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diff --git a/42025.txt b/42025.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 17a8b7e..0000000 --- a/42025.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,21106 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Europe in the Sixteenth Century 1494-1598, -Fifth Edition, by A. H. (Arthur Henry) Johnson - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: Europe in the Sixteenth Century 1494-1598, Fifth Edition - Period IV (of 8), Periods of European History - - -Author: A. H. (Arthur Henry) Johnson - - - -Release Date: February 6, 2013 [eBook #42025] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EUROPE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY -1494-1598, FIFTH EDITION*** - - -E-text prepared by Chris Curnow, Christoph W. Kluge, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive (http://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the original charts, maps, and illustrations. - See 42025-h.htm or 42025-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42025/42025-h/42025-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42025/42025-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - http://archive.org/details/cu31924010282832 - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - - - - -EUROPE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 1494-1598 - -by - -A. H. JOHNSON, M.A. - - - * * * * * * - - _In Eight Volumes. Crown 8vo. With Maps, etc._ - _Six Shillings net each Volume._ - _The Complete Set L2, 8s. net._ - - PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY - - General Editor--ARTHUR HASSALL, M.A., - Student of Christ Church, Oxford. - -The object of this series is to present in separate Volumes a -comprehensive and trustworthy account of the general development -of European History, and to deal fully and carefully with the more -prominent events in each century. - -The Volumes embody the results of the latest investigations, and -contain references to and notes upon original and other sources of -information. - -No such attempt to place the History of Europe in a comprehensive, -detailed, and readable form before the English Public has previously -been made, and the Series forms a valuable continuous History of -Mediaeval and Modern Europe. - -=Period I.--The Dark Ages.= 476-918. - By C. W. C. Oman, M.A., Chichele Professor of Modern History in - the University of Oxford. _6s. net._ - -=Period II.--The Empire and the Papacy.= 918-1273. - By T. F. Tout, M.A., Professor of Mediaeval and Modern History - in the University of Manchester. _6s. net._ - -=Period III.--The Close of the Middle Ages.= 1273-1494. - By R. Lodge, M.A., LL.D., Professor of History at the - University of Edinburgh. _6s. net._ - -=Period IV.--Europe in the 16th Century.= 1494-1598. - By A. H. Johnson, M.A., Historical Lecturer to Merton, Trinity, - and University Colleges, Oxford. _6s. net._ - -=Period V.--The Ascendancy of France.= 1598-1715. - By H. O. Wakeman, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls' College, - Oxford. _6s. net._ - -=Period VI.--The Balance of Power.= 1715-1789. - By A. Hassall, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. _6s. - net._ - -=Period VII.--Revolutionary Europe.= 1789-1815. - By H. Morse Stephens, M.A., Professor of History at the - University of California, Berkeley, California, U.S.A. _6s. - net._ - -=Period VIII.--Modern Europe.= 1815-1899. - By W. Alison Phillips, M.A., formerly Senior Scholar of St. - John's College, Oxford. _6s. net._ - - - THE DARK AGES, 476-918 - - By C. W. C. OMAN, M.A., Chichele Professor of Modern History - in the University of Oxford. - - Forming Volume I. of Periods of European History. - - 'A thorough master of his subject, and possessed of a gift - for clear expositions, he has supplied the student with a - most valuable and helpful book.'--_Spectator._ - - 'No better exponent of this era, so full of difficulties and - complications, could have been chosen.'--_Journal of - Education._ - - 'Mr. Oman has done his work well. His narrative is Clear and - interesting, and takes full account of recent - research.'--_English Historical Review._ - - 'This volume will be valued by all historical students as - supplying a real want in our historical literature, and - supplying it well.... His touch is sure and his insight - keen. For the accuracy of his facts his historical - reputation is a sufficient guarantee.'