application of the
+loadstone to the iron that it was so devious in its work.
+
+[Illustration: PART OF MERCATOR'S POLAR REGIONS, 1569.
+
+[From R. Mercator's Atlas of 1595.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Better understood.]
+
+What was thought possible by the early navigators possessed the minds of
+all seamen in varying experiments for two centuries and a half. Though
+not reaching such satisfactory results as were hoped for, the
+expectation did not prove so chimerical as was sometimes imagined when
+it was discovered that the lines of variation were neither parallel, nor
+straight, nor constant. The line of no variation which Columbus found
+near the Azores has moved westward with erratic inclinations, until
+to-day it is not far from a straight line from Carolina to Guiana.
+Science, beginning with its crude efforts at the hands of Alonzo de
+Santa Cruz, in 1530, has so mapped the surface of the globe with
+observations of its multifarious freaks of variation, and the changes
+are so slow, that a magnetic chart is not a bad guide to-day for
+ascertaining the longitude in any latitude for a few years neighboring
+to the date of its records. So science has come round in some measure to
+the dreams of Columbus and Cabot.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus remarks on changes of temperature and aberrations of
+stars.]
+
+But this was not the only development which came from this ominous day
+in the mid Atlantic in that September of 1492. The fancy of Columbus was
+easily excited, and notions of a change of climate, and even aberrations
+of the stars were easily imagined by him amid the strange phenomena of
+that untracked waste.
+
+While Columbus was suspecting that the north star was somewhat willfully
+shifting from the magnetic pole, now to a distance of 5° and then of
+10°, the calculations of modern astronomers have gauged the polar
+distance existing in 1492 at 3° 28´, as against the 1° 20´ of to-day.
+The confusion of Columbus was very like his confounding an old world
+with a new, inasmuch as he supposed it was the pole star and not the
+needle which was shifting.
+
+[Sidenote: Imagines a protuberance on the earth.]
+
+He argued from what he saw, or thought he saw, that the line of no
+variation marked the beginning of a protuberance of the earth, up which
+he ascended as he sailed westerly, and that this was the reason of the
+cooler weather which he experienced. He never got over some notions of
+this kind, and believed he found confirmation of them in his later
+voyages.
+
+[Sidenote: The magnetic pole.]
+
+Even as early as the reign of Edward III. of England, Nicholas of Lynn,
+a voyager to the northern seas, is thought to have definitely fixed the
+magnetic pole in the Arctic regions, transmitting his views to Cnoyen,
+the master of the later Mercator, in respect to the four circumpolar
+islands, which in the sixteenth century made so constant a surrounding
+of the northern pole.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. September 14.]
+
+[Sidenote: September 15.]
+
+[Sidenote: September 16.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sargasso Sea.]
+
+The next day (September 14), after these magnetic observations, a water
+wagtail was seen from the "Nina,"--a bird which Columbus thought
+unaccustomed to fly over twenty-five leagues from land, and the ships
+were now, according to their reckoning, not far from two hundred leagues
+from the Canaries. On Saturday, they saw a distant bolt of fire fall
+into the sea. On Sunday, they had a drizzling rain, followed by pleasant
+weather, which reminded Columbus of the nightingales, gladdening the
+climate of Andalusia in April. They found around the ships much green
+floatage of weeds, which led them to think some islands must be near.
+Navarrete thinks there was some truth in this, inasmuch as the charts of
+the early part of this century represent breakers as having been seen in
+1802, near the spot where Columbus can be computed to have been at this
+time. Columbus was in fact within that extensive _prairie_ of floating
+seaweed which is known as the Sargasso Sea, whose principal longitudinal
+axis is found in modern times to lie along the parallel of 41° 30´, and
+the best calculations which can be made from the rather uncertain data
+of Columbus's journal seem to point to about the same position.
+
+There is nothing in all these accounts, as we have them abridged by Las
+Casas, to indicate any great surprise, and certainly nothing of the
+overwhelming fear which, the _Historie_ tells us, the sailors
+experienced when they found their ships among these floating masses of
+weeds, raising apprehension of a perpetual entanglement in their
+swashing folds.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. September 17.]
+
+[Sidenote: September 18.]
+
+The next day (September 17) the currents became favorable, and the weeds
+still floated about them. The variation of the needle now became so
+great that the seamen were dismayed, as the journal says, and the
+observation being repeated Columbus practiced another deceit and made it
+appear that there had been really no variation, but only a shifting of
+the polar star! The weeds were now judged to be river weeds, and a live
+crab was found among them,--a sure sign of near land, as Columbus
+believed, or affected to believe. They killed a tunny and saw others.
+They again observed a water wagtail, "which does not sleep at sea." Each
+ship pushed on for the advance, for it was thought the goal was near.
+The next day the "Pinta" shot ahead and saw great flocks of birds
+towards the west. Columbus conceived that the sea was growing fresher.
+Heavy clouds hung on the northern horizon, a sure sign of land, it was
+supposed.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. September 19.]
+
+On the next day two pelicans came on board, and Columbus records that
+these birds are not accustomed to go twenty leagues from land. So he
+sounded with a line of two hundred fathoms to be sure he was not
+approaching land; but no bottom was found. A drizzling rain also
+betokened land, which they could not stop to find, but would search for
+on their return, as the journal says. The pilots now compared their
+reckonings. Columbus said they were 400 leagues, while the "Pinta's"
+record showed 420, and the "Nina's" 440.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. September 20.]
+
+[Sidenote: September 22. Changes his course.]
+
+[Sidenote: Head wind.]
+
+[Sidenote: September 25.]
+
+On September 20, other pelicans came on board; and the ships were again
+among the weeds. Columbus was determined to ascertain if these indicated
+shoal water and sounded, but could not reach bottom. The men caught a
+bird with feet like a gull; but they were convinced it was a river bird.
+Then singing land-birds, as was fancied, hovered about as it darkened,
+but they disappeared before morning. Then a pelican was observed flying
+to the southwest, and as "these birds sleep on shore, and go to sea in
+the morning," the men encouraged themselves with the belief that they
+could not be far from land. The next day a whale could but be another
+indication of land; and the weeds covered the sea all about. On
+Saturday, they steered west by northwest, and got clear of the weeds.
+This change of course so far to the north, which had begun on the
+previous day, was occasioned by a head wind, and Columbus says that he
+welcomed it, because it had the effect of convincing the sailors that
+westerly winds to return by were not impossible. On Sunday (September
+23), they found the wind still varying; but they made more westering
+than before,--weeds, crabs, and birds still about them. Now there was
+smooth water, which again depressed the seamen; then the sea arose,
+mysteriously, for there was no wind to cause it. They still kept their
+course westerly and continued it till the night of September 25.
+
+[Sidenote: Appearances of land.]
+
+[Sidenote: Again changes his course.]
+
+[Sidenote: September 26.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. September 27.]
+
+[Sidenote: September 30.]
+
+[Sidenote: October 1.]
+
+[Sidenote: October 3.]
+
+[Sidenote: October 6.]
+
+[Sidenote: October 7.]
+
+[Sidenote: Shifts his course to follow some birds.]
+
+Columbus at this time conferred with Pinzon, as to a chart which they
+carried, which showed some islands, near where they now supposed the
+ships to be. That they had not seen land, they believed was either due
+to currents which had carried them too far north, or else their
+reckoning was not correct. At sunset Pinzon hailed the Admiral, and said
+he saw land, claiming the reward. The two crews were confident that such
+was the case, and under the lead of their commanders they all kneeled
+and repeated the _Gloria in Excelsis_. The land appeared to lie
+southwest, and everybody saw the apparition. Columbus changed the
+fleet's course to reach it; and as the vessels went on, in the smooth
+sea, the men had the heart, under their expectation, to bathe in its
+amber glories. On Wednesday, they were undeceived, and found that the
+clouds had played them a trick. On the 27th their course lay more
+directly west. So they went on, and still remarked upon all the birds
+they saw and weed-drift which they pierced. Some of the fowl they
+thought to be such as were common at the Cape de Verde Islands, and were
+not supposed to go far to sea. On the 30th September, they still
+observed the needles of their compasses to vary, but the journal records
+that it was the pole star which moved, and not the needle. On October 1,
+Columbus says they were 707 leagues from Ferro; but he had made his crew
+believe they were only 584. As they went on, little new for the next few
+days is recorded in the journal; but on October 3, they thought they saw
+among the weeds something like fruits. By the 6th, Pinzon began to urge
+a southwesterly course, in order to find the islands, which the signs
+seemed to indicate in that direction. Still the Admiral would not swerve
+from his purpose, and kept his course westerly. On Sunday, the "Nina"
+fired a bombard and hoisted a flag as a signal that she saw land, but it
+proved a delusion. Observing towards evening a flock of birds flying to
+the southwest, the Admiral yielded to Pinzon's belief, and shifted his
+course to follow the birds. He records as a further reason for it that
+it was by following the flight of birds that the Portuguese had been so
+successful in discovering islands in other seas.
+
+[Sidenote: Cipango.]
+
+Columbus now found himself two hundred miles and more farther than the
+three thousand miles west of Spain, where he supposed Cipango to lie,
+and he was 25-1/2° north of the equator, according to his astrolabe. The
+true distance of Cipango or Japan was sixty-eight hundred miles still
+farther, or beyond both North America and the Pacific. How much beyond
+that island, in its supposed geographical position, Columbus expected to
+find the Asiatic main we can only conjecture from the restorations which
+modern scholars have made of Toscanelli's map, which makes the island
+about 10° east of Asia, and from Behaim's globe, which makes it 20°. It
+should be borne in mind that the knowledge of its position came from
+Marco Polo, and he does not distinctly say how far it was from the
+Asiatic coast. In a general way, as to these distances from Spain to
+China, Toscanelli and Behaim agreed, and there is no reason to believe
+that the views of Columbus were in any noteworthy degree different.
+
+[Sidenote: Relations of Pinzon to the change of course.]
+
+In the trial, years afterwards, when the Fiscal contested the rights of
+Diego Colon, it was put in evidence by one Vallejo, a seaman, that
+Pinzon was induced to urge the direction to be changed to the southwest,
+because he had in the preceding evening observed a flight of parrots in
+that direction, which could have only been seeking land. It was the main
+purpose of the evidence in this part of the trial to show that Pinzon
+had all along forced Columbus forward against his will.
+
+How pregnant this change of course in the vessels of Columbus was has
+not escaped the observation of Humboldt and many others. A day or two
+further on his westerly way, and the Gulf Stream would, perhaps,
+insensibly have borne the little fleet up the Atlantic coast of the
+future United States, so that the banner of Castile might have been
+planted at Carolina.
+
+[Sidenote: October 7.]
+
+[Sidenote: October 8-10.]
+
+On the 7th of October, Columbus was pretty nearly in latitude 25°
+50',--that of one of the Bahama Islands. Just where he was by longitude
+there is much more doubt, probably between 65° and 66°. On the next day
+the land birds flying along the course of the ships seemed to confirm
+their hopes. On the 10th the journal records that the men began to lose
+patience; but the Admiral reassured them by reminding them of the
+profits in store for them, and of the folly of seeking to return, when
+they had already gone so far.
+
+[Sidenote: Story of a mutiny.]
+
+It is possible that, in this entry, Columbus conceals the story which
+later came out in the recital of Oviedo, with more detail than in the
+_Historie_ and Las Casas, that the rebellion of his crew was threatening
+enough to oblige him to promise to turn back if land was not discovered
+in three days. Most commentators, however, are inclined to think that
+this story of a mutinous revolt was merely engrafted from hearsay or
+other source by Oviedo upon the more genuine recital, and that the
+conspiracy to throw the Admiral into the sea has no substantial basis in
+contemporary report. Irving, who has a dramatic tendency throughout his
+whole account of the voyage to heighten his recital with touches of the
+imagination, nevertheless allows this, and thinks that Oviedo was misled
+by listening to a pilot, who was a personal enemy of the Admiral.
+
+The elucidations of the voyage which were drawn out in the famous suit
+of Diego with the Crown in 1513 and 1515, afford no ground for any
+belief in this story of the mutiny and the concession of Columbus to it.
+
+It is not, however, difficult to conceive the recurrent fears of his men
+and the incessant anxiety of Columbus to quiet them. From what Peter
+Martyr tells us,--and he may have got it directly from Columbus's
+lips,--the task was not an easy one to preserve subordination and to
+instill confidence. He represents that Columbus was forced to resort in
+turn to argument, persuasion, and enticements, and to picture the
+misfortunes of the royal displeasure.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 11.]
+
+The next day, notwithstanding a heavier sea than they had before
+encountered, certain signs sufficed to lift them out of their
+despondency. These were floating logs, or pieces of wood, one of them
+apparently carved by hand, bits of cane, a green rush, a stalk of rose
+berries, and other drifting tokens.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 11. Steer west.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus sees a light.]
+
+Their southwesterly course had now brought them down to about the
+twenty-fourth parallel, when after sunset on the 11th they shifted their
+course to due west, while the crew of the Admiral's ship united, with
+more fervor than usual, in the _Salve Regina_. At about ten o'clock
+Columbus, peering into the night, thought he saw--if we may believe
+him--a moving light, and pointing out the direction to Pero Gutierrez,
+this companion saw it too; but another, Rodrigo Sanchez, situated
+apparently on another part of the vessel, was not able to see it. It was
+not brought to the attention of any others. The Admiral says that the
+light seemed to be moving up and down, and he claimed to have got other
+glimpses of its glimmer at a later moment. He ordered the _Salve_ to be
+chanted, and directed a vigilant watch to be set on the forecastle. To
+sharpen their vision he promised a silken jacket, beside the income of
+ten thousand maravedis which the King and Queen had offered to the
+fortunate man who should first descry the coveted land.
+
+This light has been the occasion of much comment, and nothing will ever,
+it is likely, be settled about it, further than that the Admiral, with
+an inconsiderate rivalry of a common sailor who later saw the actual
+land, and with an ungenerous assurance ill-befitting a commander,
+pocketed a reward which belonged to another. If Oviedo, with his
+prejudices, is to be believed, Columbus was not even the first who
+claimed to have seen this dubious light. There is a common story that
+the poor sailor, who was defrauded, later turned Mohammedan, and went to
+live among that juster people. There is a sort of retributive justice in
+the fact that the pension of the Crown was made a charge upon the
+shambles of Seville, and thence Columbus received it till he died.
+
+Whether the light is to be considered a reality or a fiction will depend
+much on the theory each may hold regarding the position of the landfall.
+When Columbus claimed to have discovered it, he was twelve or fourteen
+leagues away from the island where, four hours later, land was
+indubitably found. Was the light on a canoe? Was it on some small,
+outlying island, as has been suggested? Was it a torch carried from hut
+to hut, as Herrera avers? Was it on either of the other vessels? Was it
+on the low island on which, the next morning, he landed? There was no
+elevation on that island sufficient to show even a strong light at a
+distance of ten leagues. Was it a fancy or a deceit? No one can say.
+It is very difficult for Navarrete, and even for Irving, to rest
+satisfied with what, after all, may have been only an illusion of a
+fevered mind, making a record of the incident in the excitement of a
+wonderful hour, when his intelligence was not as circumspect as it might
+have been.
+
+[Illustration: THE LANDFALL OF COLUMBUS, 1492.
+
+[After Ruge.]]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492, October 12, land discovered.]
+
+[Sidenote: Guanahani.]
+
+Four hours after the light was seen, at two o'clock in the morning, when
+the moon, near its third quarter, was in the east, the "Pinta" keeping
+ahead, one of her sailors, Rodrigo de Triana, descried the land, two
+leagues away, and a gun communicated the joyful intelligence to the
+other ships. The fleet took in sail, and each vessel, under backed
+sheets, was pointed to the wind. Thus they waited for daybreak. It was a
+proud moment of painful suspense for Columbus; and brimming hopes,
+perhaps fears of disappointment, must have accompanied that hour of
+wavering enchantment. It was Friday, October 12, of the old chronology,
+and the little fleet had been thirty-three days on its way from the
+Canaries, and we must add ten days more, to complete the period since
+they left Palos. The land before them was seen, as the day dawned, to be
+a small island, "called in the Indian tongue" Guanahani. Some naked
+natives were descried. The Admiral and the commanders of the other
+vessels prepared to land. Columbus took the royal standard and the
+others each a banner of the green cross, which bore the initials of the
+sovereign with a cross between, a crown surmounting every letter. Thus,
+with the emblems of their power, and accompanied by Rodrigo de Escoveda
+and Rodrigo Sanchez and some seamen, the boat rowed to the shore. They
+immediately took formal possession of the land, and the notary recorded
+it.
+
+[Illustration: COLUMBUS'S ARMOR.]
+
+[Illustration: BAHAMA ISLANDS
+ANTONIO DE HERRERA
+1601.
+
+[From Major's _Select Letters of Columbus_, 2d Edition.]]
+
+[Illustration: BAHAMA ISLANDS
+MODERN
+
+[From Major's _Select Letters of Columbus_, 2d Edition.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus lands and utters a prayer.]
+
+The words of the prayer usually given as uttered by Columbus on taking
+possession of San Salvador, when he named the island, cannot be traced
+farther back than a collection of _Tablas Chronologicas_, got together
+at Valencia in 1689, by a Jesuit father, Claudio Clemente. Harrisse
+finds no authority for the statement of the French canonizers that
+Columbus established a form of prayer which was long in vogue, for such
+occupations of new lands.
+
+Las Casas, from whom we have the best account of the ceremonies of the
+landing, does not mention it; but we find pictured in his pages the
+grave impressiveness of the hour; the form of Columbus, with a crimson
+robe over his armor, central and grand; and the humbleness of his
+followers in their contrition for the hours of their faint-heartedness.
+
+[Sidenote: The island described.]
+
+Columbus now enters in his journal his impressions of the island and its
+inhabitants. He says of the land that it bore green trees, was watered
+by many streams, and produced divers fruits. In another place he speaks
+of the island as flat, without lofty eminence, surrounded by reefs, with
+a lake in the interior.
+
+The courses and distances of his sailing both before and on leaving the
+island, as well as this description, are the best means we have of
+identifying the spot of this portentous landfall. The early maps may
+help in a subsidiary way, but with little precision.
+
+[Sidenote: Identification of the landfall.]
+
+There is just enough uncertainty and contradiction respecting the data
+and arguments applied in the solution of this question, to render it
+probable that men will never quite agree which of the Bahamas it was
+upon which these startled and exultant Europeans first stepped. Though
+Las Casas reports the journal of Columbus unabridged for a period after
+the landfall, he unfortunately condenses it for some time previous.
+There is apparently no chance of finding geographical conditions that in
+every respect will agree with this record of Columbus, and we must
+content ourselves with what offers the fewest disagreements. An obvious
+method, if we could depend on Columbus's dead reckoning, would be to see
+for what island the actual distance from the Canaries would be nearest
+to his computed run; but currents and errors of the eye necessarily
+throw this sort of computation out of the question, and Capt. G. A. Fox,
+who has tried it, finds that Cat Island is three hundred and seventeen,
+the Grand Turk six hundred and twenty-four nautical miles, and the other
+supposable points at intermediate distances out of the way as compared
+with his computation of the distance run by Columbus, three thousand
+four hundred and fifty-eight of such miles.
+
+[Sidenote: The Bahamas.]
+
+[Sidenote: San Salvador, or Cat Island.]
+
+[Sidenote: Other islands.]
+
+[Sidenote: Methods of identification.]
+
+[Sidenote: Acklin Island.]
+
+The reader will remember the Bahama group as a range of islands, islets,
+and rocks, said to be some three thousand in number, running southeast
+from a point part way up the Florida coast, and approaching at the other
+end the coast of Hispaniola. In the latitude of the lower point of
+Florida, and five degrees east of it, is the island of San Salvador or
+Cat Island, which is the most northerly of those claimed to have been
+the landfall of Columbus. Proceeding down the group, we encounter
+Watling's, Samana, Acklin (with the Plana Cays), Mariguana, and the
+Grand Turk,--all of which have their advocates. The three methods of
+identification which have been followed are, first, by plotting the
+outward track; second, by plotting the track between the landfall and
+Cuba, both forward and backward; third, by applying the descriptions,
+particularly Columbus's, of the island first seen. In this last test,
+Harrisse prefers to apply the description of Las Casas, which is
+borrowed in part from that of the _Historie_, and he reconciles
+Columbus's apparent discrepancy when he says in one place that the
+island was "pretty large," and in another "small," by supposing that he
+may have applied these opposite terms, the lesser to the Plana Cays, as
+first seen, and the other to the Crooked Group, or Acklin Island, lying
+just westerly, on which he may have landed. Harrisse is the only one who
+makes this identification; and he finds some confirmation in later maps,
+which show thereabout an island, Triango or Triangulo, a name said by
+Las Casas to have been applied to Guanahani at a later day. There is no
+known map earlier than 1540 bearing this alternative name of Triango.
+
+[Sidenote: San Salvador.]
+
+San Salvador seems to have been the island selected by the earliest of
+modern inquirers, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and it
+has had the support of Irving and Humboldt in later times. Captain
+Alexander Slidell Mackenzie of the United States navy worked out the
+problem for Irving. It is much larger than any of the other islands, and
+could hardly have been called by Columbus in any alternative way a
+"small" island, while it does not answer Columbus's description of
+being level, having on it an eminence of four hundred feet, and no
+interior lagoon, as his Guanahani demands. The French canonizers stand
+by the old traditions, and find it meet to say that "the English
+Protestants not finding the name San Salvador fine enough have
+substituted for it that of Cat, and in their hydrographical atlases the
+Island of the Holy Saviour is nobly called Cat Island."
+
+[Sidenote: Watling's Island.]
+
+The weight of modern testimony seems to favor Watling's island, and it
+so far answers to Columbus's description that about one third of its
+interior is water, corresponding to his "large lagoon." Muñoz first
+suggested it in 1793; but the arguments in its favor were first spread
+out by Captain Becher of the royal navy in 1856, and he seems to have
+induced Oscar Peschel in 1858 to adopt the same views in his history of
+the range of modern discovery. Major, the map custodian of the British
+Museum, who had previously followed Navarrete in favoring the Grand
+Turk, again addressed himself to the problem in 1870, and fell into line
+with the adherents of Watling's. No other considerable advocacy of this
+island, if we except the testimony of Gerard Stein in 1883, in a book on
+voyages of discovery, appeared till Lieut. J. B. Murdoch, an officer of
+the American navy, made a very careful examination of the subject in the
+_Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute_ in 1884, which is
+accepted by Charles A. Schott in the _Bulletin of the United States
+Coast Survey_. Murdoch was the first to plot in a backward way the track
+between Guanahani and Cuba, and he finds more points of resemblance in
+Columbus's description with Watling's than with any other. The latest
+adherent is the eminent geographer, Clements R. Markham, in the bulletin
+of the Italian Geographical Society in 1889. Perhaps no cartographical
+argument has been so effective as that of Major in comparing modern
+charts with the map of Herrera, in which the latter lays Guanahani down.
+
+[Sidenote: Samana.]
+
+[Sidenote: Grand Turk Island.]
+
+An elaborate attempt to identify Samana as the landfall was made by the
+late Capt. Gustavus Vasa Fox, in an appendix to the _Report of the
+United States Coast Survey_ for 1880. Varnhagen, in 1864, selected
+Mariguana, and defended his choice in a paper. This island fails to
+satisfy the physical conditions in being without interior water. Such a
+qualification, however, belongs to the Grand Turk Island, which was
+advocated first by Navarrete in 1826, whose views have since been
+supported by George Gibbs, and for a while by Major.
+
+It is rather curious to note that Caleb Cushing, who undertook to
+examine this question in the _North American Review_, under the guidance
+of Navarrete's theory, tried the same backward method which has been
+later applied to the problem, but with quite different results from
+those reached by more recent investigators. He says, "By setting out
+from Nipe [which is the point where Columbus struck Cuba] and proceeding
+in a retrograde direction along his course, we may surely trace his
+path, and shall be convinced that Guanahani is no other than Turk's
+Island."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+AMONG THE ISLANDS AND THE RETURN VOYAGE.
+
+
+[Sidenote: The natives of Guanahani.]
+
+We learn that, after these ceremonies on the shore, the natives began
+fearlessly to gather about the strangers. Columbus, by causing red caps,
+strings of beads, and other trinkets to be distributed among them, made
+an easy conquest of their friendship. Later the men swam out to the ship
+to exchange their balls of thread, their javelins, and parrots for
+whatever they could get in return.
+
+The description which Columbus gives us in his journal of the appearance
+and condition of these new people is the earliest, of course, in our
+knowledge of them. His record is interesting for the effect which the
+creatures had upon him, and for the statement of their condition before
+the Spaniards had set an impress upon their unfortunate race.
+
+They struck Columbus as, on the whole, a very poor people, going naked,
+and, judging from a single girl whom he saw, this nudity was the
+practice of the women. They all seemed young, not over thirty, well
+made, with fine shapes and faces. Their hair was coarse, and combed
+short over the forehead; but hung long behind. The bodies of many were
+differently colored with pigments of many hues, though of some only the
+face, the eyes, or the nose were painted. Columbus was satisfied that
+they had no knowledge of edged weapons, because they grasped his sword
+by the blade and cut themselves. Their javelins were sticks pointed with
+fishbones. When he observed scars on their bodies, they managed to
+explain to him that enemies, whom the Admiral supposed to come from the
+continent, sometimes invaded their island, and that such wounds were
+received in defending themselves. They appeared to him to have no
+religion, which satisfied him that the task of converting them to
+Christianity would not be difficult. They learned readily to pronounce
+such words as were repeated to them.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 13.]
+
+[Sidenote: Affinities of the Lucayans.]
+
+On the next day after landing, Saturday, Columbus describes again the
+throng that came to the shore, and was struck with their broad
+foreheads. He deemed it a natural coincidence, being in the latitude of
+the Canaries, that the natives had the complexion prevalent among the
+natives of those islands. In this he anticipated the conclusions of the
+anthropologists, who have found in the skulls preserved in caves both in
+the Bahamas and in the Canaries, such striking similarities as have led
+to the supposition that ocean currents may have borne across the sea
+some of the old Guanche stock of the Canaries, itself very likely the
+remnant of the people of the European river-drift.
+
+Professor W. K. Brooks, of the Johns Hopkins University, who has
+recently published in the _Popular Science Monthly_ (November, 1889) a
+study of the bones of the Lucayans as found in caves in the Bahamas,
+reports that these relics indicate a muscular, heavy people, about the
+size of the average European, with protuberant square jaws, sloping
+eyes, and very round skulls, but artificially flattened on the
+forehead,--a result singularly confirming Columbus's description of
+broader heads than he had ever seen.
+
+[Sidenote: Hammocks.]
+
+"The Ceboynas," says a recent writer on these Indians, "gave us the
+hammock, and this one Lucayan word is their only monument," for a
+population larger than inhabits these islands to-day were in twelve
+years swept from the surface of the earth by a system devised by
+Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Canoes.]
+
+The Admiral also describes their canoes, made in a wonderful manner of a
+single tree-trunk, and large enough to hold forty or forty-five men,
+though some were so small as to carry a single person only. Their oars
+are shaped like the wooden shovels with which bakers slip their loaves
+into ovens. If a canoe upsets, it is righted as they swim.
+
+[Sidenote: Gold among them.]
+
+Columbus was attracted by bits of gold dangling at the nose of some
+among them. By signs he soon learned that a greater abundance of this
+metal could be found on an island to the south; but they seemed unable
+to direct him with any precision how to reach that island, or at least
+it was not easy so to interpret any of their signs. "Poor wretches!"
+exclaims Helps, "if they had possessed the slightest gift of prophecy,
+they would have thrown these baubles into the deepest sea."
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus traffics with them.]
+
+They pointed in all directions, but towards the east as the way to other
+lands; and implied that those enemies who came from the northwest often
+passed to the south after gold. He found that broken dishes and bits of
+glass served as well for traffic with them as more valuable articles,
+and balls of threads of cotton, grown on the island, seemed their most
+merchantable commodity.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 14, sails towards Cipango.]
+
+With this rude foretaste, Columbus determined to push on for the richer
+Cipango. On the next day he coasted along the island in his boats,
+discovering two or three villages, where the inhabitants were friendly.
+They seemed to think that the strangers had come from heaven,--at least
+Columbus so interpreted their prostrations and uplifted hands. Columbus,
+fearful of the reefs parallel to the shore, kept outside of them, and as
+he moved along, saw a point of land which a ditch might convert into an
+island. He thought this would afford a good site for a fort, if there
+was need of one.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 14.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus proposes to enslave the natives.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 15.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 16.]
+
+It was on this Sunday that Columbus, in what he thought doubtless the
+spirit of the day in dealing with heathens, gives us his first
+intimation of the desirability of using force to make these poor
+creatures serve their new masters. On returning to the ships and setting
+sail, he soon found that he was in an archipelago. He had seized some
+natives, who were now on board. These repeated to him the names of more
+than a hundred islands. He describes those within sight as level,
+fertile, and populous, and he determined to steer for what seemed the
+largest. He stood off and on during the night of the 14th, and by noon
+of the 15th he had reached this other island, which he found at the
+easterly end to run five leagues north and south, and to extend east and
+west a distance of ten leagues. Lured by a still larger island farther
+west he pushed on, and skirting the shore reached its western extremity.
+He cast anchor there at sunset, and named the island Santa Maria de la
+Concepcion. The natives on board told him that the people here wore gold
+bracelets. Columbus thought this story might be a device of his
+prisoners to obtain opportunities to escape. On the next day, he
+repeated the forms of landing and taking possession. Two of the
+prisoners contrived to escape. One of them jumped overboard and was
+rescued by a native canoe. The Spaniards overtook the canoe, but not
+till its occupants had escaped. A single man, coming off in another
+canoe, was seized and taken on board; but Columbus thought him a good
+messenger of amity, and loading him with presents, "not worth four
+maravedis," he put him ashore. Columbus watched the liberated savage,
+and judged from the wonder of the crowds which surrounded him that his
+ruse of friendship had been well played.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus sees a large island.]
+
+Another large island appeared westerly about nine leagues, famous for
+its gold ornaments, as his prisoners again declared. It is significant
+that in his journal, since he discovered the bits of gold at San
+Salvador, Columbus has not a word to say of reclaiming the benighted
+heathen; but he constantly repeats his hope "with the help of our Lord,"
+of finding gold. On the way thither he had picked up a second single man
+in a canoe, who had apparently followed him from San Salvador. He
+determined to bestow some favors upon him and let him go, as he had done
+with the other.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 16.]
+
+This new island, which he reached October 16, and called Fernandina, he
+found to be about twenty-eight leagues long, with a safer shore than the
+others. He anchored near a village, where the man whom he had set free
+had already come, bringing good reports of the stranger, and so the
+Spaniards got a kind reception. Great numbers of natives came off in
+canoes, to whom the men gave trinkets and molasses. He took on board
+some water, the natives assisting the crew. Getting an impression that
+the island contained a mine of gold, he resolved to follow the coast,
+and find Samaot, where the gold was said to be. Columbus thought he saw
+some improvement in the natives over those he had seen before, remarking
+upon the cotton cloth with which they partly covered their persons. He
+was surprised to find that distinct branches of the same tree bore
+different leaves. A single tree, as he says, will show as many as five
+or six varieties, not done by grafting, but a natural growth. He
+wondered at the brilliant fish, and found no land creatures but parrots
+and lizards, though a boy of the company told him that he had seen a
+snake. On Wednesday he started to sail around the island. In a little
+haven, where they tarried awhile, they first entered the native houses.
+
+[Sidenote: Hammocks.]
+
+They found everything in them neat, with nets extended between posts,
+which they called _hamacs_,--a name soon adopted by sailors for
+swinging-beds. The houses were shaped like tents, with high chimneys,
+but not more than twelve or fifteen together. Dogs were running about
+them, but they could not bark. Columbus endeavored to buy a bit of gold,
+cut or stamped, which was hanging from a man's nose; but the savage
+refused his offers.
+
+[Illustration: INDIAN BEDS.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 19.]
+
+The ships continued their course about the island, the weather not
+altogether favorable; but on October 19 they veered away to another
+island to the west of Fernandina, which Columbus named Isabella, after
+his Queen. This he pronounced the most beautiful he had seen; and he
+remarks on the interior region of it being higher than in the other
+islands, and the source of streams. The breezes from the shore brought
+him odors, and when he landed he became conscious that his botanical
+knowledge did not aid him in selecting such dyestuffs, medicines, and
+spices as would command high prices in Spain. He saw a hideous reptile,
+and the canonizers, after their amusing fashion, tell us that "to see
+and attack him were the same thing for Columbus, for he considered it of
+importance to accustom Spanish intrepidity to such warfare."
+
+[Sidenote: To find gold Columbus's main object.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 21.]
+
+The reptile proved inoffensive. The signs of his prisoners were
+interpreted to repeat here the welcome tale of gold. He understood them
+to refer to a king decked with gold. "I do not, however," he adds, "give
+much credit to these accounts, for I understand the natives but
+imperfectly." "I am proceeding solely in quest of gold and spices," he
+says again.
+
+[Sidenote: Cuba heard of.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. October 24. Isabella.]
+
+On Sunday they went ashore, and found a house from which the occupants
+had recently departed. The foliage was enchanting. Flocks of parrots
+obscured the sky. Specimens were gathered of wonderful trees. They
+killed a snake in a lake. They cajoled some timid natives with beads,
+and got their help in filling their water cask. They heard of a very
+large island named Colba, which had ships and sailors, as the natives
+were thought to say. They had little doubt that these stories referred
+to Cipango. They hoped the native king would bring them gold in the
+night; but this not happening, and being cheered by the accounts of
+Colba, they made up their minds that it would be a waste of time to
+search longer for this backward king, and so resolved to run for the big
+island.
+
+[Sidenote: October 26.]
+
+Starting from Isabella at midnight on October 24, and passing other
+smaller islands, they finally, on Sunday, October 26, entered a river
+near the easterly end of Cuba.
+
+[Sidenote: Cuba.]
+
+The track of Columbus from San Salvador to Cuba has been as variously
+disputed as the landfall; indeed, the divergent views of the landfall
+necessitate such later variations.
+
+[Sidenote: Pearls.]
+
+They landed within the river's mouth, and discovered deserted houses,
+which from the implements within they supposed to be the houses of
+fishermen. Columbus observed that the grass grew down to the water's
+edge; and he reasoned therefrom that the sea could never be rough. He
+now observed mountains, and likened them to those of Sicily. He finally
+supposed his prisoners to affirm by their signs that the island was too
+large for a canoe to sail round it in twenty days. There were the old
+stories of gold; but the mention of pearls appears now for the first
+time in the journal, which in this place, however, we have only in Las
+Casas's abridgment.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus supposes himself at Mangi.]
+
+When the natives pointed to the interior and said, "Cubanacan," meaning,
+it is supposed, an inland region, Columbus imagined it was a reference
+to Kublai Khan; and the Cuban name of Mangon he was very ready to
+associate with the Mangi of Mandeville.
+
+As he still coasted westerly he found river and village, and made more
+use of his prisoners than had before been possible. They seem by this
+time to have settled into an acquiescent spirit. He wondered in one
+place at statues which looked like women. He was not quite sure whether
+the natives kept them for the love of the beautiful, or for worship.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus supposes himself on the coast of Cathay.]
+
+He found domesticated fowl; and saw a skull, which he supposed was a
+cow's, which was probably that of the sea-calf, a denizen of these
+waters. He thought the temperature cooler than in the other islands, and
+ascribed the change to the mountains. He observed on one of these
+eminences a protuberance that looked like a mosque. Such interpretation
+as the Spaniards could make of their prisoners' signs convinced them
+that if they sailed farther west they would find some potentate, and so
+they pushed on. Bad weather, however, delayed them, and they again
+opened communication with the natives. They could hear nothing of gold,
+but saw a silver trinket; and learned, as they thought, that news of
+their coming had been carried to the distant king. Columbus felt
+convinced that the people of these regions were banded enemies of the
+Great Khan, and that he had at last struck the continent of Cathay, and
+was skirting the shores of the Zartun and Quinsay of Marco Polo. Taking
+an observation, Columbus found himself to be in 21° north latitude, and
+as near as he could reckon, he was 1142 leagues west of Ferro. He really
+was 1105.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. November 2-5.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cuba explored.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tobacco.]
+
+[Sidenote: Potatoes.]
+
+From Friday, November 2, to Monday, November 5, two Spaniards, whom
+Columbus had sent into the interior, accompanied by some Indians, had
+made their way unmolested in their search for a king. They had been
+entertained here and there with ceremony, and apparently worshiped as
+celestial comers. The evidences of the early Spanish voyagers give
+pretty constant testimony that the whites were supposed to have come
+from the skies. Columbus had given to his envoys samples of cinnamon,
+pepper, and other spices, which were shown to the people. In reply, his
+messengers learned that such things grew to the southeast of them.
+Columbus later, in his first letter, speaks of cinnamon as one of the
+spices which they found, but it turned out to be the bark of a sort of
+laurel. Las Casas, in mentioning this expedition, says that the
+Spaniards found the natives smoking small tubes of dried leaves, filled
+with other leaves, which they called _tobacos_. Sir Arthur Helps aptly
+remarks on this trivial discovery by the Spaniards of a great financial
+resource of modern statesmen, since tobacco has in the end proved more
+productive to the Spanish crown than the gold which Columbus sought. The
+Spaniards found no large villages; but they perceived great stores of
+fine cotton of a long staple. They found the people eating what we must
+recognize as potatoes. The absence of gold gave Columbus an opportunity
+to wish more fervently than before for the conversion of some of these
+people.
+
+[Sidenote: One-eyed and dog-faced men.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cannibals.]
+
+While this party was absent, Columbus found a quiet beach, and careened
+his ships, one at a time. In melting his tar, the wood which he used
+gave out a powerful odor, and he pronounced it the mastic gum, which
+Europe had always got from Chios. As this work was going on, the
+Spaniards got from the natives, as best they could, many intimations of
+larger wealth and commerce to the southeast. Other strange stories were
+told of men with one eye, and faces like dogs, and of cruel,
+bloodthirsty man-eaters, who fought to appease their appetite on the
+flesh of the slain.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. November 12.]
+
+[Sidenote: Babeque.]
+
+It was not till the 12th of November that Columbus left this hospitable
+haven, at daybreak, in search of a place called Babeque, "where gold was
+collected at night by torch-light upon the shore, and afterward hammered
+into bars." He the more readily retraced his track, that the coast to
+the westward seemed to trend northerly, and he dreaded a colder climate.
+He must leave for another time the sight of men with tails, who
+inhabited a province in that direction, as he was informed.
+
+Again the historian recognizes how a chance turned the Spaniards away
+from a greater goal. If Columbus had gone on westerly and discovered the
+insular character of Cuba, he might have sought the main of Mexico and
+Yucatan, and anticipated the wonders of the conquest of Cortez. He
+never was undeceived in believing that Cuba was the Asiatic main.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus captures some natives.]
+
+Columbus sailed back over his course with an inordinate idea of the
+riches of the country which he was leaving. He thought the people
+docile; that their simple belief in a God was easily to be enlarged into
+the true faith, whereby Spain might gain vassals and the church a
+people. He managed to entice on board, and took away, six men, seven
+women, and three children, condoning the act of kidnapping--the
+canonizers call it "retaining on board"--by a purpose to teach them the
+Spanish language, and open a readier avenue to their benighted souls. He
+allowed the men to have women to share their durance, as such ways, he
+says, had proved useful on the coast of Guinea.
+
+The Admiral says in his first letter, referring to his captives, "that
+we immediately understood each other, either by words or signs." This
+was his message to expectant Europe. His journal is far from conveying
+that impression.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. November 14.]
+
+The ships now steered east-by-south, passing mountainous lands, which on
+November 14 he tried to approach. After a while he discovered a harbor,
+which he could enter, and found it filled with lofty wooded islands,
+some pointed and some flat at the top. He was quite sure he had now got
+among the islands which are made to swarm on the Asiatic coast in the
+early accounts and maps. He now speaks of his practice in all his
+landings to set up and leave a cross. He observed, also, a promontory in
+the bay fit for a fortress, and caught a strange fish resembling a hog.
+He was at this time embayed in the King's Garden, as the archipelago is
+called.
+
+[Sidenote: Pinzon deserts.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. November 23.]
+
+Shortly after this, when they had been baffled in their courses, Martin
+Alonso Pinzon, incited, as the record says, by his cupidity to find the
+stores of gold to which some of his Indian captives had directed him,
+disregarded the Admiral's signals, and sailed away in the "Pinta." The
+flagship kept a light for him all night, at the mast-head; but in the
+morning the caravel was out of sight. The Admiral takes occasion in his
+journal to remark that this was not the first act of Pinzon's
+insubordination. On Friday, November 23, the vessels approached a
+headland, which the Indians called Bohio.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. November 24.]
+
+The prisoners here began to manifest fear, for it was a spot where the
+one-eyed people and the cannibals dwelt; but on Saturday, November 24,
+the ships were forced back into the gulf with the many islands, where
+Columbus found a desirable roadstead, which he had not before
+discovered.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. November 25.]
+
+On Sunday, exploring in a boat, he found in a stream "certain stones
+which shone with spots of a golden hue; and recollecting that gold was
+found in the river Tagus near the sea, he entertained no doubt that this
+was the metal, and directed that a collection of the stones should be
+made to carry to the King and Queen." It becomes noticeable, as Columbus
+goes on, that every new place surpasses all others; the atmosphere is
+better; the trees are more marvelous. He now found pines fit for masts,
+and secured some for the "Nina."
+
+As he coasted the next day along what he believed to be a continental
+coast, he tried in his journal to account for the absence of towns in so
+beautiful a country. That there were inhabitants he knew, for he found
+traces of them on going ashore. He had discovered that all the natives
+had a great dread of a people whom they called Caniba or Canima, and he
+argued that the towns were kept back from the coast to avoid the chances
+of the maritime attacks of this fierce people. There was no doubt in the
+mind of Columbus that these inroads were conducted by subjects of the
+Great Khan.
+
+While he was still stretching his course along this coast, observing its
+harbors, seeing more signs of habitation, and attempting to hold
+intercourse with the frightened natives, now anchoring in some haven,
+and now running up adjacent rivers in a galley, he found time to jot
+down in this journal for the future perusal of his sovereigns some of
+his suspicions, prophecies, and determinations. He complains of the
+difficulty of understanding his prisoners, and seems conscious of his
+frequent misconceptions of their meaning. He says he has lost confidence
+in them, and somewhat innocently imagines that they would escape if they
+could! Then he speaks of a determination to acquire their language,
+which he supposes to be the same through all the region. "In this way,"
+he adds, "we can learn the riches of the country, and make endeavors to
+convert these people to our religion, for they are without even the
+faith of an idolater." He descants upon the salubrity of the air; not
+one of his crew had had any illness, "except an old man, all his life a
+sufferer from the stone." There is at times a somewhat amusing innocence
+in his conclusions, as when finding a cake of wax in one of the houses,
+which Las Casas thinks was brought from Yucatan, he "was of the opinion
+that where wax was found there must be a great many other valuable
+commodities."
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 4.]
+
+[Sidenote: Leaves Cuba or Juana.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bohio. Española.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tortuga.]
+
+The ships were now detained in their harbor for several days, during
+which the men made excursions, and found a populous country; they
+succeeded at times in getting into communication with the natives.
+Finally, on December 4, he left the Puerto Santo, as he called it, and
+coasting along easterly he reached the next day the extreme eastern end
+of what we now know to be Cuba, or Juana as he had named it, after
+Prince Juan. Cruising about, he seems to have had an apprehension that
+the land he had been following might not after all be the main, for he
+appears to have looked around the southerly side of this end of Cuba and
+to have seen the southwesterly trend of its coast. He observed, the same
+day, land in the southeast, which his Indians called Bohio, and this was
+subsequently named Española. Las Casas explains that Columbus here
+mistook the Indian word meaning house for the name of the island, which
+was really in their tongue called Haiti. It is significant of the
+difficulty in identifying the bays and headlands of the journal, that at
+this point Las Casas puts on one side, and Navarrete on the opposite
+side, of the passage dividing Cuba from Española, one of the capes which
+Columbus indicates. Changing his course for this lofty island, he
+dispatched the "Nina" to search its shore and find a harbor. That night
+the Admiral's ship beat about, waiting for daylight. When it came, he
+took his observations of the coast, and espying an island separated by a
+wide channel from the other land, he named this island Tortuga. Finding
+his way into a harbor--the present St. Nicholas--he declares that a
+thousand caracks could sail about in it. Here he saw, as before, large
+canoes, and many natives, who fled on his approach. The Spaniards soon
+began as they went on to observe lofty and extensive mountains, "the
+whole country appearing like Castile." They saw another reminder of
+Spain as they were rowing about a harbor, which they entered, and which
+was opposite Tortuga, when a skate leaped into their boat, and the
+Admiral records it as a first instance in which they had seen a fish
+similar to those of the Spanish waters. He says, too, that he heard on
+the shore nightingales "and other Spanish birds," mistaking of course
+their identity. He saw myrtles and other trees "like those of Castile."
+There was another obvious reference to the old country in the name of
+Española, which he now bestowed upon the island. He could find few of
+the inhabitants, and conjectured that their towns were back from the
+coast. The men, however, captured a handsome young woman who wore a bit
+of gold at her nose; and having bestowed upon her gifts, let her go.
+Soon after, the Admiral sent a party to a town of a thousand houses,
+thinking the luck of the woman would embolden the people to have a
+parley. The inhabitants fled in fear at first; but growing bolder came
+in great crowds, and brought presents of parrots.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus finds his latitude.]
+
+It was here that Columbus took his latitude and found it to be
+17°,--while in fact it was 20°. The journal gives numerous instances
+during all these explorations of the bestowing of names upon headlands
+and harbors, few of which have remained to this day. It was a common
+custom to make such use of a Saint's name on his natal day.
+
+[Sidenote: Saints' names.]
+
+Dr. Shea in a paper which he published in 1876, in the first volume of
+the _American Catholic Quarterly_, has emphasized the help which the
+Roman nomenclature of Saints' days, given to rivers and headlands,
+affords to the geographical student in tracking the early explorers
+along the coasts of the New World. This method of tracing the progress
+of maritime discovery suggested itself early to Oviedo, and has been
+appealed to by Henry C. Murphy and other modern authorities on this
+subject.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 14.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tortuga.]
+
+Finally, on Friday, December 14, they sailed out of the harbor toward
+Tortuga. He found this island to be under extensive cultivation like a
+plain of Cordoba. The wind not holding for him to take the course which
+he wished to run, Columbus returned to his last harbor, the Puerto de la
+Concepcion. Again on Saturday he left it, and standing across to Tortuga
+once more, he went towards the shore and proceeded up a stream in his
+boats. The inhabitants fled as he approached, and burning fires in
+Tortuga as well as in Española seemed to be signals that the Spaniards
+were moving.
+
+[Sidenote: Babeque.]
+
+During the night, proceeding along the channel between the two islands,
+the Admiral met and took on board a solitary Indian in his canoe. The
+usual gifts were put upon him, and when the ships anchored near a
+village, he was sent ashore with the customary effect. The beach soon
+swarmed with people, gathered with their king, and some came on board.
+The Spaniards got from them without difficulty the bits of gold which
+they wore at their ears and noses. One of the captive Indians who talked
+with the king told this "youth of twenty-one," that the Spaniards had
+come from heaven and were going to Babeque to find gold; and the king
+told the Admiral's messenger, who delivered to him a present, that if he
+sailed in a certain course two days he would arrive there. This is the
+last we hear of Babeque, a place Columbus never found, at least under
+that name. Humboldt remarks that Columbus mentions the name of Babeque
+more than fourteen times in his journal, but it cannot certainly be
+identified with Española, as the _Historie_ of 1571 declares it to be.
+D'Avezac has since shared Humboldt's view. Las Casas hesitatingly
+thought it might have referred to Jamaica.
+
+Then the journal describes the country, saying that the land is lofty,
+but that the highest mountains are arable, and that the trees are so
+luxuriant that they become black rather than green. The journal further
+describes this new people as stout and courageous, very different from
+the timid islanders of other parts, and without religion. With his usual
+habit of contradiction, Columbus goes on immediately to speak of their
+pusillanimity, saying that three Spaniards were more than a match for a
+thousand of them. He prefigures their fate in calling them "well-fitted
+to be governed and set to work to till the land and do whatsoever is
+necessary."
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 17.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cannibals.]
+
+It was on Monday, December 17, while lying off Española, that the
+Spaniards got for the first time something more than rumor respecting
+the people of Caniba or the cannibals. These new evidences were certain
+arrows which the natives showed to them, and which they said had
+belonged to those man-eaters. They were pieces of cane, tipped with
+sticks which had been hardened by fire.
+
+[Sidenote: Cacique.]
+
+"They were exhibited by two Indians who had lost some flesh from their
+bodies, eaten out by the cannibals. This the Admiral did not believe."
+It was now, too, that the Spaniards found gold in larger quantities than
+they had seen it before. They saw some beaten into thin plates. The
+cacique--here this word appears for the first time--cut a plate as big
+as his hand into pieces and bartered them, promising to have more to
+exchange the next day. He gave the Spaniards to understand that there
+was more gold in Tortuga than in Española. It is to be remarked, also,
+in the Admiral's account, that while "Our Lord" is not recorded as
+indicating to him any method of converting the poor heathen, it was "Our
+Lord" who was now about to direct the Admiral to Babeque.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 18.]
+
+The next day, December 18, the Admiral lay at anchor, both because wind
+failed him, and because he would be able to see the gold which the
+cacique had promised to bring. It also gave him an opportunity to deck
+his ships and fire his guns in honor of the Annunciation of the Blessed
+Virgin.
+
+In due time the king appeared, borne on a sort of litter by his men, and
+boarding the ship, that chieftain found Columbus at table in his cabin.
+The cacique was placed beside the Admiral, and similar viands and drinks
+were placed before him, of which he partook. Two of his dusky followers,
+sitting at his feet, followed their master in the act. Columbus,
+observing that the hangings of his bed had attracted the attention of
+the savage, gave them to him, and added to the present some amber beads
+from his own neck, some red shoes, and a flask of orange-flower water.
+"This day," says the record, "little gold was obtained; but an old man
+indicated that at a distance of a hundred leagues or more were some
+islands, where much gold could be found, and in some it was so plentiful
+that it was collected and bolted with sieves, then melted and beaten
+into divers forms. One of the islands was said to be all gold, and the
+Admiral determined to go in the direction which this man pointed."
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 20.]
+
+[Sidenote: St. Thomas Island.]
+
+That night they tried in vain to stand out beyond Tortuga, but on the
+20th of December, the record places the ships in a harbor between a
+little island, which Columbus called St. Thomas, and the main island.
+During the following day, December 21, he surveyed the roadstead, and
+going about the region in his boats, he had a number of interviews with
+the natives, which ended with an interchange of gifts and courtesies.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 22.]
+
+On Saturday, December 22, they encountered some people, sent by a
+neighboring cacique, whom the Admiral's own Indians could not readily
+understand, the first of this kind mentioned in the journal. Writing in
+regard to a party which Columbus at this time sent to visit a large town
+not far off, he speaks of having his secretary accompany them, in order
+to repress the Spaniards' greediness,--an estimate of his followers
+which the Admiral had not before suffered himself to record, if we can
+trust the Las Casas manuscript. The results of this foray were three fat
+geese and some bits of gold. As he entered the adventure in his journal,
+he dwelt on the hope of gold being on the island in abundance, and if
+only the spot could be found, it might be got for little or nothing.
+"Our Lord, in whose hands are all things, be my help," he cries. "Our
+Lord, in his mercy, direct me where I may find the gold mine."
+
+[Sidenote: Cibao.]
+
+The Admiral now learns the name of another chief officer, Nitayno, whose
+precise position was not apparent, but Las Casas tells us later that
+this word was the title of one nearest in rank to the cacique. When an
+Indian spoke of a place named Cibao, far to the east, where the king had
+banners made of plates of gold, the Admiral, in his eager confidence,
+had no hesitation in identifying it with Cipango and its gorgeous
+prince. It proved to be the place where in the end the best mines were
+found.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 23.]
+
+In speaking of the next day, Sunday, December 23, Las Casas tells us
+that Columbus was not in the habit of sailing on Sunday, not because he
+was superstitious, but because he was pious; but that he did not omit
+the opportunity at this time of coursing the coast, "in order to display
+the symbols of Redemption."
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus shipwrecked.]
+
+Christmas found them in distress. The night before, everything looking
+favorable, and the vessel sailing along quietly, Columbus had gone to
+bed, being much in need of rest. The helmsman put a boy at the tiller
+and went to sleep. The rest of the crew were not slow to do the same.
+The vessel was in this condition, with no one but the boy awake, when,
+carried out of her course by the current, she struck a sand bank. The
+cry of the boy awakened the Admiral, and he was the first to discover
+the danger of their situation. He ordered out a boat's crew to carry an
+anchor astern, but, bewildered or frightened, the men pulled for the
+"Nina." The crew of that caravel warned them off, to do their duty, and
+sent their own boat to assist. Help, however, availed nothing. The
+"Santa Maria" had careened, and her seams were opening. Her mast had
+been cut away, but she failed to right herself. The Admiral now
+abandoned her and rowed to the "Nina" with his men. Communicating with
+the cacique in the morning, that chieftain sent many canoes to assist in
+unloading the ship, so that in a short time everything of value was
+saved. This assistance gave occasion for mutual confidences between the
+Spaniards and the natives. "They are a loving, uncovetous people," he
+enters in his journal. One wonders, with the later experience of his new
+friends, if the cacique could have said as much in return. The Admiral
+began to be convinced that "the Lord had permitted the shipwreck in
+order that he might choose this place for a settlement." The canonizers
+go further and say, "the shipwreck made him an engineer."
+
+Irving, whose heedless embellishments of the story of these times may
+amuse the pastime reader, but hardly satisfy the student, was not blind
+to the misfortunes of what Columbus at the time called the divine
+interposition. "This shipwreck," Irving says, "shackled and limited all
+Columbus's future discoveries. It linked his fortunes for the remainder
+of his life to this island, which was doomed to be to him a source of
+cares and troubles, to involve him in a thousand perplexities, and to
+becloud his declining years with humiliation and disappointment."
+
+[Sidenote: Fort built.]
+
+The saving of his stores and the loss of his ship had indeed already
+suggested what some of his men had asked for, that they might be left
+there, while the Admiral returned to Spain with the tidings of the
+discovery, if--as the uncomfortable thought sprung up in his mind--he
+had not already been anticipated by the recreant commander of the
+"Pinta." Accordingly Columbus ordered the construction of a fort, with
+tower and ditch, and arrangements were soon made to provide bread and
+wine for more than a year, beside seed for the next planting-time. The
+ship's long-boat could be left; and a calker, carpenter, cooper,
+engineer, tailor, and surgeon could be found among his company, to be of
+the party who were to remain and "search for the gold mine." He says
+that he expected they would collect a ton of gold in the interval of his
+absence; "for I have before protested to your Highnesses," he adds as he
+makes an entry for his sovereigns to read, "that the profits shall go to
+making a conquest of Jerusalem."
+
+[Sidenote: Garrison of La Navidad.]
+
+We know the names of those who agreed to stay on the island. Navarrete
+discovered the list in a proclamation made in 1507 to pay what was due
+them to their next of kin. This list gives forty names, though some
+accounts of the voyage say they numbered a few less. The company
+included the Irishman and Englishman already mentioned.
+
+[Sidenote: 1492. December 27.]
+
+[Sidenote: December 30.]
+
+[Sidenote: December 31.]
+
+On the 27th of December, Columbus got the first tidings of the "Pinta"
+since she deserted him; and he sent a Spaniard, with Indians to handle
+the canoe, to a harbor at the end of the island, where he supposed
+Pinzon's ship to be. Columbus was now perfecting his plans for the fort,
+and tried to make out if Guacanagari, the king, was not trying to
+conceal from him the situation of the mines. On Sunday, December 30, the
+Spanish and native leaders vied with each other in graciousness. The
+savage put his crown upon the Admiral. Columbus took off his necklace
+and scarlet cloak and placed them on the king. He clothed the savage's
+naked feet with buskins and decked the dusky hand with a silver ring. On
+Monday, work was resumed in preparing for their return to Spain, for,
+with the "Pinta" gone--for the canoe sent to find her had returned
+unsuccessful--and the "Nina" alone remaining, it was necessary to
+diminish the risk attending the enterprise.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. January 2.]
+
+On January 2, 1493, there was to be leave-taking of the cacique. To
+impart to him and to his people a dread of Spanish power, in the
+interests of those to be left, he made an exhibition of the force of his
+bombards, by sending a shot clean through the hull of the dismantled
+wreck. It is curious to observe how Irving, with a somewhat cheap
+melodramatic instinct, makes this shot tear through a beautiful grove
+like a bolt from heaven!
+
+The king made some return by ordering an effigy of Columbus to be
+finished in gold, in ten days,--as at least so Columbus understood
+one of his Indians to announce the cacique's purpose.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. January 4.]
+
+[Sidenote: January 6.]
+
+Having commissioned Diego de Arana as commander and Pedro Gutierrez and
+Roderigo de Escoveda to act as his lieutenants of the fort and its
+thirty-nine men, Columbus now embarked, but not before he had addressed
+all sorts of good advice to those he was to leave behind,--advice that
+did no good, if the subsequent events are clearly divined. It was not,
+however, till Friday, January 4, 1493, that the wind permitted him to
+stand out of the harbor of the Villa de Navidad, as he had named the
+fort and settlement from the fact of his shipwreck there on the day of
+the nativity. Two days later they met the "Pinta," and Pinzon, her
+commander, soon boarded the Admiral to explain his absence, "saying he
+had left against his will." The Admiral doubted such professions; but
+did not think it prudent to show active resentment, as Las Casas tells
+us. The fact apparently was that Pinzon had not found the gold he went
+in search of and so he had returned to meet his commander. He had been
+coasting the island for over twenty days, and had been seen by the
+natives, who made the report to the Admiral already mentioned. Some
+Indians whom he had taken captive were subsequently released by the
+Admiral, for the usual ulterior purpose. It is curious to observe how an
+act of kidnapping which emulated the Admiral's, if done by Pinzon, is
+called by the canonizers, "joining violence to rapine."
+
+[Sidenote: Jamaica.]
+
+At this time Columbus records his first intelligence respecting an
+island, Yamaye, south of Cuba, which seems to have been Jamaica, where,
+as he learned, gold was to be found in grains of the size of beans,
+while in Española the grains were nearly the size of kernels of wheat.
+He was also informed of an island to the east, inhabited by women only.
+He also understood that the people of the continent to the south were
+clothed, and did not go naked like those of the islands.
+
+Both vessels now having made a harbor, and the "Nina" beginning to leak,
+a day was spent in calking her seams. Columbus was not without
+apprehension that the two brothers, Martin Alonso Pinzon of the "Pinta,"
+and Vicente Jañez Pinzon who had commanded the "Nina," might now with
+their adherents combine for mischief. He was accordingly all the more
+anxious to hasten his departure, without further following the coast of
+Española. Going up a river to replenish his water, he found on taking
+the casks on board that the crevices of the hoops had gathered fine bits
+of gold from the stream. This led him to count the neighboring streams,
+which he supposed might also contain gold.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus sees mermaids.]
+
+It was not only gold which he saw. Three mermaids stood high out of the
+water, with not very comely faces to be sure, but similar to those of
+human beings; and he recalled having seen the like on the pepper coast
+in Guinea. The commentators suppose they may have been sea-calves
+indistinctly seen.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. January 10. The ships sail for Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: January 12. Caribs.]
+
+The two ships started once more on the 10th, sometimes lying to at night
+for fear of shoals, making and naming cape after cape. On the 12th,
+entering a harbor, Columbus discovered an Indian, whom he took for a
+Carib, as he had learned to call the cannibals which he so often heard
+of. His own Indians did not wholly understand this strange savage. When
+they sent him ashore the Spaniards found fifty-five Indians armed with
+bows and wooden swords. They were prevailed upon at first to hold
+communication; but soon showed a less friendly spirit, and Columbus for
+the first time records a fight, in which several of the natives were
+wounded. An island to the eastward was now supposed to be the Carib
+region, and he desired to capture some of its natives. Navarrete
+supposes that Porto Rico is here referred to. He also observed, as his
+vessels went easterly, that he was encountering some of the same sort of
+seaweed which he had sailed through when steering west, and it occurred
+to him that perhaps these islands stretched easterly, so as really to be
+not far distant from the Canaries. It may be observed that this
+propinquity of the new islands to those of the Atlantic, longer known,
+was not wholly eradicated from the maps till well into the earlier years
+of the sixteenth century.
+
+[Sidenote: Caribs and Amazons.]
+
+They had secured some additional Indians near where they had had their
+fight, and one of them now directed Columbus towards the island of the
+Caribs. The leaks of the vessels increasing and his crews desponding,
+Columbus soon thought it more prudent to shift his course for Spain
+direct, supposing at the same time that it would take him near Matinino,
+where the tribe of women lived. He had gotten the story somehow, very
+likely by a credulous adaptation of Marco Polo, that the Caribs visited
+this island once a year and reclaimed the male offspring, leaving the
+female young to keep up the tribe.
+
+In following the Admiral along these coasts of Cuba and Española, no
+attempt has here been made to identify all his bays and rivers.
+Navarrete and the other commentators have done so, but not always with
+agreement.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. January 16.]
+
+On the 16th, they had their last look at a distant cape of Española, and
+were then in the broad ocean, with seaweed and tunnies and pelicans to
+break its monotony. The "Pinta," having an unsound mast, lagged behind,
+and so the "Nina" had to slacken sail.
+
+[Sidenote: Homeward voyage.]
+
+Columbus now followed a course which for a long time, owing to defects
+in the methods of ascertaining longitude, was the mariner's readiest
+recourse to reach his port. This was to run up his latitudes to that of
+his destination, and then follow the parallel till he sighted a familiar
+landmark.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. February 10.]
+
+[Sidenote: February 13.]
+
+[Sidenote: A gale.]
+
+By February 10, when they began to compare reckonings, Columbus placed
+his position in the latitude of Flores, while the others thought they
+were on a more southern course, and a hundred and fifty leagues nearer
+Spain. By the 12th it was apparent that a gale was coming on. The next
+day, February 13, the storm increased. During the following night both
+vessels took in all sail and scudded before the wind. They lost sight of
+each other's lights, and never joined company. The "Pinta" with her weak
+mast was blown away to the north. The Admiral's ship could bear the gale
+better, but as his ballast was insufficient, he had to fill his water
+casks with sea-water. Sensible of their peril, his crew made vows, to be
+kept if they were saved. They drew lots to determine who should carry a
+wax taper of five pounds to St. Mary of Guadalupe, and the penance fell
+to the Admiral. A sailor by another lot was doomed to make a pilgrimage
+to St. Mary of Lorette in the papal territory. A third lot was drawn for
+a night watch at St. Clara de Mogues, and it fell upon Columbus. Then
+they all vowed to pay their devotions at the nearest church of Our Lady
+if only they got ashore alive.
+
+[Sidenote: A narrative of his voyage thrown overboard.]
+
+There was one thought which more than another troubled Columbus at this
+moment, and this was that in case his ship foundered, the world might
+never know of his success, for he was apprehensive that the "Pinta" had
+already foundered. Not to alarm the crew, he kept from them the fact
+that a cask which they had seen him throw overboard contained an account
+of his voyage, written on parchment, rolled in a waxed cloth. He trusted
+to the chance of some one finding it. He placed a similar cask on the
+poop, to be washed off in case the ship went down. He does not mention
+this in the journal.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. January 15.]
+
+[Sidenote: January 16. Land seen.]
+
+[Sidenote: At the Azores.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. February 18.]
+
+After sunset on the 15th there were signs of clearing in the west, and
+the waves began to fall. The next morning at sunrise there was land
+ahead. Now came the test of their reckoning. Some thought it the rock of
+Cintra near Lisbon; others said Madeira; Columbus decided they were near
+the Azores. The land was soon made out to be an island; but a head wind
+thwarted them. Other land was next seen astern. While they were saying
+their _Salve_ in the evening, some of the crew discerned a light to
+leeward, which might have been on the island first seen. Then later they
+saw another island, but night and the clouds obscured it too much to be
+recognized. The journal is blank for the 17th of February, except that
+under the next day, the 18th, Columbus records that after sunset of the
+17th they sailed round an island to find an anchorage; but being
+unsuccessful in the search they beat out to sea again. In the morning of
+the 18th they stood in, discovered an anchorage, sent a boat ashore, and
+found it was St. Mary's of the Azores. Columbus was right!
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. February 21.]
+
+After sunset he received some provisions, which Juan de Casteñeda, the
+Portuguese governor of the island, had sent to him. Meanwhile three
+Spaniards whom Columbus sent ashore had failed to return, not a little
+to his disturbance, for he was aware that there might be among the
+Portuguese some jealousy of his success. To fulfill one of the vows made
+during the gale, he now sent one half his crew ashore in penitential
+garments to a hermitage near the shore, intending on their return to go
+himself with the other half. The record then reads: "The men being at
+their devotion, they were attacked by Casteñeda with horse and foot,
+and made prisoners." Not being able to see the hermitage from his
+anchorage, and not suspecting this event, but still anxious, he made
+sail and proceeded till he got a view of the spot. Now he saw the
+horsemen, and how presently they dismounted, and with arms in their
+hands, entering a boat, approached the ship. Then followed a parley, in
+which Columbus thought he discovered a purpose of the Portuguese to
+capture him, and they on their part discovered it to be not quite safe
+to board the Admiral. To enforce his dignity and authority as a
+representative of the sovereigns of Castile, he held up to the boats his
+commission with its royal insignia; and reminded them that his
+instructions had been to treat all Portuguese ships with respect, since
+a spirit of amity existed between the two Crowns. It behooved the
+Portuguese, as he told them, to be wary lest by any hostile act they
+brought upon themselves the indignation of those higher in authority.
+The lofty bearing of Casteñeda continuing, Columbus began to fear that
+hostilities might possibly have broken out between Spain and Portugal.
+So the interview ended with little satisfaction to either, and the
+Admiral returned to his old anchorage. The next day, to work off the lee
+shore, they sailed for St. Michael's, and the weather continuing stormy
+he found himself crippled in having but three experienced seamen among
+the crew which remained to him. So not seeing St. Michael's they again
+bore away, on Thursday the 21st, for St. Mary's, and again reached their
+former anchorage.
+
+The storms of these latter days here induced Columbus in his journal to
+recall how placid the sea had been among those other new-found islands,
+and how likely it was the terrestrial] paradise was in that region, as
+theologians and learned philosophers had supposed. From these thoughts
+he was aroused by a boat from shore with a notary on board, and
+Columbus, after completing his entertainment of the visitors, was asked
+to show his royal commission. He records his belief that this was done
+to give the Portuguese an opportunity of retreating from their
+belligerent attitude. At all events it had that effect, and the
+Spaniards who had been restrained were at once released. It is surmised
+that the conduct of Casteñeda was in conformity with instructions from
+Lisbon, to detain Columbus should he find his way to any dependency of
+the Portuguese crown.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. February 24.]
+
+[Sidenote: February 25.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rock of Cintra seen.]
+
+[Sidenote: In the Tagus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sends letter to the king of Portugal.]
+
+On Sunday, the 24th, the ship again put out to sea; on Wednesday, they
+encountered another gale; and on the following Sunday, they were again
+in such peril that they made new vows. At daylight the next day, some
+land which they had seen in the night, not without gloomy apprehension
+of being driven upon it, proved to be the rock of Cintra. The mouth of
+the Tagus was before them, and the people of the adjacent town,
+observing the peril of the strange ship, offered prayers for its safety.
+The entrance of the river was safely made and the multitude welcomed
+them. Up the Tagus they went to Rastelo, and anchored at about three
+o'clock in the afternoon. Here Columbus learned that the wintry
+roughness which he had recently experienced was but a part of the
+general severity of the season. From this place he dispatched a
+messenger to Spain to convey the news of his arrival to his sovereigns,
+and at the same time he sent a letter to the king of Portugal, then
+sojourning nine leagues away. He explained in it how he had asked the
+hospitality of a Portuguese port, because the Spanish sovereigns had
+directed him to do so, if he needed supplies. He further informed the
+king that he had come from the "Indies," which he had reached by sailing
+west. He hoped he would be allowed to bring his caravel to Lisbon, to be
+more secure; for rumors of a lading of gold might incite reckless
+persons, in so lonely a place as he then lay, to deeds of violence.
+
+[Sidenote: Name of India.]
+
+The _Historie_ says that Columbus had determined beforehand to call
+whatever land he should discover, India, because he thought India was a
+name to suggest riches, and to invite encouragement for his project.
+
+While this letter to the Portuguese king was in transit, the attempt was
+made by certain officers of the Portuguese navy in the port of Rastelo
+to induce Columbus to leave his ship and give an account of himself; but
+he would make no compromise of the dignity of a Castilian admiral. When
+his resentment was known and his commission was shown, the Portuguese
+officers changed their policy to one of courtesy.
+
+The next day, and on the one following, the news of his arrival being
+spread about, a vast multitude came in boats from all parts to see him
+and his Indians.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. March 8.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus visits the king.]
+
+On the third day, a royal messenger brought an invitation from the king
+to come and visit the court, which Columbus, not without apprehension,
+accepted. The king's steward had been sent to accompany him and provide
+for his entertainment on the way. On the night of the following day, he
+reached Val do Paraiso, where the king was. This spot was nine leagues
+from Lisbon, and it was supposed that his reception was not held in that
+city because a pest was raging there. A royal greeting was given to him.
+The king affected to believe that the voyage of Columbus was made to
+regions which the Portuguese had been allowed to occupy by a convention
+agreed upon with Spain in 1479. The Admiral undeceived him, and showed
+the king that his ships had not been near Guinea.
+
+We have another account of this interview at Val do Paraiso, in the
+pages of the Portuguese historian, Barros, tinged, doubtless, with
+something of pique and prejudice, because the profit of the voyage had
+not been for the benefit of Portugal. That historian charges Columbus
+with extravagance, and even insolence, in his language to the king. He
+says that Columbus chided the monarch for the faithlessness that had
+lost him such an empire. He is represented as launching these rebukes so
+vehemently that the attending nobles were provoked to a degree which
+prompted whispers of assassination. That Columbus found his first harbor
+in the Tagus has given other of the older Portuguese writers, like Faria
+y Sousa, in his _Europa Portuguesa_, and Vasconcelles and Resende, in
+their lives of João II., occasion to represent that his entering it was
+not so much induced by stress of weather as to seek a triumph over the
+Portuguese king in the first flush of the news. It is also said that the
+resolution was formed by the king to avail himself of the knowledge of
+two Portuguese who were found among Columbus's men. With their aid he
+proposed to send an armed expedition to take possession of the new-found
+regions before Columbus could fit out a fleet for a second voyage.
+Francisco de Almeida was even selected, according to the report, to
+command this force. We hear, however, nothing more of it, and the Bull
+of Demarcation put an end to all such rivalries.
+
+If, on the contrary, we may believe Columbus himself, in a letter which
+he subsequently wrote, he did not escape being suspected in Spain of
+having thus put himself in the power of the Portuguese in order to
+surrender the Indies to them.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. March 11. Columbus leaves the court.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sails from the Tagus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Reaches Palos, March 15, 1493.]
+
+Spending Sunday at court, Columbus departed on Monday, March 11, having
+first dispatched messages to the King and Queen of Spain. An escort of
+knights was provided for him, and taking the monastery of Villafranca on
+his way, he kissed the hand of the Portuguese queen, who was there
+lodging, and journeying on, arrived at his caravel on Tuesday night. The
+next day he put to sea, and on Thursday morning was off Cape St.
+Vincent. The next morning they were off the island of Saltes, and
+crossing bar with the flood, he anchored on March 15, 1493, not far from
+noon, where he had unmoored the "Santa Maria" over seven months before.
+
+"I made the passage thither in seventy-one days," he says in his
+published letter; "and back in forty-eight, during thirteen of which
+number I was driven about by storms."
+
+[Sidenote: The "Pinta's" experiences.]
+
+The "Pinta," which had parted company with the Admiral on the 14th of
+February, had been driven by the gale into Bayona, a port of Gallicia,
+in the northwest corner of Spain, whence Pinzon, its commander, had
+dispatched a messenger to give information of his arrival and of his
+intended visit to the Court. A royal order peremptorily stayed, however,
+his projected visit, and left the first announcement of the news to be
+proclaimed by Columbus himself. This is the story which later writers
+have borrowed from the _Historie_.
+
+[Sidenote: She reaches Palos.]
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Pinzon.]
+
+Oviedo tells us that the "Pinta" put to sea again from the Gallician
+harbor, and entered the port of Palos on the same day with Columbus, but
+her commander, fearing arrest or other unpleasantness, kept himself
+concealed till Columbus had started for Barcelona. Not many days later
+Pinzon died in his own house in Palos. Las Casas would have us believe
+that his death arose from mortification at the displeasure of his
+sovereigns; but Harrisse points out that when Charles V. bestowed a
+coat-armor on the family, he recognized his merit as the discoverer of
+Española. There is little trustworthy information on the matter, and
+Muñoz, whose lack of knowledge prompts inferences on his part,
+represents that it was Pinzon's request to explain his desertion of
+Columbus, which was neglected by the Court, and impressed him with the
+royal displeasure.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+COLUMBUS IN SPAIN AGAIN; MARCH TO SEPTEMBER, 1493.
+
+
+Peter Martyr tells us of the common ignorance and dread pervading the
+ordinary ranks of society, before and during the absence of Columbus, in
+respect to all that part of the earth's circumference which the sun
+looked upon beyond Gades, till it again cast its rays upon the Golden
+Chersonesus. During this absence from the known and habitable regions of
+the globe, that orb was thought to sweep over the ominous and foreboding
+Sea of Darkness. No one could tell how wide that sea was. The learned
+disagreed in their estimates. A conception, far under the actual
+condition, had played no small part in making the voyage of Columbus
+possible. Men possessed legends of its mysteries. Fables of its many
+islands were repeated; but no one then living was credibly thought to
+have tested its glooms except by sailing a little beyond the outermost
+of the Azores.
+
+[Sidenote: Palos aroused at the return of Columbus.]
+
+It calls for no stretch of the imagination to picture the public
+sentiment in little Palos during the months of anxiety which many
+households had endured since that August morning, when in its dim light
+Columbus, the Pinzons, and all their companions had been wafted gently
+out to sea by the current and the breeze. The winter had been unusually
+savage and weird. The navigators to the Atlantic islands had reported
+rough passages, and the ocean had broken wildly for long intervals along
+the rocks and sands of the peninsular shores. It is a natural movement
+of the mind to wrap the absent in the gloom of the present hour; and
+while Columbus had been passing along the gentle waters of the new
+archipelago, his actual experiences had been in strange contrast to the
+turmoil of the sea as it washed the European shores. He had indeed
+suffered on his return voyage the full tumultuousness of the elements,
+and we can hardly fail to recognize the disquiet of mind and falling of
+heart which those savage gales must have given to the kin and friends
+of the untraceable wanderers.
+
+The stories, then, which we have of the thanksgiving and jubilation of
+the people of Palos, when the "Nina" was descried passing the bar of the
+river, fall readily among the accepted truths of history. We can imagine
+how despondency vanished amid the acclaims of exultation; how multitudes
+hung upon the words of strange revelations; how the gaping populace
+wondered at the bedecked Indians; and how throngs of people opened a way
+that Columbus might lead the votive procession to the church. The
+canonizers of course read between the lines of the records that it was
+to the Church of Rabida that Columbus with his men now betook
+themselves. It matters little.
+
+There was much to mar the delight of some in the households. Comforting
+reports must be told of those who were left at La Navidad. No one had
+died, unless the gale had submerged the "Pinta" and her crew. She had
+not been seen since the "Nina" parted with her in the gale.
+
+The story of her rescue has already been told. She entered the river
+before the rejoicings of the day were over, and relieved the remaining
+anxiety.
+
+[Sidenote: The Court at Barcelona.]
+
+The Spanish Court was known to be at this time at Barcelona, the Catalan
+port on the Mediterranean. Columbus's first impulse was to proceed
+thither in his caravel; but his recent hazards made him prudent, and so
+dispatching a messenger to the Court, he proceeded to Seville to wait
+their majesties' commands. Of the native prisoners which he had brought
+away, one had died at sea, three were too sick to follow him, and were
+left at Palos, while six accompanied him on his journey.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. March 30. Columbus summoned to Court.]
+
+The messenger with such startling news had sped quickly; and Columbus
+did not wait long for a response to his letter. The document (March 30)
+showed that the event had made a deep impression on the Court. The new
+domain of the west dwarfed for a while the conquests from the Moors.
+There was great eagerness to complete the title, and gather its wealth.
+Columbus was accordingly instructed to set in motion at once measures
+for a new expedition, and then to appear at Court and explain to the
+monarchs what action on their part was needful. The demand was promptly
+answered; and having organized the necessary arrangements in Seville for
+the preparation of a fleet, he departed for Barcelona to make homage to
+his sovereigns. His Indians accompanied him. Porters bore his various
+wonders from the new islands. His story had preceded him, and town after
+town vied with each other in welcoming him, and passing him on to new
+amazements and honors.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. April. In Barcelona.]
+
+[Sidenote: Received by the sovereigns.]
+
+By the middle of April he approached Barcelona, and was met by throngs
+of people, who conducted him into the city. His Indians, arrayed in
+effective if not accustomed ornament of gold, led the line. Bearers of
+all the marvels of the Indies followed, with their forty parrots and
+other strange birds of liveliest plumage, with the skins of unknown
+animals, with priceless plants that would now supplant the eastern
+spices, and with the precious ornaments of the dusky kings and princes
+whom he had met. Next, on horseback, came Columbus himself, conspicuous
+amid the mounted chivalry of Spain. Thus the procession marched on,
+through crowded streets, amid the shouts of lookers-on, to the alcazar
+of the Moorish kings in the Calle Ancha, at this time the residence of
+the Bishop of Urgil, where it is supposed Ferdinand and Isabella had
+caused their thrones to be set up, with a canopy of brocaded gold
+drooping about them. Here the monarchs awaited the coming of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: King Ferdinand.]
+
+[Sidenote: Queen Isabella.]
+
+Ferdinand, as the accounts picture him, was a man whose moderate stature
+was helped by his erectness and robes to a decided dignity of carriage.
+His expression in the ruddy glow of his complexion, clearness of eye,
+and loftiness of brow, grew gracious in any pleasurable excitement. The
+Queen was a very suitable companion, grave and graceful in her demeanor.
+Her blue eyes and auburn tresses comported with her outwardly benign
+air, and one looked sharply to see anything of her firmness and courage
+in the prevailing sweetness of her manner. The heir apparent, Prince
+Juan, was seated by their side. The dignitaries of the Court were
+grouped about.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus before the Court.]
+
+Las Casas tells us how commanding Columbus looked when he entered the
+room, surrounded by a brilliant company of cavaliers. When he approached
+the royal dais, both monarchs rose to receive him standing; and when he
+stooped to kiss their hands, they gently and graciously lifted him, and
+made him sit as they did. They then asked to be told of what he had
+seen.
+
+As Columbus proceeded in his narrative, he pointed out the visible
+objects of his speech,--the Indians, the birds, the skins, the barbaric
+ornaments, and the stores of gold. We are told of the prayer of the
+sovereigns at the close, in which all joined; and of the chanted _Te
+Deum_ from the choir of the royal chapel, which bore the thoughts of
+every one, says the narrator, on the wings of melody to celestial
+delights. This ceremony ended, Columbus was conducted like a royal guest
+to the lodgings which had been provided for him.
+
+It has been a question if the details of this reception, which are put
+by Irving in imaginative fullness, and are commonly told on such a
+thread of incidents as have been related, are warranted by the scant
+accounts which are furnished us in the _Historie_, in Las Casas, and in
+Peter Martyr, particularly since the incident does not seem to have made
+enough of an impression at the time to have been noticed at all in the
+_Dietaria_ of the city, a record of events embodying those of far
+inferior interest as we would now value them. Mr. George Sumner
+carefully scanned this record many years ago, and could find not the
+slightest reference to the festivities. He fancies that the incidents in
+the mind of the recorder may have lost their significance through an
+Aragonese jealousy of the supremacy of Leon and Castile.
+
+It is certainly true that in Peter Martyr, the contemporary observer of
+this supposed pageantry, there is nothing to warrant the exuberance of
+later writers. Martyr simply says that Columbus was allowed to sit in
+the sovereigns' presence.
+
+Whatever the fact as to details, it seems quite evident that this season
+at Barcelona made the only unalloyed days of happiness, freed of
+anxiety, which Columbus ever experienced. He was observed of all, and
+everybody was complacent to him. His will was apparently law to King and
+subject. Las Casas tells us that he passed among the admiring throngs
+with his face wreathed with smiles of content. An equal complacency of
+delight and expectation settled upon all with whom he talked of the
+wonders of the land which he had found. They dreamed as he did of
+entering into golden cities with their hundred bridges, that might
+cause new exultations, to which the present were as nothing. It was a
+fatal lure to the proud Spanish nature, and no one was doomed to expiate
+the folly of the delusion more poignantly than Columbus himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Spread of the news.]
+
+Now that India had been found by the west, as was believed, and
+Barcelona was very likely palpitating with the thought, the news spread
+in every direction. What were the discoveries of the Phoenicians to
+this? What questions of ethnology, language, species, migrations,
+phenomena of all sorts, in man and in the natural world, were pressing
+upon the mind, as the results were considered? Were not these parrots
+which Columbus had exhibited such as Pliny tells us are in Asia?
+
+The great event had fallen in the midst of geographical development, and
+was understood at last. Marco Polo and the others had told their marvels
+of the east. The navigators of Prince Henry had found new wonders on the
+sea. Regiomontanus, Behaim, and Toscanelli had not communed in vain with
+cosmographical problems. Even errors had been stepping-stones; as when
+the belief in the easterly over-extension of Asia had pictured it near
+enough in the west to convince men that the hazard of the Sea of
+Darkness was not so great after all.
+
+[Sidenote: Peter Martyr records the event.]
+
+Spain was then the centre of much activity of mind. "I am here," records
+Peter Martyr, "at the source of this welcome intelligence from the new
+found lands, and as the historian of such events, I may hope to go down
+to posterity as their recorder." We must remember this profession when
+we try to account for his meagre record of the reception at Barcelona.
+
+That part of the letter of Peter Martyr, dated at Barcelona, on the ides
+of May, 1493, which conveyed to his correspondent the first tidings of
+Columbus's return, is in these words, as translated by Harrisse: "A
+certain Christopher Colonus, a Ligurian, returned from the antipodes. He
+had obtained for that purpose three ships from my sovereigns, with much
+difficulty, because the ideas which he expressed were considered
+extravagant. He came back and brought specimens of many precious things,
+especially gold, which those regions naturally produce." Martyr also
+tells us that when Pomponius Laetus got such news, he could scarcely
+refrain "from tears of joy at so unlooked-for an event." "What more
+delicious food for an ingenious mind!" said Martyr to him in return. "To
+talk with people who have seen all this is elevating to the mind." The
+confidence of Martyr, however, in the belief of Columbus that the true
+Indies had been found was not marked. He speaks of the islands as
+adjacent to, and not themselves, the East.
+
+[Sidenote: The news in England.]
+
+Sebastian Cabot remembered the time when these marvelous tidings reached
+the court of Henry VII. in London, and he tells us that it was accounted
+a "thing more divine than human."
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's first letter.]
+
+A letter which Columbus had written and early dispatched to Barcelona,
+nearly in duplicate, to the treasurers of the two crowns was promptly
+translated into Latin, and was sent to Italy to be issued in numerous
+editions, to be copied in turn by the Paris and Antwerp printers, and a
+little more sluggishly by those of Germany.
+
+[Sidenote: Influence of the event.]
+
+There is, however, singularly little commenting on these events that
+passed into print and has come down to us; and we may well doubt if the
+effect on the public mind, beyond certain learned circles, was at all
+commensurate with what we may now imagine the recognition of so
+important an event ought to have been. Nordenskiöld, studying the
+cartography and literature of the early discoveries in America in his
+_Facsimile Atlas_, is forced to the conclusion that "scarcely any
+discovery of importance was ever received with so much indifference,
+even in circles where sufficient genius and statesmanship ought to have
+prevailed to appreciate the changes they foreshadowed in the development
+of the economical and political conditions of mankind."
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. June 19. Carjaval's oration.]
+
+It happened on June 19, 1493, but a few weeks after the Pope had made
+his first public recognition of the discovery, that the Spanish
+ambassador at the Papal Court, Bernardin de Carjaval, referred in an
+oration to "the unknown lands, lately found, lying towards the Indies;"
+and at about the same time there was but a mere reference to the event
+in the _Los Tratados_ of Doctor Alonso Ortis, published at Seville.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus in favor.]
+
+While this strange bruit was thus spreading more or less, we get some
+glimpses of the personal life of Columbus during these days of his
+sojourn in Barcelona. We hear of him riding through the streets on
+horseback, on one side of the King, with Prince Juan on the other.
+
+[Sidenote: Reward for first seeing land.]
+
+We find record of his being awarded the pension of thirty crowns, as the
+first discoverer of land, by virtue of the mysterious light, and Irving
+thinks that we may condone this theft from the brave sailor who
+unquestionably saw land the first, by remembering that "Columbus's whole
+ambition was involved." It seems to others that his whole character was
+involved.
+
+[Sidenote: Story of the egg.]
+
+We find him a guest at a banquet given by Cardinal Mendoza, and the
+well-known story of his making an egg stand upright, by chipping one end
+of it, is associated with this merriment of the table. An impertinent
+question of a shallow courtier had induced Columbus to show a table full
+of guests that it was easy enough to do anything when the way was
+pointed out. The story, except as belonging to a traditional stock of
+anecdotes, dating far back of Columbus, always ready for an application,
+has no authority earlier than Benzoni, and loses its point in the
+destruction of the end on which the aim was to make it stand. This has
+been so palpable to some of the repeaters of the story that they have
+supposed that the feat was accomplished, not by cracking the end of the
+egg, but by using a quick motion which broke the sack which holds the
+yolk, so that that weightier substance settled at one end, and balanced
+the egg in an upright position.
+
+So passed the time with the new-made hero, in drinking, as Irving
+expresses it, "the honeyed draught of popularity before enmity and
+detraction had time to drug it with bitterness."
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. May 20. Receives a coat of arms.]
+
+We find the sovereigns bestowing upon him, on the 20th of May, a coat of
+arms, which shows a castle and a lion in the upper quarters, and in
+those below, a group of golden islands in a sea of waves, on the one
+hand, and the arms to which his family had been entitled, on the other.
+Humboldt speaks of this archipelago as the first map of America, but he
+apparently knew only Oviedo's description of the arms, for the latter
+places the islands in a gulf formed by a mainland, and in this fashion
+they are grouped in a blazon of the arms which is preserved at the
+Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Paris--a duplicate being at Genoa.
+Harrisse says that this design is the original water-color, made under
+Columbus's eye in 1502. In this picture,--which is the earliest blazonry
+which has come down to us,--the other lower quarter has the five golden
+anchors on a blue ground, which it is claimed was adjudged to Columbus
+as the distinctive badge of an Admiral of Spain. The personal arms are
+relegated to a minor overlying shield at the lower point of the
+escutcheon. Oviedo also says that trees and other objects should be
+figured on the mainland.
+
+[Illustration: THE ARMS OF COLUMBUS.
+
+[From Oviedo's _Cosmica_.]]
+
+The lion and castle of the original grant were simply reminders of the
+arms of Leon and Castile; but Columbus seems, of his own motion, so far
+as Harrisse can discover, to have changed the blazonry of those objects
+in the drawing of 1502 to agree with those of the royal arms. It was by
+the same arrogant license, apparently, that he introduced later the
+continental shore of the archipelago; and Harrisse can find no record
+that the anchors were ever by any authority added to his blazon, nor
+that the professed family arms, borne in connection, had any warrant
+whatever.
+
+The earliest engraved copy of the arms is in the _Historia General_ of
+Oviedo in 1535, where a profile helmet supports a crest made of a globe
+topped by a cross. In Oviedo's _Coronica_ of 1547, the helmet is shown
+in front view. There seems to have been some wide discrepancies in the
+heraldic excursions of these early writers. Las Casas, for instance,
+puts the golden lion in a silver field,--when heraldry abhors a
+conjunction of metals, as much as nature abhors a vacuum. The discussion
+of the family arms which were added by Columbus to the escutcheon made a
+significant part of the arguments in the suit, many years later, of
+Baldassare (Balthazar) Colombo to possess the Admiral's dignities; and
+as Harrisse points out, the emblem of those Italian Colombos of any
+pretensions to nobility was invariably a dove of some kind,--a device
+quite distinct from those designated by Columbus. This assumption of
+family arms by Columbus is held by Harrisse to be simply a concession to
+the prejudices of his period, and to the exigencies of his new position.
+
+The arms have been changed under the dukes of Veragua to show
+silver-capped waves in the sea, while a globe surmounted by a cross is
+placed in the midst of a gulf containing only five islands.
+
+[Sidenote: His alleged motto.]
+
+There is another later accompaniment of the arms, of which the origin
+has escaped all search. It is far more familiar than the escutcheon, on
+which it plays the part of a motto. It sometimes represents that
+Columbus found for the allied crowns a new world, and at other times
+that he gave one to them.
+
+ Por Castilla é por Leon
+ Nuevo Mundo halló Colon.
+
+ A Castilla, y a Leon
+ Nuevo Mundo dió Colon.
+
+Oviedo is the earliest to mention this distich in 1535. It is given in
+the _Historie_, not as a motto of the arms, but as an inscription placed
+by the king on the tomb of Columbus some years after his death. If this
+is true, it does away with the claims of Gomara that Columbus himself
+added it to his arms.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Diplomacy of the Bull of Demarcation.]
+
+But diplomacy had its part to play in these events. As the Christian
+world at that time recognized the rights of the Holy Father to confirm
+any trespass on the possessions of the heathen, there was a prompt
+effort on the part of Ferdinand to bring the matter to the attention of
+the Pope. As early as 1438, bulls of Martin V. and Eugene IV. had
+permitted the Spaniards to sail west and the Portuguese south; and a
+confirmation of the same had been made by Pope Nicholas the Fifth. In
+1479, the rival crowns of Portugal and Spain had agreed to respect their
+mutual rights under these papal decisions.
+
+The messengers whom Ferdinand sent to Rome were instructed to intimate
+that the actual possession which had been made in their behalf of these
+new regions did not require papal sanction, as they had met there no
+Christian occupants; but that as dutiful children of the church it would
+be grateful to receive such a benediction on their energies for the
+faith as a confirmatory bull would imply. Ferdinand had too much of
+wiliness in his own nature, and the practice of it was too much a part
+of the epoch, wholly to trust a man so notoriously perverse and
+obstinate as Alexander VI. was. Though Muñoz calls Alexander the friend
+of Ferdinand, and though the Pope was by birth an Aragonese, experience
+had shown that there was no certainty of his support in a matter
+affecting the interest of Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. May 3. The Bull issued.]
+
+A folio printed leaf in Gothic characters, of which the single copy sold
+in London in 1854 is said to be the only one known to bibliographers,
+made public to the world the famous Bull of Demarcation of Alexander
+VI., bearing date May 3, 1493. If one would believe Hakluyt, the Pope
+had been induced to do this act by his own option, rather than at the
+intercession of the Spanish monarchs. Under it, and a second bull of the
+day following, Spain was entitled to possess, "on condition of planting
+the Catholic faith," all lands not already occupied by Christian powers,
+west of a meridian drawn one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape
+de Verde Islands, evidently on the supposition that these two groups
+were in the same longitude, the fact being that the most westerly of the
+southern, and the most easterly of the northern, group possessed nearly
+the same meridian. Though Portugal was not mentioned in describing this
+line, it was understood that there was reserved to her the same
+privilege easterly.
+
+[Illustration: POPE ALEXANDER VI.
+
+[A bust in the Berlin Museum.]]
+
+There was not as yet any consideration given to the division which this
+great circle meridian was likely to make on the other side of the globe,
+where Portugal was yet to be most interested. The Cape of Good Hope had
+not then been doubled, and the present effect of the division was to
+confine the Portuguese to an exploration of the western African coast
+and to adjacent islands. It will be observed that in the placing of this
+line the magnetic phenomena which Columbus had observed on his recent
+voyage were not forgotten, if the coincidence can be so interpreted.
+Humboldt suggests that it can.
+
+[Sidenote: Line of no variation.]
+
+To make a physical limit serve a political one was an obvious recourse
+at a time when the line of no variation was thought to be unique and of
+a true north and south direction; but within a century the observers
+found three other lines, as Acosta tells us in his _Historia Natural de
+las Indias_, in 1589; and there proved to be a persistent migration of
+these lines, all little suited to terrestrial demarcations. Roselly de
+Lorgues and the canonizers, however, having given to Columbus the
+planning of the line in his cell at Rabida, think, with a surprising
+prescience on his part, and with a very convenient obliviousness on
+their part, that he had chosen "precisely the only point of our planet
+which science would choose in our day,--a mysterious demarcation made by
+its omnipotent Creator," in sovereign disregard, unfortunately, of the
+laws of his own universe!
+
+[Sidenote: Suspicious movements in Portugal.]
+
+Meanwhile there were movements in Portugal which Ferdinand had not
+failed to notice. An ambassador had come from its king, asking
+permission to buy certain articles of prohibited exportation for use on
+an African expedition which the Portuguese were fitting out. Ferdinand
+suspected that the true purpose of this armament was to seize the new
+islands, under a pretense as dishonorable as that which covered the
+ostensible voyage to the Cape de Verde Islands, by whose exposure
+Columbus had been driven into Spain. The Spanish monarch was alert
+enough to get quite beforehand with his royal brother. Before the
+ambassador of which mention has been made had come to the Spanish Court,
+Ferdinand had dispatched Lope de Herrera to Lisbon, armed with a
+conciliatory and a denunciatory letter, to use one or the other, as he
+might find the conditions demanded. The Portuguese historian Resende
+tells us that João, in order to give a wrong scent, had openly bestowed
+largesses on some and had secretly suborned other members of Ferdinand's
+cabinet, so that he did not lack for knowledge of the Spanish intentions
+from the latter members. He and his ambassadors were accordingly found
+by Ferdinand to be inexplicably prepared at every new turn of the
+negotiations.
+
+In this way João had been informed of the double mission of Herrera, and
+could avoid the issue with him, while he sent his own ambassadors to
+Spain, to promise that, pending their negotiations, no vessel should
+sail on any voyage of discovery for sixty days. They were also to
+propose that instead of the papal line, one should be drawn due west
+from the Canaries, giving all new discoveries north to the Spaniards,
+and all south to the Portuguese. This new move Ferdinand turned to his
+own advantage, for it gave him the opportunity to enter upon a course of
+diplomacy which he could extend long enough to allow Columbus to get off
+with a new armament. He then sent a fresh embassy, with instructions to
+move slowly and protract the discussion, but to resort, when compelled,
+to a proposition for arbitration. João was foiled and he knew it. "These
+ambassadors," he said, "have no feet to hurry and no head to propound."
+The Spanish game was the best played, and the Portuguese king grew
+fretful under it, and intimated sometimes a purpose to proceed to
+violence, but he was restrained by a better wisdom. We depend mainly
+upon the Portuguese historians for understanding these complications,
+and it is to be hoped that some time the archives of the Vatican may
+reveal the substance of these tripartite negotiations of the papal court
+and the two crowns.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. May. Honors of Columbus confirmed.]
+
+[Sidenote: May 28. Columbus leaves Barcelona.]
+
+[Sidenote: June. In Seville.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fonseca.]
+
+Before Columbus had left Barcelona, a large gratuity had been awarded to
+him by his sovereigns; an order had been issued commanding free lodgings
+to be given to him and his followers, wherever he went, and the original
+stipulations as to honors and authority, made by the sovereigns at Santa
+Fé, had been confirmed (May 28). A royal seal was now confided to his
+keeping, to be set to letters patent, and to commissions that it might
+be found necessary to issue. It might be used even in appointing a
+deputy, to act in the absence of Columbus. His appointments were to hold
+during the royal pleasure. His own power was defined at the same time,
+and in particular to hold command over the entire expedition, and to
+conduct its future government and explorations. He left Barcelona, after
+leavetakings, on May 28; and his instructions, as printed by Navarrete,
+were signed the next day. It is not unlikely they were based on
+suggestions of Columbus made in a letter, without date, which has
+recently been printed in the _Cartas de Indias_ (1877). Early in June,
+he was in Seville, and soon after he was joined by Juan Rodriguez de
+Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville, who, as representative of the Crown, had
+been made the chief director of the preparations. It is claimed by
+Harrisse that this priest has been painted by the biographers of
+Columbus much blacker than he really was, on the strength of the
+objurgations which the _Historie_ bestows upon him. Las Casas calls him
+worldly; and he deserves the epithet if a dominating career of thirty
+years in controlling the affairs of the Indies is any evidence of
+fitness in such matters. His position placed him where he had purposes
+to thwart as well as projects to foster, and the record of this age of
+discovery is not without many proofs of selfish and dishonorable
+motives, which Fonseca might be called upon to repress. That his
+discrimination was not always clear-sighted may be expected; that he was
+sometimes perfidious may be true, but he was dealing mainly with those
+who could be perfidious also. That he abused his authority might also go
+without dispute; but so did Columbus and the rest. In the game of
+diamond-cut-diamond, it is not always just to single out a single victim
+for condemnation, as is done by Irving and the canonizers.
+
+It was while at Seville, engaged in this work of preparation, that
+Fonseca sought to check the demands of Columbus as respects the number
+of his personal servitors. That these demands were immoderate, the
+character of Columbus, never cautious under incitement, warrants us in
+believing; and that the official guardian of the royal treasury should
+have views of his own is not to be wondered at. The story goes that the
+sovereigns forced Fonseca to yield, and that this was the offense of
+Columbus which could neither be forgotten nor forgiven by Fonseca, and
+for which severities were visited upon him and his heirs in the years to
+come. Irving is confident that Fonseca has escaped the condemnation
+which Spanish writers would willingly have put upon him, for fear of the
+ecclesiastical censors of the press.
+
+[Sidenote: Council for the Indies.]
+
+The measures which were now taken in accordance with the instructions
+given to Columbus, already referred to, to regulate the commerce of the
+Indies, with a custom house at Cadiz and a corresponding one in Española
+under the control of the Admiral, ripened in time into what was known as
+the Council for the Indies. It had been early determined (May 23) to
+control all emigration to the new regions, and no one was allowed to
+trade thither except under license from the monarchs, Columbus, or
+Fonseca.
+
+[Sidenote: New fleet equipped.]
+
+A royal order had put all ships and appurtenances in the ports of
+Andalusia at the demand of Fonseca and Columbus, for a reasonable
+compensation, and compelled all persons required for the service to
+embark in it on suitable pay. Two thirds of the ecclesiastical tithes,
+the sequestered property of banished Jews, and other resources were set
+apart to meet these expenses, and the treasurer was authorized to
+contract a loan, if necessary. To eke out the resources, this last was
+resorted to, and 5,000,000 maravedis were borrowed from the Duke of
+Medina-Sidonia. All the transactions relating to the procuring and
+dispensing of moneys had been confided to a treasurer, Francisco Pinelo;
+with the aid of an accountant, Juan de Soria. Everything was hurriedly
+gathered for the armament, for it was of the utmost importance that the
+preparations should move faster than the watching diplomacy.
+
+Artillery which had been in use on shipboard for more than a century and
+a half was speedily amassed. The arquebuse, however, had not altogether
+been supplanted by the matchlock, and was yet preferred in some hands
+for its lightness. Military stores which had been left over from the
+Moorish war and were now housed in the Alhambra, at this time converted
+into an arsenal, were opportunely drawn upon.
+
+[Sidenote: Beradi and Vespucius.]
+
+The labor of an intermediary in much of this preparation fell upon
+Juonato Beradi, a Florentine merchant then settled in Seville, and it is
+interesting to know that Americus Vespucius, then a mature man of two
+and forty, was engaged under Beradi in this work of preparation.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. June 20.]
+
+From the fact that certain horsemen and agriculturists were ordered to
+be in Seville on June 20, and to hold themselves in readiness to embark,
+it may be inferred that the sailing of some portion of the fleet may at
+that time have been expected at a date not much later.
+
+[Illustration: CROSSBOW-MAKER.