--_Times._ - - - THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY, 918-1273 - - By T. F. TOUT, M.A., Professor of Mediaeval and Modern History - in the University of Manchester. - - Forming Volume II. of Periods of European History. - - 'This admirable and impartial work.... A more trustworthy - historical treatise on the period and subject has not - hitherto appeared.'--_Morning Post._ - - 'One of the best of the many good historical textbooks which - have come out of our universities in recent - years.'--_Times._ - - 'Altogether Professor Tout has given us a most trustworthy - adjunct to the study of mediaeval times, which all who may be - called upon to interpret those times to others may safely - recommend and themselves profit by.'--_English Historical - Review._ - - - THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 1273-1494 - - By R. LODGE, M.A., LL.D., Professor of History at the - University of Edinburgh. - - Forming Volume III. of Periods of European History. - - 'The book is admirably written, it contains maps and - genealogical tables, an exhaustive index, and a bibliography - which students will value as an aid to the interpretation of - the whole period as well as a clue to any part of - it.'--_Standard._ - - 'We are exceedingly thankful for the Series, and as we have - already said, to Prof. Lodge. There is no longer any excuse - for English-speaking teachers to be wholly ignorant of the - history of Europe. The obligation lies on them to purchase - these volumes, and then read, mark, learn, and inwardly - digest them, so that they can supplement their teaching with - intelligible comment.'--_School World._ - - 'The book must be regarded as quite indispensable to all - English students of the late Middle Ages.'--_University - Correspondent._ - - 'Professor Lodge's book has the supreme merit of clearness, - not less than that of conciseness.'--_Pall Mall Gazette._ - - 'A work of great value on one of the most difficult and at - the same time one of the most important periods of European - history. The book is a monument of skill and - labour.'--_Aberdeen Journal._ - - - EUROPE IN THE 16TH CENTURY, 1494-1598 - - By A. H. Johnson, M.A., Historical Lecturer at Merton, - Trinity, and University Colleges, Oxford. - - Forming Volume IV. of Periods of European History. - - 'A singularly clear, thorough, and consistent account of the - great movements and great events of the time, and the volume - may be accepted as one of the best extant handbooks to a - period as complex as it is important.'--_Times._ - - 'In the present volume Mr. A. H. Johnson has made a useful - and unpretentious contribution to a Series of which it can - be said more truly than of most series that it supplies a - real want. Mr. Johnson is well known as one of the most - experienced and successful teachers of history at Oxford, - and the book has all the merits which the fact of being - written by a good teacher can give it. It is clear, - sensible, and accurate, and commendably free from fads or - bias.'--_Manchester Guardian._ - - 'There is certainly no other single book in English which - covers the ground so adequately.'--_University - Correspondent._ - - 'Mr. Johnson's narrative is clear and accurate, and his - grasp of the history of his period wonderfully strong and - comprehensive.'--_Journal of Education._ - - - THE ASCENDANCY OF FRANCE, 1598-1715 - - By H. O. Wakeman, M.A., Late Fellow of All Souls College, - Oxford. - - Forming Volume V. of Periods of European History. - - 'His story is no dry compendium, but a drama, each act and - scene of which has its individual interest.'--_Guardian._ - - 'Mr. Wakeman has produced an excellent sketch, both clear - and concise.'--_Oxford Magazine._ - - 'Mr. Wakeman's book is a sound, able, and useful one, which - will alike give help to the student, and attract the - cultivated general reader.'--_Manchester Guardian._ - - 'A thoroughly scholarly and satisfactory monograph.'--_Leeds - Mercury._ - - - THE BALANCE OF POWER, 1715-1789 - - By A. Hassall, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. - - Forming Volume VI. of Periods of European History. - - 'Although it contains more than 400 pages, we felt as we - read its last page that it was too short. It is not, - however, too short to prevent its author dealing adequately - with his subject according to the scheme of the whole - Series. There is little detail in it, and but little - theorising, and what it contains are clear statements of - masterly summaries.... We may cordially recommend this - interesting and well-written volume.'--_Birmingham Daily - Gazette._ - - 'Treated with much accuracy, patience, and - vigour.'