+
+[From Jost Amman's _Beschreibung_, 1586.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Isabella's interest.]
+
+[Sidenote: Indians baptized.]
+
+The interest of Isabella in the new expedition was almost wholly on its
+emotional and intellectual side. She had been greatly engrossed with the
+spiritual welfare of the Indians whom Columbus had taken to Barcelona.
+Their baptism had taken place with great state and ceremony, the King,
+Queen, and Prince Juan officiating as sponsors. It was intended that
+they should reëmbark with the new expedition. Prince Juan, however,
+picked out one of these Indians for his personal service, and when the
+fellow died, two years later, it was a source of gratification, as
+Herrera tells us, that at last one of his race had entered the gates of
+heaven! Only four of the six ever reached their native country. We know
+nothing of the fate of those left sick at Palos.
+
+[Sidenote: Father Buil.]
+
+The Pope, to further all methods for the extension of the faith, had
+commissioned (June 24) a Benedictine monk, Bernardo Buil (Boyle), of
+Catalonia, to be his apostolic vicar in the new world, and this priest
+was to be accompanied by eleven brothers of the order. The Queen
+intrusted to them the sacred vessels and vestments from her own altar.
+The instructions which Columbus received were to deal lovingly with the
+poor natives. We shall see how faithful he was to the behest.
+
+Isabella's musings were not, however, all so piously confined. She wrote
+to Columbus from Segovia in August, requiring him to make provisions for
+bringing back to Spain specimens of the peculiar birds of the new
+regions, as indications of untried climates and seasons.
+
+[Sidenote: Astronomy and navigation.]
+
+Again, in writing to Columbus, September 5, she urged him not to rely
+wholly on his own great knowledge, but to take such a skillful
+astronomer on his voyage as Fray Antonio de Marchena,--the same whom
+Columbus later spoke of as being one of the two persons who had never
+made him a laughing-stock. Muñoz says the office of astronomer was not
+filled.
+
+Dealing with the question of longitude was a matter in which there was
+at this time little insight, and no general agreement. Columbus, as we
+have seen, suspected the variation of the needle might afford the basis
+of a system; but he grew to apprehend, as he tells us in the narrative
+of his fourth voyage, that the astronomical method was the only
+infallible one, but whether his preference was for the opposition of
+planets, the occultations of stars, the changes in the moon's
+declination, or the comparisons of Jupiter's altitude with the lunar
+position,--all of which were in some form in vogue,--does not appear.
+The method by conveyance of time, so well known now in the use of
+chronometers, seems to have later been suggested by Alonso de Santa
+Cruz,--too late for the recognition of Columbus; but the instrumentality
+of water-clocks, sand-clocks, and other crude devices, like the timing
+of burning wicks, was too uncertain to obtain even transient sanction.
+
+[Sidenote: Astrolabe.]
+
+The astrolabe, for all the improvements of Behaim, was still an awkward
+instrument for ascertaining latitude, especially on a rolling or
+pitching ship, and we know that Vasco da Gama went on shore at the Cape
+de Verde Islands to take observations when the motion of the sea balked
+him on shipboard.
+
+[Illustration: THE CLOCK-MAKER.
+
+[From Jost Amman's _Beschreibung_, Frankfort.]]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Cross-staff and Jackstaff.]
+
+Whether the cross-staff or Jackstaff, a seaboard implement somewhat more
+convenient than the astrolabe, was known to Columbus is not very
+clear,--probably it was not; but the navigators that soon followed him
+found it more manageable on rolling ships than the older instruments. It
+was simply a stick, along which, after one end of it was placed at the
+eye, a scaled crossbar was pushed until its two ends touched, the lower,
+the horizon, and the upper, the heavenly body whose altitude was to be
+taken. A scale on the stick then showed, at the point where the bar was
+left, the degree of latitude.
+
+[Sidenote: Errors in latitude.]
+
+The best of such aids, however, did not conduce to great accuracy, and
+the early maps, in comparison with modern, show sometimes several
+degrees of error in scaling from the equator. An error once committed
+was readily copied, and different cartographical records put in service
+by the professional map makers came sometimes by a process of averages
+to show some surprising diversities, with positive errors of
+considerable extent. The island of Cuba, for instance, early found place
+in the charts seven and eight degrees too far north, with dependent
+islands in equally wrong positions.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Seventeen vessels ready.]
+
+As the preparations went on, a fleet of seventeen vessels, large and
+small, three of which were called transports, had, according to the best
+estimates, finally been put in readiness. Scillacio tells us that some
+of the smallest had been constructed of light draft, especially for
+exploring service. Horses and domestic animals of all kinds were at last
+gathered on board. Every kind of seed and agricultural implement, stores
+of commodities for barter with the Indians, and all the appurtenances of
+active life were accumulated. Muñoz remarks that it is evident that
+sugar cane, rice, and vines had not been discovered or noted by Columbus
+on his first voyage, or we would not have found them among the
+commodities provided for the second.
+
+[Sidenote: Ojeda.]
+
+[Sidenote: Their companies.]
+
+In making up the company of the adventurers, there was little need of
+active measures to induce recruits. Many an Hidalgo and cavalier took
+service at their own cost. Galvano, who must have received the reports
+by tradition, says that such was the "desire of travel that the men were
+ready to leap into the sea to swim, if it had been possible, into these
+new found parts." Traffic, adventure, luxury, feats of arms,--all were
+inducements that lured one individual or another. Some there were to
+make names for themselves in their new fields. Such was Alonso de Ojeda,
+a daring youth, expert in all activities, who had served his ambition in
+the Moorish wars, and had been particularly favored by the Duke of
+Medina-Celi, the friend of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Las Casas, Ponce de Leon, La Cosa, etc.]
+
+We find others whose names we shall again encounter. The younger brother
+of Columbus, Diego Colon, had come to Spain, attracted by the success of
+Christopher. The father and uncle of Las Casas, from whose conversations
+with the Admiral that historian could profit in the future, Juan Ponce
+de Leon, the later discoverer of Florida, Juan de la Cosa, whose map is
+the first we have of the New World, and Dr. Chanca, a physician of
+Seville, who was pensioned by the Crown, and to whom we owe one of the
+narratives of the voyage, were also of the company.
+
+[Sidenote: 1,500 souls embark.]
+
+The thousand persons to which the expedition had at first been limited
+became, under the pressure of eager cavaliers, nearer 1,200, and this
+number was eventually increased by stowaways and other hangers-on, till
+the number embarked was not much short of 1,500. This is Oviedo's
+statement. Bernaldez and Peter Martyr make the number 1,200, or
+thereabouts. Perhaps these were the ordinary hands, and the 300 more
+were officers and the like, for the statements do not render it certain
+how the enumerations are made. So far as we know their names, but a
+single companion of Columbus in his first voyage was now with him. The
+twenty horsemen, already mentioned are supposed to be the only mounted
+soldiers that embarked. Columbus says, in a letter addressed to their
+majesties, that "the number of colonists who desire to go thither
+amounts to two thousand," which would indicate that a large number were
+denied. The letter is undated, and may not be of a date near the
+sailing; if it is, it probably indicates to some degree the number of
+persons who were denied embarkation. As the day approached for the
+departure there was some uneasiness over a report of a Portuguese
+caravel sailing westward from Madeira, and it was proposed to send some
+of the fleet in advance to overtake the vessel; but after some
+diplomatic fence between Ferdinand and João, the disquiet ended, or at
+least nothing was done on either side.
+
+At one time Columbus had hoped to embark on the 15th of August; but it
+was six weeks later before everything was ready.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+THE SECOND VOYAGE.
+
+1493-1494.
+
+
+[Sidenote: The embarkation.]
+
+The last day in port was a season of solemnity and gratulation. Coma, a
+Spaniard, who, if not an eyewitness, got his description from observers,
+thus describes the scene in a letter to Scillacio in Pavia: "The
+religious rites usual on such occasions were performed by the sailors;
+the last embraces were given; the ships were hung with brilliant cloths;
+streamers were wound in the rigging; and the royal standard flapped
+everywhere at the sterns of the vessels. The pipers and harpers held in
+mute astonishment the Nereids and even the Sirens with their sweet
+modulations. The shores reëchoed the clang of trumpets and the braying
+of clarions. The discharge of cannon rolled over the water. Some
+Venetian galleys chancing to enter the harbor joined in the jubilation,
+and the cheers of united nations went up with prayers for blessings on
+the venturing crews."
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. September 25. The fleet sails.]
+
+Night followed, calm or broken, restful or wearisome, as the case might
+be, for one or another, and when the day dawned (September 25, 1493) the
+note of preparation was everywhere heard. It was the same on the three
+great caracks, on the lesser caravels, and on the light craft, which had
+been especially fitted for exploration. The eager and curious mass of
+beings which crowded their decks were certainly a motley show. There
+were cavalier and priest, hidalgo and artisan, soldier and sailor. The
+ambitious thoughts which animated them were as various as their habits.
+There were those of the adventurer, with no purpose whatever but
+pastime, be it easy or severe. There was the greed of the speculator,
+counting the values of trinkets against stores of gold.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's character.]
+
+There was the brooding of the administrators, with unsolved problems of
+new communities in their heads. There were ears that already caught the
+songs of salvation from native throats. There was Columbus himself,
+combining all ambitions in one, looking around this harbor of Cadiz
+studded with his lordly fleet, spreading its creaking sails, lifting its
+dripping anchors. It was his to contrast it with the scene at Palos a
+little over a year before. This needy Genoese vested with the
+viceroyalty of a new world was more of an adventurer than any. He was a
+speculator who overstepped them all in audacious visions and golden
+expectancies. He was an administrator over a new government, untried and
+undivined. To his ears the hymns of the Church soared with a militant
+warning, dooming the heathen of the Indies, and appalling the Moslem
+hordes that imperiled the Holy Sepulchre.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. October 1. Canaries.]
+
+Under the eye of this one commanding spirit, the vessels fell into a
+common course, and were wafted out upon the great ocean under the lead
+of the escorting galleys of the Venetians. The responsibility of the
+captain-general of the great armament had begun. He had been instructed
+to steer widely clear of the Portuguese coast, and he bore away in the
+lead directly to the southwest. On the seventh day (October 1) they
+reached the Gran Canaria, where they tarried to repair a leaky ship. On
+the 5th they anchored at Gomera. Two days were required here to complete
+some parts of their equipment, for the islands had already become the
+centre of great industries and produced largely. "They have enterprising
+merchants who carry their commerce to many shores," wrote Coma to
+Scillacio.
+
+There were wood and water to be taken on board. A variety of domestic
+animals, calves, goats, sheep, and swine; some fowls, and the seed of
+many orchard and garden fruits, oranges, lemons, melons, and the like,
+were gathered from the inhabitants and stowed away in the remaining
+spaces of the ships.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. October 13. At sea.]
+
+On the 7th the fleet sailed, but it was not till the 13th that the
+gentle winds had taken them beyond Ferro and the unbounded sea was about
+the great Admiral. He bore away much more southerly than in his first
+voyage, so as to strike, if he could, the islands that were so
+constantly spoken of, the previous year, as lying southeasterly from
+Española.
+
+[Sidenote: St. Elmo's light.]
+
+His ultimate port was, of course, the harbor of La Navidad, and he had
+issued sealed instructions to all his commanders, to guide any one who
+should part company with the fleet. The winds were favorable, but the
+dull sailing of the Admiral's ship restrained the rest. In ten days they
+had overshot the longitude of the Sargossa Sea without seeing it,
+leaving its floating weeds to the north. In a few days more they
+experienced heavy tempests. They gathered confidence from an old belief,
+when they saw St. Elmo waving his lambent flames about the upper
+rigging, while they greeted his presence with their prayers and songs.
+
+"The fact is certain," says Coma, "that two lights shone through the
+darkness of the night on the topmast of the Admiral's ship. Forthwith
+the tempest began to abate, the sea to remit its fury, the waves their
+violence, and the surface of the waves became as smooth as polished
+marble." This sudden gale of four hours' duration came on St. Simon's
+eve.
+
+The same authority represents that the protracted voyage had caused
+their water to run low, for the Admiral, confident of his nearness to
+land, and partly to reassure the timid, had caused it to be served
+unstintingly. "You might compare him to Moses," adds Coma, "encouraging
+the thirsty armies of the Israelites in the dry wastes of the
+wilderness."
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. November 2.]
+
+[Sidenote: November 3.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dominica Island.]
+
+[Sidenote: Marigalante.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. November 3. Guadaloupe.]
+
+On Saturday, November 2, the leaders compared reckonings. Some thought
+they had come 780 leagues from Ferro; others, 800. There were anxiety
+and weariness on board. The constant fatigue of bailing out the leaky
+ships had had its disheartening effect. Columbus, with a practiced eye,
+saw signs of land in the color of the water and the shifting winds, and
+he signaled every vessel to take in sail. It was a waiting night. The
+first light of Sunday glinted on the top of a lofty mountain ahead,
+descried by a watch at the Admiral's masthead. As the island was
+approached, the Admiral named it, in remembrance of the holy day,
+Dominica. The usual service with the _Salve Regina_ was chanted
+throughout the fleet, which moved on steadily, bringing island after
+island into view. Columbus could find no good anchorage at Dominica, and
+leaving one vessel to continue the search, he passed on to another
+island, which he named from his ship, Marigalante. Here he landed, set
+up the royal banner in token of possession of the group,--for he had
+seen six islands,--and sought for inhabitants. He could find none, nor
+any signs of occupation. There was nothing but a tangle of wood in every
+direction, a sparkling mass of leafage, trembling in luxurious beauty
+and giving off odors of spice. Some of the men tasted an unknown fruit,
+and suffered an immediate inflammation about the face, which it required
+remedies to assuage. The next morning Columbus was attracted by the
+lofty volcanic peak of another island, and, sailing up to it, he could
+see cascades on the sides of this eminence.
+
+[Illustration: GUADALOUPE, MARIE GALANTE, AND DOMINICA.
+
+[From Henrique's _Les Colonies Françoises_, Paris, 1889.]]
+
+"Among those who viewed this marvelous phenomena at a distance from the
+ships," says Coma, "it was at first a subject of dispute whether it were
+light reflected from masses of compact snow, or the broad surface of a
+smooth-worn road. At last the opinion prevailed that it was a vast
+river."
+
+[Sidenote: November 4.]
+
+Columbus remembered that he had promised the monks of Our Lady of
+Guadaloupe, in Estremadura, to place some token of them in this strange
+world, and so he gave this island the name of Guadaloupe. Landing the
+next day, a week of wonders followed.
+
+[Sidenote: Cannibals.]
+
+The exploring parties found the first village abandoned; but this had
+been done so hastily that some young children had been left behind.
+These they decked with hawks' bells, to win their returning parents. One
+place showed a public square surrounded by rectangular houses, made of
+logs and intertwined branches, and thatched with palms. They went
+through the houses and noted what they saw. They observed at the
+entrance of one some serpents carved in wood. They found netted
+hammocks, beside calabashes, pottery, and even skulls used for utensils
+of household service. They discovered cloth made of cotton; bows and
+bone-tipped arrows, said sometimes to be pointed with human shin-bones;
+domesticated fowl very like geese; tame parrots; and pineapples, whose
+flavor enchanted them. They found what might possibly be relics of
+Europe, washed hither by the equatorial currents as they set from the
+African coasts,--an iron pot, as they thought it (we know this from the
+_Historie_), and the stern-timber of a vessel, which they could have
+less easily mistaken. They found something to horrify them in human
+bones, the remains of a feast, as they were ready enough to believe, for
+they were seeking confirmation of the stories of cannibals which
+Columbus had heard on his first voyage. They learned that boys were
+fattened like capons.
+
+[Illustration: [From Philoponus's _Nota Typis Transacta Navigatio_.]]
+
+The next day they captured a youth and some women, but the men eluded
+them. Columbus was now fully convinced that he had at last discovered
+the cannibals, and when it was found that one of his captains and eight
+men had not returned to their ship, he was under great apprehensions. He
+sent exploring parties into the woods. They hallooed and fired their
+arquebuses, but to no avail. As they threaded their way through the
+thickets, they came upon some villages, but the inhabitants fled,
+leaving their meals half cooked; and they were convinced they saw human
+flesh on the spit and in the pots. While this party was absent, some
+women belonging to the neighboring islands, captives of this savage
+people, came off to the ships and sought protection. Columbus decked
+them with rings and bells, and forced them ashore, while they begged to
+remain. The islanders stripped off their ornaments, and allowed them to
+return for more. These women said that the chief of the island and most
+of the warriors were absent on a predatory expedition.
+
+[Sidenote: Ojeda's expedition.]
+
+The party searching for the lost men returned without success, when
+Alonso de Ojeda offered to lead forty men into the interior for a more
+thorough search. This party was as unsuccessful as the other. Ojeda
+reported he had crossed twenty-six streams in going inland, and that the
+country was found everywhere abounding in odorous trees, strange and
+delicious fruits, and brilliant birds.
+
+While this second party was gone, the crews took aboard a supply of
+water, and on Ojeda's return Columbus resolved to proceed, and was on
+the point of sailing, when the absent men appeared on the shore and
+signaled to be taken off. They had got lost in a tangled and pathless
+forest, and all efforts to climb high enough in trees to see the stars
+and determine their course had been hopeless. Finally striking the sea,
+they had followed the shore till they opportunely espied the fleet. They
+brought with them some women and boys, but reported they had seen no
+men.
+
+[Sidenote: Cannibals.]
+
+Among the accounts of these early experiences of the Spaniards with the
+native people, the story of cannibalism is a constant theme. To
+circulate such stories enhanced the wonder with which Europe was to be
+impressed.
+
+[Sidenote: Caribs.]
+
+The cruelty of the custom was not altogether unwelcome to warrant a
+retaliatory mercilessness. Historians have not wholly decided that this
+is enough to account for the most positive statements about man-eating
+tribes. Fears and prejudices might do much to raise such a belief, or at
+least to magnify the habits. Irving remarks that the preservation of
+parts of the human body, among the natives of Española, was looked upon
+as a votive service to ancestors, and it may have needed only prejudice
+to convert such a custom into cannibalism when found with the Caribs.
+The adventurousness of the nature of this fierce people and their
+wanderings in wars naturally served to sharpen their intellects beyond
+the passive unobservance of the pacific tribes on which they preyed; so
+they became more readily, for this reason, the possessors of any passion
+or vice that the European instinct craved to fasten somewhere upon a
+strange people.
+
+[Sidenote: Caribs and Lucayans.]
+
+The contiguity of these two races, the fierce Carib and the timid tribes
+of the more northern islands, has long puzzled the ethnologist. Irving
+indulged in some rambling notions of the origin of the Carib, derived
+from observations of the early students of the obscure relations of the
+American peoples. Larger inquiry and more scientific observation has
+since Irving's time been given to the subject, still without bringing
+the question to recognizable bearings. The craniology of the Caribs is
+scantily known, and there is much yet to be divulged. The race in its
+purity has long been extinct. Lucien de Rosny, in an anthropological
+study of the Antilles published by the French Society of Ethnology in
+1886, has amassed considerable data for future deductions. It is a
+question with some modern examiners if the distinction between these
+insular peoples was not one of accident and surroundings rather than of
+blood.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. November 10. Columbus leaves Guadaloupe.]
+
+When Columbus sailed from Guadaloupe on November 10, he steered
+northwest for Española, though his captives told him that the mainland
+lay to the south. He passed various islands, but did not cast anchor
+till the 14th, when he reached the island named by him Santa Cruz, and
+found it still a region of Caribs. It was here the Spaniards had their
+first fight with this fierce people in trying to capture a canoe filled
+with them. The white men rammed and overturned the hollowed log; but
+the Indians fought in the water so courageously that some of the Spanish
+bucklers were pierced with the native poisoned arrows, and one of the
+Spaniards, later, died of such a wound inflicted by one of the savage
+women. All the Caribs, however, were finally captured and placed in
+irons on board ship. One was so badly wounded that recovery was not
+thought possible, and he was thrown overboard. The fellow struck for the
+shore, and was killed by the Spanish arrows. The accounts describe their
+ferocious aspect, their coarse hair, their eyes circled with red paint,
+and the muscular parts of their limbs artificially extended by tight
+bands below and above.
+
+[Sidenote: Porto Rico.]
+
+Proceeding thence and passing a group of wild and craggy islets, which
+he named after St. Ursula and her Eleven Thousand Virgins, Columbus at
+last reached the island now called Porto Rico, which his captives
+pointed out to him as their home and the usual field of the Carib
+incursions. The island struck the strangers by its size, its beautiful
+woods and many harbors, in one of which, at its west end, they finally
+anchored. There was a village close by, which, by their accounts, was
+trim, and not without some pretensions to skill in laying out, with its
+seaside terraces. The inhabitants, however, had fled. Two days later,
+the fleet weighed anchor and steered for La Navidad.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. November 22. Española.]
+
+It was the 22d of November when the explorers made a level shore, which
+they later discovered to be the eastern end of Española. They passed
+gently along the northern coast, and at an attractive spot sent a boat
+ashore with the body of the Biscayan sailor who had died of the poisoned
+arrow, while two of the light caravels hovered near the beach to protect
+the burying party. Coming to the spot where Columbus had had his armed
+conflict with the natives the year before, and where one of the Indians
+who had been baptized at Barcelona was taken, this fellow, loaded with
+presents and decked in person, was sent on shore for the influence he
+might exert on his people. This supposable neophyte does not again
+appear in history. Only one of these native converts now remained, and
+the accounts say that he lived faithfully with the Spaniards. Five of
+the seven who embarked had died on the voyage.
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. November 25.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1493. November 27. Off La Navidad.]
+
+On the 25th, while the fleet was at anchor at Monte Christo, where
+Columbus had found gold in the river during his first voyage, the
+sailors discovered some decomposed bodies, one of them showing a beard,
+which raised apprehensions of the fate of the men left at La Navidad.
+The neighboring natives came aboard for traffic with so much readiness,
+however, that it did much to allay suspicion. It was the 27th when,
+after dark, Columbus cast anchor opposite the fort, about a league from
+land. It was too late to see anything more than the outline of the
+hills. Expecting a response from the fort, he fired two cannons; but
+there was no sound except the echoes. The Spaniards looked in vain for
+lights on the shore. The darkness was mysterious and painful. Before
+midnight a canoe was heard approaching, and a native twice asked for the
+Admiral. A boat was lowered from one of the vessels, and towed the canoe
+to the flag-ship. The natives were not willing to board her till
+Columbus himself appeared at the waist, and by the light of a lantern
+revealed his countenance to them. This reassured them. Their leader
+brought presents--some accounts say ewers of gold, others say masks
+ornamented with gold--from the cacique, Guacanagari, whose friendly
+assistance had been counted upon so much to befriend the little garrison
+at La Navidad.
+
+[Sidenote: Its garrison killed.]
+
+These formalities over, Columbus inquired for Diego de Arana and his
+men. The young Lucayan, now Columbus's only interpreter, did the best he
+could with a dialect not his own to make a connected story out of the
+replies, which was in effect that sickness and dissension, together with
+the withdrawal of some to other parts of the island, had reduced the
+ranks of the garrison, when the fort as well as the neighboring village
+of Guacanagari was suddenly attacked by a mountain chieftain, Caonabo,
+who burned both fort and village. Those of the Spaniards who were not
+driven into the sea to perish had been put to death. In this fight the
+friendly cacique had been wounded. The visitors said that this
+chieftain's hurt had prevented his coming with them to greet the
+Admiral; but that he would come in the morning. Coma, in his account of
+this midnight interview, is not so explicit, and leaves the reader to
+infer that Columbus did not get quite so clear an apprehension of the
+fate of his colony.
+
+When the dawn came, the harbor appeared desolate. Not a canoe was seen
+where so many sped about in the previous year. A boat was sent ashore,
+and found every sign that the fort had been sacked as well as destroyed.
+Fragments of clothing and bits of merchandise were scattered amid its
+blackened ruins. There were Indians lurking behind distant trees, but no
+one approached, and as the cacique had not kept the word which he had
+sent of coming himself in the morning, suspicions began to arise that
+the story of its destruction had not been honestly given. The new-comers
+passed a disturbed night with increasing mistrust, and the next morning
+Columbus landed and saw all for himself. He traveled farther away from
+the shore than those who landed on the preceding day, and gained some
+confirmation of the story in finding the village of the cacique a mass
+of blackened ruins. Cannon were again discharged, in the hopes that
+their reverberating echoes might reach the ears of those who were said
+to have abandoned the fort before the massacre. The well and ditch were
+cleaned out to see if any treasure had been cast into it, as Columbus
+had directed in case of disaster. Nothing was found, and this seemed to
+confirm the tale of the suddenness of the attack. Columbus and his men
+went still farther inland to a village; but its inmates had hurriedly
+fled, so that many articles of European make, stockings and a Moorish
+robe among them, had been left behind, spoils doubtless of the fort.
+Returning nearer the fort, they discovered the bodies of eleven men
+buried, with the grass growing above them, and enough remained of their
+clothing to show they were Europeans. This is Dr. Chanca's statement,
+who says the men had not been dead two months. Coma says that the bodies
+were unburied, and had lain for nearly three months in the open air; and
+that they were now given Christian burial.
+
+[Sidenote: Guacanagari and Caonabo.]
+
+Later in the day, a few of the natives were lured by friendly signs to
+come near enough to talk with the Lucayan interpreter. The story in much
+of its details was gradually drawn out, and Columbus finally possessed
+himself of a pretty clear conception of the course of the disastrous
+events. It was a tale of cruelty, avarice, and sensuality towards the
+natives on the part of the Spaniards, and of jealousy and brawls among
+themselves. No word of their governor had been sufficient to restrain
+their outbursts of passionate encounter, and no sense of insecurity
+could deter them from the most foolhardy risks while away from the
+fort's protection. Those who had been appointed to succeed Arana, if
+there were an occasion, revolted against him, and, being unsuccessful in
+overthrowing him, they went off with their adherents in search of the
+mines of Cibao. This carried them beyond the protection of Guacanagari,
+and into the territory of his enemy, Caonabo, a wandering Carib who had
+offered himself to the interior natives as their chieftain, and who had
+acquired a great ascendency in the island. This leader, who had learned
+of the dissensions among the Spaniards, was no sooner informed of the
+coming of these renegades within his reach than he caused them to be
+seized and killed. This emboldened him to join forces with another
+cacique, a neighbor of Guacanagari, and to attempt to drive the
+Spaniards from the island, since they had become a standing menace to
+his power, as he reasoned. The confederates marched stealthily, and
+stole into the vicinity of the fort in the night. Arana had but ten men
+within the stockade, and they kept no watch. Other Spaniards were
+quartered in the adjacent village. The onset was sudden and effective,
+and the dismal ruins of the fort and village were thought to confirm the
+story.
+
+[Sidenote: Doña Catalina.]
+
+Other confirmations followed. A caravel was sent to explore easterly,
+and was soon boarded by two Indians from the shore, who invited the
+captain, Maldonado, to visit the cacique, who lay ill at a neighboring
+village. The captain went, and found Guacanagari laid up with a bandaged
+leg. The savage told a story which agreed with the one just related, and
+on its being repeated to Columbus, the Admiral himself, with an imposing
+train, went to see the cacique. Guacanagari seemed anxious, in repeating
+the story, to convince the Admiral of his own loyalty to the Spaniards,
+and pointed to his wounds and to those of some of his people as proof.
+There was the usual interchange of presents, hawks' bells for gold, and
+similar reckonings. Before leaving, Columbus asked to have his surgeon
+examine the wound, which the cacique said had been occasioned by a stone
+striking the leg. To get more light, the chieftain went out-of-doors,
+leaning upon the Admiral's arm. When the bandage was removed, there was
+no external sign of hurt; but the cacique winced if the flesh was
+touched. Father Boyle, who was in the Admiral's train, thought the wound
+a pretense, and the story fabricated to conceal the perfidy of the
+cacique, and urged Columbus to make an instant example of the traitor.
+The Admiral was not so confident as the priest, and at all events he
+thought a course of pacification and procrastination was the better
+policy. The interview did not end, according to Coma, without some
+strange manifestations on the part of the cacique, which led the
+Spaniards for a moment to fear that a trial of arms was to come. The
+chief was not indisposed to try his legs enough to return with the
+Admiral to his ship that very evening. Here he saw the Carib prisoners,
+and the accounts tell us how he shuddered at the sight of them. He
+wondered at the horses and other strange creatures which were shown to
+him. Coma tells us that the Indians thought that the horses were fed on
+human flesh. The women who had been rescued from the Caribs attracted,
+perhaps, even more the attention of the savage, and particularly a lofty
+creature among them, whom the Spaniards had named Doña Catalina.
+Guacanagari was observed to talk with her more confidingly than he did
+with the others.
+
+Father Boyle urged upon the Admiral that a duress similar to that of
+Catalina was none too good for the perfidious cacique, as the priest
+persisted in calling the savage, but Columbus hesitated. There was,
+however, little left of that mutual confidence which had characterized
+the relations of the Admiral and the chieftain during the trying days of
+the shipwreck, the year before. When the Admiral offered to hang a cross
+on the neck of his visitor, and the cacique understood it to be the
+Christian emblem, he shrank from the visible contact of a faith of which
+the past months had revealed its character. With this manifestation they
+parted, and the cacique was set ashore. Coma seems to unite the
+incidents of this interview on the ship with those of the meeting
+ashore.
+
+[Sidenote: The cacique and Catalina.]
+
+There comes in here, according to the received accounts, a little
+passage of Indian intrigue and gallantry. A messenger appeared the next
+day to inquire when the Admiral sailed, and later another to barter
+gold. This last held some talk with the Indian women, and particularly
+with Catalina. About midnight a light appeared on the shore, and
+Catalina and her companions, while the ship's company, except a watch,
+were sleeping, let themselves down the vessel's side, and struck out
+for the shore. The watch discovered the escape, but not in time to
+prevent the women having a considerable start. Boats pursued, but the
+swimmers touched the beach first. Four of them, however, were caught,
+but Catalina and the others escaped.
+
+When, the next morning, Columbus sent a demand for the fugitives, it was
+found that Guacanagari had moved his household and all his effects into
+the interior of the island. The story got its fitting climax in the
+suspicious minds of the Spaniards, when they supposed that the fugitive
+beauty was with him. Here was only a fresh instance of the savage's
+perfidy.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus abandons La Navidad.]
+
+Columbus had before this made up his mind that the vicinity of his
+hapless fort was not a good site for the town which he intended to
+build. The ground was low, moist, and unhealthy. There were no building
+stones near at hand. There was need of haste in a decision. The men were
+weary of their confinement on shipboard. The horses and other animals
+suffered from a like restraint. Accordingly expeditions were sent to
+explore the coast, and it soon became evident that they must move beyond
+the limits of Guacanagari's territory, if they would find the conditions
+demanded. Melchior Maldonado, in command of one of these expeditions,
+had gone eastward until he coasted the country of another cacique. This
+chief at first showed hostility, but was won at last by amicable signs.
+From him they learned that Guacanagari had gone to the mountains. From
+another they got the story of the massacre of the fort, almost entirely
+accordant with what they had already discovered.
+
+[Sidenote: Isabella founded.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cibao gold mines.]
+
+Not one of the reports from these minor explorations was satisfactory,
+and December 7, the entire fleet weighed anchor to proceed farther east.
+Stress of weather caused them to put into a harbor, which on examination
+seemed favorable for their building project. The roadstead was wide. A
+rocky point offered a site for a citadel. There were two rivers winding
+close by in an attractive country, and capable of running mills. Nature,
+as they saw it, was variegated and alluring. Flowers and fruits were in
+abundance. "Garden seeds came up in five days after they were sown,"
+says Coma of their trial of the soil, "and the gardens were speedily
+clothed in green, producing plentifully onions and pumpkins, radishes
+and beets." "Vegetables," wrote Dr. Chanca, "attain a more luxuriant
+growth here in eight days than they would in Spain in twenty." It was
+also learned that the gold mines of the Cibao mountains were inland from
+the spot, at no great distance.
+
+The disembarkation began. Days of busy exertion followed. Horses,
+livestock, provisions, munitions, and the varied merchandise were the
+centre of a lively scene about their encampment. This they established
+near a sheet of water. Artificers, herdsmen, cavaliers, priests,
+laborers, and placemen made up the motley groups which were seen on all
+sides.
+
+[Sidenote: Sickness in the colony.]
+
+In later years, the Spaniards regulated all the formalities and
+prescribed with precision the proceedings in the laying out of towns in
+the New World, but Columbus had no such directions. The planting of a
+settlement was a novel and untried method. It was a natural thought to
+commemorate in the new Christian city the great patroness of his
+undertaking, and the settlement bore from the first the name of
+Isabella. His engineers laid out square and street. A site for the
+church was marked, another for a public storehouse, another for the
+house of the Admiral,--all of stone. The ruins of these three buildings
+are the most conspicuous relics in the present solitary waste. The great
+mass of tenements, which were stretched along the streets back from the
+public square, where the main edifice stood, were as hastily run up as
+possible, to cover in the colony. It was time enough for solider
+structures later to take their places. Parties were occupied in clearing
+fields and setting out orchards. There were landing piers to be made at
+the shore. So everybody tasked bodily strength in rival endeavors. The
+natural results followed in so incongruous a crowd. Those not accustomed
+to labor broke down from its hardships. The seekers for pleasure, not
+finding it in the common toil, rushed into excesses, and imperiled all.
+The little lake, so attractive to the inexperienced, was soon, with its
+night vapors, the source of disease. Few knew how to protect themselves
+from the insidious malaria. Discomfort induced discouragement, and the
+mental firmness so necessary in facing strange and exacting
+circumstances gave way.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus sick.]
+
+Forebodings added greater energy to the disease. It was not long before
+the colony was a camp of hospitals, about one half the people being
+incapacitated for labor. In the midst of all this downheartedness
+Columbus himself succumbed, and for some weeks was unable to direct the
+trying state of affairs, except as he could do so in the intervals of
+his lassitude.
+
+But as the weeks went on a better condition was apparent. Work took a
+more steady aspect. The ships had discharged their burdens. They lay
+ready for the return voyage.
+
+[Sidenote: Sends Ojeda to seek the Cibao mines.]
+
+Columbus had depended on the exertions of the little colony at La
+Navidad to amass a store of gold and other precious commodities with
+which to laden the returning vessels. He knew the disappointment which
+would arise if they should carry little else than the dismal tale of
+disaster. Nothing lay upon his mind more weightily than this
+mortification and misfortune. There was nothing to be done but to seek
+the mines of Cibao, for the chance of sending more encouraging reports.
+Gold had indeed been brought in to the settlement, but only scantily;
+and its quantity was not suited to make real the gorgeous dreams of the
+East with which Spain was too familiar.
+
+So an expedition to Cibao was organized, and Ojeda was placed in
+command. The force assigned to him was but fifteen men in all, but each
+was well armed and courageous. They expected perils, for they had to
+invade the territory of Caonabo, the destroyer of La Navidad.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. January. First mass.]
+
+The march began early in January, 1494; perhaps just after they had
+celebrated their first solemn mass in a temporary chapel on January 6.
+For two days their progress was slow and toilsome, through forests
+without a sign of human life, for the savage denizens had moved back
+from the vicinity of the Spaniards. The men encamped, the second night,
+on the top of a mountain, and when the dawn broke they looked down on
+its further side over a broad valley, with its scattered villages. They
+boldly descended, and met nothing but hospitality from the villagers.
+Their course now lay towards and up the opposite slope of the valley.
+They pushed on without an obstacle.
+
+[Sidenote: Gold found.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gorvalan's expedition.]
+
+The rude inhabitants of the mountains were as friendly as those of the
+valley. They did not see nor did they hear anything of the great
+Caonabo. Every stream they passed glittered with particles of gold in
+its sand. The natives had an expert way of separating the metal, and the
+Spaniards flattered them for their skill. Occasionally a nugget was
+found. Ojeda picked up a lump which weighed nine ounces, and Peter
+Martyr looked upon it wonderingly when it reached Spain. If all this was
+found on the surface, what must be the wealth in the bowels of these
+astounding mountains? The obvious answer was what Ojeda hastened back to
+make to Columbus. A similar story was got from a young cavalier,
+Gorvalan, who had been dispatched in another direction with another
+force. There was in all this the foundation of miracles for the glib
+tongue and lively imagination. One of these exuberant stories reached
+Coma, and Scillacio makes him say that "the most splendid thing of all
+(which I should be ashamed to commit to writing, if I had not received
+it from a trustworthy source) is that, a rock adjacent to a mountain
+being struck with a club, a large quantity of gold burst out, and
+particles of gold of indescribable brightness glittered all around the
+spot. Ojeda was loaded down by means of this outburst." It was stories
+like these which prepared the way for the future reaction in Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus writes to the sovereigns.]
+
+There was material now to give spirit to the dispatch to his sovereigns,
+and Columbus sat down to write it. It has come down to us, and is
+printed in Navarrete's collection, just as it was perused by the King
+and Queen, who entered in the margins their comments and orders.
+Columbus refers at the beginning to letters already written to their
+Highnesses, and mentions others addressed to Father Buele and to the
+treasurer, but they are not known. Then, speaking of the expeditions of
+Ojeda and Gorvalan, he begs the sovereigns to satisfy themselves of the
+hopeful prospects for gold by questioning Gorvalan, who was to return
+with the ships. He advises their Highnesses to return thanks to God for
+all this. Those personages write in the margin, "Their Highnesses return
+thanks to God!" He then explains his embarrassment from the sickness of
+his men,--the "greater part of all," as he adds,--and says that the
+Indians are very familiar, rambling about the settlement both day and
+night, necessitating a constant watch. As he makes excuses and gives his
+reasons for not doing this or that, the compliant monarchs as
+constantly write against the paragraphs, "He has done well." Columbus
+says he is building stone bulwarks for defense, and when this is done he
+shall provide for accumulating gold. "Exactly as should be done," chime
+in the monarchs. He then asks for fresh provisions to be sent to him,
+and tells how much they have done in planting. "Fonseca has been ordered
+to send further seeds," is the comment. He complains that the wine casks
+had been badly coopered at Seville, and that the wine had all run out,
+so that wine was their prime necessity. He urges that calves, heifers,
+asses, working mares, be sent to them; and that above all, to prevent
+discouragement, the supplies should arrive at Isabella by May, and that
+particularly medicines should come, as their stock was exhausted. He
+then refers to the cannibals whom he would send back, and asks that they
+may be made acquainted with the true faith and taught the Spanish
+tongue. "His suggestions are good," is the marginal royal comment.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus proposes a trade in slaves.]
+
+Now comes the vital point of his dispatch. We want cattle, he says. They
+can be paid for in Carib slaves. Let yearly caravels conduct this trade.
+It will be easy, with the boats which are building, to capture a plenty
+of these savages. Duties can be levied on these importations of slaves.
+On this point he urges a reply. The monarchs see the fatality of the
+step, and, according to the marginal comment, suspend judgment and ask
+the Admiral's further thoughts. "A more distinct suggestion for the
+establishment of a slave trade was never proposed," is the modern
+comment of Arthur Helps. Columbus then adds that he has bought for the
+use of the colony certain of the vessels which brought them out, and
+these would be retained at Isabella, and used in making further
+discoveries. The comment is that Fonseca will pay the owners. He then
+intimates that more care should be exercised in the selection of
+placemen sent to the colony, for the enterprise had suffered already
+from unfitness in such matters. The monarchs promise amends. He
+complains that the Granada lancemen, who offered themselves in Seville
+mounted on fine horses, had subsequently exchanged these animals to
+their own personal advantage for inferior horses. He says the footmen
+made similar exchanges to fill their own pockets.
+
+[Sidenote: 1404. January 30. Signs his letter.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gold, the Christians' God!]
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. February 2. The fleet returns to Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chanca's narrative.]
+
+So, dating this memorial on January 30, 1494, the man who was ambitious
+to become the first slave-driver of the New World laid down his quill,
+praising God, as he asked his sovereigns to do. The poor creatures who
+wandered in and about among the cabins of the Spaniards were fast
+forming their own comments, which were quite as astute as those of the
+Admiral's royal masters. Holding up a piece of gold, the natives learned
+to say,--and Columbus had given them their first lesson in such
+philosophy,--"Behold the Christians' God!" Benzoni, the first traveler
+who came among them with his eyes open, and daring to record the truth,
+heard them say this. Intrusting his memorial to Antonio de Torres, and
+putting him in command of the twelve ships that were to return to Spain,
+Columbus saw the fleet sail away on February 2, 1494. There would seem
+to have been committed to some one on the ships two other accounts of
+the results of this second voyage up to this time, which have come down
+to us. One of these is a narrative by Dr. Chanca, the physician of the
+colony, whom Columbus, in his memorial to the monarchs, credits with
+doing good service in his profession at a sacrifice of the larger
+emoluments which the practice of it had brought to him in Seville. The
+narrative of Chanca had been sent by him to the cathedral chapter of
+Seville. The original is thought to be lost; but Navarrete used a
+transcript which belonged to a collection formed by Father Antonio de
+Aspa, a monk of the monastery of the Mejorada, where Columbus is known
+to have deposited some of his papers. Major has given us an English
+translation of it in his _Select Letters of Columbus_. Major's text will
+also be found in the late James Lenox's English version of the other
+account, which he gave to scholars in 1859.
+
+[Sidenote: Coma's narrative.]
+
+There is a curious misconception in this last document, which represents
+that Columbus had reached these new regions by the African route of the
+Portuguese,--a confusion doubtless arising from the imperfect knowledge
+which the Italian translator, Nicholas Scillacio, had of the current
+geographical developments. A Spaniard, Guglielmo Coma, seems to have
+written about the new discoveries in some letters, apparently revived in
+some way from somebody's personal observation, which Scillacio put into
+a Latin dress, and published at Pavia, or possibly at Pisa. This little
+tract is of the utmost rarity, and Mr. Lenox, considering the suggestion
+of Ronchini, that the blunder of Scillacio may have caused the
+destruction of the edition, replies by calling attention to the fact
+that it is scarcely rarer than many other of the contemporary tracts of
+Columbus's voyage, about which there exists no such reason.
+
+[Sidenote: Verde's letters.]
+
+We get also some reports by Torres himself on the affairs of the colony
+in various letters of a Florentine merchant, Simone Verde, to whom he
+had communicated them. These letters have been recently (1875) found in
+the archives of Florence, and have been made better known still later by
+Harrisse.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+THE SECOND VOYAGE, CONTINUED.
+
+1494.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Life in Isabella.]
+
+The departure of the fleet made conspicuous at last a threatening
+faction of those whose terms of service had prevented their taking
+passage in the ships. This organized discontent was the natural result
+of a depressing feeling that all the dreams of ease and plenty which had
+sustained them in their embarkation were but delusions. Life in Isabella
+had made many of them painfully conscious of the lack of that success
+and comfort which had been counted upon. The failure of what in these
+later days is known as the commissariat was not surprising. With all our
+modern experience in fitting out great expeditions, we know how often
+the fate of such enterprises is put in jeopardy by rascally contractors.
+Their arts, however, are not new ones. Fonseca was not so wary, Columbus
+was not so exacting, that such arts could not be practiced in Seville,
+as to-day in London and New York. This jobbery, added to the scant
+experience of honest endeavor, inevitably brought misfortune and
+suffering through spoiled provisions and wasted supplies.
+
+[Sidenote: Mutinous factions.]
+
+The faction, taking advantage of this condition, had two persons for
+leaders, whose official position gave the body a vantage-ground. Bernal
+Diaz de Pisa was the comptroller of the colony, and his office permitted
+him to have an oversight of the Admiral's accounts. It is said that
+before this time he had put himself in antagonism to authority by
+questioning some of the doings of the Admiral. He began now to talk to
+the people of the Admiral's deceptive and exaggerating descriptions
+intended for effect in Spain, and no doubt represented them to be at
+least as false as they were. Diaz drew pictures that produced a
+prevailing gloom beyond what the facts warranted, for deceit is a game
+of varying extremes.
+
+[Sidenote: Their schemes discovered.]
+
+He was helped on by the assayer of the colony, Fermin Cado, who spoke as
+an authority on the poor quality of the gold, and on the Indian habit of
+amassing it in their families, so that the moderate extent of it which
+the natives had offered was not the accretions of a day, but the result
+of the labor of generations. With leaders acting in concert, it had been
+planned to seize the remaining ships, and to return to Spain. This done,
+the mutineers expected to justify their conduct by charges against the
+Admiral, and a statement of them had already been drawn up by Bernal
+Diaz. The mutiny, however, was discovered, and Columbus had the first of
+his many experiences in suppressing a revolt. Bernal Diaz was imprisoned
+on one of the ships, and was carried to Spain for trial. Other leaders
+were punished in one way and another. To prevent the chances of success
+in future schemes of revolt, all munitions and implements of war were
+placed together in one of the ships, under a supervision which Columbus
+thought he could trust.
+
+The prompt action of the Admiral had not been taken without some
+question of his authority, or at least it was held that he had been
+injudicious in the exercise of it. The event left a rankling passion
+among many of the colonists against what was called Columbus's
+vindictiveness and presumptuous zeal. With it all was the feeling that a
+foreigner was oppressing them, and was weaving about them the meshes of
+his arbitrary ambition.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus goes to the gold mines.]
+
+[Sidenote: Diego Colon.]
+
+Columbus now determined to go himself to the gold regions of the
+interior. He arranged that Diego, his brother,--another
+foreigner!--should have the command in his absence. Las Casas pictures
+for us this younger of the Colombos, and calls him gentle, unobtrusive,
+and kindly. He allows to him a priest's devotion, but does not consider
+him quite worldly enough in his dealings with men to secure himself
+against ungenerous wiles.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. March 12.]
+
+It was the 12th of March when Columbus set out on his march. He
+conducted a military contingent of about 400 well-armed men, including
+what lancers he could mount. In his train followed an array of workmen,
+miners, artificers, and porters, with their burdens of merchandise and
+implements. A mass of the natives hovered about the procession.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus makes a road.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Vega Real.]
+
+Their progress was as martial as it could be made. Banners were
+flaunted. Drums and trumpets were sounded. Their armor was made to
+glisten. Crossing the low land, they came to a defile in the mountain.
+There was nothing before them but a tortuous native trail winding upward
+among the rocks and through tangled forest. It was ill suited for the
+passage of a heavily burdened force. Some of the younger cavaliers
+sprang to the front, and gathering around them woodmen and pioneers,
+they opened the way; and thus a road was constructed through the pass,
+the first made in the New World. This work of the proud cavaliers was
+called _El puerto de los Hidalgos_. The summit of the mountain afforded
+afresh the grateful view of the luxuriant valley which had delighted
+Ojeda,--royally rich as it was in every aspect, and deserving the name
+which Columbus now gave it of the Vega Real.
+
+[Sidenote: Erects a cross.]
+
+Here, on the summit of Santo Cerro, the tradition of the island goes
+that Columbus caused that cross to be erected which the traveler to-day
+looks upon in one of the side chapels of the cathedral at Santo Domingo.
+It stood long enough to perform many miracles, as the believers tell us,
+and was miraculously saved in an earthquake. De Lorgues does not dare to
+connect the actual erection with the holy trophy of the cathedral.
+Descending to the lowlands, the little army and its followers attracted
+the notice of the amazed natives by clangor and parade. This display was
+made more astounding whenever the horses were set to prancing, as they
+approached and passed a native hamlet. Las Casas tells us that the first
+horseman who dismounted was thought by the natives to have parceled out
+a single creature into convenient parts. The Indians, timid at first,
+were enticed by a show of trinkets, and played upon by the interpreters.
+Thus they gradually were won over to repay all kindnesses with food and
+drink, while they rendered many other kindly services. The army came to
+a large stream, and Columbus called it the River of Reeds. It was the
+same which, the year before, knowing it only where it emptied into the
+sea, he had called the River of Gold, because he had been struck with
+the shining particles which he found among its sands. Here they
+encamped. The men bathed. They found everything about them like the
+dales of Paradise, if we may believe their rehearsals. The landscape was
+very different from that which Bernal Diaz was to tell of, if only once
+he got the ears of the Court in Seville.
+
+[Sidenote: Cibao mountains.]
+
+The river was so wide and deep that the men could not ford it, so they
+made rafts to take over everything but the horses. These swam the
+current. Then the force passed on, but was confronted at last by the
+rugged slopes of the Cibao mountains. The soldiers clambered up the
+defile painfully and slowly. The pioneers had done what they could to
+smooth the way, but the ascent was wearying. They could occasionally
+turn from their toil to look back over this luxuriant valley which they
+were leaving, and lose their vision in its vast extent. Las Casas
+describes it as eighty leagues one way, and twenty or thirty the other.
+
+[Sidenote: Fort St. Thomas.]
+
+It was a scene of bewildering beauty that they left behind; it was one
+of sterile heights, scraggy pines, and rocky precipices which they
+entered. The leaders computed that they were eighteen leagues from
+Isabella, and as Columbus thought he saw signs of gold, amber, lapis
+lazuli, copper, and one knows not what else of wealth, all about him, he
+was content to establish his fortified position hereabouts, without
+pushing farther. He looked around, and found at the foot of one of the
+declivities of the interior of this mountainous region a fertile plain,
+with a running river, gurgling over beds of jasper and marble, and in
+the midst of it a little eminence, which he could easily fortify, as the
+river nearly surrounded it like a natural ditch. Here he built his fort.
+Recent travelers say that an overgrowth of trees now covers traces of
+its foundations. The fortress was, as he believed, so near the gold that
+one could see it with his eyes and touch it with his hands, and so, as
+Las Casas tells us, he named it St. Thomas.
+
+The Indians had already learned to recognize the Christian's god. They
+found the golden deity in bits in the streams. They took the idol
+tenderly to his militant people. For their part, the poor natives much
+preferred rings and hawks' bells, and so a basis of traffic was easily
+found. In this way Columbus got some gold, but he more readily got
+stories of other spots, whither the natives pointed vaguely, where
+nuggets, which would dwarf all these bits, could be found. Columbus
+began to wonder why he never reached the best places.
+
+[Sidenote: Country examined.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus returns to Isabella.]
+
+The Spaniards soon got to know the region better. Juan de Luxan, who had
+been sent out with a party to see what he could find, reported that the
+region was mountainous and in its upper parts sterile, to be sure, but
+that there were delicious valleys, and plenty of land to cultivate, and
+pasturing enough for herds. When he came back with these reports, the
+men put a good deal of heart in the work which they were bestowing on
+the citadel of St. Thomas, so that it was soon done. Pedro Margarite was
+placed in command with fifty-six men, and then Columbus started to
+return to Isabella.
+
+[Sidenote: Natives of the valley.]
+
+When the Admiral reached the valley, he met a train of supplies going
+forward to St. Thomas, and as there were difficulties of fording and
+other obstacles, he spent some time in examining the country and marking
+out lines of communication. This brought him into contact with the
+villages of the valley, and he grew better informed of the kind of
+people among whom his colonists were to live. He did not, however,
+discern that under a usually pacific demeanor there was no lack of
+vigorous determination in this people, which it might not be so wise to
+irritate to the point of vengeance. He found, too, that they had a
+religion, perhaps prompting to some virtues he little suspected in his
+own, and that they jealously guarded their idols. He discovered that
+experience had given them no near acquaintance with the medicinal
+properties of the native herbs and trees. They associated myths with
+places, and would tell you that the sun and moon were but creatures of
+their island which had escaped from one of their caverns, and that
+mankind had sprung from the crannies of their rocky places. The
+bounteousness of nature, causing little care for the future, had spread
+among them a love of hospitality, and Columbus found himself welcome
+everywhere, and continued to be so till he and his abused their
+privileges.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. March 29. Columbus in Isabella.]
+
+On the 29th of March, Columbus was back in Isabella, to find that the
+plantings of January were already yielding fruits, and the colony, in
+its agricultural aspects, at least, was promising, for the small areas
+that had already been cultivated. But the tidings from the new fort in
+the mountains which had just come in by messenger were not so cheering,
+for it seemed to be the story of La Navidad repeated. The license and
+exactions of the garrison had stirred up the neighboring natives, and
+Pedro Margarite, in his message, showed his anxiety lest Caonabo should
+be able to mass the savages, exasperated by their wrongs, in an attack
+upon the post. Columbus sent a small reinforcement to St. Thomas, and
+dispatched a force to make a better road thither, in order to facilitate
+any future operations.
+
+[Sidenote: Condition of the town.]
+
+The Admiral's more immediate attention was demanded by the condition of
+Isabella. Intermittent fever and various other disturbances incident to
+a new turning of a reeking soil were making sad ravages in the colony.
+The work of building suffered in consequence. The sick engrossed the
+attention of men withdrawn from their active labors, or they were left
+to suffer from the want of such kindly aid. The humidity of the climate
+and a prodigal waste had brought provisions so low that an allowance
+even of the unwholesome stock which remained was made necessary. In
+order to provide against impending famine, men were taken from the
+public works and put to labor on a mill, in order that they might get
+flour. No respect was paid to persons, and cavalier and priest were
+forced into the common service. The Admiral was obliged to meet the
+necessities by compulsory measures, for even an obvious need did not
+prevent the indifferent from shirking, and the priest and hidalgo from
+asserting their privileged rights. Any authority that enforced sacrifice
+galled the proud spirits, and the indignity of labor caused a
+mortification and despair that soon thinned the ranks of the best blood
+of the colony. Dying voices cursed the delusion which had brought them
+to the New World, the victims, as they claimed, of the avarice and
+deceit of a hated alien to their race.
+
+[Sidenote: Ojeda sent to St. Thomas.]
+
+Supineness in the commander would have brought everything in the colony
+to a disastrous close. A steady progression of some sort might be
+remedial. The Admiral's active mind determined on the diversion of
+further exploration with such a force as could be equipped. He mustered
+a little army, consisting of 250 men armed with crossbows, 100 with
+matchlocks, 16 mounted lancemen, and 20 officers. Ojeda was put at their
+head, with orders to lead them to St. Thomas, which post he was to
+govern while Margarite took the expeditionary party and scoured the
+country. Navarrete has preserved for us the instructions which Columbus
+imparted. They counseled a considerate regard for the natives, who must,
+however, be made to furnish all necessaries at fair prices. Above all,
+every Spaniard must be prevented from engaging in private trade, since
+the profits of such bartering were reserved to the Crown, and it did not
+help Columbus in his dealings with the refractory colonists to have it
+known that a foreign interloper, like himself, shared this profit with
+the Crown. Margarite was also told that he must capture, by force or
+stratagem, the cacique Caonabo and his brothers.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. April 9.]
+
+When Ojeda, who had started on April 9, reached the Vega Real, he
+learned that three Spaniards, returning from St. Thomas, had been robbed
+by a party of Indians, people of a neighboring cacique. Ojeda seized the
+offenders, the ears of one of whom he cut off, and then capturing the
+cacique himself and some of his family, he sent the whole party to
+Isabella. Columbus took prompt revenge, or made the show of doing so;
+but just as the sentence of execution was to be inflicted, he yielded to
+the importunities of another cacique, and thought to keep by it his
+reputation for clemency. Presently another horseman came in from St.
+Thomas, who, on his way, had rescued, single-handed and with the aid of
+the terror which his animal inspired, another party of five Spaniards,
+whom he had found in the hands of the same tribe.
+
+[Sidenote: Diego and the junto.]
+
+Such easy conquests convinced Columbus that only proper prudence was
+demanded to maintain the Spanish supremacy with even a diminished force.
+He had not forgotten the fears of the Portuguese which were harassing
+the Spanish Court when he left Seville, and, to anticipate them, he was
+anxious to make a more thorough examination of Cuba, which was a part of
+the neighboring main of Cathay, as he was ready to suppose. He therefore
+commissioned a sort of junto to rule, while in person he should conduct
+such an expedition by water. His brother Diego was placed in command
+during his absence, and he gave him four counselors, Father Boyle, Pedro
+Fernandez Coronel, Alonso Sanchez Carvajal, and Juan de Luxan. He took
+three caravels, the smallest of his little fleet, as better suited to
+explore, and left the two large ones behind.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. April 24. Columbus sails for Cuba.]
+
+It was April 24 when Columbus sailed from Isabella, and at once he ran
+westerly. He stopped at his old fort, La Navidad, but found that
+Guacanagari avoided him, and no time could be lost in discovering why.
+On the 29th, he left Española behind and struck across to the Cuban
+shore. Here, following the southern side of that island, he anchored
+first in a harbor where there were preparations for a native feast; but
+the people fled when he landed, and the not overfed Spaniards enjoyed
+the repast that was abandoned. The Lucayan interpreter, who was of the
+party, managed after a while to allure a single Indian, more confident
+than the rest, to approach; and when this Cuban learned from one of a
+similar race the peaceful purposes of the Spaniards, he went and told
+others, and so in a little while Columbus was able to hold a parley with
+a considerable group. He caused reparation to be made for the food which
+his men had taken, and then exchanged farewells with the astounded folk.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. May 1. On the Cuban coast.]
+
+On May 1, he raised anchor, and coasted still westerly, keeping near the
+shore. The country grew more populous. The amenities of his intercourse
+with the feast-makers had doubtless been made known along the coast, and
+as a result he was easily kept supplied with fresh fruits by the
+natives. Their canoes constantly put off from the shore as the ships
+glided by. He next anchored in the harbor which was probably that known
+to-day as St. Jago de Cuba, where he received the same hospitality, and
+dispensed the same store of trinkets in return.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. May 3. Steers for Jamaica.]
+
+Here, as elsewhere along the route, the Lucayan had learned from the
+natives that a great island lay away to the south, which was the source
+of what gold they had. The information was too frequently repeated to be
+casual, and so, on May 3, Columbus boldly stood off shore, and brought
+his ships to a course due south.
+
+[Sidenote: Natives of Jamaica.]
+
+[Sidenote: A dog set upon them.]
+
+[Sidenote: Santiago or Jamaica.]
+
+[Sidenote: Character of natives.]
+
+It was not long before thin blue films appeared on the horizon. They
+deepened and grew into peaks. It was two days before the ships were near
+enough to their massive forms to see the signs of habitations everywhere
+scattered along the shore. The vessels stood in close to the land. A
+native flotilla hovered about, at first with menaces, but their
+occupants were soon won to friendliness by kindly signs. Not so,
+however, in the harbor, where, on the next day, he sought shelter and
+an opportunity to careen a leaky ship. Here the shore swarmed with
+painted men, and some canoes with feathered warriors advanced to oppose
+a landing. They hurled their javelins without effect, and filled the air
+with their screams and whoops. Columbus then sent in his boats nearer
+the shore than his ships could go, and under cover of a discharge from
+his bombards a party landed, and with their crossbows put the Indians to
+flight. Bernaldez tells that a dog was let loose upon the savages, and
+this is the earliest mention of that canine warfare which the Spaniards
+later made so sanguinary. Columbus now landed and took possession of the
+island under the name of Santiago, but the name did not supplant the
+native Jamaica. The warning lesson had its effect, and the next day some
+envoys of the cacique of the region made offers of amity, which were
+readily accepted. For three days this friendly intercourse was kept up,
+with the customary exchange of gifts. The Spaniards could but observe a
+marked difference in the character of this new people. They were more
+martial and better sailors than any they had seen since they left the
+Carib islands. The enormous mahogany-trees of the islands furnished them
+with trunks, out of which they constructed the largest canoes. Columbus
+saw one which was ninety-six feet long and eight broad. There was also
+in these people a degree of merriment such as the Spaniards had not
+noticed before, more docility and quick apprehension, and Peter Martyr
+gathered from those with whom he had talked that in almost all ways they
+seemed a manlier and experter race. Their cloth, utensils, and
+implements were of a character not differing from others the explorers
+had seen, but of better handiwork.
+
+As soon as he floated his ship, Columbus again stretched his course to
+the west, finding no further show of resistance. The native dugout
+sallied forth to trade from every little inlet which was passed.
+Finally, a youth came off and begged to be taken to the Spaniards' home,
+and the _Historie_ tells us that it was not without a scene of distress
+that he bade his kinsfolk good-by, in spite of all their endeavors to
+reclaim him. Columbus was struck with the courage and confidence of the
+youth, and ordered special kindnesses to be shown to him. We hear
+nothing more of the lad.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus returns to Cuba.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. May 18.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Queen's Gardens.]
+
+Reaching now the extreme westerly end of Jamaica, and finding the wind
+setting right for Cuba, Columbus shifted his course thither, and bore
+away to the north. On the 18th of May, he was once more on its coast.
+The people were everywhere friendly. They told him that Cuba was an
+island, but of such extent that they had never seen the end of it. This
+did not convince Columbus that it was other than the mainland. So he
+went on towards the west, in full confidence that he would come to
+Cathay, or at least, such seemed his expectation. He presently rounded a
+point, and saw before him a large archipelago. He was now at that point
+where the Cabo de la Cruz on the south and this archipelago in the
+northwest embay a broad gulf. The islands seemed almost without number,
+and they studded the sea with verdant spots. He called them the Queen's
+Gardens. He could get better seaway by standing further south, and so
+pass beyond the islands; but suspecting that they were the very islands
+which lay in masses along the coast of Cathay, as Marco Polo and
+Mandeville had said, he was prompted to risk the intricacies of their
+navigation; so he clung to the shore, and felt that without doubt he was
+verging on the territories of the Great Khan. He began soon to apprehend
+his risks. The channels were devious. The shoals perplexed him. There
+was often no room to wear ship, and the boats had to tow the caravels at
+intervals to clearer water. They could not proceed at all without
+throwing the lead. The wind was capricious, and whirled round the
+compass with the sun. Sudden tempests threatened danger.
+
+With all this anxiety, there was much to beguile. Every aspect of nature
+was like the descriptions of the East in the travelers' tales. The
+Spaniards looked for inhabitants, but none were to be seen. At last they
+espied a village on one of the islands, but on landing (May 22), not a
+soul could be found,--only the spoils of the sea which a fishing people
+would be likely to gather. Another day, they met a canoe from which some
+natives were fishing. The men came on board without trepidation and gave
+the Spaniards what fish they wanted. They had a wonderful way of
+catching fish. They used a live fish much as a falcon is used in
+catching its quarry. This fish would fasten itself to its prey by
+suckers growing about the head. The native fishermen let it out with a
+line attached to its tail, and pulled in both the catcher and the caught
+when the prey had been seized. These people also told the same story of
+the interminable extent westerly of the Cuban coast.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. June 3.]
+
+[Sidenote: Men with tails.]
+
+Columbus now passed out from among these islands and steered towards a
+mountainous region, where he again landed and opened intercourse with a
+pacific tribe on June 3. An old cacique repeated the same story of the
+illimitable land, and referred to the province of Mangon as lying
+farther west. This name was enough to rekindle the imagination of the
+Admiral. Was not Mangi the richest of the provinces that Sir John
+Mandeville had spoken of? He learned also that a people with tails lived
+there, just as that veracious narrator had described, and they wore long
+garments to conceal that appendage. What a sight a procession of these
+Asiatics would make in another reception at the Spanish Court!
+
+[Sidenote: Gulf of Xagua.]
+
+[Sidenote: White-robed men.]
+
+There was nothing now to impede the progress of the caravels, and on the
+vessels went in their westward course. Every day the crews got fresh
+fruits from the friendly canoes. They paid nothing for the balmy odors
+from the land. They next came to the Gulf of Xagua, and passing this
+they again sailed into shallow waters, whitened with the floating sand,
+which the waves kept in suspension. The course of the ships was tortuous
+among the bars, and they felt relieved when at last they found a place
+where their anchors would hold. To make sure that a way through this
+labyrinth could be found, Columbus sent his smallest caravel ahead, and
+then following her guidance, the little fleet, with great difficulty,
+and not without much danger at times, came out into clearer water.
+Later, he saw a deep bay on his right, and tacking across the opening he
+lay his course for some distant mountains. Here he anchored to replenish
+his water-casks. An archer straying into the forest came back on the
+run, saying that he had seen white-robed people. Here, then, thought
+Columbus, were the people who were concealing their tails! He sent out
+two parties to reconnoitre. They found nothing but a tangled wilderness.
+It has been suggested that the timorous and credulous archer had got
+half a sight of a flock of white cranes feeding in a savanna. Such is
+the interpretation of this story by Irving, and Humboldt tells us there
+is enough in his experience with the habits of these birds to make it
+certain that the interpretation is warranted.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus believes he sees the Golden Chersonesus,]
+
+Still the Admiral went on westerly, opening communication occasionally
+with the shore, but to little advantage in gathering information, for
+the expedition had gone beyond the range of dialects where the Lucayan
+interpreter could be of service. The shore people continued to point
+west, and the most that could be made of their signs was that a powerful
+king reigned in that direction, and that he wore white robes. This is
+the story as Bernaldez gives it; and Columbus very likely thought it a
+premonition of Prester John. The coast still stretched to the setting
+sun, if Columbus divined the native signs aright, but no one could tell
+how far. The sea again became shallow, and the keels of the caravels
+stirred up the bottom. The accounts speak of wonderful crowds of
+tortoises covering the water, pigeons darkening the sky, and gaudy
+butterflies sweeping about in clouds. The shore was too low for
+habitation; but they saw smoke and other signs of life in the high lands
+of the interior. When the coast line began to trend to the
+southwest,--it was Marco Polo who said it would,--there could be little
+doubt that the Golden Chersonesus of the ancients, which we know to-day
+as the Malacca peninsula, must be beyond.
+
+[Sidenote: by which he would return to Spain.]
+
+What next? was the thought which passed through the fevered brain of the
+Admiral. He had an answer in his mind, and it would make a new sensation
+for his poor colony at Isabella to hear of him in Spain. Passing the
+Golden Chersonesus, had he not the alternative of steering homeward by
+way of Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope, and so astound the Portuguese
+more than he did when he entered the Tagus? Or, abandoning the Indian
+Ocean and entering the Red Sea, could he not proceed to its northern
+extremity, and there, deserting his ships, join a caravan passing
+through Jerusalem and Jaffa, and so embark again on the Mediterranean
+and sail into Barcelona, a more wonderful explorer than before?
+
+These were the sublimating thoughts that now buoyed the Admiral, as he
+looked along the far-stretching coast,--or at least his friend Bernaldez
+got this impression from his intercourse with Columbus after his return
+to Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: His crew rebel.]
+
+If the compliant spirit of his crew had not been exhausted, he would
+perhaps have gone on, and would have been forced by developments to a
+revision of his geographical faith. His vessels, unfortunately, were
+strained in all their seams. Their leaks had spoiled his provisions.
+Incessant labor had begun to tell upon the health of the crew. They much
+preferred the chances of a return to Isabella, with all its hazards,
+than a sight of Jaffa and the Mediterranean, with the untold dangers of
+getting there.
+
+The Admiral, however, still pursued his course for a few days more to a
+point, as Humboldt holds, opposite the St. Philip Keys, when, finding
+the coast trending sharply to the southwest, and his crew becoming
+clamorous, he determined to go no farther.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. June 12. He turns back.]
+
+It was now the 12th of June, 1494, and if we had nothing but the
+_Historie_ to guide us, we should be ignorant of the singular turn which
+affairs took. Whoever wrote that book had, by the time it was written,
+become conscious that obliviousness was sometimes necessary to preserve
+the reputation of the Admiral. The strange document which interests us,
+however, has not been lost, and we can read it in Navarrete.
+
+[Sidenote: Enforces an oath upon his men]
+
+It is not difficult to understand the disquietude of Columbus's mind. He
+had determined to find Cathay as a counterpoise to the troubled
+conditions at Isabella, both to assuage the gloomy forebodings of the
+colonists and to reassure the public mind in Spain, which might receive,
+as he knew, a shock by the reports which Torres's fleet had carried to
+Europe. He had been forced by a mutinous crew to a determination to turn
+back, but his discontented companions might be complacent enough to
+express an opinion, if not complacent enough to run farther hazards. So
+Columbus committed himself to the last resort of deluded minds, when
+dealing with geographical or historical problems,--that of seeking to
+establish the truth by building monuments, placing inscriptions, and
+certifications under oath. He caused the eighty men who constituted the
+crew of his little squadron--and we find their name in Duro's _Colón y
+Pinzón_--to swear before a notary that it was possible to go from Cuba
+to Spain by land, across Asia.
+
+[Sidenote: that Cuba is a continent.]
+
+It was solemnly affirmed by this official that if any should swerve
+from this belief, the miserable skeptic, if an officer, should be fined
+10,000 maravedis; and if a sailor, he should receive a hundred lashes
+and have his tongue pulled out. Such were the scarcely heroic measures
+that Columbus thought it necessary to employ if he would dispel any
+belief that all these islands of the Indies were but an ocean
+archipelago after all, and that the width of the unknown void between
+Europe and Asia, which he was so confident he had traversed, was yet
+undetermined. To make Cuba a continent by affidavit was easy; to make it
+appear the identical kingdom of the Great Khan, he hoped would follow.
+During his first voyage, so far as he could make out an intelligible
+statement from what the natives indicated, he was of the opinion that
+Cuba was an island. It is to be feared that he had now reached a state
+of mind in which he did not dare to think it an island.
+
+If we believe the _Historie_,--or some passages in it, at
+least,--written, as we know, after the geography of the New World was
+fairly understood, and if we accept the evidence of the copyist,
+Herrera, Columbus never really supposed he was in Asia. If this is true,
+he took marvelous pains to deceive others by appearing to be deceived
+himself, as this notarial exhibition and his solemn asseveration to the
+Pope in 1502 show. The writers just cited say that he simply juggled the
+world by giving the name India to these regions, as better suited to
+allure emigration. Such testimony, if accepted, establishes the
+fraudulent character of these notarial proceedings. It is fair to say,
+however, that he wrote to Peter Martyr, just after the return of the
+caravels to Isabella, expressing a confident belief in his having come
+near to the region of the Ganges; and divesting the testimony of all the
+jugglery with which others have invested it, there seems little doubt
+that in this belief, at least, Columbus was sincere.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Illustration: MASS ON SHORE.
+
+[From Philoponus's _Nova Typis Transacta Navigatio_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. June 13.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. June 30.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. July 7.]
+
+On the next day, Columbus, standing to the southeast, reached a large
+island, the present Isle of Pines, which he called Evangelista. In
+endeavoring to skirt it on the south, he was entangled once more in a
+way that made him abandon the hope of a directer passage to Española
+that way, and to resolve to follow the coast back as he had come. He
+lost ten days in these uncertain efforts, which, with his provisions
+rapidly diminishing, did not conduce to reassure his crew. On June
+30, trying to follow the intricacies of the channels which had perplexed
+him before, the Admiral's ship got a severe thump on the bottom, which
+for a while threatened disaster. She was pulled through, however, by
+main force, and after a while was speeding east in clear water. They had
+now sailed beyond those marshy reaches of the coast, where they were cut
+off from intercourse with the shore, and hoped soon to find a harbor,
+where food and rest might restore the strength of the crew. Their daily
+allowance had been reduced to a pound of mouldy bread and a swallow or
+two of wine. It was the 7th of July when they anchored in an acceptable
+harbor. Here they landed, and interchanged the customary pledges of
+amity with a cacique who presented himself on the shore. Men having been
+sent to cut down some trees, a large cross was made, and erected in a
+grove, and on this spot, with a crowd of natives looking on, the
+Spaniard celebrated high mass. A venerable Indian, who watched all the
+ceremonials with close attention, divining their religious nature, made
+known to the Admiral, through the Lucayan interpreter, something of the
+sustaining belief of his own people, in words that were impressive.
+Columbus's confidence in the incapacity of the native mind for such high
+conceptions as this poor Indian manifested received a grateful shock
+when the old man, grave in his manner and unconscious in his dignity,
+pictured the opposite rewards of the good and bad in another world. Then
+turning to the Admiral, he reminded him that wrong upon the unoffending
+was no passport to the blessings of the future. The historian who tells
+us this story, and recounts how it impressed the Admiral, does not say
+that its warnings troubled him much in the times to come, when the
+unoffending were grievously wronged. Perhaps there was something of this
+forgetful spirit in the taking of a young Indian away from his friends,
+as the chroniclers say he did, in this very harbor.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. July 16.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. July 18.]
+
+[Sidenote: On the coast of Jamaica.]
+
+On July 16, Columbus left the harbor, and steering off shore to escape
+the intricate channels of the Queen's Gardens which he was now
+re-approaching, he soon found searoom, and bore away toward Española. A
+gale coming on, the caravels were forced in shore, and discovered an
+anchorage under Cabo de Cruz. Here they remained for three days, but
+the wind still blowing from the east, Columbus thought it a good
+opportunity to complete the circuit of Jamaica. He accordingly stood
+across towards that island. He was a month in beating to the eastward
+along its southern coast, for the winds were very capricious. Every
+night he anchored under the land, and the natives supplied him with
+provisions. At one place, a cacique presented himself in much feathered
+finery, accompanied by his wife and relatives, with a retinue bedizened
+in the native fashion, and doing homage to the Admiral. It was shown how
+effective the Lucayan's pictures of Spanish glory and prowess had been,
+when the cacique proposed to put himself and all his train in the
+Admiral's charge for passage to the great country of the Spanish King.
+The offer was rather embarrassing to the Admiral, with his provisions
+running low, and his ships not of the largest. He relieved himself by
+promising to conform to the wishes of the cacique at a more opportune
+moment.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. August 19.]
+
+[Sidenote: Española.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. August 23.]
+
+[Sidenote: Alto Velo.]
+
+By the 19th of August, Columbus had passed the easternmost extremity of
+Jamaica, and on the next day he was skirting the long peninsula which
+juts from the southwestern angle of Española. He was not, however,
+aware of his position till on the 23d a cacique came off to the
+caravels, and addressed Columbus by his title, with some words of
+Castilian interlarded in his speech. It was now made clear that the
+ships had nearly reached their goal, and nothing was left but to follow
+the circuit of the island. It was no easy task to do so with a wornout
+crew and crazy ships. The little fleet was separated in a gale, and when
+Columbus made the lofty rocky island which is now known as Alto Velo,
+resembling as it does in outline a tall ship under sail, he ran under
+its lee, and sent a boat ashore, with orders for the men to scale its
+heights, to learn if the missing caravels were anywhere to be seen. This
+endeavor was without result, but it was not long before the fleet was
+reunited. Further on, the Admiral learned from the natives that some of
+the Spaniards had been in that part of the island, coming from the other
+side. Finding thus through the native reports that all was quiet at
+Isabella, he landed nine men to push across the island and report his
+coming. Somewhat further to the east, a storm impending, he found a
+harbor, where the weather forced him to remain for eight days. The
+Admiral's vessel had succeeded in entering a roadstead, but the others
+lay outside, buffeting the storm,--naturally a source of constant
+anxiety to him.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus observes eclipse of the moon.]
+
+It was while in this suspense that Columbus took advantage of an eclipse
+of the moon, to ascertain his longitude. His calculations made him five
+hours and a half west of Seville,--an hour and a quarter too much,
+making an error of eighteen degrees. This mistake was quite as likely
+owing to the rudeness of his method as to the pardonable errors of the
+lunar tables of Regiomontanus (Venice, 1492), then in use. These tables
+followed methods which had more or less controlled calculations from the
+time of Hipparchus.
+
+The error of Columbus is not surprising. Even a century later, when
+Robert Hues published his treatise on the Molineaux globe (1592), the
+difficulties were in large part uncontrollable. "The most certain of all
+for this purpose," says this mathematician, "is confessed by all writers
+to be by eclipses of the moon. But now these eclipses happen but seldom,
+but are more seldom seen, yet most seldom and in very few places
+observed by the skillful artists in this science. So that there are but
+few longitudes of places designed out by this means. But this is an
+uncertain and ticklish way, and subject to many difficulties. Others
+have gone other ways to work, as, namely, by observing the space of the
+equinoctial hours betwixt the meridians of two places, which they
+conceive may be taken by the help of sundials, or clocks, or
+hourglasses, either with water or sand or the like. But all these
+conceits, long since devised, having been more strictly and accurately
+examined, have been disallowed and rejected by all learned men--at least
+those of riper judgments--as being altogether unable to perform that
+which is required of them. I shall not stand here to discover the errors
+and uncertainties of these instruments. Away with all such trifling,
+cheating rascals!"
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. September 24.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus reaches Isabella.]
+
+The weather moderating, Columbus stood out of the channel of Saona on
+September 24, and meeting the other caravels, which had weathered the
+storm, he still steered to the east. They reached the farthest end of
+Española opposite Porto Rico, and ran out to the island of Mona, in the
+channel between the two larger islands. Shortly after leaving Mona,
+Columbus, worn with the anxieties of a five months' voyage, in which his
+nervous excitement and high hopes had sustained him wonderfully, began
+to feel the reaction. His near approach to Isabella accelerated this
+recoil, till his whole system suddenly succumbed. He lay in a stupor,
+knowing little, remembering nothing, his eyes dim and vitality oozing.
+Under other command, the little fleet sorrowfully, but gladly, entered
+the harbor of Isabella.
+
+Our most effective source for the history of this striking cruise is the
+work of Bernaldez, already referred to.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV.
+
+THE SECOND VOYAGE, CONTINUED.
+
+1494-1496.
+
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. September 29. Columbus in Isabella.]
+
+It was the 29th of September, 1494, when the "Nina," with the senseless
+Admiral on board, and her frail consorts stood into the harbor of
+Isabella. Taken ashore, the sick man found no restorative like the
+presence of his brother Bartholomew, who had reached Isabella during the
+Admiral's absence.
+
+[Sidenote: Finds Bartholomew Columbus there.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bartholomew's career in England.]
+
+Several years had elapsed since the two congenial brothers had parted.
+We have seen that this brother had probably been with Bartholomew Diaz
+when he discovered the African cape. It is supposed, from the
+inscriptions on it, that the map delivered by Bartholomew to Henry VII.
+had shown the results of Diaz's discoveries. This chart had been taken
+to England, when Bartholomew had gone thither, to engage the interest of
+Henry VII. in Columbus's behalf. There is some obscurity about the
+movements of Bartholomew at this time, but there is thought by some to
+be reason to believe that he finally got sufficient encouragement from
+that Tudor prince to start for Spain with offers for his brother. The
+_Historie_ tells us that the propositions of Bartholomew were speedily
+accepted by Henry, and this statement prevails in the earlier English
+writers, like Hakluyt and Bacon; but Oviedo says the scheme was derided,
+and Geraldini says it was declined. Bartholomew reached Paris just at
+the time when word had come there of Columbus's return from his first
+voyage. His kinship to the Admiral, and his own expositions of the
+geographical problem then attracting so much attention, drew him within
+the influence of the French court, and Charles VIII. is said to have
+furnished him the means--as Bartholomew was then low in purse--to
+pursue his way to Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: In Spain.]
+
+He was, however, too late to see the Admiral, who had already departed
+from Cadiz on this second voyage. Finding that it had been arranged for
+his brother's sons to be pages at Court, he sought them, and in company
+with them he presented himself before the Spanish monarchs at
+Valladolid. These sovereigns were about fitting out a supply fleet for
+Española, and Bartholomew was put in command of an advance section of
+it. Sailing from Cadiz on April 30, 1494, with three caravels, he
+reached Isabella on St. John's Day, after the Admiral had left for his
+western cruise.
+
+[Sidenote: His character.]
+
+[Sidenote: Created Adelantado.]
+
+If it was prudent for Columbus to bring another foreigner to his aid, he
+found in Bartholomew a fitter and more courageous spirit than Diego
+possessed. The Admiral was pretty sure now to have an active and
+fearless deputy, sterner, indeed, in his habitual bearing than Columbus,
+and with a hardihood both of spirit and body that fitted him for
+command. These qualities were not suited to pacify the haughty hidalgos,
+but they were merits which rendered him able to confront the discontent
+of all settlers, and gave him the temper to stand in no fear of them. He
+brought to the government of an ill-assorted community a good deal that
+the Admiral lacked. He was soberer in his imagination; not so prone to
+let his wishes figure the future; more practiced, if we may believe Las
+Casas, in the arts of composition, and able to speak and write much more
+directly and comprehensibly than his brother. He managed men better, and
+business proceeded more regularly under his control, and he contrived to
+save what was possible from the wreck of disorder into which his
+brother's unfitness for command had thrown the colony. This is the man
+whom Las Casas enables us to understand, through the traits of character
+which he depicts. Columbus was now to create this brother his
+representative, in certain ways, with the title of Adelantado.
+
+It was also no small satisfaction to the Admiral, in his present
+weakness, to learn of the well-being of his children, and of the
+continued favor with which he was held at Court, little anticipating the
+resentment of Ferdinand that an office of the rank of Adelantado should
+be created by any delegated authority.
+
+[Sidenote: Papal Bull of Extension.]
+
+Columbus had pursued his recent explorations in some measure to
+forestall what he feared the Portuguese might be led to attempt in the
+same direction, for he had not been unaware of the disturbance in the
+court at Lisbon which the papal line of demarcation had created. He was
+glad now to learn from his brother that his own fleet had hardly got to
+sea from Cadiz, in September, 1493, when the Pope, by another bull on
+the 26th of that month, had declared that all countries of the eastern
+Indies which the Spaniards might find, in case they were not already in
+Christian hands, should be included in the grant made to Spain. This
+Bull of Extension, as it was called, was a new thorn in the side of
+Portugal, and time would reveal its effect. Alexander had resisted all
+importunities to recede from his position, taken in May.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Events in Española during the absence of Columbus.]
+
+Let us look now at what had happened in Española during the absence of
+Columbus; but in the first place, we must mark out the native division
+of the island with whose history Columbus's career is so associated.
+Just back of Isabella, and about the Vega Real, whose bewildering
+beauties of grove and savanna have excited the admiration of modern
+visitors, lay the territory tributary to a cacique named Guarionex,
+which was bounded south by the Cibao gold mountains. South of these
+interior ridges and extending to the southern shore of the island lay
+the region (Maguana) of the most warlike of all the native princes,
+Caonabo, whose wife, Anacaona, was a sister of Behechio, who governed
+Xaragua, as the larger part of the southern coast, westward of Caonabo's
+domain, including the long southwestern peninsula, was called. The
+northeastern part of the island (Marien) was subject to Guacanagari, the
+cacique neighboring to La Navidad. The eastern end (Higuay) of the
+island was under the domination of a chief named Cotabanana.
+
+It will be remembered that before starting for Cuba the Admiral had
+equipped an expedition, which, when it arrived at St. Thomas, was to be
+consigned to the charge of Pedro Margarite. This officer had
+instructions to explore the mountains of Cibao, and map out its
+resources. He was not to harass the natives by impositions, but he was
+to make them fear his power. It was also his business to avoid reducing
+the colony's supplies by making the natives support this exploring
+force. If he could not get this support by fair means, he was to use
+foul means. Such instructions were hazardous enough; but Margarite was
+not the man to soften their application. He had even failed to grasp the
+spirit of the instructions which had been given by Columbus to ensnare
+Caonabo, which were "as thoroughly base and treacherous as could well be
+imagined," says Helps, and the reader can see them in Navarrete.
+
+[Illustration: NATIVE DIVISIONS OF ESPAÑOLA.
+
+[From Charlevoix's _L'Isle Espagnole_, Amsterdam, 1733.]]
+
+This commander had spent his time mainly among the luxurious scenes of
+the Vega Real, despoiling its tribes of their provisions, and
+squandering the energies of his men in sensual diversions. The natives,
+who ought to have been his helpers, became irritated at his extortions
+and indignant at the invasion of their household happiness. The
+condition in the tribes which this riotous conduct had induced looked so
+threatening that Diego Columbus, as president of the council, wrote to
+Margarite in remonstrance, and reminded him of the Admiral's
+instructions to explore the mountains.
+
+[Sidenote: Factions.]
+
+The haughty Spaniard, taking umbrage at what he deemed an interference
+with his independent command, readily lent himself to the faction
+inimical to Columbus. With his aid and with that of Father Boyle, a
+brother Catalonian, who had proved false to his office as a member of
+the ruling council and even finally disregardful of the royal wishes
+that he should remain in the colony, an uneasy party was soon banded
+together in Isabella. The modern French canonizers, in order to
+reconcile the choice by the Pope of this recusant priest, claim that his
+Holiness, or the king for him, confounded a Benedictine and Franciscan
+priest of the same name, and that the Benedictine was an unlucky
+changeling--perhaps even purposely--for the true monk of the
+Franciscans.
+
+In the face of Diego, this cabal found little difficulty in planning to
+leave the island for Spain in the ships which had come with Bartholomew
+Columbus. Diego had no power to meet with compulsion the defiance of
+these mutineers, and was subjected to the sore mortification of seeing
+the rebels sail out of the harbor for Spain. There was left to Diego,
+however, some satisfaction in feeling that such dangerous ringleaders
+were gone; but it was not unaccompanied with anxiety to know what effect
+their representations would have at Court. A like anxiety now became
+poignant in the Admiral's mind, on his return.
+
+The stories which Diego and Bartholomew were compelled to tell Columbus
+of the sequel of this violent abandonment of the colony were sad ones.
+The license which Pedro Margarite had permitted became more extended,
+when the little armed force of the colony found itself without military
+restraint. It soon disbanded in large part, and lawless squads of
+soldiers were scattered throughout the country, wherever passion or
+avarice could find anything to prey upon. The long-suffering Indians
+soon reached the limits of endurance. A few acts of vengeance encouraged
+them to commit others, and everywhere small parties of the Spaniards
+were cut off as they wandered about for food and lustful conquests. The
+inhabitants of villages turned upon such stragglers as abused their
+hospitalities. Houses where they sheltered themselves were fired.
+Detached posts were besieged.
+
+[Sidenote: Caonabo and Fort St. Thomas.]
+
+While this condition prevailed, Caonabo planned to surprise Fort St.
+Thomas. Ojeda, here in control with fifty men, commanded about the only
+remnant of the Spanish forces which acknowledged the discipline of a
+competent leader. The vigilant Ojeda did not fail to get intelligence of
+Caonabo's intentions. He made new vows to the Virgin, before an old
+Flemish picture of Our Lady which hung in his chamber in the fort, and
+which never failed to encourage him, wherever he tarried or wherever he
+strayed. Every man was under arms, and every eye was alert, when their
+commander, as great in spirit as he was diminutive in stature, marshaled
+his fifty men along his ramparts, as Caonabo with his horde of naked
+warriors advanced to surprise him. The outraged cacique was too late. No
+unclothed natives dared to come within range of the Spanish crossbows
+and arquebuses. Ojeda met every artful and stealthy approach by a sally
+that dropped the bravest of Caonabo's warriors.
+
+The cacique next tried to starve the Spaniards out. His parties infested
+every path, and if a foraging force came out, or one of succor
+endeavored to get in, multitudes of the natives foiled the endeavor.
+Famine was impending in the fort. The procrastinations of the arts of
+beleaguering always help the white man behind his ramparts, when the
+savage is his enemy. The native force dwindled under the delays, and
+Caonabo at last abandoned the siege.
+
+[Sidenote: Caonabo's league.]
+
+The native leader now gave himself to a larger enterprise. His spies
+told him of the weakened condition of Isabella, and he resolved to form
+a league of the principal caciques of the island to attack that
+settlement. Wherever the Spaniards had penetrated, they had turned the
+friendliest feelings into hatred, and in remote parts of the island the
+reports of the Spanish ravages served, almost as much as the experience
+of them, to embitter the savage. It was no small success for Caonabo to
+make the other caciques believe that the supernatural character of the
+Spaniards would not protect them if a combined attack should be
+arranged. He persuaded all of them but Guacanagari, for that earliest
+friend of Columbus remained firm in his devotion to the Spaniards. The
+Admiral's confidence in him had not been misplaced. He was subjected to
+attacks by the other chieftains, but his constancy survived them all. In
+these incursions of his neighbors, his wives were killed and captured,
+and among them the dauntless Catalina, as is affirmed; but his zeal for
+his white neighbors did not abate.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Guacanagari.]
+
+When Guacanagari heard that Columbus had returned, he repaired to
+Isabella, and from this faithful ally the Admiral learned of the plans
+which were only waiting further developments for precipitate action.
+
+[Sidenote: Fort Conception.]
+
+Columbus, thus forewarned, was eager to break any confederacy of the
+Indians before it could gather strength. He had hardly a leader
+disengaged whom he could send on the warpath. It was scarcely politic
+to place Bartholomew in any such command over the few remaining Spanish
+cavaliers whose spirit was so necessary to any military adventure. He
+sent a party, however, to relieve a small garrison near the villages of
+Guatiguana, a tributary chief to the great cacique Guarionex; but the
+party resorted to the old excesses, and came near defeating the purposes
+of Columbus. Guatiguana was prevailed upon, however, to come to the
+Spanish settlement, and Columbus, to seal his agreement of amity with
+him, persuaded him to let the Lucayan interpreter marry his daughter. To
+this diplomatic arrangement the Admiral added the more powerful argument
+of a fort, called La Concepcion, which he later built where it could
+command the Vega Real.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Torres's ships arrive.]
+
+It was not long before four ships, with Antonio Torres in command,
+arrived from Spain, bringing a new store of provisions, another
+physician, and more medicines, and, what was much needed, artificers and
+numerous gardeners. There was some hope now that the soil could be made
+to do its part in the support of the colony.
+
+[Sidenote: 1494. June 7. Treaty of Tordesillas.]
+
+To the Admiral came a letter, dated August 16, from Ferdinand and
+Isabella, giving him notice that all the difficulties with Portugal had
+been amicably adjusted. The court of Lisbon, finding that Pope Alexander
+was not inclined to recede from his position, and Spain not courting any
+difference that would lead to hostilities, both countries had easily
+been brought to an agreement, which was made at Tordesillas, June 7,
+1494, to move the line of demarcation so much farther as to fall 370
+leagues west of the Cape de Verde Islands. Each country then bound
+itself to respect its granted rights under the bull thus modified. The
+historical study of this diplomatic controversy over the papal division
+of the world is much embarrassed by the lack of documentary records of
+the correspondence carried on by Spain, Portugal, and the Pope.
+
+[Sidenote: The sovereign's letter to Columbus,]
+
+This letter of August 16 must have been very gratifying to Columbus.
+Their Majesties told him that one of the principal reasons of their
+rejoicing in his discoveries was that they felt it all due to his genius
+and perseverance, and that the events had justified his foreknowledge
+and their expectations. So now, in their desire to define the new line
+of demarcation, and in the hope that it might be found to run through
+some ocean island, where a monument could be erected, they turned to him
+for assistance, and they expected that if he could not return to assist
+in these final negotiations, he would dispatch to them some one who was
+competent to deal with the geographical problem.
+
+[Sidenote: and to the colonists.]
+
+Torres had also brought a general letter of counsel to the colonists,
+commanding them to obey all the wishes and to bow to the authority of
+the Admiral. Whatever his lack of responsibility, in some measure at
+least, for the undoubted commercial failure of the colony, its want of a
+product in any degree commensurate both with expectation and outlay
+could not fail, as he well understood, to have a strong effect both on
+the spirit of the people and on the constancy of his royal patrons, who
+might, under the urging of Margarite and his abettors, have already
+swerved from his support.
+
+[Sidenote: 1495. February 24. The fleet returns to Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: Carrying slaves.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and slavery.]
+
+Reasons of this kind made it imperative that the newly arrived ships
+should be returned without delay, and with such reassuring messages and
+returns as could be furnished. The fleet departed on February 24, 1495.
+Himself still prostrate, and needing his brother Bartholomew to act
+during this season of his incapacity, there was no one he could spare so
+well to meet the wishes of the sovereigns as his other brother. So armed
+with maps and instructions, and with the further mission of protecting
+the Admiral's interest at Court, Diego embarked in one of the caravels.
+All the gold which had been collected was consigned to Diego's care, but
+it was only a sorry show, after all. There had been a variety of new
+fruits and spices, and samples of baser metals gathered, and these
+helped to complete the lading. There was one resource left. He had
+intimated his readiness to avail himself of it in the communication of
+his views to the sovereigns, which Torres had already conveyed to them.
+He now gave the plan the full force of an experiment, and packed into
+the little caravels full five hundred of the unhappy natives, to be sold
+as slaves. "The very ship," says Helps, "which brought that admirable
+reply from Ferdinand and Isabella to Columbus, begging him to seek some
+other way to Christianity than through slavery, even for wild
+man-devouring Caribs, should go back full of slaves taken from among the
+mild islanders of Hispaniola." The act was a long step in the miserable
+degradation which Columbus put upon those poor creatures whose existence
+he had made known to the world. Almost in the same breath, as in his
+letter to Santangel, he had suggested the future of a slave traffic out
+of that very existence. It is an obvious plea in his defense that the
+example of the church and of kings had made such heartless conduct a
+common resort to meet the financial burdens of conquest. The Portuguese
+had done it in Africa; the Spaniards had done it in Spain. The
+contemporary history of that age may be said to ring with the wails and
+moans of such negro and Moorish victims. A Holy Religion had
+unblushingly been made the sponsor for such a crime. Theologians had
+proved that the Word of God could ordain misery in this world, if only
+the recompense came--or be supposed to come--in a passport to the
+Christian's heaven.
+
+The merit which Columbus arrogated to himself was that he was superior
+to the cosmographical knowledge of his time. It was the merit of Las
+Casas that he threw upon the reeking passions of the enslaver the light
+of a religion that was above sophistry and purer than cupidity. The
+existence of Las Casas is the arraignment of Columbus.
+
+It may be indeed asking too much of weak humanity to be good in all
+things, and therein rests the pitiful plea for Columbus, the originator
+of American slavery.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Attacked by bloodhounds.]
+
+Events soon became ominous. A savage host began to gather in the Vega
+Real, and all that Columbus, now recovering his strength, could marshal
+in his defense was about two hundred foot and twenty horse, but they
+were cased in steel, and the natives were naked. In this respect, the
+fight was unequal, and the more so that the Spaniards were now able to
+take into the field a pack of twenty implacable bloodhounds. The bare
+bodies of the Indians had no protection against their insatiate thirst.
+
+[Sidenote: 1495. March 27. Columbus marches,]
+
+[Sidenote: and fights in the Vega Real.]
+
+It was the 27th of March, 1495, when Columbus, at the head of this
+little army, marched forth from Isabella, to confront a force of the
+natives, which, if we choose to believe the figures that are given by
+Las Casas, amounted to 100,000 men, massed under the command of
+Manicaotex. The whites climbed the Pass of the Hidalgos, where Columbus
+had opened the way the year before, and descended into that lovely
+valley, no longer a hospitable paradise. As they approached the hostile
+horde, details were sent to make the attacks various and simultaneous.
+The Indians were surprised at the flashes of the arquebuses from every
+quarter of the woody covert, and the clang of their enemies' drums and
+the bray of their trumpets drowned the savage yells. The native army had
+already begun to stagger in their wonder and perplexity, when Ojeda,
+seizing the opportune moment, dashed with his mounted lancemen right
+into the centre of the dusky mass. The bloodhounds rushed to their
+sanguinary work on his flanks. The task was soon done. The woods were
+filled with flying and shrieking savages. The league of the caciques was
+broken, and it was only left for the conquerors to gather up their
+prisoners. Guacanagari, who had followed the white army with a train of
+his subjects, looked on with the same wonder which struck the Indians
+who were beaten.
+
+[Sidenote: 1495. April 25.]
+
+There was no opportunity for him to fight at all. The rout had been
+complete. This notable conflict taking place on April 25, 1495, is a
+central point in a somewhat bewildering tangle of events, as our
+authorities relate them, so that it is not easy in all cases to
+establish their sequence.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Caonabo captured by Ojeda.]
+
+The question of dealing with Caonabo was still the most important of
+all. It was solved by the cunning and dash of Ojeda. Presenting his plan
+to the Admiral, he was commanded to carry it out. Taking ten men whom he
+could trust, Ojeda boldly sought the village where Caonabo was
+quartered, and with as much intrepidity as cunning put himself in the
+power of that cacique. The chieftain was not without chivalry, and the
+confidence and audacity of Ojeda won him. Hospitality was extended, and
+the confidences of a mutual respect soon ensued. Ojeda proposed that
+Caonabo should accompany him to Isabella, to make a compact of
+friendship with the Viceroy. All then would be peaceful. Caonabo, who
+had often wondered at the talking of the great bell in the chapel at
+Isabella, as he had heard it when skulking about the settlement, eagerly
+sprang to the lure, when Ojeda promised that he should have the bell.
+Ojeda, congratulating himself on the success of his bait, was
+disconcerted when he found that the cacique intended that a large force
+of armed followers should make the visit with him. To prevent this,
+Ojeda resorted to a stratagem, which is related by Las Casas, who says
+it was often spoken of when that priest first came to the island, six
+years later. Muñoz was not brought to believe the tale; but Helps sees
+no obstacle to giving it credence.
+
+The Spaniards and the Indians were all on the march together, and had
+encamped by a river. Ojeda produced a set of burnished steel manacles,
+and told the cacique that they were ornaments such as the King of Spain
+wore on solemn occasions, and that he had been commanded to give them to
+the most distinguished native prince. He first proposed a bath in the
+river. The swim over, Caonabo was prevailed upon to be put behind Ojeda
+astride the same horse. Then the shining baubles were adjusted,
+apparently without exciting suspicion, amid the elation of the savage at
+his high seat upon the wondrous beast. A few sweeping gallops of the
+horse, guided by Ojeda, and followed by the other mounted spearmen,
+scattered the amazed crowd of the cacique's attendants. Then at a
+convenient gap in the circle Ojeda spurred his steed, and the whole
+mounted party dashed into the forest and away. The party drew up only
+when they had got beyond pursuit, in order to bind the cacique faster in
+his seat. So in due time, this little cavalcade galloped into Isabella
+with its manacled prisoner.
+
+[Sidenote: Meets Columbus.]
+
+The meeting of Columbus and his captive was one of very different
+emotions in the two,--the Admiral rejoicing that his most active foe was
+in his power, and the cacique abating nothing of the defiance which
+belonged to his freedom. Las Casas tells us that, as Caonabo lay in his
+shackles in an outer apartment of the Admiral's house, the people came
+and looked at him. He also relates that the bold Ojeda was the only one
+toward whom the prisoner manifested any respect, acknowledging in this
+way his admiration for his audacity. He would maintain only an
+indifferent haughtiness toward the Admiral, who had not, as he said, the
+courage to do himself what he left to the bravery of his lieutenant.
+
+[Sidenote: Ojeda attacks the Indians.]
+
+Ojeda presently returned to his command at St. Thomas, only to find that
+a brother of Caonabo had gathered the Indians for an assault. Dauntless
+audacity again saved him. He had brought with him some new men, and so,
+leaving a garrison in the fort, he sallied forth with his horsemen and
+with as many foot as he could muster and attacked the approaching host.
+A charge of the glittering horse, with the flashing of sabres, broke the
+dusky line. The savages fled, leaving their commander a prisoner in
+Ojeda's hands.
+
+Columbus followed up these triumphs by a march through the country.
+Every opposition needed scarce more than a dash of Ojeda's cavalry to
+break it. The Vega was once more quiet with a sullen submission. The
+confederated caciques all sued for peace, except Behechio, who ruled the
+southwestern corner of the island. The whites had not yet invaded his
+territory, and he retired morosely, taking with him his sister,
+Anacaona, the wife of the imprisoned Caonabo.
+
+[Sidenote: Repartimientos and encomiendas.]
+
+The battle and the succeeding collapse had settled the fate of the poor
+natives. The policy of subjecting men by violence to pay the tribute of
+their lives and property to Spanish cupidity was begun in earnest, and
+it was shortly after made to include the labor on the Spanish farms,
+which, under the names of repartimientos and encomiendas, demoralized
+the lives of master and slave. When prisoners were gathered
+in such numbers that to guard them was a burden, there could be but
+little delay in forcing the issue of the slave trade upon the Crown as a
+part of an established policy. To the mind of Columbus, there was now
+some chance of repelling the accusations of Margarite and Father Boyle
+by palpable returns of olive flesh and shining metal. A scheme of
+enforced contribution of gold was accordingly planned. Each native above
+the age of fourteen was required to pay every three months, into the
+Spanish coffers, his share of gold, measured by the capacity of a hawk's
+bell for the common person, and by that of a calabash for the cacique.
+In the regions distant from the gold deposits, cotton was accepted as a
+substitute, twenty-five pounds for each person. A copper medal was put
+on the neck of every Indian for each payment, and new exactions were
+levied upon those who failed to show the medals. The amount of this
+tribute was more than the poor natives could find, and Guarionex tried
+to have it commuted for grain; but the golden greed of Columbus was
+inexorable. He preferred to reduce the requirements rather than vary the
+kind. A half of a hawk's bell of gold was better than stores of grain.