--_Educational Times._ - - 'The author has struggled manfully with the difficulties of - his subject, and not without a distinct measure of success. - He has availed himself of the latest researches on the - period, and his narrative is well ordered and illustrated by - excellent maps and some useful appendices.'--_Manchester - Guardian._ - - - REVOLUTIONARY EUROPE, 1789-1815 - - By H. Morse Stephens, M.A., Professor of History at the - University of California, U.S.A. - - Forming Volume VII. of Periods of European History. - - 'As a piece of literary workmanship can hardly be - surpassed.... The result is a boon to students, and a - serviceable book of reference for the general - reader.'--_Daily News._ - - 'Mr. Stephens has written a very valuable and meritorious - book, which ought to be widely used.'--_Manchester - Guardian._ - - 'An admirable, nay, a masterly work.'--_Academy._ - - 'To say that Mr. Morse Stephens has compiled the best - English textbook on the subject would be faint - praise.'--_Journal of Education._ - - 'We are happy to extend a hearty welcome to this much-needed - Series, which, if it throughout keeps on the same high level - of this volume, will fill up a painful gap in our accessible - historical literature.'--_Educational Times._ - - 'The volume contains one of the clearest accounts of the - French Revolution and the rise of the First Napoleon ever - written. In fact, it is the work of a real historian. The - style of the book is strong and picturesque.'--_Western - Morning News._ - - - MODERN EUROPE, 1815-1899 - - By W. Alison Phillips, M.A., formerly Senior Scholar of St. - John's College, Oxford. - - Forming Volume VIII. of Periods of European History. - - 'An exceedingly difficult task has been accomplished, we may - say without hesitation, to admiration. We have read the book - with the keenest and quite unflagging enjoyment, and we - welcome it as one of the very best histories that have been - written within the last few years.'--_Guardian._ - - 'It has achieved, with a remarkable success, the difficult - task of compressing into a compact space the long history of - a time of extraordinary complications and entanglements; - but--much more important--it has never lost vigour and - interest throughout the whole survey.... The completeness of - the book is really extraordinary.... The book is by far the - best and handiest account of the international politics of - the nineteenth century that we possess.... Should give Mr. - Alison Phillips distinct rank among historians of the - day.'--_Literature._ - - 'Altogether, the book offers a most luminous and quite - adequate treatment of its subject, and makes a worthy - conclusion of a Series that well deserves to be - popular.'--_Glasgow Herald._ - - 'He presents his materials with model clearness and - arrangement, and with a sound literary style, which will - make the book attractive to the general reader as well as - useful to the student.'--_Scotsman._ - - 'Mr. Phillips shows decided literary power in the handling - of a not too manageable period, and few readers with any - appreciation of the march of history, having once commenced - the book, will be content to lay it aside until the last - page is reached.'--_Manchester Guardian._ - - 'This thoughtful volume will give the intelligent reader - both profit and pleasure.'--_Spectator._ - - * * * * * * - - -EUROPE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 1494-1598 - -by - -A. H. JOHNSON, M.A. - -Historical Lecturer to Merton, Trinity and University Colleges, Oxford - -PERIOD IV - - - - - - - -Rivingtons -34 King Street, Covent Garden -London -1909 - -FIFTH EDITION - -All rights reserved - - - - -PREFACE - - -The limits as to length imposed upon me by the Editor of the Series -forced me to adopt one of two alternatives. I had either to content -myself with a very slight sketch of the whole of European History -during the period, or I had to exercise some principle of selection. - -Unwilling to do over again that which has already been well done by -Mr. Lodge in his _History of Modern Europe_, I have fallen back on the -second alternative, and confined myself to the greater Powers of -Western Europe. - -Nor is such a selection without some justification; for it is the -struggle for supremacy between these Powers which underlies the other -issues, affects every movement (even the religious ones), and gives -unity to this many-sided and involved period of the world's history. - -My readers will therefore find no reference to the affairs of England, -nor to those of the Kingdoms of Northern and Eastern Europe, except so -far as in their foreign policy they affect the course of that great -struggle. - -My best thanks are due to Mr. Armstrong for help, more particularly in -points of Spanish History, and to Mr. Fletcher, who has revised the -proofs, and assisted with his kindly criticism. - - Oxford, _May 1897_. - - - - -PREFACE TO FOURTH EDITION - - -I have only to thank my critics, and especially Mr. -Armstrong and Mr. Fotheringham, for many helpful -suggestions. - - Oxford, _Jan. 1903_. - - - - -LIST OF MAPS - - - PAGE - - 1. Spain, 1494-1598, xvi - 2. The Swiss Confederation, 119 - 3. Netherlands, 314 - 4. Portuguese and Spanish Discoveries, 473 - 5. Italy, 1494-1559, } - 6. France, 1494-1598, } _at end of book_ - 7. Germany in 1547, } - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER PAGE - - Bibliography, x - - Introduction, 1 - - I. The Italian Wars, 1494-1518,, 4 - - II. Internal History of France, Spain, and Germany, - 1494-1519, 90 - - III. From the Election of Charles to the Battle of - Pavia, 129 - - IV. From the Treaty of Madrid to the Treaty of - Crespi, 181 - - V. From the War of Schmalkalde to the Treaty of - Cateau Cambresis, 220 - - VI. The Counter-Reformation and Calvinism, 261 - - VII. Philip and Spain, 277 - - VIII. The Revolt of the Netherlands, 315 - - IX. The Reformation and the Civil Wars in France, 387 - - Appendix I.--The French Constitution in the Fifteenth - and Sixteenth Centuries, 449 - - Appendix II.--Constitution of Florence in the Fifteenth - and Sixteenth Centuries, 458 - - Appendix III.--Venetian Constitution in the Fifteenth - and Sixteenth Centuries, 467 - - LIST OF POPES AND GENEALOGIES, 472 - - INDEX, 477 - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE[1] - - -General-- - - _Cambridge Modern History_, vol. i. - - Lavisse et Rambaud, _Histoire Generale_. - - Creighton, _History of the Papacy during the Reformation_, c. - vii. to the end. - - Philippson, _La Contre-Revolution religieuse_. - - Ranke, _Fuersten und Voelker von Sued-Europa im 16ten u. 17ten - Jahrhundert_. - _Zur Kritik neuerer Geschichtschreiber._ - - _Maps._--Spruner Menke, No. 8. Putzger, _Historischer School - Atlas_. - Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, No. 8. - -_N.B._--The Clarendon Press Maps, with Notes, can be purchased -separately, the Spruner without Notes. - -A chronological summary will be found in Hassall, _Handbook of -European History_. - - -France-- - - _Cambridge Modern History_, c. xii. - - Martin, _Histoire de France_. - - Michelet, _Histoire de France_. - - Grant, _The French Monarchy_. - - Gasquet, _Precis des Institutions Politiques et Sociales de - l'ancienne France_. - - Cheruel, _Dictionnaire historique des Institutions, moeurs et - costumes de la France_. - - Cherrier, _Histoire de Charles VIII._ - - Godefroy, Theod., _Histoire de Charles VIII. et Louis XII._ (a - collection of Chronicles). - - Muentz, _La Renaissance en Italie et en France a l'Epoque de - Charles VIII._ - - Philippe de Commines, _Memoires_. - - Lettenhove: Commines, _Lettres et negoc. avec un Commentaire_. - - Memoirs given in Petitot, Michaud et Poujoulat, especially - _Fleuranges_, _Bayard_, _Tavannes_, _Conde_, _La Noue_. - - Mignet, _Rivalite de Francois Ier et de Charles Quint_. - - De Thou, _Historiarum sui temporis libri_ cxxxviii. (translated - into French). - - Ranke, _Franzoesische Geschichte_ (translated _The Civil Wars in - France_). - - Armstrong, _Civil Wars in France_. - - Baird, _The Rise of the Huguenots_. - - Forneron, _Les Ducs de Guise_. - - Aumale, duc d', _Histoire des Princes de Conde_. - - Delaborde, _Coligny_. - - Whitehead, _Coligny_. - - Solden, _Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich_. - - Willert, _Henry IV._ (Heroes of Nations Series). - - Mornay, Ph., du Plessis _Memoires_. - - _Maps._--Spruner Menke, No. 54. - Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, Nos. 57, 58. - - -Germany-- - - _Cambridge Modern History_, cc. ix. xvi. xvii. xviii. xix. - - Nitzsch, _Geschichte des deutschen Volkes_. - - Kroenes, _Handbuch der Geschichte Oesterreichs_. - - Ranke, _Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Voelker_ - (translated.) - - Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Onckens - Series). - - Alman, _Kaiser Maximilian I._ - - Vehse, _Memoirs of the House of Austria_ (translated). - - Hutten, Ulrich von, _Schriften_. Ed. Bocking. - - Strauss, _Ulrich von Hutten_ (translated). - - Geiger, _Renaissance und Humanismus in Italien und Deutschland_ - (Onckens Series). - _Johann Reuchlin._ - - Erasmus, _Opera_. Ed. Le Clerc. - - Froude, _Erasmus_. - - Lamprecht, _Deutsche Geschichte_ (good for the Social and - Economic History). - - Allgemeine