+"It is a curious circumstance," says Irving, "that the miseries of the
+poor natives should thus be measured out, as it were, by the very
+baubles which first fascinated them."
+
+[Sidenote: Forts built.]
+
+To make this payment sure, it was necessary to establish other armed
+posts through the country; and there were speedily built that of
+Magdalena in the Vega, one called Esperanza in Cibao, another named
+Catalina, beside La Concepcion, which has already been mentioned.
+
+[Sidenote: The natives debased.]
+
+The change which ensued in the lives of the natives was pitiable. The
+labor of sifting the sands of the streams for gold, which they had
+heretofore made a mere pastime to secure bits to pound into ornaments,
+became a depressing task. To work fields under a tropical sun, where
+they had basked for sportive rest, converted their native joyousness
+into despair. They sang their grief in melancholy songs, as Peter Martyr
+tells us. Gradually they withdrew from their old haunts, and by hiding
+in the mountains, they sought to avoid the exactions, and to force the
+Spaniards, thus no longer supplied by native labor with food, to abandon
+their posts and retire to Isabella, if not to leave the island.
+
+[Sidenote: Guacanagari disappears.]
+
+Scant fare for themselves and the misery of dank lurking-places were
+preferable to the heavy burdens of the taskmasters. They died in their
+retreats rather than return to their miserable labors. Even the
+long-tried friend of the Spaniards, Guacanagari, was made no exception.
+He and his people suffered every exaction with the rest of their
+countrymen. The cacique himself is said eventually to have buried
+himself in despair in the mountain fastnesses, and so passed from the
+sight of men.
+
+The Spaniards were not so easily to be thwarted. They hunted the poor
+creatures like game, and, under the goading of lashes, such as survived
+were in time returned to their slavery. So thoroughly was every instinct
+of vengeance rooted out of the naturally timid nature of the Indians
+that a Spaniard might, as Las Casas tells us, march solemnly like an
+army through the most solitary parts of the island and receive tribute
+at every demand.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's interests in Spain.]
+
+It is time to watch the effect of the representations of Margarite and
+Father Boyle at the Spanish Court. Columbus had been doubtless impelled,
+in these schemes of cruel exaction, by the fear of their influence, and
+with the hope of meeting their sneers at his ill success with
+substantial tribute to the Crown. The charges against Columbus and his
+policy and against his misrepresentation had all the immediate effect of
+accusations which are supported by one-sided witnesses. Every sentiment
+of jealousy and pride was played upon, and every circumstance of
+palliation and modification was ignored. The suspicious reservation
+which had more or less characterized the bearing of Ferdinand towards
+the transactions of the hero could become a background to the newer
+emotions. Fonseca and the comptroller Juan de Soria are charged with an
+easy acceptance of every insinuation against the Viceroy. The canonizers
+cannot execrate Fonseca enough. They make him alternately the creature
+and beguiler of the King. His subserviency, his trading in bishoprics,
+and his alleged hatred of Columbus are features of all their portraits
+of him.
+
+[Sidenote: Aguado sent to Española.]
+
+The case against the Admiral was thus successfully argued. Testimony
+like that of the receiver of the Crown taxes in rebuttal of charges
+seemed to weigh little. Movements having been instituted at once (April
+7, 1495) to succor the colony by the immediate dispatch of supplies, it
+was two days later agreed with Beradi--the same with whom Vespucius had
+been associated, as we have seen--to furnish twelve ships for Española.
+The resolution was then taken to send an agent to investigate the
+affairs of the colony. If he should find the Admiral still absent,--for
+the length of his cruise to Cuba had already, at that time, begun to
+excite apprehension of his safety,--this same agent was to superintend
+the distribution of the supplies which he was to take. At this juncture,
+in April, 1495, Torres, arriving with his fleet, reported the Admiral's
+safe return, and submitted the notarial document, in which Columbus had
+made it clear to his own satisfaction that the Golden Chersonesus was in
+sight. Whether that freak of geographical prescience threw about his
+expedition a temporary splendor, and again wakened the gratitude of the
+sovereigns, as Irving says it did, may be left to the imagination; but
+the fact remains that the sovereigns did not swerve from their purpose
+to send an inquisitor to the colony, and the same Juan Aguado who had
+come back with credentials from the Admiral himself was selected for the
+mission.
+
+[Sidenote: 1495. April 10. All Spaniards allowed to explore.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nameless voyagers.]
+
+There were some recent orders of the Crown which Aguado was to break to
+the Admiral, from which Columbus could not fail to discover that the
+exclusiveness of his powers was seriously impaired. On the 10th of
+April, 1495, it had been ordered that any native-born Spaniard could
+invade the seas which had been sacredly apportioned to Columbus, that
+such navigator might discover what he could, and even settle, if he
+liked, in Española. This order was a ground of serious complaint by
+Columbus at a later day, for the reason that this license was availed of
+by unworthy interlopers. He declares that after the way had been shown
+even the very tailors turned explorers. It seems tolerably certain that
+this irresponsible voyaging, which continued till Columbus induced the
+monarchs to rescind the order in June, 1497, worked developments in the
+current cartography of the new regions which it is difficult to trace to
+their distinct sources. Gomara intimates that during this period there
+were nameless voyagers, of whose exploits we have no record by which to
+identify them, and Navarrete and Humboldt find evidences of
+explorations which cannot otherwise be accounted for.
+
+[Sidenote: Enemies of Columbus.]
+
+How far this condition of affairs was brought about by the importunities
+of the enemies of Columbus is not clear. The surviving Pinzons are said
+to have been in part those who influenced the monarchs, but doubtless a
+share of profits, which the Crown required from all such private
+speculation, was quite as strong an incentive as any importunities of
+eager mariners. The burdens of the official expeditions were onerous for
+an exhausted treasury, and any resource to replenish its coffers was not
+very narrowly scrutinized in the light of the pledges which Columbus had
+exacted from a Crown that was beginning to understand the impolicy of
+such concessions.
+
+[Sidenote: Fonseca and Diego Colon.]
+
+There was also at this time a passage of words between Fonseca and Diego
+Colon that was not without irritating elements. The Admiral's brother
+had brought some gold with him, which he claimed as his own. Fonseca
+withheld it, but in the end obeyed the sovereign's order and released
+it. It was no time to add to the complications of the Crown's relations
+with the distant Viceroy.
+
+[Sidenote: Royal letter to Columbus.]
+
+Aguado bore a royal letter, which commanded Columbus to reduce the
+dependents of the colony to five hundred, as a necessary retrenchment.
+There had previously been a thousand. Directions were also given to
+control the apportionment of rations. A new metallurgist and
+master-miner, Pablo Belvis, was sent out, and extraordinary privileges
+in the working of the mines were given to him. Muñoz says that he
+introduced there the quicksilver process of separating the gold from the
+sand. A number of new priests were collected to take the place of those
+who had returned, or who desired to come back.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and slavery.]
+
+Such were the companions and instructions that Aguado was commissioned
+to bear to Columbus. There was still another movement in the policy of
+the Crown that offered the Viceroy little ground for reassurance. The
+prisoners which he had sent by the ships raised a serious question. It
+was determined that any transaction looking to the making slaves of them
+had not been authorized; but the desire of Columbus so to treat them had
+at first been met by a royal order directing their sale in the marts of
+Andalusia. A few days later, under the influence of Isabella, this
+order had been suspended, till an inquiry could be made into the cause
+of the capture of the Indians, and until the theologians could decide
+upon the justifiableness of such a sale. If we may believe Bernaldez,
+who pictures their misery, they were subsequently sold in Seville.
+Muñoz, however, says that he could not find that the trouble which
+harassed the theologians was ever decided. Such hesitancy was calculated
+to present a cruel dilemma to the Viceroy, since the only way in which
+the clamor of the Court for gold could be promptly appeased came near
+being prohibited by what Columbus must have called the misapplied mercy
+of the Queen. He failed to see, as Muñoz suggests, why vassals of the
+Crown, entering upon acts of resistance, should not be subjected to
+every sort of cruelty. Humboldt wonders at any hesitancy when the grand
+inquisitor, Torquemada, was burning heretics so fiercely at this time
+that such expiations of the poor Moors and Jews numbered 8,800 between
+1481 and 1498!
+
+[Sidenote: 1495. October. Aguado at Isabella.]
+
+Aguado, with four caravels, and Diego Columbus accompanying him, having
+sailed from Cadiz late in August, 1495, reached the harbor of Isabella
+some time in October. The new commissioner found the Admiral absent,
+occupied with affairs in other parts of the island. Aguado soon made
+known his authority. It was embraced in a brief missive, dated April 9,
+1495, and as Irving translates it, it read: "Cavaliers, esquires, and
+other persons, who by our orders are in the Indies, we send to you Juan
+Aguado, our groom of the chambers, who will speak to you on our part. We
+command you to give him faith and credit." The efficacy of such an order
+depended on the royal purpose that was behind it, and on the will of the
+commissioner, which might or might not conform to that purpose. It has
+been a plea of Irving and others that Aguado, elated by a transient
+authority, transcended the intentions of the monarchs. It is not easy to
+find a definite determination of such a question. It appears that when
+the instrument was proclaimed by trumpet, the general opinion did not
+interpret the order as a suspension of the Viceroy's powers. The
+Adelantado, who was governing in Columbus's absence, saw the new
+commissioner order arrests, countermand directions, and in various ways
+assume the functions of a governor. Bartholomew was in no condition to
+do more than mildly remonstrate. It was clearly not safe for him to
+provoke the great body of the discontented colonists, who professed now
+to find a champion sent to them by royal order.
+
+[Sidenote: Meets Columbus.]
+
+Columbus heard of Aguado's arrival, and at once returned to Isabella.
+Aguado, who had started to find him with an escort of horse, missed him
+on the road, and this delayed their meeting a little. When the
+conference came, Columbus, with a dignified and courteous air, bowed to
+a superior authority. It has passed into history that Aguado was
+disappointed at this quiet submission, and had hoped for an altercation,
+which might warrant some peremptory force. It is also said that later he
+endeavored to make it appear how Columbus had not been so complacent as
+was becoming.
+
+It was soon apparent that this displacement of the Admiral was restoring
+even the natives to hope, and their caciques were not slow in presenting
+complaints, not certainly without reason, to the ascendant power, and
+against the merciless extortions of the Admiral.
+
+[Sidenote: Accuses Columbus.]
+
+The budget of accusations which Aguado had accumulated was now full
+enough, and he ordered the vessels to make ready to carry him back to
+Spain. The situation for Columbus was a serious one. He had in all this
+trial experienced the results of the intrigues of Margarite and Father
+Boyle. He knew of the damaging persuasiveness of the Pinzons. He had not
+much to expect from the advocacy of Diego. There was nothing for him to
+do but to face in person the charges as reënforced by Aguado. He
+resolved to return in the ships. "It is not one of the least singular
+traits in his history," says Irving, "that after having been so many
+years in persuading mankind that there was a new world to be discovered,
+he had almost an equal trouble in proving to them the advantage of the
+discovery." He himself never did prove it.
+
+[Sidenote: Ships wrecked in the harbor.]
+
+The ships were ready. They lay at anchor in the roadstead. A cloud of
+vapor and dust was seen in the east. It was borne headlong before a
+hurricane such as the Spaniards had never seen, and the natives could
+not remember its equal. It cut a track through the forests. It lashed
+the sea until its expanse seethed and writhed and sent its harried
+waters tossing in a seeming fright. The uplifted surges broke the
+natural barriers and started inland. The ships shuddered at their
+anchorage; cables snapped; three caravels sunk, and the rest were dashed
+on the beach. The tumult lasted for three hours, and then the sun shone
+upon the havoc.
+
+[Illustration: SPANISH SETTLEMENTS IN ESPAÑOLA.
+
+[From Charlevoix's _L'Isle Espagnole_ (Amsterdam, 1733).]]
+
+There was but one vessel left in the harbor, and she was shattered. It
+was the "Nina," which had borne Columbus in his western cruise. As soon
+as the little colony recovered its senses, men were set to work
+repairing the solitary caravel, and constructing another out of the
+remnants of the wrecks.
+
+[Sidenote: Miguel Diaz finds gold.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hayna mines.]
+
+[Sidenote: Solomon's Ophir.]
+
+While this was going on, a young Spaniard, Miguel Diaz by name,
+presented himself in Isabella. He had been in the service of the
+Adelantado, and was not unrecognized. He was one who had some time
+before wounded another Spaniard in a duel, and, supposing that the wound
+was mortal, he had, with a few friends, fled into the woods and wandered
+away till he came to the banks of the Ozema, a river on the southern
+coast of the island, at the mouth of which the city of Santo Domingo now
+stands. Here, as he said, he had attracted the attention of a female
+cacique, there reigning, and had become her lover. She confided to him
+the fact that there were rich gold mines in her territory, and to make
+him more content in her company, she suggested that perhaps the Admiral,
+if he knew of the mines, would abandon the low site of Isabella, and
+find a better one on the Ozema. Acting on this suggestion, Diaz, with
+some guides, returned to the neighborhood of Isabella, and lingered in
+concealment till he learned that his antagonist had survived his wound.
+Then, making bold, he entered the town, as we have seen. His story was a
+welcome one, and the Adelantado was dispatched with a force to verify
+the adventurer's statement. In due time, the party returned, and
+reported that at a river named Hayna they had found such stores of gold
+that Cibao was poor in comparison. The explorers had seen the metal in
+all the streams; they observed it in the hillsides. They had discovered
+two deep excavations, which looked as if the mines had been worked at
+some time by a more enterprising people, since of these great holes the
+natives could give no account. Once more the Admiral's imagination was
+fired. He felt sure that he had come upon the Ophir of Solomon. These
+ancient mines must have yielded the gold which covered the great Temple.
+Had the Admiral not discovered already the course of the ships which
+sought it? Did they not come from the Persian gulf, round the Golden
+Chersonesus, and so easterly, as he himself had in the reverse way
+tracked the very course? Here was a new splendor for the Court of Spain.
+If the name of India was redolent of spices, that of Ophir could but be
+resplendent with gold! That was a message worth taking to Europe.
+
+The two caravels were now ready. The Adelantado was left in command,
+with Diego to succeed in case of his death. Francisco Roldan was
+commissioned as chief magistrate, and the Fathers Juan Berzognon and
+Roman Pane remained behind to pursue missionary labors among the
+natives. Instructions were left that the valley of the Ozema should be
+occupied, and a fort built in it. Diaz, with his queenly Catalina, had
+become important.
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. March 10. Columbus and Aguado sail for Spain, carrying
+Caonabo.]
+
+There was a motley company of about two hundred and fifty persons,
+largely discontents and vagabonds, crowded into the two ships. Columbus
+was in one, and Aguado in the other. So they started on their
+adventurous and wearying voyage on March 10, 1496. They carried about
+thirty Indians in confinement, and among them the manacled Caonabo, with
+some of his relatives. Columbus told Bernaldez that he took the
+chieftain over to impress him with Spanish power, and that he intended
+to send him back and release him in the end. His release came otherwise.
+There is some disagreement of testimony on the point, some alleging that
+he was drowned during the hurricane in the harbor, but the better
+opinion seems to be that he died on the voyage, of a broken spirit. At
+any rate, he never reached Spain, and we hear of him only once while on
+shipboard.
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. April 6.]
+
+We have seen that on his return voyage in 1492 Columbus had pushed north
+before turning east. It does not appear how much he had learned of the
+experience of Torres's easterly passages. Perhaps it was only to make a
+new trial that he now steered directly east. He met the trade winds and
+the calms of the tropics, and had been almost a month at sea when, on
+April 6, he found himself still neighboring to the islands of the
+Caribs. His crew needed rest and provisions, and he bore away to seek
+them. He anchored for a while at Marigalante, and then passed on to
+Guadaloupe.
+
+[Sidenote: At Guadaloupe.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. June.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. June 11. Cadiz.]
+
+He had some difficulty in landing, as a wild, screaming mass of natives
+was gathered on the beach in a hostile manner. A discharge of the
+Spanish arquebuses cleared the way, and later a party scouring the woods
+captured some of the courageous women of the tribe. These were all
+released, however, except a strong, powerful woman, who, with a
+daughter, refused to be left, for the reason, as the story goes, that
+she had conceived a passion for Caonabo. By the 20th, the ships again
+set sail; but the same easterly trades baffled them, and another month
+was passed without much progress. By the beginning of June, provisions
+were so reduced that there were fears of famine, and it began to be
+considered whether the voyagers might not emulate the Caribs and eat the
+Indians. Columbus interfered, on the plea that the poor creatures were
+Christian enough to be protected from such a fate; but as it turned out,
+they were not Christian enough to be saved from the slave-block in
+Andalusia. The alert senses of Columbus had convinced him that land
+could not be far distant, and he was confirmed in this by his reckoning.
+These opinions of Columbus were questioned, however, and it was not at
+all clear in the minds of some, even of the experienced pilots who were
+on board, that they were so near the latitude of Cape St. Vincent as the
+Admiral affirmed. Some of these navigators put the ships as far north as
+the Bay of Biscay, others even as far as the English Channel. Columbus
+one night ordered sail to be taken in. They were too near the land to
+proceed. In the morning, they saw land in the neighborhood of Cape St.
+Vincent. On June 11, they entered the harbor of Cadiz.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV.
+
+IN SPAIN, 1496-1498.
+
+DA GAMA, VESPUCIUS, CABOT.
+
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. Columbus arrives at Cadiz,]
+
+"The wretched men crawled forth," as Irving tells us of their
+debarkation, "emaciated by the diseases of the colony and the hardships
+of the voyage, who carried in their yellow countenances, says an old
+writer, a mockery of that gold which had been the object of their
+search, and who had nothing to relate of the New World but tales of
+sickness, poverty, and disappointment." This is the key to the contrasts
+in the present reception of the adventurers with that which greeted
+Columbus on his return to Palos.
+
+When Columbus landed at Cadiz, he was clothed with the robe and girdled
+with the cord of the Franciscans. His face was unshaven. Whether this
+was in penance, or an assumption of piety to serve as a lure, is not
+clear. Oviedo says it was to express his humility; and his humbled pride
+needed some such expression.
+
+[Sidenote: and learns the condition of the public mind.]
+
+He found in the harbor three caravels just about starting for Española
+with tardy supplies. It had been intended to send some in January; but
+the ships which started with them suffered wreck on the neighboring
+coasts. He had only to ask Pedro Alonso Niño, the commander of this
+little fleet, for his dispatches, to find the condition of feeling which
+he was to encounter in Spain. They gave him a sense, more than ever
+before, of the urgent necessity of making the colony tributary to the
+treasury of the Crown. It was clear that discord and unproductiveness
+were not much longer to be endured. So he wrote a letter to the
+Adelantado, which was to go by the ships, urging expedition in quieting
+the life of the colonists, and in bringing the resources of the island
+under such control that it could be made to yield a steady flow of
+treasure.
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. June 17. Columbus writes to Bartholomew.]
+
+To this end, the new mines of Hayna must be further explored, and the
+working of them started with diligence. A port of shipment should be
+found in their neighborhood, he adds. With such instructions to
+Bartholomew, the caravels sailed on June 17, 1496. It must have been
+with some trepidation that Columbus forwarded to the Court the tidings
+of his arrival. If the two dispatches which he sent could have been
+preserved, we might better understand his mental condition.
+
+[Sidenote: Invited to Court.]
+
+As soon as the messages of Columbus reached their Majesties, then at
+Almazan, they sent, July 12, 1496, a letter inviting him to Court, and
+reassuring him in his despondency by expressions of kindness. So he
+started to join the Court in a somewhat better frame of mind. He led
+some of his bedecked Indians in his train, not forgetting "in the towns"
+to make a cacique among them wear conspicuously a golden necklace.
+
+Bernaldez tells us that it was in this wily fashion that Columbus made
+his journey into the country of Castile,--"the which collar," that
+writer adds, "I have seen and held in these hands;" and he goes on to
+describe the other precious ornaments of the natives, which Columbus
+took care that the gaping crowds should see on this wandering mission.
+
+It is one of the anachronisms of the _Historie_ of 1571 that it places
+the Court at this time at Burgos, and makes it there to celebrate the
+marriage of the crown prince with Margaret of Austria. The author of
+that book speaks of seeing the festivities himself, then in attendance
+as a page upon Don Juan. It was a singular lapse of memory in Ferdinand
+Columbus--if this statement is his--to make two events like the arrival
+of his father at Court, with all the incidental parade as described in
+the book, and the ceremonies of that wedding festival identical in time.
+The wedding was in fact nine months later, in April, 1497.
+
+[Sidenote: Received by the sovereigns.]
+
+[Sidenote: Makes new demands.]
+
+Columbus's reception, wherever it was, seems to have been gracious, and
+he made the most of the amenities of the occasion to picture, in his old
+exaggerating way, the wealth of the Ophir mines. He was encouraged by
+the effect which his enthusiasm had produced to ask to be supplied with
+another fleet, partly to send additional supplies to Española, but
+mainly to enable him to discover that continental land farther
+south, of which he had so constantly heard reports.
+
+It was easy for the monarchs to give fair promises, and quite as easy to
+forget them, for a while at least, in the busy scenes which their
+political ambitions were producing. Belligerent relations with France
+necessitated a vigilant watch about the Pyrenees. There were fleets to
+be maintained to resist, both in the Mediterranean and on the Atlantic
+coast, attacks which might unexpectedly fall. An imposing armada was
+preparing to go to Flanders to carry thither the Princess Juana to her
+espousal with Philip of Austria. The same fleet was to bring back
+Philip's sister Margaret to become the bride of Prince Juan, in those
+ceremonials to which reference has already been made.
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. Autumn. A new expedition ordered.]
+
+These events were too engrossing for the monarchs to give much attention
+to the wishes of Columbus, and it was not till the autumn of 1496 that
+an appropriation was made to equip another little squadron for him. The
+hopes it raised were soon dashed, for having some occasion to need money
+promptly, at a crisis of the contest which the King was waging with
+France, the money which had been intended for Columbus was diverted to
+the new exigency. What was worse in the eyes of Columbus, it was to be
+paid out of some gold which it was supposed that Niño had brought back
+from the mines of Hayna. This officer on arriving at Cadiz had sent to
+the Court some boastful messages about his golden lading, which were not
+confirmed when in December the sober dispatch of the Adelantado, which
+Niño had kept back, came to be read. The nearest approach to gold which
+the caravels brought was another crowd of dusky slaves, and the
+dispatches of Bartholomew pictured the colony in the same conditions of
+destitution as before. There was no stimulant in such reports either for
+the Admiral or for the Court, and the New World was again dismissed from
+the minds of all, or consigned to their derision.
+
+[Sidenote: 1497. Spring. Columbus's rights reaffirmed.]
+
+[Sidenote: New powers.]
+
+[Illustration: FERDINAND OF ARAGON.
+
+[From an ancient medallion given in Buckingham Smith's _Coleccion_.]]
+
+When the spring months of 1497 arrived, there were new hopes. The
+wedding of Prince Juan at Burgos was over, and the Queen was left more
+at liberty to think of her patronage of the new discoveries. The King
+was growing more and more apathetic, and some of the leading spirits of
+the Court were inimical, either actively or reservedly. By the Queen's
+influence, the old rights bestowed upon Columbus were reaffirmed (April
+23, 1497), and he was offered a large landed estate in Española, with a
+new territorial title; but he was wise enough to see that to accept it
+would complicate his affairs beyond their present entanglement. He was
+solicitous, however, to remove some of his present pecuniary
+embarrassments, and it was arranged that he should be relieved from
+bearing an eighth of the cost of the ventures of the last three years,
+and that he should surrender all rights to the profits; while for the
+three years to come he should have an eighth of the gross income, and a
+further tenth of the net proceeds. Later, the original agreement was to
+be restored. His brother Bartholomew was created Adelantado, giving thus
+the royal sanction to the earlier act of the Admiral.
+
+[Sidenote: Fonseca allowed to grant licenses.]
+
+In the letters patent made out previous to Columbus's second voyage, the
+Crown distinctly reserved the right to grant other licenses, and
+invested Fonseca with the power to do so, allowing to Columbus nothing
+more than one eighth of the tonnage; and in the ordinance of June 2,
+1497, in which they now revoked all previous licenses, the revocation
+was confined to such things as were repugnant to the rights of Columbus.
+It was also agreed that the Crown should maintain for him a body of
+three hundred and thirty gentlemen, soldiers, and helpers, to accompany
+him on his new expedition, and this number could be increased, if the
+profits of the colony warranted the expenditure. Power was given to him
+to grant land to such as would cultivate the soil for four years; but
+all brazil-wood and metals were to be reserved for the Crown.
+
+[Illustration: BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS.
+
+[From Barcia's _Herrera_.]]
+
+All this seemed to indicate that the complaints which had been made
+against the oppressive sternness of the Admiral's rule had not as yet
+broken down the barriers of the Queen's protection. Indeed, we find up
+to this time no record of any serious question at Court of his
+authority, and Irving thinks nothing indicates any symptom of the royal
+discontent except the reiterated injunctions, in the orders given to him
+respecting the natives and the colonists, that leniency should govern
+his conduct so far as was safe.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. February 22. Makes a will.]
+
+Permission being given to him to entail his estates, he marked out in a
+testamentary document (February 22, 1498) the succession of his
+heirs,--male heirs, with Ferdinand's rights protected, if Diego's line
+ran out; then male heirs of his brothers; and if all male heirs failed,
+then the estates were to descend by the female line. The title Admiral
+was made the paramount honor, and to be the perpetual distinction of his
+representatives. The entail was to furnish forever a tenth of its
+revenues to charitable uses. Genoa was placed particularly under the
+patronage of his succeeding representatives, with injunctions always to
+do that city service, as far as the interests of the Church and the
+Spanish Crown would permit. Investments were to be made from time to
+time in the bank of St. George at Genoa, to accumulate against the
+opportune moment when the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre seemed
+feasible, either to help to that end any state expedition or to fit out
+a private one. He enjoined upon his heirs a constant, unwavering
+devotion to the Papal Church and to the Spanish Crown. At every season
+of confession, his representative was commanded to lay open his heart to
+the confessor, who must be prompted by a perusal of the will to ask the
+crucial questions.
+
+It was in the same document that Columbus prescribed the signature of
+his representatives in succeeding generations, following a formula which
+he always used himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's signature.]
+
+ .S.
+ .S.A.S.
+ X M Y
+ [Greek: Chr~o] FERENS.
+
+The interpretation of this has been various: _Servus Supplex Altissimi
+Salvatoris, Christus, Maria, Yoseph, Christo ferens_, is one solution;
+_Servidor sus Altezas sacras, Christo, Maria Ysabel_, is another; and
+these are not all.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Unpopularity of Columbus.]
+
+The complacency of the Queen was soothing; her appointment of his son
+Ferdinand as her page (February 18, 1498) was gratifying, but it could
+not wholly compensate Columbus for the condition of the public mind, of
+which he was in every way forcibly reminded. There were both the whisper
+of detraction spreading abroad, and the outspoken objurgation. The
+physical debility of his returned companions was made a strong contrast
+to his reiterated stories of Paradise. Fortunes wrecked, labor wasted,
+and lives lost had found but a pitiable compensation in a few cargoes of
+miserable slaves. The people had heard of his enchanting landscapes, but
+they had found his aloes and mastic of no value. Hidalgoes said there
+was nothing of the luxury they had been told to expect. The gorgeous
+cities of the Great Khan had not been found. Such were the kind of
+taunts to which he was subjected.
+
+[Sidenote: His sojourn with Bernaldez.]
+
+Columbus, during this period of his sojourn in Spain, spent a
+considerable interval under the roof of Andres Bernaldez, and we get in
+his history of the Spanish kings the advantage of the talks which the
+two friends had together.
+
+The Admiral is known to have left with Bernaldez various documents which
+were given to him in the presence of Juan de Fonseca. From the way in
+which Bernaldez speaks of these papers, they would seem to have been
+accounts of the voyage of Columbus then already made, and it was upon
+these documents that Bernaldez says he based his own narratives.
+
+[Sidenote: Bernaldez's opinions.]
+
+This ecclesiastic had known Columbus at an earlier day, when the Genoese
+was a vender of books in Andalusia, as he says; in characterizing him,
+he calls his friend in another place a man of an ingenious turn, but not
+of much learning, and he leaves one to infer that the book-vender was
+not much suspected of great familiarity with his wares.
+
+We get as clearly from Bernaldez as from any other source the measure of
+the disappointment which the public shared as respects the conspicuous
+failure of these voyages of Columbus in their pecuniary relations.
+
+[Sidenote: Scant returns of gold.]
+
+The results are summed up by that historian to show that the cost of the
+voyages had been so great and the returns so small that it came to be
+believed that there was in the new regions no gold to speak of. Taking
+the first voyage,--and the second was hardly better, considering the
+larger opportunities,--Harrisse has collated, for instance, all the
+references to what gold Columbus may have gathered; and though there are
+some contradictory reports, the weight of testimony seems to confine the
+amount to an inconsiderable sum, which consisted in the main of personal
+ornaments. There are legends of the gold brought to Spain from this
+voyage being used to gild palaces and churches, to make altar ornaments
+for the cathedral at Toledo, to serve as gifts of homage to the Pope,
+but we may safely say that no reputable authority supports any such
+statements.
+
+Notwithstanding this seeming royal content of which the signs have been
+given, there was, by virtue of a discontented and irritated public
+sentiment, a course open to Columbus in these efforts to fit out his new
+expedition which was far from easy. There was so much disinclination in
+the merchants to furnish ships that it required a royal order to seize
+them before the small fleet could be gathered.
+
+[Sidenote: Difficulties in fitting out the new expedition.]
+
+[Sidenote: Criminals enlisted.]
+
+The enlistments to man the ships and make up the contingent destined for
+the colony were more difficult still. The alacrity with which everybody
+bounded to the summons on his second voyage had entirely gone, and it
+was only by the foolish device which Columbus decided upon of opening
+the doors of the prisons and of giving pardon to criminals at large,
+that he was enabled to help on the registration of his company.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. Two caravels sail.]
+
+Finding that all went slowly, and knowing that the colony at Española
+must be suffering from want of supplies, the Queen was induced to order
+two caravels of the fleet to sail at once, early in 1498, under the
+command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel. This was only possible because the
+Queen took some money which she had laid aside as a part of a dower
+which was intended for her daughter Isabella, then betrothed to
+Emmanuel, the King of Portugal.
+
+[Sidenote: Fonseca's lack of heart.]
+
+So much was gratifying; but the main object of the new expedition was to
+make new discoveries, and there were many harassing delays yet in store
+for Columbus before he could depart with the rest of his fleet. These
+delays, as we shall see, enabled another people, under the lead of
+another Italian, to precede him and make the first discovery of the
+mainland. The Queen was cordial, but an affliction came to distract her,
+in the death of Prince Juan. Fonseca, who was now in charge of the
+fitting out of the caravels, seems to have lacked heart in the
+enterprise; but it serves the purpose of Columbus's adulatory
+biographers to give that agent of the Crown the character of a
+determined enemy of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's altercation with Fonseca's accountant.]
+
+Even the prisons did not disgorge their vermin, as he had wished, and
+his company gathered very slowly, and never became full. Las Casas tells
+us that troubles followed him even to the dock. The accountant of
+Fonseca, one Ximeno de Breviesca, got into an altercation with the
+Admiral, who knocked him down and exhibited other marks of passion. Las
+Casas further tells us that this violence, through the representations
+of it which Fonseca made, produced a greater effect on the monarchs than
+all the allegations of the Admiral's cruelty and vindictiveness which
+his accusers from Española had constantly brought forward, and that it
+was the immediate cause of the change of royal sentiment towards him,
+which soon afterwards appeared. Columbus seems to have discovered the
+mistake he had made very promptly, and wrote to the monarchs to
+counteract its effect. It was therefore with this new anxiety upon his
+mind that he for the third time committed himself to his career of
+adventure and exploration. The canonizers would have it that their
+sainted hero found it necessary to prove by his energy in personal
+violence that age had not impaired his manhood for the trials before
+him!
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Before following Columbus on this voyage, the reader must take a glance
+at the conditions of discovery elsewhere, for these other events were
+intimately connected with the significance of Columbus's own voyagings.
+
+[Sidenote: Da Gama's passage of the African cape.]
+
+The problem which the Portuguese had undertaken to solve was, as has
+been seen, the passage to India by the Stormy Cape of Africa. Even
+before Columbus had sailed on his first voyage, word had come in 1490
+to encourage King João II. His emissaries in Cairo had learned from the
+Arab sailors that the passage of the cape was practicable on the side of
+the Indian Ocean. The success of his Spanish rivals under Columbus in
+due time encouraged the Portuguese king still more, or at least piqued
+him to new efforts.
+
+[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA.
+
+[From Stanley's _Da Gama_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Reaches Calicut May 20, 1498.]
+
+Vasco da Gama was finally put in command of a fleet specially equipped.
+It was now some years since his pilot, Pero de Alemquer, had carried
+Diaz well off the cape. On Sunday, July 8, 1497, Da Gama sailed from
+below Lisbon, and on November 22 he passed with full sheets the
+formidable cape. It was not, however, till December 17 that he reached
+the point where Diaz had turned back. His further progress does not
+concern us here. Suffice it to say that he cast anchor at Calicut May
+20, 1498, and India was reached ten days before Columbus started a third
+time to verify his own beliefs, but really to find them errors.
+
+Towards the end of August, or perhaps early in September, of the next
+year (1499), Da Gama arrived at Lisbon on his return voyage,
+anticipated, indeed, by one of his caravels, which, separated from the
+commander in April or May, had pushed ahead and reached home on the 10th
+of July. Portugal at once resounded with jubilation. The fleet had
+returned crippled with disabled crews, and half the vessels had
+disappeared; but the solution of a great problem had been reached.
+
+The voyage of Da Gama, opening a trade eagerly pursued and eagerly met,
+offered, as we shall see, a great contrast to the small immediate
+results which came from the futile efforts of Columbus to find a western
+way to the same regions.
+
+[Illustration: SOUTHERN PART OF AFRICA.
+
+[From the Ptolemy of 1513.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Supposed voyage of Vespucius.]
+
+There have been students of these early explorers who have contended
+that, while Columbus was harassed in Spain with these delays in
+preparing for his third voyage, the Florentine Vespucius, whom we have
+encountered already as helping Berardi in the equipment of Columbus's
+fleets, had, in a voyage of which we have some confused chronology,
+already in 1497 discovered and coursed the northern shores of the
+mainland south of the Caribbean Sea.
+
+[Illustration: EARLIEST REPRESENTATION OF SOUTH AMERICAN NATIVES,
+1497-1504.
+
+[From Stevens's reproduction in his _American Bibliographer_.]]
+
+Bernaldez tells us that, during the interval between the second and
+third voyages of Columbus, the Admiral "accorded permission to other
+captains to make discoveries at the west, who went and discovered
+various islands." Whether we can connect this statement with any such
+voyage as is now to be considered is a matter of dispute.
+
+[Sidenote: Who discovered South America?]
+
+This question of the first discovery of the mainland of South
+America,--we shall see that North America's mainland had already been
+discovered,--whether by Columbus or Vespucius, is one which has long
+vexed the historian and still does perplex him, though the general
+consensus of opinion at the present day is in favor of Columbus, while
+pursuing the voyage through which we are soon to follow him. The
+question is much complicated by the uncertainties and confusion of the
+narratives which are our only guides. The discovery, if not claimed by
+Vespucius, has been vigorously claimed for him. Its particulars are also
+made a part of the doubt which has clouded the recitals concerning the
+voyage of Pinzon and Solis to the Honduras coast, which are usually
+placed later; but by Oviedo and Gomara this voyage is said to have
+preceded that of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Claimed for Vespucius.]
+
+The claim for Vespucius is at the best but an enforced method of
+clarifying the published texts concerning the voyages, in the hopes of
+finding something like consistency in their dates. Any commentator who
+undertakes to get at the truth must necessarily give himself up to some
+sort of conjecture, not only as respects the varied inconsistencies of
+the narrative, but also as regards the manifold blunders of the printer
+of the little book which records the voyages. Muñoz had it in mind, it
+is understood, to prove that Vespucius could not have been on the coast
+at the date of his alleged discovery; but in the opinions of some the
+documents do not prove all that Muñoz, Navarrete, and Humboldt have
+claimed, while the advocacy of Varnhagen in favor of Vespucius does not
+allow that writer to see what he apparently does not desire to see. The
+most, perhaps, that we can say is that the proof against the view of
+Varnhagen, who is in favor of such a voyage in 1497, is not wholly
+substantiated. The fact seems to be, so far as can be made out, that
+Vespucius passed from one commander's employ to another's, at a date
+when Ojeda, in 1499, had not completed his voyage, and when Pinzon
+started. So supposing a return to Spain in order for Vespucius to
+restart with Pinzon, it is also supposable that the year 1499 itself may
+have seen him under two different leaders. If this is the correct view,
+it of course carries forward the date to a time later than the
+discovery of the mainland by Columbus. It is nothing but plausible
+conjecture, after all; but something of the nature of conjecture is
+necessary to dissipate the confusion. The belief of this sharing of
+service is the best working hypothesis yet devised upon the question.
+
+If Vespucius was thus with Pinzon, and this latter navigator did, as
+Oviedo claims, precede Columbus to the mainland, there is no proof of it
+to prevent a marked difference of opinion among all the writers, in that
+some ignore the Florentine navigator entirely, and others confidently
+construct the story of his discovery, which has in turn taken root and
+been widely believed.
+
+[Sidenote: Alleged voyage of 1497.]
+
+A voyage of 1497 does not find mention in any of the contemporary
+Portuguese chroniclers. This absence of reference is serious evidence
+against it. It seems to be certain that within twenty years of their
+publication, there were doubts raised of the veracity of the narratives
+attributed to Vespucius, and Sebastian Cabot tells us in 1505 that he
+does not believe them in respect to this one voyage at any rate, and Las
+Casas is about as well convinced as Cabot was that the story was
+unfounded. Las Casas's papers passed probably to Herrera, who, under the
+influence of them, it would seem, formulated a distinct allegation that
+Vespucius had falsified the dates, converting 1499 into 1497. To destroy
+all the claims associated with Pinzon and Solis, Herrera carried their
+voyage forward to 1506. It was in 1601 that this historian made these
+points, and so far as he regulated the opinions of Europe for a century
+and a half, including those of England as derived through Robertson,
+Vespucius lived in the world's regard with a clouded reputation. The
+attempt of Bandini in the middle of the last century to lift the shadow
+was not very fortunate, but better success followed later, when Canovai
+delivered an address which then and afterwards, when it was reinforced
+by other publications of his, was something like a gage thrown to the
+old-time defamatory spirit. This denunciatory view was vigorously
+worked, with Navarrete's help, by Santarem in the _Coleccion_ of that
+Spanish scholar, whence Irving in turn got his opinions. Santarem
+professed to have made most extensive examinations of Portuguese and
+French manuscripts without finding a trace of the Florentine.
+
+Undaunted by all such negative testimony, the Portuguese Varnhagen, as
+early as 1839, began a series of publications aimed at rehabilitating
+the fame of Vespucius, against the views of all the later writers,
+Humboldt, Navarrete, Santarem, and the rest. Humboldt claimed to adduce
+evidence to show that Vespucius was all the while in Europe. Varnhagen
+finally brought himself to the belief that in this disputed voyage of
+1497 Vespucius, acting under the orders of Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Juan
+Diaz de Solis, really reached the main at Honduras, whence he followed
+the curvatures of the coast northerly till he reached the capes of
+Chesapeake. Thence he steered easterly, passed the Bermudas, and arrived
+at Seville. If this is so, he circumnavigated the archipelago of the
+Antilles, and disproved the continental connection of Cuba. Varnhagen
+even goes so far as to maintain that Vespucius had not been deceived
+into supposing the coast was that of Asia, but that he divined the
+truth. Varnhagen stands, however, alone in this estimate of the
+evidence.
+
+Valentini, in our day, has even supposed that the incomplete Cuba of the
+Ruysch map of 1508 was really the Yucatan shore, which Vespucius had
+skirted.
+
+The claim which some French zealots in maritime discovery have attempted
+to sustain, of Norman adventurers being on the Brazil coast in 1497-98,
+is hardly worth consideration.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The English expedition under Cabot.]
+
+We turn now to other problems. The Bull of Demarcation was far from
+being acceptable as an ultimate decision in England, and the spirit of
+her people towards it is well shown in the _Westerne Planting_ of
+Hakluyt. This chronicler mistrusts that its "certain secret
+causes"--which words he had found in the papal bull, probably by using
+an inaccurate version--were no other than "the feare and jelousie that
+King Henry of England, with whom Bartholomew Columbus had been to deal
+in this enterprise, and who even now was ready to send him into Spain to
+call his brother Christopher to England, should put a foot into this
+action;" and so the Pope, "fearing that either the King of Portugal
+might be reconciled to Columbus, or that he might be drawn into England,
+thought secretly by his unlawful division to defraud England and
+Portugal of that benefit." So England and Portugal had something like a
+common cause, and the record of how they worked that cause is told in
+the stories of Cabot first, and of Cortereal later. We will examine at
+this point the Cabot story only.
+
+[Sidenote: Newfoundland fisheries.]
+
+Bristol had long been the seat of the English commerce with Iceland, and
+one of the commodities received in return for English goods was the
+stockfish, which Cabot was to recognize on the Newfoundland banks. These
+stories of the codfish noticed by Cabot recalled in the mind of Galvano
+in 1555, and again more forcibly to Hakluyt a half century later, when
+Germany was now found to be not far from the latitude of Baccalaos, that
+there was a tale of some strange men, in the time of Frederick
+Barbarossa (A. D. 1153), being driven to Lubec in a canoe.
+
+It is by no means beyond possibility that the Basque and other fishermen
+of Europe may have already strayed to these fishing grounds of
+Newfoundland, at some period anterior to this voyage of Cabot, and even
+traces of their frequenting the coast in Bradore Bay have been pointed
+out, but without convincing as yet the careful student.
+
+[Sidenote: John Cabot.]
+
+A Venetian named Zuan Caboto, settling in England, and thenceforward
+calling himself John Cabot, being a man of experience in travel, and
+having seen at one time at Mecca the caravans returning from the east,
+was impressed, as Columbus had been, with a belief in the roundness of
+the earth. It is not unlikely that this belief had taken for him a
+compelling nature from the stories which had come to England of the
+successful voyage of the Spaniards. Indeed, Ramusio distinctly tells us
+that it was the bruit of Columbus's first voyage which gave to Cabot "a
+great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing."
+
+[Sidenote: 1496. March 5. Cabot's patent.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1497. May. Cabot sails.]
+
+When Cabot had received for himself and his three sons--one of whom was
+Sebastian Cabot--a patent (March 5, 1496) from Henry VII. to discover
+and trade with unknown countries beyond the seas, the envoy of Ferdinand
+and Isabella at the English court was promptly instructed to protest
+against any infringement of the rights of Spain in the western regions.
+Whether this protest was accountable for the delay in sailing, or not,
+does not appear, for Cabot did not set sail from Bristol till May,
+1497.
+
+[Sidenote: Ruysch with Cabot.]
+
+It is inferred from what Beneventanus says in his _Ptolemy_ of 1508 that
+Ruysch, who gives us the earliest engraved map of Cabot's discoveries,
+was a companion of Cabot in this initial voyage. When that editor says
+that he learned from Ruysch of his experiences in sailing from the south
+of England to a point in 53 degrees of north latitude, and thence due
+west, it may be referred to such participancy in this expedition from
+Bristol. We know from a conversation which is reported in
+Ramusio--unless there is some mistake in it--that Cabot apprehended the
+nature of what we call great circle sailing, and claimed that his course
+to the northwest would open India by a shorter route than the westerly
+run of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: 1497. June 24. Cabot sees land.]
+
+[Sidenote: Date of the voyage, 1494 or 1497?]
+
+When Cabot had ventured westerly 700 leagues, he found land, June 24,
+1497. There has been some confidence at different times, early and late,
+that the date of this first Cabot voyage was in reality three years
+before this. The belief arose from the date of 1494 being given in what
+seem to have been early copies of a map ascribed to Sebastian Cabot,
+whence the date 1494 was copied by Hakluyt in 1589, though eleven years
+later he changed it to 1497. It is sufficient to say that few of the
+critics of our day, except D'Avezac, hold to this date of 1494. Major
+supposes that the map of 1544, now in the Paris library and ascribed to
+Cabot, was a re-drawn draft from the lost Spanish original, in which the
+date in Roman letters, VII, may have been so carelessly made in joining
+the arms of the V that it was read IIII; and some such inference was
+apparently in the mind of Henry Stevens when he published his little
+tract on Sebastian Cabot in 1870.
+
+The country which Cabot thus first saw was supposed by him to be a part
+of Asia, and to be occupied, though no inhabitants were seen.
+
+[Sidenote: Cabot's landfall.]
+
+Cabot was for over three hundred years considered as having made his
+landfall on the coast of Labrador, or at least we find no record that
+the legend of the map of 1544, placing it at Cape Breton, had impressed
+itself authoritatively upon the minds of Cabot's contemporaries and
+successors. Biddle and Humboldt, in the early part of the present
+century, accepted the Labrador landfall with little question. So it
+happened that when, in 1843, the Cabot mappemonde of 1544 was
+discovered, and it was found to place the landfall at the island of Cape
+Breton, a certain definiteness, where there had been so much vagueness,
+afforded the student some relief; but as the novelty of the sensation
+wore off, confidence was again lost, inasmuch as the various
+uncertainties of the document give much ground for the rejection of all
+parts of its testimony at variance with better vouched beliefs. It is
+quite possible that more satisfactory proofs can be adduced of another
+region for the landfall, but none such have yet been presented to
+scholars.
+
+It is commonly held now that, sighting land at Cape Breton, Cabot
+coursed northerly, passed the present Prince Edward Island, and then
+sailed out of the Strait of Belle Isle,--or at least this is as
+reasonable a route to make out of the scant record as any, though there
+is nothing like a commonly received opinion on his track. There is some
+ground for thinking that he could not have entered the Gulf of St.
+Lawrence at all. He landed nowhere and saw no inhabitants. If he struck
+the mainland, it was probably the coasts of New Brunswick or Labrador
+bordering on the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The two islands which he observed
+on his right may have been headlands of Newfoundland, seeming to be
+isolated.
+
+[Sidenote: 1497. August. Cabot returns.]
+
+He reached Bristol in August, having been absent about three months.
+Raimondo de Soncino, under date of the 24th of that month, wrote to
+Italy of Cabot's return, and a fortnight earlier (August 10) we find
+record of a gratuity of ten pounds given to Cabot in recognition of this
+service. It proved to be an expedition which was to create a greater
+sensation of its kind than the English had before known. Bristol had
+nurtured for some years a race of hardy seamen. They had risked the
+dangers of the great unknown ocean in efforts to find the fabulous
+island of Brazil, and they had pushed adventurously westward at times,
+but always to return without success. The intercourse of England with
+the northern nations and with Iceland may have given them tidings of
+Greenland; but there is no reason to believe that they ever supposed
+that country to be other than an extended peninsula of Europe, enfolding
+the North Atlantic.
+
+[Sidenote: Cabot in England.]
+
+Cabot's telling of a new land, his supposing it the empire of the Great
+Khan, his tales of the wonderful fishing ground thereabouts, where the
+water was so dense with fish that his vessels were impeded, and his
+expectation of finding the land of spices if he went southward from the
+region of his landfall, were all stories calculated to incite wonder and
+speculation. It was not strange, then, that England found she had her
+new sea-hero, as Spain had hers in Columbus; that the king gave him
+money and a pension; and that, conscious of a certain dignity, Cabot
+went about the city, drawing the attention of the curious by reason of
+the fine silks in which he arrayed himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Spain jealous of England.]
+
+Cabot had no sooner returned than Pedro de Ayala, the Spanish envoy in
+London, again entered a protest, and gave notice to the English king
+that the land which had been discovered belonged to his master. There is
+some evidence that Spain kept close watch on the country at the north
+through succeeding years, and even intended settlement.
+
+[Sidenote: Cabot in Seville?]
+
+This Spanish ambassador wrote home from London, July 25, 1498, that
+after his first voyage, Cabot had been in Seville and Lisbon. This
+renders somewhat probable the suspicion that he may have had conferences
+with La Cosa and Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Cabot's charts.]
+
+That John Cabot, on returning from his first voyage, produced a chart
+which he had made, and that on this and on a solid globe, also of his
+construction, he had laid down what he considered to be the region he
+had reached, now admit of no doubt. Foreign residents at the English
+court reported such facts to the courts of Italy and of Spain. In the
+map of La Cosa (1500), we find what is considered a reflex of this Cabot
+chart, in the words running along a stretch of the northeast coast of
+Asia, which announce the waters adjacent as those visited by the
+English, and a neighboring headland as the Cape of the English. Even La
+Cosa's use of the Cabot map was lost sight of before long, and this
+record of La Cosa remained unknown till Humboldt discovered the map in
+Paris, in 1832, in the library of Baron Walckenaer, whence it passed in
+1853 into the royal museum at Madrid. The views of Cabot respecting this
+region seem to have been soon obscured by the more current charts
+showing the voyages of the Cortereals, when the Cape of the English
+readily disappeared in the "Cabo de Portogesi," a forerunner, very
+likely, of what we know to-day as Cape Race.
+
+[Sidenote: 1497-98. February. The second Cabot voyage.]
+
+Such an appetizing tale as that of the first Cabot expedition was not
+likely to rest without a sequel. On the 3d of February, 1497-98, nearly
+four months before Columbus sailed on his third voyage, the English king
+granted a new patent to John Cabot, giving him the right to man six
+ships if he could, and in May he was at sea. Though his sons were not
+mentioned in the patent, it is supposed that Sebastian Cabot accompanied
+his father. One vessel putting back to Ireland, five others went on,
+carrying John Cabot westward somewhere and to oblivion, for we never
+hear of him again. Stevens ventures the suggestion that John Cabot may
+have died on the voyage of 1498, whereby Sebastian came into command,
+and so into a prominence in his own recollections of the voyage, which
+may account for the obscuration of his father's participancy in the
+enterprise. One of the ships would seem to have been commanded by
+Lanslot Thirkill, of London.
+
+What we know of this second voyage are mentions in later years, vague in
+character, and apparently traceable to what Sebastian had said of it,
+and not always clearly, for there is an evident commingling of events of
+this and of the earlier voyage. We get what we know mainly from Peter
+Martyr, who tells us that Cabot called the region Baccalaos, and from
+Ramusio, who reports at second hand Sebastian's account, made forty
+years after the event. From such indefinite sources we can make out that
+the little fleet steered northwesterly, and got into water packed with
+ice, and found itself in a latitude where there was little night. Thence
+turning south they ran down to 36° north latitude. The crews landed here
+and there, and saw people dressed in skins, who used copper implements.
+When they reached England we do not know, but it was after October,
+1498.
+
+[Sidenote: Extent of this voyage.]
+
+The question of this voyage having extended down the Atlantic seaboard
+of the present United States to the region of Florida, as has been
+urged, seems to be set at rest in Stevens's opinion, from the fact that,
+had Cabot gone so far, he would scarcely have acquiesced in the claims
+of Ponce de Leon, Ayllon, and Gomez to have first tracked parts of this
+coast, when Sebastian Cabot as pilot major of Spain (1518), and as
+president of the Congress of Badajoz (1524), had to adjudicate on such
+pretensions. There are some objections to this view, in that the results
+of _unofficial_ explorers as shown in the Portuguese map of Cantino--if
+that proposition is tenable--and the rival English discoverers, of whom
+Cabot had been one, might easily have been held to be beyond the Spanish
+jurisdiction. It is not difficult to demonstrate in these matters the
+Spanish constant unrecognition of other national explorations.
+
+It has also sometimes been held that the wild character of the coast
+along which Cabot sailed must have convinced him that he was bordering
+some continental region intervening between him and the true coast of
+Asia; that with the "great displeasure" he had felt in finding the land
+running north, Cabot, in fact, must have comprehended the geographical
+problem of America long before it was comprehended by the Spaniards. The
+testimony of the La Cosa and Ruysch maps is not favorable to such a
+belief.
+
+[Sidenote: England rests her claim on it.]
+
+It seems pretty certain that the success of the Cabot voyage in any
+worldly gain was not sufficient to move the English again for a long
+period. Still, the political effect was to raise a claim for England to
+a region not then known to be a new continent, but of an appreciable
+acquisition, and England never afterwards failed to rest her rights upon
+this claim of discovery; and even her successors, the American people,
+have not been without cause to rest valuable privileges upon the same.
+The geographical effect was seen in the earliest map which we possess of
+the new lands as discovered by Spain and England, the great oxhide map
+of Juan de la Cosa, the companion of Columbus on his second voyage, and
+the cartographer of his discoveries, which has already been mentioned,
+and of which a further description will be given later.
+
+[Sidenote: Scant knowledge of the Cabot voyages.]
+
+Why is it that we know no more of these voyages of the Cabots? There
+seems to be some ground for the suspicion that the "maps and discourses"
+which Sebastian Cabot left behind him in the hands of William
+Worthington may have fallen, through the subornation by Spain of the
+latter, into the hands of the rivals of England at a period just after
+the publication (1582) of Hakluyt's _Divers Voyages_, wherein the
+possession of them by Worthington was made known; at least, Biddle has
+advanced such a theory, and it has some support in what may be
+conjectured of the history of the famous Cabot map of 1544, only brought
+to light three hundred years later.
+
+[Sidenote: The Cabot mappemonde.]
+
+Here was a map evidently based in part on such information as was known
+in Spain. It was engraved, as seems likely, though purporting to be the
+work of Cabot, in the Low Countries, and was issued without name of
+publisher or place, as if to elude responsibility. Notwithstanding it
+was an engraved map, implying many copies, it entirely disappeared, and
+would not have been known to exist except that there are references to
+such a map as having hung in the gallery at Whitehall, as used by
+Ortelius before 1570, and as noted by Sanuto in 1588. So thorough a
+suppression would seem to imply an effort on the part of the Spanish
+authorities to prevent the world's profiting by the publication of
+maritime knowledge which in some clandestine way had escaped from the
+Spanish hydrographical office. That this suppression was in effect
+nearly successful may be inferred from the fact that but a single copy
+of the map has come down to us, the one now in the great library at
+Paris, which was found in Germany by Von Martius in 1843.
+
+[Sidenote: Writers on Cabot.]
+
+There has been a good deal done of late years--beginning with Biddle's
+_Sebastian Cabot_ in 1831, a noteworthy book, showing how much the
+critical spirit can do to unravel confusion, and ending with the chapter
+on Cabot by the late Dr. Charles Deane in the _Narrative and Critical
+History of America_, and with the _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_ of Harrisse
+(Paris, 1882)--to clear up the great obscurity regarding the two voyages
+of John Cabot in 1497 and 1498, an obscurity so dense that for two
+hundred years after the events there was no suspicion among writers that
+there had been more than a single voyage. It would appear that this
+obscurity had mainly arisen from the way in which Sebastian Cabot
+himself spoke of his explorations, or rather from the way in which he is
+reported to have spoken.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI.
+
+THE THIRD VOYAGE.
+
+1498-1500.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Sources. Columbus's letters and journal.]
+
+In following the events of the third voyage, we have to depend mainly on
+two letters written by Columbus himself. One is addressed to the Spanish
+monarchs, and is preserved in a copy made by Las Casas. What Peter
+Martyr tells us seems to have been borrowed from this letter. The other
+is addressed to the "nurse" of Prince Juan, of which there are copies in
+the Columbus Custodia at Genoa, and in the Muñoz collection of the Royal
+Academy of History at Madrid. They are both printed in Navarrete and
+elsewhere, and Major in his _Select Letters of Columbus_ gives English
+versions.
+
+There are also some evidences that the account of this voyage given in
+the _Itinerarium Portugalensium_ was based on Columbus's journal, which
+Las Casas is known to have had, and to have used in his _Historia_,
+adding thereto some details which he got from a recital by Bernaldo de
+Ibarra, one of Columbus's companions,--indeed, his secretary. The map
+which accompanied these accounts by Columbus is lost. We only know its
+existence through the use of it made by Ojeda and others.
+
+Las Casas interspersed among the details which he recorded from
+Columbus's journal some particulars which he got from Alonso de Vallejo.
+One of the pilots, Hernan Perez Matheos, enabled Oviedo to add still
+something more to the other sources; and then we have additional light
+from the mouths of various witnesses in the Columbus lawsuit. There is a
+little at second hand, but of small importance, in a letter of Simon
+Verde printed by Harrisse.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's son Diego.]
+
+Before setting sail, Columbus prepared some directions for his son
+Diego, of which we have only recently had notes, such appearing in the
+bulletin of the Italian Geographical Society for December, 1889. He
+commands in these injunctions that Diego shall have an affectionate
+regard for the mother of his half-brother Ferdinand, adds some rules for
+the guidance of his bearing towards his sovereigns and his fellow-men,
+and recommends him to resort to Father Gaspar Gorricio whenever he might
+feel in need of advice.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. May 30. Columbus sails.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rumors of a southern continent.]
+
+Columbus lifted anchor in the port of San Lucar de Barrameda on May 30,
+1498. He was physically far from being in a good condition for so
+adventurous an undertaking. He had hoped, he says to his sovereigns, "to
+find repose in Spain; whereas on the contrary I have experienced nothing
+but opposition and vexation." His six vessels stood off to the
+southwest, to avoid a French--some say a Portuguese--fleet which was
+said to be cruising near Cape St. Vincent. His plan was a definite one,
+to keep in a southerly course till he reached the equatorial regions,
+and then to proceed west. By this course, he hoped to strike in that
+direction the continental mass of which he had intimation both from the
+reports of the natives in Española and from the trend which he had found
+in his last voyage the Cuban coast to have. Herrera tells us that the
+Portuguese king professed to have some knowledge of a continent in this
+direction, and we may connect it, if we choose, with the stories
+respecting Behaim and others, who had already sailed thitherward, as
+some reports go; but it is hard to comprehend that any belief of that
+kind was other than a guess at a compensating scheme of geography beyond
+the Atlantic, to correspond with the balance of Africa against Europe in
+the eastern hemisphere. It is barely possible, though there is no
+positive evidence of it, that the reports from England of the Cabot
+discoveries at the north may have given a hint of like prolongation to
+the south. But a more impelling instinct was the prevalent one of his
+time, which accompanied what Michelet calls that terrible malady
+breaking out in this age of Europe, the hunger and thirst for gold and
+other precious things, and which associated the possession of them with
+the warmer regions of the globe.
+
+"To the south," said Peter Martyr. "He who would find riches must avoid
+the cold north!"
+
+[Sidenote: Jayme Ferrer.]
+
+Navarrete preserves a letter which was written to Columbus by Jayme
+Ferrer, a lapidary of distinction. This jeweler confirmed the prevalent
+notion, and said that in all his intercourse with distant marts, whence
+Europe derived its gold and jewels, he had learned from their vendors
+how such objects of commerce usually came in greatest abundance from
+near the equator, while black races were those that predominated near
+such sources. Therefore, as Ferrer told Columbus, steer south and find a
+black race, if you would get at such opulent abundance. The Admiral
+remembered he had heard in Española of blacks that had come from the
+south to that island in the past, and he had taken to Spain some of the
+metal which had been given to him as of the kind with which their
+javelins had been pointed. The Spanish assayers had found it a
+composition of gold, copper, and silver.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus steers southerly.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. June 16. At Gomera.]
+
+So it was with expectations like these that Columbus now worked his way
+south. He touched for wood and water at Porto Santo and Madeira, and
+thence proceeded to Gomera. Here, on June 16, he found a French cruiser
+with two Spanish prizes, but the three ships eluded his grasp and got to
+sea. He sent three caravels in pursuit, and the Spanish prisoners rising
+on the crew of one of the prizes, she was easily captured and brought
+into port.
+
+[Sidenote: Sends three ships direct to Española.]
+
+The Spanish fleet sailed again on June 21. The Admiral had detailed
+three of his ships to proceed direct to Española to find the new port on
+its southern side near the mines of Hayna. Their respective captains
+were to command the little squadron successively a week at a time. These
+men were: Alonso Sanchez de Carvajal, a man of good reputation; Pedro de
+Arona, a brother of Beatrix de Henriquez, who had borne Ferdinand to the
+Admiral; and Juan Antonio Colombo, a Genoese and distant kinsman of the
+Admiral.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus at the Cape de Verde Islands.]
+
+Parting with these vessels off Ferro, Columbus, with the three
+others,--one of which, the flagship, being decked, of a hundred tons
+burthen, and requiring three fathoms of water,--steered for the Cape de
+Verde Islands. His stay here was not inspiring. A depressing climate of
+vapor and an arid landscape told upon his health and upon that of his
+crew. Encountering difficulties in getting fresh provisions and cattle,
+he sailed again on July 5, standing to the southwest.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. July 15.]
+
+[Sidenote: Calms and torrid heats.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. July 31. Trinidad seen.]
+
+[Sidenote: August 1.]
+
+Calms and the currents among the islands baffled him, however, and it
+was the 7th before the high peak of Del Fuego sank astern. By the 15th
+of July he had reached the latitude of 5° north. He was now within the
+verge of the equatorial calms. The air soon burned everything
+distressingly; the rigging oozed with the running tar; the seams of the
+vessels opened; provisions grew putrid, and the wine casks shrank and
+leaked. The fiery ordeal called for all the constancy of the crew, and
+the Admiral himself needed all the fortitude he could command to bear a
+brave face amid the twinges of gout which were prostrating him. He
+changed his course to see if he could not run out of the intolerable
+heat, and after a tedious interval, with no cessation of the humid and
+enervating air, the ships gradually drew into a fresher atmosphere. A
+breeze rippled the water, and the sun shone the more refreshing for its
+clearness. He now steered due west, hoping to find land before his water
+and provisions failed. He did not discover land as soon as he expected,
+and so bore away to the north, thinking to see some of the Carib
+Islands. On July 31 relief came, none too soon, for their water was
+nearly exhausted. A mariner, about midday, peering about from the
+masthead, saw three peaks just rising above the horizon. The cry of land
+was like a benison. The _Salve Regina_ was intoned in every part of the
+ship. Columbus now headed the fleet for the land. As the ships went on
+and the three peaks grew into a triple mountain, he gave the island the
+name of Trinidad, a reminder in its peak of the Trinity, which he had
+determined at the start to commemorate by bestowing that appellation on
+the first land he saw. He coasted the shore of this island for some
+distance before he could find a harbor to careen his ships and replenish
+his water casks. On August 1 he anchored to get water, and was surprised
+at the fresh luxuriance of the country. He could see habitations in the
+interior, but nowhere along the shore were any signs of occupation. His
+men, while filling the casks, discovered footprints and other traces of
+human life, but those who made them kept out of sight.
+
+[Sidenote: First sees the South American coast.]
+
+He was now on the southern side of the island, and in that channel which
+separates Trinidad from the low country about the mouths of the Orinoco.
+Before long he could see the opposite coast stretching away for twenty
+leagues, but he did not suspect it to be other than an island, which he
+named La Isla Santa.
+
+It was indeed strange but not surprising that Columbus found an island
+of a new continent, and supposed it the mainland of the Old World, as
+happened during his earlier voyages; and equally striking it was that
+now when he had actually seen the mainland of a new world he did not
+know it.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. August 2.]
+
+By the 2d of August the Admiral had approached that narrow channel where
+the southwest corner of Trinidad comes nearest to the mainland, and here
+he anchored. A large canoe, containing five and twenty Indians, put off
+towards his ships, but finally its occupants lay upon their paddles a
+bowshot away. Columbus describes them as comely in shape, naked but for
+breech-cloths, and wearing variegated scarfs about their heads. They
+were lighter in skin than any Indians he had seen before. This fact was
+not very promising in view of the belief that precious products would be
+found in a country inhabited by blacks. The men had bucklers, too, a
+defense he had never seen before among these new tribes. He tried to
+lure them on board by showing trinkets, and by improvising some music
+and dances among his crew. The last expedient was evidently looked upon
+as a challenge, and was met by a flight of arrows. Two crossbows were
+discharged in return, and the canoe fled. The natives seemed to have
+less fear of the smaller caravels, and approached near enough for the
+captain of one of them to throw some presents to them, a cap, and a
+mantle, and the like; but when the Indians saw that a boat was sent to
+the Admiral's ship, they again fled.
+
+While here at anchor, the crew were permitted to go ashore and refresh
+themselves. They found much delight in the cool air of the morning and
+evening, coming after their experiences of the torrid suffocation of the
+calm latitudes. Nature had appeared to them never so fresh.
+
+[Sidenote: The Gulf Stream.]
+
+[Sidenote: Boca del Sierpe.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gulf of Paria.]
+
+[Sidenote: Boca del Drago.]
+
+Columbus grew uneasy in his insecure anchorage, for he had discovered as
+yet no roadstead. He saw the current flowing by with a strength that
+alarmed him. The waters seemed to tumble in commotion as they were
+jammed together in the narrow pass before him. It was his first
+experience of that African current which, setting across the ocean,
+plunges hereabouts into the Caribbean Sea, and, sweeping around the
+great gulf, passes north in what we know as the Gulf Stream. Columbus
+was as yet ignorant, too, of the great masses of water which the many
+mouths of the Orinoco discharge along this shore; and when at night a
+great roaring billow of water came across the channel,--very likely an
+unusual volume of the river water poured out of a sudden,--and he found
+his own ship lifting at her anchor and one of his caravels snapping her
+cable, he felt himself in the face of new dangers, and of forces of
+nature to which he was not accustomed. To a seaman's senses not used to
+such phenomena, the situation of the ships was alarming. Before him was
+the surging flow of the current through the narrow pass, which he had
+already named the Mouth of the Serpent (Boca del Sierpe). To attempt its
+passage was almost foolhardy. To return along the coast stemming such a
+current seemed nearly impossible. He then sent his boats to examine the
+pass, and they found more water than was supposed, and on the assurances
+of the pilot, and the wind favoring, he headed his ships for the boiling
+eddies, passed safely through, and soon reached the placid water beyond.
+The shore of Trinidad stretched northerly, and he turned to follow it,
+but somebody getting a taste of the water found it to be fresh. Here was
+a new surprise. He had not yet comprehended that he was within a
+land-locked gulf, where the rush of the Orinoco sweetens the tide
+throughout. As he approached the northwestern limit of Trinidad, he
+found that a lofty cape jutted out opposite a similar headland to the
+west, and that between them lay a second surging channel, beset with
+rocks and seeming to be more dangerous than the last. So he gave it a
+more ferocious name, the Mouth of the Dragon (Boca del Drago). To follow
+the opposite coast presented an alternative that did not require so much
+risk, and, still ignorant of the way in which his fleet was embayed in
+this marvelous water, he ran across on Sunday, August 5, to the opposite
+shore. He now coasted it to find a better opening to the north, for he
+had supposed this slender peninsula to be another island. The water grew
+fresher as he went on. The shore attracted him, with its harbors and
+salubrious, restful air, but he was anxious to get into the open sea.
+He saw no inhabitants. The liveliest creatures which he observed were
+the chattering monkeys. At length, the country becoming more level, he
+ran into the mouth of a river and cast anchor. It was perhaps here that
+the Spaniards first set foot on the continent. The accounts are somewhat
+confused, and need some license in reconciling them. They had, possibly,
+landed earlier.
+
+[Illustration: GULF OF PARIA.]
+
+[Sidenote: Paria.]
+
+A canoe with three natives now came out to the caravel nearest shore.
+The Spanish captain secured the men by a clever trick. After a parley,
+he gave them to understand he would go on shore in their boat, and
+jumping violently on its gunwale, he overturned it. The occupants were
+easily captured in the water. Being taken on board the flagship, the
+inevitable hawks' bells captivated them, and they were set on shore to
+delight their fellows. Other parleys and interchanges of gifts followed.
+Columbus now ascertained, as well as he could by signs, that the word
+"Paria," which he heard, was the name of the country. The Indians
+pointed westerly, and indicated that men were much more numerous that
+way. The Spaniards were struck with the tall stature of the men, and
+noted the absence of braids in their hair. It was curious to see them
+smell of everything that was new to them,--a piece of brass, for
+instance. It seemed to be their sense of inquiry and recognition. It is
+not certain if Columbus participated in this intercourse on shore. He
+was suffering from a severe eruption of the eyes, and one of the
+witnesses said that the formal taking possession of the country was done
+by deputy on that account. This statement is contradicted by others.
+
+[Sidenote: The natives.]
+
+As he went on, the country became even more attractive, with its limpid
+streams, its open and luxuriant woods, its clambering vines, all
+enlivened with the flitting of brilliant birds. So he called the place
+The Gardens. The natives appeared to him to partake of the excellence of
+the country. They were, as he thought, manlier in bearing, shapelier in
+frame, with greater intelligence in their eyes, than any he had earlier
+discovered. Their arts were evidently superior to anything he had yet
+seen. Their canoes were handier, lighter, and had covered pavilions in
+the waist. There were strings of pearls upon the women which raised in
+the Spaniards an increased sense of cupidity. The men found oysters
+clinging to the boughs that drooped along the shore. Columbus recalled
+how he had read in Pliny of the habit of the pearl oyster to open the
+mouth to catch the dew, which was converted within into pearls. The
+people were as hospitable as they were gracious, and gave the strangers
+feasts as they passed from cabin to cabin. They pointed beyond the
+hills, and signified that another coast lay there, where a greater store
+of pearls could be found.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. August 10.]
+
+To leave this paradise was necessary, and on August 10 the ships went
+further on, soon to find the water growing still fresher and more
+shallow. At last, thinking it dangerous to push his flagship into such
+shoals, Columbus sent his lightest caravel ahead, and waited her coming
+back. On the next day she returned, and reported that there was an inner
+bay beyond the islands which were seen, into which large volumes of
+fresh water poured, as if a huge continent were drained. Here were
+conditions for examination under more favorable circumstances, and on
+August 11 Columbus turned his prow toward the Dragon's Mouth. His
+stewards declared the provisions growing bad, and even the large stores
+intended for the colony were beginning to spoil. It was necessary to
+reach his destination. Columbus's own health was sinking. His gout had
+little cessation. His eyes had almost closed with a weariness that he
+had before experienced on the Cuban cruise, and he could but think of
+the way in which he had been taken prostrate into Isabella on returning
+from that expedition.
+
+[Sidenote: Passes the Boca del Drago.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tobago and Grenada.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cubagua and Margarita.]
+
+Near the Dragon's Mouth he found a harbor in which to prepare for the
+passage of the tumultuous strait. There seemed no escape from the trial.
+The passage lay before him, wide enough in itself, but two islands
+parted its currents and forced the boiling waters into narrower
+confines. Columbus studied their motion, and finally made up his mind
+that the turmoil of the waters might after all come from the meeting of
+the tide and the fresh currents seeking the open sea, and not from rocks
+or shoals. At all events, the passage must be made. The wind veering
+round to the right quarter, he set sail and entered the boisterous
+currents. As long as the wind lasted there was a good chance of keeping
+his steering way. Unfortunately, the wind died away, and so he trusted
+to luck and the sweeping currents. They carried him safely beyond. Once
+without, he was brought within sight of two islands to the northeast.
+They were apparently those we to-day call Tobago and Grenada. It was now
+the 15th of August, and Columbus turned westward to track the coast. He
+came to the islands of Cubagua and Margarita, and surprised some native
+canoes fishing for pearls.
+
+[Sidenote: Pearls.]
+
+His crews soon got into parley with the natives, and breaking up some
+Valentia ware into bits, the Spaniards bartered them so successfully
+that they secured three pounds, as Columbus tells us, of the coveted
+jewels. He had satisfied himself that here was a new field for the
+wealth which could alone restore his credit in Spain; but he could not
+tarry. As he wore ship, he left behind a mountainous reach of the coast
+that stretched westerly, and he would fain think that India lay that
+way, as it had from Cuba. At that island and here, he had touched, as he
+thought, the confines of Asia, two protuberant peninsulas, or perhaps
+masses of the continent, separated by a strait, which possibly lay ahead
+of him.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's geographical delusions.]
+
+There was much that had been novel in all these experiences. Columbus
+felt that the New World was throwing wider open the gates of its sublime
+secrets. Lying on his couch, almost helpless from the cruel agonies of
+the gout, and sightless from the malady of his eyes, the active mind of
+the Admiral worked at the old problems anew. We know it all from the
+letter which a few weeks later he drafted for the perusal of his
+sovereigns, and from his reports to Peter Martyr, which that chronicler
+has preserved for us. We know from this letter that his thoughts were
+still dwelling on the Mount Sopora of Solomon, "which mountain your
+Highnesses now possess in the island of Española,"--a convenient
+stepping-stone to other credulous fancies, as we shall see. The
+sweetness and volume of the water which had met him in the Gulf of Paria
+were significant to him of a great watershed behind. He reverted to the
+statement in Esdras of the vast preponderance on the globe of land, six
+parts to one of water, and thought he saw a confirmation of it in the
+immense flow that argued a corresponding expansion of land. He recalled
+all that he recollected of Aristotle and the other sages. He went back
+to his experiences in mid-ocean, when he was startled at the coincidence
+of the needle and the pole star. He remembered how he had found all the
+conditions of temperature and the other physical aspects to be changed
+as he passed that line, and it seemed as if he was sweeping into regions
+more ethereal. He had found the same difference when he passed, a few
+weeks before, out of the baleful heats of the tropical calms. He grew to
+think that this line of no variation of magnetism with corresponding
+marvels of nature marked but the beginning of a new section of the earth
+that no one had dreamed of. St. Augustine, St. Basil, and St. Ambrose
+had placed the Garden of Eden far in the Old World's east, apart from
+the common vicinage of men, high up above the baser parts of the earth,
+in a region bathed in the purest ether, and so high that the deluge had
+not reached it. All the stories of the Middle Ages, absorbed in the
+speculative philosophy of his own time, had pointed to the distant east
+as the seat of Paradise, and was he not now coming to it by the western
+passage? If the scant riches of the soil could not restore the
+enthusiasm which his earlier discoveries aroused in the dull spirits of
+Europe, would not a glimpse of the ecstatic pleasures of Eden open their
+eyes anew? He had endeavored to make his contemporaries feel that the
+earth was round, and he had proved it, as he thought, by almost
+touching, in a westward passage, the Golden Chersonesus. It is
+significant that the later _Historie_ of 1571 omits this vagary of
+Paradise. The world had moved, and geographical discovery had made some
+records in the interim, awkward for the biographer of Columbus.
+
+[Illustration: PRE-COLUMBIAN MAPPEMONDE, PRESERVED AT RAVENNA, RESTORED
+BY GRAVIER AFTER D'AVEZAC IN _BULLETIN DE LA SOCIÉTÉ NORMANDE_, 1888.]
+
+[Sidenote: Paradise found.]
+
+There was a newer belief linked with this hope of Paradise. All this
+wondrous life and salubrity which Columbus saw and felt, if it had not
+been able to restore his health, could only come from his progress up a
+swelling apex of the earth, which buttressed the Garden of Eden. It was
+clear to his mind that instead of being round the earth was pear-shaped,
+and that this great eminence, up which he had been going, was constantly
+lifting him into purer air. The great fountain which watered the
+spacious garden of the early race had discharged its currents down these
+ethereal slopes, and sweetened all this gulf that had held him so close
+within its embaying girth. If such were the wonders of these outposts of
+the celestial life, what must be the products to be seen as one
+journeyed up, along the courses of such celestial streams? As he steered
+for Española, he found the currents still helped him, or he imagined
+they did. Was it not that he was slipping easily down this wonderful
+declivity?
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Vespucius.]
+
+That he had again discovered the mainland he was convinced by such
+speculations. He had no conception of the physical truth. The vagaries
+of his time found in him the creature of their most rampant
+hallucinations. This aberration was a potent cause in depriving him of
+the chance to place his own name on this goal of his ambition. It
+accounts much for the greater impression which Americus Vespucius, with
+his clearer instincts, was soon to make on the expectant and learned
+world. The voyage of that Florentine merchant, one of those trespassers
+that Columbus complained of, was, before the Admiral should see Spain
+again, to instigate the publication of a narrative, which took from its
+true discoverer the rightful baptism of the world he had unwittingly
+found. The wild imaginings of Columbus, gathered from every resource of
+the superstitious past, moulded by him into beliefs that appealed but
+little to the soberer intelligence of his time, made known in
+tumultuous writings, and presently to be expressed with every symptom
+of mental wandering in more elaborate treatises, offered to his time an
+obvious contrast to the steadier head of Vespucius. The latter's far
+more graphic description gained for him, as we shall see, the position
+of a recognized authority. While Columbus was puzzling over the
+aberration of the pole star and misshaping the earth, Vespucius was
+comprehending the law of gravitation upon our floating sphere, and
+ultimately representing it in the diagram which illustrated his
+narrative. We shall need to return on a later page to these causes which
+led to the naming of America.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. August 19. Columbus sees Española.]
+
+[Sidenote: His observations of nature.]
+
+[Sidenote: Meets the Adelantado.]
+
+For four days Columbus had sailed away to the northwest, coming to the
+wind every night as a precaution, before he sighted Española on August
+19, being then, as he made out, about fifty leagues west of the spot
+where he supposed the port had been established for the mines of Hayna.
+He thought that he had been steering nearer that point, but the currents
+had probably carried him unconsciously west by night, as they were at
+that moment doing with the relief ships that he had parted with off
+Ferro. As Columbus speculated on this steady flow of waters with that
+keenness of observation upon natural phenomena which attracted the
+admiration of Humboldt, and which is really striking, if we separate it
+from his turbulent fancies, he accounted by its attrition for the
+predominating shape of the islands which he had seen, which had their
+greatest length in the direction of the current. He knew that its force
+would, perhaps, long delay him in his efforts to work eastward, and so
+he opened communication with the shore in hopes to find a messenger by
+whom to dispatch a letter to the Adelantado. This was easily done, and
+the letter reached its destination, whereupon Bartholomew started out in
+a caravel to meet the little fleet. It was with some misgiving that
+Columbus resumed his course, for he had seen a crossbow in the hands of
+a native. It was not an article of commerce, and it might signify
+another disaster like that of La Navidad. He was accordingly relieved
+when he shortly afterwards saw a Spanish caravel approaching, and,
+hailing the vessel, found that the Adelantado had come to greet him.
+
+There was much interchange of news and thought to occupy the two in
+their first conference; and Columbus's anxiety to know the condition of
+the colony elicited a wearisome story, little calculated to make any
+better record in Spain than the reports of his own rule in the island.
+
+[Sidenote: Events in Española during the absence of Columbus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Santo Domingo founded.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and slavery.]
+
+The chief points of it were these: Bartholomew had early carried out the
+Admiral's behests to occupy the Hayna country. He had built there a
+fortress which he had named St. Cristoval, but the workmen, finding
+particles of gold in the stones and sands which they used, had nicknamed
+it the Golden Tower. While this was doing, there was difficulty in
+supporting the workmen. Provisions were scarce, and the Indians were not
+inclined to part with what they had. The Adelantado could go to the Vega
+and exact the quarterly tribute under compulsion; but that hardly
+sufficed to keep famine from the door at St. Cristoval. Nothing had as
+yet been done to plant the ground near the fort, nor had herds been
+moved there. The settlement of Isabella was too far away for support.
+Meanwhile Niño had arrived with his caravels, but he had not brought all
+the expected help, for the passage had spoiled much of the lading. It
+was by Niño that Bartholomew received that dispatch from his brother
+which he had written in the harbor of Cadiz when, on his arrival from
+his second voyage, he had discerned the condition of public opinion. It
+was at this time, too, that he repeated to Bartholomew the decision of
+the theologians, that to be taken in war, or to be guilty of slaying any
+of their Majesties' liege subjects, was quite enough to render the
+Indians fit subjects for the slave-block. The Admiral's directions,
+therefore, were to be sure that this test kept up the supply of slaves;
+and as there was nobody to dispute the judgment of his deputy, Niño had
+taken back to Spain those three hundred, which were, as we have seen, so
+readily converted into reputed gold on his arrival.
+
+[Sidenote: Santo Domingo named.]
+
+Bartholomew had selected the site for a new town near the mouth of the
+Ozema, convenient for the shipment of the Hayna treasure, and, naming it
+at first the New Isabella, it soon received the more permanent
+appellation of Santo Domingo, which it still bears.
+
+[Sidenote: Xaragua conquered.]
+
+[Sidenote: Behechio and Anacaona.]
+
+Bartholomew had a pleasing story to tell of the way in which he had
+brought Behechio and his province of Xaragua into subjection. This
+territory was the region westward from about the point where Columbus
+had touched the island a few days before. Anacaona, the wife of
+Caonabo,--now indeed his widow,--had taken refuge with Behechio, her
+brother, after the fall of her husband. She is represented as a woman of
+fine appearance, and more delicate and susceptible in her thoughts than
+was usual among her people; and perhaps Bartholomew told his brother
+what has since been surmised by Spanish writers, that she had managed to
+get word to him of her friendly sentiments for celestial visitors.
+Bartholomew found, as he was marching thither with such forces as he
+could spare for the expedition, that the cacique who met him in battle
+array was easily disposed, for some reason or other, perhaps through
+Anacaona's influence, to dismiss his armed warriors, and to escort his
+visitor through his country with great parade of hospitality. When they
+reached the cacique's chief town, a sort of fête was prepared in the
+Adelantado's honor, and a mock battle, not without sacrifice of life,
+was fought for his delectation. Peter Martyr tells us that when the
+comely young Indian maidens advanced with their palm branches and
+saluted the Adelantado, it seemed as if the beautiful dryads of the
+olden tales had slipped out of the vernal woods. Then Anacaona appeared
+on a litter, with no apparel but garlands, the most beautiful dryad of
+them all. Everybody feasted, and Bartholomew, to ingratiate himself with
+his host, eat and praised their rarest delicacy, the guana lizard, which
+had been offered to them many times before, but which they never as yet
+had tasted. It became after this a fashion with the Spaniards to dote on
+lizard flesh. Everything within the next two or three days served to
+cement this new friendship, when the Adelantado put it to a test, as
+indeed had been his purpose from the beginning. He told the cacique of
+the great power of his master and of the Spanish sovereigns; of their
+gracious regard for all their distant subjects, and of the poor
+recompense of a tribute which was expected for their protection. "Gold!"
+exclaimed the cacique, "we have no gold here." "Oh, whatever you have,
+cotton, hemp, cassava bread,--anything will be acceptable." So the
+details were arranged. The cacique was gratified at being let off so
+easy, and the Spaniards went their way.
+
+[Sidenote: Native conspiracy.]
+
+This and the subsequent visit of Bartholomew to Xaragua to receive the
+tribute were about the only cheery incidents in the dreary retrospect to
+which the Admiral listened. The rest was trouble and despair. A line of
+military posts had been built connecting the two Spanish settlements,
+and the manning of them, with their dependent villages, enabled the
+Adelantado to scatter a part of the too numerous colony at Isabella, so
+that it might be relieved of so many mouths to feed. This done, there
+was a conspiracy of the natives to be crushed. Two of the priests had
+made some converts in the Vega, and had built a chapel for the use of
+the neophytes. One of the Spaniards had outraged a wife of the cacique.
+Either for this cause, or for the audacious propagandism of the priests,
+some natives broke into the Spanish chapel, destroyed its shrine, and
+buried some of its holy vessels in a field. Plants grew up there in the
+form of a cross, say the veracious narrators. This, nevertheless, did
+not satisfy the Spaniards. They seized such Indians as they considered
+to have been engaged in the desecration, and gave them the fire and
+fagots, as they would have done to Moor or Jew. The horrible punishment
+aroused the cacique Guarionex with a new fury. He leagued the
+neighboring caciques into a conspiracy. Their combined forces were
+threatening Fort Conception when the Adelantado arrived with succor. By
+an adroit movement, Bartholomew ensnared by night every one of the
+leaders in their villages, and executed two of them. The others he
+ostentatiously pardoned, and he could tell Columbus of the great renown
+he got for his clemency.
+
+[Sidenote: Roldan's revolt.]
+
+There was nothing in all the bad tidings which Bartholomew had to
+rehearse quite so disheartening as the revolt of Roldan, the chief judge
+of the island,--a man who had been lifted from obscurity to a position
+of such importance that Columbus had placed the administration of
+justice in his hands. The reports of the unpopularity of Columbus in
+Spain, and the growing antipathy in Isabella to the rule of Bartholomew
+as a foreigner, had served to consolidate the growing number of the
+discontented, and Roldan saw the opportunity of easily raising himself
+in the popular estimate by organizing the latent spirit of rebellion. It
+was even planned to assassinate the Adelantado, under cover of a tumult,
+which was to be raised at an execution ordered by him; but as the
+Adelantado had pardoned the offender, the occasion slipped by.
+Bartholomew's absence in Xaragua gave another opportunity. He had sent
+back from that country a caravel loaded with cotton, as a tribute, and
+Diego, then in command at Isabella, after unlading the vessel, drew her
+up on the beach. The story was busily circulated that this act was done
+simply to prevent any one seizing the ship and carrying to Spain
+intelligence of the misery to which the rule of the Columbuses was
+subjecting the people. The populace made an issue on that act, and asked
+that the vessel be sent to Cadiz for supplies. Diego objected, and to
+divert the minds of the rebellious, as well as to remove Roldan from
+their counsels, he sent him with a force into the Vega, to overawe some
+caciques who had been dilatory in their tribute. This mission, however,
+only helped Roldan to consolidate his faction, and gave him the chance
+to encourage the caciques to join resistance.
+
+[Sidenote: The mutineers in the Vega Real.]
+
+[Sidenote: At Isabella.]
+
+Roldan had seventy well-armed men in his party when he returned to
+Isabella to confront Bartholomew, who had by this time got back from
+Xaragua. The Adelantado was not so easily frightened as Roldan had
+hoped, and finding it not safe to risk an open revolt, this mutinous
+leader withdrew to the Vega with the expectation of surprising Fort
+Conception. That post, however, as well as an outlying fortified house,
+was under loyal command, and Roldan was for a while thwarted.
+Bartholomew was not at all sure of any of the principal Spaniards, but
+how far the disaffection had gone he was unable to determine. Although
+he knew that certain leading men were friendly to Roldan, he was not
+prepared to be passive. His safety depended on resolution, and so he
+marched at once to the Vega. Roldan was in the neighborhood, and was
+invited to a parley. It led to nothing. The mutineers, making up their
+minds to fly to the delightful pleasures of Xaragua, suddenly marched
+back to Isabella, plundered the arsenal and storehouses, and tried to
+launch the caravel. The vessel was too firmly imbedded to move, and
+Roldan was forced to undertake the journey to Xaragua by land. To leave
+the Adelantado behind was a sure way to bring an enemy in his rear, and
+he accordingly thought it safer to reduce the garrison at Conception,
+and perhaps capture the Adelantado.
+
+[Sidenote: Coronel arrives.]
+
+This movement failed; but it resulted in Roldan's ingratiating himself
+with the tributary caciques, and intercepting the garrison's supplies.
+It was at this juncture, when everything looked desperate for
+Bartholomew, shut up in the Vega fort, that news reached him of the
+arrival (February 3, 1498) at the new port of Santo Domingo of the
+advance section of the Admiral's fleet, sent thither, as we have seen,
+by the Queen's assiduity, under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel.
+
+Bartholomew could tell the Admiral of the good effect which the
+intelligence received through Coronel had on the colony. His own title
+of Adelantado, it was learned, was legitimated by the act of the
+sovereigns; and Columbus himself had been powerful enough to secure
+confirmation of his old honors, and to obtain new pledges for the
+future. The mutineers soon saw that the aspects of their revolt were
+changed. They could not, it would seem, place that dependence on the
+unpopularity of the Admiral at Court which had been a good part of their
+encouragement.
+
+[Sidenote: Bartholomew's new honors.]
+
+Proceeding to Santo Domingo, Bartholomew proclaimed his new honors, and,
+anxious to pacificate the island before the arrival of Columbus, he
+dispatched Coronel to communicate with Roldan, who had sulkily followed
+the Adelantado in his march from the Vega. Roldan refused all
+intercourse, and, shielding himself behind a pass in the mountains, he
+warned off the pacificator. He would yield to no one but the Admiral.
+
+[Sidenote: The rebels go to Xaragua.]
+
+There was nothing for the Adelantado to do but to outlaw the rebels,
+who, in turn, sped away to what Irving calls the "soft witcheries" of
+the Xaragua dryads. The archrebel was thus well out of the way for a
+time; but his influence still worked among the Indians of the Vega, and
+Bartholomew had not long left Conception before the garrison was made
+aware of a native conspiracy to surprise it.
+
+[Sidenote: Guarionex's revolt.]
+
+Word was sent to Santo Domingo, and the Adelantado was promptly on the
+march for relief. Guarionex, who had headed the revolt again, fled to
+the mountains of Ciguay, where a mountain cacique, Mayobanex, the same
+who had conducted the attack on the Spaniards at the Gulf of Samana
+during the first voyage, received the fugitive chief of the valley.
+
+It was into these mountain fastnesses that the Adelantado now pursued
+the fugitives, with a force of ninety foot, a few horse, and some
+auxiliary Indians. He boldly thridded the defiles, and crossed the
+streams, under the showers of lances and arrows. As the native hordes
+fled before him, he fired their villages in the hope of forcing the
+Ciguayans to surrender their guest; but the mountain leaders could not
+be prevailed upon to wrong the rights of hospitality. When no longer
+able to resist in arms, Mayobanex and Guarionex fled to the hills.
+
+The Adelantado now sent all of his men back to the Vega to look after
+the crops, except about thirty, and with these he scoured the region. He
+would not have had success by mere persistency, but he got it by
+artifice and treachery. Both Mayobanex and Guarionex were betrayed in
+their hiding-places and captured. Clemency was shown to their families
+and adherents, and they were released; but both caciques remained in
+their bonds as hostages for the maintenance of the quiet which was now
+at last in some measure secured.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. August 30. Columbus arrives.]
+
+Such was the condition of affairs when Columbus arrived and heard the
+story of these two troubled years and more during which he had been
+absent.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+It was the 30th of August when Columbus and his brother landed at Santo
+Domingo. There had not been much to encourage the Admiral in this story
+of the antecedent events. No portrayal of riot, dissolution, rapine,
+intrigue, and idleness could surpass what he saw and heard of the
+bedraggled and impoverished settlement at Isabella. The stores which he
+had brought would be helpful in restoring confidence and health; but it
+was a source of anxiety to him that nothing had been heard of the three
+caravels from which he had parted off Ferro.
+
+[Sidenote: Roldan and the belated ships.]
+
+These vessels appeared not long afterwards, bringing a new perplexity.
+Forced by currents which their crews did not understand, they had been
+carried westerly, and had wandered about in the unknown seas in search
+of Española. A few days before reaching Santo Domingo, the ships had
+anchored off the territory of Behechio, where Roldan and his followers
+already were. The mutineers observed the approach of the caravels, not
+quite sure of their character, thinking possibly that they had been
+dispatched against their band; but Roldan boldly went on board, and,
+ascertaining their condition, he had the address to represent that he
+was stationed in that region to collect the tribute, and was in need of
+stores, arms, and munitions. The commander of the vessel at once sent on
+shore what he demanded; and while this was going on, Roldan's men
+ingratiated themselves with the company on board the caravels, and
+readily enlisted a part of them in the revolt. The new-comers, being
+some of the emancipated convicts which Columbus had so unwisely
+registered among his crews, were not difficult to entice to a life of
+pleasure. By the time Roldan had secured his supplies and was ready to
+announce his true character, it was not certain how far the captains of
+the vessels could trust their crews. The chief of these commanders
+undertook, when the worst was known, to bring the revolters back to
+their loyalty; but he argued in vain. The wind being easterly, and to
+work up against it to Santo Domingo being a slow process, it was decided
+that one of the captains, Colombo, should conduct about forty armed men
+by land to the new town. When he landed them, the insidious work of the
+mutineers became apparent. Only eight of his party stood to his command,
+and over forty marched over to the rebels, each with his arms. The
+overland march was necessarily given up, and the three caravels, to
+prevent further desertions, hoisted sail and departed. Carvajal remained
+behind to urge Roldan to duty; but the most he could do was to exact a
+promise that he would submit to the Admiral if pardoned, but not to the
+Adelantado.
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. September 12.]
+
+The report which Carvajal made to Columbus, when shortly afterwards he
+joined his companions in Santo Domingo, coming by land, was not very
+assuring. Columbus was too conscious of the prevalence of discontent,
+and he had been made painfully aware of the uncertainty of convict
+loyalty. He then made up his mind that all such men were a menace, and
+that they were best got rid of. Accordingly he announced that five ships
+were ready to sail for Spain and would take any who should desire to go,
+and that the passage would be free.
+
+[Sidenote: Roldan and Ballester.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. October 18. The ships sail for Spain.]
+
+Learning from Carvajal that Roldan was likely soon to lead his men near
+Fort Conception, Columbus notified Miguel Ballester, its commander, to
+be on his guard. He also directed him to seek an interview with the
+rebel leader, in order to lure him back to duty by offer of pardon from
+the Admiral. As soon as Ballester heard of Roldan's arrival in the
+neighborhood, he went out to meet him. Roldan, however, was in no mood
+to succumb. His force had grown, and some of the leading Spaniards had
+been drawn towards him. So he defied the Admiral in his speeches, and
+sent him word that if he had any further communications to make to him
+they should be sent by Carvajal, for he would treat with no other.
+Columbus, on receiving this message, and not knowing how far the
+conspiracy had extended among those about him, ordered out the military
+force of the settlement. There were not more than seventy men to
+respond; nor did he feel much confidence in half of these. There being
+little chance of any turn of affairs for the better with which he could
+regale the sovereigns, Columbus ordered the waiting ships to sail, and
+on October 18 they put to sea.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and slavery.]
+
+The ships carried two letters which Columbus had written to the
+monarchs. In the one he spoke of his new discoveries, and of the views
+which had developed in his mind from the new phenomena, as has already
+been represented, and promised that the Adelantado should soon be
+dispatched with three caravels to make further explorations. In the
+other he repeated the story of events since he had landed at Santo
+Domingo. He urged that Roldan might be recalled to Spain for
+examination, or that he might be committed to the custody of Carvajal
+and Ballester to determine the foundation of his grievances. At the same
+time he requested that a further license be given, to last two years,
+for the capture and transmission of slaves. It was not unlikely that the
+case of Roldan and his abettors was represented with equal confidence in
+other letters, for there were many hands among the passengers to which
+they could be confided.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus seeks to quiet the colony.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. October 20.]
+
+The ships gone, the Admiral gave himself to the difficult task of
+pacificating the colony. The vigorous rule of the Adelantado had made
+enemies who were to be propitiated, though Las Casas tells us that the
+rule had been strict no farther than that it had been necessarily
+imperative in emergencies. Columbus wrote on October 20 an expostulatory
+letter to Roldan. To send it by Carvajal, as was necessary, if Roldan
+was to receive it, would be to intrust negotiations to a person who was
+already committed in some sort to the rebel's plan, or at least some of
+the Admiral's leading councilors believed such to be the case,
+apparently too hastily. Columbus did not share that distrust, and
+Carvajal was sent. This letter crossed one from the leading rebels, in
+which they demanded from Columbus release from his service, and
+expressed their determination to maintain independence.
+
+[Sidenote: Conferences with Roldan.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1498. November 6. Roldan's terms.]
+
+When Carvajal reached Bonao, where the rebels were gathered,--and
+Ballester had accompanied him,--their joint persuasions had some effect
+on Roldan and others, principal rebels; but the followers, as a mass,
+objected to the leaders entering into any conference except under a
+written guaranty of safety for them and those that should accompany
+them. This message was accordingly returned to Columbus, and Ballester
+at the same time wrote to him that the revolt was fast making head; that
+the garrisons were disaffected, and losing by desertion; and that the
+common people could not be trusted to stand by the Admiral if it came to
+war. He advised, therefore, a speedy reconciliation or agreement of some
+sort. The guaranty was sent, and Roldan soon presented himself to the
+Admiral. The demands of the rebel and the prerogatives of the Admiral
+were, it proved, too widely apart for any accommodation. So Roldan,
+having possessed himself of the state of feeling in Santo Domingo,
+returned to his followers, promising to submit definite terms in
+writing. These were sent under date of November 6, 1498, with a demand
+for an answer before the 11th. The terms were inadmissible. To disarm
+charges of exaction, Columbus made public proclamation of a readiness to
+grant pardon to all who should return to allegiance within thirty days,
+and to such he would give free transportation to Spain. Carvajal carried
+this paper to Roldan, and was accompanied by Columbus's major-domo,
+Diego de Salamanca, in the hopes that the two might yet arrange some
+terms, mutually acceptable.
+
+[Illustration: ESPAÑOLA, RAMUSIO, 1555.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus agrees to them.]
+
+The messenger found Roldan advanced from Bonao, and besieging Ballester
+in Conception. The revolt had gone too far, apparently, to be stayed,
+but the persuasion of the mediators at last prevailed, and terms were
+arranged. These provided full pardon and certificates of good conduct;
+free passage from Xaragua, to which point two caravels should be sent;
+the full complement of slaves which other returning colonists had;
+liberty for such as had them to take their native wives, and restoration
+of sequestered property. Roldan and his companions signed this agreement
+on November 16, and agreed to wait eight days for the signature of the
+Admiral. Columbus signed it on the 21st, and further granted
+indulgences of one kind or another to such as chose to remain in
+Española.
+
+[Sidenote: Delays in carrying out the agreement.]
+
+[Sidenote: New agreement.]
+
+[Sidenote: Signed September 28, 1499.]
+
+Under the agreement, the ships were to be ready in fifty days, but
+Columbus, in the disorganized state of the colony, found it impossible
+to avoid delays, and his self-congratulations that he had got rid of the
+turbulent horde were far from warranted. While under this impression,
+and absent with the Adelantado, inspecting the posts throughout the
+island, and deciding how best he could restore the regularities of life
+and business, the arrangements which he had made for carrying out the
+agreement with Roldan had sorely miscarried. Nearly double the time
+assigned to the preparation of the caravels had elapsed, when the
+vessels at last left Santo Domingo for Xaragua. A storm disabling one of
+them, there were still further delays; and when all were ready, the
+procrastination in their outfit offered new grounds for dispute, and it
+was found necessary to revise the agreement. Carvajal was still the
+mediator. Roldan met the Admiral on a caravel, which had sailed toward
+Xaragua. The terms which Roldan now proposed were that he should be
+permitted to send some of his friends, fifteen in number, if he desired
+so many, to Spain; that those who remained should have grants of land;
+that proclamation should be made of the baseless character of the
+charges against him and his accomplices; and that he himself should be
+restored to his office of Alcalde Mayor. Columbus, who had received a
+letter from Fonseca in the meanwhile, showing that there was little
+chance of relief from Spain, saw the hopelessness of his situation, and
+sufficiently humbled himself to accept the terms. When they were
+submitted to the body of the mutineers, this assembly added another
+clause giving them the right to enforce the agreement by compulsion in
+case the Admiral failed to carry it out. This, also, was agreed to in
+despair; while the Admiral endeavored to relieve the mortification of
+the act by inserting a clause enforcing obedience to the commands of the
+sovereigns, of himself, and of his regularly appointed justices. This
+agreement was ratified at Santo Domingo, September 28, 1499.
+
+[Sidenote: Roldan reinstated.]
+
+[Sidenote: Repartimientos.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and slavery.]
+
+It was not a pleasant task for Columbus to brook the presence of Roldan
+and his victorious faction in Santo Domingo. The reinstated alcalde had
+no occasion to be very complaisant after he had seen the Admiral cringe
+before him. Columbus endeavored, in making the grants of lands, to
+separate the restored rebels as much as he could, in order to avoid the
+risks of other mutinous combinations. He agreed with the caciques that
+they should be relieved from the ordinary tribute of treasure if they
+would furnish these new grantees with laborers for their farms. Thus at
+the hands of Columbus arose the beginning of that system of
+_repartimientos_, with all its miseries for the poor natives, which
+ended in their extermination. The apologists of Columbus consider that
+the exigencies of his situation forced him into these fiendish
+enactments, and that he is not to be held responsible for them as of his
+free will. They forget the expressions of his first letter to Santangel,
+which prefigured all the misery which fell upon myriads of these poor
+creatures. The record, unfortunately, shows that it was Columbus who
+invariably led opinion in all these oppressions, and not he who followed
+it. His artfulness never sprang to a new device so exultingly as when it
+was a method of increasing the revenue at the cost of the natives. When
+we read, in the letter written to his sovereigns during this absence, of
+his always impressing on the natives, in his intercourse with them, "the
+courtesy and nobleness of all Christians," we shudder at the hollowness
+of the profession.