deutsche Biographie. - - Zeller, _Histoire d'Allemagne: La Reformation_. - - Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (part - translated). - - Janssen, _Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgange des - Mittelalters_ (in course of translation). - - Beard, _The Hibbert Lectures_, 1803. - - Koestlin, _Martin Luther_. - - Maurenbrecher, _Studien u. Skizzen zur Reformationszeit_. - _Geschichte der katholischen Reform_. - _Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten_. - - Armstrong, _Charles V._ - - Baumgarten, _Geschichte Karls V._ - - Garchard, _Life of Charles_, in _Biographie Nationale_, vol. - iii. - - Mignet, _Rivalite de Francois Ier et de Charles Quint_. - - Sir Stirling Maxwell, _Cloister life of Charles V._ - - Lanz, _Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V._ - _Staatspapiere zur Geschichte des Kaisers Karl V._ - - Bradford, _Correspondence of Charles V._ - - Garchard, _Correspondance de Charles Quint et d'Adrien VI._ - - Brandenburg, _Moritz von Sachsen_. - - Ranke, _Zur deutschen Geschichte vom Religionsfrieden bis zum - dreissigjaehrigen Krieg_. - - Wolf, G., _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der - Gegenreformation_. - - Koestlin, _Martin Luther_. - - Kampschutte, _Calvin_. - - _Maps._--Spruner Menke, Nos. 43, 73, 74. - Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, Nos. 37, 38, 39, 47. - - -Bohemia-- - - Palacky, _Geschichte von Boehmen_. - - _Map._--Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, No. 46. - - -Switzerland-- - - Dierauer, _Geschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft_. - - Coolidge, _Article in Encyclopaedia Brit_. - - _Map._--Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, No. 44. - - -Italy-- - - Cf. _Cambridge Modern History_, cc. iv, v, vi, vii, viii, xvi, - xvii, xviii, xix. - - Gregorovius, _Geschichte der Stadt Rom_, vols. vii. viii. - (translated). - - Creighton, _Popes of the Reformation_. - - Ranke, _Die roemischen Paepste_ (translated). - - Pastor, _Geschichte der Paepste_ (translated). - - Sismondi, _Histoire des Republiques italiennes du moyen age_. - - Brown, H. F., _Kalendar of Venetian State Papers_. - _Venice_. - - Romanin, _Storia documentata di Venezia_. - - Perrens, _Histoire de Florence_. - - Guicciardini, _Storia d'Italia_. - _Considerazione intorno ai Discorsi di Machiavelli_: - opere inedite, vol. i. - _Storia Fiorentina_: opere inedite, vol. iii. - - Guido Capponi, _Storia della repubblica di Firenza_. - - Capponi, G. A., _Storia del Reame di Napoli_. - - Jovius, _Vitae illustrium virorum: Elogia virorum illustrium: - Historia sui temporis_. - - _Burcardas Diarium._ Ed. Thuasne, 1883-1885. - - _Giustiniani Dispacci._ Ed. Villari. - - Alberi, _La relazione degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato - durante il Secolo_ xvi. - - Da Porto, _Lettere Storiche_. - - Sanuto, I _Diarii_. - - Symonds, _The Renaissance in Italy_. - - Zeller, _Italie et la Renaissance_. - - Burckhardt, _Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien_ - (translated). - - Geiger, _Humanismus und Renaissance in Italien und Deutschland_ - (Onckens Series). - - Yriarte, _Venise_. - _Cesar Borgia._ - _La vie d'un Patricien de Venise._ - - Burd, _Machiavelli: Il Principe_ (with Biographical and other - Notes). - - Machiavelli, _Storia Fiorentina_ (French translation, Perier, - 1842). - _Legazioni e Commissarii_, vol. iii. of _Opere - Discorsi_. - - Morley, _Machiavelli_ (Romanes Lecture). - - Villari, _Niccolo Machiavelli_ (translated). - _La Storia di G. Savonarola_ (translated). - - Ranke, _Savonarola u. die florentinische Republik_. - - Sarpi Paolo, _Istoria del Concilio Tridentino_ (translated into - French by Courrayer). - - _Maps._--Spruner Menke, No. 27. - Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, Nos. 68, 69. - - -Spain and Netherlands-- - - _Cambridge Modern History_, cc. xi. xiii. - - Schaefer und Schirrmaker, _Geschichte von Spanien_. - - Lafuente, _Historia general de Espana_. - - Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_. - _Philip II._ - - Forneron, _Histoire de Philippe II._ - - Hume, _Spain_. - _Philip of Spain_ (Foreign Statesmen Series). - - Philippson, _West Europa im Zeitalter von Philip II._ - - Bergenroth, _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_. - - Ranke, _Die Osmanen und die spanische Monarchie im 16ten und - 17ten Jahrhundert_ (translated). - - Lettenhove, _Histoire de Flandre_. - - Harrison, _William the Silent_ (Foreign Statesmen Series). - - Miss Putnam, _History of the People of the Netherlands_ - (translated from Dutch