+
+[Sidenote: Roldan's demands.]
+
+The personal demands of Roldan under the capitulation were also to be
+met. They included restoration of lands which he called his own, new
+lands to be granted, the stocking of them from the public herds; and
+Columbus met them, at least, until the grants should be confirmed at
+Court. This was not all. Roldan visited Bonao, and made one of his late
+lieutenants an assistant alcalde,--an assumption of the power of
+appointment at which Columbus was offended, as some tell us; but if the
+_Historie_ is to be depended on, the appointment invited no unfavorable
+comment from Columbus. When it was found that this new officer was
+building a structure ostensibly for farm purposes, but of a character
+more like a fortress, suitable for some new mutiny to rally in, Columbus
+at last rose on his dignity and forbade it.
+
+[Sidenote: 1499. October. Caravels sent to Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus sends Ballester to support his cause in Spain.]
+
+In October, 1499, the Admiral dispatched two caravels to Spain. It did
+not seem safe for him to embark in them, though he felt his presence was
+needed at Court to counteract the mischief of his enemies and Roldan's
+friends. Some of the latter went in the ships. The most he could do was
+to trust his cause to Miguel Ballester and Garcia de Barrantes, who
+embarked as his representatives. They bore his letters to the monarchs.
+In these he enumerated the compulsions under which he had signed the
+capitulation with Roldan, and begged their Majesties to treat it as
+given under coercion, and to bring the rebels to trial. He then
+mentioned what other assistants he needed in governing the colony, such
+as a learned judge and some discreet councilors. He ended with asking
+that his son, Diego, might be spared from Court to assist him.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Royal infringements of Columbus's privileges.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1499. Ojeda's voyage.]
+
+While Columbus was making these requests, he was ignorant of the way in
+which the Spanish Court had already made serious trespasses upon his
+prerogatives as Admiral of the Indies. He had said in his letter to the
+sovereigns, "Your Majesties will determine on what is to be done," in
+consequence of these new discoveries at Paria. He was soon to become
+painfully conscious of what was done. The real hero of Columbus's second
+voyage, Alonso de Ojeda, comes again on the scene. He was in Spain when
+the accounts which Columbus had transmitted to Court of his discoveries
+about the Gulf of Paria reached Seville. Such glowing descriptions fired
+his ambition, and learning from Columbus's other letters and from the
+reports by those who had returned of the critical condition of affairs
+in Española, he anticipated the truth when he supposed that the Admiral
+could not so smother the disquiet of his colony as to venture to leave
+it for further explorations. He saw, too, the maps which Columbus had
+sent back and the pearls which he had gathered. He acknowledged all this
+in a deposition taken at Santo Domingo in 1513. So he proposed to
+Fonseca that he might be allowed to undertake a private voyage, and
+profit, for himself and for the Crown, by the resources of the country,
+inasmuch as it must be a long time before Columbus himself could do so.
+Fonseca readily commended the plan and gave him a license, stipulating
+that he should avoid any Portuguese possession and any lands that
+Columbus had discovered before 1495. It was the purpose, by giving this
+date, to throw open the Paria region.
+
+[Sidenote: Vespucius with Ojeda.]
+
+[Sidenote: Juan de la Cosa.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1499. May 20. Ojeda sails.]
+
+[Sidenote: At Venezuela.]
+
+The ships were fitted out at Seville in the early part of 1499, and some
+men, famous in these years, made part of the company which sailed on
+them. There was Americus Vespucius, who was seemingly now for the first
+time to embark for the New World, since it is likely that out of this
+very expedition the alleged voyage of his in 1497 has been made to
+appear by some perversion of chronology. There was Juan de la Cosa, a
+famous hydrographer, who was the companion of Columbus in his second
+Cuban cruise. Irving says that he was with Columbus in his first voyage;
+but it is thought that it was another of the same name who appears in
+the registers of that expedition. Several of those who had returned from
+Española after the Paria cruise of Columbus were also enlisted, and
+among them Bartholomew Roldan, the pilot of that earlier fleet. The
+expedition of Ojeda sailed May 20, 1499. They made land 200 leagues east
+of the Orinoco, and then, guided by Columbus's charts, the ships
+followed his track through the Serpent's and the Dragon's Mouths. Thence
+passing Margarita, they sailed on towards the mountains which Columbus
+had seen, and finally entered a gulf, where they saw some pile dwellings
+of the natives. They accordingly named the basin Venezuela, in reference
+to the great sea-built city of the Adriatic. It is noteworthy that
+Ojeda, in reporting to their Majesties an account of this voyage, says
+that he met in this neighborhood some English vessels, an expedition
+which may have been instigated by Cabot's success. It is to be observed,
+at the same time, that this is the only authority which we have for such
+an early visit of the English to this vicinity, and the statement is not
+credited by Biddle, Helps, and other recent writers. Ojeda turned
+eastward not long after, having run short of provisions. He then
+approached the prohibited Española, and hoped to elude notice while
+foraging at its western end.
+
+[Sidenote: 1499. September 5. Ojeda touches at Española.]
+
+It was while here that Ojeda's caravels were seen and tidings of their
+presence were transmitted to Santo Domingo. Ignorance of what he had to
+deal with in these intruders was one of the reasons which made it out of
+the question for Columbus to return to Spain in the ships which he had
+dispatched in October. Ojeda had appeared on the coast on September 5,
+1499, and as succeeding reports came to Columbus, it was divulged that
+Ojeda was in command, and that he was cutting dyewoods thereabouts.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus sends Roldan to warn Ojeda off.]
+
+Now was the time to heal the dissensions of Roldan, and to give him a
+chance to recover his reputation. So the Admiral selected his late
+bitter enemy to manage the expedition which he thought it necessary to
+dispatch to the spot. Roldan sailed in command of two caravels on
+September 29, and, approaching unobserved the place where Ojeda's ships
+were at anchor, he landed with twenty-five men, and sent out scouts.
+They soon reported that Ojeda was some distance away from his ships at
+an Indian village, making cassava bread. Ojeda heard of the approach,
+but not in time to prevent Roldan getting between him and his ships. The
+intruder met him boldly, said he was on an exploring expedition, and had
+put in for supplies, and that if Roldan would come on board his ships,
+he would show his license signed by Fonseca. When Roldan went on board,
+he saw the document. He also learned from those he talked with in the
+ships--and there were among them some whom he knew, and some who had
+been in Española--that the Admiral's name was in disgrace at Court, and
+there was imminent danger of his being deprived of his command at
+Española. Moreover, the Queen, who had befriended him against all
+others, was ill beyond recovery. Ojeda promising to sail round to Santo
+Domingo and explain his conduct to the Admiral, Roldan left him, and
+carried back the intelligence to Columbus.
+
+The Viceroy waited patiently for Ojeda's vessels to appear, and to hear
+the explanation of what he deemed a flagrant violation of his rights.
+Ojeda, having got rid of Roldan, had accomplished all that he intended
+by the promise. When he set sail, it was to pass round the coast
+easterly to the shore of Xaragua, where he anchored, and opened
+communication with the Spanish settlers, remnants of Roldan's party, who
+had not been quite satisfied to find their reinstated leader acting as
+an emissary of Columbus. Ojeda, with impetuous sympathy, listened to
+their complaints, and had agreed to be their leader in marching to Santo
+Domingo to demand some redresses, when Roldan, sent by Columbus to watch
+him, once more appeared. Ojeda declined a conference, and kept on his
+ship.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. June. Ojeda reaches Cadiz.]
+
+Roldan had harbored a deserter from one of Ojeda's fleet, and as he
+refusedto give him up, Ojeda watched his opportunity and seized two of
+Roldan's men to hold as hostages. So the two wary adventurers watched
+each other for an advantage. After a while, Ojeda, in his ships, stood
+down the coast. Roldan followed along the shore. Coming up to where the
+ships were anchored, Roldan induced Ojeda to send a boat ashore, when,
+by an artifice, he captured the boat and its crew. This game of
+stratagems ended with an agreement on Ojeda's part to leave the island,
+while Roldan restored the captive boat. The prisoners were exchanged.
+Ojeda bore off shore, and though Roldan heard of his landing again at a
+distant point, he was gone when the pursuers reached the spot. Las Casas
+says that Ojeda made for some islands, where he completed his lading of
+slaves, and set sail for Spain, arriving at Cadiz in June, 1500.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Niño's voyage to the pearl coast.]
+
+[Sidenote: Guerra aids him.]
+
+While Columbus was congratulating himself on being well rid of this
+dangerous visitor, he was not at all aware of the uncontrollable
+eagerness which the joyous reports of pearls had engendered in the
+adventurous spirits of the Spanish seaports. Among such impatient
+sailors was the pilot, Pedro Alonso Niño, who had accompanied Columbus
+on his first voyage, and had also but recently returned from the Paria
+coast, having been likewise with the Admiral on his third voyage. He
+found Fonseca as willing, if only the Crown could have its share, as
+Ojeda had found him, and just as forgetful of the vested rights of
+Columbus. So the license was granted only a few days after that given to
+Ojeda, and of similar import. Niño, being a poor man, sought the aid of
+Luis Guerra in fitting out a small caravel of only fifty tons; and in
+consideration of this assistance, Guerra's brother, Cristoval, was
+placed in command, with a crew, all told, of thirty-three souls. They
+sailed from Palos early in June, 1499, and were only fifteen days behind
+Ojeda on the coast. They had some encounters and some festivities with
+the natives; but they studiously attended to their main object of
+bartering for pearls, and when they reached Spain on their return in
+April, 1500, and laid out the shares for the Crown, for Guerra, and for
+the crew, of the rich stores of pearls which they had gathered, men
+said, "Here at last is one voyage to the new islands from which some
+adequate return is got." And so the first commensurate product of the
+Indies, instead of saving the credit of Columbus, filled the pockets of
+an interloping adventurer.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: V. Y. Pinzon's voyage.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1499. December.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pinzon crosses the equator.]
+
+[Sidenote: The southern sky.]
+
+But a more considerable undertaking of the same illegitimate character
+was that of Vicente Yañez Pinzon, the companion of Columbus on his first
+voyage. Leaguing with him a number of the seamen of the Admiral,
+including some of his pilots on his last voyage, Pinzon fitted out at
+Palos four caravels, which sailed near the beginning of December, 1499,
+not far from the time when Columbus was thinking, because of the flight
+of Ojeda, that an end was at last coming to these intrusions within his
+prescribed seas. Pinzon was not so much influenced by greed as by
+something of that spirit which had led him to embark with Columbus in
+1492, the genuine eagerness of the explorer. He was destined to do what
+Columbus had been prevented from doing by the intense heat and by the
+demoralized condition of his crew,--strike the New World in the
+equatorial latitudes. So he stood boldly southwest, and crossed the
+equator, the first to do it west of the line of demarcation. Here were
+new constellations as well as a new continent for the transatlantic
+discoverer. The north star had sunk out of sight. Thus it was that the
+southern heavens brought a new difficulty to navigation, as well as
+unwonted stellar groups to the curious observer. The sailor of the
+northern seas had long been accustomed to the fixity of the polar star
+in making his observations for latitude. The southern heavens were
+without any conspicuous star in the neighborhood of the pole: and in
+order to determine such questions, the star at the foot of the Southern
+Cross was soon selected, but it necessitated an allowance of 30° in all
+observations.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. January 20. Sees Cape Consolation.]
+
+[Sidenote: Coasts north.]
+
+It was on January 20, 1500, or thereabouts, that Pinzon saw a cape which
+he called Consolation, and which very likely was the modern Cape St.
+Augustine,--though the identification is not established to the
+satisfaction of all,--which would make Pinzon the first European to see
+the most easterly limit of the great southern continent. A belief like
+this requires us, necessarily, to reject Varnhagen's view that as early
+as the previous June (1499) Ojeda had made his landfall just as far to
+the east. Pinzon took possession of the country, and then, sailing
+north, passed the mouth of the Amazon, and found that even out of sight
+of land he could replenish his water-casks from the flow of fresh
+waters, which the great river poured into the ocean. It did not occur to
+his practical mind, as it had under similar circumstances to Columbus,
+that he was drinking the waters of Paradise!
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. June. Pinzon at Española.]
+
+[Sidenote: Reaches Palos, September, 1500.]
+
+Reaching the Gulf of Paria, Pinzon passed out into the Caribbean Sea,
+and touched at Española in the latter part of June, 1500. Proceeding
+thence to the Lucayan Islands, two of his caravels were swallowed up in
+a gale, and the other two disabled. The remaining ships crossed to
+Española to refit, whence sailing once more, they reached Palos in
+September, 1500.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. January. Diego de Lepe's voyage.]
+
+Meanwhile, following Pinzon, Diego de Lepe, sailing also from Palos with
+two caravels in January, 1500, tracked the coast from below Cape St.
+Augustine northward. He was the first to double this cape, as he showed
+in the map which he made for Fonseca, and doing so he saw the coast
+stretching ahead to the southwest. From this time South America presents
+on the charts this established trend of the coast. Humboldt thinks that
+Diego touched at Española before returning to Spain in June, 1500.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese explorations by the African route.]
+
+We must now return to the further exploration of the Portuguese by the
+African route, for we have reached a period when, by accident and
+because of the revised line of demarcation, the Portuguese pursuing that
+route acquired at the same time a right on the American coast which they
+have since maintained in Brazil, as against what seems to have been a
+little earlier discovery of that coast by Pinzon, in the voyage already
+mentioned.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. March 9.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cabral discovers the Brazil coast.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. May 1.]
+
+In the year following the return to Lisbon of Da Gama with the marvelous
+story of the African route to India, the Portuguese government were
+prompted naturally enough to establish more firmly their commercial
+relations with Calicut. They accordingly fitted out three ships to make
+trial once more of the voyage. The command was given to Pedro Alvarez
+Cabral, and there were placed under him Diaz, who had first rounded the
+stormy cape, and Coelho, who had accompanied Da Gama. The expedition
+sailed on March 9, 1500. Leaving the Cape de Verde Islands, Cabral
+shaped his course more westerly than Da Gama had done, but for what
+reason is not satisfactorily ascertained. Perhaps it was to avoid the
+calms off the coast of Guinea; perhaps to avoid breasting a storm; and
+indeed it may have been only to see if any land lay thitherward easterly
+of the great line of demarcation. Whatever the motive, the fleet was
+brought on April 22 opposite an eminence, which received then the name
+of Monte Pascoal, and is to-day, as then it became by right of
+discovery, within the Portuguese limits of South America, the Land of
+the True Cross, as he named it, Vera Cruz; later, however, to be changed
+to Santa Cruz. The coast was examined, and in the bay of Porto Seguro,
+on May 1, formal possession of the country was taken for the crown of
+Portugal. Cabral sent a caravel back with the news, expressed in a
+letter drawn up by Pedro Vaz de Caminha. This letter, which is dated on
+the day possession was taken, was first made known by Muñoz, who
+discovered it in the archives at Lisbon. It was not till July 29 that
+the Portuguese king, in a letter which is printed by Navarrete, notified
+the Spanish monarchs of Cabral's discovery, and this letter was printed
+in Rome, October 23, 1500.
+
+It seems to have been the apprehension of the Portuguese, if we may
+trust this letter, that the new coast lay directly in the route to the
+Cape of Good Hope, though on the right hand.
+
+[Sidenote: Cabral at Calicut, September 13, 1500.]
+
+Leaving two banished criminals to seek their chances of life in the
+country, and to ascertain its products, Cabral set sail on May 22, and
+proceeded to the Cape of Good Hope. Fearful gales were encountered and
+four vessels were lost, and his subordinate, Diaz, found an ocean grave
+off the stormy cape of his own finding. But Calicut was at last reached,
+September 13.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Date of Cabral's discovery.]
+
+[Sidenote: His landfall.]
+
+There is a day or two difference in the dates assigned by different
+authorities for this discovery of Cabral. Ramusio, quoting a pilot of
+the fleet fourteen months after the event, says April 24, and leading
+Portuguese historians have followed him; but the letter which Cabral
+sent back to Portugal, as already related, says April 22. The question
+would be a trifling one, as Humboldt suggests, except that it bears upon
+the question of just where this fortuitous landfall was made, involving
+estimates of distance sailed before Cabral entered the harbor of Porto
+Seguro. It is probable that this was at a point a hundred and seventy
+leagues south of the spot reached earlier (January, 1500) by Pinzon and
+De Lepe. Yet on this point there are some differences of opinion, which
+are recapitulated by Humboldt.
+
+[Sidenote: Cabral and Pinzon.]
+
+The most impartial critics, however, agree with Humboldt in giving
+Pinzon the lead, if not to the extent of the forty-eight days before
+Cabral left Lisbon, as Humboldt contends.
+
+If Barros is correct in his deductions, it was not known on board of
+Cabral's fleet that Columbus had already discovered in the Paria region
+what he supposed an extension of the Asiatic main. The first conclusion
+of the Portuguese naturally was that they had stumbled either on a new
+group of islands, or perhaps on some outlying members of the group of
+the Antilles. Of course nothing was known at the time of the discoveries
+of Pinzon and Lepe.
+
+[Sidenote: The results of the African route.]
+
+It has often been remarked that if Columbus had not sailed in 1492,
+Cabral would have revealed America in 1500. It is a striking fact that
+the Portuguese had pursued their quest for India with an intelligence
+and prescience which geographical truth confirmed. The Spaniards went
+their way in error, and it took them nearly thirty years to find a route
+that could bring them where they could defend at the antipodes their
+rights under the Bull of Demarcation. Columbus sought India and found
+America without knowing it. Cabral, bound for the Cape of Good Hope,
+stumbled upon Brazil, and preëmpted the share of Portugal in the New
+World as Da Gama has already secured it in Asia. Thus the African route
+revealed both Cathay and America.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The Columbus lawsuit.]
+
+[Sidenote: La Cosa's map, 1500.]
+
+For these voyages commingling with those of Columbus along the spaces of
+the Caribbean Sea, we get the best information, all things considered,
+from the testimonies of the participants in them, which were rendered in
+the famous lawsuit which the Crown waged against the heirs of Columbus.
+The well-known map of Juan de la Cosa posts us best on the
+cartographical results of these same voyages up to the summer of 1500.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+[Illustration: SKETCH OF LA COSA'S MAP.]
+
+La Cosa was, as Las Casas called him, the best of the pilots then
+living, and there is a story of his arrogating to himself a superiority
+to Columbus, even.
+
+As La Cosa returned to Spain with Ojeda in June, 1500, and sailed again
+in October with Bastidas, this famous map was apparently made in that
+interval, since it purports in an inscription to have been drafted in
+1500. In posting the geographical knowledge which he had acquired up to
+that date, La Cosa drew upon his own experiences in the voyages which he
+had already made with Columbus (1493-96), and with Ojeda (1499-1500). It
+is to be regretted that we have from his pencil no later draft, for his
+experience in these seas was long and intimate, since he accompanied
+Bastidas in 1500-2, led expeditions of his own in 1504-6 and 1507-8, and
+went again with Ojeda in 1509.
+
+La Cosa, indeed, does not seem to have improved his map on any
+subsequent date, and that he puts down Cape St. Augustine so accurately
+is another proof of that headland being seen by Pinzon or Lepe in 1500,
+and that news of its discovery had reached the map makers.
+
+[Sidenote: Objections to La Cosa's map.]
+
+The objections to La Cosa's map as a source of historical information
+have been that (1) he gives an incorrect shape to Cuba, and makes it an
+island eight years before Ocampo sailed around it; and that (2) he gives
+an unrecognizable coast northward from where the Gulf of Mexico should
+be. Henry Stevens, in his _Historical and Geographical Notes_,
+undertakes to answer these objections.
+
+[Sidenote: Insularity of Cuba.]
+
+First, Stevens reverts to the belief of La Cosa that he did not imagine
+Cuba to be an island, because no one ever knew of an island 335 leagues
+long, as Columbus and he, sailing along its southern side, had found it
+to be, taking the distance they had gone rather than the true limits.
+Stevens depends much on the belief of Columbus that the bay of islands
+which he fancied himself within, when he turned back, was the Gulf of
+Ganges,--supposing that Peter Martyr quoted Columbus, when he wrote to
+that effect in August, 1495. If Varnhagen is correct in his routes of
+Vespucius, that navigator, in 1497, making the circuit of the Gulf of
+Mexico, had established the insularity of Cuba. Few modern scholars, it
+is fair to say, accept Varnhagen's theories. It became a question, after
+Humboldt had made the La Cosa chart public in 1833, how its maker had
+got the information of the insularity of Cuba. Humboldt was convinced
+that though a "complacent witness" to Columbus's ridiculous notarial
+transaction during his second voyage, La Cosa had dared to tell the
+truth, even at the small risk of having his tongue pulled out.
+
+[Illustration: RIBERO'S ANTILLES, 1529.]
+
+The Admiral's belief, bolstered after his own fashion by suborning his
+crew, was far from being accepted by all.
+
+Peter Martyr not long afterward voiced the hesitancy which was growing.
+It was beginning to be believed that the earth was larger than Columbus
+thought, and that his discoveries had not taken him as far as Cathay.
+Every new report veered the vane on this old gossiper's steeple, and he
+went on believing one day and disbelieving the next.
+
+[Illustration: WYTFLIET'S CUBA.]
+
+We may perhaps question now if the official promulgation of the Cuban
+circumnavigation by Sebastian Ocampo in 1508 was much more than the
+Spanish acknowledgment of its insularity, when they could no longer deny
+it. Henry Stevens has claimed to put La Cosa's island of Cuba in accord
+with Columbus, or at least partly so. He finds this western limit of
+Cuba on the La Cosa map drawn with "a dash of green paint," which he
+holds to be a color used to define unknown coasts. He studied the map in
+Jomard's colored facsimile, and trusted it, not having examined the
+original to this end,--though he had apparently seen it in the Paris
+auction-room in 1853, when, as a competitor, he had run up the
+price which the Spanish government paid for it. He says that the same
+green emblem of unknown lands is also placed upon the coast of Asia,
+where a peninsular Cuba would have joined it. He seems to forget that he
+should have found, to support his theory, a gap rather than a supposable
+coast, and should rather have pointed to the vignette of St. Christopher
+as affording that gap.
+
+[Illustration: WYTFLIET'S CUBA.]
+
+Ruysch in 1507 marked in his map this unknown western limit with a
+conventional scroll, while he made his north coast not unlike the
+Asiatic coast of Mauro (1457) and Behaim (1492), and with no gap.
+Stevens also interprets the St. Dié map of 1508-13 as showing this
+peninsular Cuba in what is there placed as the main, with a duplicated
+insular Cuba in what is called Isabella. The warrant for this
+supposition is the transfer under disguises of the La Cosa and Ruysch
+names of their Cuba to the continental coast of the St. Dié map, leaving
+the "Isabella" entirely devoid of names.
+
+Stevens ventures the opinion that La Cosa may have been on the first
+voyage of Columbus as well as on the second, and his reason for this is
+that the north coast of Cuba, which Columbus then coasted, is so
+correctly drawn; but this opinion ignores the probability, indeed the
+certainty, that this approximate accuracy could just as well be reached
+by copying from Columbus's map of that first voyage.
+
+It should be borne in mind, however, that Varnhagen, who had faith in
+the 1497 voyage of Vespucius as having settled the insular character of
+Cuba, interprets this St. Dié map quite differently, as showing a
+rudimentary Gulf of Mexico and the Mississippi mouth instead of the Gulf
+of Ganges.
+
+[Sidenote: La Cosa's coast of Asia.]
+
+Second, Stevens grasps the obvious interpretation that La Cosa simply
+drew in for this northern coast that of Asia as he conceived it. This
+hardly needs elucidation. But his opinion is not so well grounded that
+the northern part of this Asiatic coast, where La Cosa intended to
+improve on the notions which had come from Marco Polo and the rest, is
+simply the _northern_ coast of the Gulf of St. Lawrence as laid down by
+the explorations of Cabot. If it be taken as giving from Cabot's
+recitals the trend of the coasts found by him, it seems to show that
+that navigator knew nothing of the southern entrance of that gulf. This
+adds further to the uncertainty of what is called the Cabot mappemonde
+of 1544. That La Cosa intended the coasts of the Cabots' discoveries to
+belong to inland waters Stevens thinks is implied by the sea thereabouts
+being called _Mar_ instead of _Mar oceanus_. It is difficult to see the
+force of these supplemental views of Stevens, and to look upon the
+drawing of La Cosa in this northern region as other than Asia modified
+vaguely by the salient points of the outer coast lines as glimpsed by
+Cabot.
+
+If the Spanish envoy in England carried out his intention of sending a
+copy of Cabot's chart to Spain, it could hardly have escaped falling
+into the hands of La Cosa. We have already mentioned the chance of John
+Cabot having visited the peninsula in the interval between his two
+voyages.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the Cabot voyages.]
+
+The chief ground for believing that Columbus ever heard of the voyages
+of the Cabots--for there is no plain statement that he did--is that we
+know how La Cosa had knowledge of them; and that upon his map the
+vignette of St. Christopher bearing the infant Christ may possibly have
+been, as it has sometimes been held to be, a direct reference to La
+Cosa's commander, who may be supposed in that case to have been
+acquainted with the compliment paid him, and consequently with the map's
+record of the Cabots.
+
+[Sidenote: The Cantino map.]
+
+Whether La Cosa understood the natives better than Columbus, or whether
+he had information of which we have no record, it is certain that within
+two years rumor or fact brought it to the knowledge of the Portuguese
+that the westerly end of Cuba lay contiguous to a continental shore,
+stretching to the north, in much the position of the eastern seaboard of
+the United States. This is manifest from the Cantino map, which was sent
+from Lisbon to Italy before November, 1502, and which prefigured the
+so-called Admiral's map of the Ptolemy of 1513. There will be occasion
+to discuss later the over-confident dictum of Stevens that this supposed
+North American coast was simply a duplicated Cuba, turned north and
+south, and stretching from a warm region, as the Spaniards knew it, well
+up into the frozen north. Cosa's map seems to have exerted little or no
+influence on the earliest printed maps of the New World, and in this it
+differs from the Cantino map.
+
+[Sidenote: Minor expeditions.]
+
+We know not what unexpected developments may further have sprung from
+obscure and furtive explorations, which were now beginning to be common,
+and of which the record is often nothing more than an inference. Stories
+of gold and pearls were great incentives. The age was full of a spirit
+of private adventure. The voyages of Ojeda, Niño, and Pinzon were but
+the more conspicuous.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII.
+
+THE DEGRADATION AND DISHEARTENMENT OF COLUMBUS.
+
+1500.
+
+
+Columbus, writing to the Spanish sovereigns from Española, said, in
+reference to the lifelong opposition which he had encountered:--
+
+[Sidenote: Opponents of Columbus.]
+
+"May it please the Lord to forgive those who have calumniated and still
+calumniate this excellent enterprise of mine, and oppose and have
+opposed its advancement, without considering how much glory and
+greatness will accrue from it to your Highnesses throughout all the
+world. They cannot state anything in disparagement of it except its
+expense, and that I have not immediately sent back the ships loaded with
+gold."
+
+[Sidenote: Charges against Columbus.]
+
+Was this an honest statement? Columbus knew perfectly well that there
+had been much else than disappointment at the scant pecuniary returns.
+He knew that there was a widespread dissatisfaction at his personal
+mismanagement of the colony; at his alleged arrogance and cupidity as a
+foreigner; at his nepotism; at his inordinate exaltation of promise, and
+at his errant faith that brooked no dispute. He knew also that his
+enthusiasm had captivated the Queen, and that as long as she could be
+held captive he could appeal to her not in vain. If there had been any
+honesty in the Queen's professions in respect to the selling of slaves,
+he knew that he had outraged them. Even when he was writing this letter,
+it came over him that there was a fearful hazard for him both in the
+persistency of this denunciation of others against him and in the
+heedless arrogance of such perverseness on his own part.
+
+"I know," he says, "that water dropping on a stone will at length make a
+hole." We shall see before long that foreboding cavity.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Roldan.]
+
+[Sidenote: Guevara.]
+
+[Sidenote: Anacaona's daughter.]
+
+[Sidenote: Adrian do Moxica.]
+
+The defection of Roldan turned so completely into servility is but one
+of the strange contrasts of the wonderful course of vicissitudes in the
+life of Columbus. There presently came a new trial for him and for
+Roldan. A young well-born Spaniard, Fernando de Guevara, had appeared in
+Española recently, and by his dissolute life he had created such
+scandals in Santo Domingo that Columbus had ordered him to leave the
+island. He had been sent to Xaragua to embark in one of Ojeda's ships;
+but that adventurer had left the coast when the outlaw reached the port.
+While waiting another opportunity to embark, Guevara was kept in that
+part of the island under Roldan's eye. This implied no such restraint as
+to deny him access to the society of Anacaona, with whose daughter,
+Higuamota, who seems to have inherited something of her mother's
+commanding beauty and mental qualities, he fell in love, and found his
+passion requited. He sought companionship also with one of the
+lieutenants of Roldan, who had been a leader in his late revolt, Adrian
+de Moxica, then living not far away, who had for him the additional
+attachment of kinship, for the two were cousins. Las Casas tells us that
+Roldan had himself a passion for the young Indian beauty, and it may
+have been for this as well as for his desire to obey the Admiral that he
+commanded the young cavalier to go to a more distant province. The
+ardent lover had sought to prepare his way for a speedy marriage by
+trying to procure a priest to baptize the maiden. This caused more
+urgent commands from Roldan, which were ostentatiously obeyed, only to
+be eluded by a clandestine return, when he was screened with some
+associates in the house of Anacaona. This queenly woman seems to have
+favored his suit with her daughter. He was once more ordered away, when
+he began to bear himself defiantly, but soon changed his method to
+suppliancy. Roldan was appeased by this. Guevara, however, only made it
+the cloak for revenge, and with some of his friends formed a plot to
+kill Roldan. This leaked out, and the youth and his accomplices were
+arrested and sent to Santo Domingo. This action aroused Roldan's old
+confederate, Moxica, and, indignant at the way in which the renegade
+rebel had dared to turn upon his former associates, Moxica resolved upon
+revenge.
+
+[Sidenote: Moxica's plot.]
+
+[Sidenote: Moxica taken.]
+
+To carry it out he started on a tour through the country where the late
+mutineers were settled, and readily engaged their sympathies. Among
+those who joined in his plot was Pedro Riquelme, whom Roldan had made
+assistant alcalde. The old spirit of revolt was rampant. The
+confederates were ready for any excess, either upon Roldan or upon the
+Admiral. Columbus was at Conception in the midst of the aroused
+district, when a deserter from the plotters informed him of their plan.
+With a small party the Admiral at once sped in the night to the
+unguarded quarters of the leaders, and Moxica and several of his chief
+advisers were suddenly captured and carried to the fort. The execution
+of the ringleader was at once ordered. Impatient at the way in which the
+condemned man dallied in his confessions to a priest, Columbus ordered
+him pushed headlong from the battlements. The French canonists screen
+Columbus for this act by making Roldan the perpetrator of it. The other
+confederates were ironed in confinement at Conception, except Riquelme,
+who was taken later and conveyed to Santo Domingo.
+
+The revolt was thus summarily crushed. Those who had escaped fled to
+Xaragua, whither the Adelantado and Roldan pursued them without mercy.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and his colony.]
+
+Columbus had perhaps never got his colony under better control than
+existed after this vigorous exhibition of his authority. Such a show of
+prompt and audacious energy was needed to restore the moral supremacy
+which his recusancy under the threats of Roldan had lost. The fair
+weather was not to last long.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. August 23. Bobadilla arrives.]
+
+Early in the morning of August 23, 1500, two caravels were descried off
+the harbor of Santo Domingo. The Admiral's brother Diego was in
+authority, Columbus being still at Conception, and Bartholomew absent
+with Roldan. Diego sent out a canoe to learn the purpose of the
+visitors. It returned, and brought word that a commissioner was come to
+inquire into the late rebellion of Roldan. Diego's messengers had at the
+same time informed the newcomer of the most recent defection of Moxica,
+and that there were still other executions to take place, particularly
+those of Riquelme and Guevara, who were confined in the town. As the
+ships entered the river, the gibbets on either bank, with their dangling
+Spaniards, showed the commissioner that there were other troublous times
+to inquire into than those named in his warrant. While the commissioner
+remained on board his ship, receiving the court of those who early
+sought to propitiate him, and while he was getting his first information
+of the condition of the island, mainly from those who had something to
+gain by the excess of their denunciations, it is necessary to go back a
+little in time, and ascertain who this important personage was, and what
+was the mission on which he had been sent.
+
+[Illustration: VILLE DE S^T. DOMINGUE.
+
+SANTO DOMINGO. 1754.]
+
+[Sidenote: Growth of the royal dissatisfaction with Columbus.]
+
+The arrangements for sending him had been made slowly. They were even
+outlined when Ojeda had started on his voyage, for he had, in his
+interviews with Roldan, blindly indicated that some astonishment of this
+sort was in store. Evidently Fonseca had not allowed Ojeda to depart
+without some intimations.
+
+[Sidenote: Charges against Columbus.]
+
+Notwithstanding Columbus professed to believe that nothing but the lack
+of pecuniary return for the great outlays of his expeditions could be
+alleged against them, he was well aware, and he had constantly acted as
+if well aware, of the great array of accusations which had been made
+against him in Spain, with a principal purpose of undermining the
+indulgent regard of the Queen for him. He had known it with sorrow
+during his last visit to Spain, and had found, as we have seen, that he
+could not secure men to accompany him and put themselves under his
+control unless he unshackled criminals in the jails. He little thought
+that such utter disregard of the morals and self-respect of those whom
+he had settled in the New World would, by a sort of retributive justice,
+open the way, however unjustly, to put the displaced gyves on himself,
+amid the exultant feelings of these same criminals. Such reiterated
+criminations were like the water-drops that wear the stone, and he had,
+as we have noted, felt the certainty of direful results.
+
+[Sidenote: His exaggerations of the wealth of the Indies.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus deceives the Crown.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's sons hooted at in the Alhambra.]
+
+How much the disappointment at the lack of gold had to do with
+increasing the force of these charges, it is not difficult to imagine.
+Columbus was certainly not responsible for that; but he was responsible
+for the inordinate growth of the belief in the profuse wealth of the
+new-found Indies. His constantly repeated stories of the wonderful
+richness of the region had done their work. His professions of a purpose
+to enrich the world with noble benefactions, and to spend his treasure
+on the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre, were the vain boastings of a man
+who thought thereby to enroll his name among the benefactors of the
+Church. He did not perceive that the populace would wonder whence these
+resources were to come, unless it was by defrauding the Crown of its
+share, and by amassing gold while they could not get any. There is
+something ludicrous in the excuse which he later gave for concealing
+from the sovereigns his accumulation of pearls. He felt it sufficient to
+say that he thought he would wait till he could make as good a show of
+gold! There were some things that even fifteenth-century Christians held
+to be more sacred than wresting Jerusalem from the Moslem, and these
+were money in hand when they had earned it, and food to eat when their
+misfortunes had beggared their lives. It was not an uncalled-for strain
+on their loyalty to the Crown, when the notion prevailed that the
+sovereigns and their favorite were gathering riches out of their
+despair. There was little to be wondered at, in the crowd of these
+hungry and debilitated victims, wandering about the courts of the
+Alhambra, under the royal windows, and clamoring for their pay. There
+was nothing to be surprised at in the hootings that followed the
+Admiral's sons, pages of the Queen, if they passed within sight of these
+embittered throngs.
+
+[Sidenote: Ferdinand's confessed blunder.]
+
+It was quite evident that Ferdinand, who had never warmed to the
+Admiral's enthusiasm, had long been conscious that in the exclusive and
+extended powers which had been given to Columbus a serious
+administrative blunder had been made. He said as much at a later day to
+Ponce de Leon.
+
+The Queen had been faithful, but the recurrent charges had given of late
+a wrench to her constancy. Was it not certain that something must be
+wrong, or these accusations would not go on increasing? Had not the
+great discoverer fulfilled his mission when he unveiled a new world? Was
+it quite sure that the ability to govern it went along with the genius
+to find it? These were the questions which Isabella began to put to
+herself.
+
+[Sidenote: Isabella begins to doubt.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus to be superseded.]
+
+[Sidenote: Witnesses against Columbus.]
+
+She was not a person to hesitate at anything, when conviction came. She
+had shown this in the treatment of the Jews, of the Moors, and of other
+heretics. The conviction that Columbus was not equal to his trust was
+now coming to her. The news of the serious outbreak of Roldan's
+conspiracy brought the matter to a test, and in the spring of 1499 the
+purpose to send out some one with almost unlimited powers for any
+emergency was decided upon. Still the details were not worked out, and
+there were occurrences in the internal and external affairs of Spain
+that required the prior attention of the sovereigns. Very likely the
+news of Columbus's success in finding a new source of wealth in the
+pearls of Paria may have had something to do with the delay. When the
+ships which carried to Spain a crowd of Roldan's followers arrived, the
+question took a fresh interest. Columbus's friends, Ballester and
+Barrantes, now found their testimony could make little headway against
+the crowd of embittered witnesses on the other side. Isabella, besides,
+was forced to see in the slaves that Columbus had sent by the same ships
+something of an obstinate opposition to her own wishes. Las Casas tells
+us that so great was the Queen's displeasure that it was only the
+remembrance of Columbus's services that saved him from prompt disgrace.
+To be sure, the slaves had been sent in part by virtue of the
+capitulation which Columbus had made with the rebels, but should the
+Viceroy of the Indies be forced to such capitulations? Had he kept the
+colony in a condition worthy of her queenly patronage, when it could be
+reported to her that the daughters of caciques were found among these
+natives bearing their hybrid babes? "What authority had my viceroy to
+give my vassals to such ends?" she asked.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the slave trade.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla appointed commissioner.]
+
+There were two things in recent letters of Columbus which damaged his
+cause just at this juncture. One was his petition for a new lease of the
+slave trade. This Isabella answered by ordering all slaves which he had
+sent home to be sought out and returned. Her agents found a few. The
+other was the request of Columbus for a judge to examine the dispute
+between himself and Roldan. This Ferdinand answered by appointing the
+commissioner whose arrival at Santo Domingo we have chronicled. He
+was Francisco de Bobadilla, an officer of the royal household.
+
+Before disclosing what Bobadilla did in Santo Domingo, it is best to try
+to find out what he was expected to do.
+
+[Sidenote: His character.]
+
+There is no person connected with the career of Columbus--hardly
+excepting Fonseca--more generally defamed than this man, who was,
+nevertheless, if we may believe Oviedo, a very honest and a very
+religious man. The historians of Columbus need to mete out to Bobadilla
+what very few have done, the same measure of palliation which they are
+more willing to bestow on Columbus. With this parallel justice, it may
+be that he will not bear with discredit a comparison with Columbus
+himself, in all that makes a man's actions excusable under provocation
+and responsibility. An indecency of haste may come from an excess of
+zeal quite as well as from an unbridled virulence.
+
+It may be in some ways a question if the conditions this man was sent to
+correct were the result of the weakness or inadaptability of Columbus,
+or merely the outcome of circumstances, enough beyond his control to
+allow of excuses. There is, however, no question that the Spanish
+government had duties to perform towards itself and its subjects which
+made it properly disinclined to jeopardize the interests which accompany
+such duties.
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla's powers.]
+
+Bobadilla was, to be sure, invested with dangerous powers, but not with
+more dangerous ones than Columbus himself had possessed. When two such
+personations of unbridled authority come in antagonism, the possessor of
+the greater authority is sure to confirm himself by commensurate
+exactions upon the other. Bobadilla's commission was an implied warrant
+to that end. He might have been more prudent of his own state, and
+should have remembered that a trust of the nature of that with which he
+was invested was sure to be made accountable to those who imparted to
+him the power, and perhaps at a time when they chose to abandon their
+own instructions. He ought to have known that such an abandonment comes
+very easy to all governments in emergencies. He might have been more
+considerate of the man whom Spain had so recently flattered. He should
+not have forgotten, if almost everybody else had, that the Admiral had
+given a new world to Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the criminals.]
+
+He should not have been unmindful, if almost every one else was, that
+this new world was a delusion now, but might dissolve into a beatific
+vision. But all this was rather more than human nature was capable of in
+an age like that. It is to be said of Bobadilla that when he summoned
+Columbus to Santo Domingo and prejudged him guilty, he had shown no more
+disregard of a rival power, which he was sent to regulate, than Columbus
+had manifested for a deluded colony, when he selfishly infected it with
+the poison of the prisons. It must not, indeed, be forgotten that the
+strongest support of the new envoy came from the very elements of vice
+which Columbus had implanted in the island. He grew to understand this,
+and later he was forced to give a condemnation of his own act when he
+urged the sending of such as are honorably known, "that the country may
+be peopled with honest men."
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla's character.]
+
+[Sidenote: Did he exceed his powers?]
+
+Las Casas tells us of Bobadilla that his probity and disinterestedness
+were such that no one could attack them. If it be left for posterity to
+decide between the word of Las Casas and Columbus, in estimates of
+virtue and honesty, there is no question of the result. When Bobadilla
+was selected to be sent to Española, there was every reason to choose
+the most upright of persons. There was every reason, also, to instruct
+him with a care that should consider every probable attendant
+circumstance. After this was done, the discretion of the man was to
+determine all. We can read in the records the formal instructions; but
+there were beside, as is expressly stated, verbal directions which can
+only be surmised. Bobadilla was accused of exceeding the wishes of the
+Queen. Are we sure that he did? It is no sign of it that the monarchs
+subsequently found it politic to disclaim the act of their agent. Such a
+desertion of a subordinate was not unusual in those times, nor indeed
+would it be now.
+
+If Isabella, "for the love of Christ and the Virgin Mary," could
+depopulate towns, as she said she did, by the ravages of the
+inquisition, and fill her coffers by the attendant sequestrations, it is
+not difficult to conceive that, with a similar and convenient conviction
+of duty, she would give no narrow range to her vindictiveness and
+religious zeal when she came to deal with an Admiral whom she had
+created, and who was not very deferential to her wishes.
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla's powers.]
+
+A synopsis of the powers confided to Bobadilla in writing needs to be
+presented. They begin with a letter of March 21, 1499, referring to
+reports of the Roldan insurrection, and directing him, if on inquiry he
+finds any persons culpable, to arrest them and sequestrate their
+effects, and to call upon the Admiral for assistance in carrying out
+these orders. Two months later, May 21, a circular letter was framed and
+addressed to the magistrates of the islands, which seems to have been
+intended to accredit Bobadilla to them, if the Admiral should be no
+longer in command. This order gave notice to these magistrates of the
+full powers which had been given to Bobadilla in civil and criminal
+jurisdiction. Another order of the same date, addressed to the "Admiral
+of the ocean sea," orders him to surrender all royal property, whether
+forts, arms, or otherwise, into Bobadilla's hands,--evidently intended
+to have an accompanying effect with the other. Of a date five days later
+another letter addressed to the Admiral reads to this effect:--
+
+"We have directed Francisco de Bobadilla, the bearer of this, to tell
+you for us of certain things to be mentioned by him. We ask you to give
+faith and credence to what he says, and to obey him. May 26, 1499."
+
+[Sidenote: His verbal orders.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. July. Bobadilla leaves Spain.]
+
+This is an explicit avowal on the sovereigns' part of having given
+verbal orders. In addition to these instructions, a royal order required
+the commissioner to ascertain what was due from the Crown for unpaid
+salaries, and to compel the Admiral to join in liquidating such
+obligations so far as he was bound for them, "that there may be no more
+complaints." If one may believe Columbus's own statements as made in his
+subsequent letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, it had been neglect, and
+not inability, on his part which had allowed these arrears to accrue.
+Bobadilla was also furnished with blanks signed by the sovereigns, to be
+used to further their purposes in any way and at his discretion. With
+these extraordinary documents, and possessed of such verbal and
+confidential directions as we may imagine rather than prove, Bobadilla
+had sailed in July, 1500, more than a year after the letters were dated.
+His two caravels brought back to Española a number of natives, who were
+in charge of some Franciscan friars.
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla lands at Santo Domingo.]
+
+We left Bobadilla on board his ship, receiving court from all who
+desired thus early to get his ear. It was not till the next day that he
+landed, attended by a guard of twenty-five men, when he proceeded to the
+church to mass.
+
+[Sidenote: His demands.]
+
+This over, the crowd gathered before the church. Bobadilla ordered a
+herald to read his original commission of March 21, 1499, and then he
+demanded of the acting governor, Diego, who was present, that Guevara,
+Riquelme, and the other prisoners should be delivered to him, together
+with all the evidence in their cases, and that the accusers and
+magistrates should appear before him. Diego referred him to the Admiral
+as alone having power in such matters, and asked for a copy of the
+document just read to send to Columbus. This Bobadilla declined to give,
+and retired, intimating, however, that there were reserved powers which
+he had, before which even the Admiral must bow.
+
+The peremptoriness of this movement was, it would seem, uncalled for,
+and there could have been little misfortune in waiting the coming of the
+Admiral, compared with the natural results of such sudden overturning of
+established authority in the absence of the holder of it. Urgency may
+not, nevertheless, have been without its claims. It was desirable to
+stay the intended executions; and we know not what exaggerations had
+already filled the ears of Bobadilla. At this time there would seem to
+have been the occasion to deliver the letter to Columbus which had
+commanded his obedience to the verbal instructions of the sovereigns;
+and such a delivery might have turned the current of these hurrying
+events, for Columbus had shown, in the case of Agueda, that he was
+graciously inclined to authority. Instead of this, however, Bobadilla,
+the next day, again appeared at mass, and caused his other commissions
+to be read, which in effect made him supersede the Admiral. This
+superiority Diego and his councilors still unadvisedly declined to
+recognize. The other mandates were read in succession; and the gradual
+rise to power, which the documents seemed to imply, as the progress of
+the investigations demanded support, was thus reached at a bound. This
+is the view of the case which has been taken by Columbus's biographers,
+as naturally drawn from the succession of the powers which were given
+to Bobadilla. It is merely an inference, and we know not the directions
+for their proclamations, which had been verbally imparted to Bobadilla.
+It is this uncertainty which surrounds the case with doubt. It is
+apparent that the reading of these papers had begun to impress the
+rabble, if not those in authority. That order which commanded the
+payment of arrears of salaries had a very gratifying effect on those who
+had suffered from delays. Nothing, however, moved the representatives of
+the Viceroy, who would not believe that anything could surpass his
+long-conceded authority.
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla assaults the fort.]
+
+There is nothing strange in the excitement of an officer who finds his
+undoubted supremacy thus obstinately spurned, and we must trace to such
+excitement the somewhat overstrained conduct which made a show of
+carrying by assault the fortress in which Guevara and the other
+prisoners were confined. Miguel Diaz, who commanded the fort,--the same
+who had disclosed the Hayna mines,--when summoned to surrender had
+referred Bobadilla to the Admiral from whom his orders came, and asked
+for copies of the letters patent and orders, for more considerate
+attention. It was hardly to be expected that Bobadilla was to be
+beguiled by any such device, when he had a force of armed men at his
+back, aided by his crew and the aroused rabble, and when there was
+nothing before him but a weak citadel with few defenders. There was
+nothing to withstand the somewhat ridiculous shock of the assault but a
+few frail bars, and no need of the scaling ladders which were
+ostentatiously set up. Diaz and one companion, with sword in hand, stood
+passively representing the outraged dignity of command. Bobadilla was
+victorious, and the manacled Guevara and the rest passed over to new and
+less stringent keepers.
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla in full possession.]
+
+Bobadilla was now in possession of every channel of authority. He
+domiciled himself in the house of Columbus, took possession of all his
+effects, including his papers, making no distinction between public and
+private ones, and used what money he could find to pay the debts of the
+Admiral as they were presented to him. This proceeding was well
+calculated to increase his popularity, and it was still more enhanced
+when he proclaimed liberty to all to gather gold for twenty years, with
+only the payment of one seventh instead of a third to the Crown.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus hears of Bobadilla.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the Franciscans.]
+
+Let us turn to Columbus himself. The reports which reached him at Fort
+Conception did not at first convey to him an adequate notion of what he
+was to encounter. He associated the proceedings with such unwarranted
+acts as Ojeda's and Pinzon's in coming with their ships within his
+prescribed dominion. The greater audacity, however, alarmed him, and the
+threats which Bobadilla had made of sending him to Spain in irons, and
+the known success of his usurpation within the town, were little
+calculated to make Columbus confident in the temporary character of the
+outburst. He moved his quarters to Bonao to be nearer the confusion, and
+here he met an officer bearing to him a copy of the letters under which
+the government had been assumed by Bobadilla. Still the one addressed to
+Columbus, commanding him to acquiesce, was held back. It showed palpably
+that Bobadilla conceived he had passed beyond the judicial aim of his
+commission. Columbus, on his part, was loath to reach that conclusion,
+and tried to gain time. He wrote to Bobadilla an exculpating and
+temporizing letter, saying that he was about to leave for Spain, when
+everything would pass regularly into Bobadilla's control. He sent other
+letters, calculated to create delays, to the Franciscans who had come
+with him. He had himself affiliated with that order, and perhaps thought
+his influence might not be unheeded. He got no replies, and perhaps
+never knew what the spirit of these friars was. They evidently reflected
+the kind of testimony which Bobadilla had been accumulating. We find
+somewhat later, in a report of one of them, Nicholas Glassberger,--who
+speaks of the 1,500 natives whom they had made haste to baptize in Santo
+Domingo,--some of the cruel insinuations which were rife, when he speaks
+of "a certain admiral, captain, and chief, who had ill treated these
+natives, taking their goods and wives, and capturing their virgin
+daughters, and had been sent to Spain in chains."
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla sends the sovereigns' letter to Columbus.]
+
+Columbus as yet could hardly have looked forward to any such indignity
+as manacles on his limbs. Nor did he probably suspect that Bobadilla was
+using the signed blanks, entrusted to him by the sovereigns, to engage
+the interests of Roldan and other deputies of the Viceroy scattered
+through the island. Columbus, in these uncertainties, caused it to be
+known that he considered his perpetual powers still unrevoked, if indeed
+they were revocable at all. This state of his mind was rudely jarred by
+receiving a little later, at the hands of Francisco Velasquez, the
+deputy treasurer, and of Juan de Trasierra, one of the Franciscans, the
+letter addressed to him by the sovereigns, commanding him to respect
+what Bobadilla should tell him. Here was tangible authority; and when it
+was accompanied by a summons from Bobadilla to appear before him, he
+hesitated no longer, and, with the little state befitting his disgrace,
+proceeded at once to Santo Domingo.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus approaches Santo Domingo.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. August 23. Columbus is imprisoned in chains.]
+
+The Admiral's brother Diego had already been confined in irons on one of
+the caravels; and Bobadilla, affecting to believe, as Irving holds, that
+Columbus would not come in any compliant mood, made a bustle of armed
+preparation. There was, however, no such intention on Columbus's part,
+nor had been, since the royal mandate of implicit obedience had been
+received. He came as quietly as the circumstances would permit, and when
+the new governor heard he was within his grasp, his orders to seize him
+and throw him into prison were promptly executed (August 23, 1500). In
+the southeastern part of the town, the tower still stands, with little
+signs of decay, which then received the dejected Admiral, and from its
+summit all approaching vessels are signaled to-day. Las Casas tells us
+of the shameless and graceless cook, one of Columbus's own household,
+who riveted the fetters. "I knew the fellow," says that historian, "and
+I think his name was Espinosa."
+
+While the Adelantado was at large with an armed force, Bobadilla was not
+altogether secure in his triumph. He demanded of Columbus to write to
+his brother and counsel him to come in and surrender. This Columbus did,
+assuring the Adelantado of their safety in trusting to the later justice
+of the Crown. Bartholomew obeyed, as the best authorities say, though
+Peter Martyr mentions a rumor that he came in no accommodating spirit,
+and was captured while in advance of his force. It is certain he also
+was placed in irons, and confined on one of the caravels. It was
+Bobadilla's purpose to keep the leaders apart, so there could be no
+concert of action, and even to prevent their seeing any one who could
+inform them of the progress of the inquest, which was at once begun.
+
+[Sidenote: Charges against Columbus.]
+
+It seems evident that Bobadilla, either of his own impulse or in
+accordance with secret instructions, was acting with a secrecy and
+precipitancy which would have been justifiable in the presence of armed
+sedition, but was uncalled for with no organized opposition to embarrass
+him. Columbus at a later day tells us that he was denied ample clothing,
+even, and was otherwise ill treated. He says, too, he had no statement
+of charges given to him. It is a later story, started by Charlevoix,
+that such accusations were presented to him in writing, and met by him
+in the same method.
+
+The trial was certainly a remarkable procedure, except we consider it
+simply an _ex parte_ process for indictment only, as indeed it really
+was. Irving lays stress on the reversal by Bobadilla of the natural
+order of his acts, amounting, in fact, to prejudging a person he was
+sent to examine. He also thinks that the governor was hurried to his
+conclusions in order to make up a show of necessity for his precipitate
+action. It has something of that look. "The rebels he had been sent to
+judge became, by this singular perversion of rule," says Irving,
+"necessary and cherished evidences to criminate those against whom they
+had rebelled." This is the mistake of the apologists for Columbus.
+Bobadilla seems to have been sent to judge between two parties, and not
+to assume that only one was culpable. Even Irving suspects the true
+conditions. He allows that Bobadilla would not have dared to go to this
+length, had he not felt assured that "certain things," as the mandate to
+Columbus expressed it, would not be displeasing to the king.
+
+The charges against the Admiral had been stock ones for years, and we
+have encountered them more than once in the progress of this narrative.
+They are rehearsed at length in the documents given by Navarrete, and
+are repeated and summarized by Peter Martyr. It is perhaps true that
+there was some novelty in the asseveration that Columbus's recent
+refusal to have some Indians baptized was simply because it deprived him
+of selling them as slaves. This accusation, considering Columbus's
+relations to the slave trade which he had created, is as little to be
+wondered at as any.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and slavery.]
+
+Las Casas tells us how indignant Isabella had been with his presumptuous
+way of dealing with what she called her subjects; and by a royal order
+of June 20, 1500, she had ordered, as we have seen, the return in
+Bobadilla's fleet of nineteen of the slaves who had been sold. There was
+no better way of commending Bobadilla's action to the Queen, apparently,
+than by making the most of Columbus's unfortunate relations to the slave
+trade.
+
+As the accusations were piled up, Bobadilla saw the inquest leading, in
+his mind, to but one conclusion, the unnatural character of the Viceroy
+and his unfitness for command,--a phrase not far from the truth, but
+hardly requiring the extraordinary proceedings which had brought the
+governor to a recognition of it. There is little question that the
+public sentiment of the colony, so far at least as it dare manifest
+itself, commended the governor. Columbus in his dungeon might not see
+this with his own eyes, but if the reports are true, his ears carried it
+to his spirit, for howls and taunts against him came from beyond the
+walls, as the expression of the hordes which felt relieved by his fate.
+Columbus himself confessed that Bobadilla had "succeeded to the full" in
+making him hated of the people. All this was matter to brood upon in his
+loneliness. He magnified slight hints. He more than suspected he was
+doomed to a violent fate. When Alonso de Villejo, who was to conduct him
+to Spain, in charge of the returning ships, came to the dungeon,
+Columbus saw for the first time some recognition of his unfortunate
+condition. Las Casas, in recounting the interview, says that Villejo was
+"an hidalgo of honorable character and my particular friend," and he
+doubtless got his account of what took place from that important
+participant.
+
+"Villejo," said the prisoner, "whither do you take me?"
+
+"To embark on the ship, your excellency."
+
+"To embark, Villejo? Is that the truth?"
+
+"It is true," said the captain.
+
+For the first time the poor Admiral felt that he yet might see Spain and
+her sovereigns.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. October. Columbus sent to Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: His chains.]
+
+The caravels set sail in October, 1500, and soon passed out of earshot
+of the hootings that were sent after the miserable prisoners. The new
+keepers of Columbus were not of the same sort as those who cast such
+farewell taunts. If the _Historie_ is to be believed, Bobadilla had
+ordered the chains to be kept on throughout the voyage, since, as the
+writer of that book grimly suggests, Columbus might at any time swim
+back, if not secured. Villejo was kind. So was the master of the
+caravel, Andreas Martin. They suggested that they could remove the
+manacles during the voyage; but the Admiral, with that cherished
+constancy which persons feel, not always wisely, in such predicaments,
+thinking to magnify martyrdom, refused. "No," he said; "my sovereigns
+ordered me to submit, and Bobadilla has chained me. I will wear these
+irons until by royal order they are removed, and I shall keep them as
+relics and memorials of my services."
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Degradation of Columbus.]
+
+[Sidenote: His letter to the nurse of Prince Juan analyzed.]
+
+[Sidenote: Charges against Columbus.]
+
+The relations of Columbus and Bobadilla bring before us the most
+startling of the many combinations of events in the history of a career
+which is sadder, perhaps, notwithstanding its glory, than any other
+mortal presents in profane history. The degradation of such a man
+appeals more forcibly to human sympathy than almost any other event in
+the record of humanity. That sympathy has obscured the import of his
+degradation, and that mournful explanation of the events, which, either
+on his voyage or shortly after his return, Columbus wrote and sent to
+the nurse of Prince Juan, has long worked upon the sensibilities of a
+world tender for his misfortunes. We cannot indeed read this letter
+without compassion, nor can we read it dispassionately without
+perceiving that the feelings of the man who wrote it had been despoiled
+of a judicial temper by his errors as well as by his miseries. His
+statements of the case are wholly one-sided. He never sees what it pains
+him to see. He forgets everything that an enemy would remember. He finds
+it difficult to tell the truth, and trusts to iterated professions to be
+taken for truths. He claims to have no conception why he was imprisoned,
+when he knew perfectly well, as he says himself, that he had endeavored
+to create an opposition to constituted authority "by verbal and written
+declarations;" and he reiterates this statement after he had bowed to
+royal commands that were as explicit as his own treatment of them had
+been recalcitrant. Indeed, he puts himself in the rather ridiculous
+posture of answering a long series of charges, of which at the same time
+he professes to be ignorant.
+
+In the course of this letter, Columbus set up a claim that he had been
+seriously misjudged in trying to measure his accountability by the laws
+that govern established governments rather than by those which grant
+indulgences to the conqueror of a numerous and warlike nation. The
+position is curiously inconsistent with his professed intentions, as the
+sole ruler of a colony, to be just in the eyes of God and men. The Crown
+had given him its authority to establish precisely what he claims had
+not been established, a government of laws kindly disposed to protect
+both Spaniard and native, and yet he did not understand why his doings
+were called in question. He had boasted repeatedly how far from warlike
+and dangerous the natives were, so that a score of Spaniards could put
+seven thousand to rout, as he was eager to report in one case. The chief
+of the accusations against him did not pertain to his malfeasance in
+regard to the natives, but towards the Spaniards themselves, and it was
+begging the question to consider his companions a conquered nation. If
+there were no established government as respects them, he would be the
+last to admit it; and if it were proved against him, there was no one so
+responsible for the absence of it as himself. Again he says: "I ought to
+be judged by cavaliers who have gained victories themselves,--by
+gentlemen, and not by lawyers." The fact was that the case had been
+judged by hidalgoes without number, and to his disgrace, and it was
+taken from them to give him the protection of the law, such as it was;
+and, as he himself acknowledges, there is in the Indies "neither civil
+right nor judgment seat." As he was the source of all the bulwarks of
+life and liberty in these same Indies, he thus acknowledges the
+deficiencies of his own protective agencies. There is something
+childishly immature in the proposition which he advances that he should
+be judged by persons in his own pay.
+
+[Sidenote: Palliation.]
+
+It is of course necessary to allow the writer of this letter all the
+palliation that a man in his distressed and disordered condition might
+claim. Columbus had in fact been perceptibly drifting into a state of
+delusion and aberration of mind ever since the sustaining power of a
+great cause had been lifted from him. From the moment when he turned his
+mule back at the instance of Isabella's message, the lofty purpose had
+degenerated to a besetting cupidity, in which he made even the Divinity
+a constant abettor. In this same letter he tells of a vision of the
+previous Christmas, when the Lord confronted him miraculously, and
+reminded him of his vow to amass treasure enough in seven years to
+undertake his crusade to Jerusalem. This visible Godhead then comforted
+him with the assurance that his divine power would see that it came to
+pass. "The seven years you were to await have not yet passed. Trust in
+me and all will be right." It is easy to point to numerous such
+instances in Columbus's career, and the canonizers do not neglect to do
+so, as evincing the sublime confidence of the devoted servant of the
+Lord; but one can hardly put out of mind the concomitants of all such
+confidence. The most that we can allow is the unaccountableness of a
+much-vexed conscience.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII.
+
+COLUMBUS AGAIN IN SPAIN.
+
+1500-1502.
+
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. October. Columbus reaches Cadiz.]
+
+[Sidenote: Public sympathy at his degradation.]
+
+It was in October, 1500, after a voyage of less discomfort than usual,
+that the ships of Villejo, carrying his manacled prisoners, entered the
+harbor of Cadiz. If Bobadilla had precipitately prejudged his chief
+prisoner, public sentiment, when it became known that Columbus had
+arrived in chains, was not less headlong in its sympathetic revulsion.
+Bobadilla would at this moment have stood a small chance for a
+dispassionate examination. The discoverer of the New World coming back
+from it a degraded prisoner was a discordant spectacle in the public
+mind, filled with recollections of those days of the first return to
+Palos, when a new range had been given to man's conceptions of the
+physical world. This common outburst of indignation showed, as many
+times before and since, how the world's sense of justice has in it more
+of spirit than of steady discernment. The hectic flush was sure to
+pass,--as it did.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's letter to the nurse of Prince Juan.]
+
+It was while on his voyage, or shortly after his return, that Columbus
+wrote the letter to the lady of the Court usually spoken of as the nurse
+of Prince Juan, which has been already considered. Before the
+proceedings of the inquest which Bobadilla had forwarded by the ship
+were sent to the Court, then in the Alhambra, Columbus, with the
+connivance of Martin, the captain of his caravel, had got this
+exculpatory letter off by a special messenger. The lady to whom it was
+addressed was, it will be remembered, Doña Juana de la Torre, an
+intimate companion of the Queen, with whom the Admiral's two sons, as
+pages of the Queen, had been for some months in daily relations. The
+text of this letter has long been known. Las Casas copied it in his
+_Historia_. Navarrete gives it from another copy, but corrected by the
+text preserved at Genoa; while Harrisse tells us that the text in Paris
+contains an important passage not in that at Genoa.
+
+[Sidenote: The sovereigns order Columbus to be released.]
+
+While its ejaculatory arguments are not well calculated to impose on the
+sober historian, there was enough of fervor laid against its background
+of distressing humility to work on the sympathies of its recipient, and
+of the Queen, to whom it was early and naturally revealed. "I have now
+reached that point that there is no man so vile, but thinks it his right
+to insult me," was the language, almost at its opening, which met their
+eyes. The further reading of the letter brought up a picture of the
+manacled Admiral. Very likely the rumor of the rising indignation
+spreading from Cadiz to Seville, and from Seville elsewhere, as well as
+the letters of the alcalde of Cadiz, into whose hands Columbus had been
+delivered, and of Villejo, who had had him in custody, added to the
+tumult of sensations mutually shared in that little circle of the
+monarchs and the Doña Juana. If we take the prompt action of the
+sovereigns in ordering the immediate release of Columbus, their letter
+of sympathy at the baseness of his treatment, the two thousand ducats
+put at his disposal to prepare for a visit to the Court, and the cordial
+royal summons for him to come,--if all these be taken at their apparent
+value, the candid observer finds himself growing distrustful of
+Bobadilla's justification through his secret instructions. As the
+observer goes on in the story and notes the sequel, he is more inclined
+to believe that the sovereigns, borne on the rising tide of indignant
+sympathy, had defended themselves at the expense of their commissioner.
+We may never know the truth.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. December 17. Columbus at Court.]
+
+That was a striking scene when Columbus, delivered from his irons on the
+17th of December, 1500, held his first interview with the Spanish
+monarchs. Oviedo was an eyewitness of it; but we find more of its
+accompaniments in the story as told by Herrera than in the scant
+narrative of the _Historie_. Humboldt fancies that it was the Admiral's
+son who wrote it. The author of that book had no heart to record at much
+length the professions of regret on the part of the King, since they
+were not easily reconcilable with what, in that writer's judgment, would
+have been the honorable reception of Bobadilla and Roldan, had they
+escaped the fate of the tempests which later overwhelmed them. When the
+first warmth of Columbus's reception had subsided, there would have been
+no reason to suspect that those absent servants of the Crown would have
+been denied a suitable welcome.
+
+Herrera tells us of the touching character of this interview of December
+17; how the Queen burst into tears, and the emotional Admiral cast
+himself on the ground at her feet. When Columbus could speak, he began
+to recall the reasons for which he had been imprisoned, and rehearsed
+them with humble and exculpatory professions. He forgot that in the
+letter which so excited their sympathy he had denied that he knew any
+such reasons, and the sovereigns forgot it too. The meeting had awakened
+the tenderer parts of their natures, and their hearts went out to him.
+They made verbal promises of largesses and professions of restitution,
+but Harrisse could find no written expressions of this kind, till in the
+instructions of March 14, 1502, when they expressed their directions for
+his guidance during his next voyage. The Admiral grew confident, as of
+old, in their presence. He had always reached a coign of vantage in his
+personal intercourse with the Queen. He had evidently not lost that
+power. He began to picture his return to Santo Domingo with the triumph
+that he now enjoyed. It was a hollow hope. He was never again to be
+Viceroy of the Indies.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus suspended from power.]
+
+[Sidenote: Other explorers in American waters.]
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese claims.]
+
+The disorders in Española were but a part of the reasons why it was now
+decided to suspend the patented rights of the Admiral, if not
+permanently to deny the further exercise of them. We have seen how the
+government had committed itself to other discoveries, profiting, as it
+did, by the maps which Columbus had sent back to Spain. These
+discoveries were a new source of tribute which could not be neglected.
+Rival nations too were alert, and ships of the Portuguese and of the
+English had been found prowling about within the unquestioned limits
+allowed to Spain by the new treaty line of Tordesillas. At the north and
+at the south these same powers were pushing their search, to see if
+perchance portions of the new regions could not be found to project so
+far east as to bring them on the Portuguese side of that same line.
+Portugal had already claimed that Cabral had found such territory under
+the equator and south of it. An eastward projection of Brazil at the
+south, twenty degrees and more, is very common in the contemporary
+Portuguese maps.
+
+[Sidenote: 1501. May 13. Coelho's voyage.]
+
+[Sidenote: Was Vespucius on this voyage?]
+
+On the 13th of May, 1501, a new Portuguese fleet of three ships, under
+the command of Gonçalo Coelho, sailed from Lisbon to develop the coast
+of the southern Vera Cruz, as South America was now called, and to see
+if a way could be found through it to the Moluccas. In June, the fleet,
+while at the Cape de Verde Islands, met Cabral with his vessels on their
+return from India. Here it was that Cabral's interpreter, Gasparo,
+communicated the particulars of Cabral's discovery to Vespucius, who
+was, as seems pretty clear, though by no means certain, on board this
+outward-bound fleet. A letter exists, brought to light by Count Baldelli
+Boni, not, however, in the hand of Vespucius, in which the writer, under
+date of June 4, gave the results of his note-takings with Cabral to Pier
+Francisco de Medici. Varnhagen is in some doubt about the genuineness of
+this document. Indeed, the historian, if he weighs all the testimony
+that has been adduced for and against the participancy of Vespucius in
+this voyage, can hardly be quite sure that the Florentine was aboard at
+all, and Santarem is confident he was not. Navarrete thinks he was
+perhaps there in some subordinate capacity. Humboldt is staggered at the
+profession of Vespucius in still keeping the Great Bear above the
+horizon at 32° south, since it is lost after reaching 26°.
+
+[Sidenote: The _Mundus Novus_ of Vespucius.]
+
+With all this doubt, we have got to make something out of another
+letter, which in the published copy purports to have been written in
+1503 about this voyage by Vespucius himself, and from it we learn that
+his ship had struck the coast at Cape St. Roque, on August 17, 1501. The
+discoverers reached and named Cape St. Augustine on August 28. On
+November 1, they were at Bahia. By the 3d of April, 1502, they had
+reached the latitude of 52° south, when, driven off the coast in a
+severe gale, they made apparently the island of Georgia, whence they
+stood over to Africa, and reached Lisbon on September, 7, 1502. By what
+name Vespucius called this South American coast we do not know, for his
+original Italian text is lost, but the _Mundus Novus_ of the Latin
+paraphrase or version raised a feeling of expectancy that something new
+had really been found, distinct from the spicy East. Varnhagen is
+convinced that Vespucius, different from Columbus, had awakened to the
+conception of an absolutely new quarter of the earth. There is little
+ground for the belief, however, in its full extent and confidence. The
+little tract had in it the elements of popularity, and in 1504 and 1505
+the German and French presses gave it currency in several editions in
+the Latin tongue, whence it was turned into Italian, German, and Dutch,
+spreading through Europe the fame of Vespucius. We trace to this voyage
+the origin of the nomenclature of the coast of the South American
+continent which then grew up, and is represented in the earlier maps,
+like that of Lorenz Fries, for instance, in 1504.
+
+[Illustration: MUNDUS NOVUS, first page.]
+
+[Sidenote: Discoveries of Vespucius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Maps of early voyages.]
+
+A letter dated August 12, 1507, preserved in Tritemius's _Epistolarum
+familiarum libri duo_ (1536), has been thought to refer to a printed map
+which showed the discoveries of Vespucius down to 10° south. This map is
+unknown, apparently, as the particulars given concerning it do not agree
+with the map of Ruysch, the only one, so far as known, to antedate that
+epistle. It is possibly the missing map which Waldseemüller is thought
+to have first made, and which became the prototype of the recognized
+Waldseemüller map of the Ptolemy of 1513, and was possibly the one from
+which the Cantino map, yet to be described, was perfected in other parts
+than those of the Cortereal discoveries. This anterior map may have been
+merely an early state of the plate, and Lelewel gives reasons for
+believing that early impressions of this map were in the market in 1507.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Vespucius.]
+
+Thus while Columbus was nurturing his deferred hopes, neglected and
+poor, and awaiting what after all was but a tantalizing revival of royal
+interest, the rival Portuguese, acting most probably under the
+influences of Columbus's own countryman, this Florentine, were
+stretching farther towards the true western route to the Moluccas than
+the Admiral had any conception of. Vespucius was also at the same time
+unwittingly asserting claims which should in the end rob the Great
+Discoverer of the meed of bestowing his name on the new continent which
+he had just as unwittingly discovered. The contrast is of the same
+strange impressiveness which marks so many of the improbable turns in
+the career of Columbus.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. Spanish purposes at the north.]
+
+Meanwhile, what was going on in the north, where Portugal was pushing
+her discoveries in the region already explored by Cabot? The Spaniards
+had been dilatory here. The monarchs, May 6, 1500, while they were
+distracted with the reports of the disquietude of Española, had turned
+their attention in this direction, and had thought of sending ships into
+the seas which "Sebastian Cabot had discovered." They had done nothing,
+however, though Navarrete finds that explorations thitherward, under
+Juan Dornelos and Ojeda, had been planned.
+
+[Illustration: STRAITS OF BELLE ISLE, SHOWING SITE OF EARLY NORMAN
+FISHING STATION AT BRADORE.
+
+[After Reclus's _L'Amerique_.]]
+
+
+[Illustration: MS. OF GASPAR CORTEREAL.
+
+[From Harrisse's _Cortereal_, _Postscriptum_, 1883.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Bretons and Normans at the north.]
+
+If we may believe some of the accounts of explorations this way on the
+part of the Bretons and Normans, they had founded a settlement called
+Brest on the Labrador coast, just within the Straits of Belle Isle, on a
+bay now called Bradore, as early as 1500. It is said that traces of
+their houses can be still seen there. But there is no definite
+contemporary record of their exploits. We have such records of the
+Portuguese movements, though not through Spanish sources. Unaccountably,
+Peter Martyr, who kept himself alert for all such impressions, makes no
+reference to any Portuguese voyages; and it is only when we come down to
+Gomara (1551) that we find a Spanish writer reverting to the narratives.
+In doing so, Gomara makes, at the same time, some confusion in the
+chronology.
+
+[Sidenote: Cortereal voyages.]
+
+Portugal had missed a great opportunity in discrediting Columbus, but
+she had succeeded in finding one in Da Gama. She was now in wait for a
+chance to mate her southern route with a western, or rather with a
+northern,--at any rate, with one which would give her some warrant for
+efforts not openly in violation of the negotiations which had followed
+upon the Bull of Demarcation. Opportunely, word came to Lisbon of the
+successes of the Cabot voyages, and there was the probability of islands
+and interjacent passages at the north very like the geographical
+configuration which the Spaniards had found farther south. To
+appearances, Cabot had met with such land on the Portuguese side of the
+division line of the treaty of Tordesillas.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. Gaspar Cortereal.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1501. Gaspar Cortereal again.]
+
+King Emanuel had a vassal in Gaspar Cortereal, who at this time was a
+man about fifty years old, and he had already in years past conducted
+explorations oceanward, though we have no definite knowledge of their
+results. It has been conjectured that Columbus may have known him; but
+there is nothing to make this certain. At any rate, there was little in
+the surroundings of Columbus at Española, when he was subjected to
+chains in the summer of 1500, to remind him of any northern rivalry,
+though the visits of Ojeda and Pinzon to that island were foreboding. It
+was just at that time that Cortereal sailed away from Portugal to the
+northwest. He discovered the Terra do Labrador, which he named
+apparently because he thought its natives would increase very handily
+the slave labor of Portugal. To follow up this quest, Gaspar sailed
+again with three ships, May 15, 1501, which is the date given by Damian
+de Goes. Harrisse is not so sure, but finds that Gaspar was still in
+port April 21, 1501. Cortereal ran a course a little more to the west,
+and came to a coast, two thousand miles away, as was reckoned, and
+skirted it without finding any end. He decided from the volume of its
+rivers, that it was probably a continental area. The voyagers found in
+the hands of some natives whom they saw a broken sword and two silver
+earrings, evidently of Italian make. The natural inference is that they
+had fallen among tribes which Cabot had encountered on his second
+voyage, if indeed these relics did not represent earlier visitors.
+Cortereal also found in a high latitude a country which he called _Terra
+Verde_. Two of the vessels returned safely, bringing home some of the
+natives, and the capture of such, to make good the name bestowed during
+the previous voyage, seems to have been the principal aim of the
+explorers. The third ship, with Gaspar on board, was never afterwards
+heard of.
+
+[Illustration: MS. OF MIGUEL CORTEREAL.
+
+[From Harrisse's _Cortereal, Postscriptum_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Original sources on the Cortereal voyages.]
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese habit of concealing information.]
+
+It so happened that Pasqualigo, the Venetian ambassador in Lisbon, made
+record of the return of the first of these vessels, in a letter which he
+wrote from Lisbon, October 19, 1501; and it is from this, which made
+part of the well-known _Paesi novamente retrovati_ (Vicenza, 1507), that
+we derive what little knowledge we have of these voyages. The reports
+have fortunately been supplemented by Harrisse in a dispatch dated
+October 17, 1501, which he has produced from the archives of Modena, in
+which one Alberto Cantino tells how he heard the captain of the vessel
+which arrived second tell the story to the king. This dispatch to the
+Duke of Ferrara was followed by a map showing the new discoveries. This
+cartographical record had been known for some years before it was
+reproduced by Harrisse on a large scale. It is apparent from this that
+the discoverers believed, or feigned to believe, that the new-found
+regions lay westward from Ireland half-way to the American coasts. The
+evidence that they feigned to believe rather than that they knew these
+lands to be east of their limitary line may not be found; but it was
+probably some such doubt of their honesty which induced Robert Thorne,
+of Bristol, to speak of the purpose which the Portuguese had in
+falsifying their maps. Nor were the frauds confined to maps.
+Translations were distorted and narratives perverted. Biddle, in his
+_Life of Cabot_, points out a marked instance of this, where the simple
+language of Pasqualigo is twisted so as to convey the impression of a
+long acquaintance of the natives with Italian commodities, as proving
+that the Italians had formerly visited the region,--a hint which Biddle
+supposed the Zeni narrative at a later date was contrived to sustain, so
+as to deceive many writers. We shall soon revert to this Cantino map.
+
+[Sidenote: 1501. Miguel Cortereal.]
+
+The voyage which Miguel Cortereal is known to have undertaken in the
+summer of 1501, which has been connected with this series of northwest
+voyages, is held by Harrisse, in his revised opinions, not to have been
+to the New World at all, but to have been conducted against the Grand
+Turk, and Cortereal returned from it on November 4, 1501.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. Miguel Cortereal again.]
+
+To search for the missing Gaspar Cortereal, Miguel, on May 10, 1502,
+again sailed to the northwest with two or three ships. They found the
+same coast as before, searched it without success, and returned again
+without a leader; for Miguel's ship missed the others at a rendezvous
+and was never again heard of.
+
+[Sidenote: Terre des Cortereal.]
+
+[Sidenote: Straits of Anian.]
+
+The endeavors of the Portuguese in this direction did not end here; and
+the region thus brought by them to the attention of the cartographer
+soon acquired in their maps the name of _Terre des Cortereal_, or _Terra
+dos Corte reals_, or, as Latinized by Sylvanus, _Regalis Domus_. There
+is little, however, to connect these earliest ventures with later
+history, except perhaps that from their experiences it is that a vague
+cartographical conception of the fabled Straits of Anian confronts us in
+many of the maps of the latter half of the sixteenth century. No one has
+made it quite sure whence the appellation or even the idea of such a
+strait came. By some it has been thought to have grown out of Marco
+Polo's Ania, which was conceived to be in the north. By Navarrete,
+Humboldt, and others it has been made to grow in some way out of these
+Cortereal voyages, and Humboldt supposes that the entrance to Hudson
+Bay, under 60° north latitude, was thought at that time to lead to some
+sort of a transcontinental passage, going it is hardly known where. The
+name does not seem at first to have been magnified into all its later
+associations of a kingdom, or "regnum" of Anian, as the Latin
+nomenclature then had it. Its great city of Quivira did not appear till
+some time after the middle of the sixteenth century, and then it was not
+always quite certain to the cosmographical mind whether all this
+magnificence might not better be placed on the Asiatic side of such a
+strait. This imaginary channel was made for a long period to run along
+the parallels of latitudes somewhere in the northern regions of the New
+World, after America had begun generally to have its independent
+existence recognized, south of the Arctic regions at least. The next
+stage of the belief violently changed the course of the straits across
+the parallels, prefiguring the later discovered Bering's Straits; and
+this is made prominent in maps of Zalterius (1566) and Mercator (1569),
+and in the maps of those who copied these masters.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Spanish maps.]
+
+[Sidenote: Maps of the Cortereal discoveries.]
+
+It took thirty years for the Cortereal discoveries to work their way
+into the conceptions of the Spanish map makers. Whether this dilatory
+belief came from lack of information, obliviousness, or simply from an
+heroic persistence in ignoring what was not their boast, is a question
+to be decided through an estimate of the Spanish character. There seems,
+however, to have been interest enough on the part of a single Italian
+noble to seek information at once, as we see from the Cantino map; but
+the knowledge was not, nevertheless, apparently a matter of such
+interest but it could escape Ruysch in 1508. Not till Sylvanus issued
+his edition of Ptolemy, in 1511, did any signs of these Cortereal
+expeditions appear on an engraved map.
+
+[Illustration: THE CANTINO MAP.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Cantino map. 1502.]
+
+Only a few years have passed since students of these cartographical
+fields were first allowed free study of this Cantino map. It is, after
+La Cosa, the most interesting of all the early maps of the American
+coast as its configuration had grown to be comprehended in the ten years
+which followed the first voyage of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: The Cortereal discoveries east of the line of demarcation.]
+
+[Sidenote: Terra Verde.]
+
+There are three special points of interest in this chart. The first is
+the evident purpose of the maker, when sending it (1502) to his
+correspondent in Italy, to render it clear that the coasts which the
+Portuguese had tracked in the northwest Atlantic were sufficiently
+protuberant towards the rising sun to throw them on the Portuguese side
+of the revised line of demarcation. It is by no means certain, however,
+in doing so, that they pretended their discoveries to have been other
+than neighboring to Asia, since a peninsula north of these regions is
+called a "point of Asia." The ordinary belief of geographers at that
+time was that our modern Greenland was an extension of northern Europe.
+So it does not seem altogether certain that the _Terra Verde_ of
+Cortereal can be held to be identical with its namesake of the Sagas.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the Cantino map in the Paria region.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus in want.]
+
+The second point of interest is what seems to be the connection between
+this map and those which had emanated from the results of the Columbus
+voyages, directly or indirectly. Columbus had made a chart of his track
+through the Gulf of Paria, and had sent it to Spain, and Ojeda had
+coursed the same region by it. We know from a letter of Angelo
+Trivigiano, the secretary of the Venetian ambassador in Spain, dated at
+Granada, August 21, 1501, and addressed to Domenico Malipiero, that at
+that time Columbus, who had ingratiated himself with the writer of the
+letter, was living without money, in great want, and out of favor with
+the sovereigns. This letter-writer then speaks of his intercession with
+Peter Martyr to have copies of his narrative of the voyages of Columbus
+made, and of his pleading with Columbus himself to have transcripts of
+his own letters to his sovereigns given to him, as well as a map of the
+new discoveries from the Admiral's own charts, which he then had with
+him in Granada.
+
+There are three letters of Trivigiano, but the originals are not known.
+Foscarini in 1752 used them in his _Della Letteratura veneziana_, as
+found in the library of Jacopo Soranzo; but both these originals and
+Foscarini's copies have eluded the search of Harrisse, who gives them
+as printed or abstracted by Zurla.
+
+What we have is not supposed to be the entire text, and we may well
+regret the loss of the rest. Trivigiano says of the map that he expected
+it to be extremely well executed on a large scale, giving ample details
+of the country which had been discovered. He refers to the delays
+incident to sending to Palos to have it made, because persons capable of
+such work could only be found there.
+
+No such copy as that made for Malipiero is now known. Harrisse thinks
+that if it is ever discovered it will be very like the Cantino map, with
+the Cortereal discoveries left out. This same commentator also points
+out that there are certainly indications in the Cantino map that the
+maker of it, in drafting the region about the Gulf of Paria at least,
+worked either from Columbus's map or from some copy of it, for his
+information seems to be more correct than that which La Cosa followed.
+
+[Sidenote: What is the coast north of Cuba?]
+
+The third point of interest in this Cantino map, and one which has given
+rise to opposing views, respects that coast which is drawn in it north
+of the completed Cuba, and which at first glance is taken with little
+question for the Atlantic coast of the United States from Florida up. Is
+it such? Did the cartographers of that time have anything more than
+conjecture by which to run such a coast line?
+
+A letter of Pasqualigo, dated at Lisbon, October 18, 1501, and found by
+Von Ranke at Venice in the diary of Marino Sanuto,--a running record of
+events, which begins in 1496,--has been interpreted by Humboldt as
+signifying that at this time it was known among the Portuguese observers
+of the maritime reports that a continental stretch of coast connected
+the Spanish discoveries in the Antilles with those of the Portuguese at
+the north. Harrisse questions this interpretation, and considers that
+what Humboldt thinks knowledge was simply a tentative conjecture. If
+this knowledge is represented in the Cantino map, there is certainly too
+great remoteness in the regions of the Cortereal discoveries to form
+such a connection. It is of course possible that the map is a
+falsification in this respect, to make the line of demarcation serve the
+Portuguese interests, and such falsification is by no means improbable.
+
+[Sidenote: The Cantino and La Cosa maps at variance.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bimini.]
+
+It will be remembered that the La Cosa map showed no hesitancy in
+placing the Antilles on the coast of Asia, and put the region of the
+Cabot landfall on the coast of Cathay. Consequently, the difference
+between the La Cosa and the Cantino maps for this region north of Cuba
+is phenomenal. In these two or three years (1500-1502), something had
+come to pass which seemed to raise the suspicion that this northern
+continental line might possibly not be Asiatic after all, or at least it
+might not have the trend or contour which had before been given it on
+the Asiatic theory. It is an interesting question from whom this
+information could have come. Was this coast in the Cantino map indeed
+not North American, but the coast of Yucatan, misplaced, as one
+conjecture has been? But this involves a recognition of some voyage on
+the Yucatan coast of which we have no record. Was it the result of one
+of the voyages of Vespucius, and was Varnhagen right in tracking that
+navigator up the east Florida shore? Was it drawn by some unauthorized
+Spanish mariners, who were--we know Columbus complained of
+such--invading his vested rights, or perhaps by some of those to whom he
+was finally induced to concede the privilege of exploration? Was it
+found by some English explorer who answers the description of Ojeda in
+1501, when he complains that people of this nation had been in these
+regions some years before? Was it the discovery of some of those against
+whom a royal prohibition of discovery was issued by the Catholic kings,
+September 3, 1501? Was it anything more than the result of some vague
+information from the Lucayan Indians, aided by a sprinkling of
+supposable names, respecting a land called Bimini lying there away?
+Eight or nine years later, Peter Martyr, in the map which he published
+in 1511, seems to have thought so, and certain stories of a fountain of
+youth in regions lying in that direction were already prevalent, as
+Martyr also shows us. The fact seems to be that we have no Spanish map
+between the making of La Cosa's in 1500 and this one of Peter Martyr in
+1511, to indicate any Spanish acquaintance with such a northern coast.
+
+[Sidenote: Peter Martyr's map. 1511.]
+
+This map of 1511, if it is honest enough to show what the Spanish
+government knew of Florida, is indicative of but the vaguest
+information, and its divulgence of that coast may, in Brevoort's
+opinion, account for the rarity of the chart, in view of the
+determination of Spain to keep control as far as she could of all
+cartographical records of what her explorers found out.
+
+It is evident, if we accept the theory of this Cantino map showing the
+coast of the United States, that we have in it a delineation nearer the
+source by several years than those which modern students have longer
+known in the Waldseemüller map of 1508, the Stobnicza map of 1512, the
+Reisch map of 1515, and the so-called Admiral's map of 1513,--all which
+arose, it is very clear, from much the same source as this of Cantino.
+What is that source? There are some things that seem to indicate that
+this source was the description of Portuguese rather than of other
+seamen. This belief falls in with what we know of the cordial relations
+of Portugal and Duke René, under whose auspices Waldseemüller at least
+worked. Thus it would seem that while Spain was impeding cartographical
+knowledge through the rest of Europe, Portugal was so assiduously
+helping it that for many years the Ptolemies and other central and
+southern European publications were making known the cosmographical
+ideas which originated in Portugal.
+
+It has been already said that Humboldt in his _Examen Critique_ (iv.
+262) refers to a letter which indicates that in October, 1501, the
+Portuguese had already learned, or it may be only conjectured, that the
+coast from the region of the Antilles ran uninterruptedly north till it
+united with the snowy shores of the northern discoveries. This, then,
+seems to indicate that it was a Portuguese source that supplied
+conjecture, if not fact, to the maker of the Cantino map. Harrisse's
+solution of this matter, as also mentioned already, is that the letter
+found by Von Ranke and the letter which we know Pasqualigo sent to
+Venice about the Cortereal voyages were one and the same, and that it
+was rather conjecture than fact that the Portuguese possessed at this
+time.
+
+The obvious difficulty in the cartographical problem for the Portuguese
+was, as has been said, to make it appear that they were not disregarding
+the agreement at Tordesillas while they were securing a region for
+sovereignty. We have already said that this accounts for the extreme
+eastern position found in the Cantino and the cognate maps of the
+Newfoundland region, which, as thus drawn, it was not easy to connect
+with the coast line of eastern Florida. Hence the open sea-gap which
+exists between them in the maps, while the evidence of the descriptions
+would make the coast line continuous.
+
+We have thus suggested possible solutions of this continental shore
+above Florida. It must be confessed that the truth is far from patent,
+and we must yet wait perhaps a long time before we discover, if indeed
+we ever do, to whom this mapping of the coast, as shown in the Cantino
+map, was due.
+
+[Sidenote: Was the Florida coast known?]
+
+There are evidences other than those of this Cantino map that the
+Portuguese were in this Floridian region in the early years of the
+sixteenth century, and Lelewel tried to work out their discoveries from
+scattered data, in a conjectural map, which he marks 1501-1504, and
+which resembles the Ptolemy map of 1513. The bringing forward of the
+Cantino map confirms much of the supposed cartography.
+
+There is one theory which to some minds gives a very easy solution of
+this problem, without requiring belief in any knowledge, clandestine or
+public, of such a land.
+
+Brevoort in his _Verrazano_ had already been inclined to the view later
+emphasized by Stevens in his _Schöner_, and reiterated by Coote in his
+editorial revision of that posthumous work.
+
+Stevens is content to allow Ocampo, in 1508, to have been the earliest
+probable discoverer of this coast, and Ponce de Leon as the original
+attested finder in 1513.
+
+[Sidenote: This Cantino coast a duplicated Cuba.]
+
+The Stevens theory is that this seeming Florida arose from a Portuguese
+misconception of the first two voyages of Columbus, by which two regions
+were thought to have been coasted instead of different sides of the
+same, and that what others consider an early premonition of Florida and
+the upper coasts was simply a duplicated Cuba, to make good the
+Portuguese conception. It is not explained how so strange a
+misconception of very palpable truths could have arisen, or how a coast
+trending north and south so far could have been confounded with one
+stretching at right angles to such a course for so short a distance.
+
+Stevens traces the influence of his "bogus Cuba" in a long series of
+maps based on Portuguese notions, in which he names those of
+Waldseemüller (1513), Stobnicza (1512), Schöner (1515, 1520), Reisch
+(1515), Bordone (1528), Solinus (1520), Friess (1522), and Grynæus
+(1532--made probably earlier), as opposed to the Spanish and more
+truthful view, which is expressed by Ruysch (1507-8) and Peter Martyr,
+(1511).
+
+It is a proposition not to be dismissed lightly nor accepted
+triumphantly on our present knowledge. We must wait for further
+developments.
+
+The fancy that this coast was Asia and that Cuba was Asia might, indeed,
+have led to the transfer to it at one time of the names which Columbus
+had placed along the north coast of his supposed peninsular Cuba; but
+that proves a misplacement of the names, and not a creation of the
+coast. For a while this continental land was backed up on the maps
+against a meridian scale, which hid the secret of its western limits,
+and left it a possible segment of Asia. Then it stood out alone with a
+north and southwestern line, but with Asia beyond, just as if it were no
+part of it, and this delineation was common even while there was a
+division of geographical belief as to North America and Asia being one.
+
+[Sidenote: Cuba an island.]
+
+The fact that Cuba, in the drafting of the La Cosa and Cantino maps, is
+represented as an island has at times been held to signify that the
+views of Columbus respecting its peninsular rather than its insular
+character were not wholly shared by his contemporaries. That foolish act
+by which, under penalty, the Admiral forced his crew to swear that it
+was a part of the main might well imply that he expected his assertions
+would be far from acceptable to other cosmographers. If Varnhagen's
+opinion as to the track of Vespucius in his voyage of 1497, following
+the contour of the Gulf of Mexico, be accepted as knowledge of the time,
+the insularity of Cuba was necessarily proved even at that early day;
+but it is the opinion of Henry Stevens, as has been already shown, that
+the green outline of the western parts of Cuba in La Cosa's chart was
+only the conventional way of expressing an uncertain coast. Consequently
+it did not imply insularity. If it is to be supposed that the Portuguese
+had a similar method of expressing uncertainties of coast, they did not
+employ it in the Cantino map, and Cuba in 1502 is unmistakably an
+island. It is, moreover, sufficiently like the Cuba of La Cosa to show
+it was drawn from one and the same prototype. If the maker of the
+Cantino map followed La Cosa, or a copy of La Cosa, or the material
+from which La Cosa worked, there is no proof that he ever suspected the
+peninsularity of Cuba.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus looking on at other explorations.]
+
+Columbus, in his hours of neglect, and amid his unheeded pleas for
+recognition, during these two grewsome years in Spain, may never have
+comprehended in their full significance these active efforts of the
+Portuguese to anticipate his own hopes of a western passage beyond the
+Golden Chersonesus; but the doings of Mendoza, Cristobal Guerra, and
+other fellow-subjects of Spain were not wholly unknown to him.
+
+[Sidenote: 1500. October. Bastidas's expedition.]
+
+In October, 1500, and before Columbus knew just what his reception in
+Spain was going to be, Rodrigo de Bastidas, accompanied by La Cosa and
+Vasco Nuñez Balboa, sailed from Cadiz on an expedition that had for its
+object to secure to the Crown one quarter of the profits, and to make an
+examination of the coast line beyond the bay of Venezuela, in order that
+it might be made sure that no channel to an open sea lay beyond. The two
+caravels followed the shore to Nombre de Dios, and at the narrowest part
+of the isthmus, without suspecting their nearness to the longed-for sea,
+the navigators turned back. Finding their vessels unseaworthy, for the
+worms had riddled their bottoms, they sought a harbor in Española, near
+which their vessels foundered after they had saved a part of their
+lading. A little later, this gave Bobadilla a chance to arrest the
+commander for illicit trade with the natives. This transaction was
+nothing more, apparently, than the barter of trinkets for provisions, as
+he was leading his men across the island to the settlements.
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese and English in these regions.]
+
+It was while with Bastidas, in 1501-2, that La Cosa reports seeing the
+Portuguese prowling about the Caribbean and Mexican waters, seeking for
+a passage to Calicut. It was while on a mission of remonstrance to
+Lisbon that La Cosa was later arrested and imprisoned, and remained till
+August, 1504, a prisoner in Portugal.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. January. Ojeda's voyage.]
+
+We have seen that in 1499 Ojeda had met or heard of English vessels on
+the coast of Terra Firma, or professed that he had. The Spanish
+government, suspecting they were but precursors of others who might
+attempt to occupy the coast, determined on thwarting such purposes, if
+possible, by anticipating occupation. Ojeda was given the power to lead
+thither a colony, if he could do it without cost to the Crown, which
+reserved a due share of his profits. He obtained the assistance of Juan
+de Vegara and Garcia de Ocampo, and with this backing he sailed with
+four ships from Cadiz in January, 1502, while Columbus was preparing his
+own little fleet for his last voyage. It was a venture, however, that
+came to naught. The natives, under ample provocation, proved hostile,
+food was lacking, the leaders quarreled, and the partners of Ojeda,
+combining, overpowered (May, 1502) their leader, and sent him a prisoner
+to Española, where he arrived in September, 1502.
+
+[Sidenote: English in the West Indies.]
+
+There has never been any clear definition as to who these Englishmen
+were, or what was their project, during these earliest years of the
+sixteenth century. There is evidence that Henry VII. about this time
+authorized some ventures in which his countrymen were joint sharers with
+the Portuguese, but we know nothing further of the regions visited than
+that the Privy Purse expenses show how some Bristol men received a
+gratuity for having been at the "Newefounde Launde." There is also a
+vague notion to be formed from an old entry that Sebastian Cabot himself
+again visited this region in 1503, and brought home three of the
+natives,--to say nothing of additional even vaguer suspicions of other
+ventures of the English at this time.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+In enumerating the ocean movements that were now going on, some
+intimation has been given of the tiresome expectancy of something better
+which was intermittently beguiling the spirits of Columbus during the
+eighteen months that he remained in Spain. It is necessary to trace his
+unhappy life in some detail, though the particulars are not abundant.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's life in Spain. 1500-1502.]
+
+Ferdinand had not been unobservant of all these expeditionary movements,
+and they were quite as threatening to the Spanish supremacy in the New
+World as his own personal defection was to the dejected Admiral. It had
+become very clear that by tying his own hands, as he had in the compact
+which Columbus was urging to have observed, the King had allowed
+opportunities to pass by which he could profit through the newly aroused
+enthusiasm of the seaports.
+
+[Sidenote: Ferdinand allows other expeditions.]
+
+We have seen that he had, nevertheless, through Fonseca sanctioned the
+expeditions of Ojeda, Pinzon, and others, and had notably in that of
+Niño got large profits for the exchequer. He had done this in defiance
+of the vested rights of Columbus, and there is little doubt that to
+bring Columbus into disgrace by the loss of his Admiral's power served
+in part to open the field of discovery more as Ferdinand wished. With
+the Viceroy dethroned and become a waiting suitor, there was little to
+stay Ferdinand's ambition in sending out other explorers. His experience
+had taught him to allow no stipulations on which explorers could found
+exorbitant demands upon the booty and profit of the ventures. Anybody
+could sail westward now, and there was no longer the courage of
+conviction required to face an unknown sea and find an opposite shore.
+Columbus, who had shown the way, was now easily cast off as a useless
+pilot.
+
+It was not difficult for the King to frame excuses when Columbus urged
+his reinstatement. There was no use in sending back an unpopular viceroy
+before the people of the colony had been quieted. Give them time. It
+might be seasonable enough to send to them their old master when they
+had forgotten their misfortunes under him. Perhaps a better man than
+Bobadilla could be found to still the commotions, and if so he might be
+sent. In the face of all this and the King's determination, Columbus
+could do nothing but acquiesce, and so he gradually made up his mind to
+bide his time once more. It was not a new discipline for him.
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla's rule in Española.]
+
+It was clear from the intelligence which was reaching Spain that
+Bobadilla would have to be superseded. Freed from the restraints which
+had created so much complaint during the rule of Columbus, and even
+courted with offers of indulgence, the miserable colony at Española
+readily degenerated from bad to worse. The new governor had hoped to
+find that a lack of constraint would do for the people what an excess of
+it had failed to do. He erred in his judgment, and let the colony slip
+beyond his control. Licentiousness was everywhere. The only exaction he
+required was the tribute of gold. He reduced the proportion which must
+be surrendered to the Crown from a third to an eleventh, but he so
+apportioned the labor of the natives to the colonists that the yield of
+gold grew rapidly, and became more with the tax an eleventh than it had
+been when it was a third. This inhuman degradation of the poor natives
+had become an organized misery when, a little later, Las Casas arrived
+in the colony, and he depicts the baleful contrasts of the Indians and
+their attractive island. Gold was potent, but it was not potent enough
+to keep Bobadilla in his place. The representations of the agony of life
+among the natives were so harrowing that it was decided to send a new
+governor at once.
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando sent to Española.]
+
+The person selected was Nicholas de Ovando, a man of whom Las Casas, who
+went out with him, gives a high character for justice, sobriety, and
+graciousness. Perhaps he deserved it. The sympathizers with Columbus
+find it hard to believe such praise. Ovando was commissioned as governor
+over all the continental and insular domains, then acquired or
+thereafter to be added to the Crown in the New World. He was to have his
+capital at Santo Domingo. He was deputed, with about as much authority
+as Bobadilla had had, to correct abuses and punish delinquents, and was
+to take one third of all gold so far stored up, and one half of what was
+yet to be gathered. He was to monopolize all trade for the Crown. He was
+to segregate the colonists as much as possible in settlements. No
+supplies were to be allowed to the people unless they got them through
+the royal factor. New efforts were to be made through some Franciscans,
+who accompanied Ovando, to convert the Indians. The natives were to be
+made to work in the mines as hired servants, paid by the Crown.
+
+[Sidenote: Negro slaves to be introduced.]
+
+It had already become evident that such labor as the mining of gold
+required was too exhausting for the natives, and the death-rate among
+them was such that eyes were already opened to the danger of
+extermination. By a sophistry which suited a sixteenth-century
+Christian, the existence of this poor race was to be prolonged by
+introducing the negro race from Africa, to take the heavier burden of
+the toil, because it was believed they would die more slowly under the
+trial. So it was royally ordered that slaves, born of Africans, in
+Spain, might be carried to Española. The promise of Columbus's letter to
+Sanchez was beginning to prove delusive. It was going to require the
+degradation of two races instead of one. That was all!
+
+[Sidenote: 1501. Columbus's property restored.]
+
+[Sidenote: His factor.]
+
+To assuage the smart of all this forcible deprivation of his power,
+Columbus was apprised that under a royal order of September 27, 1501,
+Ovando would see to the restitution of any property of his which
+Bobadilla had appropriated, and that the Admiral was to be allowed to
+send a factor in the fleet to look after his interests under the
+articles which divided the gold and treasure between him and the Crown.
+To this office of factor Columbus appointed Alonso Sanchez de Carvajal.
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando's fleet.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. February 3. It sails.]
+
+The pomp and circumstance of the fleet were like a biting sarcasm to the
+poor Admiral. One might expect he could have no high opinions of its
+pilots, for we find him writing to the sovereigns, on February 6, a
+letter laying before them certain observations on the art of navigation,
+in which he says: "There will be many who will desire to sail to the
+discovered islands; and if the way is known those who have had
+experience of it may safest traverse it." Perhaps he meant to imply that
+better pilots were more important than much parade. He in his most
+favored time had never been fitted out with a fleet of thirty sail, so
+many of them large ships. He had never carried out so many cavaliers,
+nor so large a proportion of such persons of rank, as made a shining
+part of the 2,500 souls now embarked. He could contrast his Franciscan
+gown and girdle of rope with Ovando's brilliant silks and brocades which
+the sovereigns authorized him to wear. There was more state in the new
+governor's bodyguard of twenty-two esquires, mounted and foot, than
+Columbus had ever dreamed of in Santo Domingo. Instead of vile convicts
+there were respectable married men with their families, the guaranty of
+honorable living. So that when the fleet went to sea, February 13, 1502,
+there were hopes that a right method of founding a colony on family life
+had at last found favor.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. April. Reaches Santo Domingo.]
+
+The vessels very soon encountered a gale, in which one ship foundered,
+and from the deck-loads which were thrown over from the rest and floated
+to the shore it was for a long time apprehended that the fleet had
+suffered much more severely. A single ship was all that failed finally
+to reach Santo Domingo about the middle of April, 1502.
+
+Let us turn now to Columbus himself. He had not failed, as we have said,
+to reach something like mental quiet in the conviction that he could
+expect nothing but neglect for the present. So his active mind engaged
+in those visionary and speculative trains of thought wherein, when his
+body was weary and his spirits harried, he was prone to find relief.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's _Libros de las proficias_.]
+
+He set himself to the composition of a maundering and erratic paper,
+which, under the title of _Libros de las proficias_, is preserved in the
+Biblioteca Colombina at Seville. The manuscript, however, is not in the
+handwriting of Columbus, and no one has thought it worth while to print
+the whole of it.
+
+[Sidenote: Isaiah's prophecy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Conquest of the Holy Land.]
+
+In it there is evidence of his study, with the assistance of a
+Carthusian friar, of the Bible and of the early fathers of the Church,
+and it shows, as his letter to Juan's nurse had shown, how he had at
+last worked himself into the belief that all his early arguments for the
+westward passage were vain; that he had simply been impelled by
+something that he had not then suspected; and that his was but a
+predestined mission to make good what he imagined was the prophecy of
+Isaiah in the Apocalypse. This having been done, there was something yet
+left to be accomplished before the anticipated eclipse of all earthly
+things came on, and that was the conquest of the Holy Land, for which he
+was the appointed leader. He addressed this driveling exposition,
+together with an urgent appeal for the undertaking of the crusade, to
+Ferdinand and Isabella, but without convincing them that such a
+self-appointed instrument of God was quite worthy of their employment.
+
+[Sidenote: End of the world.]
+
+The great catastrophe of the world's end was, as Columbus calculated,
+about 155 years away. He based his estimate upon an opinion of St.
+Augustine that the world would endure for 7,000 years; and upon King
+Alfonso's reckoning that nearly 5,344 years had passed when Christ
+appeared. The 1,501 years since made the sum 6,845, leaving out of the
+7,000 the 155 years of his belief.
+
+[Sidenote: Defeated by Satan.]
+
+He also fancied, or professed to believe, in a letter which he
+subsequently wrote to the Pope, that the present deprivation of his
+titles and rights was the work of Satan, who came to see that the
+success of Columbus in the Indies would be only a preparation for the
+Admiral's long-vaunted recovery of the Holy Land. The Spanish government
+meanwhile knew, and they had reason to know, that their denial of his
+prerogatives had quite as much to do with other things as with a legion
+of diabolical powers. Unfortunately for Columbus, neither they nor the
+Pope were inclined to act on any interpretation of fate that did not
+include a civil policy of justice and prosperity.
+
+[Sidenote: His geographical whimsies.]
+
+[Sidenote: Would seek a passage westerly through the Caribbean Sea.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus misunderstands the currents.]
+
+These visions of Columbus were harmless, and served to beguile him with
+pious whimsies. But the mood did not last. He next turned to his old
+geographical problems. The Portuguese were searching north and south for
+the passage that would lead to some indefinite land of spices, and
+afford a new way to reach the trade with Calicut and the Moluccas, which
+at this time, by the African route, was pouring wealth into the
+Portuguese treasury in splendid contrast to the scant return from the
+Spanish Indies. He harbored a belief that a better passage might yet be
+found beyond the Caribbean Sea. La Cosa, in placing that vignette of St.
+Christopher and the infant Christ athwart the supposed juncture of Asia
+and South America, had eluded the question, not solved it. Columbus
+would now go and attack the problem on the spot. His expectation to find
+a desired opening in that direction was based on physical phenomena, but
+in fact on only partial knowledge of them. He had been aware of the
+strong currents which set westward through the Caribbean Sea, and he had
+found them still flowing west when he had reached the limit of his
+exploration of the southern coast of Cuba. Bastidas, who had just pushed
+farther west on the main coast, had turned back while the currents were
+still flowing on, along what seemed an endless coast beyond. Bastidas
+did not arrive in Spain till some months after Columbus had sailed, for
+he was detained a prisoner in Española at this time. Some tidings of his
+experiences may have reached Spain, however, or the Admiral may not have
+got his confirmation of these views till he found that voyager at Santo
+Domingo, later. Columbus had believed Cuba to be another main, confining
+this onward waste of waters to the south of it.
+
+[Sidenote: Gulf Stream.]
+
+It was clear to him that such currents must find an outlet to the west,
+and if found, such a passage would carry him on to the sea that washed
+the Golden Chersonesus. He indeed died without knowing the truth. This
+same current, deflected about Honduras and Yucatan, sweeps by a
+northerly circuit round the great Gulf of Mexico, and, passing out by
+the Cape of Florida, flows northward in what we now call the Gulf
+Stream.
+
+There is nothing in all the efforts of the canonizers more absurdly
+puerile than De Lorgues's version of the way in which Columbus came to
+believe in this strait. He had a vision, and saw it! The only difficulty
+in the matter was that the poor Admiral was so ecstatic in his
+hallucination that he mistook the narrowness of an isthmus for the
+narrowness of a strait!
+
+[Sidenote: A convenient relief to Ferdinand to send Columbus on such a
+search.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1501. Columbus prepares to equip his ships.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. February. Columbus writes to the Pope.]
+
+The proposition of such a search was not inopportune in the eyes of
+Ferdinand. There were those about the Court who thought it unwise to
+give further employment to a man who was degraded from his honors; but
+to the King it was a convenient way of removing a persistent and
+active-minded complainant from the vicinity of the Court, to send him on
+some quest or other, and no one could tell but there was some truth in
+his new views. It was worth while to let him try. So once again, by the
+royal permission, Columbus set himself to work equipping a little fleet.
+It was the autumn of 1501 when he appeared in Seville with the
+sovereign's commands. He varied his work of preparing the ships with
+spending some part of his time on his treatise on the prophecies, while
+a friar named Gaspar Gorricio helped him in the labor. Early in 1502 he
+had got it into shape to present to the sovereigns, and in February he
+wrote the letter to Pope Alexander VII. which has already been
+mentioned.
+
+[Sidenote: Forbidden to touch at Española.]
+
+As the preparations went on, he began to think of Española, and how he
+might perhaps be allowed to touch there; but orders were given to him
+forbidding it on the outward passage, though suffering it on the return,
+for it was hoped by that time that the disorders of the island would be
+suppressed. It was arranged that the Adelantado and his own son
+Ferdinand should accompany him, and some interpreters learned in Arabic
+were put on board, in case his success put him in contact with the
+people of the Great Khan.
+
+The suspension of his rights lay heavily on his mind, and early in
+March, 1502, he ventured to refer to the subject once more in a letter
+to the sovereigns. They replied, March 14, in some instructions which
+they sent from Valencia de Torre, advising him to keep his mind at ease,
+and leave such things to the care of his son Diego. They assured him
+that in due time the proper restitution of all would be made, and that
+he must abide the time.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. January 5. Columbus's care to preserve his titles,
+etc.]
+
+He had already taken steps to secure a perpetuity of the record of his
+honors and deeds, if nothing else could be permanent. It was at Seville,
+January 5, 1502, that Columbus, appearing before a notary in his own
+house, attested that series of documents respecting his titles and
+prerogatives which are so religiously preserved at Genoa. These papers,
+as we have seen, were copies which Columbus had lately secured from the
+documents in the Spanish Admiralty, among which he was careful to
+include the revocation of June 2, 1497, of the licenses which, much to
+Columbus's annoyance, had been granted in 1495, to allow others than
+himself to explore in the new regions. We may not wonder at this, but we
+can hardly conjecture why a transaction of his which had caused as much
+as anything his wrongs, mortification, and the loss of his dignities
+should have been as assiduously preserved. These are the royal orders
+which enabled Columbus, at his request, to fill up his colony with
+unshackled convicts. This he might as well have let the world forget.
+The royal order requiring Bobadilla or his successor to restore all the
+sequestered property of Columbus, and the new declaration of his rights,
+he might well have been anxious to preserve.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the Bank of St. George.]
+
+There was one other act to be done which lay upon his mind, now that the
+time of sailing approached. He wished to make provision that his heirs
+should be able to confer some favor on his native city, and he directed
+that investments should be made for that purpose in the Bank of St.
+George at Genoa. He then notified the managers of that bank of his
+intention in a letter which is so characteristic of his moods of
+dementation that it is here copied as Harrisse translates it:--
+
+
+HIGH NOBLE LORDS:--Although the body walks about here, the heart is
+constantly over there. Our Lord has conferred on me the greatest favor
+to any one since David. The results of my undertaking already appear,
+and would shine greatly were they not concealed by the blindness of the
+government. I am going again to the Indies under the auspices of the
+Holy Trinity, soon to return; and since I am mortal, I leave it with my
+son Diego that you receive every year, forever, one tenth of the entire
+revenue, such as it may be, for the purpose of reducing the tax upon
+corn, wine, and other provisions. If that tenth amounts to something,
+collect it. If not, take at least the will for the deed. I beg of you to
+entertain regard for the son I have recommended to you. Nicolo de
+Oderigo knows more about my own affairs than I do myself, and I have
+sent him the transcripts of any privileges and letters for safe-keeping.
+I should be glad if you could see them. My lords, the King and Queen
+endeavor to honor me more than ever. May the Holy Trinity preserve your
+noble persons and increase your most magnificent House. Done in Sevilla,
+on the second day of April, 1502.
+
+The chief Admiral of the ocean, Viceroy and Governor-General of the
+islands and continent of Asia and the Indies, of my lords, the King and
+Queen, their Captain-General of the sea, and of their Council.
+
+ .S.
+ .S.A.S.
+ X M Y
+ [Greek: Chr~o] FERENS.
+
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. December 8. The bank's reply.]
+
+The letter was handed by Columbus to a Genoese banker, then in Spain,
+Francisco de Rivarolla, who forwarded it to Oderigo; but as this
+ambassador was then on his way to Spain, Harrisse conjectures that he
+did not receive the letter till his return to Genoa, for the reply of
+the bank is dated December 8, 1502, long after Columbus had sailed. This
+response was addressed to Diego, and inclosed a letter to the Admiral.
+The great affection and good will of Columbus towards "his first
+country" gratified them inexpressibly, as they said to the son; and to
+the father they acknowledged the act of his intentions to be "as great
+and extraordinary as that which has been recorded about any man in the
+world, considering that by your own skill, energy, and prudence, you
+have discovered such a considerable portion of this earth and sphere of
+the lower world, which during so many years past and centuries had
+remained unknown to its inhabitants."
+
+The letter of Columbus to the bank remained on the files of that
+institution--a single sheet of paper, written on one side only, and
+pierced in the centre for the thread of the file--undiscovered till the
+archivist of the bank, attracted by the indorsement, M D II, EPLA D.
+ADMIRATI DON XROPHORI COLUMBI, identified it in 1829, when, at the
+request of the authorities of Genoa, it was transferred to the keeping
+of its archivists. It is to be seen at the city hall, to-day, placed
+between two glass plates, so that either side of the paper can be read.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX.
+
+THE FOURTH VOYAGE.
+
+1502-1504.
+
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. March. Columbus commanded to sail.]
+
+[Sidenote: May 9-11. Sailed.]
+
+Their Majesties, in March, 1502, were evidently disturbed at Columbus's
+delays in sailing, since such detentions brought to them nothing but the
+Admiral's continued importunities. They now instructed him to sail
+without the least delay. Nevertheless, Columbus, who had given out, as
+Trivigiano reports, that he expected his discoveries on this voyage to
+be more surprising and helpful than any yet made, his purpose being, in
+fact, to circumnavigate the globe, did not sail from Cadiz till May 9 or
+11, 1502,--the accounts vary. He had four caravels, from fifty to
+seventy tons each, and they carried in all not over one hundred and
+fifty men.
+
+[Sidenote: His instructions.]
+
+Apparently not forgetting the Admiral's convenient reservation
+respecting the pearls in his third voyage, their Majesties in their
+instructions particularly enjoined upon him that all gold and other
+precious commodities which he might find should be committed at once to
+the keeping of François de Porras, who was sent with him to the end that
+the sovereigns might have trustworthy evidence in his accounts of the
+amount received. Equally mindful of earlier defections, their further
+instructions also forbade the taking of any slaves.
+
+[Sidenote: The physical and mental condition of Columbus.]
+
+Years had begun to rest heavily on the frame of Columbus. His
+constitution had been strained by long exposures, and his spirits had
+little elasticity left. Hope, to be sure, had not altogether departed
+from his ardent nature; but it was a hope that had experienced many
+reverses, and its pinions were clipped. There was still in him no lack
+of mental vitality; but his reason had lost equipoise, and his
+discernment was clouded with illusory visions.
+
+There was the utmost desire at this time on the part of their Majesties
+that no rupture should break the friendly relations which were sustained
+with the Portuguese court, and it had been arranged that, in case
+Columbus should fall in with any Portuguese fleet, there should be the
+most civil interchange of courtesies. The Spanish monarchs had also
+given orders, since word had come of the Moors besieging a Portuguese
+post on the African coast, that Columbus should first go thither and
+afford the garrison relief.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus stops on the African coast.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. May. At the Canaries.]
+
+It was found, on reaching that African harbor on the 15th, that the
+Moors had departed. So, with no longer delay than to exchange
+civilities, he lifted anchor on the same day and put to sea. It was
+while he was at the Canaries, May 20-25, taking in wood and water, that
+Columbus wrote to his devoted Gorricio a letter, which Navarrete
+preserves. "Now my voyage will be made in the name of the Holy Trinity,"
+he says, "and I hope for success."
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. June 15. Reaches Martinico.]
+
+There is little to note on the voyage, which had been a prosperous one,
+and on June 15 he reached Martinino (Martinico). He himself professes to
+have been but twenty days between Cadiz and Martinino, but the statement
+seems to have been confused, with his usual inaccuracy. He thence pushed
+leisurely along over much the same track which he had pursued on his
+second voyage, till he steered finally for Santo Domingo.
+
+[Sidenote: Determines to go to Española.]
+
+It will be recollected that the royal orders issued to him before
+leaving Spain were so far at variance with Columbus's wishes that he was
+denied the satisfaction of touching at Española. There can be little
+question as to the wisdom of an injunction which the Admiral now
+determined to disregard. His excuse was that his principal caravel was a
+poor sailer, and he thought he could commit no mistake in insuring
+greater success for his voyage by exchanging at that port this vessel
+for a better one. He forgot his own treatment of Ojeda when he drove
+that adventurer from the island, where, to provision a vessel whose crew
+was starving, Ojeda dared to trench on his government. When we view this
+pretense for thrusting himself upon an unwilling community in the light
+of his unusually quick and prosperous voyage and his failure to make
+any mention of his vessel's defects when he wrote from the Canaries, we
+can hardly avoid the conclusion that his determination to call at
+Española was suddenly taken. His whole conduct in the matter looks like
+an obstinate purpose to carry his own point against the royal commands,
+just as he had tried to carry it against the injunctions respecting the
+making of slaves. We must remember this when we come to consider the
+later neglect on the part of the King. We must remember, also, the
+considerate language with which the sovereigns had conveyed this
+injunction: "It is not fit that you should lose so much time; it is much
+fitter that you should go another way; though if it appears necessary,
+and God is willing, you may stay there a little while on your return."
+
+Roselly de Lorgues, with his customary disingenuousness, merely says
+that Columbus came to Santo Domingo, to deliver letters with which he
+was charged, and to exchange one of his caravels.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. June 29. Columbus arrives off Santo Domingo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus forbidden to enter the harbor.]
+
+It was the 29th of June when the little fleet of Columbus arrived off
+the port. He sent in one of his commanders to ask permission to shelter
+his ships, and the privilege of negotiating for another caravel, since,
+as he says, "one of his ships had become unseaworthy and could no longer
+carry sail." His request came to Ovando, who was now in command. This
+governor had left Spain in February, only a month before Columbus
+received his final instructions, and there can be little doubt that he
+had learned from Fonseca that those instructions would enjoin Columbus
+not to complicate in any way Ovando's assumption of command by
+approaching his capital. Las Casas seems to imply this. However it may
+be, Ovando was amply qualified by his own instructions to do what he
+thought the circumstances required. Columbus represented that a storm
+was coming on, or rather the _Historie_ tells us that he did. It is to
+be remarked that Columbus himself makes no such statement. At all
+events, word was sent back to Columbus by his boat that he could not
+enter the harbor. Irving calls this an "ungracious refusal," and it
+turned out that later events have opportunely afforded the apologists
+for the Admiral the occasion to point a moral to his advantage,
+particularly since Columbus, if we may believe the doubtful story,
+confident of his prognostications, had again sent word that the
+fleet lying in the harbor, ready to sail, would go out at great peril in
+view of an impending storm. It seems to be quite uncertain if at the
+time his crew had any knowledge of his reasons for nearing Española, or
+of his being denied admittance to the port. At least Porras, from the
+way he describes the events, leaves one to make such an inference.
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando's fleet.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bobadilla, Roldan, and others on the fleet.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's factor had placed his gold on one of the ships.]
+
+This fleet in the harbor was that which had brought Ovando, and was now
+laden for the return. There was on board of it, as Columbus might have
+learned from his messengers, the man of all men whom he most hated,
+Bobadilla, who had gracefully yielded the power to Ovando two months
+before, and of whom Las Casas, who was then fresh in his inquisitive
+seeking after knowledge respecting the Indies and on the spot, could not
+find that any one spoke ill. On the same ship was Columbus's old
+rebellious and tergiversating companion, Roldan, whose conduct had been
+in these two months examined, and who was now to be sent to Spain for
+further investigations. There was also embarked, but in chains, the
+unfortunate cacique of the Vega, Guarionex, to be made a show of in
+Seville. The lading of the ships was the most wonderful for wealth that
+had ever been sent from the island. There was the gold which Bobadilla
+had collected, including a remarkable nugget which an Indian woman had
+picked up in a brook, and a large quantity which Roldan and his friends
+were taking on their own account, as the profit of their separate
+enterprises. Carvajal, whom Columbus had sent out with Ovando as his
+factor, to look after his pecuniary interests under the provisions which
+the royal commands had made, had also placed in one of the caravels four
+thousand pieces of the same precious metal, the result of the settlement
+of Ovando with Bobadilla, and the accretions of the Admiral's share of
+the Crown's profits.
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando's fleet puts to sea and is wrecked;]
+
+Undismayed by the warnings of Columbus, this fleet at once put to sea,
+the Admiral's little caravels having meanwhile crept under the shore
+at a distance to find such shelter as they could. The larger fleet stood
+homeward, and was scarcely off the easterly end of Española when a
+furious hurricane burst upon it. The ship which carried Bobadilla,
+Roldan, and Guarionex succumbed and went down.
+
+[Sidenote: but ship with Columbus's gold is saved.]
+
+Others foundered later. Some of the vessels managed to return to Santo
+Domingo in a shattered condition. A single caravel, it is usually
+stated, survived the shock, so that it alone could proceed on the
+voyage; and if the testimony is to be believed, this was the weakest of
+them all, but she carried the gold of Columbus. Among the caravels which
+put back to Santo Domingo for repairs was one on which Bastidas was
+going to Spain for trial. This one arrived at Cadiz in September, 1502.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's ships weather the gale.]
+
+The ships of Columbus had weathered the gale. That of the Admiral, by
+keeping close in to land, had fared best. The others, seeking sea-room,
+had suffered more. They lost sight of each other, however, during the
+height of the gale; but when it was over, they met together at Port
+Hermoso, at the westerly end of the island. The gale is a picture over
+which the glow of a retributive justice, under the favoring dispensation
+of chance, is so easily thrown by sympathetic writers that the effusions
+of the sentimentalists have got to stand at last for historic verity. De
+Lorgues does not lose the opportunity to make the most of it.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. July 14. Columbus sails away.]
+
+[Sidenote: July 30. At Guanaja.]
+
+[Sidenote: Meets a strange canoe.]
+
+Columbus, having lingered about the island to repair his ships and
+refresh his crews, and also to avoid a second storm, did not finally get
+away till July 14, when he steered directly for Terra Firma. The
+currents perplexed him, and, as there was little wind, he was swept west
+further than he expected. He first touched at some islands near Jamaica.
+Thence he proceeded west a quarter southwest, for four days, without
+seeing land, as Porras tells us, when, bewildered, he turned to the
+northwest, and then north. But finding himself (July 24) in the
+archipelago near Cuba, which on his second voyage he had called The
+Gardens, he soon after getting a fair wind (July 27) stood southwest,
+and on July 30 made a small island, off the northern coast of Honduras,
+called Guanaja by the natives, and Isla de Pinos by himself. He was now
+in sight of the mountains of the mainland. The natives struck him as of
+a physical type different from all others whom he had seen. A large
+canoe, eight feet beam, and of great length, though made of a single
+log, approached with still stranger people in it.
+
+[Sidenote: On the Honduras coast.]
+
+They had apparently come from a region further north; and under a canopy
+in the waist of the canoe sat a cacique with his dependents. The boat
+was propelled by five and twenty men with paddles. It carried various
+articles to convince Columbus that he had found a people more advanced
+in arts than those of the regions earlier discovered. They had with them
+copper implements, including hatchets, bells, and the like. He saw
+something like a crucible in which metal had been melted. Their wooden
+swords were jagged with sharp flints, their clothes were carefully made,
+their utensils were polished and handy. Columbus traded off some
+trinkets for such specimens as he wanted. If he now had gone in the
+direction from which this marvelous canoe had come, he might have thus
+early opened the wondrous world of Yucatan and Mexico, and closed his
+career with more marvels yet. His beatific visions, which he supposed
+were leading him under the will of the Deity, led him, however, south.
+The delusive strait was there. He found an old man among the Indians,
+whom he kept as a guide, since the savage could draw a sort of chart of
+the coast. He dismissed the rest with presents, after he had wrested
+from them what he wanted. Approaching the mainland, near the present
+Cape of Honduras, the Adelantado landed on Sunday, August 14, and mass
+was celebrated in a grove near the beach. Again, on the 17th,
+Bartholomew landed some distance eastward of the first spot, and here,
+by a river (Rio de la Posesion, now Rio Tinto), he planted the Castilian
+banner and formally took possession of the country. The Indians were
+friendly, and there was an interchange of provisions and trinkets. The
+natives were tattooed, and they had other customs, such as the wearing
+of cotton jackets, and the distending of their ears by rings, which were
+new to the Spaniards.
+
+[Sidenote: Seeking a strait.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus oppressed with the gout.]
+
+[Illustration: BELLIN'S HONDURAS.]
+
+Tracking the coast still eastward, Columbus struggled against the
+current, apparently without reasoning that he might be thus sailing away
+from the strait, so engrossed was he with the thought that such a
+channel must be looked for farther south. His visions had not helped him
+to comprehend the sweep of waters that would disprove his mock oaths of
+the Cuban coast. So he wore ship constantly against the tempest and
+current, and crawled with bewildered expectation along the shore. All
+this tacking tore his sails, racked his caravels, and wore out his
+seamen. The men were in despair, and confessed one another. Some made
+vows of penance, if their lives were preserved. Columbus was himself
+wrenched with the gout, and from a sort of pavilion, which covered his
+couch on the quarter deck, he kept a good eye on all they encountered.
+"The distress of my son," he says, "grieved me to the soul, and the more
+when I considered his tender age; for he was but thirteen years old,
+and he enduring so much toil for so long a time." "My brother," he adds
+further, "was in the ship that was in the worst condition and the most
+exposed to danger; and my grief on this account was the greater that I
+brought him with me against his will."
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. September. Cape Gracios à Dios.]
+
+[Sidenote: Loses a boat's crew.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. September 25. The Garden.]
+
+It was no easy work to make the seventy leagues from Cape Honduras to
+Cape Gracios à Dios, and the bestowal of this name denoted his
+thankfulness to God, when, after forty days of this strenuous endeavor,
+his caravels were at last able to round the cape, on September 12 (or
+14). A seaboard stretching away to the south lay open before him,--now
+known as the Mosquito Coast. The current which sets west so persistently
+here splits and sends a branch down this coast. So with a "fair wind and
+tide," as he says, they followed its varied scenery of crag and lowland
+for more than sixty leagues, till they discovered a great flow of water
+coming out of a river. It seemed to offer an opportunity to replenish
+their casks and get some store of wood. On the 16th of September, they
+anchored, and sent their boats to explore. A meeting of the tide and the
+river's flow raised later a tumultuous sea at the bar, just as the boats
+were coming out. The men were unable to surmount the difficulty, and one
+of the boats was lost, with all on board. Columbus recorded their
+misfortune in the name which he gave to the river, El Rio del Desastre.
+Still coasting onward, on September 25 they came to an alluring
+roadstead between an island and the main, where there was everything to
+enchant that verdure and fragrance could produce. He named the spot The
+Garden (La Huerta). Here, at anchor, they had enough to occupy them for
+a day or two in restoring the damage of the tempest, and in drying their
+stores, which had been drenched by the unceasing downpour of the clouds.
+The natives watched them from the shore, and made a show of their
+weapons. The Spaniards remaining inactive, the savages grew more
+confident of the pacific intent of their visitors, and soon began
+swimming off to the caravels. Columbus tried the effect of largesses,
+refusing to barter, and made gifts of the Spanish baubles. Such
+gratuities, however, created distrust, and every trinket was returned.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of the natives.]
+
+Two young girls had been sent on board as hostages, while the Spaniards
+were on shore getting water; but even they were stripped of their
+Spanish finery when restored to their friends, and every bit of it was
+returned to the givers. There seem to be discordant statements by
+Columbus and in the _Historie_ respecting these young women, and
+Columbus gives them a worse character than his chronicler. When the
+Adelantado went ashore with a notary, and this official displayed his
+paper and inkhorn, it seemed to strike the wondering natives as a spell.
+They fled, and returned with something like a censer, from which they
+scattered the smoke as if to disperse all baleful spirits.
+
+These unaccustomed traits of the natives worked on the superstitions of
+the Spaniards. They began to fancy they had got within an atmosphere of
+sorceries, and Columbus, thinking of the two Indian maiden hostages, was
+certain there was a spell of witchcraft about them, and he never quite
+freed his mind of this necromantic ghost.
+
+The old Indian whom Columbus had taken for a guide when first he touched
+the coast, having been set ashore at Cape Gracios à Dios, enriched with
+presents, Columbus now seized seven of this new tribe, and selecting two
+of the most intelligent as other guides, he let the rest go. The seizure
+was greatly resented by the tribe, and they sent emissaries to negotiate
+for the release of the captives, but to no effect.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. October. Cariari.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gold sought at Veragua.]
+
+Departing on October 5 from the region which the natives called Cariari,
+and where the fame of Columbus is still preserved in the Bahia del
+Almirante, the explorers soon found the coast trending once more towards
+the east. They were tracking what is now known as the shore of Costa
+Rica. They soon entered the large and island-studded Caribaro Bay. Here
+the Spaniards were delighted to find the natives wearing plates of gold
+as ornaments. They tried to traffic for them, but the Indians were loath
+to part with their treasures. The natives intimated that there was much
+more of this metal farther on at a place called Veragua. So the ships
+sailed on, October 17, and reached that coast. The Spaniards came to a
+river; but the natives sent defiance to them in the blasts of their
+conch-shells, while they shook at them their lances. Entering the tide,
+they splashed the water towards their enemies, in token of contempt.
+Columbus's Indian guides soon pacified them, and a round of barter
+followed, by which seventeen of their gold disks were secured for three
+hawks' bells. The intercourse ended, however, in a little hostile bout,
+during which the Spanish crossbows and lombards soon brought the savages
+to obedience.
+
+[Illustration: BELLINI'S VERAGUA.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ciguare.]
+
+[Sidenote: At the isthmus.]
+
+Still the caravels went on. The same scene of startled natives, in
+defiant attitude, soon soothed by the trinkets was repeated everywhere.
+In one place the Spaniards found what they had never seen before, a wall
+laid of stone and lime, and Columbus began to think of the civilized
+East again. Coast peoples are always barbarous, as he says; but it is
+the inland people who are rich. As he passed along this coast of
+Veragua, as the name has got to be written, though his notary at the
+time caught the Indian pronunciation as Cobraba, his interpreters
+pointed out its villages, and the chief one of all; and when they had
+passed on a little farther they told him he was sailing beyond the gold
+country. Columbus was not sure but they were trying to induce him to
+open communication again with the shore, to offer chances for their
+escape. The seeker of the strait could not stop for gold. His vision led
+him on to that marvelous land of Ciguare, of which these successive
+native tribes told him, situated ten days inland, and where the people
+reveled in gold, sailed in ships, and conducted commerce in spices and
+other precious commodities. The women there were decked, so they said,
+with corals and pearls. "I should be content," he says, "if a tithe of
+this which I hear is true." He even fancied, from all he could
+understand of their signs and language, that these Ciguare people were
+as terrible in war as the Spaniards, and rode on beasts. "They also say
+that the sea surrounds Ciguare, and that ten days' journey from thence
+is the river Ganges." Humboldt seems to think that in all this Columbus
+got a conception of that great western ocean which was lying so much
+nearer to him than he supposed. It may be doubted if it was quite so
+clear to Columbus as Humboldt thinks; but there is good reason to
+believe that Columbus imagined this wonderful region of Ciguare was
+half-way to the Ganges. If, as his canonizers fondly suppose, he had not
+mistaken in his visions an isthmus for a strait, he might have been
+prompted to cross the slender barrier which now separated him from his
+goal.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. November 2.]
+
+[Sidenote: Porto Bello.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nombre de Dios.]
+
+On the 2d of November, the ships again anchored in a spacious harbor, so
+beautiful in its groves and fruits, and with such deep water close to
+the shore, that Columbus gave it the name of Puerto Bello (Porto
+Bello),--an appellation which has never left it. It rained for seven
+days while they lay here, doing nothing but trading a little with the
+natives for provisions. The Indians offered no gold, and hardly any was
+seen. Starting once more, the Spaniards came in sight of the cape known
+since as Nombre de Dios, but they were thwarted for a while in their
+attempts to pass it. They soon found a harbor, where they stayed till
+November 23; then going on again, they secured anchorage in a basin so
+small that the caravels were placed almost beside the shore. Columbus
+was kept here by the weather for nine days. The basking alligators
+reminded him of the crocodiles of the Nile. The natives were uncommonly
+gentle and gracious, and provisions were plenty. The ease with which the
+seamen could steal ashore at night began to be demoralizing, leading to
+indignities at the native houses. The savage temper was at last aroused,
+and the Spanish revelries were brought to an end by an attack on the
+ships. It ceased, as usual, after a few discharges of the ships' guns.
+
+[Sidenote: Bastidas's exploration of this coast.]
+
+Columbus had not yet found any deflection of that current which sweeps
+in this region towards the Gulf of Mexico. He had struggled against its
+powerful flow in every stage of his progress along the coast. Whether
+this had brought him to believe that his vision of a strait was delusive
+does not appear. Whether he really knew that he had actually joined his
+own explorations, going east, to those which Bastidas had made from the
+west is equally unknown, though it is possible he may have got an
+intimation of celestial and winged monsters from the natives. If he
+comprehended it, he saw that there could be no strait, this way at
+least. Bastidas, as we have seen, was on board Bobadilla's fleet when
+Columbus lay off Santo Domingo. There is a chance that Columbus's
+messenger who went ashore may have seen him and his charts, and may have
+communicated some notes of the maps to the Admiral. Some of the
+companions of Bastidas on his voyage had reached Spain before Columbus
+sailed, and there may have been some knowledge imparted in that way. If
+Columbus knew the truth, he did not disclose it.
+
+Porras, possibly at a later day, seems to have been better informed, or
+at least he imparts more in his narrative than Columbus does. He says he
+saw in the people of these parts many of the traits of those of the
+pearl coast at Paria, and that the maps, which they possessed, showed
+that it was to this point that the explorations of Ojeda and Bastidas
+had been pushed.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus turns back.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. December 5.]
+
+[Sidenote: A gale.]
+
+There were other things that might readily have made him turn back, as
+well as this despair of finding a strait. His crew were dissatisfied
+with leaving the gold of Veragua. His ships were badly bored by the
+worms, and they had become, from this cause and by reason of the heavy
+weather which had so mercilessly followed them, more and more
+unseaworthy. So on December 5, 1502, when he passed out of the little
+harbor of El Retrete, he began a backward course. Pretty soon the wind,
+which had all along faced him from the east, blew strongly from the
+west, checking him as much going backward as it had in his onward
+course. It seemed as if the elements were turned against him. The gale
+was making sport of him, as it veered in all directions. It was indeed a
+Coast of Contrasts (La Costa de los Contrastes), as Columbus called it.
+The lightning streaked the skies continually. The thunder was appalling.
+For nine days the little ships, strained at every seam, leaking at every
+point where the tropical sea worm had pierced them, writhed in a
+struggle of death. At one time a gigantic waterspout formed within
+sight. The sea surged around its base. The clouds stooped to give it
+force. It came staggering and lunging towards the fragile barks. The
+crews exorcised the watery spirit by repeating the Gospel of St. John
+the Evangelist, and the crazy column passed on the other side of them.
+
+Added to their peril through it all were the horrors of an impending
+famine. Their biscuit were revolting because of the worms. They caught
+sharks for food.
+
+[Sidenote: 1502. December 17.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bethlehem River.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. January 24.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bartholomew seeks the mines.]
+
+At last, on December 17, the fleet reunited,--for they had, during the
+gales, lost sight of each other,--and entered a harbor, where they found
+the native cabins built in the tree tops, to be out of the way of
+griffins, or some other beasts. After further buffeting of the tempests,
+they finally made a harbor on the coast of Veragua, in a river which
+Columbus named Santa Maria de Belen (Bethlehem), it being Epiphany Day;
+and here at last they anchored two of the caravels on January 9, and the
+other two on the 10th (1503). Columbus had been nearly a month in
+passing thirty leagues of coast. The Indians were at first quieted in
+the usual way, and some gold was obtained by barter. The Spaniards had
+not been here long, however, when they found themselves (January 24,
+1503) in as much danger by the sudden swelling of the river as they had
+been at sea. It was evidently occasioned by continued falls of rain in
+distant mountains, which they could see. The caravels were knocked about
+like cockboats. The Admiral's ship snapped a mast. "It rained without
+ceasing," says the Admiral, recording his miseries, "until the 14th of
+February;" and during the continuance of the storm the Adelantado was
+sent on a boat expedition to ascend the Veragua River, three miles along
+the coast, where he was to search for mines. The party proceeded on
+February 6 as far as they could in the boats, and then, leaving part of
+the men for a guard, and taking guides, which the Quibian--that being
+the name, as he says, which they gave to the lord of the country--had
+provided, they reached a country where the soil to their eyes seemed
+full of particles of gold. Columbus says that he afterwards learned that
+it was a device of the crafty Quibian to conduct them to the mines of a
+rival chief, while his own were richer and nearer, all of which,
+nevertheless, did not escape the keen Spanish scent for gold.
+Bartholomew made other excursions along the coast; but nowhere did it
+seem to him that gold was as plenty as at Veragua.
+
+[Sidenote: Mines of Aurea.]
+
+Columbus now reverted to his old fancies. He remembered that Josephus
+has described the getting of gold for the Temple of Jerusalem from the
+Golden Chersonesus, and was not this the very spot? "Josephus thinks
+that this gold of the Chronicles and the Book of Kings was found in the
+Aurea," he says. "If it were so, I contend that these mines of the Aurea
+are identical with those of Veragua. David in his will left 3,000
+quintals of Indian gold to Solomon, to assist in building the Temple,
+and according to Josephus it came from these lands." He had seen, as he
+says, more promise of gold here in two days than in Española in four
+years. It was very easy now to dwarf his Ophir at Hayna! Those other
+riches were left to those who had wronged him. The pearls of the Paria
+coast might be the game of the common adventurer. Here was the princely
+domain of the divinely led discoverer, who was rewarded at last!
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus seeks to make a settlement.]
+
+A plan was soon made of founding a settlement to hold the region and
+gain information, while Columbus returned to Spain for supplies. Eighty
+men were to stay. They began to build houses. They divided the stock of
+provisions and munitions, and transferred that intended for the colony
+to one of the caravels, which was to be left with them. Particular pains
+were taken to propitiate the natives by presents, and the Quibian was
+regaled with delicacies and gifts. When this was done, it was found that
+a dry season had come on, and there was not water enough on the bar to
+float the returning caravels.
+
+[Sidenote: Diego Mendez's exploits.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Quibian taken,]
+
+[Sidenote: but escapes.]
+
+Meanwhile the Quibian had formed a league to exterminate the intruders.
+Columbus sent a brave fellow, Diego Mendez, to see what he could learn.
+He found a force of savages advancing to the attack; but this single
+Spaniard disconcerted them, and they put off the plan. Again, with but a
+single companion, one Rodrigo de Escobar, Mendez boldly went into the
+Quibian's village, and came back alive to tell the Admiral of all the
+preparations for war which he had seen, or which were inferred at least.
+The news excited the quick spirits of the Adelantado, and, following a
+plan of Mendez, he at once started (March 30) with an armed force. He
+came with such celerity to the cacique's village that the savages were
+not prepared for their intrusion, and by a rapid artifice he surrounded
+the lodge of the Quibian, and captured him with fifty of his followers.
+The Adelantado sent him, bound hand and foot, and under escort, down the
+river, in charge of Juan Sanchez, who rather resented any intimation of
+the Adelantado to be careful of his prisoner. As the boat neared the
+mouth of the river, her commander yielded to the Quibian's importunities
+to loosen his bonds, when the chief, watching his opportunity, slipped
+overboard and dove to the bottom. The night was dark, and he was not
+seen when he came to the surface, and was not pursued. The other
+prisoners were delivered to the Admiral. The Adelantado meanwhile had
+sacked the cacique's cabin, and brought away its golden treasures.
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. April 6.]
+
+[Sidenote: The settlement attacked.]
+
+Columbus, confident that the Quibian had been drowned, and that the
+chastisement which had been given his tribe was a wholesome lesson,
+began again to arrange for his departure. As the river had risen a
+little, he succeeded in getting his lightened caravels over the bar, and
+anchored them outside, where their lading was again put on board. To
+offer some last injunctions and to get water, Columbus, on April 6, sent
+a boat, in command of Diego Tristan, to the Adelantado, who was to be
+left in command. When the boat got in, Tristan found the settlement in
+great peril. The Quibian, who had reached the shore in safety after his
+adventure, had quickly organized an attacking party, and had fallen upon
+the settlement. The savages were fast getting their revenge, for the
+unequal contest had lasted nearly three hours, when the Adelantado and
+Mendez, rallying a small force, rushed so impetuously upon them that,
+with the aid of a fierce bloodhound, the native host was scattered in a
+trice. Only one Spaniard had been killed and eight wounded, including
+the Adelantado; but the rout of the Indians was complete.
+
+[Sidenote: Tristan murdered.]
+
+It was while these scenes were going on that Tristan arrived in his boat
+opposite the settlement. He dallied till the affair was ended, and then
+proceeded up the river to get some water. Those on shore warned him of
+the danger of ambuscade; but he persisted. When he had got well beyond
+the support of the settlement, his boat was beset with a shower of
+javelins from the overhanging banks on both sides, while a cloud of
+canoes attacked him front and rear. But a single Spaniard escaped by
+diving, and brought the tale of disaster to his countrymen.
+
+The condition of the settlement was now alarming. The Indians,
+encouraged by their success in overcoming the boat, once more gathered
+to attack the little group of "encroaching Spaniards," as Columbus could
+but call them. The houses which sheltered them were so near the thick
+forest that the savages approached them on all sides under shelter. The
+woods rang with their yells and with the blasts of their conch-shells.
+The Spaniards got, in their panic, beyond the control of the Adelantado.
+They prepared to take the caravel and leave the river; but it was found
+she would not float over the bar. They then sought to send a boat to the
+Admiral, lying outside, to prevent his sailing without them; but
+the current and tide commingling made such a commotion on the bar that
+no boat could live in the sea. The bodies of Tristan and his men came
+floating down stream, with carrion crows perched upon them at their
+ghastly feast. It seemed as if nature visited them with premonitions. At
+last the Adelantado brought a sufficient number of men into such a
+steady mood that they finally constructed out of whatever they could get
+some sort of a breastwork near the shore, where the ground was open.
+Here they could use their matchlocks and have a clear sweep about them.
+They placed behind this bulwark two small falconets, and prepared to
+defend themselves. They were in this condition for four days. Their
+provisions, however, began to run short, and every Spaniard who dared to
+forage was sure to be cut off. Their ammunition, too, was not abundant.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus at anchor outside the bar.]
+
+Meanwhile Columbus was in a similar state of anxiety. "The Admiral was
+suffering from a severe fever," he says, "and worn with fatigue." His
+ships were lying at anchor outside the bar, with the risk of being
+obliged to put to sea at any moment, to work off a lee shore. Tristan's
+prolonged absence harassed him. Another incident was not less ominous.
+The companions of the Quibian were confined on board in the forecastle;
+and it was the intention to take them to Spain as hostages, as it was
+felt they would be, for the colony left behind. Those in charge of them
+had become careless about securing the hatchway, and one night they
+failed to chain it, trusting probably to the watchfulness of certain
+sailors who slept upon the hatch. The savages, finding a footing upon
+some ballast which they piled up beneath, suddenly threw off the cover,
+casting the sleeping sailors violently aside, and before the guard could
+be called the greater part of the prisoners had jumped into the sea and
+escaped. Such as were secured were thrust back, but the next morning it
+was found that they all had strangled themselves.
+
+[Sidenote: Ledesma's exploit.]
+
+After such manifestations of ferocious determination, Columbus began to
+be further alarmed for the safety of his brother's companions and of
+Tristan's. For days a tossing surf had made an impassable barrier
+between him and the shore. He had but one boat, and he did not dare to
+risk it in an attempt to land. Finally, his Sevillian pilot, Pedro
+Ledesma, offered to brave the dangers by swimming, if the boat would
+take him close to the surf. The trial was made; the man committed
+himself to the surf, and by his strength and skill so surmounted wave
+after wave that he at length reached stiller water, and was seen to
+mount the shore. In due time he was again seen on the beach, and
+plunging in once more, was equally successful in passing the raging
+waters, and was picked up by the boat. He had a sad tale to tell the
+Admiral. It was a story of insubordination, a powerless Adelantado, and
+a frantic eagerness to escape somehow. Ledesma said that the men were
+preparing canoes to come off to the ships, since their caravel was
+unable to pass the bar.
+
+[Sidenote: Resolve to abandon the region.]
+
+There was long consideration in these hours of disheartenment; but the
+end of it was a decision to rescue the colony and abandon the coast. The
+winds never ceased to be high, and Columbus's ships, in their weakened
+condition, were only kept afloat by care and vigilance. The loss of the
+boat's crew threw greater burdens and strains upon those who were left.
+It was impossible while the surf lasted to send in his only boat, and
+quite as impossible for the fragile canoes of his colony to brave the
+dangers of the bar in coming out. There was nothing for Columbus to do
+but to hold to his anchor as long as he could, and wait.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus in delirium hears a voice.]
+
+Our pity for the man is sometimes likely to unfit us to judge his own
+record. Let us try to believe what he says of himself, and watch him in
+his delirium. "Groaning with exhaustion," he says, "I fell asleep in the
+highest part of the ship, and heard a compassionate voice address me."
+It bade him be of good cheer, and take courage in the service of God!
+What the God of all had done for Moses and David would be done for him!
+As we read the long report of this divine utterance, as Columbus is
+careful to record it, we learn that the Creator was aware of his
+servant's name resounding marvelously throughout the earth. We find,
+however, that the divine belief curiously reflected the confidence of
+Columbus that it was India, and not America, that had been revealed.
+"Remember David," said the Voice, "how he was a shepherd, and was made a
+king. Remember Abraham, how he was a hundred when he begat Isaac, and
+that there is youth still for the aged." Columbus adds that when the
+Voice chided him he wept for his errors, and that he heard it all as in
+a trance.
+
+The obvious interpretation of all this is either that by the record
+Columbus intended a fable to impress the sovereigns, for whom he was
+writing, or that he was so moved to hallucinations that he believed what
+he wrote. The hero worship of Irving decides the question easily. "Such
+an idea," says Irving, referring to the argument of deceit, and
+forgetting the Admiral's partiality for such practices, "is inconsistent
+with the character of Columbus. In recalling a dream, one is
+unconsciously apt to give it a little coherency." Irving's plea is that
+it was a mere dream, which was mistaken by Columbus, in his feverish
+excitement, for a revelation. "The artless manner," adds that
+biographer, "in which he mingles the rhapsodies and dreams of his
+imagination with simple facts and sound practical observations, pouring
+them forth with a kind of Scriptural solemnity and poetry of language,
+is one of the most striking illustrations of a character richly
+compounded of extraordinary and apparently contradictory elements." We
+may perhaps ask, Was Irving's hero a deceiver, or was he mad? The
+chances seem to be that the whole vision was simply the product of one
+of those fits of aberration which in these later years were no strangers
+to Columbus's existence. His mind was not infrequently, amid
+disappointments and distractions, in no fit condition to ward off
+hallucination.
+
+Humboldt speaks of Columbus's letter describing this vision as showing
+the disordered mind of a proud soul weighed down with dead hopes. He has
+no fear that the strange mixture of force and weakness, of pride and
+touching humility, which accompanies these secret contortions will ever
+impress the world with other feelings than those of commiseration.
+
+It is a hard thing for any one, seeking to do justice to the agonies of
+such spirits, to measure them in the calmness of better days. "Let those
+who are accustomed to slander and aspersion ask, while they sit in
+security at home, Why dost thou not do so and so under such
+circumstances?" says Columbus himself. It is far easier to let one's
+self loose into the vortex and be tossed with sympathy. But if four
+centuries have done anything for us, they ought to have cleared the air
+of its mirages. What is pitiable may not be noble.
+
+[Sidenote: The colony embark.]
+
+The Voice was, of course, associated in Columbus's mind with the good
+weather which followed. During this a raft was made of two canoes lashed
+together beneath a platform, and, using this for ferrying, all the
+stores were floated off safely to the ships, so that in the end nothing
+was left behind but the decaying and stranded caravel. This labor was
+done under the direction of Diego Mendez, whom the Admiral rewarded by
+kissing him on the cheek, and by giving him command of Tristan's
+caravel, which was the Admiral's flagship.
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. April, Columbus sails away.]
+
+It is a strange commentary on the career and fame of Columbus that the
+name of this disastrous coast should represent him to this day in the
+title of his descendant, the Duke of Veragua. Never a man turned the
+prow of his ship from scenes which he would sooner forget, with more
+sorrow and relief, than Columbus, in the latter days of April, 1503,
+with his enfeebled crews and his crazy hulks, stood away, as he thought,
+for Española. And yet three months later, and almost in the same breath
+with which he had rehearsed these miseries, with that obliviousness
+which so often caught his errant mind, he wrote to his sovereigns that
+"there is not in the world a country, whose inhabitants are more timid;
+added to which there is a good harbor, a beautiful river, and the whole
+place is capable of being easily put into a state of defense. Your
+people that may come here, if they should wish to become masters of the
+products of other lands, will have to take them by force, or retire
+empty-handed. In this country they will simply have to trust their
+persons in the hands of a savage." The man was mad.
+
+It was easterly that Columbus steered when his ships swung round to
+their destined course. It was not without fear and even indignation that
+his crews saw what they thought a purpose to sail directly for Spain in
+the sorry plight of the ships. Mendez, indeed, who commanded the
+Admiral's own ship, says "they thought to reach Spain." The Admiral,
+however, seems to have had two purposes. He intended to run eastward far
+enough to allow for the currents, when he should finally head for Santo
+Domingo. He intended also to disguise as much as he could the route
+back, for fear that others would avail themselves of his crew's
+knowledge to rediscover these golden coasts. He remembered how the
+companions of his Paria voyage had led other expeditions to that region
+of pearls. He is said also to have taken from his crew all their
+memoranda of the voyage, so that there would be no such aid available to
+guide others. "None of them can explain whither I went, nor whence I
+came," he says. "They do not know the way to return thither."
+
+[Sidenote: At Puerto Bello.]
+
+[Sidenote: At the Gulf of Darien.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. May 10.]
+
+[Sidenote: May 30. On the Cuban coast.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. June 23. Reaches Jamaica.]
+
+By the time he reached Puerto Bello, one of his caravels had become so
+weakened by the boring worms that he had to abandon her and crowd his
+men into the two remaining vessels. His crews became clamorous when he
+reached the Gulf of Darien, where he thought it prudent to abandon his
+easterly course and steer to the north. It was now May 1. He hugged the
+wind to overcome the currents, but when he sighted some islands to the
+westward of Española, on the 10th, it was evident that the currents had
+been bearing him westerly all the while. They were still drifting him
+westerly, when he found himself, on May 30, among the islands on the
+Cuban coast which he had called The Gardens. "I had reached," he says in
+his old delusion, "the province of Mago, which is contiguous to that of
+Cathay." Here the ships anchored to give the men refreshment. The labor
+of keeping the vessels free from water had been excessive, and in a
+secure roadstead it could now be carried on with some respite of toil,
+if the weather would only hold good. This was not to be, however. A gale
+ensued in which they lost their anchors. The two caravels, moreover,
+sustained serious damage by collision. All the anchors of the Admiral's
+ship had gone but one, and though that held, the cable nearly wore
+asunder. After six days of this stormy weather, he dared at last to
+crawl along the coast. Fortunately, he got some native provisions at one
+place, which enabled him to feed his famished men. The currents and
+adverse winds, however, proved too much for the power of his ships to
+work to windward. They were all the while in danger of foundering. "With
+three pumps and the use of pots and kettles," he says, "we could
+scarcely clear the water that came into the ship, there being no remedy
+but this for the mischief done by the ship worm." He reluctantly,
+therefore, bore away for Jamaica, where, on June 23, he put into Puerto
+Buono (Dry Harbor).
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. July, August. His ships stranded].
+
+Finding neither water nor food here, he went on the next day to Port San
+Gloria, known in later days as Don Christopher's Cove. Here he found it
+necessary, a little later (July 23 and August 12), to run his sinking
+ships, one after the other, aground, but he managed to place them side
+by side, so that they could be lashed together. They soon filled with
+the tide. Cabins were built on the forecastles and sterns to live in,
+and bulwarks of defense were reared as best they could be along the
+vessels' waists. Columbus now took the strictest precautions to prevent
+his men wandering ashore, for it was of the utmost importance that no
+indignity should be offered the natives while they were in such
+hazardous and almost defenseless straits.
+
+It became at once a serious question how to feed his men. Whatever scant
+provisions remained on board the stranded caravels were spoiled. His
+immediate savage neighbors supplied them with cassava bread and other
+food for a while, but they had no reserved stores to draw upon, and
+these sources were soon exhausted.
+
+[Sidenote: Mendez seeks food for the company.]
+
+Diego Mendez now offered, with three men, carrying goods to barter, to
+make a circuit of the island, so that he could reach different caciques,
+with whom he could bargain for the preparation and carriage of food to
+the Spaniards. As he concluded his successive impromptu agreements with
+cacique after cacique, he sent a man back loaded with what he could
+carry, to acquaint the Admiral, and let him prepare for a further
+exchange of trinkets. Finally, Mendez, left without a companion, still
+went on, getting some Indian porters to help him from place to place. In
+this way he reached the eastern end of the island, where he ingratiated
+himself with a powerful cacique, and was soon on excellent terms with
+him. From this chieftain he got a canoe with natives to paddle, and
+loading it with provisions, he skirted westerly along the coast, until
+he reached the Spaniards' harbor. His mission bade fair to have
+accomplished its purpose, and provisions came in plentifully for a while
+under the arrangements which he had made.
+
+[Sidenote: Mendez prepares to go to Española.]
+
+Columbus's next thought was to get word, if possible, to Ovando, at
+Española, so that the governor could send a vessel to rescue them.
+Columbus proposed to Mendez that he should attempt the passage with the
+canoe in which he had returned from his expedition. Mendez pictured the
+risks of going forty leagues in these treacherous seas in a frail canoe,
+and intimated that the Admiral had better make trial of the courage of
+the whole company first. He said that if no one else offered to go he
+would shame them by his courage, as he had more than once done before.
+So the company were assembled, and Columbus made public the proposition.
+Every one hung back from the hazards, and Mendez won his new triumph, as
+he had supposed he would. He then set to work fitting the canoe for the
+voyage. He put a keel to her. He built up her sides so that she could
+better ward off the seas, and rigged a mast and sail. She was soon
+loaded with the necessary provisions for himself, one other Spaniard,
+and the six Indians who were to ply the paddles.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. July 7. Letter of Columbus to the sovereigns.]
+
+The Admiral, while the preparations were making, drew up a letter to his
+sovereigns, which it was intended that Mendez, after arranging with
+Ovando for the rescue, should bear himself to Spain by the first
+opportunity. At least it is the reasonable assumption of Humboldt that
+this is the letter which has come down to us dated July 7, 1503.
+
+[Sidenote: _Lettera rarissima._]
+
+It is not known that this epistle was printed at the time, though
+manuscript copies seem to have circulated. An Italian version of it was,
+however, printed at Venice a year before Columbus died. The original
+Spanish text was not known to scholars till Navarrete, having discovered
+in the king's library at Madrid an early transcript of it, printed it in
+the first volume of his _Coleccion_. It is the document usually referred
+to, from the title of Morelli's reprint (1810) of the Italian text, as
+the _Lettera rarissima di Cristoforo Colombo_. This letter is even more
+than his treatise on the prophets a sorrowful index of his wandering
+reason. In parts it is the merest jumble of hurrying thoughts, with no
+plan or steady purpose in view. It is in places well calculated to
+arouse the deepest pity. It was, of course, avowedly written at a
+venture, inasmuch as the chance of its reaching the hands of his
+sovereigns was a very small one. "I send this letter," he says, "by
+means of and by the hands of Indians; it will be a miracle if it reaches
+its destination."
+
+He not only goes back over the adventures of the present expedition, in
+a recital which has been not infrequently quoted in previous pages, but
+he reverts gloomily to the more distant past. He lingers on the
+discouragements of his first years in Spain. "Every one to whom the
+enterprise was mentioned," he says of those days, "treated it as
+ridiculous, but now there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who
+does not beg to be allowed to become a discoverer." He remembers the
+neglect which followed upon the first flush of indignation when he
+returned to Spain in chains. "The twenty years' service through which I
+have passed with so much toil and danger have profited me nothing, and
+at this very day I do not possess a roof in Spain that I can call my
+own. If I wish to eat or sleep I have nowhere to go but to a low tavern,
+and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another anxiety wrings my
+very heartstrings, when I think of my son Diego, whom I have left an
+orphan in Spain, stripped of the house and property which is due to him
+on my account, although I had looked upon it as a certainty that your
+Majesties, as just and grateful princes, would restore it to him in all
+respects with increase."
+
+"I was twenty-eight years old," he says again, "when I came into your
+Highnesses' services, and now I have not a hair upon me that is not
+gray, my body is infirm, and all that was left to me, as well as to my
+brother, has been taken away and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to
+my great dishonor."
+
+And then, referring to his present condition, he adds: "Solitary in my
+trouble, sick, and in daily expectation of death, I am surrounded by
+millions of hostile savages, full of cruelty. Weep for me, whoever has
+charity, truth, and justice!"
+
+He next works over in his mind the old geographical problems. He recalls
+his calculation of an eclipse in 1494, when he supposed, in his error,
+that he had "sailed twenty-four degrees westward in nine hours." He
+recalls the stories that he had heard on the Veragua coast, and thinks
+that he had known it all before from books. Marinus had come near the
+truth, he gives out, and the Portuguese have proved that the Indies in
+Ethiopia is, as Marinus had said, four and twenty degrees from the
+equinoctial line. "The world is but small," he sums up; "out of seven
+divisions of it, the dry part occupies six, and the seventh is entirely
+covered by water. I say that the world is not so large as vulgar
+opinion makes it, and that one degree from the equinoctial line measures
+fifty-six miles and two thirds, and this may be proved to a nicety."
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus on gold.]
+
+And then, in his thoughts, he turns back to his quest for gold, just as
+he had done in action at Darien, when in despair he gave up the search
+for a strait. It was gold, to his mind, that could draw souls from
+purgatory. He exclaims: "Gold is the most precious of all commodities.
+Gold constitutes treasure, and he who possesses it has all he needs in
+this world, as also the means of rescuing souls from purgatory, and
+restoring them to the enjoyment of paradise."
+
+Then his hopes swell with the vision of that wealth which he thought he
+had found, and would yet return to. He alone had the clues to it, which
+he had concealed from others. "I can safely assert that to my mind my
+people returning to Spain are the bearers of the best news that ever was
+carried to Spain.... I had certainly foreseen how things would be. I
+think more of this opening for commerce than of all that has been done
+in the Indies. This is not a child to be left to the care of a
+stepmother."
+
+These were some of the thoughts, in large part tumultuous, incoherent,
+dispirited, harrowing, weakening, and sad, penned within sound of the
+noise of Mendez's preparations, and disclosing an exultant and
+bewildered being, singularly compounded.
+
+This script was committed to Mendez, beside one addressed to Ovando, and
+another to his friend in Spain, Father Gorricio, to whom he imparts some
+of the same frantic expectations. "If my voyage will turn out as
+favorable to my health," he says, "and to the tranquillity of my house,
+as it is likely to be for the glory of my royal masters, I shall live
+long."
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Mendez starts.]
+
+Mendez started bravely. He worked along the coast of the island towards
+its eastern end; not without peril, however, both from the sea and from
+the Indians. Finally, his party fell captives to a startled cacique; but
+while the savages were disputing over a division of the spoils, Mendez
+succeeded in slipping back to the canoe, and, putting off alone, paddled
+it back to the stranded ships.
+
+[Sidenote: Mendez starts again.]
+
+Another trial was made at once, with larger preparation. A second canoe
+was added to the expedition, and the charge of this was given to
+Bartholomew Fiesco, a Genoese, who had commanded one of the caravels.
+The daring adventurers started again with an armed party under the
+Adelantado following them along the shore.
+
+The land and boat forces reached the end of the island without
+molestation, and then, bidding each other farewell, the canoes headed
+boldly away from land, and were soon lost to the sight of the Adelantado
+in the deepening twilight. The land party returned to the Admiral
+without adventure. There was little now for the poor company to do but
+to await the return of Fiesco, who had been directed to come back at
+once and satisfy the Admiral that Mendez had safely accomplished his
+mission.
+
+[Sidenote: The revolt of Porras.]
+
+Many days passed, and straining eyes were directed along the shore to
+catch a glimpse of Fiesco's canoe; but it came not. There was not much
+left to allay fear or stifle disheartenment. The cramped quarters of the
+tenements on the hulks, the bad food which the men were forced to depend
+upon, and the vain watchings soon produced murmurs of discontent, which
+it needed but the captious spirit of a leader to convert into the
+turmoil of revolt. Such a gatherer of sedition soon appeared. There were
+in the company two brothers, Francisco de Porras, who had commanded one
+of the vessels, and Diego de Porras, who had, as we have seen, been
+joined to the expedition to check off the Admiral's accounts of
+treasures acquired. The very espionage of his office was an offense to
+the Admiral. It was through the caballing of these two men that the
+alien spirits of the colony found in one of them at last a determined
+actor. It is not easy to discover how far the accusations against the
+Admiral, which these men now began to dwell upon, were generally
+believed. It served the leaders' purposes to have it appear that
+Columbus was in reality banished from Spain, and had no intention of
+returning thither till Mendez and Fiesco had succeeded in making favor
+for him at Court; and that it was upon such a mission that these
+lieutenants had been sent. It was therefore necessary, if those who were
+thus cruelly confined in Jamaica wished to escape a lingering death, to
+put on a bold front, and demand to be led away to Española in such
+canoes as could be got of the Indians.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. January 2. Demands of Porras.]
+
+[Sidenote: The flotilla of Porras sails.]
+
+It was on the 2d of January, 1504, that, with a crowd of sympathizers
+watching within easy call, Francisco de Porras suddenly presented
+himself in the cabin of the weary and bedridden Admiral. An altercation
+ensued, in which the Admiral, propped in his couch, endeavored to
+assuage the bursting violence of his accuser, and to bring him to a
+sense of the patient duty which the conditions demanded. It was one of
+the times when desperate straits seemed to restore the manhood of
+Columbus. It was, however, of little use. The crisis was not one that,
+in the present temper of the mutineers, could be avoided. Porras,
+finding that the Admiral could not be swayed, called out in a loud
+voice, "I am for Castile! Those who will may come with me!" This signal
+was expected, and a shout rang in the air among those who were awaiting
+it. It aroused Columbus from his couch, and he staggered into sight; but
+his presence caused no cessation of the tumult. Some of his loyal
+companions, fearing violence, took him back to his bed. The Adelantado
+braced himself with his lance for an encounter, and was pacified only by
+the persuasions of the Admiral's friends. They loyally said, "Let the
+mutineers go. We will remain." The angry faction seized ten canoes,
+which the Admiral had secured from the Indians, and putting in them what
+they could get, they embarked for their perilous voyage. Some others who
+had not joined in their plot being allured by the flattering hope of
+release, there were forty-eight in all, and the little flotilla, amid
+the mingled execrations and murmurs of despair among the weak and the
+downcast who stayed behind, paddled out of that fateful harbor.
+
+The greater part of all who were vigorous had now gone. There were a few
+strong souls, with some vitality left in them, among the small company
+which remained to the Admiral; but the most of them were sorry objects,
+with dejected minds and bodies more or less prostrate from disease and
+privation. The conviction soon settled upon this deserted community that
+nothing could save them but a brotherly and confident determination to
+help one another, and to arouse to the utmost whatever of cheer and good
+will was latent in their spirits. They could hardly have met an attack
+of the natives, and they knew it. This made them more considerate in
+their treatment of their neighbors, and the supply of provisions which
+they could get from those who visited the ship was plentiful for a
+while. But the habits of the savages were not to accumulate much beyond
+present needs, and when the baubles which the Spaniards could distribute
+began to lose their strange attractiveness, the incentive was gone to
+induce exertion, and supplies were brought in less and less frequently.
+It was soon found that hawks' bells had diminished in value. It took
+several to appease the native cupidity where one had formerly done it.
+
+[Sidenote: Porras's men still on the island.]
+
+There was another difficulty. There were failures on the part of the
+more distant villages to send in their customary contributions, and it
+soon came to be known that Porras and his crew, instead of having left
+the island, were wandering about, exacting provisions and committing
+indignities against the inhabitants wherever they went.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: His voyage a failure.]
+
+It seems that the ten canoes had followed the coast to the nearest point
+to Española, at the eastern end of the island, and here, waiting for a
+calm sea, and securing some Indians to paddle, the mutineers had finally
+pushed off for their voyage. The boats had scarcely gone four leagues
+from land, when the wind rose and the sea began to alarm them. So they
+turned back. The men were little used to the management of the canoes,
+and they soon found themselves in great peril. It seemed necessary to
+lighten the canoes, which were now taking in water to a dangerous
+extent. They threw over much of their provisions; but this was not
+enough. They then sacrificed one after another the natives. If these
+resisted, a swoop of the sword ended their miseries. Once in the water,
+the poor Indians began to seize the gunwales; but the sword chopped off
+their hands. So all but a few of them, who were absolutely necessary to
+manage the canoes, were thrown into the sea. Such were the perils
+through which the mutineers passed in reaching the land.
+
+A long month was now passed waiting for another calm sea; but when they
+tempted it once more, it rose as before, and they again sought the land.
+All hope of success was now abandoned. From that time Porras and his
+band gave themselves up to a lawless, wandering life, during which they
+created new jealousies among the tribes. As we have seen, by their
+exactions they began at last to tap the distant sources of supplies for
+the Admiral and his loyal adherents.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. February 29. Eclipse of the moon.]
+
+Columbus now resorted to an expedient characteristic of the ingenious
+fertility of his mind. His astronomical tables enabled him to expect the
+approach of a lunar eclipse (February 29, 1504), and finding it close at
+hand he hastily summoned some of the neighboring caciques. He told them
+that the God of the Spaniards was displeased at their neglect to feed
+his people, and that He was about to manifest that displeasure by
+withdrawing the moon and leaving them to such baleful influences as they
+had provoked. When night fell and the shadow began to steal over the
+moon, a long howl of horror arose, and promises of supplies were made by
+the stricken caciques. They hurled themselves for protection at the feet
+of the Admiral. Columbus retired for an ostensible communion with this
+potent Spirit, and just as the hour came for the shadow to withdraw he
+appeared, and announced that their contrition had appeased the Deity,
+and a sign would be given of his content. Gradually the moon passed out
+of the shadow, and when in the clear heavens the luminary was again
+swimming unobstructed in her light, the work of astonishment had been
+done. After that, Columbus was never much in fear of famine.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The canoe voyage of Mendez.]
+
+[Sidenote: At Navasa Island.]
+
+It is time now to see how much more successful Mendez and Fiesco had
+been than Porras and his crew. They had accomplished the voyage to
+Española, it is true, but under such perils and sufferings that Fiesco
+could not induce a crew sufficient to man the canoe to return with him
+to the Admiral. The passage had been made under the most violent
+conditions of tropical heat and unprotected endurance. Their supply of
+water had given out, and the tortures of thirst came on. They looked out
+for the little island of Navasa, which lay in their track, where they
+thought that in the crevices of the rocks they might find some water.
+They looked in vain. The day when they had hoped to see it passed, and
+night came on. One of the Indians died, and was dropped overboard.
+Others lay panting and exhausted in the bottom of the canoes. Mendez sat
+watching a glimmer of light in the eastern horizon that betokened the
+coming of the moon.
+
+[Sidenote: They see Española.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mendez lands at Española.]
+
+Presently a faint glisten of the real orb grew into a segment. He could
+see the water line as the illumination increased. There was a black
+stretch of something jagging the lower edge of the segment. It was land!
+Navasa had been found. By morning they had reached the island. Water was
+discovered among the rocks; but some drank too freely, and paid the
+penalty of their lives. Mussels were picked up along the shore; they
+built a fire and boiled them. All day long they gazed longingly on the
+distant mountains of Española, which were in full sight. Refreshed by
+the day's rest, they embarked again at nightfall, and on the following
+day arrived at Cape Tiburon, the southwestern peninsula of Española,
+having been four days on the voyage from Jamaica. They landed among
+hospitable natives, and having waited two days to recuperate, Mendez
+took some savages in a canoe, and started to go along the coast to Santo
+Domingo, one hundred and thirty leagues distant. He had gone nearly two
+thirds of the distance when, communicating with the shore, he learned
+that Ovando was not in Santo Domingo, but at Xaragua. So Mendez
+abandoned his canoe, and started alone through the forests to seek the
+governor.
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando delays sending relief to Columbus.]
+
+Ovando received him cordially, but made excuses for not sending relief
+to Columbus at once. He was himself occupied with the wars which he was
+conducting against the natives. There was no ship in Santo Domingo of
+sufficient burden to be dispatched for such a rescue. So excuse after
+excuse, and promises of attention unfulfilled, kept Mendez in the camp
+of Ovando for seven months. The governor always had reasons for denying
+him permission to go to Santo Domingo, where Mendez had hopes of
+procuring a vessel. This procrastinating conduct has naturally given
+rise to the suspicion that Ovando was not over-anxious to deliver
+Columbus from his perils; and there can be little question that for the
+Admiral to have sunk into oblivion and leave no trace would have
+relieved both the governor and his royal master of some embarrassments.
+
+At length Ovando consented to the departure of Mendez to Santo Domingo.
+There was a fleet of caravels expected there, and Mendez was anxious to
+see if he could not procure one of them on the Admiral's own account to
+undertake the voyage of rescue. His importunities became so pressing
+that Ovando at last consented to his starting for that port, seventy
+leagues distant.
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando sends Escobar to observe Columbus.]
+
+No sooner was Mendez gone than Ovando determined to ascertain the
+condition of the party at Jamaica without helping them, and so he
+dispatched a caravel to reconnoitre. He purposely sent a small craft,
+that there might be no excuse for attempting to bring off the company;
+and to prevent seizure of the vessel by Columbus, her commander was
+instructed to lie off the harbor, and only send in a boat, to
+communicate with no one but Columbus; and he was particularly enjoined
+to avoid being enticed on board the stranded caravels. The command of
+this little craft of espionage was given to one of Columbus's enemies,
+Diego de Escobar, who had been active as Roldan's lieutenant in his
+revolt.
+
+When the vessel appeared off the harbor where Columbus was, eight months
+had passed since Mendez and Fiesco had departed. All hopes of hearing of
+them had been abandoned. A rumor had come in from the natives that a
+vessel, bottom upwards, had been seen near the island, drifting with the
+current. It is said to have been a story started by Porras that its
+effect might be distressing to Columbus's adherents. It seems to have
+had the effect to hasten further discontent in that stricken band, and a
+new revolt was almost ready to make itself known when Escobar's tiny
+caravel was descried standing in towards shore.
+
+The vessel was seen to lie to, when a boat soon left her side. As it
+came within hailing, the figure of Escobar was recognized. Columbus knew
+that he had once condemned the man to death. Bobadilla had pardoned him.
+The boat bumped against the side of one of the stranded caravels; the
+crew brought it sidewise against the hulk, when a letter for the Admiral
+was handed up. Columbus's men made ready to receive a cask of wine and
+side of bacon, which Escobar's companions lifted on board. All at once a
+quick motion pushed the boat from the hulks, and Escobar stopped her
+when she had got out of reach. He now addressed Columbus, and gave him
+the assurances of Ovando's regret that he had no suitable vessel to send
+to him, but that he hoped before long to have such. He added that if
+Columbus desired to reply to Ovando's letter, he would wait a brief
+interval for him to prepare an answer.
+
+The Admiral hastily made his reply in as courteous terms as possible,
+commending the purposes of Mendez and Fiesco to the governor's kind
+attention, and closed with saying that he reposed full confidence in
+Ovando's expressed intention to rescue his people, and that he would
+stay on the wrecks in patience till the ships came. Escobar received the
+letter, and returned to his caravel, which at once disappeared in the
+falling gloom of night.
+
+Columbus was not without apprehension that Escobar had come simply to
+make sure that the Admiral and his company still survived, and Las
+Casas, who was then at Santo Domingo, seems to have been of the opinion
+that Ovando had at this time no purpose to do more. The selection of
+Escobar to carry a kindly message gave certainly a dubious ostentation
+to all expressions of friendly interest. The transaction may possibly
+admit of other interpretations. Ovando may reasonably have desired that
+Columbus and his faithful adherents should not abide long in Española,
+as in the absence of vessels returning to Spain the Admiral might be
+obliged to do. There were rumors that Columbus, indignant at the wrongs
+which he felt he had received at the hands of his sovereigns, had
+determined to hold his new discoveries for Genoa, and the Admiral had
+referred to such reports in his recent letter to the Spanish monarchs.
+Such reports easily put Ovando on his guard, and he may have desired
+time to get instructions from Spain. At all events, it was very palpable
+that Ovando was cautious and perhaps inhuman, and Columbus was to be
+left till Escobar's report should decide what action was best.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus communicates with Porras.]
+
+Columbus endeavored to make use of the letter which Escobar had brought
+from Ovando to win Porras and his vagabonds back to loyalty and duty. He
+dispatched messengers to their camp to say that Ovando had notified him
+of his purpose to send a vessel to take them off the island. The Admiral
+was ready to promise forgiveness and forgetfulness, if the mutineers
+would come in and submit to the requirements of the orderly life of his
+people. He accompanied the message with a part of the bacon which
+Escobar had delivered as a present from the governor. The lure, however,
+was not effective. Porras met the ambassadors, and declined the
+proffers. He said his followers were quite content with the freedom of
+the island. The fact seemed to be that the mutineers were not quite sure
+of the Admiral's sincerity, and feared to put themselves in his power.
+They were ready to come in when the vessels came, if transportation
+would be allowed them so that their band should not be divided; and
+until then they would cause the Admiral's party no trouble, unless
+Columbus refused to share with them his stores and trinkets, which they
+must have, peacefully or forcibly, since they had lost all their
+supplies in the gales which had driven them back.
+
+It was evident that Porras and his company were not reduced to such
+straits that they could be reasoned with, and the messengers returned.
+
+[Sidenote: Bartholomew and his men confront the Porras mutineers.]
+
+The author of the _Historie_, and others who follow his statements,
+represent that the body of the mutineers was far from being as arrogant
+as their leaders, was much more tractable in spirit, and was inclined to
+catch at the chance of rescue. The leaders labored with the men to keep
+them steady in their revolt. Porras and his abettors did what they could
+to picture the cruelties of the Admiral, and even accused him of
+necromancy in summoning the ghost of a caravel by which to make his
+people believe that Escobar had really been there. Then, to give some
+activity to their courage, the whole body of the mutineers was led
+towards the harbor on pretense of capturing stores. The Adelantado went
+out to meet them with fifty armed followers, the best he could collect
+from the wearied companions of the Admiral. Porras refused all offers of
+conference, and led his band to the attack. There was a plan laid among
+them that six of the stoutest should attack the Adelantado
+simultaneously, thinking that if their leader should be overpowered the
+rest would flee. The Adelantado's courage rose with the exigency, as it
+was wont to do. He swung his sword with vigor, and one after another the
+assailants fell. At last Porras struck him such a blow that the
+Adelantado's buckler was cleft and his hand wounded. The blow was too
+powerful for the giver of it. His sword remained wedged in the buckler,
+affording his enemy a chance to close, while an attempt was made to
+extricate the weapon. Others came to the loyal leader's assistance, and
+Porras was secured and bound.
+
+[Sidenote: Porras taken.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sanchez killed.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ledesma wounded.]
+
+This turned the current of the fight. The rebels, seeing their leader a
+prisoner, fled in confusion, leaving the field to the party of the
+Adelantado. The fight had been a fierce one. They found among the rebel
+dead Juan Sanchez, who had let slip the captured Quibian, and among the
+wounded Pedro Ledesma, who had braved the breakers at Veragua. Las
+Casas, who knew the latter at a later day, deriving some help from him
+in telling the story of these eventful months, speaks of the many and
+fearful wounds which he bore in evidence of his rebellion and courage,
+and of the sturdy activity of his assailants. We owe also to Ledesma and
+to some of his companions, who, with himself, were witnesses in the
+later lawsuit of Diego Colon with the Crown, certain details which the
+principal narrators fail to give us.
+
+A charm had seemed throughout the conflict to protect the Admiral's
+friends. None were killed outright, and but one other beside their
+leader was wounded. This man, the Admiral's steward, subsequently died.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. March 20. The rebels propose to submit.]
+
+The victors returned to the ships with their prisoners; and in the midst
+of the gratulations which followed on the next day, March 20, 1504, the
+fugitives sent in an address to the Admiral, begging to be pardoned and
+received back to his care and fortunes. They acknowledged their errors
+in the most abject professions, and called upon Heaven to show no mercy,
+and upon man to know no sympathy, in dealing retribution, if they failed
+in their fidelity thereafter. The proposition of surrender was not
+without embarrassment. The Admiral was fearful of the trial of their
+constancy when they might gather about him with all the chances of
+further cabaling. He also knew that his provisions were fast running
+out. Accordingly, in accepting their surrender, he placed them under
+officers whom he could trust, and supplying them with articles of
+barter, he let them wander about the island under suitable discipline,
+hoping that they would find food where they could. He promised, however,
+to recall them when the expected ships arrived.
+
+[Sidenote: Ships come to rescue them.]
+
+It was not long they had to wait. One day two ships were seen standing
+in towards the harbor. One of them proved to be a caravel which Mendez
+had bought on the Admiral's account, out of a fleet of three, just then
+arrived from Spain, and had victualed for the occasion. Having seen it
+depart from Santo Domingo, Mendez, in the other ships of this opportune
+fleet, sailed directly for Spain, to carry out the further instructions
+of the Admiral.
+
+The other of the approaching ships was in command of Diego de Salcedo,
+the Admiral's factor, and had been dispatched by Ovando. Las Casas tells
+us that the governor was really forced to this action by public
+sentiment, which had grown in consequence of the stories of the trials
+of Columbus which Mendez had told. It is said that even the priests did
+not hesitate to point a moral in their pulpits with the governor's
+dilatory sympathy.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. June 28. Columbus leaves Jamaica.]
+
+Finally, on June 28, everything was ready for departure, and Columbus
+turned away from the scene of so much trouble. "Columbus informed me
+afterwards, in Spain," says Mendez, recording the events, "that in no
+part of his life did he ever experience so joyful a day, for he had
+never hoped to have left that place alive." Four years later, under
+authority from the Admiral's son Diego, the town of Sevilla Nueva, later
+known as Sevilla d'Oro, was founded on the very spot.
+
+[Sidenote: Events at Española during the absence of Columbus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando's rule.]
+
+The Admiral now committed himself once more to the treacherous currents
+and adverse winds of these seas. We have seen that Mendez urged his
+canoe across the gap between Jamaica and the nearest point of Española
+in four days; but it took the ships of Columbus about seven weeks to
+reach the haven of Santo Domingo. There was much time during this long
+and vexatious voyage for Columbus to learn from Salcedo the direful
+history of the colony which had been wrested from him, and which even
+under the enlarged powers of Ovando had not been without manifold
+tribulations. We must rehearse rapidly the occurrences, as Columbus
+heard of them. He could have got but the scantiest inkling of what had
+happened during the earliest months of Ovando's rule, when he applied by
+messenger, in vain, for admission to the harbor, now more than two years
+ago. The historian of this period must depend mainly upon Las Casas, who
+had come out with Ovando, and we must sketch an outline of the tale, as
+Columbus heard it, from that writer's _Historia_. It was the old sad
+story of misguided aspirants for wealth in their first experiences with
+the hazards and toils of mining,--much labor, disappointed hopes,
+failing provisions, no gold, sickness, disgust, and a desponding return
+of the toilers from the scene of their infatuation. It took but eight
+days for the crowds from Ovando's fleet, who trudged off manfully to the
+mountains on their landing, to come trooping back, dispirited and
+diseased.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and slavery.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. December 20. Forced labor of the natives.]
+
+Columbus could hardly have listened to what was said of suffering among
+the natives during these two years of his absence without a vivid
+consciousness of the baleful system which he had introduced when he
+assigned crowds of the poor Indians to be put to inhuman tasks by
+Roldan's crew. The institution of this kind of distribution of labor had
+grown naturally, but it had become so appalling under Bobadilla that,
+when Ovando was sent out, he was instructed to put an end to it. It was
+not long before the governor had to confront the exasperated throngs
+coming back from the mines, dejected and empty-handed. It was apparent
+that nothing of the expected revenue to the Crown was likely to be
+produced from half the yield of metal when there was no yield at all.
+So, to induce greater industry, Ovando reduced the share of the Crown to
+a third, and next to a fifth, but without success. It was too apparent
+that the Spaniards would not persist in labors which brought them so
+little. At a period when Columbus was flattering himself that he was
+laying claim to far richer gold fields at Veragua, Ovando was devising a
+renewal of the Admiral's old slave-driving methods to make the mines of
+Hayna yield what they could. He sent messages to the sovereigns
+informing them that their kindness to the natives was really
+inconsiderate; that the poor creatures, released from labor, were giving
+themselves up to mischief; and that, to make good Christians of them,
+there was needed the appetizing effect of healthful work upon the native
+soul. The appeal and the frugal returns to the treasury were quite
+sufficient to gain the sovereigns to Ovando's views; and while bewailing
+any cruelty to the poor natives, and expressing hopes for their
+spiritual relief, their Majesties were not averse, as they said
+(December 20, 1503), to these Indians being made to labor as much as was
+needful to their health. This was sufficient. The fatal system of
+Columbus was revived with increased enormities. Six or eight months of
+unremitting labor, with insufficient food, were cruelly exacted of every
+native. They were torn from their families, carried to distant parts of
+the island, kept to their work by the lash, and, if they dared to
+escape, almost surely recaptured, to work out their period under the
+burden of chains. At last, when they were dismissed till their labor was
+again required, Las Casas tells us that the passage through the island
+of these miserable creatures could be traced by their fallen and
+decaying bodies. This was a story that, if Columbus possessed any of the
+tendernesses that glowed in the heart of Las Casas, could not have been
+a pleasant one for his contemplation.
+
+[Sidenote: Anacaona treacherously treated.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Indians slaughtered.]
+
+There was another story to which Columbus may have listened. It is very
+likely that Salcedo may have got all the particulars from Diego Mendez,
+who was a witness of the foul deeds which had indeed occurred during
+those seven months when Ovando, then on an expedition in Xaragua, kept
+that messenger of Columbus waiting his pleasure. Anacaona, the sister of
+Behechio, had succeeded to that cacique in the rule of Xaragua. The
+licentious conduct and the capricious demands of the Spaniards settled
+in this region had increased the natural distrust and indignation of the
+Indians, and some signs of discontent which they manifested had been
+recounted to Ovando as indications of a revolt which it was necessary to
+nip in the bud. So the governor had marched into the country with three
+hundred foot and seventy horse. The chieftainess, Anacaona, came forth
+to meet him with much native parade, and gave all the honor which her
+savage ceremonials could signify to her distinguished guest. She lodged
+him as well as she could, and caused many games to be played for his
+divertisement. In return, Ovando prepared a tournament calculated to
+raise the expectation of his simple hosts, and horseman and foot came to
+the lists in full armor and adornment for the heralded show. On a signal
+from Ovando, the innocent parade was converted in an instant into a
+fanatical onslaught. The assembled caciques were hedged about with armed
+men, and all were burned in their cabins. The general populace were
+transfixed and trampled by the charging mounted spearmen, and only those
+who could elude the obstinate and headlong dashes of the cavalry
+escaped. Anacaona was seized and conveyed in chains to Santo Domingo,
+where, with the merest pretense of a trial for conspiracy, she was soon
+hanged.
+
+[Sidenote: Xaragua and Higuey over-run.]
+
+[Sidenote: Esquibel's campaign.]
+
+And this was the pacification of Xaragua. That of Higuey, the most
+eastern of the provinces, and which had not yet acknowledged the sway of
+the Spaniards, followed, with the same resorts to cruelty. A cacique of
+this region had been slain by a fierce Spanish dog which had been set
+upon him. This impelled some of the natives living on the coast to seize
+a canoe having eight Spaniards in it, and to slaughter them; whereupon
+Juan de Esquibel was sent with four hundred men on a campaign against
+Cotabanama, the chief cacique of Higuey. The invaders met more heroism
+in the defenders of this country than they had been accustomed to, but
+the Spanish armor and weapons enabled Esquibel to raid through the land
+with almost constant success. The Indians at last sued for peace, and
+agreed to furnish a tribute of provisions. Esquibel built a small
+fortress, and putting some men in it, he returned to Santo Domingo; not,
+however, until he had received Cotabanama in his camp. The Spanish
+leader brought back to Ovando a story of the splendid physical power of
+this native chief, whose stature, proportions, and strength excited the
+admiration of the Spaniards.
+
+[Sidenote: New revolt in Higuey.]
+
+The peace was not of long duration. The reckless habits of the garrison
+had once more aroused the courage of the Indians, and some of the latest
+occurrences which Salcedo could tell of as having been reported at Santo
+Domingo just before his sailing for Jamaica were the events of a new
+revolt in Higuey.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. August 3. Columbus at Beata.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. August 15. At Santo Domingo.]
+
+Such were the stories which Columbus may have listened to during the
+tedious voyage which was now, on August 3, approaching an end. On that
+day his ships sailed under the lea of the little island of Beata, which
+lies midway of the southern coast of Española. Here he landed a
+messenger, and ordered him to convey a letter to Ovando, warning the
+governor of his approach. Salcedo had told Columbus that the governor
+was not without apprehension that his coming might raise some factious
+disturbances among the people, and in this letter the Admiral sought to
+disabuse Ovando's mind of such suspicions, and to express his own
+purpose to avoid every act of irritation which might possibly embarrass
+the administration of the island. The letter dispatched, Columbus again
+set sail, and on August 15 his ship entered the harbor of Santo Domingo.
+Ovando received him with every outward token of respect, and lodged him
+in his own house. Columbus, however, never believed that this officious
+kindness was other than a cloak to Ovando's dislike, if not hatred.
+There was no little popular sympathy for the misfortunes which Columbus
+had experienced, but his relations with the governor were not such as to
+lighten the anxieties of his sojourn. It is known that Cortes was at
+this time only recently arrived at Santo Domingo; but we can only
+conjecture what may have been his interest in Columbus's recitals.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Ovando.]
+
+There soon arose questions of jurisdiction. Ovando ordered the release
+of Porras, and arranged for sending him to Spain for trial. The governor
+also attempted to interfere with the Admiral's control of his own crew,
+on the ground that his commission gave him command over all the regions
+of the new islands and the main. Columbus cited the instructions, which
+gave him power to rule and judge his own followers. Ovando did not push
+his claims to extremities, but the irritation never subsided; and
+Columbus seems to have lost no opportunity, if we may judge from his
+later letters, to pick up every scandalous story and tale of
+maladministration of which he could learn, and which could be charged
+against Ovando in later appeals to the sovereigns for a restitution of
+his own rights. The Admiral also inquired into his pecuniary interests
+in the island, and found, as he thought, that Ovando had obstructed his
+factor in the gathering of his share. Indeed, there may have been some
+truth in this; for Carvajal, Columbus's first factor, had complained of
+such acts to the sovereigns, which elicited an admonishment from them to
+Ovando.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. September 12. Columbus sails for Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. November 7. Reaches San Lucar.]
+
+Such money as Columbus could now collect he used in refitting the ship
+which had brought him from Jamaica, and he put her under the order of
+the Adelantado. Securing also another caravel for his own conveyance, he
+embarked on her with his son, and on September 12 both ships started on
+their homeward voyage. They were scarcely at sea, when the ship which
+bore the Admiral lost her mast in a gale. He transferred himself and his
+immediate dependents to the other vessel, and sent the disabled caravel
+back to Santo Domingo. His solitary vessel now went forward, amid all
+the adversities that seemed to cling inevitably to this last of
+Columbus's expeditions. Tempest after tempest pursued him. The masts
+were sprung, and again sprung; and in a forlorn and disabled condition
+the little hapless bark finally entered the port of San Lucar on
+November 7, 1504. He had been absent from Spain for two years and a
+half.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX.
+
+COLUMBUS'S LAST YEARS.--DEATH AND CHARACTER.
+
+1504-1506.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus in Seville till May, 1505.]
+
+[Sidenote: Letters to his son.]
+
+From San Lucar, Columbus, a sick man in search of quiet and rest, was
+conveyed to Seville. Unhappily, there was neither repose nor peace of
+mind in store for him. He remained in that city till May, 1505, broken
+in spirits and almost helpless of limb. Fortunately, we can trace his
+varying mental moods during these few months in a series of letters,
+most of which are addressed by him to his son Diego, then closely
+attached to the Court. These writings have fortunately come down to us,
+and they constitute the only series of Columbus's letters which we have,
+showing the habits of his mind consecutively for a confined period, so
+that we get a close watch upon his thoughts. They are the wails of a
+neglected soul, and the cries of one whose hope is cruelly deferred.
+They have in their entirety a good deal of that haphazard jerkiness
+tiresome to read, and not easily made evident in abstract. They are,
+however, not so deficient in mental equipoise as, for instance, the
+letter sent from Jamaica. This is perhaps owing to the one absorbing
+burden of them, his hope of recovering possession of his suspended
+authority.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. November 21.]
+
+He writes on November 21, 1504, a fortnight after his landing at San
+Lucar, telling his son how he has engaged his old friend, the Dominican
+Deza, now the Bishop of Palencia, to intercede with the sovereigns, that
+justice may be done to him with respect to his income, the payment of
+which Ovando had all along, as he contends, obstructed at Española. He
+tries to argue that if their Highnesses but knew it, they would, in
+ordering restitution to him, increase their own share. He hopes they
+have no doubt that his zeal for their interests has been quite as much
+as he could manifest if he had paradise to gain, and hopes they
+will remember, respecting any errors he may have committed, that the
+Lord of all judges such things by the intention rather than by the
+outcome. He seems to have a suspicion that Porras, now at liberty and
+about the Court, might be insidiously at work to his old commander's
+disadvantage, and he represents that neither Porras nor his brother had
+been suitable persons for their offices, and that what had been done
+respecting them would be approved on inquiry. "Their revolt," he says,
+"surprised me, considering all that I had done for them, as much as the
+sun would have alarmed me if it had shot shadows instead of light." He
+complains of Ovando's taking the prisoners, who had been companions of
+Porras, from his hands, and that, made free, they had even dared to
+present themselves at Court. "I have written," he adds, "to their
+Highnesses about it, and I have told them that it can't be possible that
+they would tolerate such an offense." He says further that he has
+written to the royal treasurer, begging him to come to no decision of
+the representations of such detractors until the other side could be
+heard, and he adds that he has sent to the treasurer a copy of the oath
+which the mutineers sent in after Porras had been taken. "Recall to all
+these people," he writes to his son, "my infirmities, and the recompense
+due to me for my services."
+
+Diego was naturally, from his residence at Court, a convenient medium to
+bring all Columbus's wishes to the notice of those about the sovereigns.
+The Admiral writes to Diego again that he hopes their Highnesses will
+see to the paying of his men who had come home. "They are poor, and have
+been gone three years," he says. "They bring home evidences of the
+greatest of expectations in the new gold fields of Veragua;" and then he
+advises his son to bring this fact to the attention of all who are
+concerned, and to urge the colonizing of the new country as the best way
+to profit from its gold mines. For a while he harbored the hope that he
+might at once go on to the Court, and a litter which had served in the
+obsequies of Cardinal Mendoza was put at his disposal; but this plan was
+soon given up.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. November 28.]
+
+A week later, having in the interim received a letter of the 15th, from
+Diego, Columbus writes again, under date of November 28. In this epistle
+he speaks of the severity of his disease, which keeps him in Seville,
+from which, however, he hopes to depart the coming week, and of his
+disappointment that the sovereigns had not replied to his inquiries. He
+sends his love to Diego Mendez, hoping that his friend's zeal and love
+of truth will enable him to overcome the deceits and intrigues of
+Porras.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. November 26. Queen Isabella dies.]
+
+[Sidenote: Isabella's character.]
+
+Columbus was not at this time aware that the impending death of the
+Queen had something to do with the delays in his own affairs at Court.
+Two days (November 26) before the Admiral wrote this note, Isabella had
+died, worn out by her labors, and depressed by the afflictions which she
+had experienced in her domestic circle. She was an unlovely woman at the
+best, an obstructor of Christian charity, but in her wiles she had
+allured Columbus to a belief in her countenance of him. The conventional
+estimate of her character, which is enforced in the rather cloying
+descriptions of Prescott, is such as her flatterers drew in her own
+times; but the revelations of historical research hardly confirm it. It
+was with her much as with Columbus,--she was too largely a creature of
+her own age to be solely judged by the criteria of all ages, as lofty
+characters can be.
+
+The loss of her influence on the king removed, as it proved, even the
+chance of a flattering delusiveness in the hopes of Columbus. As the
+compiler of the _Historie_ expresses it, "Columbus had always enjoyed
+her favor and protection, while the King had always been indifferent, or
+rather inimical." She had indeed, during the Admiral's absence on his
+last voyage, manifested some new appreciation of his services, which
+cost her little, however, when she made his eldest son one of her
+bodyguard and naturalized his brother Diego, to fit him for
+ecclesiastical preferment.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. December 1.]
+
+On December 1, ignorant of the sad occurrences at Court, Columbus writes
+again, chiding Diego that he had not in his dutifulness written to his
+poor father. "You ought to know," he says, "that I have no pleasure now
+but in a letter from you." Columbus by this time had become, by the
+constant arrival of couriers, aware of the anxiety at Court over the
+Queen's health, and he prays that the Holy Trinity will restore her to
+health, to the end that all that has been begun may be happily finished.
+He reiterates what he had previously written about the increasing
+severity of his malady, his inability to travel, his want of money, and
+how he had used all he could get in Española to bring home his poor
+companions. He commends anew to Diego his brother Ferdinand, and speaks
+of this younger son's character as beyond his years. "Ten brothers would
+not be too many for you," he adds; "in good as in bad fortune, I have
+never found better friends than my brothers."
+
+Nothing troubles him more than the delays in hearing from Court. A rumor
+had reached him that it was intended to send some bishops to the Indies,
+and that the Bishop of Palencia was charged with the matter. He begs
+Diego to say to the bishop that it was worth while, in the interests of
+all, to confer with the Admiral first. In explaining why he does not
+write to Diego Mendez, he says that he is obliged to write by night,
+since by day his hands are weak and painful. He adds that the vessel
+which put back to Santo Domingo had arrived, bringing the papers in
+Porras's case, the result of the inquest which had been taken at
+Jamaica, so that he could now be able to present an indictment to the
+Council of the Indies. His indignation is aroused at the mention of it.
+"What can be so foul and brutal! If their Highnesses pass it by, who is
+going again to lead men upon their service!"
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. December 3.]
+
+Two days later (December 3), he writes again to Diego about the neglect
+which he is experiencing from him and from others at Court. "Everybody
+except myself is receiving letters," he says. He incloses a memoir
+expressing what he thought it was necessary to do in the present
+conjunction of his affairs. This document opens with calling upon Diego
+zealously to pray to God for the soul of the Queen. "One must believe
+she is now clothed with a sainted glory, no longer regretting the
+bitterness and weariness of this life." The King, he adds, "deserves all
+our sympathy and devotion." He then informs Diego that he has directed
+his brother, his uncle, and Carvajal to add all their importunities to
+his son's, and to the written prayers which he himself has sent, that
+consideration should be given to the affairs of the Indies. Nothing, he
+says, can be more urgent than to remedy the abuses there. In all this he
+curiously takes on the tone of his own accusers a few years before. He
+represents that pecuniary returns from Española are delayed; that the
+governor is detested by all; that a suitable person sent there could
+restore harmony in less than three months; and that other fortresses,
+which are much needed, should be built, "all of which I can do in his
+Highness's service," he exclaims, "and any other, not having my personal
+interests at stake, could not do it so well!" Then he repeats how,
+immediately after his arrival at San Lucar, he had written to the King a
+very long letter, advising action in the matter, to which no reply had
+been returned.
+
+[Sidenote: 1503. January 20. The _Casa de Contratacion_ established.]
+
+It was during Columbus's absence on this last voyage that, by an
+ordinance made at Alcalá, January 20, 1503, the famous _Casa de
+Contratacion_ was established, with authority over the affairs of the
+Indies, having the power to grant licenses, to dispatch fleets, to
+dispose of the results of trade or exploration, and to exercise certain
+judicial prerogatives. This council was to consist of a treasurer, a
+factor, and a comptroller, to whom two persons learned in the law were
+given as advisers. Alexander VI. had already, by a bull of November 16,
+1501, authorized the payment to the constituted Spanish officials of all
+the tithes of the colonies, which went a long way in giving Spain
+ecclesiastical supremacy in the Indies, in addition to her political
+control.
+
+It was to this council that Columbus refers, when he says he had told
+the gentlemen of the _Contratacion_ that they ought to abide by the
+verbal and written orders which the King had given, and that, above all,
+they should watch lest people should sail to the Indies without
+permission. He reminded them of the sorry character of the people
+already in the New World, and of the way in which treasure was stored
+there without protection.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. December 13.]
+
+Ten days later (December 13), he writes again to Diego, recurring to his
+bitter memories of Ovando, charging him with diverting the revenues, and
+with bearing himself so haughtily that no one dared remonstrate.
+"Everybody says that I have as much as 11,000 or 12,000 castellanos in
+Española, and I have not received a quarter. Since I came away he must
+have received 5,000." He then urges Diego to sue the King for a
+mandatory letter to be sent to Ovando, forcing immediate payment.
+"Carvajal knows very well that this ought to be done. Show him this
+letter," he adds. Then referring to his denied rights, and to the
+best way to make the King sensible of his earlier promises, he next
+advises Diego to lessen his expenses; to treat his uncle with the
+respect which is due to him; and to bear himself towards his younger
+brother as an older brother should. "You have no other brother," he
+says; "and thank God this one is all you could desire. He was born with
+a good nature." Then he reverts to the Queen's death. "People tell me,"
+he writes, "that on her death-bed she expressed a wish that my
+possession of the Indies should be restored to me."
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. December 21.]
+
+A week later (December 21), he once more bewails the way in which he is
+left without tidings. He recounts the exertions he had made to send
+money to his advocates at Court, and tells Diego how he must somehow
+continue to get on as best he can till their Highnesses are content to
+give them back their power. He repeats that to bring his companions home
+from Santo Domingo he had spent twelve hundred castellanos, and that he
+had represented to the King the royal indebtedness for this, but it
+produced no reimbursement. He asks Diego to find out if the Queen, "now
+with God, no doubt," had spoken of him in her will; and perhaps the
+Bishop of Palencia, "who was the cause of their Majesties' acquiring the
+Indies, and of my returning to the Court when I had departed," or the
+chamberlain of the King could find this out. Columbus may have lived to
+learn that the only item of the Queen's will in which he could possibly
+have been in mind was the one in which she showed that she was aroused
+to the enormities which Columbus had imposed on the Indians, and which
+had come to such results that, as Las Casas says, it had been endeavored
+to keep the knowledge of it from the Queen's ears. She earnestly
+enjoined upon her successors a change of attitude towards the poor
+Indians.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus writes to the Pope.]
+
+Columbus further says that the Pope had complained that no account of
+his voyage had been sent to Rome, and that accordingly he had prepared
+one, and he desired Diego to read it, and to let the King and the bishop
+also peruse it before it was forwarded to Rome. It is possible that the
+Adelantado was dispatched with the letter. The canonizers say that the
+mission to Rome had also a secret purpose, which was to counteract the
+schemes of Fonseca to create bishoprics in Española, and that the
+advice of Columbus in the end prevailed over the "cunning of diplomacy."
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. February 23. Columbus allowed to ride a mule.]
+
+There had been some time before, owing to the difficulty which had been
+experienced in mounting the royal cavalry, an order promulgated
+forbidding the use of mules in travel, since it was thought that the
+preference for this animal had brought about the deterioration and
+scarcity of horses. It was to this injunction that Columbus now referred
+when he asked Diego to get a dispensation from the King to allow him to
+enjoy the easier seat of a mule when he should venture on his journey
+towards the Court, which, with this help, he hoped to be able to begin
+within a few weeks. Such an order was in due time issued on February 23,
+1505.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. December 29.]
+
+On December 29, Columbus wrote again. The letter was full of the same
+pitiful suspense. He had received no letters. He could but repeat the
+old story of the letters of credit which he had sent and which had not
+been acknowledged. No one of his people had been paid, he said, neither
+the faithful nor the mutineers. "They are all poor. They are going to
+Court," he adds, "to press their claims. Aid them in it." He excepts,
+however, from the kind interest of his friends two fellows who had been
+with him on his last voyage, one Camacho and Master Bernal, the latter
+the physician of the flagship. Bernal was the instigator of the revolt
+of Porras, he says, "and I pardoned him at the prayer of my brother."
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the Bank of St. George.]