of Blok). - _William the Silent._ - - Guillaume Le Taciturne. _Correspondance._ Ed. Gachard. - - Motley, _The United Netherlands_. - - _Maps._--Spruner Menke, No. 19. - Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, Nos. 61, 62, 52. - - -The Ottomans-- - - _Cambridge Modern History_, c. iii. - - La Jonquiere, _Histoire de l'Empire ottoman_. - - Finlay, _History of Greece_. - - Hammer-Purgstall, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_. - - Ranke, _Die Osmanen und die spanische Monarchie im 16ten und - 17ten Jahrhundert_ (translated). - - _Maps._--Spruner Menke, No. 89. - Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, No. 82. - - -Discovery-- - - _Cambridge Modern History_, cc. i. ii. - - Bancroft, _The Pacific States of North America_. - - Beazley, _The Dawn of Modern Geography_. - _John Sebastian Cabot_ (Builders of Great Britain - Series). - - Danvers, _The Portuguese in India_. - - Fiske, _The Discovery of America_. - - Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_. - _John Cabot._ - _The Discovery of North America._ - - Markham, Sir C. R., _Life of Christopher Columbus_. - _History of Peru._ - - Kretchmer, _Die Entdeckung Amerikas_. - - Payne, _History of the New World called America_. - - Peschel, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_. - - Prescott, _History of Conquest of Mexico_. - _History of Conquest of Peru._ - - Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History of America_. - - _Maps._--Spruner Menke, No. 20. - Clarendon Press Historical Atlas, No. 85. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1] This list may be supplemented by reference to the following - Bibliographies:-- - - I. _The Cambridge Modern History_, of which vol. i. has already - appeared. - - II. Armstrong, _Charles V._ - - III. Monod, _Bibliographie de l'Histoire de France_. - - IV. Dahlmann-Waitz, _Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte_. - - V. Foerster, _Kritischer Wegweiser durch die neuere deutsche - historische Litteratur_. - - VI. Pirenne, _Bibliographie de l'histoire de Belgique_. - - VII. Lavisse et Rambaud, _Histoire Generale_. - - -[Illustration: SPAIN, 1494-1598] - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - - | True meaning of the division of History into Periods. - - | Importance of closing years of the fifteenth century. - - | Break-up of mediaeval idea of a World-Church. - - | Rise of Individualism. - -The division of history into periods may be very misleading if its -true purport be not understood. One age can no more be isolated from -the universal course of history than one generation from another. The -ideas, the principles, the aims of man change indeed, but change -slowly, and in their very change are the outcome of the past. The old -generation melts into the new, as the night melts into the day. None -the less, just as the night differs from the day, although it is -impossible to say when the dawn begins, and when the day, so does the -Modern differ from that which has been termed the Middle age. This -once granted, the importance of the later years of the fifteenth -century may be easily grasped. The mediaeval conception of the -great World-Church under Pope and Emperor had by this time lost all -practical power. The authority of the Emperor was confined to Germany, -and was even there disputed, and, if the Papacy still retained its -pretensions, they no longer had their old weight. Not only had they -been resisted by the various powers of Europe in turn, they had even -been severely criticised by two General Councils. Already the man was -born who was to take the lead in the final overthrow of the unity -of the Western Church. Meanwhile, the older society was breaking -up: the links which in binding a man to his lord, his fields, his -trade, or his town, bound him to his fellows, and his livelihood -to him, were falling to pieces, and the 'individual' of modern -life was emerging. To this change many things contributed. The -movement of the Renaissance emancipated men from the somewhat narrow -limits of mediaevalism; it opened to them the knowledge of the -ancients, and gave them a glimpse of the worlds of thought beyond, of -which the New World about to be discovered to the west seemed but a -type. The economic revolution had a like effect. The break-up of the -older organisation of trades under the system of close guilds, was -accompanied by the rise of modern competition. In life, as in thought, -the individual was asserting himself. - - | Growth of nationalities. - - | The rivalries of the nations lead to foreign wars. - - | The triumph of