+
+It will be remembered that, previous to starting on his last voyage,
+Columbus had written to the Bank of St. George in Genoa, proposing a
+gift of a tenth of his income for the benefit of his native town. The
+letter was long in reaching its destination, but a reply was duly sent
+through his son Diego. It never reached Columbus, and this apparent
+spurning of his gift by Genoa caused not a small part of his present
+disgust with the world.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. December 27.]
+
+On December 27, 1504, he wrote to Nicolo Oderigo, reminding him of the
+letter, and complaining that while he had expected to be met on his
+return by some confidential agent of the bank, he had not even had a
+letter in response. "It was uncourteous in these gentlemen of St. George
+not to have favored me with an answer." The intention was, in fact, far
+from being unappreciated, and at a later day the promise became so far
+magnified as to be regarded as an actual gift, in which the Genoese were
+not without pride. The purpose never, however, had a fulfillment.
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. January 4.]
+
+On January 4, 1505, the Admiral wrote to his friend Father Gorricio,
+telling him that Diego Mendez had arrived from the Court, and asking the
+friar to encase in wax the documentary privileges of the Admiral which
+had been intrusted to him, and to send them to him. "My disease grows
+better day by day," he adds.
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. January 18.]
+
+On January 18, 1505, he again wrote. The epistle was in some small
+degree cheery. He had heard at last from Diego. "Zamora the courier has
+arrived, and I have looked with great delight upon thy letter, thy
+uncle's, thy brother's, and Carvajal's." Diego Mendez, he says, sets out
+in three or four days with an order for payment. He refers with some
+playfulness, even, to Fonseca, who had just been raised to the bishopric
+of Placentia, and had not yet returned from Flanders to take possession
+of the seat. "If the Bishop of Placentia has arrived, or when he comes,
+tell him how much pleased I am at his elevation; and that when I come to
+Court I shall depend on lodging with his Grace, whether he wishes it or
+not, that we may renew our old fraternal bonds." His biographers have
+been in some little uncertainty whether he really meant here Fonseca or
+his old friend Deza, who had just left that bishopric vacant for the
+higher post of Archbishop of Seville. A strict application of dates
+makes the reference to Fonseca. One may imagine, however, that Columbus
+was not accurately informed. It is indeed hard to understand the
+pleasantry, if Fonseca was the bitter enemy of Columbus that he is
+pictured by Irving.
+
+Some ships from Española had put into the Tagus. "They have not arrived
+here from Lisbon," he adds. "They bring much gold, but none for me."
+
+[Sidenote: Conference with Vespucius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Vespucius's account of his voyage.]
+
+We next find Columbus in close communion with a contemporary with whose
+fame his own is sadly conjoined. Some account of the events of the
+voyage which Vespucius had made along the coast of South America with
+Coelho, from which he had returned to Lisbon in September, 1502, has
+been given on an earlier page. Those events and his descriptions had
+already brought the name of Vespucius into prominence throughout
+Europe, but hardly before he had started on another voyage in the
+spring or early summer of 1503, just at the time when Columbus was
+endeavoring to work his way from the Veragua coast to Española. The
+authorities are not quite agreed whether it was on May 10, 1503, or
+a month later, on June 10, that the little Portuguese fleet in which
+Vespucius sailed left the Tagus, to find a way, if possible, to the
+Moluccas somewhere along the same great coast. This expedition had
+started under the command of Coelho, but meeting with mishaps, by
+which the fleet was separated, Vespucius, with his own vessel, joined
+later by another with which he fell in, proceeded to Bahia, where a
+factory for storing Brazil-wood was erected; thence, after a stay
+there, they sailed for Lisbon, arriving there after an absence of
+seventy-seven days, on June 18, 1504. It was later, on September 4,
+that Vespucius wrote, or rather dated, that account of his voyage
+which was to work such marvels, as we shall see, in the reputation of
+himself and of Columbus. There is no reason to suppose that Columbus
+ever knew of this letter of September 4, so subversive as it turned
+out of his just fame; nor, judging from the account of their interview
+ which Columbus records, is there any reason to suppose that Vespucius
+himself had any conception of the work which that fateful letter was
+already accomplishing, and to which reference will be made later.
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. February 5.]
+
+On February 5, 1505, Columbus wrote to Diego: "Within two days I have
+talked with Americus Vespucius, who will bear this to you, and who is
+summoned to Court on matters of navigation. He has always manifested a
+disposition to be friendly to me. Fortune has not always favored him,
+and in this he is not different from many others. His ventures have not
+always been as successful as he would wish. He left me full of the
+kindliest purposes towards me, and will do anything for me which is in
+his power. I hardly knew what to tell him would be helpful in him to do
+for me, because I did not know what purpose there was in calling him to
+Court. Find out what he can do, and he will do it; only let it be so
+managed that he will not be suspected of rendering me aid. I have told
+him all that it is possible to tell him as to my own affairs, including
+what I have done and what recompense I have had. Show this letter to
+the Adelantado, so that he may advise how Vespucius can be made
+serviceable to us."
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. April 24. Vespucius naturalized.]
+
+We soon after this find Vespucius installed as an agent of the Spanish
+government, naturalized on April 24 as a Castilian, and occupied at the
+seaports in superintending the fitting out of ships for the Indies, with
+an annual salary of thirty thousand maravedis. We can find no trace of
+any assistance that he afforded the cause of Columbus.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's effects sold.]
+
+Meanwhile events were taking place which Columbus might well perhaps
+have arrested, could he have got the royal ear. An order had been sent
+in February to Española to sell the effects of Columbus, and in April
+other property of the Admiral had been seized to satisfy his creditors.
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. May. Columbus goes to Segovia.]
+
+[Sidenote: August 25. Attests his will.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Ferdinand.]
+
+In May, 1505, Columbus, with the friendly care of his brother
+Bartholomew, set out on his journey to Segovia, where the Court then
+was. This is the statement of Las Casas, but Harrisse can find no
+evidence of his being near the Court till August, when, on the 25th, he
+attested, as will appear, his will before a notary. The change bringing
+him into the presence of his royal master only made his mortification
+more poignant. His personal suit to the King was quite as ineffective as
+his letters had been. The sovereign was outwardly beneficent, and
+inwardly uncompliant. The Admiral's recitals respecting his last voyage,
+both of promised wealth and of saddened toil, made little impression.
+Las Casas suspects that the insinuations of Porras had preoccupied the
+royal mind. To rid himself of the importunities of Columbus, the King
+proposed an arbiter, and readily consented to the choice which Columbus
+made of his old friend Deza, now Archbishop of Seville; but Columbus was
+too immovably fixed upon his own rights to consent that more than the
+question of revenue should be considered by such an arbiter. His
+recorded privileges and the pledged word of the sovereign were not
+matters to be reconsidered. Such was not, however, the opinion of the
+King. He evaded the point in his talk with bland countenance, and did
+nothing in his acts beyond referring the question anew to a body of
+counselors convened to determine the fulfillment of the Queen's will.
+They did nothing quite as easily as the King. Las Casas tells us that
+the King was only restrained by motives of outward decency from a
+public rejection of all the binding obligations towards the Admiral into
+which he had entered jointly with the Queen.
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. August 25. His will.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus pleads for his son.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rejects offers of estates.]
+
+Columbus found in all this nothing to comfort a sick and desponding man,
+and sank in despair upon his couch. He roused enough to have a will
+drafted August 25, which confirmed a testament made in 1502, before
+starting on his last voyage. His disease renewed its attacks. An old
+wound had reopened. From a bed of pain he began again his written
+appeals. He now gave up all hopes for himself, but he pleaded for his
+son, that upon him the honors which he himself had so laboriously won
+should be bestowed. Diego at the same time, in seconding the petition,
+promised, if the reinstatement took place, that he would count those
+among his counselors whom the royal will should designate. Nothing of
+protest or appeal came opportunely to the determined King. "The more he
+was petitioned," says Las Casas, "the more bland he was in avoiding any
+conclusion." He hoped by exhausting the patience of the Admiral to
+induce him to accept some estates in Castile in lieu of such powers in
+the Indies. Columbus rejected all such intimations with indignation. He
+would have nothing but his bonded rights. "I have done all that I can
+do," he said in a pitiful, despairing letter to Deza. "I must leave the
+issue to God. He has always sustained me in extremities."
+
+"It argued," says Prescott, in commenting on this, "less knowledge of
+character than the King usually showed, that he should have thought the
+man who had broken off all negotiations on the threshold of a dubious
+enterprise, rather than abate one tittle of his demands, would consent
+to such abatement, when the success of that enterprise was so gloriously
+established."
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus at Salamanca.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mendez and Columbus.]
+
+The Admiral was, during this part of his suit, apparently at Salamanca,
+for Mendez speaks of him as being there confined to his bed with the
+gout, while he himself was doing all he could to press his master's
+claims to have Diego recognized in his rights. In return for this
+service, Mendez asked to be appointed principal Alguazil of Española for
+life, and he says the Admiral acknowledged that such an appointment
+was but a trifling remuneration for his great services, but the requital
+never came.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus unable to leave Valladolid to greet Philip and
+Juana.]
+
+There broke a glimmer of hope. The death of the Queen had left the
+throne of Castile to her daughter Juana, the wife of Philip of Austria,
+and they had arrived from Flanders to be installed in their inheritance.
+Columbus, who had followed the Court from Segovia to Salamanca, thence
+to Valladolid, was now unable to move further in his decrepitude, and
+sent the Adelantado to propitiate the daughter of Isabella, with the
+trust that something of her mother's sympathy might be vouchsafed to his
+entreaties. Bartholomew never saw his brother again, and was not
+privileged to communicate to him the gracious hopes which the benignity
+of his reception raised.
+
+[Sidenote: Negroes sent to Española.]
+
+A year had passed since the Admiral had come to the neighborhood of the
+Court, wherever it was, and nothing had been accomplished in respect to
+his personal interests. Indeed, little touching the Indies at all seems
+to have been done. There had been trial made of sending negro slaves to
+Española as indicating that the native bondage needed reinforcement; but
+Ovando had reported that the experiment was a failure, since the negroes
+only mixed with the Indians and taught them bad habits. Ferdinando cared
+little for this, and at Segovia, September 15, 1505, he notified Ovando
+that he should send some more negroes. Whether Columbus was aware of
+this change in the methods of extracting gold from the soil we cannot
+find.
+
+[Sidenote: 1506. May 4. Codicil to his will.]
+
+As soon as Bartholomew had started on his mission the malady of Columbus
+increased. He became conscious that the time had come to make his final
+dispositions. It was on May 4, 1506, according to the common story, that
+he signed a codicil to his will on a blank page in a breviary which had
+been given to him, as he says, by Alexander VI., and which had
+"comforted him in his battles, his captivities, and his misfortunes."
+This document has been accepted by some of the commentators as genuine;
+Harrisse and others are convinced of its apocryphal character. It was
+not found till 1779. It is a strange document, if authentic.
+
+[Sidenote: Thought to be spurious.]
+
+Itholds that such dignities as were his under the Spanish Crown,
+acknowledged or not, were his of right to alienate from the Spanish
+throne. It was, if anything, a mere act of bravado, as if to flout at
+the authority which could dare deprive him of his possessions. He
+provides for the descent of his honors in the male line, and that
+failing, he bequeaths them to the republic of Genoa! It was a gauge of
+hostile demands on Spain which no one but a madman would imagine that
+Genoa would accept if she could. He bestowed on his native city, in the
+same reckless way, the means to erect a hospital, and designated that
+such resources should come from his Italian estates, whatever they were.
+Certainly the easiest way to dispose of the paper is to consider it a
+fraud. If such, it was devised by some one who entered into the spirit
+of the Admiral's madness, and made the most of rumors that had been
+afloat respecting Columbus's purposes to benefit Genoa at the expense of
+Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: 1506. May 19. Ratified his will.]
+
+About a fortnight later (May 19), he ratified an undoubted will, which
+had been drafted by his own hand the year before at Segovia, and
+executed it with the customary formalities. Its testamentary provisions
+were not unnatural. He made Diego his heir, and his entailed property
+was, in default of heirs to Diego, to pass to his illegitimate son
+Ferdinand, and from him, in like default, to his own brother, the
+Adelantado, and his male descendants; and all such failing, to the
+female lines in a similar succession. He enjoined upon his
+representatives, of whatever generation, to serve the Spanish King with
+fidelity. Upon Diego, and upon later heads of the family, he imposed the
+duty of relieving all distressed relatives and others in poverty. He
+imposed on his lawful son the appointment of some one of his lineage to
+live constantly in Genoa, to maintain the family dignity. He directed
+him to grant due allowances to his brother and uncle; and when the
+estates yielded the means, to erect a chapel in the Vega of Española,
+where masses might be said daily for the repose of the souls of himself
+and of his nearest relatives. He made the furthering of the crusade to
+recover the Holy Sepulchre equally contingent upon the increase of his
+income. He also directed Diego to provide for the maintenance of Donna
+Beatrix Enriquez, the mother of Ferdinand, as "a person to whom I am
+under great obligations," and "let this be done for the discharge of my
+conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul,--the reasons for which I
+am not here permitted to give;" and this was a behest that Diego, in his
+own will, acknowledges his failure to observe during the last years of
+the lady's life. Then, in a codicil, Columbus enumerates sundry little
+bequests to other persons to whom he was indebted, and whose kindness he
+wished to remember. He was honest enough to add that his bequests were
+imaginary unless his rights were acknowledged. "Hitherto I neither have
+had, nor have I now, any positive income." He failed to express any wish
+respecting the spot of his interment. The documents were committed at
+once to a notary, from whose archives a copy was obtained in 1524 by his
+son Diego, and this copy exists to-day among the family papers in the
+hands of the Duke of Veragua.
+
+[Sidenote: 1506. May 20. Columbus dies.]
+
+This making of a will was almost his last act. On the next day he
+partook of the sacrament, and uttering, "Into thy hands, O Lord, I
+commit my spirit," he gasped his last. It was on the 20th of May,
+1506,--by some circumstances we might rather say May 21,--in the city of
+Valladolid, that this singular, hopeful, despondent, melancholy life
+came to its end. He died at the house No. 7 Calle de Colon, which is
+still shown to travelers.
+
+[Illustration: HOUSE WHERE COLUMBUS DIED.
+
+[From Ruge's _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: His death unnoticed.]
+
+There was a small circle of relatives and friends who mourned. The tale
+of his departure came like a sough of wind to a few others, who had seen
+no way to alleviate a misery that merited their sympathy. The King could
+have but found it a relief from the indiscretion of his early promises.
+The world at large thought no more of the mournful procession which bore
+that wayworn body to the grave than it did of any poor creature
+journeying on his bier to the potter's field.
+
+It is hard to conceive how the fame of a man over whose acts in 1493
+learned men cried for joy, and by whose deeds the adventurous spirit had
+been stirred in every seaport of western Europe, should have so
+completely passed into oblivion that a professed chronicler like Peter
+Martyr, busy tattler as he was, should take no notice of his illness and
+death. There have come down to us five long letters full of news and
+gossip, which Martyr wrote from Valladolid at this very time, with not a
+word in them of the man he had so often commemorated. Fracanzio da
+Montalboddo, publishing in 1507 some correction of his early voyages,
+had not heard of Columbus's death; nor had Madrignano in dating his
+Latin rendering of the same book in 1508. It was not till twenty-seven
+days after the death-bed scene that the briefest notice was made in
+passing, in an official document of the town, to the effect that "the
+said Admiral is dead!"
+
+[Sidenote: His burial.]
+
+[Sidenote: His coffin carried to Seville.]
+
+It is not even certain where the body was first placed, though it is
+usually affirmed to have been deposited in the Franciscan convent in
+Valladolid. Nor is there any evidence to support another equally
+prevalent story that King Ferdinand had ordered the removal of the
+remains to Seville seven years later, when a monument was built bearing
+the often-quoted distich,--
+
+ À CASTILLA Y À LEON
+ NUEVO MUNDO DIÓ COLON,--
+
+it being pretty evident that such an inscription was never thought of
+till Castellanos suggested it in his _Elegias_ in 1588. If Diego's will
+in 1509 can be interpreted on this matter, it seems pretty sure that
+within three years (1509) after the death of Columbus, instead of seven,
+his coffin had been conveyed to Seville and placed inside the convent of
+Las Cuevas, in the vault of the Carthusians, where the bodies of his
+son Diego and brother Bartholomew were in due time to rest beside his
+own. Here the remains were undisturbed till 1536, when the records of
+the convent affirm that they were given up for transportation, though
+the royal order is given as of June 2, 1537. From that date till 1549
+there is room for conjecture as to their abiding-place.
+
+[Sidenote: 1541. Removed to Santo Domingo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Remains removed to Havana.]
+
+It was during this interval that his family were seeking to carry out
+what was supposed to be the wish of the Admiral to rest finally in the
+island of Española. From 1537 to 1540 the government are known to have
+issued three different orders respecting the removal of the remains, and
+it is conjectured the transference was actually made in 1541, shortly
+after the completion of the cathedral at Santo Domingo. If any record
+was made at the time to designate the spot of the reëntombment in that
+edifice, it is not now known, and it was not till 1676 that somebody
+placed an entry in its records that the burial had been made on the
+right of the altar. A few years later (1683), the recollections of aged
+people are quoted to substantiate such a statement. We find no other
+notice till a century afterwards, when, on the occasion of some repairs,
+a stone vault, supposed in the traditions to be that which held the
+remains, was found on "the gospel side" of the chancel, while another on
+"the epistle side" was thought to contain the remains of Bartholomew
+Columbus. This was the suspected situation of the graves when the treaty
+of Basle, in 1795, gave the Santo Domingo end of the island to France,
+and the Spanish authorities, acting in concert with the Duke of Veragua,
+as the representative of the family of Columbus, determined on the
+removal of the remains to Havana. It is a question which has been raised
+since 1877 whether the body of Columbus was the one then removed, and
+over which so much parade was made during the transportation and
+reinterment in Cuba. There has been a controversy on the point, in which
+the Bishop of Santo Domingo and his adherents have claimed that the
+remains of Columbus are still in their charge, while it was those of his
+son Diego which had been removed. The Academy of History at Madrid have
+denied this, and in a long report to the Spanish government have
+asserted that there was no mistake in the transfer, and that the
+additional casket found was that of Christopher Colon, the grandson.
+
+[Illustration: CATHEDRAL AT SANTO DOMINGO.]
+
+[Sidenote: Question of the identity of his remains.]
+
+It was represented, moreover, that those features of the inscription on
+the lately found leaden box which seemed to indicate it as the casket of
+the first Admiral of the Indies had been fraudulently added or altered.
+The question has probably been thrown into the category of doubt, though
+the case as presented in favor of Santo Domingo has some recognizably
+weak points, which the advocates of the other side have made the most
+of, and to the satisfaction perhaps of the more careful inquirers. The
+controversial literature on the subject is considerable. The repairs of
+1877 in the Santo Domingo cathedral revealed the empty vault from which
+the transported body had been taken; but they showed also the occupied
+vault of the grandson Luis, and another in which was a leaden case which
+bore the inscriptions which are in dispute.
+
+[Sidenote: Alleged burial of his chains with him.]
+
+It is the statement of the _Historie_ that Columbus preserved the chains
+in which he had come home from his third voyage, and that he had them
+buried with him, or intended to do so. The story is often repeated, but
+it has no other authority than the somewhat dubious one of that book;
+and it finds no confirmation in Las Casas, Peter Martyr, Bernaldez, or
+Oviedo.
+
+Humboldt says that he made futile inquiry of those who had assisted in
+the reinterment at Havana, if there were any trace of these fetters or
+of oxide of iron in the coffin. In the accounts of the recent discovery
+of remains at Santo Domingo, it is said that there was equally no trace
+of fetters in the casket.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The age of Columbus.]
+
+The age of Columbus is almost without a parallel, presenting perhaps the
+most striking appearances since the star shone upon Bethlehem. It saw
+Martin Luther burn the Pope's bull, and assert a new kind of
+independence. It added Erasmus to the broadeners of life. Ancient art
+was revivified in the discovery of its most significant remains. Modern
+art stood confessed in Da Vinci, Michael Angelo, Titian, Raphael,
+Holbein, and Dürer. Copernicus found in the skies a wonderful
+development without great telescopic help. The route of the Portuguese
+by the African cape and the voyage of Columbus opened new worlds to
+thought and commerce. They made the earth seem to man, north and south,
+east and west, as man never before had imagined it. It looked as if
+mercantile endeavor was to be constrained by no bounds. Articles of
+trade were multiplied amazingly. Every movement was not only new and
+broad, but it was rapid beyond conception. It was more like the
+remodeling of Japan, which we have seen in our day, than anything that
+had been earlier known.
+
+[Illustration: STATUE OF COLUMBUS AT SANTO DOMINGO.]
+
+The long sway of the Moors was disintegrating. The Arab domination in
+science and seamanship was yielding to the Western genius. The Turks had
+in the boyhood (1453) of Columbus consummated their last great triumph
+in the capture of Constantinople, thus placing a barrier to Christian
+commerce with the East. This conquest drove out the learned Christians
+of the East, who had drunk of the Arab erudition, and they fled with
+their stores of learning to the western lands, coming back to the heirs
+of the Romans with the spirit which Rome in the past had sent to the
+East.
+
+But what Christian Europe was losing in the East Portugal and Prince
+Henry were gaining for her in the great and forbidding western waste of
+waters and along its African shores. As the hot tide of Mahometan
+invasion rolled over the Bosphorus, the burning equatorial zone was
+pierced from the north along the coasts of the Black Continent.
+
+[Sidenote: Italian discoverers.]
+
+[Sidenote: His growing belief in the western passage.]
+
+Italy, seeing her maritime power drop away as the naval supremacy of the
+Atlantic seaboard rose, was forced to send her experienced navigators to
+the oceanic ports, to maintain the supremacy of her name and genius in
+Cadamosto, Columbus, Vespucius, Cabot, and Verrazano. Those
+cosmographical views which had come down the ages, at times obscured,
+then for a while patent, and of which the traces had lurked in the minds
+of learned men by an almost continuous sequence for many centuries, at
+last possessed by inheritance the mind of Columbus. By reading, by
+conference with others, by noting phenomena, and by reasoning, in the
+light of all these, upon the problem of a western passage to India,
+obvious as it was if once the sphericity of the earth be acknowledged,
+he gradually grew to be confident in himself and trustful in his agency
+with others. He was far from being alone in his beliefs, nor was his age
+anything more than a reflection of long periods of like belief.
+
+[Sidenote: Deficiencies of character.]
+
+There was simply needed a man with courage and constancy in his
+convictions, so that the theory could be demonstrated. This age produced
+him. Enthusiasm and the contagion of palpable though shadowy truths gave
+Columbus, after much tribulation, the countenance in high quarters that
+enabled him to reach success, deceptive though it was. It would have
+been well for his memory if he had died when his master work was done.
+With his great aim certified by its results, though they were far from
+being what he thought, he was unfortunately left in the end to be laid
+bare on trial, a common mortal after all, the creature of buffeting
+circumstances, and a weakling in every element of command. His
+imagination had availed him in his upward course when a serene habit in
+his waiting days could obscure his defects. Later, the problems he
+encountered were those that required an eye to command, with tact to
+persuade and skill to coerce, and he had none of them.
+
+[Sidenote: Roger Bacon and Columbus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pierre d'Ailly's _Imago Mundi_.]
+
+The man who becomes the conspicuous developer of any great
+world-movement is usually the embodiment of the ripened aspirations of
+his time. Such was Columbus. It is the forerunner, the man who has
+little countenance in his age, who points the way for some hazardous
+after-soul to pursue. Such was Roger Bacon, the English Franciscan. It
+was Bacon's lot to direct into proper channels the new surging of the
+experimental sciences which was induced by the revived study of
+Aristotle, and was carrying dismay into the strongholds of Platonism.
+Standing out from the background of Arab regenerating learning, the name
+of Roger Bacon, linked often with that of Albertus Magnus, stood for the
+best knowledge and insight of the thirteenth century. Bacon it was who
+gave that tendency to thought which, seized by Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly,
+and incorporated by him in his _Imago Mundi_ (1410), became the link
+between Bacon and Columbus. Humboldt has indeed expressed his belief
+that this encyclopædic Survey of the World exercised a more important
+influence upon the discovery of America than even the prompting which
+Columbus got from his correspondence with Toscanelli. How well Columbus
+pored over the pages of the _Imago Mundi_ we know from the annotations
+of his own copy, which is still preserved in the Biblioteca Colombina.
+It seems likely that Columbus got directly from this book most that he
+knew of those passages in Aristotle, Strabo, and Seneca which speak of
+the Asiatic shores as lying opposite to Hispania. There is some evidence
+that this book was his companion even on his voyages, and Humboldt
+points out how he translates a passage from it, word for word, when in
+1498 he embodied it in a letter which he wrote to his sovereigns from
+Española.
+
+[Sidenote: His acquaintance with the elder writers.]
+
+If we take the pains, as Humboldt did, to examine the writings of
+Columbus, to ascertain the sources which he cited, we find what appears
+to be a broad acquaintance with books. It is to be remembered, however,
+that the Admiral quoted usually at second hand, and that he got his
+acquaintance with classic authors, at least, mainly through this _Imago
+Mundi_ of Pierre d'Ailly. Humboldt, in making his list of Columbus's
+authors, omits the references to the Scriptures and to the Church
+fathers, "in whom," as he says, "Columbus was singularly versed," and
+then gives the following catalogue:--
+
+Aristotle; Julius Cæsar; Strabo; Seneca; Pliny; Ptolemy; Solinus; Julius
+Capitolinus; Alfrazano; Avenruyz; Rabbi Samuel de Israel; Isidore,
+Bishop of Seville; the Venerable Bede; Strabus, Abbé of Reichenau; Duns
+Scotus; François Mayronis; Abbé Joachim de Calabre; Sacrobosco, being in
+fact the English mathematician Holywood; Nicholas de Lyra, the Norman
+Franciscan; King Alfonso the Wise, and his Moorish scribes; Cardinal
+Pierre d'Ailly; Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris; Pope Pius
+II., otherwise known as Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini; Regiomontanus, as the
+Latinized name of Johann Müller of Königsberg is given, though Columbus
+does not really name him; Paolo Toscanelli, the Florentine physician;
+and Nicolas de Conti, of whom he had heard through Toscanelli, perhaps.
+
+Humboldt can find no evidence that Columbus had read the travels of
+Marco Polo, and does not discover why Navarrete holds that he had,
+though Polo's stories must have permeated much that Columbus read; nor
+does he understand why Irving says that Columbus took Marco Polo's book
+on his first voyage.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Toscanelli.]
+
+We see often in the world's history a simultaneousness in the
+regeneration of thought. Here and there a seer works on in ignorance of
+some obscure brother elsewhere. Rumor and circulating manuscripts bring
+them into sympathy. They grow by the correlation. It is just this
+correspondence that confronts us in Columbus and Toscanelli, and it is
+not quite, but almost, perceptible that this wise Florentine doctor was
+the first, despite Humboldt's theory, to plant in the mind of Columbus
+his aspirations for the truths of geography. It is meet that Columbus
+should not be mentioned without the accompanying name of Toscanelli. It
+was the Genoese's different fortune that he could attempt as a seaman a
+practical demonstration of his fellow Italian's views.
+
+Many a twin movement of the world's groping spirit thus seeks the light.
+Progress naturally pushes on parallel lines. Commerce thrusts her
+intercourse to remotest regions, while the Church yearns for new souls
+to convert, and peers longingly into the dim spaces that skirt the
+world's geography. Navigators improve their methods, and learned men in
+the arts supply them with exacter instruments. The widespread
+manifestations of all this new life at last crystallize, and Gama and
+Columbus appear, the reflex of every development.
+
+[Sidenote: Opportuneness of his discoveries.]
+
+Thus the discovery of Columbus came in the ripeness of time. No one of
+the anterior accidents, suggesting a western land, granting that there
+was some measure of fact in all of them, had come to a world prepared to
+think on their developments. Vinland was practically forgotten, wherever
+it may have been. The tales of Fousang had never a listener in Europe.
+Madoc was as unknown as Elidacthon. While the new Indies were not in
+their turn to be forgotten, their discoverer was to bury himself in a
+world of conjecture. The superlatives of Columbus soon spent their
+influence. The pioneer was lost sight of in the new currents of thought
+which he had started. Not of least interest among them was the
+cognizance of new races of men, and new revelations in the animal and
+physical kingdoms, while the question of their origins pressed very soon
+on the theological and scientific sense of the age.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Not above his age.]
+
+[Sidenote: Claims for palliation.]
+
+No man craves more than Columbus to be judged with all the palliations
+demanded of a difference of his own age and ours. No child of any age
+ever did less to improve his contemporaries, and few ever did more to
+prepare the way for such improvements. The age created him and the age
+left him. There is no more conspicuous example in history of a man
+showing the path and losing it.
+
+It is by no means sure, with all our boast of benevolent progress, that
+atrocities not much short of those which we ascribe to Columbus and his
+compeers may not at any time disgrace the coming as they have blackened
+the past years of the nineteenth century. This fact gives us the right
+to judge the infirmities of man in any age from the high vantage-ground
+of the best emotions of all the centuries. In the application of such
+perennial justice Columbus must inevitably suffer. The degradation of
+the times ceases to be an excuse when the man to be judged stands on the
+pinnacle of the ages. The biographer cannot forget, indeed, that
+Columbus is a portrait set in the surroundings of his times; but it is
+equally his duty at the same time to judge the paths which he trod by
+the scale of an eternal nobleness.
+
+[Sidenote: Test of his character.]
+
+[Sidenote: Not a creator of ideas.]
+
+The very domination of this man in the history of two hemispheres
+warrants us in estimating him by an austere sense of occasions lost and
+of opportunities embraced. The really great man is superior to his age,
+and anticipates its future; not as a sudden apparition, but as the
+embodiment of a long growth of ideas of which he is the inheritor and
+the capable exemplar. Humboldt makes this personal domination of two
+kinds. The one comes from the direct influence of character; the other
+from the creation of an idea, which, freed from personality, works its
+controlling mission by changing the face of things. It is of this last
+description that Humboldt makes the domination of Columbus. It is
+extremely doubtful if any instance can be found of a great idea changing
+the world's history, which has been created by any single man. None such
+was created by Columbus. There are always forerunners whose agency is
+postponed because the times are not propitious. A masterful thought has
+often a long pedigree, starting from a remote antiquity, but it will be
+dormant till it is environed by the circumstances suited to fructify it.
+This was just the destiny of the intuition which began with Aristotle
+and came down to Columbus. To make his first voyage partook of
+foolhardiness, as many a looker-on reasonably declared. It was none the
+less foolhardy when it was done. If he had reached the opulent and
+powerful kings of the Orient, his little cockboats and their brave souls
+might have fared hard for their intrusion. His blunder in geography very
+likely saved him from annihilation.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: His character differently drawn.]
+
+[Sidenote: Prescott.]
+
+[Sidenote: Irving.]
+
+The character of Columbus has been variously drawn, almost always with a
+violent projection of the limner's own personality. We find Prescott
+contending that "whatever the defects of Columbus's mental constitution,
+the finger of the historian will find it difficult to point to a single
+blemish in his moral character." It is certainly difficult to point to a
+more flagrant disregard of truth than when we find Prescott further
+saying, "Whether we contemplate his character in its public or private
+relations, in all its features it wears the same noble aspects. It was
+in perfect harmony with the grandeur of his plans, and with results more
+stupendous than those which Heaven has permitted any other mortal to
+achieve." It is very striking to find Prescott, after thus speaking of
+his private as well as public character, and forgetting the remorse of
+Columbus for the social wrongs he had committed, append in a footnote to
+this very passage a reference to his "illegitimate" son. It seems to
+mark an obdurate purpose to disguise the truth. This is also nowhere
+more patent than in the palliating hero-worship of Irving, with his
+constant effort to save a world's exemplar for the world's admiration,
+and more for the world's sake than for Columbus's.
+
+Irving at one time berates the biographer who lets "pernicious
+erudition" destroy a world's exemplar; and at another time he does not
+know that he is criticising himself when he says that "he who paints a
+great man merely in great and heroic traits, though he may produce a
+fine picture, will never present a faithful portrait." The commendation
+which he bestows upon Herrera is for precisely what militates against
+the highest aims of history, since he praises that Spanish historian's
+disregard of judicial fairness.
+
+In the being which Irving makes stand for the historic Columbus, his
+skill in softened expression induced Humboldt to suppose that Irving's
+avoidance of exaggeration gave a force to his eulogy, but there was
+little need to exaggerate merits, if defects were blurred.
+
+[Sidenote: Humboldt.]
+
+The learned German adds, in the opening of the third volume of his
+_Examen Critique_, his own sense of the impressiveness of Columbus. That
+impressiveness stands confessed; but it is like a gyrating storm that
+knows no law but the vagrancy of destruction.
+
+One need not look long to discover the secret of Humboldt's estimate of
+Columbus. Without having that grasp of the picturesque which appeals so
+effectively to the popular mind in the letters of Vespucius, the Admiral
+was certainly not destitute of keen observation of nature, but
+unfortunately this quality was not infrequently prostituted to ignoble
+purposes. To a student of Humboldt's proclivities, these traits of
+observation touched closely his sympathy. He speaks in his _Cosmos_ of
+the development of this exact scrutiny in manifold directions,
+notwithstanding Columbus's previous ignorance of natural history, and
+tells us that this capacity for noting natural phenomena arose from his
+contact with such. It would have been better for the fame of Columbus if
+he had kept this scientific survey in its purity. It was simply, for
+instance, a vitiated desire to astound that made him mingle theological
+and physical theories about the land of Paradise. Such jugglery was
+promptly weighed in Spain and Italy by Peter Martyr and others as the
+wild, disjointed effusions of an overwrought mind, and "the reflex of a
+false erudition," as Humboldt expresses it. It was palpably by another
+effort, of a like kind, that he seized upon the views of the fathers of
+the Church that the earthly Paradise lay in the extreme Orient, and he
+was quite as audacious when he exacted the oath on the Cuban coast, to
+make it appear by it that he had really reached the outermost parts of
+Asia.
+
+[Sidenote: Observations of nature.]
+
+Humboldt seeks to explain this errant habit by calling it "the sudden
+movement of his ardent and passionate soul; the disarrangement of ideas
+which were the effect of an incoherent method and of the extreme
+rapidity of his reading; while all was increased by his misfortunes and
+religious mysticism." Such an explanation hardly relieves the subject of
+it from blunter imputations. This urgency for some responsive wonderment
+at every experience appears constantly in the journal of Columbus's
+first voyage, as, for instance, when he makes every harbor exceed in
+beauty the last he had seen. This was the commonplace exaggeration
+which in our day is confined to the calls of speculating land companies.
+The fact was that Humboldt transferred to his hero something of the
+superlative love of nature that he himself had experienced in the same
+regions; but there was all the difference between him and Columbus that
+there is between a genuine love of nature and a commercial use of it.
+Whenever Columbus could divert his mind from a purpose to make the
+Indies a paying investment, we find some signs of an insight that shows
+either observation of his own or the garnering of it from others, as,
+for example, when he remarks on the decrease of rain in the Canaries and
+the Azores which followed upon the felling of trees, and when he
+conjectures that the elongated shape of the islands of the Antilles on
+the lines of the parallels was due to the strength of the equatorial
+current.
+
+[Sidenote: Roselly de Lorgues and his school.]
+
+[Sidenote: Harrisse.]
+
+Since Irving, Prescott, and Humboldt did their work, there has sprung up
+the unreasoning and ecstatic French school under the lead of Roselly de
+Lorgues, who seek to ascribe to Columbus all the virtues of a saint.
+"Columbus had no defect of character and no worldly quality," they say.
+The antiquarian and searching spirit of Harrisse, and of those writers
+who have mainly been led into the closest study of the events of the
+life of Columbus, has not done so much to mould opinion as regards the
+estimate in which the Admiral should be held as to eliminate confusing
+statements and put in order corroborating facts. The reaction from the
+laudation of the canonizers has not produced any writer of consideration
+to array such derogatory estimates as effectually as a plain recital of
+established facts would do it. Hubert Bancroft, in the incidental
+mention which he makes of Columbus, has touched his character not
+inaptly, and with a consistent recognition of its infirmities. Even
+Prescott, who verges constantly on the ecstatic elements of the
+adulatory biographer, is forced to entertain at times "a suspicion of a
+temporary alienation of mind," and in regard to the letter which
+Columbus wrote from Jamaica to the sovereigns, is obliged to recognize
+"sober narrative and sound reasoning strangely blended with crazy dreams
+and doleful lamentations."
+
+[Sidenote: Aaron Goodrich.]
+
+"Vagaries like these," he adds, "which came occasionally like clouds
+over his soul to shut out the light of reason, cannot fail to fill the
+mind of the reader, as they doubtless did those of the sovereigns, with
+mingled sentiments of wonder and compassion." An unstinted denunciatory
+purpose, much weakened by an inconsiderate rush of disdain,
+characterizes an American writer, Aaron Goodrich, in his _Life of the
+so-called Christopher Columbus_ (New York, 1875); but the critic's
+temper is too peevish and his opinions are too unreservedly biased to
+make his results of any value.
+
+[Sidenote: Humboldt.]
+
+The mental hallucinations of Columbus, so patent in his last years, were
+not beyond recognition at a much earlier age, and those who would get
+the true import of his character must trace these sorrowful
+manifestations to their beginnings, and distinguish accurately between
+Columbus when his purpose was lofty and unselfish and himself again when
+he became mercenary and erratic. So much does the verdict of history
+lodge occasionally more in the narrator of events than in the character
+of them that, in Humboldt's balancing of the baser with the nobler
+symptoms of Columbus's nature, he does not find even the most degraded
+of his actions other than powerful in will, and sometimes, at least,
+clear in intelligence. There were certainly curiously transparent, but
+transient gleams of wisdom to the last. Humboldt further says that the
+faith of Columbus soothed his dreary and weary adversities by the charm
+of ascetic reveries. So a handsome euphuism tries to save his fame from
+harsher epithets.
+
+It was a faith, says the same delineator, which justified at need, under
+the pretext of a religious object, the employment of deceit and the
+excess of a despotic power; a tenderer form, doubtless, of the vulgar
+expression that the end sanctifies the means. It is not, however, within
+the practice of the better historical criticism of our day to let such
+elegant wariness beguile the reader's mind. If the different, not to say
+more advanced, condition of the critical mind is to be of avail to a new
+age through the advantage gained from all the ages, it is in precisely
+this emancipation from the trammels of traditionary bondage that the
+historian asserts his own, and dispels the glamour of a conventionalized
+hero-worship.
+
+[Sidenote: Dr. J. G. Shea.]
+
+Dr. Shea, our most distinguished Catholic scholar, who has dealt with
+the character of Columbus, says: "He accomplished less than some
+adventurers with poor equipped vessels. He seems to have succeeded in
+attaching but few men to him who adhered loyally to his cause. Those
+under him were constantly rebellious and mutinous; those over him found
+him impracticable. To array all these as enemies, inspired by a satanic
+hostility to a great servant of God, is to ask too much for our belief;"
+and yet this is precisely what Irving by constant modifications, and De
+Lorgues in a monstrous degree, feel themselves justified in doing.
+
+[Sidenote: The French canonizers.]
+
+There is nothing in Columbus's career that these French canonizers do
+not find convertible to their purpose, whether it be his wild vow to
+raise 4,000 horse and 50,000 foot in seven years, wherewith to snatch
+the Holy Sepulchre from the infidel, or the most commonplace of his
+canting ejaculations. That Columbus was a devout Catholic, according to
+the Catholicism of his epoch, does not admit of question, but when tried
+by any test that finds the perennial in holy acts, Columbus fails to
+bear the examination. He had nothing of the generous and noble spirit of
+a conjoint lover of man and of God, as the higher spirits of all times
+have developed it. There was no all-loving Deity in his conception. His
+Lord was one in whose name it was convenient to practice enormities. He
+shared this subterfuge with Isabella and the rest. We need to think on
+what Las Casas could be among his contemporaries, if we hesitate to
+apply the conceptions of an everlasting humanity.
+
+[Sidenote: Converts and slaves.]
+
+The mines which Columbus went to seek were hard to find. The people he
+went to save to Christ were easy to exterminate. He mourned bitterly
+that his own efforts were ill requited. He had no pity for the misery of
+others, except they be his dependents and co-sharers of his purposes. He
+found a policy worth commemorating in slitting the noses and tearing off
+the ears of a naked heathen. He vindicates his excess by impressing upon
+the world that a man setting out to conquer the Indies must not be
+judged by the amenities of life which belong to a quiet rule in
+established countries. Yet, with a chance to establish a humane life
+among peoples ready to be moulded to good purposes, he sought from the
+very first to organize among them the inherited evils of "established
+countries." He talked a great deal about making converts of the poor
+souls, while the very first sight which he had of them prompted him to
+consign them to the slave-mart, just as if the first step to
+Christianize was the step which unmans.
+
+The first vicar apostolic sent to teach the faith in Santo Domingo
+returned to Spain, no longer able to remain, powerless, in sight of the
+cruelties practiced by Columbus. Isabella prevented the selling of the
+natives as slaves in Spain, when Columbus had dispatched thither five
+shiploads. Las Casas tells us that in 1494-96 Columbus was generally
+hated in Española for his odiousness and injustice, and that the
+Admiral's policy with the natives killed a third of them in those two
+years. The Franciscans, when they arrived at the island, found the
+colonists exuberant that they had been relieved of the rule which
+Columbus had instituted; and the Benedictines and Dominicans added their
+testimony to the same effect.
+
+[Sidenote: He urges enslaving the natives from the first.]
+
+The very first words, as has been said, that he used, in conveying to
+expectant Europe the wonders of his discovery, suggested a scheme of
+enslaving the strange people. He had already made the voyage that of a
+kidnapper, by entrapping nine of the unsuspecting natives.
+
+On his second voyage he sent home a vessel-load of slaves, on the
+pretense of converting them, but his sovereigns intimated to him that it
+would cost less to convert them in their own homes. Then he thought of
+the righteous alternative of sending some to Spain to be sold to buy
+provisions to support those who would convert others in their homes. The
+monarchs were perhaps dazed at this sophistry; and Columbus again sent
+home four vessels laden with reeking cargoes of flesh. When he returned
+to Spain, in 1496, to circumvent his enemies, he once more sought in his
+turn, and by his reasoning, to cheat the devil of heathen souls by
+sending other cargoes. At last the line was drawn. It was not to save
+their souls, but to punish them for daring to war against the Spaniards,
+that they should be made to endure such horrors.
+
+It is to Columbus, also, that we trace the beginning of that monstrous
+guilt which Spanish law sanctioned under the name of _repartimientos_,
+and by which to every colonist, and even to the vilest, absolute power
+was given over as many natives as his means and rank entitled him to
+hold. Las Casas tells us that Ferdinand could hardly have had a
+conception of the enormities of the system. If so, it was because he
+winked out of sight the testimony of observers, while he listened to
+the tales prompted of greed, rapine, and cruelty. The value of the
+system to force heathen out of hell, and at the same time to replenish
+his treasury, was the side of it presented to Ferdinand's mind by such
+as had access to his person. In 1501, we find the Dominicans entering
+their protest, and by this Ferdinand was moved to take the counsel of
+men learned in the law and in what passed in those days for Christian
+ethics. This court of appeal approved these necessary efforts, as was
+claimed, to increase those who were new to the faith, and to reward
+those who supported it.
+
+Peter Martyr expressed the comforting sentiments of the age: "National
+right and that of the Church concede personal liberty to man. State
+policy, however, demurs. Custom repels the idea. Long experience shows
+that slavery is necessary to prevent those returning to their idolatry
+and error whom the Church has once gained." All professed servants of
+the Church, with a few exceptions like Las Casas, ranged themselves with
+Columbus on the side of such specious thoughts; and Las Casas, in
+recognizing this fact, asks what we could expect of an old sailor and
+fighter like Columbus, when the wisest and most respectable of the
+priesthood backed him in his views. It was indeed the misery of Columbus
+to miss the opportunity of being wiser than his fellows, the occasion
+always sought by a commanding spirit, and it was offered to him almost
+as to no other.
+
+[Sidenote: Progress of slavery in the West Indies.]
+
+There was no restraining the evil. The cupidity of the colonists
+overcame all obstacles. The Queen was beguiled into giving equivocal
+instructions to Ovando, who succeeded to Bobadilla, and out of them by
+interpretation grew an increase of the monstrous evil. In 1503, every
+atrocity had reached a legal recognition. Labor was forced; the slaves
+were carried whither the colonists willed; and for eight months at least
+in every year, families were at pleasure disrupted without mercy. One
+feels some satisfaction in seeing Columbus himself at last, in a letter
+to Diego, December 1, 1504, shudder at the atrocities of Ovando. When
+one sees the utter annihilation of the whole race of the Antilles, a
+thing clearly assured at the date of the death of Columbus, one wishes
+that that dismal death-bed in Valladolid could have had its gloom
+illumined by a consciousness that the hand which lifted the banner of
+Spain and of Christ at San Salvador had done something to stay the
+misery which cupidity and perverted piety had put in course. When a man
+seeks to find and parades reasons for committing a crime, it is to
+stifle his conscience. Columbus passed years in doing it.
+
+[Sidenote: Talavera.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Franciscans.]
+
+Back of Isabella in this spasmodic interest in the Indians was the
+celebrated Archbishop of Granada, Fernando de Talavera, whom we have
+earlier known as the prior of Prado. He had been since 1478 the
+confessor of the Queen, and when the time came for sending missionaries
+to the Antilles it was natural that they were of the order of St.
+Jerome, of which Talavera was himself a member. Columbus, through a
+policy which induced him to make as apparent as possible his mingling of
+interests with the Church, had before this adopted the garb of the
+Franciscans, and this order was the second in time to be seen in
+Española in 1502. They were the least tolerant of the leading orders,
+and had already shown a disposition to harass the Indians, and were
+known to treat haughtily the Queen's intercessions for the poor souls.
+It was not till after the death of Columbus that the Dominicans, coming
+in 1510, reinforced the kindly spirit of the priests of St. Jerome.
+Still later they too abandoned their humanity.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's mercenary impulses.]
+
+[Sidenote: His praise of gold.]
+
+The downfall of Columbus began when he wrested from the reluctant
+monarchs what he called his privileges, and when he insisted upon riches
+as the accompaniment of such state and consequence as those privileges
+might entail. The terms were granted, so far as the King was concerned,
+simply to put a stop to importunities, for he never anticipated being
+called upon to confirm them. The insistency of Columbus in this respect
+is in strange contrast to the satisfaction which the captains of Prince
+Henry, Da Gama and the rest, were content to find in the unpolluted
+triumphs of science. The mercenary Columbus was forced to the utterance
+of Solomon: "I looked upon the labor that I had labored to do, and
+behold all was vanity and vexation of spirit." The Preacher never had a
+better example. Columbus was wont to say that gold gave the soul its
+flight to paradise. Perhaps he referred to the masses which could be
+bought, or to the alms which could propitiate Heaven. He might better
+have remembered the words of warning given to Baruch: "Seekest thou
+great things for thyself? Seek them not. For, saith the Lord, thy life
+will I give unto them for a prey in all places whither thou goest." And
+a prey in all places he became.
+
+Humboldt seeks to palliate this cupidity by making him the conscious
+inheritor of the pecuniary chances which every free son of Genoa
+expected to find within his grasp by commercial enterprise. Such
+prominence was sought because it carried with it power and influence in
+the republic.
+
+If Columbus had found riches in the New World as easily as he
+anticipated, it is possible that such affluence would have moulded his
+character in other ways for good or for evil. He soon found himself
+confronting a difficult task, to satisfy with insufficient means a
+craving which his exaggerations had established. This led him to spare
+no device, at whatever sacrifice of the natives, to produce the coveted
+gold, and it was an ingenious mockery that induced him to deck his
+captives with golden chains and parade them through the Spanish towns.
+
+[Sidenote: Nicolas de Conti.]
+
+[Sidenote: The world's disgust.]
+
+After Da Gama had opened the route to Cathay by the Cape of Good Hope,
+and Columbus had, as he supposed, touched the eastern confines of the
+same country, the wonderful stories of Asiatic glories told by Nicolas
+de Conti were translated, by order of King Emanuel (in 1500), into
+Portuguese. It is no wonder that the interest in the development of 1492
+soon waned when the world began to compare the descriptions of the
+region beyond the Ganges, as made known by Marco Polo, and so recently
+by Conti, and the apparent confirmation of them established by the
+Portuguese, with the meagre resources which Columbus had associated with
+the same country, in all that he could say about the Antilles or bring
+from them. An adventurous voyage across the Sea of Darkness begat little
+satisfaction, if all there was to show for it consisted of men with
+tails or a single eye, or races of Amazons and cannibals.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's lack of generosity.]
+
+When we view the character of Columbus in its influence upon the minds
+of men, we find some strange anomalies. Before his passion was tainted
+with the ambition of wealth and its consequence, and while he was urging
+the acceptance of his views for their own sake, it is very evident that
+he impressed others in a way that never happened after he had secured
+his privileges. It is after this turning-point of his life that we begin
+to see his falsities and indiscretions, or at least to find record of
+them. The incident of the moving light in the night before his first
+landfall is a striking instance of his daring disregard of all the
+qualities that help a commander in his dominance over his men. It needs
+little discrimination to discern the utter deceitfulness of that
+pretense. A noble desire to win the loftiest honors of the discovery did
+not satisfy a mean, insatiable greed. He blunted every sentiment of
+generosity when he deprived a poor sailor of his pecuniary reward. That
+there was no actual light to be seen is apparent from the distance that
+the discoverers sailed before they saw land, since if the light had been
+ahead they would not have gone on, and if it had been abeam they would
+not have left it. The evidence is that of himself and a thrall, and he
+kept it secret at the time. The author of the _Historie_ sees the
+difficulty, and attempts to vaporize the whole story by saying that the
+light was spiritual, and not physical. Navarrete passes it by as a thing
+necessary, for the fame of Columbus, to be ignored.
+
+[Sidenote: His enforced oath at Cuba.]
+
+A second instance of Columbus's luckless impotence, at a time when an
+honorable man would have relied upon his character, was the attempt to
+make it appear that he had reached the coast of Asia by imposing an oath
+on his men to that effect, in penalty of having their tongues wrenched
+out if they recanted. One can hardly conceive a more debasing exercise
+of power.
+
+[Sidenote: His ambition of territorial power.]
+
+His insistence upon territorial power was the serious mistake of his
+life. He thought, in making an agreement with his sovereigns to become a
+viceroy, that he was securing an honor; he was in truth pledging his
+happiness and beggaring his life. He sought to attain that which the
+fates had unfitted him for, and the Spanish monarchs, in an evil day,
+which was in due time their regret, submitted to his hallucinated
+dictation. No man ever evinced less capacity for ruling a colony.
+
+[Sidenote: His professed inspiration.]
+
+The most sorrowful of all the phases of Columbus's character is that
+hapless collapse, when he abandoned all faith in the natural world, and
+his premonitions of it, and threw himself headlong into the vortex of
+what he called inspiration.
+
+Everything in his scientific argument had been logical. It produced the
+reliance which comes of wisdom. It was a manly show of an incisive
+reason. If he had rested here his claims for honor, he would have ranked
+with the great seers of the universe, with Copernicus and the rest. His
+successful suit with the Spanish sovereigns turned his head, and his
+degradation began when he debased a noble purpose to the level of
+mercenary claims. He relied, during his first voyage, more on chicanery
+in controlling his crew than upon the dignity of his aim and the natural
+command inherent in a lofty spirit. This deceit was the beginning of his
+decadence, which ended in a sad self-aggrandizement, when he felt
+himself no longer an instrument of intuition to probe the secrets of the
+earth, but a possessor of miraculous inspiration. The man who had been
+self-contained became a thrall to a fevered hallucination.
+
+The earnest mental study which had sustained his inquisitive spirit
+through long years of dealings with the great physical problems of the
+earth was forgotten. He hopelessly began to accredit to Divinity the
+measure of his own fallibility. "God made me," he says, "the messenger
+of the new heaven and the new earth, of which He spoke in the Apocalypse
+by St. John, after having spoken of it by the mouth of Isaiah, and He
+showed me the spot where to find it." He no longer thought it the views
+of Aristotle which guided him. The Greek might be pardoned for his
+ignorance of the intervening America. It was mere sacrilege to impute
+such ignorance to the Divine wisdom.
+
+[Sidenote: Lost his friends.]
+
+There is no excuse but the plea of insanity. He naturally lost his
+friends with losing his manly devotion to a cause. I do not find the
+beginning of this surrender of his manhood earlier than in the will
+which he signed February 22, 1498, when he credits the Holy Trinity with
+having inspired him with the idea that one could go to the Indies by
+passing westward.
+
+In his letter to the nurse of Don Juan, he says that the prophecy of
+Isaiah in the Apocalypse had found its interpreter in him, the messenger
+to disclose a new part of the world. "Human reason," he wrote in the
+_Proficias_, "mathematics, and maps have served me in no wise. What I
+have accomplished is simply the fulfillment of the prophecy of David."
+
+[Sidenote: His pitiable death.]
+
+We have seen a pitiable man meet a pitiable death. Hardly a name in
+profane history is more august than his. Hardly another character in the
+world's record has made so little of its opportunities. His discovery
+was a blunder; his blunder was a new world; the New World is his
+monument! Its discoverer might have been its father; he proved to be its
+despoiler. He might have given its young days such a benignity as the
+world likes to associate with a maker; he left it a legacy of
+devastation and crime. He might have been an unselfish promoter of
+geographical science; he proved a rabid seeker for gold and a
+viceroyalty. He might have won converts to the fold of Christ by the
+kindness of his spirit; he gained the execrations of the good angels. He
+might, like Las Casas, have rebuked the fiendishness of his
+contemporaries; he set them an example of perverted belief. The triumph
+of Barcelona led down to the ignominy of Valladolid, with every step in
+the degradation palpable and resultant.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXI.
+
+THE DESCENT OF COLUMBUS'S HONORS.
+
+
+[Sidenote: His kinsfolk.]
+
+Columbus had left behind him, as the natural guardians of his name and
+honors, the following relatives: his brother Bartholomew, who in
+December, 1508, had issue of an illegitimate daughter, his only child so
+far as known; his brother Diego, who, as a priest, was precluded from
+having lawful issue; his son Diego, now become the first inheritor of
+his honors; his natural son, Ferdinand, the most considerable in
+intellectual habit of all Columbus's immediate kin.
+
+[Sidenote: His son Diego.]
+
+The descent of his titles depended in the first instance on such a
+marriage as Diego might contract. Within a year or two Diego had had by
+different women two bastard children, Francisco and Cristoval, shut off
+from heirship by the manner of their birth. Diego was at this time not
+far from four and twenty years of age.
+
+Ten or twelve days after Diego succeeded to his inheritance, Philip the
+Handsome, now sharing the throne of Castile as husband of Juana,
+daughter of Isabella, ordered that what was due to Columbus should be
+paid to his successor. This order reached Española in June, 1506, but
+was not obeyed promptly; and when Ferdinand of Aragon returned from
+Italy in August, 1507, and succeeded to the Castilian throne, he
+repeated the order on August 24.
+
+[Sidenote: Diego's income.]
+
+[Sidenote: Diego presses for a restitution of Columbus's honors.]
+
+It would seem that in due time Diego was in receipt of 450,000 ounces of
+gold annually from the four foundries in Española. This, with whatever
+else there may have been, was by no means satisfactory to the young
+aspirant, and he began to press Ferdinand for a restitution of his
+inherited honors and powers with all the pertinacity which had
+characterized his father's urgency.
+
+[Sidenote: 1508. Suit against the Crown.]
+
+Upon the return of Ferdinand from Naples, Diego determined to push the
+matter to an issue, but Ferdinand still evaded it. Diego now asked,
+according to Las Casas and Herrera, to be allowed to bring a suit
+against the Crown before the Council of the Indies, and the King yielded
+to the request, confident, very likely, in his ability to control the
+verdict in the public interests. The suit at once began (1508), and
+continued for several years before all was accomplished, and in December
+of that same year (1508), we find Diego empowering an attorney of the
+Duke of Alva to represent his case.
+
+The defense of the Crown was that a transmission of the viceroyalty to
+the Admiral's son was against public policy, and at variance with a law
+of 1480, which forbade any judicial office under the Crown being held in
+perpetuity. It was further argued in the Crown's behalf that Columbus
+had not been the chief instrument of the first discovery and had not
+discovered the mainland, but that other voyagers had anticipated him. In
+response to all allegations, Diego rested his case on the contracts of
+the Crown with his father, which assured him the powers he asked for.
+Further than this, the Crown had already recognized, he claimed, a part
+of the contract in its orders of June 2, 1506, and August 24, 1507,
+whereby the revenues due under the contracts had been restored to him.
+It was also charged by the defense that Columbus had been relieved of
+his powers because he had abused them, and the answer to this was that
+the sovereigns' letter of 1502 had acknowledged that Bobadilla acted
+without authority. A number of navigators in the western seas were put
+on the stand to rebut the allegation of existing knowledge of the coast
+before the voyages of Columbus, particularly in substantiating the
+priority of the voyage of Columbus to the coast of Paria, and the
+evidence was sufficient to show that all the alleged claims were simply
+perverted notions of the really later voyage of Ojeda in 1499. It is
+from the testimony at this time, as given in Navarrete, that the
+biographers of Columbus derive considerable information, not otherwise
+attainable, respecting the voyages of Columbus,--testimony, however,
+which the historian is obliged to weigh with caution in many respects.
+
+[Sidenote: Diego wins.]
+
+The case was promptly disposed of in Diego's favor, but not without
+suspicions of the Crown's influence to that end. The suit is, indeed,
+one of the puzzles in the history of Columbus and his fame. If it was a
+suit to secure a verdict against the Crown in order to protect the
+Crown's rights under the bull of demarcation, we can understand why much
+that would have helped the position of the fiscal was not brought
+forward. If it was what it purported to be, an effort to relieve the
+Crown of obligations fastened upon it under misconceptions or deceits,
+we may well marvel at such omission of evidence.
+
+[Sidenote: Diego marries Maria de Toledo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Diego waives his right to the title of Viceroy.]
+
+It was left for the King to act on the decision for restitution. This
+might have been by his studied procrastination indefinitely delayed but
+for a shrewd movement on the part of Diego, who opportunely aspired to
+the hand of Doña Maria de Toledo, the daughter of Fernando de Toledo.
+This nobleman was brother of the Duke of Alva, one of the proudest
+grandees of Spain, and he was also cousin of Ferdinand, the King. The
+alliance, soon effected, brought the young suitor a powerful friend in
+his uncle, and the bride's family were not averse to a connection with
+the heir to the viceroyalty of the Indies, now that it was confirmed by
+the Council of the Indies. Harrisse cannot find that the promised dower
+ever came with the wife; but, on the contrary, Diego seems to have
+become the financial agent of his wife's family. A demand for the royal
+acquiescence in the orders of the Council could now be more easily made,
+and Ferdinand readily conceded all but the title of Viceroy. Diego
+waived that for the time, and he was accordingly accredited as governor
+of Española, in the place of Ovando.
+
+[Sidenote: Ovando recalled.]
+
+Isabella had indeed, while on her death-bed, importuned the King to
+recall Ovando, because of the appalling stories of his cruelty to the
+Indians. Ferdinand had found that the governor's vigilance conduced to
+heavy remittances of gold, and had shown no eagerness to carry out the
+Queen's wishes. He had even ordered Ovando to begin that transference of
+the poor Lucayan Indians from their own islands to work in the Española
+mines which soon resulted in the depopulation of the Bahamas. Now that
+he was forced to withdraw Ovando he made it as agreeable for him as
+possible, and in the end there was no lack of commendation of his
+administration. Indeed, as Spaniards went in those days, Ovando was good
+enough to gain the love of Las Casas, "except for some errors of moral
+blindness."
+
+[Sidenote: 1509. June 9. Diego sails for Española.]
+
+It was on May 3, 1509, that Ferdinand gave Diego his instructions; and
+on June 9, the new governor with his noble wife sailed from San Lucar.
+There went with Diego, beside a large number of noble Spaniards who
+introduced, as Oviedo says, an infusion of the best Spanish blood into
+the colony, his brother Ferdinand, who was specially charged, as Oviedo
+further tells us, to found monasteries and churches. His two uncles also
+accompanied him. Bartholomew had gone to Rome after Columbus's death,
+with the intention of inducing Pope Julius II. to urge upon the King a
+new voyage of discovery; and Harrisse thinks that this is proved by some
+memoranda attached to an account of the coasts of Veragua, which it is
+supposed that Bartholomew gave at this time to a canon of the Lateran,
+which is now preserved in the Megliavecchian library, and has been
+printed by Harrisse in his _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_. It was
+perhaps on this visit that the Adelantado took to Rome that map of
+Columbus's voyage to those coasts which it is usually said was carried
+there in 1505, when he may possibly have borne thither the letter of
+Columbus to the Pope.
+
+[Sidenote: Bartholomew Columbus, and Diego Mendez.]
+
+The position which Bartholomew now went with Diego to assume, that of
+the Chief Alguazil of Santo Domingo, caused much complaint from Diego
+Mendez, who claimed the credit of bringing about the restitution of
+Diego's power, and who had, as he says, been promised both by Columbus
+and by his son this office as recompense for his many services.
+
+[Sidenote: 1509. July 10. Diego reaches his government.]
+
+The fleet arrived at its destination July 10, 1509. The wife of the
+governor had taken a retinue, which for splendor had never before been
+equaled in the New World, and it enabled her to maintain a kind of
+viceregal state in the little capital. It all helped Diego to begin his
+rule with no inconsiderable consequence. There was needed something of
+such attraction to beguile the spirits of the settlers, for, as Benzoni
+learned years afterwards, when he visited the region, the coming of the
+son of Columbus had not failed to engender jealousies, which attached to
+the imposition of another foreigner upon the colony.
+
+[Sidenote: Ojeda and Nicuessa.]
+
+The King was determined that Diego's rule should be confined to
+Española, and, much to the governor's annoyance, he parceled out the
+coasts which Columbus had tracked near the Isthmus of Panama into two
+governments, and installed Ojeda in command of the eastern one, which
+was called New Andalusia, while the one beyond the Gulf of Uraba, which
+included Veragua, he gave to Diego de Nicuessa, and called it Castilla
+del Oro.
+
+[Illustration: POPE JULIUS II.]
+
+[Sidenote: Porto Rico.]
+
+[Sidenote: Faction of Passamonte.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1511. October 5. _Audiencia._]
+
+This action of the King, as well as his effort to put Porto Rico under
+an independent governor, incited new expostulations from Diego, and
+served to make his rule in the island quite as uncomfortable as its
+management had been to his father. There also grew up the same
+discouragement from faction. The King's treasurer, Miguel Passamonte,
+became the head of the rebellious party, not without suspicion that he
+was prompted to much denunciations in his confidential communications
+with the King. Reports of Diego's misdeeds and ambitions, threatening
+the royal power even, were assiduously conveyed to the King. The
+sovereign devised a sort of corrective, as he thought, of this, by
+instituting later, October 5, 1511, a court of appeals, or _Audiencia_,
+to which the aggrieved colonists could go in their defense against
+oppression or extortion. Its natural effect was to undermine the
+governor's authority and to weaken his influence. He found himself
+thwarted in all efforts to relieve the Indians of their burdens, as
+nothing of that sort could be done without disturbing the revenues of
+leading colonists. There was no great inducement to undo measures by
+which no one profited in receipts more than himself, and the cruel
+devastation of the native population ran on as it had done. He certainly
+did not show himself averse to continuing the system of _repartimientos_
+for the benefit of himself and his friends.
+
+Diego, who had been for a while in Spain, returned in 1512 to Española,
+and later new orders were sent out by the King, and these included
+commands to reduce the labor of the Indians one third, to import negro
+slaves from Guinea as a measure of further relief to the natives, and to
+brand Carib slaves, so as to protect other Indians from harsh treatment
+intended for the Caribs alone.
+
+[Sidenote: Bartholomew Columbus died.]
+
+Diego was again in Spain in 1513, and the attempts of Ojeda and Nicuessa
+having failed, later orders in 1514 so far reinstated Diego in his
+viceregal power as to permit him to send his uncle Bartholomew to take
+possession of the Veragua coast. But the life of the Adelantado was
+drawing to a close, and his death soon occurring nothing was done.
+
+[Sidenote: 1515. Diego in Spain.]
+
+Affairs had come to such a pass that Diego again felt it necessary to
+repair to Court to counteract his enemies' intrigues, and once more
+getting permission from the King, he sailed for Spain, April 9, 1515,
+leaving the Vice-Queen with a council in authority.
+
+Diego found the King open and kindly, and not averse to acknowledging
+the merits of his government. He again pressed his bonded
+rights with the old fervency. "I would bestow them willingly on you,"
+said the King; "but I cannot do so without intrusting them also to your
+son and to his successors." "Is it just," said Diego, "that I should
+suffer for a son which I may never have?" Las Casas tells us that Diego
+repeated this colloquy to him.
+
+[Illustration: CHARLES THE FIFTH.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1516. January 23. Ferdinand died.]
+
+The King found it reasonable to question if Columbus had really sailed
+along all the coasts in which Diego claimed a share, and ordered an
+examination of the matter to be made. While these claims were in
+abeyance, the King died, January 23, 1516.
+
+[Sidenote: Diego again in Española.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1520. Diego in Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: Diego partially reinstated.]
+
+This event much retarded the settlement of the difficulties. Cardinal
+Ximenes, who held power for a while, was not willing to act, and nothing
+was done for four years, during part of which period Diego was certainly
+in Española. We know also that he was present at the convocation of
+Barcelona, presided over by the Emperor, when Las Casas made his urgent
+appeals for the Indians and pictured their hardships. Finally, in 1520,
+when Charles V. was about to embark for Flanders, Diego was in a
+position to advance to the Emperor so large a sum as ten thousand
+ducats, which was, as it appears, about a fifth of his annual income
+from Española at this time. This financial succor seemed to open the way
+for the Emperor to dismiss all charges against Diego, and to reinstate
+him in qualified authority as Viceroy over the Indies.
+
+[Sidenote: 1520. September. Diego returns to Española.]
+
+This seeming restitution was not without a disagreeable accompaniment in
+the appointment of a supervisor to reside at his viceregal court and
+report on the Viceroy's doings. In September, 1520, Diego sailed once
+more for his government, and on November 14 we find him in Santo
+Domingo, and shortly afterwards engaged in the construction of a lordly
+palace, which he was to occupy, and which is seen there to-day. The
+substantialness of its structure gave rise to rumors that he was
+preparing a fortress for ulterior aims.
+
+[Sidenote: Negro slaves increase.]
+
+Diego soon found that various administrative measures had not gone well
+in his absence. Commanders of some of the provinces had exceeded their
+powers, and it became necessary to supersede them. This made them
+enemies as a matter of course. The raising of sugar-cane had rapidly
+developed under the imported African labor, and the revenues now came
+for the most part from the plantations rather than from the mines. The
+negroes so increased that it was not long before some of them dared to
+rise in revolt, but the mischief was stopped by a rapid swoop of armed
+horsemen.
+
+[Illustration: RUINS OF DIEGO COLON'S HOUSE.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1523. Diego in Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1526. February 23. Diego dies.]
+
+The jealousies and revengeful accusations of Diego's enemies were not so
+easily quelled, and before long he was summoned to Spain to render an
+account of his doings, for Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon had presented charges
+against him. On September 16, 1523, Diego embarked, and landed at St.
+Lucar November 5. He presented himself before the Emperor at Vittoria in
+January, 1524, and reviewed his conduct. This he succeeded in doing in a
+manner to disarm his foes; and this success encouraged him to press anew
+for his inherited rights. The demand ended in the questions in dispute
+being referred to a board; and Diego for two years followed the Court in
+its migrations, to be in attendance on the sessions of this commission.
+His health gave way under the strain, so that, with everything still
+unsettled, he died at Montalvan, February 23, 1526, having survived his
+father for twenty troublous years. His remains were laid in the
+monastery of Las Cuevas by the side of Columbus. Being later conveyed to
+the cathedral at Santo Domingo, they were, if one may credit the quite
+unproved statements of the priests of the cathedral, mistaken for those
+of his father, and taken to Havana in 1795.
+
+[Sidenote: His family.]
+
+[Sidenote: Luis Colon succeeds.]
+
+The Vice-Queen and her family were still in Santo Domingo, and her
+children were seven in number, four daughters and three sons. The
+descent of the honors came eventually to the descendants of one of these
+daughters, Isabel, who married George of Portugal, Count of Gelves. Of
+the three sons, Luis succeeded his father, who was in turn succeeded by
+Diego, a son of Luis's brother Cristoval.
+
+The Vice-Queen, after making an ineffectual attempt to colonize Veragua,
+in which she was thwarted by the royal _Audiencia_ at Española, returned
+to Spain in 1529. Her son Luis, the heir, was still a child, having been
+born in 1521 or 1522. For fourteen years his mother pressed his claims
+upon the Emperor, Charles V., and she was during a part of the time in
+such distress that she borrowed money of Ferdinand Columbus and pledged
+her jewels. She lived till 1549, and died at Santo Domingo.
+
+[Sidenote: 1536. The Crown's compromise with Luis.]
+
+[Sidenote: Duke of Veragua.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1540. Luis in Española.]
+
+Early in 1536 the Cardinal Garcia de Loyasa, in behalf of the Council of
+the Indies, rendered a decision in which he and Ferdinand Columbus had
+acted as arbiters, which was confirmed by the Emperor in September of
+the same year. This was that, upon the abandonment by Luis of all claims
+upon the revenues of the Indies, of the title of Viceroy, and of the
+right to appoint the officers of the New World, he should be given the
+island of Jamaica in fief, a perpetual annuity of ten thousand ducats,
+and the title of Duke of Veragua, with an estate twenty-five leagues
+square in that province, to support the title and functions of Admiral
+of the Indies. In 1540 Luis returned to Española with the title of
+Captain-General, and in 1542 married at Santo Domingo, much against his
+mother's wish, Maria de Orozco, who later lived in Honduras and married
+another. While she was still living, Luis again espoused at Santo
+Domingo Maria de Mosquera. In 1551 he returned to Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's privileges gradually abridged.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1556. All Columbus's territorial rights abandoned.]
+
+Whatever remained of the rights which Columbus had sought to transmit to
+his heirs had already been modified to their detriment by Charles, under
+decrees in 1540, 1541, and 1542; and when Charles was succeeded by
+Philip II., early in 1556, one of the first acts of the latter was to
+force Luis to abandon his fief of Veragua and to throw up his power as
+Admiral. The Council of the Indies took cognizance of the case in July,
+1556, and on September 28 following, Philip II., at Ghent, recompensed
+the grandson of Columbus, for his submission to the inevitable, by
+decreeing to Luis the honorary title of Admiral of the Indies and Duke
+of Veragua, with an income of seven thousand ducats. So in fifty years
+the dreams of Columbus for territorial magnificence came to naught, and
+the confident injunctions of his will were dissipated in the air.
+
+[Sidenote: Luis a polygamist.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1572. Luis dies.]
+
+Immediately after this, Luis furtively married, while his other wives
+were still living, Ana de Castro Ossorio. The authorities found in these
+polygamous acts a convenient opportunity to get another troublesome
+Colon out of the way, and arrested Luis in 1559. He was held in prison
+for nearly five years, and when in 1563 judgment was got against him, he
+was sentenced to ten years of exile, half of which was to be passed in
+Oran, in Africa. While his appeal was pending, his scandalous life added
+crime to crime, and finally, in November, 1565, his sentence being
+confirmed, he was conducted to Oran, and there he died February 3,
+1572.
+
+
+
+
+THE COLUMBUS PEDIGREE.
+
+
+NOTE. Dotted lines mark illegitimate descents; the dash-and-dot lines
+mark pretended descents. The heavy face numerals show the successful
+holders of the honors of Columbus. The lines _a a_, _b b_, and _c c_
+join respectively.
+
+
+ _Fadrique Enriquez_,
+ Adm. of Castile.
+ |
+ +-----+------+
+ | |
+ Alvarez = Maria. Juana = Juan II.
+ de | |of Aragon.
+ _Toledo_ | | +----------------------_a_
+ +-----+------+ +----+----+ |
+ | | |Ferdinand| = Isabella of Filipe = CRISTOFORO = Beatrix
+ Duke of Fernando. |of Aragon| Castile. Moniz | =1= ¦ Henriquez,
+ _Alba_. | +---------+ | ¦ living in 1513.
+ | +-----------------------------------+ ¦
+ | | Fernando,
+ Maria de = DIEGO, b. 1488,
+ Toledo | =2= d. 1526. d. 1539.
+ |
+ +---------+-----------------+---------------+-----------------------+-------------------------_b_
+ | | | | |
+ Felipa, Maria Juana Isabel Luisa de = LUIS = Maria de
+ nun. = Sancho = Luis de = Jorge de Carvajal ¦ =3= | Mosquira.
+ | de Cardona, | la Cueva. Portogallo. ¦ |
+ | Adm. of | | ¦ +------------+
+ | Aragon. | | ¦ | |
+ +----------+-------+ | | ¦ | |
+ | | | Maria, =Alvaro.= Cristoval. Maria, Filipa, _c_
+ =Cristoval=, Luis, Maria = Carlos de | of the d. 1577.
+ d.s.p. d.s.p. = Fr. | Arellano, | Convent
+ 1583. de Mendoza| d. bef. 1600. +-------+------+ of San
+ d. 1605. | | | Quirce.
+ | | Jorge NUÑO DE =5=
+ | | Alberti, PORTOGALLO,
+ | | d. 1581. established in
+ | | 1608.
+ Maria Juana |
+ d.s.p. = Fr. Pacheco, |
+ | d. 1605. ALVARO =6=
+ +---------+ | JACINTO.
+ |James II.| = Arabella Carlos. |
+ |England. | ¦ Churchill. | |
+ +---------+ ¦ | PEDRO NUÑO. =7=
+ ¦ | |
+ Duke of Various |
+ Berwick. lines. |
+ | PEDRO MANUEL. =8=
+ | |
+ | +----------------------------+---+
+ | | |
+ James STUART, = Catarina PEDRO NUÑO, =9=
+ Duke of Liria, | Ventura, d. 1753,
+ d. 1738. | d. 1740. without legitimate
+ | issue.
+ JACOBO EDUARDO.
+ | =10=
+ |
+ CARLOS FERNANDO.
+ | =11=
+ |
+ JACOBO FILIPE, =12=
+ dispossessed
+ in 1790;
+ the decree of
+ 1664 reversed.
+ |
+ |
+ Continued to
+ our day.
+
+
+ Dominico
+ Susanna Colombo, of
+ DOMENICO = Fontanarosa. _Cuccaro_.
+ | |
+ _a_---------------+-------------+------------+-------------+ ¦
+ | | | | |
+ Bartolomeo. Giovanni Giacomo Blanchinetta ¦
+ ¦ | Pelegrino, or Diego, = Giacomo |
+ ¦ ¦ d. s. p. priest. Paravello. ¦
+ ¦ | |
+ Maria, ¦ ¦
+ nun, | |
+ b. 1508. .----.----.----.----.----.----. ¦
+ | |
+ _b_---------------+--------------------+ ¦ ¦
+ | | | |
+ Ana = Cristoval = Magdalena Diego ¦ ¦
+ de | | de = Isabel | |
+ Pravia | | Guzman. Justenian. ¦ ¦
+ | | | |
+ +------+-----+ +---------+ ¦ ¦
+ | | | | |
+ _c_ = DIEGO, Francesca Maria ¦ ¦
+ =4= d.s.p. = Diego = Luis de | |
+ 1578. | Ortegon. Avila. ¦ ¦
+ | | | |
+ | | ¦ ¦
+ Josefa | Bernardo Balthazar
+ = De Paz de la _Luis de_ Colombo, Colombo,
+ | Serra. AVILA, of Cogoleto. of Cuccaro.
+ | d. 1633.
+ |
+ Josefa = Martín de
+ | LARREATEGUI.
+ |
+ Diego.
+ |
+ |
+ Francisco.
+ |
+ |
+ Pedro Isidoro.
+ |
+ |
+ MANIANO(1790). =13=
+ |
+ |
+ PEDRO. =14=
+ |
+ |
+ CRISTOVAL. =15=
+ |
+ |
+ Son b.
+ 1878.
+
+
+[Sidenote: His heirs.]
+
+[Sidenote: His daughter marries her cousin Diego, the male heir.]
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus's male line extinct.]
+
+Luis left two illegitimate children, one a son; but his lawful heirs
+were adjudged to be the children of Maria de Mosquera, two daughters,
+one a nun and the other Filipa. This last presented a claim for the
+titles in opposition to the demands of Diego, the nephew of her father.
+She declared this cousin to be the natural, and not the lawful, son of
+Luis's brother. It was easy enough to forget such imputations in coming
+to the final conclusion, when Filipa and Diego took each other in
+marriage (May 15, 1573) to compose their differences, the husband
+becoming Duke of Veragua. Filipa died in November, 1577, and her husband
+January 27, 1578. As they had no children, the male line of Columbus
+became extinct seventy years after his death.
+
+[Sidenote: The long lawsuit and its many contestants.]
+
+The lawsuit which followed for the settlement of the succession was a
+famous one. It lasted thirty years. The claimants were at first eight in
+number, but they were reduced to five by deaths during the progress of
+the trials.
+
+The first was Francesca, own sister of Diego, the late Duke. Her claim
+was rejected; but five generations later the dignities returned to her
+descendants.
+
+The second was the representative of Maria, the daughter of Luis, and
+sister-in-law of Diego. The claim made by her heir, the convent of San
+Quirce, was discarded.
+
+The third was Cristoval, the bastard son of Luis, who claimed to be the
+fruit of a marriage of Luis, concluded while he was in prison accused of
+polygamy. Cristoval died in 1601, before the cause was decided.
+
+The fourth was Alvaro de Portogallo, Count of Gelves, a son of Isabel,
+the sister of Luis. He had unsuccessfully claimed the titles when Luis
+died, in 1572, and again put forth his claims in 1578, when Diego died,
+but he himself died, pending a decision, in 1581. His son, Jorge
+Alberto, inherited his rights, but died in 1589, before a decision was
+reached, when his younger brother, Nuño de Portogallo, became the
+claimant, and his rights were established by the tribunal in 1608, when
+he became Duke of Veragua. His enjoyment of the title was not without
+unrest, but the attempts to dispossess him failed.
+
+The fifth was Cristoval de Cardona, Admiral of Aragon, son of Maria,
+elder sister of Luis. This claimant died in 1583, while his claim,
+having once been allowed, was held in abeyance by an appeal of his
+rivals. His sister, Maria, was then adjudged inheritor of the honors,
+but she died in 1605, before the final decree.
+
+The sixth was Maria de la Cueva, daughter of Juana, sister of Luis, who
+died before December, 1600, while her daughter died in 1605, leaving
+Carlos Pacheco a claimant, whose rights were disallowed.
+
+The seventh was Balthazar Colombo, a descendant of a Domenico Colombo,
+who was, according to the claim, the same Domenico who was the father of
+Columbus. His genealogical record was not accepted.
+
+The eighth was Bernardo Colombo, who claimed to be a descendant of
+Bartholomew Columbus, the Adelantado, a claim not made good.
+
+These last two contestants rested their title in part on the fact that
+their ancestors had always borne the name of Colombo, and this was
+required by Columbus to belong to the inheritors of his honors. The
+lineal ancestors of the other claimants had borne the names of Cardona,
+Portogallo, or Avila.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Nuño de Portogallo succeeds, and the line later changes.]
+
+From Nuño de Portogallo the titles descended to his son Alvaro Jacinto,
+and then to the latter's son, Pedro Nuño. His rights were contested by
+Luis de Avila (grandson of Cristoval, brother of Luis Colon), who tried
+in 1620 to reverse the verdict of 1608, and it was not till 1664 that
+Pedro Nuño defeated his adversaries. He was succeeded by his son, Pedro
+Manuel, and he by his son, Pedro Nuño, who died in 1733, when this male
+line became extinct.
+
+The titles were now illegally assumed by Pedro Nuño's sister, Catarina
+Ventura, who by marriage gave them to her husband, James Fitz-James
+Stuart, son of the famous Duke of Berwick, and by inheritance in his own
+right, Duke of Liria. When he died, in 1738, the titles passed to his
+son, Jacobo Eduardo; thence to the latter's son, Carlos Fernando, who
+transmitted them to his son, Jacobo Filipe. This last was obliged, by a
+verdict in 1790, which reversed the decree of 1664, to yield the titles
+to the line of Francesca, sister of Diego, the fourth holder of them.
+This Francesca married Diego Ortegon, and their grandchild, Josefa,
+married Martin Larreategui, whose great-great-grandson, Mariano (by
+decrees 1790-96), became Duke of Veragua, from whom the title descended
+to his son, Pedro, and then to his grandson, Cristoval, the present
+Duke, born in 1837, whose heir, the next Duke, was born in 1878. The
+value of the titles is said to-day to represent about eight or ten
+thousand dollars, and this income is chargeable upon the revenues of
+Cuba and Porto Rico.
+
+In concluding this rapid sketch of the descent of the blood and honors
+of Columbus, two striking thoughts are presented. The Larreateguis are a
+Basque family. The blood of Columbus, the Genoese, now mingles with that
+of the hardiest race of navigators of western Europe, and of whom it may
+be expected that if ever earlier contact of Europe with the New World is
+proved, these Basques will be found the forerunners of Columbus. The
+blood of the supposed discoverer of the western passage to Asia flows
+with that of the earliest stock which is left to us of that Oriental
+wave of population which inundated Europe, in the far-away times when
+the races which make our modern Christian histories were being disposed
+in valleys and on the coasts of what was then the Western World.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+THE GEOGRAPHICAL RESULTS.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Progress of discovery.]
+
+There was a struggling effort of the geographical sense of the world for
+thirty years and more after the death of Columbus, before the fact began
+to be grasped that a great continent was interposed as a substantial and
+independent barrier in the track to India. It took nearly a half century
+more before men generally recognized that fact, and then in most cases
+it was accepted with the reservation of a possible Asiatic connection at
+the extreme north. It was something more than two hundred and twenty
+years from the death of Columbus before that severance at the north was
+incontestably established by the voyage of Bering, and a hundred and
+thirty years longer before at last the contour of the northern coast of
+the continent was established by the proof of the long-sought northwest
+passage in 1850. We must now, to complete the story of the influence of
+Columbus, rehearse somewhat concisely the narrative of this progressive
+outcome of that wonderful voyage of 1492. The spirit of western
+discovery, which Columbus imparted, was of long continuance.
+
+[Sidenote: The influence of Ptolemy and his career.]
+
+"If we wish to make ourselves thoroughly acquainted," says Dr. Kohl,
+"with the history of discovery in the New World, we must not only follow
+the navigators on their ships, but we must look into the cabinets of
+princes and into the counting-houses of merchants, and likewise watch
+the scholars in their speculative studies." There was no rallying point
+for the scholar of cosmography in those early days of discovery like the
+text and influence of Ptolemy.
+
+We know little of this ancient geographer beyond the fact of his living
+in the early portion of the second century, and mainly at Alexandria,
+the fittest home of a geographer at that time, since this Egyptian city
+was peerless for commerce and learning. Here he could do best what he
+advises all geographers to do, consult the journals of travelers, and
+get information of eclipses, as the same phenomena were observed at
+different places; such, for instance, as that of the moon noted at
+Arbela in the fifth, and seen at Carthage in the second hour.
+
+[Sidenote: Portolanos.]
+
+The precision of Ptolemy was covered out of sight by graphic fancies
+among the cosmographers of succeeding ages, till about the beginning of
+the fourteenth century Italy and the western Mediterranean islands began
+to produce those atlases of sea-charts, which have come down to us under
+the name of "portolanos;" and still later a new impetus was given to
+geographical study by the manuscripts of Ptolemy, with his maps, which
+began to be common in western Europe in the beginning of the fifteenth
+century, largely through the influence of communications with the
+Byzantine peoples.
+
+[Illustration: PTOLEMY.
+
+ [From Reusner's _Icones_.]]
+
+The portolanos, however, never lost their importance. Nordenskiöld says
+that, from the great number of them still extant in Italy, we may deduce
+that they had a greater circulation during the sixteenth century than
+printed cartographical works. About five hundred of these sea-charts are
+known in Italian libraries, and the greater proportion of them are of
+Italian origin.
+
+[Sidenote: Latin text of Ptolemy.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Donis maps.]
+
+It is a composite Latin text, brought into final shape by Jacobus
+Angelus not far from 1400-1410, which was the basis of the early printed
+editions of Ptolemy. This version was for a while circulated in
+manuscript, sometimes with copies of the maps of the Old World having a
+Latinized nomenclature; and the public libraries of Europe contain here
+and there specimens of these early copies, one of which it is thought
+was known to Pierre d'Ailly. It is a question if Angelus supplied the
+maps which accompanied these early manuscripts, and which got into the
+Bologna edition of 1462 (wrongly dated for 1472), and into the metrical
+version of Berlingièri. These maps, whether always the same in the early
+manuscripts or not, were later superseded by a new set of maps made by a
+German cartographer, Nicolaus Donis, which he added to a revision of
+Angelus's Latin text. These later maps were close copies of the original
+Greek maps, and were accompanied by others of a similar workmanship,
+which represented better knowledge than the Greeks had. In 1478 these
+Donis maps were first engraved on copper, and were used in the later
+editions of 1490, and slightly corrected in those of 1507 and 1508. The
+engravers were Schweinheim and Buckinck, and their work, following
+copies of it in the edition of 1490, has been admirably reproduced in
+_The Facsimile Atlas_ of Nordenskiöld (Stockholm, 1889).
+
+[Illustration: DONIS, 1482.]
+
+[Sidenote: Greenland in maps.]
+
+Meanwhile, editions of the text of Angelus had been issued at Ulm in
+1482, and giving additions in 1486, with woodcut maps, the same in both
+issues on a different projection, assigned to Dominus Nicolaus Germanus,
+who had, according to Nordenskiöld, completed the manuscript fifteen
+years earlier. It is significant, perhaps, of the slowness with which
+the bruit of Portuguese discoveries to the south had traveled that there
+is in the maps of Africa no extension of Ptolemy's knowledge. But if
+they are deficient in the south, they are remarkable in the north for
+showing the coming America in a delineation of Greenland, which, as we
+have already pointed out, was no new object in the manuscript
+portolanos, even as far back as the early part of the same century.
+
+[Illustration: RUYSCH, 1508.]
+
+Two years after the death of Columbus, we find in the edition of 1508,
+and sometimes in the edition of 1507,--there is no difference between
+the two issues except in the title-page,--the first engraved map which
+has particular reference to the new geographical developments of the
+age.
+
+[Sidenote: 1507-8. The Ruysch map.]
+
+This Ruysch map shows the African coast discoveries of the Portuguese,
+with the discoveries of Marco Polo towards the east. In connection with
+the latter, the same material which Behaim had used in his globe seems
+to have been equally accessible to Ruysch. The latter's map has a legend
+on the sea between Iceland and Greenland, saying that an island situated
+there was burnt up in 1456. This statement has been connected by some
+with another contained in the Sagas, that from an island in this channel
+both Greenland and Iceland could be seen.
+
+We also learn from another legend that Portuguese vessels had pushed
+down the South American coast to 50° south latitude, and the historians
+of these early voyages have been unable to say who the pioneers were who
+have left us so early a description of Brazil.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and the Ruysch map.]
+
+It is inferred from a reference of Beneventanus, in his Ptolemy,
+respecting this map, that some aid had been derived from a map made by
+one of the Columbuses, and a statement that Bartholomew Columbus, in
+Rome in 1505, gave a map of the new discoveries to a canon of San
+Giovanni di Laterano has been thought to refer to such a map, which
+would, if it could be established, closely connect the Ruysch map with
+Columbus. It is also supposed to have some relation to Cabot, since a
+voyage which Ruysch made to the new regions westward from England may
+have been, and probably was, with that navigator. In this case, the
+reference to that part of the coast of Asia which the English discovered
+may record Ruysch's personal experiences. If these things can be
+considered as reasonably established, it gives great interest to this
+map of Ruysch, and connects Columbus not only with the earliest
+manuscript map, La Cosa of 1500, but also with the earliest engraved map
+of the New World, as Ruysch's map was.
+
+[Sidenote: Sources of the Ruysch map.]
+
+In speaking of the Ruysch map, Henry Stevens thinks that the
+cartographer laid down the central archipelago of America from the
+printed letter of Columbus, because it was the only account in print in
+1507; but why restrict the sources of information to those in print,
+when La Cosa's map might have been copied, or the material which La Cosa
+employed might have been used by others, and when the Cantino map is a
+familiar copy of Portuguese originals, all of which might well have been
+known in the varied circles with which Ruysch is seen by his map to have
+been familiar?
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese geography and maps.]
+
+While it is a fact that central and northern Europe got its
+cartographical knowledge of the New World almost wholly from Portugal,
+owing, perhaps, to the exertions of Spain to preserve their explorers'
+secrets, we do not, at the same time, find a single engraved Portuguese
+map of the early years of this period of discovery.
+
+[Sidenote: Portuguese portolano.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pedro Reinel.]
+
+A large map, to show the Portuguese discoveries during years then
+recent, was probably made for King Emanuel, and it has come down to us,
+being preserved now at Munich. This chart wholly omits the Spanish work
+of exploration, and records only the coasts coursed by Cabral in the
+south, and by the Cortereals in the north. We have a further and similar
+record in the chart of Pedro Reinel, which could not have been made far
+from the same time, and which introduces to us the same prominent cape
+which in La Cosa's map had been called the English cape as "Cavo Razo,"
+a name preserved to us to-day in the Cape Race of Newfoundland.
+
+[Illustration: THE SO-CALLED ADMIRAL'S MAP.]
+
+[Sidenote: Spain and Portugal conceal their geographical secrets.]
+
+There is abundant evidence of the non-communicative policy of Spain.
+This secretiveness was understood at the time Robert Thorne, in 1527,
+complained, as well as Sir Humphrey Gilbert in his _Discoverie_, that a
+similar injunction was later laid by Portugal. In Veitia Linage's
+_Norte_ we read of the cabinets in which these maps were preserved, and
+how the Spanish pilot major and royal cosmographer alone kept the keys.
+There exists a document by which one of the companions of Magellan was
+put under a penalty of two thousand ducats not to disclose the route he
+traversed in that famous voyage. We know how Columbus endeavored to
+conceal the route of his final voyage, in which he reached the coast of
+Veragua.
+
+[Illustration: MÜNSTER, 1532.]
+
+
+[Illustration: GLOBUS MUNDI.]
+
+[Sidenote: A strait to India.]
+
+In the two maps of nearly equal date, being the earliest engraved charts
+which we have, the Ruysch map of 1508 and the so-called Admiral's map of
+1507 (1513), the question of a strait leading to the Asiatic seas, which
+Columbus had spent so much energy in trying to find during his last
+voyage, is treated differently. We have seen that La Cosa confessed his
+uncertain knowledge by covering the place with a vignette. In the Ruysch
+map there is left the possibility of such a passage; in the other there
+is none, for the main shore is that of Asia itself, whose coast line
+uninterruptedly connects with that of South America. The belief in such
+a strait in due time was fixed, and lingered even beyond the time when
+Cortes showed there was no ground for it. We find it in Schöner's
+globes, in the Tross gores, and even so late as 1532, in the belated map
+of Münster.
+
+[Illustration: EDEN.]
+
+[Sidenote: Earliest map to show America made north of the Alps.]
+
+The map of the _Globus Mundi_ (Strassburg, 1509) has some significance
+as being the earliest issued north of the Alps, recording both the
+Portuguese and Spanish discoveries; though it merely gives the
+projecting angle of the South American coast as representing the
+developments of the west.
+
+
+[Sidenote: English references to America.]
+
+[Sidenote: Richard Eden.]
+
+It is doubtful if any reference to the new discoveries had appeared in
+English literature before Alexander Barclay produced in 1509 a
+translation of Brant's _Ship of Fools_, and for a few years there were
+only chance references which made no impression on the literary
+instincts of the time. It was not till after the middle of the century,
+in 1553, that Richard Eden, translating a section of Sebastian Münster's
+_Cosmographia_, published it in London as a _Treatyse of the newe
+India_, and English-reading people first saw a considerable account of
+what the rest of Europe had been doing in contrast with the English
+maritime apathy. Two years later (1555), Eden, drawing this time upon
+Peter Martyr, did much in his _Decades of the Newe World_ to enlarge the
+English conceptions.
+
+[Sidenote: The naming of America.]
+
+But the most striking and significant of all the literary movements
+which grew out of the new oceanic developments was that which gave a
+name to the New World, and has left a continent, which Columbus
+unwittingly found, the monument of another's fame.
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. September. Letter of Vespucius.]
+
+It was in September, 1504, that Vespucius, remembering an old schoolmate
+in Florence, Piero Soderini, who was then the perpetual Gonfalonière of
+that city, took what it is supposed he had written out at length
+concerning his experiences in the New World, and made an abstract of it
+in Italian. Dating this on the 4th of that month, he dispatched it to
+Italy. It is a question whether the original of this abridged text of
+Vespucius is now known, though Varnhagen, with a confidence few scholars
+have shared, has claimed such authenticity for a text which he has
+printed.
+
+[Sidenote: St. Dié.]
+
+[Sidenote: Duke René.]
+
+It concerns us chiefly to know that somehow a copy of this condensed
+narrative of Vespucius came into the hands of his fellow-townsman, Fra
+Giovanni Giocondo, then in Paris at work as an architect constructing a
+bridge over the Seine. It is to be allowed that R. H. Major, in tracing
+the origin of the French text, assumes something to complete his story,
+and that this precise genesis of the narrative which was received by
+Duke René of Lorraine is open to some question. The supposition that a
+young Alsatian, then in Paris, Mathias Ringmann, had been a friend of
+Giocondo, and had been the bearer of this new version to René, is
+likewise a conjecture. Whether Ringmann was such a messenger or not
+matters little, but the time was fast approaching when this young man
+was to be associated with a proposition made in the little village of
+St. Dié, in the Vosges, which was one of those obscure but far-reaching
+mental premonitions so often affecting the world's history, without the
+backing of great names or great events. This almost unknown place was
+within the domain of this same Duke René, a wise man, who liked
+scholars and scholarly tomes. His patronage had fostered there a small
+college and a printing-press. There had been grouped around these
+agencies a number of learned men, or those ambitious of knowledge.
+Scholars in other parts of Europe, when they heard of this little
+coterie, wondered how its members had congregated there. One Walter Lud,
+or Gualterus Ludovicus, as they liked to Latinize his name, a dependent
+and secretary of Duke René, was now a man not much under sixty, and he
+had been the grouper and manager of this body of scholars. There had
+lately been brought to join them this same Mathias Ringmann, who came
+from Paris with all the learning that he had tried to imbibe under the
+tutoring of Dr. John Faber. If we believe the story as Major has worked
+it out, Ringmann had come to this sparse community with all the fervor
+for the exploits of Vespucius which he got in the French capital from
+associating with that Florentine's admirer, the architect Giocondo.
+
+[Illustration: VESPUCIUS.]
+
+Coming to St. Dié, Ringmann had been made a professor of Latin, and with
+the usual nominal alternation had become known as Philesius; and as such
+he appears a little later in connection with a Latin version of the
+French of Giocondo, which was soon made by another of the St. Dié
+scholars, a canon of the cathedral there, Jean Bassin de Sandacourt.
+Still another young man, Walter Waldseemüller, had not long before been
+made a teacher of geography in the college, and his name, as was the
+wont, had been classicized into Hylacomylus.
+
+There have now been brought before the reader all the actors in this
+little St. Dié drama, upon which we, as Americans, must gaze back
+through the centuries as upon the baptismal scene of a continent.
+
+[Sidenote: Waldseemüller.]
+
+[Sidenote: _Cosmographiæ Introductio._]
+
+The Duke had emphasized the cosmographical studies of the age by this
+appointment of an energetic young student of geography, who seems to
+have had a deft hand at map-making. Waldseemüller had some hand, at
+least, in fashioning a map of the new discoveries at the west, and the
+Duke had caused the map to be engraved, and we find a stray note of
+sales of it singly as early as 1507, though it was not till 1513 that it
+fairly got before the world in the Ptolemy of that year. Waldseemüller
+had also developed out of these studies a little cosmographical
+treatise, which the college press was set to work upon, and to swell it
+to the dignity of a book, thin as it still was, the diminutive quarto
+was made to include Bassin's Latin version of the Vespucius narrative,
+set out with some Latin verses by Ringmann. The little book called
+_Cosmographiæ Introductio_ was brought out at this obscure college press
+in St. Dié, in April and August, 1507. There were some varieties in each
+of these issues, while that part which constituted the Vespucius
+narrative was further issued in a separate publication.
+
+
+[Illustration: TITLE OF THE COSMOGRAPHIÆ INTRODUCTIO.]
+
+It was in this form that Vespucius's narrative was for the first time,
+unless Varnhagen's judgment to the contrary is superior to all others,
+brought before the world. The most significant quality of the little
+book, however, was the proposition which Waldseemüller, with his
+anonymous views on cosmography, advanced in the introductory parts. It
+is assumed by writers on the subject that it was not Waldseemüller alone
+who was responsible for the plan there given to name that part of the
+New World which Americus Vespucius had described after the voyager who
+had so graphically told his experiences on its shores. The plan, it is
+supposed, met with the approval of, or was the outcome of the counsels
+of, this little band of St. Dié scholars collectively. It is not the
+belief of students generally that this coterie, any more than Vespucius
+himself, ever imagined that the new regions were really disjoined from
+the Asiatic main, though Varnhagen contends that Vespucius knew they
+were.
+
+[Sidenote:_Mundus Novus._]
+
+One thing is certainly true: that there wasno intention to apply the
+name which was now proposed to anything more than the continental mass
+of the Brazilian shore which Vespucius had coasted, and which was looked
+upon as a distinct region from the islands which Columbus had traversed.
+It had come to be believed that the archipelago of Columbus was far from
+the paradise of luxury and wealth that his extravagant terms called for,
+and which the descriptions of Marco Polo had led the world to expect,
+supposing the regions of the overland and oceanic discoverers to be the
+same. Further than this, a new expectation had been aroused by the
+reports which had come to Europe of the vaster proportions and of the
+brilliant paroquets--for such trivial aspects gave emphasis--of the more
+southern regions. It was an instance of the eagerness with which deluded
+minds, to atone for their first disappointment, grasp at the chances of
+a newer satisfaction. This was the hope which was entertained of this
+_Mundus Novus_ of Vespucius,--not a new world in the sense of a new
+continent.
+
+The Española and its neighboring regions of Columbus, and the Baccalaos
+of Cabot and Cortereal, clothed in imagination with the descriptions of
+Marco Polo, were nothing but the Old World approached from the east
+instead of from the west. It was different with the _Mundus Novus_ of
+Vespucius. Here was in reality a new life and habitation, doubtless
+connected, but how it was not known, with the great eastern world of the
+merchants. It corresponded with nothing, so far as understood, in the
+Asiatic chorography. It was ready for a new name, and it was alone
+associated with the man who had, in the autumn of 1502, so described it,
+and from no one else could its name be so acceptably taken. Europe and
+Asia were geographically contiguous, and so might be Asia and the new
+"America."
+
+[Sidenote: Eclipse of Columbus's name.]
+
+The sudden eclipse which the name of Columbus underwent, as the fame of
+Vespucius ran through the popular mind, was no unusual thing in the
+vicissitudes of reputations. Factitious prominence is gained without
+great difficulty by one or for one, if popular issues of the press are
+worked in his interest, and if a great variety of favoring circumstances
+unite in giving currency to rumors and reports which tend to invest him
+with exclusive interest. The curious public willingly lends itself to
+any end that taxes nothing but its credulity and good nature.
+
+[Sidenote: Fame of Vespucius.]
+
+We have associated with Vespucius just the elements of such a success,
+while the fame of Columbus was waning to the death, namely: a stretch of
+continental coast, promising something more than the scattered trifles
+of an insalubrious archipelago; a new southern heavens, offering other
+glimpses of immensity; descriptions that were calculated to replace in
+new variety and mystery the stale stories of Cipango and Cathay: the
+busy yearnings of a group of young and ardent spirits, having all the
+apparatus of a press to apply to the making of a public sentiment; and
+the enthusiasm of narrators who sought to season their marvels of
+discovery with new delights and honors.
+
+The hold which Vespucius had seized upon the imagination of Europe, and
+which doubtless served to give him prominence in the popular
+appreciation, as it has served many a ready and picturesque writer
+since, was that glowing redundancy of description, both of the earth and
+the southern constellations, which forms so conspicuous a feature of his
+narratives. It was the later voyage of Vespucius, and not his alleged
+voyage of 1497, which raised, as Humboldt has pointed out, the great
+interest which his name suggested.
+
+[Sidenote: Columbus and Vespucius.]
+
+Just what the notion prevailing at the time was of the respective
+exploits of Columbus and Vespucius is easily gathered from a letter
+dated May 20, 1506, which appears in a _Dyalogus Johannis Stamler de
+diversarum gencium sectis, et mundi regionibus_, published in 1508. In
+this treatise a reference is made to the letters of Columbus (1493) and
+Vespucius (1503) as concerning an insular and continental space
+respectively. It speaks of "Cristofer Colom, the discoverer of _new
+islands_, and of Albericus Vespucius concerning the new discovered
+_world_, to both of whom our age is most largely indebted." It will be
+remembered that an early misnaming of Vespucius by calling him Albericus
+instead of Americus, which took place in one of the early editions of
+his narrative, remained for some time to confuse the copiers of them.
+
+[Sidenote: Vespucius on gravitation.]
+
+If we may judge from a diagram which Vespucius gives of a globe with two
+standing men on it ninety degrees apart, each dropping a line to the
+centre of the earth, this navigator had grasped, together with the idea
+of the sphericity of the globe, the essential conditions of gravitation.
+There could be no up-hill sailing when the zenith was always overhead.
+Curiously enough, the supposition of Columbus, when as he sailed on his
+third voyage he found the air grow colder, was that he was actually
+sailing up-hill, ascending a protuberance of the earth which was like
+the stem end of a pear, with the crowning region of the earthly paradise
+atop of all! Such contrasts show the lesser navigator to be the greater
+physicist, and they go not a small way in accounting for the levelness
+of head which gained the suffrages of the wise.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Illustration: PART OF MAP IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1513.]
+
+[Illustration: PART OF MAP IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1513.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1508. Duke René died.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1509. _Globus Mundi._]
+
+When Duke René, upon whom so much had depended in the little community
+at St. Dié, died, in 1508, the geographical printing schemes of
+Waldseemüller and his fellows received a severe reverse, and for a few
+years we hear nothing more of the edition of Ptolemy which had been
+planned. The next year (1509), Waldseemüller, now putting his name to
+his little treatise, was forced, because of the failure of the college
+press, to go to Strassburg to have a new edition of it printed (1509).
+The proposals for naming the continental discoveries of Vespucius seem
+not in the interim to have excited any question, and so they are
+repeated. We look in vain in the copy of this edition which Ferdinand
+Columbus bought at Venice in July, 1521, and which is preserved at
+Seville, for any marginal protest. The author of the _Historie_, how far
+soever Ferdinand may have been responsible for that book, is equally
+reticent. There was indeed no reason why he should take any exception.
+The fitness of the appellation was accepted as in no way invalidating
+the claim of Columbus to discoveries farther to the north; and in
+another little tract, printed at the same time at Grüniger's Strassburg
+press, the anonymous _Globus Mundi_, the name "America" is adopted in
+the text, though the small bit of the new coast shown in its map is
+called by a translation of Vespucius's own designation merely "_Newe
+Welt_."
+
+[Sidenote: 1513. The Strassburg Ptolemy.]
+
+The Ptolemy scheme bore fruit at last, and at Strassburg, also, for here
+the edition whose maps are associated with the name of Waldseemüller,
+and whose text shows some of the influence of a Greek manuscript of the
+old geographer which Ringmann had earlier brought from Italy, came out
+in 1513. Here was a chance, in a book far more sure to have influence
+than the little anonymous tract of 1507, to impress the new name America
+upon the world of scholars and observers, and the opportunity was not
+seized. It is not easy to divine the cause of such an omission. The
+edition has two maps which show this Vespucian continent in precisely
+the same way, though but one of them shows also to its full extent the
+region of Columbus's explorations. On one of these maps the southern
+regions have no designation whatever, and on the other, the "Admiral's
+map," there is a legend stretched across it, assigning the discovery of
+the region to Columbus.
+
+We do not know, in all the contemporary literature which has come down
+to us, that up to 1513 there had been any rebuke at the ignorance or
+temerity which appeared in its large bearing to be depriving Columbus of
+a rightful honor. That in 1509 Waldseemüller should have enforced the
+credit given to Vespucius, and in 1513 revoked it in favor of Columbus,
+seems to indicate qualms of conscience of which we have no other trace.
+Perhaps, indeed, this reversion of sympathy is of itself an evidence
+that Waldseemüller had less to do with the edition than has been
+supposed. It is too much to assert that Waldseemüller repented of his
+haste, but the facts in one light would indicate it.
+
+[Sidenote: The name America begins to be accepted.]
+
+[Illustration: THE TROSS GORES.]
+
+Like many such headlong projects, however, the purpose had passed beyond
+the control of its promoters. The euphony, if not the fitness, of the
+name America had attracted attention, and there are several printed and
+manuscript globes and maps in existence which at an early date adopted
+that designation for the southern continent. Nordenskiöld (_Facsimile
+Atlas_, p. 42) quotes from the commentaries of the German Coclæus,
+contained in the _Meteorologia Aristotelis_ of Jacobus Faber (Nuremberg,
+1512) a passage referring to the "Nova Americi terra."
+
+[Sidenote: 1516-17. First in a map.]
+
+To complicate matters still more, within a few years after this an
+undated edition of Waldseemüller's tract appeared at Lyons,--perhaps
+without his participation,--which was always found, down to 1881,
+without a map, though the copies known were very few; but in that year a
+copy with a map was discovered, now owned by an American collector, in
+which the proposition of the text is enforced with the name America on
+the representation of South America. A section of this map is here given
+as the Tross Gores. In the present condition of our knowledge of the
+matter, it was thus at a date somewhere about 1516-17 that the name
+appeared first in any printed map, unless, indeed, we allow a somewhat
+earlier date to two globes in the Hauslab collection at Vienna. On the
+date of these last objects there is, however, much difference of
+opinion, and one of them has been depicted and discussed in the
+_Mittheilungen_ of the Geographische Gesellschaft (1886, p. 364) of
+Vienna. Here, as in the descriptive texts, it must be clearly kept in
+mind, however, that no one at this date thought of applying the name to
+more than the land which Vespucius had found stretching south beyond the
+equator on the east side of South America, and which Balboa had shown to
+have a similar trend on the west. The islands and region to the north,
+which Columbus and Cabot had been the pioneers in discovering, still
+remained a mystery in their relations to Asia, and there was yet a long
+time to elapse before the truth should be manifest to all, that a
+similar expanse of ocean lay westerly at the north, as was shown by
+Balboa to extend in the same direction at the south.
+
+[Illustration: THE HAUSLAB GLOBE.]
+
+This Vespucian baptism of South America now easily worked its way to
+general recognition. It is found in a contemporary set of gores which
+Nordenskiöld has of late brought to light, and was soon adopted by the
+Nuremberg globe-maker, Schöner (1515, etc.); by Vadianus at Vienna, when
+editing Pomponius Mela (1515); by Apian on a map used in an edition of
+Solinus, edited by Camers (1520); and by Lorenz Friess, who had been of
+Duke René's coterie and a correspondent of Vespucius, on a map
+introduced into the Grüniger Ptolemy, published at Strassburg (1522),
+which also reproduced the Waldseemüller map of 1513. This is the
+earliest of the Ptolemies in which we find the name accepted on its
+maps.
+
+[Sidenote: 1522. The name first in a Ptolemy.]
+
+[Illustration: THE NORDENSKIÖLD GORES.]
+
+[Illustration: APIANUS, 1520.]
+
+[Illustration: SCHÖNER GLOBE, 1515.]
+
+[Illustration: FRIESS (_Frisius_), IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1522.]
+
+There is one significant fact concerning the conflict of the Crown with
+the heirs of Columbus, which followed upon the Admiral's death, and in
+which the advocates of the government sought to prove that the claim of
+Columbus to have discovered the continental shore about the Gulf of
+Paria in 1498 was not to be sustained in view of visits by others at an
+earlier date. This significant fact is that Vespucius is not once
+mentioned during the litigation. It is of course possible, and perhaps
+probable, that it was for the interests of both parties to keep out of
+view a servant of Portugal trenching upon what was believed to be
+Spanish territories. The same impulse could hardly have influenced
+Ferdinand Columbus in the silent acquiescence which, as a contemporary
+informs us, was his attitude towards the action of the St. Dié
+professors. There seems little doubt of his acceptance of a view, then
+undoubtedly common, that there was no conflict of the claims of the
+respective navigators, because their different fields of exploration had
+not brought such claims in juxtaposition.
+
+[Sidenote: Who first landed on the southern main?]
+
+[Sidenote: Vespucius's maps.]
+
+[Sidenote: Vespucius not privy to the naming.]
+
+Following, however, upon the assertion of Waldseemüller, that Vespucius
+had "found" this continental tract needing a name, there grew up a
+belief in some quarters, and deducible from the very obscure chronology
+of his narrative, which formulated itself in a statement that Vespucius
+had really been the first to set foot on any part of this extended main.
+It was here that very soon the jealousy of those who had the good name
+of Columbus in their keeping began to manifest itself, and some time
+after 1527,--if we accept that year as the date of his beginning work on
+the _Historie_,--Las Casas, who had had some intimate relations with
+Columbus, tells us that the report was rife of Vespucius himself being
+privy to such pretensions. Unless Las Casas, or the reporters to whom he
+referred, had material of which no one now has knowledge, it is certain
+that there is no evidence connecting Vespucius with the St. Dié
+proposition, and it is equally certain that evidence fails to establish
+beyond doubt the publication of any map bearing the name America while
+Vespucius lived. He had been made pilot major of Spain March 22, 1508,
+and had died February 22, 1512. We have no chart made by Vespucius
+himself, though it is known that in 1518 such a chart was in the
+possession of Ferdinand, brother of Charles the Fifth. The recovery of
+this chart would doubtless render a signal service in illuminating this
+and other questions of early American cartography. It might show us how
+far, if at all, Vespucius "sinfully failed towards the Admiral," as Las
+Casas reports of him, and adds: "If Vespucius purposely gave currency to
+this belief of his first setting foot on the main, it was a great
+wickedness; and if it was not done intentionally, it looks like it."
+With all this predisposition, however, towards an implication of
+Vespucius, Las Casas was cautious enough to consider that, after all, it
+may have been the St. Dié coterie who were alone responsible for
+starting the rumor.
+
+[Sidenote: "America" not used in Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1541. Mercator first applied the name to both North and South
+America.]
+
+It is very clear that in Spain there had been no recognition of the name
+"America," nor was it ever officially recognized by the Spanish
+government. Las Casas understood that it had been applied by
+"foreigners," who had, as he says, "called America what ought to be
+called Columba." Just what date should attach to this protest of Las
+Casas is not determinable. If it was later than the gore-map of Mercator
+in 1541, which was the first, so far as is known, to apply the name to
+both North and South America, there is certainly good reason for the
+disquietude of Las Casas. If it was before that, it was because, with
+the progress of discovery, it had become more and more clear that all
+parts of the new regions were component parts of an absolutely new
+continent, upon which the name of the first discoverer of any part of
+it, main or insular, ought to have been bestowed. That it should be left
+to "foreign writers," as Las Casas said, to give a name representing a
+rival interest to a world that Spanish enterprise had made known was no
+less an indignity to Spain than to her great though adopted Admiral.
+
+[Sidenote: Spread of the name in central Europe.]
+
+It happens that the suggestion which sprang up in the Vosges worked
+steadily onward through the whole of central Europe. That it had so
+successful a propagation is owing, beyond a doubt, as much to the
+exclusive spirit of the Spanish government in keeping to itself its
+hydrographical progress as to any other cause. We have seen how the name
+spread through Germany and Austria. It was taken up by Stobnicza in
+Poland in 1512, in a Cracow introduction to Ptolemy; and many other of
+the geographical writers of central and southern Europe adopted the
+designation. The _New Interlude_, published in England in 1519, had used
+it, and towards the middle of the century the fame of Vespucius had
+occupied England, so far as Sir Thomas More and William Cunningham
+represent it, to the almost total obscuration of Columbus.
+
+It was but a question of time when Vespucius would be charged with
+promoting his own glory by borrowing the plumes of Columbus. Whether Las
+Casas, in what has been quoted, initiated such accusations or not, the
+account of that writer was in manuscript and could have had but small
+currency.
+
+[Sidenote: 1533. Schöner accuses Vespucius of participation in the
+injustice.]
+
+The first accusation in print, so far as has been discovered, came from
+the German geographer, Johann Schöner, who, having already in his
+earlier globes adopted the name America, now in a tract called
+_Opusculum Geographicum_, which he printed at Nuremberg in 1533, openly
+charged Vespucius with attaching his own name to a region of India
+Superior. Two years later, Servetus, while he repeated in his Ptolemy of
+1535 the earlier maps bearing the name America, entered in his text a
+protest against its use by alleging distinctly that Columbus was earlier
+than Vespucius in finding the new main.
+
+Within a little more than a year from the death of Vespucius, and while
+the maps assigned to Waldseemüller were pressed on the attention of
+scholars, the integralness of the great southern continent, to which a
+name commemorating Americus had been given, was made manifest, or at
+least probable, by the discovery of Balboa.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: A barrier suspected.]
+
+Let us now see how the course of discovery was finding record during
+these early years of the sixteenth century in respect to the great but
+unsuspected barrier which actually interposed in the way of those who
+sought Asia over against Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: Discoveries in the north.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1504. Normans and Bretons.]
+
+In the north, the discoveries of the English under Cabot, and of the
+Portuguese under the Cortereals, soon led the Normans and Bretons from
+Dieppe and Saint Malo to follow in the wake of such predecessors. As
+early as 1504 the fishermen of these latter peoples seem to have been on
+the northern coasts, and we owe to them the name of Cape Breton, which
+is thought to be the oldest French name in our American geography. It is
+the "Gran Capitano" of Ramusio who credits the Bretons with these early
+visits at the north, though we get no positive cartographical record of
+such visits till 1520, in a map which is given by Kunstmann in his
+_Atlas_.
+
+[Sidenote: 1505. Portuguese.]
+
+Again, in 1505, some Portuguese appear to have been on the Newfoundland
+coast under the royal patronage of Henry VII. of England, and by 1506
+the Portuguese fishermen were regular frequenters of the Newfoundland
+banks. We find in the old maps Portuguese names somewhat widely
+scattered on the neighboring coast lines, for the frequenting of the
+region by the fishermen of that nation continued well towards the close
+of the century.
+
+[Sidenote: 1506. Spaniards.]
+
+There are also stories of one Velasco, a Spaniard, visiting the St.
+Lawrence in 1506, and Juan de Agramonte in 1511 entered into an
+agreement with the Spanish King to pursue discovery in these parts more
+actively, but we have no definite knowledge of results.
+
+[Sidenote: 1517. Sebastian Cabot.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1521. Portuguese.]
+
+The death of Ferdinand, January 23, 1516, would seem to have put a stop
+to a voyage which had already been planned for Spain by Sebastian Cabot,
+to find a northwest passage; but the next year (1517) Cabot, in behalf
+of England, had sailed to Hudson's Strait, and thence north to 67° 30',
+finding "no night there," and observing extraordinary variations of the
+compass. Somewhat later there are the very doubtful claims of the
+Portuguese to explorations under Fagundes about the Gulf of St. Lawrence
+in 1521.
+
+[Sidenote: 1506. Ango's captains.]
+
+[Sidenote: Denys's map.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1518. Léry.]
+
+By 1506 also there is something like certainty respecting the Normans,
+and under the influence of a notable Dieppese, Jean Ango, we soon meet a
+class of adventurous mariners tempting distant and marvelous seas. We
+read of Pierre Crignon, and Thomas Aubert, both of Dieppe, Jean Denys of
+Honfleur, and Jean Parmentier, all of whom have come down to us through
+the pages of Ramusio. It is of Jean Denys in 1506, and of Thomas Aubert
+a little later, that we find the fullest recitals. To Denys there has
+been ascribed a mysterious chart of the Gulf of St. Lawrence; but if the
+copy which is preserved represents it, there can be no hesitation in
+discarding it as a much later cartographical record. The original is
+said to have been found in the archives of the ministry of war in Paris
+so late as 1854, but no such map is found there now. The copy which was
+made for the Canadian archives is at Ottawa, and I have been favored by
+the authorities there with a tracing of it. No one of authority will be
+inclined to dispute the judgment of Harrisse that it is apocryphal. We
+are accordingly left in uncertainty just how far at this time the
+contour of the Golfo Quadrago, as the Gulf of St. Lawrence was called,
+was made out. Aubert is said to have brought to France seven of the
+natives of the region in 1509. Ten years or more later (1519, etc.), the
+Baron de Léry is thought to have attempted a French settlement
+thereabouts, of which perhaps the only traces were some European cattle,
+the descendants of his small herd landed there in 1528, which were found
+on Sable Island many years later.
+
+[Sidenote: 1526. Nicholas Don.]
+
+We know from Herrera that in 1526 Nicholas Don, a Breton, was fishing
+off Baccalaos, and Rut tells us that in 1527 Norman and Breton vessels
+were pulling fish on the shores of Newfoundland. Such mentions mark the
+early French knowledge of these northern coasts, but there is little in
+it all to show any contribution to geographical developments.
+
+[Illustration: PETER MARTYR, 1511.]
+
+[Illustration: PONCE DE LEON.
+
+[From Barcia's _Herrera_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Attempts to connect the northern discoveries with those of
+the Spanish.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1511. Peter Martyr's map.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1512. Ponce de Leon.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1513. March.]
+
+[Sidenote: Florida.]
+
+Before this, however, the first serious attempt of which we have
+incontrovertible evidence was made to connect these discoveries in the
+north with those of the Spanish in the Antilles. As early as 1511 the
+map given by Peter Martyr had shown that, from the native reports or
+otherwise, a notion had arisen of lands lying north of Cuba. In 1512
+Ponce de Leon was seeking a commission to authorize him to go and see
+what this reported land was like, with its fountain of youth. He got it
+February 23, 1512, when Ferdinand commissioned him "to find and settle
+the island of Bimini," if none had already been there, or if Portugal
+had not already acquired possession in any part that he sought. Delays
+in preparation postponed the actual departure of his expedition from
+Porto Rico till March, 1513. On the 23d of that month, Easter Sunday, he
+struck the mainland somewhere opposite the Bahamas, and named the
+country Florida, from the day of the calendar. He tracked the coast
+northward to a little above 30° north latitude. Then he retraced his
+way, and rounding the southern cape, went well up the western side of
+the peninsula. Whether any stray explorers had been before along this
+shore may be a question. Private Spanish or Portuguese adventurers, or
+even Englishmen, had not been unknown in neighboring waters some years
+earlier, as we have evidence. We find certainly in this voyage of Ponce
+de Leon for the first time an unmistakable official undertaking, which
+we might expect would soon have produced its cartographical record. The
+interdicts of the Council of the Indies were, however, too powerful, and
+the old lines of the Cantino map still lingered in the maps for some
+years, though by 1520 the Floridian peninsula began to take recognizable
+shape in certain Spanish maps.
+
+[Illustration: PONCE DE LEON'S TRACK.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bimini.]
+
+Just what stood for Bimini in the reports of this expedition is not
+clear; but there seems to have been a vague notion of its not being the
+same as Florida, for when Ponce de Leon got a new patent in September,
+1514, he was authorized to settle both "islands," Bimini and Florida,
+and Diego Colon as viceroy was directed to help on the expedition. Seven
+years, however, passed in delays, so that it was not till 1521 that he
+attempted to make a settlement, but just at what point is not known.
+Sickness and loss in encounters with the Indians soon discouraged him,
+and he returned to Cuba to die of an arrow wound received in one of the
+forays of the natives.
+
+[Sidenote: 1519. Pineda.]
+
+It was still a question if Florida connected with any adjacent lands.
+Several minor expeditions had added something to the stretch of coast,
+but the main problem still stood unsolved. In 1519 Pineda had made the
+circuit of the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and at the river
+Panuco he had been challenged by Cortes as trenching on his government.
+Turning again eastward, Pineda found the mouth of the river named by him
+Del Espiritu Santo, which passes with many modern students as the first
+indication in history of the great Mississippi, while others trace the
+first signs of that river to Cabeça de Vaca in 1528, or to the passage
+higher up its current by De Soto in 1541. Believing it at first the
+long-looked-for strait to pass to the Indies, Pineda entered it, only to
+be satisfied that it must gather the watershed of a continent, which in
+this part was now named Amichel. It seemed accordingly certain that no
+passage to the west was to be found in this part of the gulf, and that
+Florida must be more than an island.
+
+[Sidenote: 1520. Ayllon.]
+
+[Sidenote: Spaniards in Virginia.]
+
+While these explorations were going on in the gulf, others were
+conducted on the Atlantic side of Florida. If the Pompey Stone which has
+been found in New York State, to the confusion of historical students,
+be accepted as genuine, it is evidence that the Spaniard had in 1520
+penetrated from some point on the coast to that region. In 1520 we get
+demonstrable proof, when Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon sent a caravel under
+Gordillo, which joined company on the way with another vessel bound on a
+slave-hunting expedition, and the two, proceeding northward, sighted the
+main coast at a river which they found to be in thirty-three and a half
+degrees of north latitude, on the South Carolina coast. They returned
+without further exploration. Ayllon, without great success, attempted
+further explorations in 1525; but in 1526 he went again with greater
+preparations, and made his landfall a little farther north, near the
+mouth of the Wateree River, which he called the Jordan, and sailed on to
+the Chesapeake, where, with the help of negro slaves, then first
+introduced into this region, he began the building of a town at or near
+the spot where the English in the next century founded Jamestown; or at
+least this is the conjecture of Dr. Shea. Here Ayllon died of a
+pestilential fever October 18, 1526, when the disheartened colonists,
+one hundred and fifty out of the original five hundred, returned to
+Santo Domingo.
+
+[Illustration: THE AYLLON MAP.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1524. Gomez.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chaves's map.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1529. Ribero's map.]
+
+While these unfortunate experiences were in progress, Estevan Gomez,
+sent by the Spanish government, after the close of the conference at
+Badajos, to make sure that there was no passage to the Moluccas anywhere
+along this Atlantic coast, started in the autumn of 1524, if the data we
+have admit of that conclusion as to the time, from Corunna, in the north
+of Spain. He proceeded at once, as Charles V. had directed him, to the
+Baccalaos region, striking the mainland possibly at Labrador, and then
+turned south, carefully examining all inlets. We have no authoritative
+narrative sanctioned by his name, or by that of any one accompanying the
+expedition; nor has the map which Alonso Chaves made to conform to what
+was reported by Gomez been preserved, but the essential features of the
+exploration are apparently embodied in the great map of Ribero (1529),
+and we have sundry stray references in the later chroniclers. From all
+this it would seem that Gomez followed the coast southward to the point
+of Florida, and made it certain to most minds that no such passage to
+India existed, though there was a lingering suspicion that the Gulf of
+St. Lawrence had not been sufficiently explored.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Shores of the Caribbean Sea.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ojeda and Nicuessa.]
+
+Let us turn now to the southern shores of the Caribbean Sea. New efforts
+at colonizing here were undertaken in 1508-9. By this time the coast had
+been pretty carefully made out as far as Honduras, largely through the
+explorations of Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa. The scheme was a dual one,
+and introduces us to two new designations of the regions separated by
+that indentation of the coast known as the Gulf of Uraba. Here Ojeda and
+Nicuessa were sent to organize governments, and rule their respective
+provinces of Nueva Andalusia and Castilla del Oro for the period of four
+years. Mention has already been made of this in the preceding chapter.
+They delayed getting to their governments, quarreled for a while about
+their bounds on each other, fought the natives with desperation but not
+with much profit, lost La Cosa in one of the encounters, and were
+thwarted in their purpose of holding Jamaica as a granary and in getting
+settlers from Española by the alertness of Diego Colon, who preferred to
+be tributary to no one.
+
+All this had driven Ojeda to great stress in the little colony of San
+Sebastian which he had founded. He attempted to return for aid to
+Española, and was wrecked on the voyage. This caused him to miss his
+lieutenant Enciso, who was on his way to him with recruits. So Ojeda
+passes out of history, except so far as he tells his story in the
+testimony he gave in the suit of the heirs of Columbus in 1513-15.
+
+[Sidenote: Pizarro.]
+
+[Illustration: BALBOA.
+
+[From Barcia's _Herrera_.]]
+
+New heroes were coming on. A certain Pizarro had been left in command by
+Ojeda,--not many years afterwards to be heard of. One Vasco Nuñez de
+Balboa, a poor and debt-burdened fugitive, was on board of Enciso's
+ship, and had wit enough to suggest that a region like San Sebastian,
+inhabited by tribes which used poisoned arrows, was not the place for a
+colony struggling for existence and dependent on foraging. So they
+removed the remnants of the colony, which Enciso had turned back as they
+were escaping, to the other side of the bay, and in this way the new
+settlement came within the jurisdiction of Nicuessa, whom a combination
+soon deposed and shipped to sea, never to be heard of. It was in these
+commotions that Vasco Nuñez de Balboa brought himself into a prominence
+that ended in his being commissioned by Diego Colon as governor of the
+new colony. He had, meanwhile, got more knowledge of a great sea at the
+westward than Columbus had acquired on the coast of Veragua in 1503.
+Balboa rightly divined that its discovery, if he could effect it, would
+serve him a good purpose in quieting any jealousies of his rule, of
+which he was beginning to observe symptoms.
+
+[Sidenote: 1513. Balboa and the South Sea.]
+
+So on the 1st of September, 1513, he set out in the direction which the
+natives hadindicated, and by the 24th he had reached a mountain from the
+topof which his guides told him he would behold the sea. On the 25th his
+party ascended, himself in front, and it was not long before he stood
+gazing upon the distant ocean, the first of Europeans to discern the
+long-coveted sea. Down the other slope the Spaniards went. The path was
+a difficult one, and it was three days before one of his advanced squads
+reached the beach. Not till the next day, the 29th, did Vasco Nuñez
+himself join those in advance, when, striding into the tide, he took
+possession of the sea and its bordering lands in the name of his
+sovereigns. It was on Saint Miguel's Day, and the Bay of Saint Miguel
+marks the spot to-day. Towards the end of January, 1514, he was again
+with the colony at Antigua del Darien. Thence, in March, he dispatched a
+messenger to Spain with news of the great discovery.
+
+[Sidenote: Pedrarias.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1517. Balboa executed.]
+
+This courier did not reach Europe till after a new expedition had been
+dispatched under Pedrarias, and with him went a number of followers, who
+did in due time their part in thridding and designating these new paths
+of exploration. We recognize among them Hernando de Soto, Bernal Diaz,
+the chronicler of the exploits of Cortes, and Oviedo, the historian. It
+was from April till June, 1514, that Pedrarias was on his way, and it
+was not long before the new governor with his imposing array of strength
+brought the recusant Balboa to trial, out of which he emerged burdened
+with heavy fines. The new governor planned at once to reap the fruits of
+Balboa's discovery. An expedition was sent along his track, which
+embarked on the new sea and gathered spoils where it could. Pedrarias
+soon grew jealous of Balboa, for it was not without justice that the
+state of the augmented colony was held to compare unfavorably with the
+conditions which Balboa had maintained during his rule. But constancy
+was never of much prevalence in these days, and Balboa's chains, lately
+imposed, were stricken off to give him charge of an exploration of the
+sea which he had discovered. Once here, Balboa planned new conquests and
+a new independency. Pedrarias, hearing of it through a false friend of
+Balboa, enticed the latter into his neighborhood, and a trial was soon
+set on foot, which ended in the execution of Balboa and his abettors.
+This was in 1517.
+
+It was not long before Pedrarias removed his capital to Panama, and in
+1519 and during the few following years his captains pushed their
+explorations northerly along the shores of the South Sea, as the new
+ocean had been at once called.
+
+[Sidenote: 1515. Biru.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1519. Panama founded.]
+
+As early as 1515 Pizarro and Morales had wandered down the coast
+southward to a region called Biru by the natives, and this was as far as
+adventure had carried any Spaniard, during the ten years since Balboa's
+discovery. They had learned here of a rich region farther on, and it got
+to be spoken of by the same name, or by a perversion of it, as Peru. In
+this interval the town of Panama had been founded (1519), and Pizarro
+and Almagro, with the priest Luque, were among those to whom allotments
+were made.
+
+[Sidenote: Peru.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chili.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chiloe.]
+
+It was by these three associates, in 1524 and 1526, that the expeditions
+were organized which led to the exploration of the coasts of Peru and
+the conquest of the region. The equator was crossed in 1526; in 1527
+they reached 9° south. It was not till 1535 that, in the progress of
+events, a knowledge of the coast was extended south to the neighborhood
+of Lima, which was founded in that year. In the autumn of 1535, Almagro
+started south to make conquest of Chili, and the bay of Valparaiso was
+occupied in September, 1536. Eight years later, in 1544, explorations
+were pushed south to 41°. It was only in 1557 that expeditions reached
+the archipelago of Chiloe, and the whole coast of South America on the
+Pacific was made out with some detail down to the region which Magellan
+had skirted, as will be shortly shown.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1508. Ocampo and Cuba.]
+
+It will be remembered that in 1503 Columbus had struck the coast of
+Honduras west of Cape Gracias à Dios. He learned then of lands to the
+northwest from some Indians whom he met in a canoe, but his eagerness to
+find the strait of his dreams led him south. It was fourteen years
+before the promise of that canoe was revealed. In 1508 Ocampo had found
+the western extremity of Cuba, and made the oath of Columbus ridiculous.
+
+[Sidenote: 1517. Yucatan.]
+
+In 1517 a slave-hunting expedition, having steered towards the west from
+Cuba, discovered the shores of Yucatan; and the next year (1518) the
+real exploration of that region began when Juan de Grijalva, a nephew of
+the governor of Cuba, led thither an expedition which explored the coast
+of Yucatan and Mexico.
+
+[Sidenote: 1518. Cortes.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1519.]
+
+When Grijalva returned to Cuba in 1518, it was to find an expedition
+already planned to follow up his discoveries, and Hernando Cortes, who
+had been in the New World since 1504, had been chosen to lead it, with
+instructions to make further explorations of the coast,--a purpose very
+soon to become obscured in other objects. He sailed on the 17th of
+November, and stopped along the coast of Cuba for recruits, so it was
+not till February 18, 1519, that he sunk the shores of Cuba behind him,
+and in March he was skirting the Yucatan shore and sailed on to San Juan
+de Uloa. In due time, forgetting his instructions, and caring for other
+conquests than those of discovery, he began his march inland. The story
+of the conquest of Mexico does not help us in the aim now in view, and
+we leave it untold.
+
+[Illustration: GRIJALVA.
+
+[From Barcia's _Herrera_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Quinsay.]
+
+It was not long after this conquest before belated apostles of the
+belief of Columbus appeared, urging that the capital of Montezuma was in
+reality the Quinsay of Marco Polo, with its great commercial interests,
+as was maintained by Schöner in his _Opusculum Geographicum_ in 1533.
+
+[Illustration: GLOBE GIVEN IN SCHÖNER'S _OPUSCULUM GEOGRAPHICUM_, 1533.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1520. Garay.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gulf of Mexico.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1524. Cortes's Gulf of Mexico.]
+
+[Sidenote: Yucatan as an island.]
+
+We have seen how Pineda's expedition to the northern parts of the Gulf
+of Mexico in 1519 had improved the knowledge of that shore, and we have
+a map embodying these explorations, which was sent to Spain in 1520 by
+Garay, then governor of Jamaica. It was now pretty clear that the blank
+spaces of earlier maps, leaving it uncertain if there was a passage
+westerly somewhere in the northwest corner of the gulf, should be filled
+compactly. Still, a belief that such a passage existed somewhere in the
+western contour of the gulf was not readily abandoned. Cortes, when he
+sent to Spain his sketch of the gulf, which was published there in 1524,
+was dwelling on the hope that some such channel existed near Yucatan,
+and his insular delineation of that peninsula, with a shadowy strait at
+its base, was eagerly grasped by the cartographers. Such a severance
+finds a place in the map of Maiollo of 1527, which is preserved in the
+Ambrosian library at Milan. Grijalva, some years earlier, had been sent,
+as we have seen, to sail round Yucatan; and though there are various
+theories about the origin of that name, it seems likely enough that the
+tendency to give it an insular form arose from a misconception of the
+Indian appellation. At all events, the island of Yucatan lingered long
+in the early maps.
+
+[Illustration: GULF OF MEXICO, 1520.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1523. Cortes.]
+
+In 1523 Cortes had sent expeditions up the Pacific, and one up the
+Atlantic side of North America, to find the wished-for passage; but in
+vain.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Spanish and Portuguese rivalries.]
+
+Meanwhile, important movements were making by the Portuguese beyond that
+great sea of the south which Balboa had discovered. These movements were
+little suspected by the Spaniards till the development of them brought
+into contact these two great oceanic rivals.
+
+[Illustration: GULF OF MEXICO, BY CORTES.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1511. Moluccas.]
+
+[Sidenote: A western passage sought at the south.]
+
+The Portuguese, year after year, had extended farther and farther their
+conquests by the African route. Arabia, India, Malacca, Sumatra, fell
+under their sway, and their course was still eastward, until in 1511 the
+coveted land of spices, the clove and the nutmeg, was reached in the
+Molucca Islands. This progress of the Portuguese had been watched with a
+jealous eye by Spain. It was a question if, in passing to these islands,
+the Portuguese had not crossed the line of demarcation as carried to the
+antipodes. If they had, territory neighboring to the Spanish American
+discoveries had been appropriated by that rival power wholly
+unconfronted. This was simply because the Spanish navigators had not as
+yet succeeded in finding a passage through the opposing barrier of what
+they were beginning to suspect was after all an intervening land.
+Meanwhile, Columbus and all since his day having failed to find such a
+passage by way of the Caribbean Sea, and no one yet discovering any at
+the north, nothing was left but to seek it at the south. This was the
+only chance of contesting with the Portuguese the rights which
+occupation was establishing for them at the Moluccas.
+
+[Sidenote: 1508. Pinzon and Solis.]
+
+On the 29th of June, 1508, a new expedition left San Lucar under Pinzon
+and Solis. They made their landfall near Cape St. Augustine, and,
+passing south along the coast of what had now come to be commonly called
+Brazil, they traversed the opening of the broad estuary of the La Plata
+without knowing it, and went five degrees beyond (40° south latitude)
+without finding the sought-for passage.
+
+[Illustration: MAIOLLO MAP, 1527.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1511. Portuguese at Rio de Janeiro.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ferdinand Columbus and the western passage.]
+
+There is some reason to suppose that as early as 1511 the Portuguese had
+become in some degree familiar with the coast about Rio de Janeiro, and
+there is a story of one Juan de Braza settling near this striking bay at
+this early day. It was during the same year (1511) that Ferdinand
+Columbus prepared his _Colon de Concordia_, and in this he maintained
+the theory of a passage to be found somewhere beyond the point towards
+the south which the explorers had thus far reached.
+
+[Illustration: DE COSTA'S DRAWING FROM THE LENOX GLOBE.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1516. Solis.]
+
+[Illustration: SCHÖNER'S GLOBE, 1520.]
+
+[Illustration: MAGELLAN.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1519. Magellan.]
+
+A few years later (1516) the Spanish King sent Juan Diaz de Solis to
+search anew for a passage. He found the La Plata, and for a while hoped
+he had discovered the looked-for strait. Magellan, who had taken some
+umbrage during his Portuguese service, came finally to the Spanish King,
+and, on the plea that the Moluccas fell within the Spanish range under
+the line of demarcation, suggested an expedition to occupy them. He
+professed to be able to reach them by a strait which he could find
+somewhere to the south of the La Plata. It has long been a question if
+Magellan's anticipation was based simply on a conjecture that, as Africa
+had been found to end in a southern point, America would likewise be
+discovered to have a similar southern cape. It has also been a question
+if Magellan actually had any tidings from earlier voyages to afford a
+ground for believing in such a geographical fact. It is possible that
+other early discoverers had been less careful than Solis, and had been
+misled by the broad estuary of the La Plata to think that it was really
+an interoceanic passage. Some such intelligence would seem to have
+instigated the conditions portrayed in one early map, but the general
+notion of cartographers at the time terminates the known coast at Cape
+Frio, near Rio de Janeiro, as is seen to be the case in the Ptolemy map
+of 1513. There is a story, originating with Pigafetta, his historian,
+that Magellan had seen a map of Martin Behaim, showing a southern cape;
+but if this map existed, it revealed probably nothing more than a
+conjectural termination, as shown in the Lenox and earliest Schöner
+globes of 1515 and 1520. Still, Wieser and Nordenskiöld are far from
+being confident that some definite knowledge of such a cape had not been
+attained, probably, as it is thought, from private commercial voyage of
+which we may have a record in the _Newe Zeitung_ and in the
+_Luculentissima Descriptio_. It is to be feared that the fact, whatever
+it may have been, must remain shadowy.
+
+Magellan's fleet was ready in August, 1519. His preparation had been
+watched with jealousy by Portugal, and it was even hinted that if the
+expedition sailed a matrimonial alliance of Spain and Portugal which was
+contemplated must be broken off. Magellan was appealed to by the
+Portuguese ambassador to abandon his purpose, as one likely to embroil
+the two countries. The stubborn navigator was not to be persuaded, and
+the Spanish King made him governor of all countries he might discover on
+the "back side" of the New World.
+
+In the late days of 1519, Magellan touched the coast at Rio de Janeiro,
+where, remaining awhile, he enjoyed the fruits of its equable climate.
+Then, passing on, he crossed the mouth of the La Plata, and soon found
+that he had reached a colder climate and was sailing along a different
+coast. The verdure which had followed the warm currents from the
+equatorial north gave way to the concomitants of an icy flow from the
+Antarctic regions which made the landscape sterile. So on he went along
+this inhospitable region, seeking the expected strait. His search in
+every inlet was so faithful that he neared the southern goal but slowly.
+The sternness of winter caught his little barks in a harbor near 50°
+south latitude, and his Spanish crews, restless under the command of a
+Portuguese, revolted. The rebels were soon more numerous than the
+faithful. The position was more threatening than any Columbus had
+encountered, but the Portuguese had a hardy courage and majesty of
+command that the Genoese never could summon. Magellan confronted the
+rebels so boldly that they soon quailed. He was in unquestioned command
+of his own vessels from that time forward. The fate of the conquered
+rioters, Juan de Carthagena and Sanchez de la Reina, cast on the
+inhospitable shore of Patagonia in expiation of their offense, is in
+strong contrast to the easy victory which Columbus too often yielded, to
+those who questioned his authority. The story of Magellan's pushing his
+fleet southward and through the strait with a reluctant crew is that of
+one of the royally courageous acts of the age of discovery.
+
+[Sidenote: 1520. October. Magellan enters the strait.]
+
+On October 21, 1520, the ships entered the longed-for strait, and on the
+28th of November they sailed into the new sea; then stretching their
+course nearly north, keeping well in sight of the coast till the Chiloe
+Archipelago was passed, the ships steered west of Juan Fernandez without
+seeing it, and subsequently gradually turned their prows towards the
+west.
+
+[Illustration: MAGELLAN'S STRAITS BY PIZAFETTA.
+
+[The north is at the bottom.]]
+
+[Sidenote: The western way discovered.]
+
+It is not necessary for our present purpose to follow the incidents of
+the rest of this wondrous voyage,--the reaching the Ladrones and the
+Asiatic islands, Magellan's own life sacrificed, all his ships but one
+abandoned or lost, the passing of the Cape of Good Hope by the
+"Victoria," and her arrival on September 6, 1522, under Del Cano, at the
+Spanish harbor from which the fleet had sailed. The Emperor bestowed on
+this lucky first of circumnavigators the proud motto, inscribed on a
+globe, "Primus circumdedisti me." The Spaniards' western way to the
+Moluccas was now disclosed.
+
+[Illustration: MAGELLAN'S STRAIT.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pacific Ocean.]
+
+The South Sea of Balboa, as soon as Magellan had established its
+extension farther south, took from Magellan's company the name Pacific,
+though the original name which Balboa had applied to it did not entirely
+go out of vogue for a long time in those portions contiguous to the
+waters bounding the isthmus and its adjacent lands.
+
+[Sidenote: North America and Asia held to be one.]
+
+For a long time after it was known that South America was severed, as
+Magellan proved, from Asia, the belief was still commonly held that
+North America and Asia were one and continuous. While no one ventures to
+suspect that Columbus had any prescience of these later developments,
+there are those like Varnhagen who claim a distinct insight for
+Vespucius; but it is by no means clear, in the passages which are cited,
+that Vespucius thought the continental mass of South America more
+distinct from Asia than Columbus did, when the volume of water poured
+out by the Orinoco convinced the Admiral that he was skirting a
+continent, and not an island. That Columbus thought to place there the
+region of the Biblical paradise shows that its continental features did
+not dissociate it from Asia. The New World of Vespucius was established
+by his own testimony as hardly more than a new part of Asia.
+
+[Sidenote: 1525. Loyasa.]
+
+[Sidenote: De Hoces discovers Cape Horn.]
+
+In 1525 Loyasa was sent to make further examination of Magellan's
+Strait. It was at this time that one of his ships, commanded by
+Francisco de Hoces, was driven south in February, 1526, and discovered
+Cape Horn, rendering the insular character of Tierra del Fuego all but
+certain. The fact was kept secret, and the map makers were not generally
+made aware of this terminal cape till Drake saw it, fifty-two years
+later. It was not till 1615-17 that Schouten and Lemaire made clear the
+eastern limits of Tierra del Fuego when they discovered the passage
+between that island and Staten Island, and during the same interval
+Schouten doubled Cape Horn for the first time. It was in 1618-19 that
+the observations of Nodal first gave the easterly bend to the southern
+extremity of the continent.
+
+[Sidenote: 1535. Chili.]
+
+The last stretch of the main coast of South America to be made out was
+that on the Pacific side from the point where Magellan turned away from
+it up to the bounds of Peru, where Pizarro and his followers had mapped
+it. This trend of the coast began to be understood about 1535; but it
+was some years before its details got into maps. The final definition of
+it came from Camargo's voyage in 1540, and was first embodied with
+something like accuracy in Juan Freire's map of 1546, and was later
+helped by explorations from the north. But this proximate precision gave
+way in 1569 to a protuberant angle of the Chili coast, as drawn by
+Mercator, which in turn lingered on the chart till the next century.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Cartographical views.]
+
+We need now to turn from these records of the voyagers to see what
+impression their discoveries had been making upon the cartographers and
+geographers of Europe.
+
+[Sidenote: Sylvanus's Ptolemy. 1511.]
+
+Bernardus Sylvanus Ebolensis, in a new edition of Ptolemy which was
+issued at Venice in 1511, paid great attention to the changes necessary
+to make Ptolemy's descriptions correspond to later explorations in the
+Old World, but less attention to the more important developments of the
+New World. Nordenskiöld thinks that this condition of Sylvanus's mind
+shows how little had been the impression yet made at Venice by the
+discoveries of Columbus and Da Gama. The maps of this Ptolemy are
+woodcuts, with type let in for the names, which are printed in red, in
+contrast with the black impressed from the block.
+
+[Sidenote: Nordenskiöld gores.]
+
+Sylvanus's map is the second engraved map showing the new discoveries,
+and the earliest of the heart-shaped projections. It has in "Regalis
+Domus" the earliest allusion to the Cortereal voyage in a printed map.
+Sylvanus follows Ruysch in making Greenland a part of Asia. The rude map
+gores of about the same date which Nordenskiöld has brought to the
+attention of scholars, and which he considers to have been made at
+Ingolstadt, agree mainly with this map of Sylvanus, and in respect to
+the western world both of these maps, as well as the Schöner globe of
+1515, seem to have been based on much the same material.
+
+[Illustration: FREIRE'S MAP, 1546.]
+
+
+[Illustration: SYLVANUS'S PTOLEMY OF 1511.]
+
+[Illustration: STOBNICZA'S MAP.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1512. Stobnicza map.]
+
+We find in 1512, where we might least expect it, one of the most
+remarkable of the early maps, which was made for an introduction to
+Ptolemy, published at this date at Cracow, in Poland, by Stobnicza. This
+cartographer was the earliest to introduce into the plane delineation of
+the globe the now palpable division of its surface into an eastern and
+western hemisphere. His map, for some reason, is rarely found in the
+book to which it belongs. Nordenskiöld says he has examined many copies
+of the book in the libraries of Scandinavia, Russia, and Poland, without
+finding a copy with it; but it is found in other copies in the great
+libraries at Vienna and Munich. He thinks the map may have been excluded
+from most of the editions because of its rudeness, or "on account of its
+being contrary to the old doctrines of the Church." Its importance in
+the growth of the ideas respecting the new discoveries in the western
+hemisphere is, however, very great, since for the first time it gives a
+north and south continent connected by an isthmus, and represents as
+never before in an engraved map the western hemisphere as an entirety.
+This is remarkable, as it was published a year before Balboa made his
+discovery of the Pacific Ocean. It is not difficult to see the truth of
+Nordenskiöld's statement that the map divides the waters of the globe
+into two almost equal oceans, "communicating only in the extreme south
+and in the extreme north," but the south communication which is
+unmistakable is by the Cape of Good Hope. The extremity of South America
+is not reached because of the marginal scale, and because of the same
+scale it is not apparent that there is any connection between the
+Pacific and Indian oceans, and for similar reasons connection is not
+always clear at the north. There must have been information at hand to
+the maker of this map of which modern scholars can find no other trace,
+or else there was a wild speculative spirit which directed the pencil in
+some singular though crude correspondence to actual fact. This is
+apparent in its straight conjectural lines on the west coast of South
+America, which prefigure the discoveries following upon the enterprise
+of Balboa and the voyage of Magellan.
+
+[Sidenote: The Lenox globe.]
+
+[Sidenote: Da Vinci globe.]
+
+If Stobnicza, apparently, had not dared to carry the southern extremity
+of South America to a point, there had been no such hesitancy in the
+makers of two globes of about the same date,--the little copper sphere
+picked up by Richard M. Hunt, the architect, in an old shop in Paris,
+and now in the Lenox Library in New York, and the rude sketch, giving
+quartered hemispheres separated on the line of the equator, which is
+preserved in the cabinet of Queen Victoria, at Windsor, among the papers
+of Leonardo da Vinci. This little draft has a singular interest both
+from its association with so great a name as Da Vinci's, and because it
+bears at what is, perhaps, the earliest date to be connected with such
+cartographical use the name America lettered on the South American
+continent. Major has contended for its being the work of Da Vinci
+himself, but Nordenskiöld demurs. This Swedish geographer is rather
+inclined to think it the work of a not very well informed copier working
+on some Portuguese prototype.
+
+[Sidenote: 1507-13. Admiral's map.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1515. Reisch's map.]
+
+It is worthy of remark that, in the same year with the discovery of the
+South Sea by Balboa, an edition of Ptolemy made popular a map which had
+indeed been cut in its first state as early as 1507, but which still
+preserved the contiguity of the Antilles to the region of the Ganges and
+its three mouths. This was the well-known "Admiral's map," usually
+associated with the name of Waldseemüller, and if this same
+cartographer, as Franz Wieser conjectures, is responsible for the map in
+Reisch's _Margarita philosophica_ (1515), a sort of cyclopædia, he had
+in the interim awaked to the significance of the discovery of Balboa,
+for the Ganges has disappeared, and Cipango is made to lie in an ocean
+beyond the continental Zoana Mela (America), which has an undefined
+western limit, as it had already been depicted in the Stobnicza map of
+1512.
+
+[Illustration: THE ALLEGED DA VINCI SKETCH.
+
+[_Combination._]]
+
+[Sidenote: First modern atlas.]
+
+It was in this Strassburg Ptolemy of 1513 that Ringmann, who had been
+concerned in inventing the name of America, revised the Latin of
+Angelus, using a Greek manuscript of Ptolemy for the purpose.
+Nordenskiöld speaks of this edition as the first modern atlas of the
+world, extended so as to give in two of its maps--that known as the
+"Admiral's map," and another of Africa--the results following upon the
+discoveries of Columbus and Da Gama. This "Admiral's map," which has
+been so often associated with Columbus, is hardly a fair representation
+of the knowledge that Columbus had attained, and seems rather to be the
+embodiment of the discoveries of many, as the description of it, indeed,
+would leave us to infer; while the other American chart of the volume
+is clearly of Portuguese rather than of Spanish origin, as may be
+inferred by the lavish display of the coast connected with the
+descriptions by Vespucius. On the other hand, nothing but the islands of
+Española and Cuba stand in it for the explorations of Columbus. Both of
+these maps are given elsewhere in this Appendix.
+
+[Illustration: REISCH, 1515.]
+
+[Illustration: THE WORLD OF POMPONIUS MELA.
+
+[From Bunbury's _Ancient Geography_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Asiatic connection of North America.]
+
+We could hardly expect, indeed, to find in these maps of the Ptolemy of
+1513 the results of Balboa's discovery at the isthmus; but that the maps
+were left to do service in the edition of 1520 indicates that the
+discovery of the South Sea had by no means unsettled the public mind as
+to the Asiatic connection of the regions both north and south of the
+Antilles. Within the next few years several maps indicate the enduring
+strength of this conviction. A Portuguese portolano of 1516-20, in the
+Royal Library at Munich, shows Moslem flags on the coasts of Venezuela
+and Nicaragua. A map of Ayllon's discoveries on the Atlantic coast in
+1520, preserved in the British Museum, has a Chinaman and an elephant
+delineated on the empty spaces of the continent. Still, geographical
+opinions had become divided, and the independent continental masses of
+Stobnicza were having some ready advocates.
+
+[Illustration: VADIANUS.]
+
+[Illustration: APIANUS.
+
+[From Reusner's _Icones_.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Vienna geographers.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pomponius Mela.]
+
+[Sidenote: Solinus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Vadianus.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1520. Apianus.]
+
+There was at this time a circle of geographers working at Vienna,
+reëditing the ancient cosmographers, and bringing them into relations
+with the new results of discovery. Two of these early writers thus
+attracting attention were Pomponius Mela, whose _Cosmographia_ dated
+back to the first century, and Solinus, whose _Polyhistor_ was of the
+third. The Mela fell to the care of Johann Camers, who published it as
+_De Situ Orbis_ at Vienna in 1512, at the press of Singrein; and this
+was followed in 1518 by another issue, taken in hand by Joachim Watt,
+better known under the Latinized name of Vadianus, who had been born in
+Switzerland, and who was one of the earlier helpers in popularizing the
+name of America. The Solinus, the care of which was undertaken by
+Camers, the teacher of Watt, was produced under these new auspices at
+the same time. Two years later (1520) both of these old writers attained
+new currency while issued together and accompanied by a map of
+Apianus,--as the German Bienewitz classicized his name,--in which
+further iteration was given to the name of America by attaching it to
+the southern continent of the west.
+
+[Sidenote: A strait at the Isthmus of Panama.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1515. Schöner.]
+
+[Sidenote: Antarctic continent.]
+
+In this map Apianus, in 1520, was combining views of the western
+hemisphere, which had within the few antecedent years found advocacy
+among a new school of cartographers. These students represented the
+northern and southern continents as independent entities, disconnected
+at the isthmus, where Columbus had hoped to find his strait. This is
+shown in the earliest of the Schöner globes, the three copies of which
+known to us are preserved, one at Frankfort and two at Weimar. It is in
+the _Luculentissima Descriptio_, which was written to accompany this
+Schöner globe of 1515, where we find that statement already referred to,
+which chronicles, as Wieser thinks, an earlier voyage than Magellan's to
+the southern strait, which separated the "America" of Vespucius from
+that great Antarctic continent which did not entirely disappear from our
+maps till after the voyage of Cook.
+
+[Sidenote: 1515. Reisch.]
+
+[Sidenote: Brazil.]
+
+It is a striking instance of careless contemporary observation, which
+the student of this early cartography has often to confront, that while
+Reisch, in his popular cyclopædia of the _Margarita Philosophica_ which
+he published first in 1503, gave not the slightest intimation of the
+discoveries of Columbus, he did not much improve matters in 1515, when
+he ignored the discoveries of Balboa, and reproduced in the main the
+so-called "Admiral's map" of the Ptolemy of 1513. It is to be observed,
+however, that Reisch was in this reproduced map of 1515 the first of
+map makers to offer in the word "Prisilia" on the coast of Vespucius the
+prototype of the modern Brazil. It will be remembered that Cabral had
+supposed it an island, and had named it the Isla de Santa Cruz. The
+change of name induced a pious Portuguese to believe it an instigation
+of the devil to supplant the remembrance of the holy and sacred wood of
+the great martyr by the worldly wood, which was commonly used to give a
+red color to cloth!
+
+[Sidenote: Theories of seamanship.]
+
+In 1519, in the _Suma de Geographia_ of Fernandez d'Enciso, published
+later at Seville, in 1530, we have the experience of one of Ojeda's
+companions in 1509. This little folio, now a scarce book, is of interest
+as first formulating for practical use some of the new theories of
+seamanship as developed under the long voyages at this time becoming
+common. It has also a marked interest as being the earliest book of the
+Spanish press which had given consideration at any length to the new
+possessions of Spain.
+
+[Sidenote: 1522. Frisius.]
+
+We again find a similar indisposition to keep abreast of discovery, so
+perplexing to later scholars, in the new-cast edition of Ptolemy in
+1522, which contains the well-known map of Laurentius Frisius. It is
+called by Nordenskiöld, in subjecting it to analysis in his _Facsimile
+Atlas_, "an original work, but bad beyond all criticism, as well from a
+geographical as from a xylographical point of view." One sees, indeed,
+in the maps of this edition, no knowledge of the increase of
+geographical knowledge during later years. We observe, too, that they go
+back to Behaim's interpretation of Marco Polo's India, for the eastern
+shores of Asia. The publisher, Thomas Ancuparius, seems never to have
+heard of Columbus, or at least fails to mention him, while he awards the
+discovery of the New World to Vespucius. The maps, reduced in the main
+from those of the edition of 1513, were repeated in those of 1525, 1535,
+and 1541, without change and from the same blocks.
+
+[Illustration: SCHÖNER.]
+
+The results of the voyage of Magellan and Del Cano promptly attained a
+more authentic record than usually fell to the lot of these early ocean
+experiences.
+
+[Sidenote: 1523. Magellan's voyage described.]
+
+The company which reached Spain in the "Victoria" went at once to
+Valladolid to report to the Emperor, and while there a pupil and
+secretary of Peter Martyr, then at Court, Maximilianus Transylvanus by
+name, got from these men the particulars of their discoveries, and,
+writing them out in Latin, he sent the missive to his father, the
+Archbishop of Salzburg,--the young man was a natural son of this
+prelate,--and in some way the narrative got into print at Cologne and
+Rome in 1523.
+
+[Sidenote: 1523. Schöner.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rosenthal gores.]
+
+Schöner printed in 1523 a little tract, _De nuper ... repertis insulis
+ac regionibus_ to elucidate a globe which he had at that time
+constructed. It was published at Timiripæ, as the imprint reads, which
+has been identified by Coote as the Grecized form of the name of a small
+village not far from Bamberg, where Schöner was at that time a parochial
+vicar. When a new set of engraved gores were first brought to light by
+Ludwig Rosenthal, in Munich, in 1885, they were considered by Wieser,
+who published an account of them in 1888, as the lost globe of Schöner.
+Stevens, in a posthumous book on _Johann Schöner_, expressed a similar
+belief. This was a view which Stevens's editor, C. H. Coote, accepted.
+The opinion, however, is open to question, and Nordenskiöld finds that
+the Rosenthal gores have nothing to do with the lost globe of Schöner,
+and puts them much later, as having been printed at Nuremberg about
+1540.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Political aspects of Magellan's voyage.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gomez.]
+
+The voyage of Magellan had reopened the controversy of Spain with
+Portugal, stayed but not settled by the treaty of Tordesillas. Estevan
+Gomez, a recusant captain of Magellan's fleet, who had deserted him just
+as he was entering the straits, had arrived in Spain May 6, 1521, and
+had his own way for some time in making representation of the
+foolhardiness of Magellan's undertaking.
+
+On March 27, 1523, Gomez received a concession from the Emperor to go on
+a small armed vessel for a year's cruise in the northwest, to make
+farther search for a passage, but he was not to trespass on any
+Portuguese possession. The disputes between Portugal and Spain
+intensifying, Gomez's voyage was in the mean time put off for a while.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Dispute over the Moluccas.]
+
+[Sidenote: Congress at Badajos.]
+
+[Illustration: ROSENTHAL OR NUREMBERG GORES.]
+
+Gomara tells us that, in the opinion of his time, the Spaniards had
+gained the Moluccas, at the conference at Tordesillas, by yielding to
+the demands of the Portuguese, so that what Portugal gained in Brazil
+and Newfoundland she lost in Asia and adjacent parts. The Portuguese
+historian, Osorius, viewed it differently; he counted in the American
+gain for his country, but he denied the Spanish rights at the antipodes.
+So the longitude of the Moluccas became a sharp political dispute, which
+there was an attempt to settle in 1524 in a congress of the two nations
+that was convened alternately at Badajos and Elvas, situated on opposite
+sides of the Caya, a stream which separates the two countries.
+
+[Sidenote: Council of the Indies.]
+
+Ferdinand Columbus, by a decree of February 19, 1524, had been made one
+of the arbiters. After two months of wrangling, each side stood stiff in
+its own opinions, and it was found best to break up the congress.
+Following upon the dissolution of this body, the Spanish government was
+impelled to make the management of the Indies more effective than it had
+been under the commissions which had existed, and on August 18, 1524,
+the Council of the Indies was reorganized in more permanent form.
+
+[Sidenote: Gomez's voyage.]
+
+An immediate result of the interchange of views at Badajos was a renewal
+of the Gomez project, to examine more carefully the eastern coast of
+what is now the United States, in the hopes of yet discovering a western
+passage. Of that voyage, which is first mentioned in the _Sumario_ of
+Oviedo in 1526, and of the failure of its chief aim, enough has already
+been said in the early part of this appendix.
+
+It has been supposed by Harrisse that the results of this voyage were
+embodied in the earliest printed Spanish map which we have showing lines
+of latitude and longitude,--that found in a joint edition of Martyr and
+Oviedo (1534), and which is only known in a copy now in the Lenox
+Library.
+
+The purpose which followed upon the congress of Badajos, to penetrate
+the Atlantic coast line and find a passage to the western sea, was
+communicated to Cortes, then in Mexico, some time before the date of his
+fourth letter, October 15, 1524. The news found him already convinced of
+the desirableness of establishing a port on the great sea of the west,
+and he selected Zucatula as a station for the fleets which he undertook
+to build.
+
+[Sidenote: 1526. Cortes sends ships to the Moluccas.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Moluccas sold to Portugal.]
+
+Other projects delayed the preparations which were planned, and it was
+not till September 3, 1526, that Cortes signified to the Emperor his
+readiness to send his ships to the Moluccas. After a brief experimental
+trip up the coast from Zucatula, three of his vessels were finally
+dispatched, in October, 1527, on a disastrous voyage to those islands,
+where the purpose was to confront the Portuguese pretensions. It so
+happened, meanwhile, that Charles V. needed money for his projects in
+Italy, and he called Ferdinand Columbus to Court to consult with him
+about a sale of his rights in the Moluccas to Portugal. Ferdinand made a
+report, which has not come down to us, but a decision to sell was
+reached, and the Portuguese King agreed to the price of purchase on June
+20, 1530. Thus the Moluccas, which had been so long the goal of Spanish
+ambition, pass out of view in connection with American discovery.
+
+There is some ground for the suspicion, if not belief, that the
+Portuguese from the Moluccas had before this pushed eastward across the
+Pacific, and had even struck the western verge of that continent which
+separated them from the Spanish explorers on the Atlantic side.
+
+[Illustration: MARTYR-OVIEDO]
+
+[Illustration: MAP, 1534.]
+
+[Sidenote: North America, east coast.]
+
+[Sidenote: Verrazano.]
+
+We come next to some further developments on the eastern coast of North
+America. A certain French corsair, known from his Florentine birth as
+Juan Florin, had become a terror by preying on the Spanish commerce in
+the Indies. In January, 1524, he was on his way, under the name of
+Verrazano, in the expedition which has given him fame, and has supplied
+not a little ground for contention, and even for total distrust of the
+voyage as a fact. He struck the coast of North Carolina, turned south,
+but, finding no harbor, retraced his course, and, making several
+landings farther north, finally entered, as it would seem from his
+description, the harbor of New York. The only point that he names is a
+triangular island which he saw as he went still farther to the east, and
+which has been supposed to be Block Island, or possibly Martha's
+Vineyard. At all events, the name Luisa which he gave to it after the
+mother of Francis I. clung to an island in this neighborhood in the maps
+for some time longer. So he went on, and, if his landings have been
+rightly identified, he touched at Newport, then at some place evidently
+near Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and then, skirting the islands of the
+Maine coast, he reached the country which he recognized as that where
+the Bretons had been. He now ended what he considered the exploration of
+seven hundred leagues of an unknown land, and bore away for France,
+reaching Dieppe in July, whence, on the 9th, he wrote the letter to the
+King which is the source of our information. Attempts have been made,
+especially by the late Henry C. Murphy, to prove this letter a forgery,
+but in the opinion of most scholars without success.
+
+[Illustration: THE VERRAZANO MAP.]
+
+[Illustration: AGNESE, 1536.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Verrazano map.]
+
+Fortunately for the student, Hieronimo da Verrazano made, in 1529, a
+map, still preserved in the college of the Propaganda at Rome, in which
+the discoveries of his brother, Giovanni, are laid down. In this the
+name of Nova Gallia supplants that of Francesca, which had been used in
+the map of Maiollo (1527), supposed, also, to have some relation to the
+Verrazano voyage.
+
+[Illustration: MÜNSTER, 1540.]
+
+The most distinguishing feature of the Verrazano map is a great inland
+expanse of water, which was taken to be a part of some western ocean,
+and which remained for a long while in some form or other in the maps.
+It was made to approach so near the Atlantic that at one point there was
+nothing but a slender isthmus connecting the discoveries of the north
+with the country of Ponce de Leon and Ayllon at the south.
+
+[Illustration: MÜNSTER, 1540.]
+
+[Sidenote: The sea of Verrazano.]
+
+It is in the _Sumario_ (1526) of Oviedo that we get the first idea of
+this sea of Verrazano, as Brevoort contends, and we see it in the
+Maiollo map of the next year, called "Mare Indicum," as if it were an
+indentation of the great western ocean of Balboa. It was a favorite
+fancy of Baptista Agnese, in the series of portolanos associated with
+his name during the middle of the century, and in which he usually
+indicated supposable ocean routes to Asia. As time went on, the idea was
+so far modified that this indentation took the shape of a loop of the
+Arctic seas, or of that stretch of water which at the north connected
+the Atlantic and Pacific, as shown in the Münster map in the Ptolemy of
+1540,--a map apparently based on the portolanos of Agnese,--though the
+older form of the sea seems to be adopted in the globe of Ulpius (1542).
+This idea of a Carolinian isthmus prevailed for some years, and may have
+grown out of a misconception of the Carolina sounds, though it is
+sometimes carried far enough north, as in the Lok map of 1582, to seem
+as if Buzzard's Bay were in some way thought to stretch westerly into
+its depths. The last trace of this mysterious inner ocean, so far as I
+have discovered, is in a map made by one of Ralegh's colonists in 1585,
+and preserved among the drawings of John White in the De Bry collection
+of the British Museum, and brought to light by Dr. Edward Eggleston.
+This drawing makes for the only time that I have observed it, an actual
+channel at "Port Royal," leading to this oceanic expanse, which was
+later interpreted as an inland lake. Thus it was that this geographical
+blunder lived more or less constantly in a succession of maps for about
+sixty years, until sometimes it vanished in a large lake in Carolina, or
+in the north it dwindled until it began to take a new lease of life in
+an incipient Hudson's Bay, as in the great Lake of Tadenac, figured in
+the Molineaux map of 1600, and in the Lago Dagolesme in the Botero map
+of 1603.
+
+[Illustration: MICHAEL LOK, 1582.]
+
+[Illustration: JOHN WHITE'S MAP.
+
+[Communicated by Dr. Edward Eggleston.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Norumbega.]
+
+It was apparently during the voyage of Verrazano that an Indian name
+which was understood as "Aranbega" was picked up along the northern
+coasts as designating the region, and which a little later was reported
+by others as "Norumbega," and so passed into the mysterious and fabled
+nomenclature of the coast with a good deal of the unstableness that
+attended the fabulous islands of the Atlantic in the fancy of the
+geographers of the Middle Ages. As a definition of territory it
+gradually grew to have a more and more restricted application, coming
+down mainly after a while to the limits of the later New England, and at
+last finding, as Dr. Dee (1580), Molineaux (1600), and Champlain (1604)
+understood it, a home on the Penobscot. Still the region it represented
+contracted and expanded in people's notions, and on maps the name seemed
+to have a license to wander.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Illustration: ROBERT THORNE, 1527.]
+
+[Sidenote: The English on the coast.]
+
+[Sidenote: William Hawkins.]
+
+During this period the English also were up and down the coast, but they
+contributed little to our geographical knowledge. Slave-catching on the
+coast of Guinea, and lucrative sales of the human plunder in the Spanish
+West Indies and neighboring regions, seem to have taken William Hawkins
+and others of his countrymen to these coasts not infrequently between
+1525 and 1540.
+
+[Sidenote: John Rut.]
+
+There is some reason to believe that John Rut, an Englishman, may have
+explored the northeast coasts of the present United States in 1527, a
+proposition, however, open to argument, as the counter reasonings of Dr.
+Kohl and Dr. De Costa show. It is certain that at this time Robert
+Thorne, an English merchant living in Seville, was gaining what
+knowledge he could to promote English enterprise in the north, and there
+has come down to us the map which in 1527 he gave to the English
+ambassador in Spain, Edward Leigh, to be transmitted to Henry VIII.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Progress of maritime art.]
+
+It was in 1526 when the Spanish authorities thought that the time was
+fitting for making a sort of register of the progress of discovery and
+of the attendant cartographical advances. Nordenskiöld says that "from
+the beginning of the printing of maps the graduations of latitude and
+longitude were marked down in most printed maps, at least in the
+margin;" the most conspicuous example of omitting these being, perhaps,
+in the work of Sebastian Münster, at a period a little later than the
+one we have now reached.
+
+[Sidenote: Latitude and longitude.]
+
+In 1503 Reisch for the first time settled upon something like the modern
+methods of indicating latitude and longitude in the map which he annexed
+to his _Margarita philosophica_ at Freiburg, though so far as climatic
+lines could stand for latitudinal notions, Pierre d'Ailly had set an
+example of scaling the zones from the equator in his map of 1410. The
+Spaniards, however, did not fall into the method of Reisch, so far as
+published maps are concerned, till long afterwards (1534).
+
+[Sidenote: Italian maps.]
+
+Up to the time when the Strassburg Ptolemy was issued, in 1513, the
+chief activity in map-making had been in Italy. The cartographers of
+that country got what they could from Spain, but the main dependence
+was on Portuguese sources, though the rivals of Spain were not always
+free in imparting the knowledge of their hydrographical offices, since
+we find Robert Thorne, in 1527, charging the Portuguese with having
+falsified their records. It is worthy of remark that no official map of
+the Indies was published in Spain till 1790.
+
+[Illustration: SEBASTIAN MÜNSTER.
+
+[From Reusner's _Icones_, 1590.]]
+
+[Sidenote: Cartographical activity north of the Alps.]
+
+[Sidenote: Map projections.]
+
+After 1513, and so on to the middle of the century, it was to the north
+of the Alps that the cosmographical students turned for the latest light
+upon all oceanic movements. The question of longitude was the serious
+one which both navigators and map makers encountered. The cartographers
+were trying all sorts of experiments in representing the converging
+meridians on a plane surface, so as not to distort the geography, and in
+order to afford some manifest method for the guidance of ships.
+
+[Sidenote: Lunar observations.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chronometers.]
+
+These experiments resulted, as Nordenskiöld counts, in something like
+twenty different projections being devised before 1600. For the seaman
+the difficulty was no less burdensome in trying to place his ship at
+sea, or to map the contours of the coasts he was following. The
+navigator's main dependence was the course he was steering and an
+estimate of his progress. He made such allowance as he could for his
+drift in the currents. We have seen how the imperfection of his
+instruments and the defects of his lunar tables misled Columbus
+egregiously in the attempts which he made to define the longitude of the
+Antilles. He placed Española at 70° west of Seville, and La Cosa came
+near him in counting it about 68°, so far as one can interpret his map.
+The Dutch at this time were beginning to grasp the idea of a
+chronometer, which was the device finally to prove the most satisfactory
+in these efforts.
+
+[Sidenote: Earliest sea-atlas.]
+
+Reinerus Gemma of Friesland, known better as Gemma Frisius, began to
+make the Dutch nautical views better known when he suggested, a few
+years later, the carrying of time in running off the longitudes, and
+something of his impress on the epoch was shown in the stand which a
+pupil, Mercator, took in geographical science. The _Spieghel der
+Zeevaardt_ of Lucas Wagenaer, in 1584 (Leyden), was the first sea-atlas
+ever printed, and showed again the Dutch advance.
+
+There were also other requirements of sea service that were not
+forgotten, among which was a knowledge of prevalent winds and ocean
+currents, and this was so satisfactorily acquired that the return voyage
+from the Antilles came, within thirty years after Columbus, to be made
+with remarkable ease. Oviedo tells us that in 1525 two caravels were but
+twenty-five days in passing from San Domingo to the river of Seville.
+
+Two of the duties imposed by the Spanish government upon the Casa de la
+Contratacion, soon after the discovery of the New World, were to
+patronize invention to the end of discovering a process for making fresh
+water out of salt, and to improve ships' pumps,--the last a conception
+not to take effective shape till Ribero, the royal cosmographer, secured
+a royal pension for such an invention in 1526.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Congress of pilots at Seville.]
+
+It was in the midst of these developments, both of the practical parts
+of seamanship and of the progress of oceanic discovery, that in 1526
+there was held at Seville a convention of pilots and cosmographers,
+called by royal order, to consolidate and correlate all the
+cartographical data which had accumulated up to that time respecting the
+new discoveries.
+
+[Sidenote: Ferdinand Columbus.]
+
+Ferdinand Columbus was at this time in Seville, engaged in completing a
+house and library for himself, and in planting the park about them with
+trees brought from the New World, a single one of which, a West Indian
+sapodilla, was still standing in 1871. It was in this house that the
+convention sat, and Ferdinand Columbus presided over it, while the
+examinations of the pilots were conducted by Diego Ribero and Alonso de
+Chaves.
+
+[Illustration: HOUSE AND LIBRARY OF FERDINAND COLUMBUS.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1527-29. Maps.]
+
+There have come down to us two monumental maps, the outgrowth of this
+convention. One of these is dated at Seville, in 1527, purporting to be
+the work of the royal cosmographer, and has been usually known by the
+name of Ferdinand Columbus; and the other, dated 1529, is known to have
+been made by Diego Ribero, also a royal cosmographer. These maps closely
+resemble each other.
+
+[Illustration: SPANISH MAP, 1527.
+
+[After sketch in E. Mayer's _Die Entwicklung der Seekarten_ (Wien,
+1877).]]
+
+The Weimar chart of 1527, which Kohl, Stevens, and others have assigned
+to Ferdinand Columbus, has been ascribed by Harrisse to Nuño Garcia de
+Toreno, but by Coote, in editing Stevens on _Schöner_, it is assigned to
+Ribero, as a precursor of his undoubted production of 1529.
+
+[Sidenote: Idea of a new continent spreading.]
+
+We have seen how, succeeding to the belief of Columbus that the new
+regions were Asia, there had grown up, a few years after his death, in
+spite of his audacious notarial act at Cuba, a strong presumption among
+geographical students that a new continent had been found. We have seen
+this conception taking form with more or less uncertainty as to its
+western confines immediately upon, and even anticipating, the discovery
+of the actual South Sea by Balboa, and can follow it down in the maps or
+globes of Stobnicza and Da Vinci, in that known as the Lenox globe, in
+those called the Tross and Nordenskiöld gores, the Schöner and Hauslab
+globes, the Ptolemy map of 1513, and in those of Reisch, Apianus,
+Laurentius Frisius, Maiollo, Bordone, Homem, and Münster,--not to name
+some others. In twenty years it had come to be a prevalent belief, and
+men's minds were turned to a consideration of the possibility of this
+revealed continent having been, after all, known to the ancients, as
+Glareanus, quoting Virgil, was the earliest to assert in 1527.
+
+[Illustration: THE NANCY GLOBE.]
+
+[Sidenote: Reaction in the monk Franciscus.]
+
+About 1525 there came a partial reaction, as if the discovery of Balboa
+had been pushed too far in its supposed results. We find this taking
+form in 1526, in an identification of North America with eastern Asia in
+a map ascribed to the monk Franciscus, while South America is laid down
+as a continental island, separated from India by a strait only. The
+strait is soon succeeded by an isthmus, and in this way we get a
+solution of the problem which had some currency for half a century or
+more.
+
+[Sidenote: Orontius Finæus.]
+
+Orontius Finæus was one of these later compromisers in cartography, in a
+map which he is supposed to have made in 1531, but which appeared the
+next year in the _Novus Orbis_ (1532) of Simon Grynæus, and was used in
+some later publications also. We find in this map, about the Gulf of
+Mexico, the names which Cortes had applied in his map of 1520 mingled
+with those of the Asiatic coast of Marco Polo. We annex a sketch of this
+map as reduced by Brevoort to Mercator's projection. A map very similar
+to this and of about the same date is preserved in the British Museum
+among the Sloane manuscripts, and the same bold solution of the
+difficulty is found in the Nancy globe of about 1540, and in the globe
+of Gaspar Vopel of 1543.
+
+[Illustration: THE NANCY GLOBE.]
+
+[Sidenote: Johann Schöner.]
+
+There is a good instance of the instability of geographical knowledge at
+this time in the conversion of Johann Schöner from a belief in an
+insular North America, to which he had clung in his globes of 1515 and
+1520, to a position which he took in 1533, in his _Opusculum
+Geographicum_, where he maintains that the city of Mexico is the Quinsay
+of Marco Polo.
+
+[Illustration: ORONTIUS FINÆUS, 1532.
+
+[After Cimelinus's Copperplate of 1566.]]
+
+[Illustration: ORONTIUS FINÆUS, 1531.
+
+[Reduced by Brevoort to Mercator's projection.]]
+
+[Sidenote: The Pacific explored.]
+
+[Sidenote: California.]
+
+[Illustration: CORTES.]
+
+Previous to Cortes's departure for Spain in 1528, he had, as we have
+seen, dispatched vessels from Tehuantepec to the Moluccas, but nothing
+was done to explore the Pacific coast northward till his return to
+Mexico. In the spring or early summer of 1532 he sent Hurtado de Mendoza
+up the coast; but little success attending the exploration, Cortes
+himself proceeded to Tehuantepec and constructed other vessels, which
+sailed in October, 1533. A gale drove them to the west, and when they
+succeeded in working back and making the coast, they found themselves
+well up what proved to be the California peninsula. They now coasted
+south and developed its shape, which was further brought out in detail
+by an expedition led by Cortes himself in 1535, and by a later one sent
+by him under Francisco de Ulloa in 1539. Cortes had supposed the
+peninsula an island, but this expedition of 1539 demonstrated the fact
+that no passage to the outer sea existed at the head of the gulf, which
+these earliest navigators had called the Sea of Cortes. The conqueror of
+Mexico had now made his last expedition on the Pacific, and his name was
+not destined to be long connected with this new field of discovery,
+unless, indeed, it was a prompting of Cortes--hardly proved,
+however--which attached to this peninsular region the euphonious name of
+California, and which, after an interval when the gulf was called the
+Red Sea, was applied to that water also. The views of Ulloa were
+confirmed in part, at least, by Castillo in 1540, who has left us a map
+of the gulf.
+
+[Illustration: CASTILLO'S CALIFORNIA.]
+
+The outer coast of the peninsula as far north as 28° 30' had been
+established in 1533. It was ten years later, in 1543, that Cabrillo,
+making his landfall in the neighborhood of 33°, just within the southern
+bounds of the present State of California, coasted up to Cape
+Mendocino, and perhaps to 44°, or nearly, to that spot, in the present
+State of Oregon. If Cabrillo, who had died January 3, 1543, did not
+himself go so high, the credit belongs to Ferrelo, his chief pilot.
+
+Late in 1542 Mendoza sent an expedition under Ruy Lopez de Villalobos,
+across the Pacific, and if a map of Juan Freire, made in 1546, is an
+indication of his route, he seems to have gone higher up the coast than
+any previous explorer.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The Atlantic coast of North America.]
+
+While this development of the northwest coast of North America was going
+on, there were other discoverers still endeavoring on the Atlantic side
+to connect the waters of the two oceans.
+
+[Sidenote: 1534. Cartier.]
+
+In April, 1534, Jacques Cartier, a jovial and roistering fellow, as
+Father Jouon des Longrais, his latest biographer, makes him out
+(_Jacques Cartier_, Paris, 1888), and who had led the roving life of a
+corsair in the recent wars of France, was now turning his energy to
+solve the great problem of this western passage. He sailed from St.
+Malo, and for the first time laid open, by an official examination, the
+inner spaces of the St. Lawrence Gulf, which might have been, indeed,
+and probably were, known earlier to the hardy Breton and Norman
+fishermen. We are deficient in a knowledge of the early frequenting of
+these coasts because the charts of such fishermen, and of those who
+visited the region for trade in peltries, have not come down to us,
+though Kohl thinks there is some likelihood of such records being
+preserved in a portolano of the British Museum.
+
+The track of Cartier about the Gulf of St. Lawrence has caused some
+discussion and difference of opinion in the publications of Kohl, De
+Costa, Laverdière, and W. F. Ganong, the latter writer claiming, in a
+careful paper in the _Transactions_ of the Royal Society of Canada for
+1889, that in the correct interpretation of Cartier's first voyage we
+find a key to the cartography of the gulf for almost a century.
+
+The Rotz map of 1542 seems to be the earliest map which we know to show
+a knowledge of Cartier's first voyage. The Henri II. map of 1542 still
+more develops his work of exploration.
+
+The chance of further discovery in this direction induced the French
+king once more to commission Cartier, October 30, 1534, and early in
+1535 his little fleet sailed, and by August, after some discouragements,
+not lessened when he found the water freshening, he began to ascend the
+St. Lawrence River, reaching the site of Montreal. No map by Cartier
+himself is preserved, though it is known that he made such.
+Thenceforward the cartography of this northeastern region showed the St.
+Lawrence Gulf in a better development of the earlier so-called Square
+Gulf and of the great river of Canada. It is of record that Francis I.,
+in commissioning Cartier, considered that he was dispatching him to
+ascend an Asiatic river, and the name of Lachine even to-day is
+preserved as evidence of the belief which Cartier entertained that he
+was within the bounds of China.
+
+[Illustration: SKETCH FROM A PORTOLANO IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.]
+
+[Sidenote: John Rotz's map.]
+
+John Rotz's _Boke of Idiography_--a manuscript of 1542, preserved in the
+British Museum--shows, in his drawing of the region about the Gulf of
+St. Lawrence, certain signs, as Kohl thinks, of having had access to the
+charts of Cartier, and Harrisse traces in them the combined influence of
+the Portuguese and Dieppe navigators.
+
+The Cartier voyages seem to have made little impression outside of
+France, and we find for some years few traces of his discoveries in the
+portolanos of Italy and in the maps of the rest of Europe. It was only
+when the expedition of Roberval, in 1540-41, excited attention that the
+rest of Europe seemed to recognize these French efforts.
+
+[Illustration: HOMEM, 1558.]
+
+[Illustration: ZIEGLER'S SCHONDIA.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cartier's later voyages.]
+
+[Sidenote: Allefonsce.]
+
+The later voyages of Cartier, in 1541 and 1543, revealed nothing more of
+general geographical interest. Indeed, the hope of a western passage in
+this direction had been abandoned in effect after Cartier's second
+voyage, although the pilot Allefonsce, who accompanied a later
+expedition, had been detailed to explore the Labrador coast to that end,
+and had been turned back by ice. After this he seems to have gone south
+into a great bay, under 42°, the end of which he did not reach. This may
+have been the large expanse partly shut in by Cape Sable (Nova Scotia)
+and Cape Cod, now called in the coast survey charts the Gulf of Maine;
+or perhaps it may conform, taking into account his registered latitude,
+to the inner bight of it called Massachusetts Bay. At all events,
+Allefonsce believed himself on coasts contiguous to Tartary, through
+which he had hopes to find access to the more hospitable orient
+(occident) farther south. He apparently had something of the same notion
+regarding the westerly stretch of water which he found below Cape Cod,
+extending he knew not where, along the inclosure of the present Long
+Island Sound.
+
+In the years both before and after the middle of the century, French
+vessels were on this coast in considerable numbers for purposes of trade
+or for protecting French interests, but we know nothing of any
+accessions to geographical knowledge which they made.
+
+[Illustration: RUSCELLI, 1544.]
+
+Allefonsce speaks of the Saguenay as widening, when he went up, till it
+seemed to be an arm of the sea, and "I think the same," he adds, "runs
+into the Sea of Cathay;" and so he draws it on one of his maps,--an idea
+made more general in the map of Homem in 1558, where the St. Lawrence
+really becomes a channel, locked by islands, bordering an Arctic Sea.
+Ramusio, in 1553, has inferred from such reports as he could get of
+Cartier's explorations, that his track had lain in channels bounded by
+islands, and a similar view had already been expressed in a portolano of
+1536, preserved in the Bodleian, which Kohl associates with Homem or
+Agnese. The oceanic expansion of the Saguenay is preserved as late as
+the Molineaux map of 1600.
+
+[Sidenote: River of Norumbega.]
+
+It is to the work of Allefonsce that we probably owe another confusion
+of this northern cartography in the sixteenth century. What we now know
+as Penobscot Bay and River was called by him the River of Norumbega, and
+he seems to have given some ground for believing that this river
+connected the waters of the Atlantic with the great river of Canada,
+just as we find it later shown upon Gastaldi's map in Ramusio, by
+Ruscelli in 1561, by Martines in 1578, by Lok in 1582, and by Jacques de
+Vaulx in 1584.
+
+[Sidenote: Greenland connects Europe and America.]
+
+While this idea of the north was developing, there came in another that
+made the peninsular Greenland of the ante-Columbian maps grow into a
+link of land connecting Europe with the Americo-Asiatic main, so that
+one might in truth perambulate the globe dryshod. We find this
+conception in the maps of the Bavarian Ziegler (1532), and in the
+Italians Ruscelli (1544) and Gastaldi (1548),--the last two represented
+in the Ptolemies of those years published in Italy. But these Italian
+cosmographers were by no means constant in their belief, as Ruscelli
+showed in his Ptolemy of 1561, and Gastaldi in his Ramusio map of 1550.
+
+[Illustration: CARTA MARINA, 1548.]
+
+[Sidenote: Asia and America joined in the higher latitudes.]
+
+[Illustration: MYRITIUS, 1590.]
+
+As the Pacific explorations were stretched northward from Mexico, and
+the peninsula of California was brought into prominence, there remained
+for some time a suspicion that the western ocean made a great northerly
+bend, so as to sever North America from Asia except along the higher
+latitudes. We find this northerly extension of the Pacific in a map of
+copper preserved in the Carter-Brown library, which seems to have been
+the work of a Florentine goldsmith somewhere about 1535; in the Carta
+Marina of Gastaldi in 1548; and it even exists in maps of a later date,
+like that of Paolo de Furlani (1560) and that of Myritius (1587).
+
+[Illustration: ZALTIÈRE, 1566.]
+
+[Sidenote: Entanglement of the American and Asiatic coasts.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1728. Bering.]
+
+This map of Myritius, which appeared in his _Opusculum Geographicum_,
+published at Ingolstadt in 1590, is the work of, perhaps, the last of
+the geographers who did not leave more or less doubt about the
+connection of North America with Asia. So it took about a full century
+for the entanglement of the coasts of Asia and America, which Columbus
+had imagined, to be practically eradicated from the maps. Not that there
+were not doubters, even very early, but the faith in a new continent
+grew slowly and had many set-backs; nor did the Asiatic connection fade
+entirely out, as among the possibilities of geography, for considerably
+more than a century yet to come. The uncertainties of the higher
+latitudes kept knowledge in suspense, and even the English settlers on
+the northerly coasts of the United States were not quite sure. Thomas
+Morton, the chronicler of a colony on the Massachusetts shores, felt it
+necessary, so late as 1636, to make a reservation that possibly the
+mainland of America bordered on the land of the Tartars. Indeed, no one
+could say positively, though much was conjectured, that there was not a
+terrestrial connection in the extreme northwest, under arctic latitudes,
+till Bering in 1728, two hundred and thirty-six years after Columbus
+offered his prayer at San Salvador, passed from the Pacific into the
+polar waters. This became the solution of the fabled straits of Anian,
+an inheritance from the very earliest days of northern exploration,
+which, after the middle of the sixteenth century, was revived in the
+maps of Martines, Zaltière, Mercator, Porcacchi, Furlani, and Wytfliet,
+prefiguring the channel which Bering passed. Much in the same way as the
+southern apex of South America was a vision in men's minds long before
+Magellan found his way to the Pacific.
+
+[Illustration: PORCACCHI, 1572.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1536. Chaves.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1538. Mercator.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1540. Hartmann gores.]
+
+But we have anticipated a little. Coincident with the efforts of Cartier
+to discover this northern passage we mark other navigators working at
+the same problem. The Spaniard Alonso de Chaves made a chart of this
+eastern coast in 1536; but we only know of its existence from the
+description of it written by Oviedo in 1537. In the earliest map which
+we have from the hand of Gerard Mercator, and of which the only copy
+known was discovered some years ago by the late James Carson Brevoort,
+of New York, we find the northern passage well defined in 1538, and a
+broad channel separating the western coast of America from a parallel
+coast of Asia,--a kind of delineation which is followed in some
+globe-gores of about 1540, which Nordenskiöld thinks may have been the
+work of George Hartmann, of Nuremberg. This map is evidently based on
+Portuguese information, and that Swedish scholar finds no ground for
+associating it with the lost globe of Schöner, as Stevens has done. A
+facsimile of part of it has already been given.
+
+[Sidenote: 1540-45. Münster.]
+
+Sebastian Münster, in his maps in the Ptolemy of 1540-45, makes a clear
+seaway to the Moluccas somewhere in the latitude of the Strait of Belle
+Isle. Münster was in many ways antiquated in his notions. He often
+resorted to the old device of the Middle Ages by supplying the place of
+geographical details with figures of savages and monsters.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+We come now to two significant maps in the early history of American
+cartography.
+
+[Illustration: MERCATOR'S GLOBE OF 1538.]
+
+Columbus had been dead five and thirty years when a natural result grew
+out of those circumstances which conspired to name the largest part of
+the new discoveries after a secondary pathfinder. We have seen that
+there seemed at first no injustice in the name of America being applied
+to a region in the main external to the range of Columbus's own
+explorations, and how it took nearly a half century before public
+opinion, as expressed in the protest of Schöner in 1533, recognized the
+injustice of using another's name.
+
+[Sidenote: 1541. Mercator.]
+
+Whether that protest was prompted by a tendency, already shown, to give
+the name to the whole western hemisphere is not clear; but certainly
+within eight years such a general application was publicly made, when
+Mercator, in drafting in 1541 some gores for a globe, divided the name
+AME--RICA so that it covered both North and South America, and qualified
+its application by a legend which says that the continent is "called
+to-day by many, New India." Thus a name that in the beginning was given
+to a part in distinction merely and without any reference to the entire
+field of the new explorations, was now become, by implication, an
+injustice to the great first discoverer of all. The mischief, aided by
+accident and by a not unaccountable evolution, was not to be undone,
+and, in the singular mutations of fate, a people inhabiting a region of
+which neither Columbus nor Vespucius had any conception are now
+distinctively known in the world's history as Americans.
+
+[Illustration: MERCATOR'S GLOBE OF 1538.]
+
+These 1541 gores of Mercator were first made known to scholars a few
+years ago, when the Belgian government issued a facsimile edition of the
+only copy then known, which the Royal Library at Brussels had just
+acquired; but since there have been two other copies brought to
+light,--one at St. Nicholas in Belgium, and the other in the Imperial
+library at Vienna.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Henry II. map.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1544. Cabot map.]
+
+There are some indications on Spanish globes of about 1540, and in the
+Desceliers or Henry II. map of 1546, that the Spanish government had
+sent explorers to the region of Canada not long after Cartier's earliest
+explorations, and it is significant that the earliest published map to
+show these Cartier discoveries is the other of the two maps already
+referred to, namely, the Cabot mappemonde of 1544, which has been
+supposed a Spanish cartographical waif. Early publications of southern
+and middle Europe showed little recognition of the same knowledge.
+
+[Illustration: MÜNSTER, 1545.]
+
+The Cabot map has been an enigma to scholars ever since it was
+discovered in Germany, in 1843, by Von Martius. It was deposited the
+next year in the great library at Paris. It is a large elliptical
+world-map, struck from an engraved plate, and it bears sundry
+elucidating inscriptions, some of which must needs have come from
+Sebastian Cabot, others seem hardly to merit his authorship, and one
+acknowledges him as the maker of the map. There is, accordingly, a
+composite character to the production, not easily to be analyzed so as
+to show the credible and the incredible by clear lines of demarcation.
+We learn from it how it proclaimed for the first time the real agency of
+John Cabot in the discovery of North America, confirmed when Hakluyt, in
+1582, printed the patent from Henry VII. There is an unaccountable year
+given for that discovery, namely, 1494, but we seem to get the true date
+when Michael Lok, in 1582, puts down "J. Cabot. 1497," against Cape
+Breton in his map of that year. As this last map appeared in Hakluyt's
+_Divers Voyages_, and as Hakluyt tells us of the existence of Cabot's
+maps and of his seeing them, we may presume that we have in this date of
+1497 an authoritative statement. We learn also from this map of 1544
+that the land first seen was the point of the island now called Cape
+Breton. Without the aid of this map, Biddle, who wrote before its
+discovery, had contended for Labrador as the landfall.
+
+[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1541.
+
+[Sketched from his gores.]]
+
+[Illustration: FROM THE SEBASTIAN CABOT MAPPEMONDE. 1514.]
+
+[Sidenote: Scarcity of Spanish printed maps.]
+
+We know, on the testimony of Robert Thorne in 1527, if from no other
+source, that it was a settled policy of the Spanish government to allow
+no one but proper cartographical designers to make its maps, "for that
+peradventure it would not sound well to them that a stranger should know
+or discover their secrets." This doubtless accounts for the fact that,
+in the two hundred maps mentioned by Ortelius in 1570 as used by him in
+compiling his atlas, not one was published in Spain; and every
+bibliographer knows that not a single edition of Ptolemy, the best known
+channel of communicating geographical knowledge in this age of
+discovery, bears a Spanish imprint. The two general maps of America
+during the sixteenth century, which Dr. Kohl could trace to Spanish
+presses, were that of Medina in 1545 and that of Gomara in 1554, and
+these were not of a scale to be of any service in navigating.
+
+[Sidenote: Cabot's connection with the map of 1544.]
+
+There seem to be insuperable objections to considering that Sebastian
+Cabot had direct influence in the production of the map now under
+consideration. It is full of a lack of knowledge which it is not
+possible to ascribe to him. That it is based upon some drafts of Cabot
+is most probably true; but they are clearly drafts, confused and in some
+ways perverted, and eked out by whatever could be picked up from other
+sources.
+
+That the Cabot map was issued in more than one edition is inferred
+partly from the fact that the legends which Chytræus quotes from it
+differ somewhat from those now in the copy preserved in Paris; and
+indeed Harrisse finds reason to suppose that there may have been four
+different editions. That in some form or other it was better known in
+England than elsewhere is deduced from certain relations sustained with
+that country on the part of those who have mentioned the map,--Livio
+Sanuto, Ortelius, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Richard Willes, Hakluyt, and
+Purchas.
+
+Whoever its author and whatever its minor defects, this so-called Cabot
+map of 1544 may reasonably be accepted as the earliest really honest,
+unimaginative exhibition of the American continent which had been made.
+There was in it no attempt to fancy a northwest passage; no confidence
+in the marine or terrestrial actuality of the region now known to be
+covered by the north Pacific; no certainty about the entire western
+coast line of South America, though this might have been decided upon if
+the maker of the map had been posted to date for that region. The maker
+of it further showed nothing of that presumption, which soon became
+prevalent, of making Tierra del Fuego merely but one of the various
+promontories of an immense Antarctic continent, which later stood in the
+planispheres of Ortelius and Wytfliet.
+
+[Illustration: MEDINA, 1544.]
+
+[Sidenote: Geographical study transferred to Italy.]
+
+This map of Cabot was the last of the principal cartographical monuments
+made north of the Alps in this early half of the sixteenth century. The
+centre of geographical study was now transferred to Italy, where it had
+begun with the opening of the interest in oceanic discovery. For the
+next score years and more we must look mainly to Venice for the newer
+development.
+
+[Illustration: MEDINA, 1544.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1548, Gastaldi.]
+
+In the Venice Ptolemy of 1548, we have for the first time a _series_ of
+maps of the New World by Gastaldi, which were simply enlarged by
+Ruscelli in the edition of 1561, except in a few instances, where new
+details were added, like the making of Yucatan a peninsula instead of
+the island which Gastaldi had drawn. They were repeated in the edition
+of 1562.
+
+[Sidenote: Sea manuals.]
+
+Meanwhile the most popular sea manuals of this period were Spanish; but
+they studiously avoided throwing much light on the new geography.
+
+[Illustration: WYTFLIET, 1597.]
+
+That of Martin Cortes was the first to suggest a magnetic pole as
+distinct from the terrestrial pole. Its rival, the _Arte de Navegar_ of
+Pedro de Medina, published at Valladolid in 1545, never reached the same
+degree of popularity, nor did it deserve to, for his notions were in
+some respects erratic.
+
+The English in their theories of navigation had long depended on the
+teachings of the Spaniards, and Eden had translated the chief Spanish
+manual in his _Arte of Navigation_ of 1561.
+
+[Illustration: WYTFLIET, 1597.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ship's log.]
+
+A great advance was possible now, for a new principle had been devised,
+and an estimate of the progress of a ship was no longer dependent on
+visual observation. The log had made it possible to put dead reckoning
+on a pretty firm basis. This was the great new feature of the _Regiment
+of the Sea_, which the Englishman, William Bourne, published in 1573;
+and sixteen years later, in 1589, another Englishman, Blunderville, made
+popularly known the new instrument for taking meridian altitudes at sea,
+the cross-staff, which had very early superseded the astrolabe on
+shipboard.
+
+The inclination or dip of the needle, showing by its increase an
+approach to a magnetic pole, was not scaled till 1576, when Robert
+Norman made his observations, and it is not without some service to-day
+in that combination of phenomena of which Columbus noted the earliest
+traces in his first voyage of 1492.
+
+[Illustration: THE CROSS-STAFF.]
+
+[Sidenote: Italian discoverers.]
+
+[Sidenote: English discoverers.]
+
+It is significant how large a part in the cardinal discoveries of the
+fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was taken by Italian navigators,
+seamen, shipwrights, mathematicians, and merchants, whether in Portugal
+or Spain, France or England. It is curious, too, to observe how, when
+the theoretical work and confirmatory explorations were finished, and
+the commercial spirit succeeded to that of science, England embarked
+with her adventurous spirit. The death of Queen Mary in 1558 was the
+signal for English exertion, and that exertion became ominous to all
+Europe in the reign of Elizabeth, accompanied by an intellectual
+movement, typified in Bacon and Shakespeare, similar to that which
+stirred the age of Columbus and the Italian renaissance.
+
+[Sidenote: John Hawkins.]
+
+John Hawkins and African marauders of his English kind were selling
+negro slaves in Española in 1562 and subsequent years, and from them we
+get our first English accounts of the Florida coast, which on their
+return voyages they skirted.
+
+[Sidenote: New France.]
+
+[Sidenote: Spanish settlements fail at the north.]
+
+America had at this time been abandoned for a long while to Spain and
+France, and the latter power had only entered into competition with
+Charles V., when Francis I., as we have seen, had sent out Verrazano in
+1521 to take possession of the north Atlantic coasts. Out of this grew
+upon the maps the designation of New France, which was attached to the
+main portion of the North American continent. And this French claim is
+recognized in the maps, painted about 1562, on the walls of the
+geographical gallery in the Vatican. So the French stole upon the
+possession of Spain in the West Indies; and the English followed in
+their wake, when the death of Mary rendered it easier for the English to
+smother their inherited antipathy to France. This done, the English in
+due time joined the French in efforts to gain an ascendency over Spain
+in the Indies, to compensate for the loss of such power in Italy. The
+Spaniards, though they had attempted to make settlements along the
+Chesapeake at different times between 1566 and 1573, never succeeded in
+making any impression on the history of this northern region.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The cartography of the north was at this period subject to two new
+influences; and both of them make large demands upon the credulity of
+scholarship in these latter days.
+
+[Sidenote: André Thevet.]
+
+Attempts have been made to trace some portion of the development of the
+coasts of the northeastern parts of the United States to the
+publications of a mendacious monk, André Thevet. He had been sent out to
+the French colony of Rio de Janeiro in 1555, where he remained
+prostrated with illness till he was able to reëmbark for France, January
+31, 1556. In 1558 he published his _Singularitez de la France
+Antarctique_, a descriptive and conglomerate work, patched together from
+all such sources as he could pillage, professing to follow more or less
+his experiences on this voyage. He says nothing in it of his tracking
+along the east coast of the present United States. Seeking notoriety and
+prestige for his country, he pretends, however, in his _Cosmographie_
+published in 1575, to recount the experiences of the same voyage, and
+now he professes to have followed this same eastern coast to the region
+of Norumbega. Well-equipped scholars find no occasion to believe that
+these later statements were other than boldly conceived falsehoods,
+which he had endeavored to make plausible by the commingling of what he
+could filch from the narratives of others.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The Zeni story.]
+
+[Illustration: THE ZENI MAP.]
+
+It was at this time also (1558) that there was published at Venice the
+strange and riddle-like narrative which purports to give the experiences
+of the brothers Zeni in the north Atlantic waters in the fourteenth
+century. The publication came at a time when, with the transfer of
+cartographical interest from over the Alps to the home of its earliest
+growth, the countrymen of Columbus were seeking to reinstate their
+credit as explorers, which during the fifteenth century and the early
+part of the sixteenth they had lost to the peoples of the Iberian
+peninsula. Anything, therefore, which could emphasize their claims was a
+welcome solace. This accounts both for the bringing forward at this time
+of the long-concealed Zeni narrative,--granting its genuineness,--and
+for the influence which its accompanying map had upon contemporary
+cartography. This map professed to be based upon the discoveries made by
+the Zeni brothers, and upon the knowledge acquired by them at the north
+in the fourteenth century. It accordingly indicated the existence of
+countries called Estotiland and Drogeo, lying to the west, which it was
+now easy to identify with the Baccalaos of the Cabots, and with the New
+France of the later French.
+
+[Sidenote: The Zeni map.]
+
+"If this remarkable map," says Nordenskiöld, "had not received extensive
+circulation under the sanction of Ptolemy's name," for it was copied in
+the edition of 1561 of that geographer, "it would probably have been
+soon forgotten. During nearly a whole century it had exercised an
+influence on the mapping of the northern countries to which there are
+few parallels to be found in the history of cartography." It is
+Nordenskiöld's further opinion that the Zeni map was drawn from an old
+map of the north made in the thirteenth century, from which the map
+found in the Warsaw Codex of Ptolemy of 1467 was also drawn. He further
+infers that some changes and additions were imposed to make it
+correspond with the text of the Zeni narrative.
+
+[Illustration: THE ZENI MAP.]
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The year 1569 is marked by a stride in cartographical science, of which
+we have not yet outgrown the necessity.
+
+[Illustration: THE WARSAW CODEX, 1467; after Nordenskiöld.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1569. Mercator's projection.]
+
+The plotting of courses and distances, as practiced by the early
+explorers, was subject to all the errors which necessarily accompany the
+lack of well-established principles, in representing the curved surface
+of the globe on a plane chart. Cumbrous and rude globes were made to do
+duty as best they could; but they were ill adapted to use at sea.
+Nordenskiöld (_Facsimile Atlas_, p. 22) has pointed out that
+Pirckheimer, in the Ptolemy of 1525, had seemingly anticipated the
+theory which Mercator now with some sort of prevision developed into a
+principle, which was applied in his great plane chart of 1569. The
+principle, however, was not definite enough in his mind for the clear
+exposition of formulæ, and he seems not to have attempted to do more
+than rough-hew the idea. The hint was a good one, and it was left for
+the Englishman Edward Wright to put its principles into a formulated
+problem in 1599, a century and more after Columbus had dared to track
+the ocean by following latitudinal lines in the simplest manner.
+
+[Illustration: THE WARSAW CODEX, 1467; after Nordenskiöld.]
+
+It has been supposed that Wright had the fashioning of the large map
+which, on this same Mercator projection, Hakluyt had included in his
+_Principall Navigations_ in 1599. Hondius had also adopted a like method
+in his _mappemonde_ of the same year.
+
+[Sidenote: 1570. The _Theatrum_ of Ortelius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Decline of Ptolemy.]
+
+[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1569.]
+
+In 1570 the publication of the great atlas of Abraham Ortelius showed
+that the centre of map-making had again passed from Italy, and had found
+a lodgment in the Netherlands. The _Theatrum_ of Ortelius was the signal
+for the downfall of the Ptolemy series as the leading exemplar of
+geographical ideas. The editions of that old cartographer, with their
+newer revisions, never again attained the influence with which they had
+been invested since the invention of printing. This influence had been
+so great that Nordenskiöld finds that between 1520 and 1550 the Ptolemy
+maps had been five times as numerous as any other. They had now passed
+away; and it is curious to observe that Ortelius seems to have been
+ignorant of some of the typical maps anterior to his time, and which we
+now look to in tracing the history of American cartography, like those
+of Ruysch, Stobnicza, Agnese, Apianus, Vadianus, and Girava.
+
+[Sidenote: Ortelius.]
+
+It has already been mentioned that when Ortelius published his
+_Theatrum_, and gave a list of ninety-nine makers of maps whom he had
+consulted, not a solitary one of Spanish make was to be found among
+them. It shows how effectually the Council of the Indies had concealed
+the cartographical records of their office.
+
+[Illustration: MERCATOR.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1577. English explorations.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1548. Sebastian Cabot.]
+
+It was eighty years since the English under John Cabot had undertaken a
+voyage of discovery in the New World. The interval passed not without
+preparation for new efforts, which had for a time, however, been
+extended to the northwest rather than to the northeast. In 1548
+Sebastian Cabot had returned to his native land to assume the first
+place in her maritime world. His influence in directing, and that of
+Richard Eden in informing, the English mind prepared the way for the
+advent of Frobisher, the younger Hawkins, and Drake.
+
+[Sidenote: 1576. Frobisher.]
+
+[Illustration: ORTELIUS.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1577-78. Frobisher.]
+
+Frobisher's voyage of 1576 was the true beginning of the arctic search
+for a northwest passage, all earlier efforts having been in lower
+latitudes. He had sought, by leaving Greenland on the right, to pass
+north of the great American barrier, and thus reach the land of spices.
+He congratulated himself on having found the long-desired strait, when,
+naming it for himself, he returned to England. Frobisher attempted to
+add to these earlier discoveries by a voyage the next year, 1577, but he
+made exploration secondary to mining for gold, and not much was done. A
+third voyage in 1578 brought him into Hudson's Straits, which he entered
+with the hope of finding it the channel to Cathay. But in all his
+voyages Frobisher only crossed the threshold of the arctic north.
+
+[Illustration: ORTELIUS, 1570.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Zeni influence.]
+
+[Illustration: SEBASTIAN CABOT.]
+
+It was one of the results of Frobisher's voyages that they served to
+implant in the minds of the cartographers of the northern waters the
+notions of the Zeni geography, and aided to give those notions a new
+lease of favor. It is conjectured that Frobisher had the Zeni map with
+him, or its counterpart in one of the recent Ptolemies. This map had
+placed the point of Greenland under 66° instead of 61°, and under the
+last latitude this map had shown the southern coast of its insular
+Frisland. Therefore, when Frobisher saw land under 61°, which was in
+fact Greenland, he supposed it to be Frisland, and thus the maps after
+him became confused. A like mischance befell Davis, a little later. When
+this navigator found Greenland in 61°, he supposed it an island south of
+Greenland, which he called "Desolation," and the fancy grew up that
+Frobisher's route must have gone north of this island and between it and
+Greenland, and so we have in later maps this other misplacement of
+discoveries.
+
+[Illustration: FROBISHER.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1577. Francis Drake.]
+
+While Frobisher was absent, Drake developed his great scheme of
+following in the southerly track of Magellan.
+
+[Sidenote: Drake sees Cape Horn.]
+
+Four years before (1573), being at Panama, he had seen from a treetop
+the great Pacific, and had resolved to be the first of the English to
+furrow its depths. In 1577, starting on his great voyage of
+circumnavigation, he soon added a new stretch of the Pacific coast to
+the better knowledge of the world. When he returned to England, he
+proved to be the first commander who had taken his ship, the "Pelican,"
+later called the "Golden Hind" wholly round the globe, for Magellan had
+died on the way. Passing through Magellan's Strait and entering the
+Pacific, Drake's ship was separated from its companions and driven
+south. It was then he saw the Cape Horn of a later Dutch navigator, and
+proved the non-existence of that neighboring antarctic continent, which
+was still persistently to cling to the maps. Bereft of his other ships,
+which the storm had driven apart, Drake, during the early months of
+1579, made havoc among the Spanish galleons which were on the South
+American coasts.
+
+[Illustration: FROBISHER, 1578.]
+
+In March, 1579, surfeited with plunder, he started north from the coast
+of Mexico, to find a passage to the Atlantic in the upper latitudes.
+
+[Sidenote: In the north Pacific.]
+
+In June he had reached 42° north, though some have supposed that he went
+several degrees higher. He had met, however, a rigorous season, and his
+ropes crackled with the ice. The change was such a contrast to the
+allurements of his experiences farther to the south that he gave up his
+search for the strait that would carry him, as he had hoped, to the
+Atlantic, and, turning south, he reached a bay somewhere in the
+neighborhood of San Francisco, where he tarried for a while. Having
+placed the name of New Albion on the upper California coast, and fearing
+to run the hazards of the southern seas, where his plundering had made
+the Spaniards alert, he sailed westerly, and, rounding the Cape of Good
+Hope, reached England in due time, and was acknowledged to be the
+earliest of English circumnavigators.
+
+[Illustration: FRANCIS DRAKE.]
+
+It is one of the results of Drake's explorations in 1579-80 that we get
+in subsequent maps a more northerly trend to the California coast.
+
+[Sidenote: Confusion in the Pacific coast cartography.]
+
+Shortly after this, a great confusion in the maps of this Pacific region
+came in. From what it arose is not very apparent, except that absence of
+direct knowledge in geography opens a wide field for discursiveness. The
+Michael Lok map of 1582 indicates this uncertainty. It seemed to be the
+notion that the Arctic Sea was one and the same with that of Verrazano;
+also, that it came down to about the latitude of Puget Sound, and that
+the Gulf of California stretched nearly up to meet it.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Francisco Gali.]
+
+[Sidenote: Proves the great width of the Pacific.]
+
+Francisco Gali, a Spanish commander, returning to Acapulco from China in
+1583, tried the experiment of steering northward to about 38°, when he
+turned west and sighted the American coast in that latitude. At this
+point he steered south, and showed the practicability of following this
+circuitous route with less time than was required to buffet the easterly
+trades by a direct eastern passage. His experiment established one other
+fact, namely, the great width of water separating the two continents in
+those upper latitudes; for he had found it to be 1200 leagues across
+instead of there being a narrow strait, as the theorizing geographers
+had supposed. Gali seems also to have shown that the distance south from
+Cape Mendocino to the point of the California peninsula was not more
+than half as great as the maps had made it. His voyage was a significant
+source of enlightenment to the cartographers.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Eastern coast of North America.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1579. The English on the coast.]
+
+To return to the eastern coasts, an English vessel under Simon
+Ferdinando spent a short season in 1579 somewhere about the Gulf of
+Maine, and was followed the next year by another under John Walker, and
+in 1593 by still a third under Richard Strong.
+
+[Sidenote: Sir Humphrey Gilbert.]
+
+For eighty years England might have rested her claim to North America on
+the discoveries of the Cabots; but Queen Elizabeth first gave prominence
+to these pretensions when she granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578
+the right to make a settlement somewhere in these more northerly
+regions. Gilbert's first voyage accomplished nothing, and there was an
+interdict to prevent a second, since England might have use for daring
+seamen nearer home. "First," says Robert Hues, "Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
+with great courage and forces, attempted to make discovery of those
+parts of America which were yet unknown to the Spaniards; but the
+success was not answerable." The effort was not renewed till 1583, when
+Gilbert took possession of Newfoundland and attempted to make
+settlements farther south; but disaster followed him, and his ship
+foundered off the Azores on his return voyage.
+
+[Illustration: GILBERT'S MAP, 1576.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sir Walter Ralegh.]
+
+It was at this time that Sir Walter Ralegh came into prominence in
+pushing English colonization in America. He had been associated with his
+half-brother, Gilbert, in the earlier movements, but now he was alone.
+In 1584 he got his new charter, partly by reason of the urgency of
+Hakluyt in his _Westerne Planting_. Ralegh had his eye upon a more
+southern coast than Gilbert had aimed for,--upon one better fitted to
+develop self-dependent colonization. He knew that north of what was
+called Florida the Spaniards had but scantily tracked the country, and
+that they probably maintained no settlements. Therefore to reach a
+region somewhere south of the Chesapeake was the aim of the first
+company sent out under Ralegh's inspiration. These adventurers made
+their landfall where they could find no good inlet, and so sailed north,
+searching, until at last they reached the sounds on the North Carolina
+coast, and tarried awhile. Satisfied with the quality of the country,
+they returned to England; and their recitals so pleased Ralegh and the
+Queen that the country was named Virginia, and preparations were made to
+dispatch a colony. It went the next year, but its history is of no
+farther importance to our present purpose than that it marks the
+commencement of English colonization, disastrous though it was, on the
+North American continent, and the beginning of detailed English
+cartography of its coast, in the map, already referred to, which seems
+to open a passage, somewhere near Port Royal, to an interior sea.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1585-86. John Davis.]
+
+In 1585-86 John Davis had been buffeting among the icebergs of Greenland
+and the north in hopes to find a passage by the northwest; on June 30,
+1587, he reached 72° 12' on the Greenland coast, and discovered the
+strait known by his name, and in 1595 when he published his _World's
+Hydrographical Description_, he maintained that he had touched the
+threshold of the northwest passage. He tells us that the globe of
+Molineaux shows how far he went.
+
+[Sidenote: English seamanship.]
+
+Seamanship owes more to Davis than to any other Englishman. In 1590, or
+thereabout, he improved the cross-staff, and giving somewhat more of
+complexity to it, he produced the back-staff. This instrument gave the
+observer the opportunity of avoiding the glare of the sun, since it was
+used with his back to that luminary; and when Flamsteed, the first
+astronomer royal at Greenwich, used a glass lens to throw reflected
+light, the first approach to the great principle of taking angles by
+reflection was made, which was later, in 1731, to be carried to a
+practical result in Hadley's quadrant.
+
+[Illustration: BACK-STAFF.]
+
+The art of finding longitude was still in an uncertain state. Gemma
+Frisius, as we have noted, had as early as 1530 divined the method of
+carrying time by a watch; but it was not till 1726 that anything really
+practicable came of it, in a timekeeper constructed by Harrison. This
+watch was continually improved by him up to 1761, when the method of
+ascertaining longitude by chronometer became well established; and a few
+years later (1767) the first nautical almanac was published, affording a
+reasonably good guide in lunar distances, as a means in the computations
+of longitude.
+
+[Sidenote: 1676.]
+
+In 1676 the Greenwich observatory had been founded to attempt the
+rectification of lunar tables, then so erroneous that the calculations
+for longitude were still uncertain. In 1701 Edmund Halley had published
+his great variation charts. These dates will fix in the reader's mind
+the advance of scientific skill as applied to navigation and discovery.
+It will be well also to remember that in 1594 Davis published his
+_Seaman's Secrets_, the first manual in the English tongue, written by a
+practical sailor, in which the principles of great circle sailing were
+explained.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: 1583-84. Earliest marine atlas.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1592. Dutch West India Company.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1598.]
+
+The first marine atlas had been printed at Leyden in 1583-84; but the
+Dutch had not at that time taken any active part in the development of
+discovery in the New World. Their longing for a share in it, mated with
+a certain hostile intention towards the Spaniards, instigated the
+formation of the West India Company, which had first been conceived in
+the mind of William Usselinx in 1592, though it was not put into
+execution till twenty-five years later. It was claimed by the Dutch that
+in 1598 the ships of their Greenland Company had discovered the Hudson
+River, though there can be little doubt that the French, Spanish, and
+perhaps English had been there much earlier. It is also claimed that the
+straits shown in Lok's map in 1582 had instigated Heinrich Hudson to his
+later search. But the truth in all these questions which involve
+national rights is very much perplexed with claim and counter-claim,
+invention and perversion, in which historical data are at the beck of
+political objects.
+
+[Sidenote: 1598. The Dutch on the North American coasts.]
+
+[Sidenote: The English.]
+
+By the end of the sixteenth century the Dutch began to appear on the
+coasts of the Middle and New England States, and the cartography of
+those regions developed rapidly under their observation; but it was
+through the boating explorations of Captain John Smith in 1614 that it
+took a shape nearer the truth. It is to him that the northerly parts owe
+the name of New England, which Prince Charles confirmed for it. The
+reports from Hudson, May, and others instigated a plan marked out in
+1618, but not directly ordered by the States General till 1621, which
+led to the Dutch occupation of Manhattan and the neighboring regions,
+introducing more strongly than before a Dutch element into the maps.
+
+[Sidenote: The English leaders in maritime discovery.]
+
+[Sidenote: Richard Hakluyt.]
+
+When the seventeenth century opened, the English had come well to the
+front in maritime explorations. A large-minded and patriotic man, Sir
+Thomas Smith, did much in his capacity as governor of the "merchants
+trading into the East Indies" to direct contemporary knowledge into
+better channels. Dr. Thomas Hood gave public lectures in London on the
+improvements in methods of navigation. Richard Hakluyt, the
+historiographer of the new company, had already shown that he had
+inherited the spirit of helpful patronage which had characterized the
+labors of Eden.
+
+[Sidenote: 1600.]
+
+[Sidenote: The search for a western passage at the north.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1601. George Waymouth.]
+
+We find the peninsula made by the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic
+insularized from the beginning of the seventeenth century, the
+transverse channel being now on the line of the Hudson, then of the
+Penobscot, then of the St. Croix, and when the seventeenth century came
+in, it was not wholly determined that the longed-for western passage
+might not yet be found somewhere in this region. On July 24, 1601,
+George Waymouth, a navigator, as he was called, applied to the London
+East India Company to be assisted in making an attempt to discover a
+northwest passage to India, and the company agreed to his proposition.
+The Muscovy Company protested in vain against such an infringement of
+its own rights; but it found a way to smother its grief and join with
+its rival in the enterprise. Through such joint action Waymouth was sent
+by the northwest "towards Cataya or China, or the back side of America,"
+bearing with him a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor of "China
+or Kathia." The attempt failed, and Waymouth returned almost
+ignominiously.
+
+[Sidenote: Hudson at the north.]
+
+In 1602, under instructions from the East India Company, he again
+sailed, and now pushed a little farther into Hudson's Strait than any
+one had been before. In 1609 Hudson had made some explorations, defining
+a little more clearly the northern coasts of the present United States;
+and in 1610 he sailed again from England to attempt the discovery of the
+northwest passage, in a small craft of fifty-five tons, with
+twenty-three souls on board. Following the tracks of Davis and Waymouth,
+he went farther than they, and revealed to the world the great inland
+sea which is known by his name, and in which he probably perished.
+
+[Sidenote: Hudson's Bay.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1615. Baffin's Bay.]
+
+In 1612-13 Sir Thomas Button developed more exactly the outline in part
+of this great bay, and in 1614 the _Discovery_, under Robert Bylot and
+William Baffin, passed along the coasts of Hudson's Strait, making most
+careful observation, and Baffin took for the first time at sea a lunar
+observation for longitude, according to a method which had been
+suggested as early as 1514. It was on a voyage undertaken in the next
+year, 1615, that Baffin, exceeding the northing of Davis, found lying
+before him the great expanse of Baffin's Bay, through which he proceeded
+till he found a northern exit in Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, under 78°.
+Baffin did all this with an accuracy which surprised Sir John Ross, who
+was the next to enter the bay, two centuries later. It was in these
+years of Hudson and Baffin that Napier invented logarithms and
+simplified the processes of nautical calculations.
+
+[Illustration: LUKE FOX, 1635.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1631. Luke Fox.]
+
+[Sidenote: Thomas James.]
+
+The voyage of Luke Fox in 1631 developed some portions of the western
+shores of Hudson's Bay, and he returned confident, from his observation
+of the tides farther north, that they indicated a western passage; and
+in the same year Thomas James searched the more southern limits of the
+great bay with no more success. These voyages put a stay for more than a
+hundred years to efforts in this direction to find the passage so long
+sought.
+
+[Sidenote: 1602. Gosnold.]
+
+Up to 1602 the explorations of our northern coasts seem to have been
+ordinarily made either by a sweep northerly from Europe, striking
+Newfoundland and then proceeding south, or by a southerly sweep
+following the Spanish tracks and coasting north from Florida. In this
+year, 1602, the Englishman Gosnold, without any earlier example that we
+know of since the time of Verrazano, stood directly to the New England
+coast, and in the accounts of his voyage we begin to find some
+particular knowledge of the contour of this coast, which opens the way
+to identifications of landmarks. The explorations of Pring (1603),
+Champlain (1604), Waymouth (1605), Popham (1607), Hudson (1609), Smith
+(1614), Dermer (1619), and others which followed are of no more
+importance in our present survey than as marking further stages of
+detailed geography. Even Dermer was dreaming of a western passage yet to
+be found in this region.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: Discoveries on the Pacific coast.]
+
+We must now turn to follow the development during the seventeenth
+century of the discoveries on the Pacific coast.
+
+[Sidenote: 1602. Viscaino.]
+
+Sebastian Viscaino, in his voyage up the coast from Acapulco in 1602,
+sought the hidden straits as high as 42°, and one of his captains
+reporting the coast to trend easterly at 43°, his story confused the
+geography of this region for many years. This supposed trend was held to
+indicate another passage to the Gulf of California, making the peninsula
+of that name an island, and so it long remained on the maps, after once
+getting possession, some years later (1622), of the cartographical
+fancy.
+
+[Sidenote: 1643. De Vries.]
+
+Some explorations of the Dutch under De Vries, in 1643, were the source
+of a notion later prevailing, that there was an interjacent land in the
+north Pacific, which they called "Jesso," and which was supposed to be
+separated by passages both from America and from Asia; and for half a
+century or more the supposition, connected more or less with a land seen
+by João da Gama, was accepted in some quarters. Indeed, this notion may
+be said to have not wholly disappeared till the maps of Cook's voyage
+came out in 1777-78, when the Aleutian Islands got something like their
+proper delineation.
+
+[Sidenote: Confused geographical notions of a western sea.]
+
+In fact, so vague was the conception of what might be the easterly
+extension of the northern sea in the latitudinal forties that the notion
+of a sea something like the old one of Verrazano was even thought in
+1625 by Briggs in Purchas, and again in 1651 in Farrer's map of
+Virginia, to bathe the western slope of the Alleghanies.
+
+[Sidenote: 1700.]
+
+[Sidenote: Maldonado, Da Fuca, De Fonte.]
+
+Early in the eighteenth century, even the best cartographers ran wild in
+their delineations of the Pacific coast. A series of multifarious
+notions, arising from more or less faith in the alleged explorations of
+Maldonado, Da Fuca, and De Fonte, some of them assumed to have been made
+more than a century earlier, filled the maps with seas and straits,
+identified sometimes with the old strait of Anian, and converting the
+northwestern parts of North America into a network of surmises, that
+look strangely to our present eyes. Some of these wild configurations
+prevailed even after the middle of the century, but they were finally
+eliminated from the maps by the expedition of that James Cook who first
+saw the light in a Yorkshire cabin in 1728.
+
+[Illustration: JESSO.
+
+[After Hennepin.]]
+
+[Sidenote: 1724. Bering.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1728.]
+
+In 1724 Peter the Great equipped Vitus Bering's first expedition, and in
+December, 1724, five weeks before his death, the Czar gave the
+commanding officer his instruction to coast northward and find if the
+Asiatic and American coasts were continuous, as they were supposed to
+be. There were, however, among the Siberians, some reports of the
+dividing waters and of a great land beyond, and these rumors had been
+prevailing since 1711. Peter the Great died January 28, 1725 (old
+style), just as Bering was beginning his journey, and not till March,
+1728, did that navigator reach the neighborhood of the sea. In July he
+spread his sails on a vessel which he had built.
+
+[Illustration: DOMINA FARRER'S MAP, 1651.]
+
+[Illustration: DOMINA FARRER'S MAP, 1651.]
+
+[Illustration: BUACHE'S THEORY, 1752.]
+
+[Illustration: BERING'S STRAITS.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1732.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1741. Bering.]
+
+By the middle of August he had passed beyond the easternmost point of
+Asia, and was standing out into the Arctic Ocean, when he turned on his
+track and sailed south. Neither in going nor in returning did he see
+land to the east, the mists being too thick. He had thus established the
+limits of the Russian Empire, but he had not as yet learned of the close
+proximity of the American shores. His discoveries did not get any
+cartographical record till Kiriloff made his map of Russia in 1734,
+using the map which Bering had made in Moscow in 1731. The following
+year (1732), Gvosdjeff espied the opposite coast; but it was not till
+1741 that Bering sailed once more from the Asiatic side to seek the
+American coast. He steered southeast, and soon found that the land seen
+by Da Gama, and which the Delisles had so long kept on their maps, did
+not exist there.
+
+[Sidenote: Aleutian Islands.]
+
+Thence sailing northward, Bering sighted the coast in July and had Mount
+St. Elias before him, then named by him from that saint's day in the
+calendar. On his return route some vague conception of the Aleutian
+Islands was gained, the beginning of a better cartography, in which was
+also embodied the stretch of coast which Bering's associate, Chirikoff,
+discovered farther east and south.
+
+[Sidenote: Northern Pacific.]
+
+In 1757 Venegas, uninformed as to these Russian discoveries, confessed
+in his _California_ that nothing was really known of the coast line in
+the higher latitudes,--an ignorance that was the source of a great
+variety of conjectures, including a large inland sea of the west
+connecting with the Pacific, which was not wholly discarded till near
+the end of the century, as has already been mentioned.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+[Sidenote: The search for the northwest passage.]
+
+The search for the northwest passage to Asia, as it had been begun by
+the English under Cabot in 1497, was also the last of all the endeavors
+to isolate the continent. The creation of the Hudson Bay Company in 1670
+was ostensibly to promote "the discovery of a new passage into the South
+Sea," but the world knows how for two centuries that organization
+obstinately neglected, or as far as they dared, the leading purpose for
+which they pretended to ask a charter. They gave their well-directed
+energies to the amassing of fortunes with as much persistency as the
+Spaniards did at the south, but with this difference: that the wisdom in
+their employment of the aborigines was as eminent as with the Southrons
+it was lacking. It was left for other agencies of the British government
+successfully to accomplish, with the aid of the votaries of geographical
+science, what the pecuniary speculators of Fen Church Street hardly
+dared to contemplate.
+
+[Sidenote: 1779. James Cook.]
+
+The spirit of the old navigators was revived in James Cook, when in 1779
+he endeavored to pass eastward by Bering's Straits; but it was not till
+forty years later that a series of arctic explorations was begun, in
+which the English races of both continents have shown so conspicuous a
+skill and fortitude.
+
+[Sidenote: Kendrick in the "Columbia."]
+
+While the English, French, and Spaniards were dodging one another in
+their exploring efforts along this upper coast, a Boston ship, the
+"Columbia," under Captain Kendrick, entered the Columbia River, then
+named; and to these American explorations, as well as to the
+contemporary ones of Vancouver, the geographical confusion finally
+yielded place to something like an intelligible idea.
+
+[Sidenote: 1790-95. Vancouver.]
+
+It had also been the aim of Vancouver in 1790-95 "to ascertain the
+existence of any navigable communication between the North Pacific and
+the North Atlantic Oceans," and the correspondence of the British
+government leading to this expedition has only been lately printed in
+the _Report_ of the Dominion archivist, Douglas Brymner, for 1889.
+
+[Illustration: THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE.]
+
+[Sidenote: Arctic explorers.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1850. McClure finds the northwest passage.]
+
+The names of Barrow, Ross, Parry, and Franklin, not to mention others of
+a later period, make the story of the final severance of the continent
+in the arctic seas one of conspicuous interest in the history of
+maritime exploration. Captain Robert L. McClure, in the "Investigator,"
+late in 1850 passed into Bering's Straits, and before September closed
+his ship was bound in the ice. In October McClure made a sledge journey
+easterly over a frozen channel and reached the open sea, which thirty
+years before Parry had passed into from the Atlantic side. The northwest
+passage was at last discovered.
+
+We have seen that within thirty years from the death of Columbus the
+outline of South America was defined, while it had taken nearly two
+centuries and a quarter to free the coast lines of the New World from an
+entanglement in men's minds with the outlines of eastern Asia, and
+another century and a quarter were required to complete the arctic
+contour of America, so that the New World at last should stand a wholly
+revealed and separate continent.
+
+Nor had all this labor been done by governments alone. The private
+merchant and the individual adventurer, equipping ships and sailing
+without national help, had done no small part of it. Dr. Kohl strikingly
+says, "The extreme northern limit of America, the desolate peninsula
+Boothia, is named after the English merchant who fitted out the arctic
+expedition of Sir John Ross; and the southernmost strait, beyond
+Patagonia, preserves the name of Le Maire, the merchant at whose charge
+it was disclosed to the world!"
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+ Acklin Island, 215.
+
+ Adam of Bremen, 147.
+
+ Adda, G. d', 12.
+
+ Admiral's map, 534, 546, 581. _See_ Waldseemüller.
+
+ Africa, circumnavigations of, 91;
+ discoveries along its coast, 91, 151;
+ early maps, 133;
+ Ptolemy's map of its southern part, 335.
+
+ Agnese Baptista, his maps, 595, 597.
+
+ Aguado, Juan, sent to Española, 317;
+ his conduct, 319.
+
+ Ailly, Pierre d', _De Imagine Mundi_, 7, 8, 121, 180, 497;
+ his map (1410), 601.
+
+ Albertus Magnus, 497; portrait, 120.
+
+ Aleutian Islands, 652, 658.
+
+ Alexander VI., letter to, from Columbus, 9;
+ pope, 252;
+ his bull of demarcation, 252;
+ his bust, 253.
+
+ Alfonso V. (Portugal), 108.
+
+ Aliacus. _See_ Ailly.
+
+ Allefonsce, 614.
+
+ Allegetto degli Allegetti, _Ephemerides_, 32.
+
+ Almagro, 565.
+
+ Alto Velo, 390.
+
+ Alva, Duke of, 514, 515.
+
+ Amazons, 235, 237.
+
+ America, mainland first seen by Columbus, 351;
+ gradually developed as a continent, 529, 606, 619, 660;
+ history of its name, 538, 621;
+ earliest maps bearing the name, 547-552;
+ the name never recognized in Spain, 554;
+ earliest on maps, 581;
+ was it known to the ancients? 606.
+ _See_ North _and_ South America.
+
+ Anacaona, 305;
+ entertains Bartholomew Columbus, 361;
+ captured, 473.
+
+ Ancuparius, 588.
+
+ Angelus, Jacobus. 531.
+
+ Ango, Jean, 556.
+
+ Anian, Straits of, 418, 620.
+
+ Antarctic continent, 628, 644.
+
+ Antillia, belief in, 111, 112, 128.
+
+ Apianus, his map (1520), 550, 587;
+ portrait, 586.
+
+ Archipelago on the Asiatic coast, 190.
+
+ Arctic explorations, 640, 658, 659, 660.
+
+ Asia, as known to Marco Polo, etc., map, 113, 114.
+
+ Aspa, Ant. de, his documents, 29.
+
+ Astrolabe, 94-96, 132, 150, 260, 632.
+
+ Atlantic Ocean, early cartography of, 86, 88;
+ floating islands in, 185;
+ its archipelago, 185;
+ as defined by Behaim compared with its actual condition, 190;
+ early voyages on, 603.
+
+ Atlantis, story of, 126.
+
+ Aubert, Thomas, 556.
+
+ Audiencia, 518.
+
+ Avila, Luis de, 527.
+
+ Ayala, Pedro de, 343.
+
+ Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 561;
+ and Diego Colon, 522;
+ his map, 561, 584;
+ settlement on the Potomac, 561.
+
+ Azores discovered, 86, 88.
+
+
+ Babeque, 225, 230, 231.
+
+ Baccalaos, 344.
+
+ Back-staff, 648.
+
+ Bacon, Roger, _Opus majus_, 121, 497.
+
+ Badajos, congress at, 590.
+
+ Baffin, Wm., 650.
+
+ Baffin's Bay, 651.
+
+ Bahamas, Herrera's map, 212;
+ modern map, 213;
+ character of, 215;
+ their peoples, 218;
+ depopulated, 515.
+
+ Balboa, 562;
+ portrait, 563;
+ discovers the South Sea, 564, 606;
+ executed, 564.
+
+ Ballester, Miguel, 366, 372.
+
+ Bancroft, H. H., on Columbus, 59, 503.
+
+ Bank of St. George, and its records, 21, 70.
+
+ Barclay, Alex., translates Brant, 537.
+
+ Barlow, S. L. M., his library, 17.
+
+ Barrentes, Garcia de, 372.
+
+ Barros, João de. _Decada_, 33, 149, 241.
+
+ Bastidas, Rodrigo de, on the South American coast, 426, 528.
+
+ Basques on the Atlantic, 128;
+ fishermen, 340.
+
+ Baza, siege of, 169.
+
+ Behaim, Martin, in Lisbon, 132;
+ improves the astrolabe, 132;
+ at sea, 134;
+ portrait, 134;
+ and Columbus, 150;
+ his globe, 185-188, 533.
+
+ Behechio, 305, 361.
+
+ Belknap, Dr. Jeremy, on Columbus, 55.
+
+ Belloy, Marquis de, life of Columbus, 54.
+
+ Beneventanus, 533.
+
+ Benincasa, maps, 81.
+
+ Benzoni, 32, 51.
+
+ Beradi, Juonato, 258, 317.
+
+ Bergenroth, _Calendar_, 13, 23.
+
+ Bergomas, his chronicle, 32.
+
+ Bering's Straits, 418, 657.
+
+ Bering, his discoveries, 529, 620, 653.
+
+ Bernaldez, Andrès, friend of Columbus, 13, 331; _Historia_, 13, 18,
+ 37.
+
+ Berwick, Duke of, 527.
+
+ Béthencourt, Jean de, 86.
+
+ Bianco, Andrea, his map, 88, 89; helps Fra Mauro, 100.
+
+ Bienewitz. _See_ Apianus.
+
+ Bimini, 422, 558, 560.
+
+ Birds, flight of, 88.
+
+ Blanco, Cape, passed, 98.
+
+ Bloodhounds, 312.
+
+ Blunderville, 632.
+
+ Bobadilla, Francisco de, sent to Santo Domingo, 390;
+ his character, 395;
+ his instructions, 396, 397;
+ reaches Española, 398;
+ his acts, 398;
+ their effect upon Columbus, 400;
+ arrests Bastidas, 426;
+ his rule in Santo Domingo, 428;
+ superseded, 429;
+ to return to Spain, 440;
+ lost, 440.
+
+ Bohio, 228.
+
+ Bojador, Cape, passed, 97.
+
+ Bordone, map, 142.
+
+ Bossi, L., on Columbus, 32.
+
+ Bourne, Wm., _The Regiment of the Sea_, 631.
+
+ Boyle. _See_ Buil.
+
+ Brandt, _Shyppe of Fools_, 14.
+
+ Brazil coast visited by Cabral, 378;
+ early explorers, 533.
+
+ Brazil, island of, 112, 139.
+
+ Breton explorations, 555, 556.
+
+ Breviesca, Ximeno de, 333.
+
+ Brevoort, J. C., 597, 607, 621.
+
+ Briggs in Purchas, 652.
+
+ Bristol, England, and its maritime expeditions, 342.
+
+ Brocken, Baron van, _Colomb_, 55.
+
+ Brymner, Douglas, 660.
+
+ Buache, his map, 656.
+
+ Büdinger, Max, _Acten zur Columbus Geschichte_, 46;
+ _Zur Columbus Literatur_, 46.
+
+ Buet, C., _Colomb_, 54.
+
+ Buil, Bernardo, sent to the New World, 259.
+
+ Bull of demarcation, 22, 252, 339.
+
+ Bull of extension, 305.
+
+ Button, Sir Thomas, 650.
+
+ Bylot, Robert, 650.
+
+
+ Cabot, John, in England, 167, 340;
+ sails on a voyage of discovery, 340;
+ earliest engraved map of his discoveries, 341;
+ great circle sailing, 341;
+ discovers land, 341;
+ question of his landfall, 341;
+ returns to Bristol, 342;
+ question of his going to Seville, 343;
+ his second voyage, 344;
+ its extent, 344;
+ lack of knowledge respecting these voyages, 345;
+ authorities on, 346;
+ was his voyage known to Columbus? 386;
+ and the Ruysch map, 533; his explorations, 624.
+
+ Cabot, Sebastian, his observation of the line of no variation, 201;
+ on Columbus's discovery, 248;
+ his participancy in his father's voyages, 344;
+ his papers, 345;
+ alleged voyage, 427;
+ voyages, 555;
+ his mappemonde, 341, 345, 624, 626, 627;
+ returns to England, 639;
+ portrait, 642.
+
+ Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, on the South American coast, 377.
+
+ Cabrero, Juan, 161.
+
+ Cabrillo, 611.
+
+ Cacique, 231.
+
+ Cadamosto, his voyage, 98.
+
+ Cado, Fermin, 285.
+
+ California, peninsula of, 610;
+ its name, 611;
+ map, 611;
+ mapped as an island, 652;
+ Drake on the coast, 644, 645.
+
+ Cam, Diogo, 134.
+
+ Camargo on the coast of Chili, 577.
+
+ Camers, Johann, 585.
+
+ Canaries, their history, 86; map of, 194.
+
+ Cannibals, 225, 227, 230, 268, 270, 281.
+
+ Canoes, 219.
+
+ Cantino, Alberto, 417;
+ Cantino map, 387;
+ sketched, 419;
+ its traits examined, 420;
+ its relation with Columbus, 421.
+
+ Caonabo, 305;
+ attacks La Navidad, 273, 275;
+ attacks St. Thomas, 308;
+ forms a league, 308;
+ captured, 313;
+ dies, 323.
+
+ Cape Blanco, 98.
+
+ Cape Bojador, 97.
+
+ Cape Breton, 627.
+
+ Cape of Good Hope discovered, 151.
+
+ Cape Horn discovered, 577;
+ seen by Drake, 644.
+
+ Cape Race, 534.
+
+ Cape Verde Island discovered, 199.
+
+ Cardenas, Alonso de, 161.
+
+ Cardona, Cristoval de, Admiral of Aragon, 524, 526, 527.
+
+ Caribs, 236, 271, 323.
+
+ Carpini, Plano, 90.
+
+ Carthaginians as voyagers, 127.
+
+ Cartier, Jacques, his explorations, 612, 624.
+
+ Carvajal, Alonso Sanchez de, factor of Columbus, 430.
+
+ Carvajal, Bernardin de, 248.
+
+ Casa de Contratacion, 481.
+
+ Casaneuve. _See_ Colombo the Corsair.
+
+ Casanove, 71.
+
+ Casoni, F., annals of Genoa, 32, 154.
+
+ Casteñeda, Juan de, 238.
+
+ Castellanos, _Elegias_, 491.
+
+ Castillo, 611.
+
+ Catalan seamanship, 94.
+
+ Catalina, Doña, 9, 276.
+
+ Cathay, 224, 457;
+ early name of China, 90;
+ map of, 113, 114;
+ as found by the Portuguese, 509.
+
+ Cazadilla, 150.
+
+ Chanca, Dr., his narrative, 29;
+ goes to the new world, 262, 282.
+
+ Charles V., portrait, 519.
+
+ Chaves, Alonso, his map, 561, 621;
+ at the Seville Conference, 604.
+
+ Chesapeake Bay, Spaniards in the, 633.
+
+ Chili discovered, 565, 577.
+
+ China, early known, 90. _See_ Cathay.
+
+ Chronica Delphinea, 9, 11.
+
+ Chronometers, 260, 603.
+
+ Chytræus, 627.
+
+ Cibao, 232;
+ its mines visited by Ojeda, 279.
+
+ Ciguare, 447.
+
+ Cipango, 125; map, 113.
+
+ Circourt, Count, 46.
+
+ Clavus, Claudius, 140, 141.
+
+ Clemente, Claudio, _Tablas_, 214.
+
+ Climatic lines, 601.
+
+ Codex Flatoyensis, 146.
+
+ Coelho's voyage, 410.
+
+ Colombo, Balthazar, 525, 527.
+
+ Colombo, Bernardo, 525, 527.
+
+ Colombo, Corsair, 71, 72, 83, 84.
+
+ Colon, Cristoval (bastard son of Luis, grandson of Columbus), 526.
+
+ Colon, Diego (brother of Columbus), born, 77;
+ in Spain and in Columbus's second expedition, 262;
+ his character, 285;
+ placed by Columbus in command at Isabella, 290;
+ goes to Spain, 311;
+ quarrels with Fonseca, 318.
+
+ Colon, Diego (son of Columbus), 106;
+ page to the Queen, 181;
+ at Court, 478, 479;
+ receives letter from Columbus, 478;
+ his illegitimate children, 513;
+ receives what was due to his father, 513;
+ urges the King to restore his father's privileges, 513;
+ his suit against the Crown, 514, 553;
+ wins, 515;
+ marriage, 515;
+ denied the title of Viceroy, 515;
+ Governor of Española, 515, 516;
+ in Spain, 519;
+ lends money to Charles V., 520;
+ his income, 520;
+ Viceroy, 520;
+ builds a palace, 520;
+ its ruins, 520;
+ in Spain pressing his claims, 522;
+ dies, 522;
+ his children, 522.
+
+ Colon, Diego (great-grandson of Columbus), marries and becomes
+ Duke of Veragua, 525, 526;
+ his connection with the _Historie_ of 1571, 44.
+
+ Colon, Luis (grandson of Columbus), succeeds his father, 522;
+ makes compromise with the Crown, 522;
+ holds Jamaica, 523;
+ made Duke of Veragua, 523;
+ governs Española, 523;
+ his marriages, 523;
+ imprisoned and dies, 523;
+ his children, 526.
+
+ Colon. _See_ Columbus.
+
+ Columbia River, 658.
+
+ Columbus, Bartholomew (brother of Columbus), born, 77;
+ in Portugal, 104;
+ affects Columbus's views, 117;
+ with Diaz on the African coast, 151, 303;
+ sent to England, 167, 303, 339;
+ in France, 168, 303;
+ reaches Española, 303;
+ made Adelantado, 304;
+ left in command by Columbus, 323;
+ confirmed by the Crown as Adelantado, 328;
+ portrait, 329;
+ attacks the Quibian, 451;
+ sees Columbus for the last time, 488;
+ survives him, 513;
+ goes to Rome, 516;
+ takes a map, 516, 533;
+ goes to Española, 516;
+ dies, 518;
+ reputed descendant, 527.
+
+ COLUMBUS, CHRISTOPHER, sources of information, 1;
+ biographers, 30;
+ his prolixity and confusion, 1;
+ his writings, 1;
+ _Libro de las Proficias_, 1;
+ facsimile of his handwriting, 2;
+ his private papers, 2;
+ letters, 2, 5;
+ written in Spanish, 2;
+ his privileges, 3;
+ _Codex Diplomaticus_, 3;
+ the Custodia at Genoa, 4, 5;
+ Bank of St. George, 5;
+ marginalia, 7;
+ _Declaracion de Tabla navigatoria_, 7, 32;
+ _Cinco Zonas_, 7;
+ lost manuscripts, 8;
+ MS. annotations, 8;
+ missing letters, 9, 18, 19;
+ missing commentary, 9;
+ journal of his first voyage, 9, 193;
+ printed in English, 10;
+ letters on his discovery, 10;
+ printed editions, 12;
+ Catalan text, 13;
+ Latin text, 14;
+ his transient fame, 14;
+ in England, 14;
+ autographs, 14;
+ edition of the Latin first letter, 15;
+ facsimile of a page, 16;
+ libraries possessing copies, 17;
+ bibliography of first letter, 17;
+ other accounts of first voyage, 17;
+ lawsuits of heirs, 18, 26, 514;
+ account of his second voyage, 18, 264;
+ _Libro del Segundo Viage_, 18, 264;
+ letters owned by the Duke de Veragua, 18;
+ accounts of his third voyage, 18, 347;
+ of his fourth voyage, 19;
+ _Lettera rarissima_, 19;
+ _Libros de memorias_, 19;
+ work on the Arctic Pole, 19;
+ his maps, 29;
+ _Memorial del Pleyto_, 26;
+ Italian accounts of, 30;
+ influenced by his Spanish life, 33;
+ Portuguese accounts, 33;
+ Spanish accounts, 33;
+ documents preserved by Las Casas, 47;
+ canonization, 52;
+ English accounts, 55;
+ life by Irving, 56;
+ bibliography, 59;
+ his portraits, 61-70;
+ his person, 61;
+ tomb at Havana, 69;
+ his promise to the Bank of St. George, 5, 70;
+ ancestry, 71;
+ early home, 71;
+ name of Colombo, 71;
+ the French family, 71;
+ professes he was not the first admiral of his name, 72;
+ spurious genealogies, 73, 74;
+ prevalence of the name Colombo, 73;
+ his grandfather, 74;
+ his father, 74;
+ life at Savona, 75;
+ Genoa, 75;
+ his birth, 76;
+ disputed date, 76;
+ his mother, 77;
+ her offspring, 77;
+ place of his birth, 77;
+ many claimants, 78;
+ uncertainties of his early life, 79;
+ his early education, 79;
+ his penmanship and drawing, 79;
+ specimen of it, 80;
+ said to have been at Pavia, 79;
+ at Genoa, 81;
+ in Anjou's expedition, 83;
+ his youth at sea, 83;
+ drawn to Portugal, 86, 102;
+ living there, 103;
+ alleged swimming with an oar, 103;
+ marries, 105;
+ supposed interview with a sailor who had sailed west, 107;
+ knew Marco Polo's book, 116;
+ Mandeville's book, 116;
+ the ground of his belief in a western passage, 117;
+ inherits his views of the sphericity of the earth, 119;
+ of its size, 123;
+ his ignorance of the Atlantis story, etc., 126, 148;
+ learns of western lands, 129;
+ in Portugal, 131;
+ in Iceland, 135;
+ _Tratado de las Cinco Zonas_, 137;
+ and the Sagas, 146;
+ his first gratuity in Spain, 149;
+ difficulty in following his movements, 149;
+ interviews the Portuguese king, 150;
+ abandons Portugal, 149, 153;
+ did he lay his project before the authorities of Genoa? 153;
+ did he propose to those of Venice? 154;
+ did he leave a wife in Portugal? 154;
+ enters Spain, 154, 157, 169;
+ at Rabida, 154, 173;
+ calls himself Colon, 157;
+ receives gratuities, 157, 168;
+ sells books and maps, 158;
+ writes out his proofs of a new world, 158;
+ interview with Ferdinand of Spain, 159;
+ his monument at Genoa, 163;
+ at Malaga, 165;
+ connection with Beatrix Enriquez, 166;
+ his son Ferdinand born, 166;
+ his views in England, 167;
+ invited back to Portugal, 168;
+ lived in Spain with the Duke of Medina-Celi, 169;
+ at Cordova, 169;
+ at Baza, 169;
+ his views again rejected, 170;
+ at Santa Fé, 176;
+ his arrogant demands, 177;
+ starts for France, 177;
+ recalled and agreed with, 179;
+ his passport, 180;
+ the capitulations, 181;
+ allowed to use Don, 181;
+ at Palos, 181;
+ his fleet fitted out, 182;
+ expenses of the first voyage, 183;
+ his flag-ship, 183;
+ her size, 184;
+ hopes to find mid-ocean islands, 185;
+ sails, 191;
+ keeps a journal, 193;
+ the "Pinta" disabled, 195;
+ sees Teneriffe, 195;
+ at the Canaries, 195;
+ falsifies his reckoning, 195;
+ map of the routes of his four voyages, 196;
+ of the first voyage, 197;
+ his dead reckoning, 198;
+ his judgment of his speed, 198;
+ observes no variation of his needle, 198;
+ watches the stars, 203;
+ believed the earth pear-shaped, 203;
+ meets a west wind, 205;
+ thinks he sees land, 206;
+ follows the flight of birds, 206;
+ pacifies his crew, 207;
+ alleged mutiny, 208;
+ claims to see a light, 208;
+ receives a reward for first seeing land, 209, 249;
+ map of the landfall, 210;
+ land actually seen, 211;
+ land taken possession of, 211;
+ his armor, 211;
+ question of his landfall, 214;
+ trades with the natives, 218, 220;
+ first intimates his intention to enslave them, 220;
+ finds other islands, 220;
+ eager to find gold, 221;
+ reaches Cuba, 223;
+ mentions pearls for the first time, 223;
+ thought himself on the coast of Cathay, 224;
+ takes an observation, 224;
+ meets with tobacco, 225;
+ with potatoes, 225;
+ hears of cannibals, 225;
+ seeks Babeque, 225;
+ difficult communication with the natives, 226, 227;
+ in the King's Garden, 226;
+ deserted by Pinzon, 226;
+ at Española, 228;
+ takes his latitude, 229;
+ entertains a cacique, 231;
+ meets with a new language, 232;
+ seeks gold, 232;
+ shipwrecked, 232;
+ builds a fort, 233;
+ names it La Navidad, 235;
+ hears of Jamaica, 235;
+ of Amazons, 235;
+ fears the Pinzons, 235;
+ sees mermaids, 236;
+ sails for Spain, 236;
+ meets a gale, 237;
+ separates from the "Pinta," 237;
+ throws overboard an account of his discoveries, 238;
+ makes land at the Azores, 238;
+ gets provisions, 238;
+ his men captured on shore, 239;
+ again at sea, 240;
+ enters the Tagus, 240;
+ reason for using the name Indies, 240;
+ goes to the Portuguese Court, 241;
+ leaves the Tagus, having sent a letter to the Spanish Court, 242;
+ reaches Palos, 242;
+ the "Pinta" arrives the same day, 242, 244;
+ his Indians, 244, 259, 272;
+ summoned to Court, 244;
+ at Barcelona, 245;
+ reception, 245;
+ his life there, 246, 247, 249, 256;
+ his first letter, 248;
+ scant impression made by the announcement, 248;
+ the egg story, 249;
+ receives a coat-of-arms, 249, 550;
+ his family arms, 251;
+ his motto, 251;
+ receives the royal seal, 256;
+ leaves the Court, 256;
+ in Seville, 256;
+ relations with Fonseca begin, 256;
+ fits out the second expedition, 257, 258, 261;
+ embarks, 263;
+ sails, 264;
+ his character, 265;
+ at the Canaries, 265;
+ at Dominica, 266;
+ at Marigalante, 266;
+ at Guadaloupe, 268;
+ fights the Caribs at Santa Cruz, 271;
+ reaches Española, 272;
+ arrives at La Navidad, 273;
+ finds it destroyed and abandons it, 275, 277;
+ disembarks at another harbor, 278;
+ founds Isabella, 278;
+ grows ill, 279;
+ expeditions to seek gold, 279, 280;
+ writes to the sovereigns, 280;
+ the fleet leaves him, 282;
+ harassed by factions, 284;
+ leads an expedition inland, 285;
+ builds Fort St. Thomas, 287;
+ returns to Isabella, 288;
+ sends Ojeda to St. Thomas, 289;
+ sails to explore Cuba, 290;
+ discovers Jamaica, 291;
+ returns to Cuba, 293;
+ imagines his approach to the Golden Chersonesus, 295;
+ exacts an oath from his men that they were in Asia, 296;
+ doubts as to his own belief, 297;
+ return voyage, 299;
+ on the Jamaica coast, 300;
+ calculates his longitude on the Española coast, 301;
+ falls into a stupor, 302;
+ reaches Isabella, 302;
+ finds his brother Bartholomew there, 303;
+ learns what had happened in his absence, 304;
+ receives supplies, 309;
+ sends the fleet back, 310;
+ sends Diego to Spain, 311;
+ sends natives as slaves, 311;
+ battle of the Vega Real, 312;
+ oppresses the natives, 315;
+ his enemies in Spain, 318;
+ receives a royal letter by Aguado, 319;
+ the fleet wrecked, 321;
+ thinks the mines of Hayna the Ophir of Solomon, 322;
+ sails for Spain, 323;
+ reaches Cadiz, 324;
+ lands in the garb of a Franciscan, 325;
+ proceeds to Court, 326;
+ asks for a new fleet, 326;
+ delays, 327;
+ his rights reaffirmed, 328;
+ new proportion of profits, 328;
+ his will, 330;
+ his signature, 330;
+ lives with Andres Bernaldez, 331;
+ his character drawn by Bernaldez, 331;
+ enlists criminals, 332;
+ his altercation with Fonseca's agent, 333;
+ had authorized voyages, 336;
+ the third voyage and its sources, 347;
+ leaves directions for his son Diego, 348;
+ sails from San Lucar, 348;
+ his course, 348;
+ letter to him from Jayme Ferrer, 349;
+ captures a French prize, 349;
+ at the Cape de Verde Islands, 349;
+ at Trinidad, 350;
+ first sees mainland, 351;
+ touches the Gulf Stream, 352;
+ grows ill, 355, 356;
+ his geographical delusions, 356;
+ compared with Vespucius, 358;
+ observations of nature, 359;
+ meets the Adelantado, 359;
+ reaches Santo Domingo, 365;
+ his experience with convict settlers, 366, 392, 396, 434;
+ sends letters to Spain, 367;
+ treats with Roldan, 368, 370;
+ institutes repartimientos, 371;
+ sends other ships to Spain, 371;
+ his prerogatives as Admiral infringed, 372;
+ sends Roldan against Ojeda, 374;
+ did he know of Cabot's voyage? 386;
+ his wrongs from furtive voyagers, 372-387;
+ opposition to his rule in the Antilles, 388;
+ his new relations with Roldan, 389;
+ quells Moxica's plot, 390;
+ Bobadilla arrives, 390;
+ charges against the Admiral, 392, 402, 404;
+ his deceiving the Crown, 393;
+ receives copies of Bobadilla's instructions, 400;
+ reaches Santo Domingo, 401;
+ imprisoned and fettered, 401;
+ sent to Spain in chains, 403;
+ his letter to Prince Juan's nurse, 404, 405, 407;
+ his alienation of mind, 405;
+ reaches Cadiz, 407;
+ his reception, 408, 409;
+ suspended from power, 409;
+ his connection with the Cantino map, 420, 421;
+ his destitution, 420; his vested rights invaded, 428;
+ his demands unheeded, 428;
+ sends a factor to Española, 430;
+ _Libros de las Proficias_, 431;
+ his projected conquest of the Holy Land, 431;
+ defeated by Satan, 431;
+ dreams on a hidden channel through the new world, 432;
+ still seeking the Great Khan, 433;
+ his purposed gift to Genoa, 434;
+ writes to the Bank of St. George, 435;
+ his fourth voyage, 437;
+ his mental and physical condition, 437;
+ at Martinico, 438;
+ touches at the forbidden Santo Domingo, 438;
+ but is denied the port, 439;
+ his ships ride out a gale, 441;
+ on the Honduras coast, 441;
+ meets a large canoe, 442;
+ says mass on the land, 442;
+ on the Veragua coast, 445;
+ touches the region tracked by Bastidas, 448;
+ sees a waterspout, 449;
+ returns to Veragua, 450;
+ finds the gold mines of Solomon, 450;
+ plans settlement at Veragua, 451;
+ dangers, 451;
+ has a fever, 453;
+ hears a voice, 454;
+ the colony rescued, 456;
+ sails away, 456;
+ abandons one caravel, 457;
+ on the Cuban coast, 457;
+ goes to Jamaica, 457;
+ strands his ships, 458;
+ sends Mendez to Ovando, 458, 461;
+ writes a letter to his sovereigns, 459;
+ _Lettera rarissima_, 459;
+ his worship of gold, 461;
+ the revolt of Porras, 462;
+ Porras sails away, 464;
+ but returns to the island and wanders about, 464;
+ predicts an eclipse of the moon, 465;
+ Escobar arrives, 467;
+ and leaves, 468;
+ negotiations with Porras, 468;
+ fight between the rebels and the Adelantado, 469;
+ Porras captured, 469;
+ the rebels surrender, 470;
+ Mendez sends to rescue him, 470;
+ leaves Jamaica, 471;
+ learns of events in Española during his absence, 472;
+ reaches Santo Domingo, 475;
+ relations with Ovando, 475;
+ sails for Spain, 475;
+ arrives, 476; in Seville, 477;
+ his letters at this time, 477;
+ his appeals, 477;
+ fears Porras, 478, 479;
+ appeals to Mendez, 479;
+ his increasing malady, 480;
+ sends a narrative to Rome, 482;
+ suffered to ride on a mule, 483;
+ relations with the Bank of St. George in Genoa, 483;
+ his privileges, 484;
+ doubtful reference to Fonseca, 484;
+ later relations with Vespucius, 484;
+ his property sold, 486; goes to Segovia, 486;
+ Deza asked to arbitrate, 486;
+ makes a will, 487;
+ at Salamanca, 487;
+ at Valladolid, 488;
+ seeks to propitiate Juana, 488;
+ makes a codicil to his will, 488;
+ its doubtful character, 488;
+ ratifies his will, 489;
+ its provisions, 489;
+ dies, 490;
+ his death unnoticed, 491;
+ later distich proposed for his tomb, 491;
+ successive places of interment, 491;
+ his bones removed to Santo Domingo, 492;
+ to Havana, 492;
+ controversy over their present position, 492;
+ his chains, 494;
+ the age of Columbus, 494;
+ statue at Santo Domingo, 495;
+ his character, his dependence on the _Imago Mundi_, 497;
+ on other authors, 498;
+ relations with Toscanelli, 499;
+ different delineations of his character, 501;
+ his observations of nature, 502;
+ his overwrought mind, 502;
+ hallucinations, 503, 504;
+ arguments for his canonization, 505;
+ purpose to gain the Holy Sepulchre, 505;
+ his Catholicism, 505; his urgency to enslave the Indians, 505, 506;
+ his scheme of repartimientos 506;
+ adopts garb of the Franciscans, 508;
+ mercenary, 508, 509;
+ the moving light of his first voyage, 510;
+ insistence on territorial power, 510;
+ claims inspiration, 511;
+ his heirs, 513; his discoveries denied after his death, 514, 520;
+ his territorial power lost by his descendants, 523;
+ table of his descendants, 524, 525;
+ his male line becomes extinct, 526;
+ lawsuit to establish the succession, 526;
+ female line through the Portogallos fails, 527;
+ now represented by the Larreategui family, 528;
+ present value of the estates, 528;
+ the geographical results of his discoveries, 529;
+ connection with early maps, 533, 534;
+ his errors in longitude, 603;
+ his observations of magnetic influence, 632.
+
+ Columbus, Ferdinand (bastard son of Columbus), 480, 482;
+ his _Historie_, 39;
+ doubts respecting it, 39;
+ his career, 40;
+ his income, 40;
+ his library, 40;
+ its catalogue, 42;
+ English editions of the _Historie_, 55;
+ his birth, 166;
+ at school, 181;
+ made page of the Queen, 331;
+ his ability, 513;
+ goes with Diego to Española, 515;
+ aids his brother's widow, 522;
+ an arbiter, 522;
+ owns Ptolemy (1513), 545;
+ his disregard of the claims urged for Vespucius, 553;
+ his _Colon de Concordia_, 571;
+ arbiter at the Congress of Badajos, 591;
+ advises the King, 591;
+ his house at Seville, 603;
+ at the Seville Conference, 604;
+ map inscribed to him, 605.
+
+ Coma, Guglielmo, 282.
+
+ Conti, Nicolo di, 116, 509.
+
+ Cook, James, voyage, 633, 658.
+
+ Cordova, Cathedral of, 172.
+
+ Coronel, Pedro Fernandez, 332, 364.
+
+ Correa da Cunha, Pedro, 106, 131.
+
+ Correnti, C., 12.
+
+ Corsairs, 71.
+
+ Corsica, claim for Columbus's birth in, 77.
+
+ Cortereal discoveries, 577.
+
+ Cortereal, Gaspar, manuscript, facsimile, 414;
+ his voyage to Labrador, 415.
+
+ Cortereal, João Vaz, 129.
+
+ Cortereal, Miguel, his handwriting, facsimile, 416;
+ his voyages, 417.
+
+ Cortes, Hernando, in Santo Domingo, 475;
+ sails for Mexico, 565;
+ his map of the Gulf of Mexico, 567, 569, 607;
+ his exploring expeditions, 568;
+ planning to explore the Pacific, 591;
+ his Pacific explorations, 610;
+ his portrait, 610.
+
+ Cortes, Martin, 630.
+
+ Cosa, Juan de la, 426;
+ goes to the new world, 262;
+ his charts, 343, 345, 380-382;
+ with Ojeda, 373.
+
+ Cosco, Leander de, 15.
+
+ Costa Rica, map, 443.
+
+ Cotabanama, 305, 474.
+
+ Coulomp, 71.
+
+ Cousin, Jean, on the Brazil coast, 174.
+
+ Crignon, Pierre, 556.
+
+ Criminals enlisted by Columbus, 332.
+
+ Crossbows, 258.
+
+ Cross-staff, 261, 632, 648. _See_ Back-staff.
+
+ Cuba, reached by Columbus, 223;
+ believed to be Asia, 226;
+ named Juana, 228;
+ its southern coast explored, 291;
+ insularity of, 384;
+ Wytfliet's map, 384-85;
+ its cartography, 424;
+ Columbus's views, 425;
+ circumnavigated, 565.
+
+ Cubagua, 355.
+
+ Cushing, Caleb, on the Everett MS., 4;
+ on Navarrete, 28;
+ on Columbus's landfall, 217.
+
+
+ Darien, isthmus, map, 446.
+
+ Dati, versifies Columbus's first letter, 15.
+
+ D'Avezac on the _Historie_, 45.
+
+ Davis, John, in the north, 643, 648;
+ his _Seaman's Secrets_, 649.
+
+ Dead reckoning, 94.
+
+ De Bry, 51;
+ his engraving of Columbus, 66, 68.
+
+ Degree, length of, 124.
+
+ Del Cano, 576.
+
+ Demarcation. _See_ Bull of.
+
+ Demersey, A., on the Muñoz MSS., 27.
+
+ Denys, Jean, 556.
+
+ Desceliers (or Henri II.) map, 612, 624.
+
+ Deza, Diego de, 161, 164, 170;
+ asked to arbitrate between Columbus and the King, 486.
+
+ Diaz, Bart., on the African coast, 151.
+
+ Diaz, Miguel, 322, 399.
+
+ Diaz de Pisa, Bernal, 284.
+
+ Dogs used against the natives, 292, 312.
+
+ Dominica, 266.
+
+ Dominicans in Española, 508.
+
+ Don, Nicholas, 556.
+
+ Donis, Nicholas, his map, 140, 531.
+
+ Drake, Francis, sees Cape Horn, 577;
+ his voyages, 643;
+ portrait, 645, 654.
+
+ Drogeo, 635.
+
+ Duro, C. F., _Colon_, etc., 54.
+
+ Dutch, the, their American explorations, 649.
+
+
+ Earth, sphericity of, 118;
+ size of, 121;
+ how far known before Columbus, 122.
+
+ East India Company, 650.
+
+ Eden, R., _Treatyse of the Newe India_, 537, 538;
+ _Decades_, 538;
+ _Arte of Navigation_, 631;
+ influence in England, 639.
+
+ Eden (paradise), situation of, 357.
+
+ Eggleston, Edward, 597, 599.
+
+ Enciso, Fernandes d', _Geographia_, 587.
+
+ Encomiendas, 314.
+
+ England, reception of Columbus's news in, 167;
+ earliest mention of the Spanish discoveries, 537;
+ sea-manuals in, 631;
+ effects on discovery of her commercial spirit, 632;
+ her explorations, 639;
+ beginning of her colonization, 648;
+ her later explorations, 650;
+ her seamen in the Caribbean Sea, 373, 426, 427;
+ on the eastern coast of North America, 601.
+
+ Enriquez, Beatrix, connection with Columbus, 166;
+ noticed in Columbus's will, 489.
+
+ Equator, crossed by the Portuguese, 134;
+ first crossed on the American side, 376.
+
+ Eric the Red, 139, 140, 144, 146.
+
+ Escobar, Diego de, sent to Jamaica by Ovando, 467.
+
+ Escobar, Roderigo de, 451.
+
+ Escoveda, Rodrigo de, 235.
+
+ Española, discovered and named, 228, 229;
+ its divisions, 305;
+ Charlevoix's map, 306;
+ Ramusio's map of, 369;
+ Ovando recalled, 515;
+ Diego Colon governor, 515;
+ sugar cane raised, 520.
+
+ Esquibel, Juan de, 474.
+
+ Estotiland, 635.
+
+ Evangelista, 297.
+
+ Everett, A. H., on Irving's Columbus, 56.
+
+ Everett, Edward, possessed a copy of Columbus's privileges, 3.
+
+
+ Faber, Jacobus, _Meteorologia_, 546.
+
+ Faber, Dr. John, 540.
+
+ Fagundes, 566.
+
+ Faria y Sousa, _Europa Portuguesa_, 241.
+
+ Farrer, Domina, her map, 652, 654, 655.
+
+ Ferdinand of Spain, his character, 159;
+ his unwillingness to embark in Columbus's plans, 178;
+ his appearance, 245;
+ grows apathetic, 327;
+ his portrait, 328;
+ his distrust of Columbus, 393, 427, 479, 486;
+ sends Bobadilla to Santo Domingo, 394;
+ dies 520, 555.
+
+ Ferdinando, Simon, 646.
+
+ Fernandina, 221.
+
+ Ferrelo, 612.
+
+ Ferrer, Jayme, letter to Columbus, 349.
+
+ Fieschi, G. L., 9.
+
+ Fiesco, B., 462.
+
+ Finæus, Orontius, his map, 607-609.
+
+ Flamsteed, 648.
+
+ Floating islands, 190.
+
+ Flores discovered, 88.
+
+ Florida coast early known, 424;
+ discovered, 558;
+ English on the coast, 632.
+
+ Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, relations with Columbus begin, 256;
+ his character, 256, 257, 316;
+ quarrel with Diego Colon, 318;
+ allowed to grant licenses, 329;
+ lukewarm towards the third voyage of Columbus, 333;
+ made bishop of Placentia, 484.
+
+ Fontanarossa, G. de, 77.
+
+ Fonte, de, 653.
+
+ Fort Concepcion, 309.
+
+ Fox, G. A., on Columbus's landfall, 214, 216.
+
+ Fox, Luke, his map, 651.
+
+ France, her share in American explorations, 633.
+
+ Franciscus, monk, his map, 606.
+
+ Franciscans in Española, 508.
+
+ Freire, Juan, his map, 577, 578, 612.
+
+ Friess. _See_ Frisius.
+
+ Frisius, Laurentius, his map (1522), 552, 588.
+
+ Frisland, 137, 145.
+
+ Frobisher, his voyages, 640;
+ portrait, 643;
+ his map, 644.
+
+ Fuca, Da, 653.
+
+ Fulgoso, B., _Collectanea_, 32.
+
+ Furlani, Paolo de, 619.
+
+ Fuster, _Bibl. Valenciana_, 27.
+
+
+ Gali, Francisco, 646.
+
+ Gallo, Ant., on Columbus, 30.
+
+ Gama, João da, 652.
+
+ Gama, Vasco da, portrait, 334;
+ his voyage, 334.
+
+ Ganong, W. F., 612.
+
+ Garay, 566; his map, 568.
+
+ Gastaldi, his map, 616-618, 629.
+
+ Gelcich, E., on the _Historie_, 46.
+
+ Gemma Frisius, nautical improvements, 603, 648.
+
+ Genoa, records, 21;
+ Columbus's early life in, 75, 77;
+ citizens of, in Spain, 158;
+ Columbus's monument, 163;
+ favored in Columbus's will, 330;
+ Bank of St. George, 435, 483;
+ her citizens in Portugal, 86;
+ on the Atlantic, 128.
+
+ Geraldini, Antonio, 158.
+
+ Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, his voyages, 646;
+ his map, 647.
+
+ Giocondo, 538.
+
+ Giovio. _See_ Jovius.
+
+ Giustiniani, his Psalter, 30, 83;
+ his Annals of Genoa, 30.
+
+ Glareanus on the ancients' knowledge of America, 606.
+
+ Glassberger, Nicholas, 400.
+
+ _Globus Mundi_, 536, 537, 546.
+
+ Gold mines, 232;
+ scant returns, 332.
+
+ Gomara, the historian, 39.
+
+ Gomera (Canaries), 195.
+
+ Gomez, Estevan, on the Atlantic coast, 561, 589, 591;
+ cartographical results, 591-593.
+
+ Gonzales, keeper of the Spanish archives, 28.
+
+ Goodrich, Aaron, _Columbus_, 59, 60, 504.
+
+ Gorricio, Gaspar, 433, 484;
+ friend of Columbus, 18;
+ adviser of Diego Colon, 348.
+
+ Gorvalan, 280.
+
+ Gosnold on the New England coast, 652
+
+ Granada, siege of, 175.
+
+ Grand Turk Island, 216.
+
+ Great circle sailing, 341, 649.
+
+ Great Khan, letter to, 180.
+
+ Greenland, 139, 140;
+ held to be a part of Europe, 140, 145, 152;
+ part of Asia, 143;
+ a link between Europe and Asia, 616;
+ delineated on maps (Zeni), 634, 643;
+ (1467), 636;
+ (1482), 531, 532;
+ (1508), 532;
+ (1511), 577;
+ (1513), 544;
+ (1527), 600;
+ (1576), 647;
+ (1582), 598.
+
+ Grenada, 355.
+
+ Grimaldi, G. A., 21.
+
+ Grijalva, 565; portrait, 566.
+
+ Grönlandia, 145. _See_ Greenland.
+
+ Grothe, H., _Da Vinci_, 117.
+
+ Grynæus, Simon. _Novus Orbis_, 607.
+
+ Guacanagari, the savage king, 234, 273, 275, 277;
+ faithful, 309;
+ maltreated, 316.
+
+ Guadaloupe, 268, 323.
+
+ Guanahani, seen by Columbus, 211.
+
+ Guarionex, 305, 309;
+ his conspiracy, 362, 364;
+ embarked for Spain, 440;
+ lost, 440.
+
+ Guelves, Count of, 524, 526.
+
+ Guerra, Luis, 375.
+
+ Guevara, Fernand de, watched by Roldan, 389.
+
+ Gulf Stream, 131, 352, 433.
+
+ Gutierrez, Pedro, 208.
+
+
+ Hadley's quadrant, 648.
+
+ Hakluyt, Richard, _Principall Navigations_, 637;
+ _Western Planting_, 647;
+ his interest in explorations, 650.
+
+ Hall, Edw., _Chronicle_, 14.
+
+ Halley, Edmund, his variation charts, 649.
+
+ Hammocks, 219, 222.
+
+ Hanno, the Carthaginian, 97.
+
+ Harrison's chronometer, 649.
+
+ Harrisse, Henry, his works on Columbus, 7, 51, 52;
+ on the Biblioteca Colombina, 41;
+ attacks the character of the _Historie_ of 1571, 44;
+ his _Fernando Colon_, 45;
+ _Les Colombo_, 71;
+ _Bank of St. George_, 73.
+
+ Hartmann, George, his gores, 621.
+
+ Hauslab globes, 547, 548.
+
+ Hawkins, John, 632.
+
+ Hawkins, Wm., 601.
+
+ Hayna mines, 322.
+
+ Hayna country, 360.
+
+ Hayti. _See_ Española.
+
+ Heimskringla, 140, 147.
+
+ Helleland, 145.
+
+ Helps, Arthur, on the Spanish Conquest and Columbus, 58.
+
+ Henry the Navigator, Prince, death, 82, 100;
+ his navigators, 88, 97;
+ his relations to African discovery, 91;
+ his school, 92;
+ his portrait, 93;
+ his character, 97;
+ his tomb, 101;
+ his statue, 102.
+
+ Henri II., map. _See_ Desceliers.
+
+ Herrera, the historian, 50;
+ map of Bahamas, 212.
+
+ Higuay, 305; conquered, 474.
+
+ Hispaniola. _See_ Española.
+
+ Hoces, F. de, discovers Cape Horn. 576.
+
+ Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, 169;
+ Columbus's purpose to rescue it, 170, 180.
+
+ Holywood. John, _Sphera Mundi_, 93.
+
+ Homem's map, 614, 616.
+
+ Hondius, 637.
+
+ Honduras, early voyages to, 337, 339; map, 443;
+ coast explored, 562.
+
+ Hood, Dr. Thomas, 650.
+
+ Hudson's Bay, 650.
+
+ Hudson Bay Company, 658.
+
+ Hudson River, 649.
+
+ Hudson, Heinrich, his voyages, 649, 650.
+
+ Hues, Robert, _Tractatus_, 191, 201, 301.
+
+ Humboldt, Alex. von, _Exam. Critique_, 51;
+ on Columbus, 502, 504.
+
+
+ Ibarra, Bernaldo de, 347.
+
+ Iceland, Columbus at, 135; early map, 136.
+
+ India, African route to, 90;
+ strait to, sought, 535, 555, 567, 569, 587, 591;
+ discovered at the south, 576.
+
+ Indies, name why used, 240.
+
+ Irving, W., _Columbus_, 55, 60;
+ his historical habit, 233, 234;
+ on Columbus, 501, 505.
+
+ Isabella of Spain, her character, 159, 479;
+ yields to Columbus's views, 178;
+ her appearance, 245;
+ her interest in Columbus's second voyage, 258;
+ her faith in Columbus shaken, 393, 396, 409;
+ dies, 479;
+ her will about the Indians, 482.
+
+ Isabella (island), 222.
+
+ Isabella (town) founded, 278.
+
+ Italy, her relations to American discovery, 33;
+ her conspicuous mariners, 104, 632;
+ and the new age, 496;
+ cartographers of, 601, 628.
+
+
+ Jack-staff, 261.
+
+ Jacquet Island, 111.
+
+ Jamaica, possibly Babeque, 230;
+ called Yamaye, 235;
+ discovered by Columbus, 291;
+ again visited, 300;
+ Columbus at, during his last voyage, 457.
+
+ Januarius, Hanibal, 22.
+
+ Japan, supposed position, 207. _See_ Cipango.
+
+ Jayme, 92.
+
+ Jesso, 652, 653.
+
+ John of Anjou, 82, 84.
+
+ Jorrin, J. S., _Varios Autografos_, 7.
+
+ Jovius (Giovio) Paulus, his biography, 32;
+ his picture of Columbus, 61, 63;
+ _Elogia_, 64.
+
+ Juana. _See_ Cuba.
+
+ Julius II., Pope, portrait, 517.
+
+
+ Kettell, Samuel, 10.
+
+ Khan, the Great, 90, 224.
+
+ King's Garden, 226.
+
+ Kolno (Skolno), 138.
+
+ Kublai Khan, 90, 224.
+
+
+ Labrador coast, Normans on, 413;
+ Portuguese on, 415.
+
+ Lachine, 613.
+
+ Lafuente y Alcántara, 13.
+
+ Lake, Arthur, 184.
+
+ Lamartine on Columbus, 75.
+
+ La mina (Gold coast), 101.
+
+ Laon globe, 123, 190.
+
+ Larreategui family, representatives of Columbus, 528.
+
+ Las Casas, B., his abridgment of Columbus's journal, 10;
+ his papers of Columbus, 19, 47;
+ his _Historia_, 45, 46;
+ his career, 47;
+ his portrait, 48;
+ his pity for the Indians, 50;
+ his father goes to the new world, 262;
+ at Santo Domingo, 429;
+ appeals for the Indians, 520;
+ on the respective merits of Columbus and Vespucius, 553.
+
+ Latitude, errors in observing, 261.
+
+ Latitude and longitude on maps, 601, 602.
+
+ Laurentian portolano (1351), 87.
+
+ Ledesma, Pedro, 454, 470.
+
+ Leibnitz, _Codex_, 71.
+
+ Leigh, Edward, 601.
+
+ Lemoyne, G. B., _Colombo_, 33.
+
+ Lenox globe, 571.
+
+ Lepe, Diego de, on the South American coast, 377.
+
+ Léry, Baron de, 556.
+
+ Liria, Duke of, 527.
+
+ Lisbon, naval battle near, 103; Genoese in, 104.
+
+ Loadstone, its history. 93. _See_ Magnet.
+
+ Log, ship's, 95, 96, 631.
+
+ Lok, Michael, map (1582), 597, 598, 616, 624, 646.
+
+ Long Island Sound, 616.
+
+ Longitude, methods of ascertaining, 259;
+ difficulties in computing, 602, 648, 650. _See_ Latitude.
+
+ Longrais, Jouon des, _Cartier_, 612.
+
+ Lorgues, Roselly de, on Columbus, 53, 60, 503, 505.
+
+ Loyasa, 576.
+
+ Luca, the Florentine engineer, 22.
+
+ Lucayans, 218, 219, 271; destroyed, 219, 515.
+
+ Lud, Walter, 439.
+
+ Lully, Raymond, _Arte de Navegar_, 93.
+
+ Luxan, Juan de, 288.
+
+ Machin, Robert, at Madeira, 87.
+
+ McClure, R. L., 660.
+
+ Madeira discovered, 86, 88.
+
+ Madoc, 138.
+
+ Magellan's voyage, 571, 589; his portrait, 572;
+ compared with Columbus, 574;
+ maps of his straits, 575, 576.
+
+ Magnet, its history, 93;
+ use of, 198;
+ needle, 632;
+ pole, 203, 630. _See_ Needle.
+
+ Magnus, Bishop, 139.
+
+ Maguana, 305.
+
+ Maine, Gulf of, 616, 646.
+
+ Maiollo map (1527), 570, 595, 597.
+
+ Major, R. H., on Columbus, 58;
+ on the naming of America, 538.
+
+ Malaga, Columbus at the siege of, 165.
+
+ Maldonado, Melchior, 277, 653.
+
+ Mandeville, Sir John, his travels, 116.
+
+ Mangon, 224, 294.
+
+ Manhattan, 649.
+
+ Manicaotex, 312.
+
+ Manilius, 107.
+
+ Mappemonde, Portuguese (1490), 152.
+
+ Maps, fifteenth century, 128;
+ projections of, 603. _See_ Portolano.
+
+ Marchena, Antonio de, 259.
+
+ Marchena, Juan Perez de, 155;
+ portrait, 155;
+ intercedes for Columbus,
+ 175.
+
+ Marchesio, F., 21.
+
+ Margarita, 355.
+
+ Margarite, Pedro, at St. Thomas, 288;
+ his career, 307.
+
+ Mariéjol, J. H., _Peter Martyr_, 35.
+
+ Marien, 305.
+
+ Marigalante, 266.
+
+ Mariguana, 216.
+
+ Marin, on Venetian commerce, 9.
+
+ Marine atlases, 649.
+
+ Markham, Clements R., his _Hues_, 191.
+
+ Markland, 145.
+
+ Martens, T., printer, 16.
+
+ Martines, his map, 616.
+
+ Martinez, Fernando, 108.
+
+ Martyr, Peter, has letters from Columbus, 19;
+ account of, 34;
+ knew Columbus, 35;
+ his letters, 34;
+ _De Orbe Novo_, or _Decades_, 35;
+ on Isabella, 160;
+ on Columbus's discovery, 247;
+ his map, (1511), 422, 556, 557;
+ fails to notice the death of Columbus, 491.
+
+ Massachusetts Bay, 616.
+
+ Mastic, 225.
+
+ Matheos, Hernan Perez, 347.
+
+ Mayobanex, 364.
+
+ Mauro, Fra, his world map, 99, 101, 116.
+
+ Medina, Pedro de, _Arte de Navegar_, 630;
+ map, 628, 629.
+
+ Medina-Celi, Duke of, 173;
+ entertains Columbus, 169.
+
+ Medina-Sidonia, Duke of, 173.
+
+ Mela, Pomponius, 107;
+ his world-map, 584;
+ _Cosmographia_, 585.
+
+ Mendez, Diego, his exploits, 451, 452, 456, 458;
+ sails from Jamaica for Española, 461;
+ arrives, 466;
+ sends to rescue Columbus, 470;
+ goes to Spain, 471;
+ appealed to by Columbus, 479, 487;
+ denied office by Diego Colon, 516.
+
+ Mendoza, Hurtado de, 610, 612.
+
+ Mendoza, Pedro Gonzales de, 159, 176.
+
+ Mercator, Gerard, pupil of Gemma, 603;
+ his earliest map, 621-623;
+ his globe of 1541, 554, 621, 625;
+ his projection, 636;
+ his map (1569), 638;
+ portrait, 639.
+
+ Mercator, R., his map of the polar regions, 202.
+
+ Mermaids, 236.
+
+ Meropes, 126.
+
+ Mississippi River discovered, 560.
+
+ Molineaux, his map, 616, 648.
+
+ Moluccas occupied by the Portuguese, 569;
+ dispute over their longitude, 590;
+ sold by Spain to Portugal, 591.
+
+ Moniz, Felipa, wife of Columbus, 105;
+ her family, 106.
+
+ Monte Peloso, Bishop of, 15.
+
+ Moon, eclipse of, 465.
+
+ Morton, Thos., _New English Canaan_, 620.
+
+ Mosquito coast, 444.
+
+ Moxica, Adrian de, 389.
+
+ Moya, Marchioness of, 175, 178.
+
+ Müller, Johannes, 94.
+
+ Muñoz, J. B., his labors, 27;
+ his _Historia_, 27.
+
+ Münster, Seb., his maps, 621, 624 (1532);
+ 535, 537 (1540);
+ 596, 597;
+ portrait, 602.
+
+ Muratori, his collection, 30.
+
+ Murphy, Henry C., 595;
+ his library, 17.
+
+ Muscovy Company, 650.
+
+ Myritius, his map, 618.
+
+
+ Nancy globe, 606, 607.
+
+ Napier, logarithms, 651.
+
+ Nautical almanac, 649.
+
+ Navasa, island, 465.
+
+ Navarrete, M. F. de, his _Coleccion_, 27;
+ the French edition, 28;
+ criticised by Caleb Cushing, 28.
+
+ Navidad, La, destroyed, 273.
+
+ Navigation, art of, 131;
+ Columbus's method, 237, 260.
+
+ Needle, no variation of the, 198, 254;
+ its change of position, 199, 206, 254. _See_ Magnet.
+
+ Negroes, first seen as slaves in Europe, 98;
+ early introduced in Española, 429, 488.
+
+ New Albion, 645.
+
+ New England, named, 649.
+
+ Newfoundland banks, early visits, 129, 340.
+
+ Newfoundland, visited by Gilbert, 646.
+
+ New France, 633.
+
+ Nicaragua, map of, 443.
+
+ Nicuessa, Diego de, in Castilla del Oro, 517, 562.
+
+ Niño, Pedro Alonso, 325;
+ on the pearl coast, 375.
+
+ Nombre de Dios, Cape, 448.
+
+ Nordenskiöld on Columbus's discovery, 248;
+ his _Facsimile Atlas_, 531, 532, 546, 548, 573, 577, 578, 581, 582,
+ 588, 589, 635, 636, 638;
+ map gores discovered by him, 549.
+
+ Norman seamanship, 94;
+ explorations, 555, 556.
+
+ Norman, Robt., 632.
+
+ North America held to be continuous with Asia, 576, 584.
+ _See_ America.
+
+ Northwest passage, the search for, 529, 640, 648, 650-652, 658;
+ mapped, 659.
+
+ Norumbega, 599, 616, 633.
+
+ Notarial records in Italy, 20;
+ in Spain, 25;
+ in Portugal, 26.
+
+ Nuremberg, Behaim's globe at, 191.
+
+
+ Ocampo, 565.
+
+ Oceanic currents, 130, 603.
+
+ Odericus Vitalis, 147.
+
+ Oderigo, Nicolo, 483.
+
+ Ojeda, Alonso de, in Columbus's second expedition, 262, 270;
+ at St. Thomas, 289;
+ attacked by Caonabo, 308;
+ captures Caonabo, 313;
+ fired by Columbus's experiences in Paria, 372;
+ is permitted by Fonseca to sail thither, 372;
+ reaches Venezuela, 373;
+ at Española, 373;
+ returns to Spain, 375;
+ voyage (1499), 514;
+ his (1502) voyage, 427;
+ in New Andalusia, 517, 562.
+
+ Oliva, Perez de, on Columbus, 43, 45.
+
+ Ophir of Solomon, 322.
+
+ Orient, European notions of, 90, 109.
+
+ Ortegon, Diego, 528.
+
+ Ortelius, his _Theatrum_, 627, 638;
+ portrait, 640;
+ his map of America, 641.
+
+ Ortis, Alonso, _Los Tratados_, 248.
+
+ Ovando, Nicholas de, sent to Santo Domingo, 429;
+ receives Mendez, 466;
+ his rule in Española, 466, 471;
+ sends a caraval to Jamaica to observe Columbus, 467;
+ sends to rescue him, 471;
+ receives him at Santo Domingo, 475;
+ recalled from Española, 515.
+
+ Oviedo, on the first voyage, 17;
+ as a writer, 38;
+ his career, 38;
+ _Historia_, 39;
+ on Isabella, 160;
+ on the arms of Columbus, 251;
+ on his motto, 251.
+
+ Oysters, 354.
+
+
+ Pacheco, his _Coleccion_, 29.
+
+ Pacheco, Carlos, 527.
+
+ Pacific Ocean named, 576;
+ explorations, 618;
+ Drake in the, 644;
+ sees Cape Horn, 644;
+ Gali's explorations, 646;
+ discoveries, 652;
+ wild theories about its coast, 652, 656, 658.
+
+ _Paesi novamente retrovati_, 417.
+
+ Palos, 182.
+
+ Panama founded, 565.
+
+ Papal authority to discover new lands, 252.
+
+ Paria, Gulf of, map, 353;
+ land of, 354.
+
+ Parmentier, Jean, 556.
+
+ Passamonte, Miguel, 518.
+
+ Pavia, university at, 80.
+
+ Pearls, 354.
+
+ Pedrarias, 564.
+
+ Peragallo, Prospero, _Historie di F. Colombo_, 46.
+
+ Perestrello, Bart., 88.
+
+ Perestrello family, 105.
+
+ Peringskiöld, 147.
+
+ Peru discovered, 564, 565.
+
+ Pesaro, F., 9.
+
+ Peschel, Oscar, on the _Historie_, 46.
+
+ Peter the Great, 653.
+
+ Pezagno, the Genoese, 86.
+
+ Phoenicians as explorers, 127.
+
+ Philip II., of Spain, 523.
+
+ Philip the Handsome, 513.
+
+ Pineda, 560.
+
+ Pinelo, Francisco, 257.
+
+ Pinilla, T. R., _Colon en España_, 51.
+
+ Pinzon, Martin Alonso, at Rabida, 174;
+ engages with Columbus, 183;
+ deserts Columbus, 226;
+ returns, 235;
+ reaches Palos and dies, 242.
+
+ Pinzon, Vicente Yañez, with Columbus, 183;
+ his voyage (1494) across the equator, 376;
+ sees Cape St. Augustine, 376;
+ at Española, 377.
+
+ Pinzon and Solis's expedition, 570.
+
+ Piracy, 81.
+
+ Pirckheimer, 636.
+
+ Pizarro, 562, 564.
+
+ Plaanck, the printer, 15.
+
+ Plato and Atlantis, 126.
+
+ Plutarch's Saturnian Continent, 126.
+
+ Polar regions, map of, 202.
+
+ Polo, Marco, 90, 498;
+ annotations of Columbus in, 7;
+ in Cathay, 114;
+ his narrative _Milione_, 114;
+ his portrait, 115;
+ known to Columbus, 115.
+
+ Pompey stone, 560.
+
+ Ponce de Leon, Juan, 179, 556;
+ goes to the New World, 262;
+ portrait, 558;
+ his track, 559.
+
+ Porcacchi, his map, 620.
+
+ Porras, François de, 437;
+ his revolt, 462;
+ ended, 470;
+ at court, 478.
+
+ Porto Bello, 448.
+
+ Porto Rico, 236, 272, 517.
+
+ Porto Santo discovered, 88, 105, 106.
+
+ Portolanos, 530. _See_ Maps.
+
+ Potatoes, 225.
+
+ Portogallo, Alonso de, Count of Guelves, 526.
+
+ Portogallo, Nuño de, becomes Duke of Veragua, 524, 526.
+
+ Portugal, archives, 25;
+ attractions for Columbus, 85;
+ spirit of exploration in, 86;
+ her expert seamen, 86, 92;
+ Genoese in her service, 86;
+ discovers Madeira, 86;
+ and the Azores, 86;
+ Columbus in, 103, 149;
+ the King sends an expedition to anticipate Columbus's discovery,
+ 153;
+ Columbus's second visit, 168;
+ the bull of demarcation, 254;
+ negotiations with Spain, 255;
+ her pursuit of African discovery, 334;
+ establishes claims in South America, through the voyage of Cabral,
+ 377;
+ sends out Coelho (1501), 410;
+ settlements on the Labrador coast, 415;
+ maps in, falsified, 417;
+ the spread of cartographical ideas, 423;
+ earliest maps, 533, 534;
+ denies them to other nations, 534;
+ her seamen on the Newfoundland coast, 555, 556;
+ push the African route to the Moluccas, 569;
+ on the coast of Brazil, 570;
+ on the Pacific coast, 592;
+ cartographical progress in, 602.
+
+ Prado, prior of, 508.
+
+ Prescott's, W. H., _Ferdinand and Isabella_, 57; on Columbus, 501,
+ 503.
+
+ Ptolemy, influence of, 91, 529, 638;
+ portrait, 530;
+ maps in, 530, 531, 627;
+ editions, 108;
+ (1511), 577;
+ (1513), 544, 545, 546, 582, 584;
+ (Stobnicza), 578;
+ (1522), 588;
+ (1525), 588;
+ (1535), 555, 588;
+ (1541), 588.
+
+
+ Queen's Gardens, 293, 299.
+
+ Quibian, 450;
+ his attacks, 451;
+ captured, 451;
+ escapes, 451.
+
+ Quinsay, 121, 124, 566, 607.
+
+ Quintanilla, Alonzo de, 158, 165, 176, 178.
+
+
+ Rabida, Convent of, 154;
+ at what date was Columbus there? 155, 173.
+
+ Rae, J. E. S., 12.
+
+ Ralegh, Sir Walter, his American projects, 647.
+
+ Ramusio on Columbus, 37.
+
+ Regiomontanus, 94, 301;
+ his astrolabe, 95, 96;
+ _Ephemerides_, 131.
+
+ Reinel, Pedro, his map, 534.
+
+ Reisch, _Margarita Phil._, 582, 587, 601;
+ map, 583, 587.
+
+ Remesal's _Chyapa_, 161.
+
+ Rene, Duke of Provence, 82, 538, 543.
+
+ Repartimientos, 314, 506, 507, 518.
+
+ Resende, Garcia de, _Choronica_, 33.
+
+ Ribero, map of the Antilles, 383;
+ map (1529), 562, 605;
+ invents a ship's pump, 603;
+ at the Seville conference, 604.
+
+ Ringmann, M., 538.
+
+ Rink, Henrik, 146.
+
+ Riquelme, Pedro, 389, 390.
+
+ Robertson, Wm., _America_, 55.
+
+ Robertus Monarchus, _Bellum Christianorum Principum_, 17.
+
+ Roberval, 614.
+
+ Rodriguez, Sebastian, 175.
+
+ Roldan revolts, 362, 366;
+ reinstated, 370;
+ sent to confront Ojeda, 374;
+ watched by Moxica, 389;
+ sails for Spain, 440;
+ lost, 440.
+
+ Romans on the Atlantic, 127.
+
+ Roselly de Lorgues, his efforts to effect canonization of
+ Columbus, 53, 60, 503, 505.
+
+ Ross, Sir John, 651.
+
+ Rotz, map, 612;
+ _Boke of Idiography_, 613.
+
+ Roxo, Cape, passed, 99.
+
+ Rubruquis, 90, 121.
+
+ Ruscelli, his map, 616, 617.
+
+ Rut, John, 601.
+
+ Ruy de Pina, archivist of Portugal, 33, 149.
+
+ Ruysch, map, 143, 532;
+ _Ptolemy_, 341.
+
+
+ Sabellicus, 103.
+
+ Sacrobosco. _See_ Holywood.
+
+ Sagas, 146.
+
+ Saguenay River, 616.
+
+ St. Brandan's Island, 112.
+
+ St. Dié, college at, 538.
+
+ St. Jerome, monks of, 508.
+
+ St. Lawrence, Gulf of, 612.
+
+ St. Thomas (fort), 287.
+
+ St. Thomas (island), 231.
+
+ Saints' days, suggest geographical names, 229.
+
+ Salamanca, council of, 161, 164;
+ University, 162.
+
+ Salcedo, Diego de, goes to Jamaica, 471.
+
+ Samaot, 221.
+
+ San Jorge da Mina, 134.
+
+ San Salvador, 211, 215.
+
+ Sanarega, Bart., 21, 30.
+
+ Sanchez, Gabriel, letter to, 11.
+
+ Sanchez, Juan, 451;
+ killed, 470.
+
+ Sanchez, Rodrigo, 209.
+
+ Sandacourt, J. B. de, 540.
+
+ Santa Cruz, Alonso de, 203.
+
+ Santa Cruz (island), 271.
+
+ Santa Maria de la Concepcion, 220.
+
+ Santa Maria de las Cuevas, 25.
+
+ Santangel, Luis de, 11, 175, 178.
+
+ Santo Domingo, archives, 26;
+ founded, 360;
+ cathedral at, 492, 493.
+
+ Sanuto, Livio, _Geographia_, 201.
+
+ Sanuto, Marino, his diary, 421;
+ cartographer, 86.
+
+ Sargasso Sea, 204.
+
+ Savona, records of, 20;
+ the Colombos of, 74.
+
+ Saxo Grammaticus, 147.
+
+ Schöner, Johann, his globe, 551, 572;
+ his charges against Vespucius, 554;
+ _Opusculum geographicum_, 555, 567, 607;
+ _Luculentissima descriptio_, 587;
+ portrait, 588;
+ _De insulis_, 589;
+ his alleged globe, 589, 590;
+ his variable beliefs, 607.
+
+ Schouten defines Tierra del Fuego, 577.
+
+ Sea-atlases, 603.
+
+ Sea of Darkness, 86, 243;
+ fantastic islands of, 111.
+
+ Sea-manuals, 630.
+
+ Seamanship, early, 92.
+
+ Seneca, his _Medea_, 118.
+
+ Servetus, his _Ptolemy_, 555.
+
+ Seven Cities, Island of. _See_ Antillia.
+
+ Sevilla d'Oro, 471.
+
+ Seville, archives at, 23;
+ cathedral of, 171;
+ cartographical conference at, 603.
+
+ Shea, J. G., on the _Historie_, 46;
+ on the canonization of Columbus, 54;
+ onColumbus, 504.
+
+ Ships (fifteenth century), 82;
+ speed of, 94;
+ of Columbus's time, 192, 193.
+
+ Sierra Leone discovered, 101.
+
+ Silber, Franck, the printer, 15.
+
+ Simancas, archives, 22, 23;
+ view of the building, 24.
+
+ Skralingeland, 145.
+
+ Slavery, efforts of Columbus to place the Indians in, 220, 230, 281,
+ 282, 311, 314, 318, 327, 331, 360, 367, 371, 394, 402, 403, 429,
+ 437, 472, 482, 505, 506;
+ after Columbus's time, 518, 520.
+
+ Smith, Captain John, his explorations, 649.
+
+ Smith, Sir Thomas, 630.
+
+ Solinus, 107.
+
+ Soria, Juan de, 257.
+
+ Sousa, A. C. de, _Hist. Geneal._, 27.
+
+ South America, earliest picture of the natives, 336;
+ earliest seen, 352;
+ its coast nomenclature, 412;
+ supposed southern cape, 573. _See_ America.
+
+ Southern cross first seen, 99, 376.
+
+ Spain, archives of, 22;
+ publication of, 28, 29;
+ _Cartas de Indias_, 29;
+ Columbus in, 154;
+ the Genoese in, 157;
+ map of (1482), 165;
+ powerful grandees, 172;
+ the bull of demarcation, 254;
+ suspicious of Portugal, 254;
+ council for the Indies, 257;
+ plans expedition to the north, 413;
+ her authority in the Indies, 481;
+ the Crown's suit with Diego Colon, 514, 553;
+ King Ferdinand dies, 520;
+ Charles V., 523;
+ Philip II., 523;
+ her secretiveness about maps, 534, 554, 560, 627, 639;
+ earliest accounts of America, 587;
+ her seamen in the St. Lawrence region, 555;
+ on the Atlantic coast, 560;
+ council of the Indies instituted, 591;
+ failure to publish map in, 602;
+ Casa de la Contratacion, 603;
+ her sea-manuals, 630.
+
+ Spotorno, Father, _Codice diplom. Colom. Americano_, 4;
+ _La Tavola di Bronzo_, 5.
+
+ Square Gulf, 613.
+
+ Staglieno, the Genoese antiquary, 21, 75.
+
+ Stamler, Johannis, 543.
+
+ Stephanius, Sigurd, his map, 144, 145.
+
+ Stevens, Henry, 533;
+ on the _Historie_, 45;
+ on La Cosa's map, 385;
+ his _Schöner_, 424.
+
+ Stevens, edition of Herrera, 55.
+
+ Stimmer, Tobias, 64.
+
+ Stobnicza's introduction to Ptolemy, 578;
+ his map, 580, 581, 585.
+
+ Stockfish, 128, 340.
+
+ Strabo, 107.
+
+ Straits of Hercules, voyages beyond, 81.
+
+ Strong, Richard, 646.
+
+ Sumner, George, 246.
+
+ Sylvanus, his edition of Ptolemy first gave maps of the Cortereal
+ discoveries, 419;
+ edits Ptolemy, 577;
+ his map, 579.
+
+ Sylvius, Æneas, _Historia_, 7.
+
+
+ Talavera, Fernando de, 156, 508;
+ and Columbus's projects, 161, 176.
+
+ Teneriffe, 195.
+
+ Terra Verde, 416, 420.
+
+ Thevet, André, his stories, 633.
+
+ Thorne, Robt., map (1527), 600-602.
+
+ Thyle, 135.
+
+ Ticknor, George, 10.
+
+ Tobacco, 225.
+
+ Tobago, 355.
+
+ Tordesillas, treaty of, 310.
+
+ Torre do Tombo, archives, 25.
+
+ Torres, Antonio de, returns to Spain in command of fleet, 282, 317.
+
+ Tortuga, 228, 229.
+
+ Toscanelli, Paolo, 499; his letters, 7, 107-109;
+ his map, 49, 109, 110, 191;
+ dies, 117.
+
+ Triana, Rodrigo de, 211.
+
+ Trinidad, 350.
+
+ Tristan, Diego, his fate, 452, 453.
+
+ Tritemius, _Epistolarum libri_, 412.
+
+ Trivigiano, A., translates Peter Martyr, 35;
+ _Libretto_, 36;
+ his letters, 420.
+
+ Tross gores, 547.
+
+
+ Ulloa, Francisco de, 610.
+
+ Ullua, Alfonso de, 44.
+
+ Ulpius globe, 597.
+
+ Usselinx, W., 20, 649.
+
+
+ Vadianus, portrait, 585.
+
+ Vallejo, Alonso de, 347.
+
+ Valsequa's map, 88.
+
+ Vancouver, 658.
+
+ Variation. _See_ Needle.
+
+ Varnhagen on the first letter of Columbus, 14;
+ and the early cartography, 382, 386.
+
+ Vasconcellos, 149.
+
+ Vatican archives, 22;
+ maps, 633.
+
+ Vaulx, 616.
+
+ Velasco, Pedro de, 156.
+
+ Vega Real, 286;
+ its natives, 288.
+
+ Venegas, _California_, 658.
+
+ Venezuela, named by Ojeda, 373.
+
+ Venice, cartographers of, 629.
+
+ Veradus, 17.
+
+ Veragua, map, 446;
+ characteristics of its coast, 447;
+ its abortive settlement, 456;
+ Duke of, title given to Columbus's grandson, 523.
+
+ Verde, Simone, 283, 347.
+
+ Verde, Cape, reached, 98.
+
+ Verrazano on the Atlantic coast, 592, 593;
+ map, 594;
+ his voyage disputed, 595;
+ his so-called sea, 596, 646;
+ discoveries, 633.
+
+ Verzellino, G. V., his memoirs, 21.
+
+ Vespucius, Americus, and the naming of America, 30;
+ engaged in fitting out the second expedition of Columbus, 258;
+ supposed voyage (1497), 336;
+ controversy over, 338;
+ his character as a writer, 359;
+ his first voyage, 373;
+ in Coelho's fleet, 410;
+ his _Mundus Novus_, 410, 411, 542;
+ relations to the early cartography, 412;
+ his name bestowed on the New World, 36, 412, 538-555;
+ personal relations with Columbus, 484;
+ his narrative, 485;
+ writes an account of his voyage, 538;
+ portrait, 539;
+ his narrative published, 540;
+ his discoveries compared with those of Columbus, 542, 543;
+ miscalled Albericus, 543;
+ suspects gravitation, 543;
+ not called in the Columbus lawsuit, 553;
+ charged with being privy to the naming of America, 553, 554;
+ pilot major, 553;
+ dies, 553;
+ his map, 553;
+ his fame in England, 554.
+
+ Vienna, geographers at, 585.
+
+ Villalobos, 612.
+
+ Vinci, Leonardo da, his map, 581, 582.
+
+ Vinland, 144, 146.
+
+ Virginia, named, 648; map, 654, 655.
+
+ Viscaino, Sebastian, 652.
+
+ Vopel, Gaspar, his globe, 607.
+
+ Volterra, Maffei de, 32.
+
+ Vries, De, 652.
+
+
+ Wagenaer, Lucas, his _Spieghel_, 603.
+
+ Waldseemüller, his career, 540;
+ _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, 540;
+ its title, 541;
+ edits Ptolemy, 546, 582;
+ his map, 412.
+
+ Walker, John, 646.
+
+ Warsaw codex (Ptolemy), map, 635-637.
+
+ Watling's Island, 216.
+
+ Watt, Joachim. _See_ Vadianus.
+
+ Waymouth, George, 650.
+
+ West India Company, 649.
+
+ White, John, his map, 597, 599.
+
+ Winsor, Justin, _America_, 59.
+
+ Wright, Edw., improves Mercator's projection, 637.
+
+ Wytfliet, his maps, 630, 631.
+
+
+ Xaragua, 305; made subject, 361, 473.
+
+ Ximenes in power, 520.
+
+
+ Yucatan, 629; discovered, 565, 567.
+
+
+ Zarco, 87.
+
+ Zeni, the, 138, 634;
+ their map, 634, 635;
+ their influence, 642.
+
+ Ziegler, _Schondia_ and its map, 615, 617.
+
+ Zoana mela, 582, 583.
+
+ Zorzi _or_ Montalboddo, _Paesi novamente retrovati_, 36.
+
+ Zuñiga, Diego Ortiz de, on Seville, 169.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Christopher Columbus and How He
+Received and Imparted the Spirit of Discovery, by Justin Winsor
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 42059 ***