monarchy. - - | Rise of the theory of the Balance of Power and of - | Diplomacy. - -Amidst the clashing of rival interests which this revolution -necessitated, a new principle of unity--that of nationality--arose. -This conception, due to an appreciation of the identity of interest -based on such things as common language, common religion, natural -boundaries, common hopes and fears, was, if a less attractive one than -that of the Holy Roman Empire, at least more capable of realisation, -and alone seemed able to control the spirit of individualism from -running riot. It was in France, Spain, and England that this new -spirit of nationality had been most successful: but, if Germany was -no more than a loose confederation of princes, the Hapsburgs had -already laid the foundation of a monarchy of their own, while the -Pope was becoming more and more the prince of a temporal kingdom -in Italy. The first result of this triumph of nationality was -not surprising. When once a people have realised the identity of -their interests, they are apt to be aggressive. This now occurred. -England indeed, isolated from the Continent and absorbed in domestic -questions, did not take much part as yet; but the others began to -look abroad, and Italy, where alone no political unity existed, -offered fair hopes of spoil. No sooner had France made the first -move in pursuit of her claims on Naples than their cupidity was -aroused, and Western Europe was involved in a series of wars which -continued, with but little intermission, until the Peace of Vervins, -1598. The circumstances of the age gave to this struggle its peculiar -character. National consolidation had been accompanied by the -triumph of the monarchical principle, after its long struggle with -aristocracy--a struggle which of late had not been confined to the -temporal sphere, but had been illustrated also within the Church by -the conflict between the Papacy and the General Councils. It followed -that the dynastic interests of the reigning families predominated. -The monarchs, no doubt, represented the passions and aspirations of -their subjects. Nevertheless, their policy was deeply coloured by -their personal and family rivalries, and hence the wars were more -prolonged than otherwise they might have been. To this also must -in part be attributed the shifting combinations of alliances and -counter-alliances, which change with the variety and rapidity of -a kaleidoscope, and which make the period, so far as its wars are -concerned, one of the most confused in history. In the struggle which -ensued, the Romance and the Teutonic nations came into close though -hostile contact; the theory of the Balance of Power became a guiding -principle of politics; and diplomacy found its birth. - - | Political issues affected by the Reformation. The - | beginning of Modern Europe. - -Before many years were passed, the unity of the Church of the West was -broken by the Reformation. It was inevitable that the religious and -the political questions should become involved. The struggle for -supremacy in Europe, the internal politics of the several kingdoms, -were deeply affected by the religious issues. The web of European -complications became more confused than ever, and, if the interest of -the period before us is thus enhanced, its difficulty is certainly -increased. Into it all the problems of the Middle Age became absorbed, -and out of it Modern Europe was to arise. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE ITALIAN WARS, 1494-1518 - - Political condition of France--Regency of Anne of Beaujeu--The - Italian Expedition--Political Condition of Italy--Charles attacks - Naples--League of Venice--Battle of Fornovo--Retreat and Death of - Charles VIII.--Savonarola--Home Policy of Louis XII.--Louis - attacks Milan--Treaty of Granada and attack on Naples--Quarrel - between Louis and Ferdinand--Battles of Seminara, Cerignola, and - Garigliano--French driven from Naples--Alexander VI. and Caesar - Borgia--League of Cambray--Battle of Agnadello--The Holy - League--Battle of Ravenna--French driven from Italy--Medici - restored to Florence, and Maximilian Sforza to Milan--Conquest of - Spanish Navarre--Break-up of Holy League--Louis XII. succeeded by - Francis I.--Battle of Marignano--Concordat of Bologna--Treaties - of Noyon and London--Causes of decline of Venice. - - -Sec. 1. _The Expedition of Charles VIII._ - -At the date of the Italian expedition, Charles VIII. had been eleven -years on the throne of France. The monarchy to which he succeeded was, -perhaps, less controlled by constitutional checks than any other in -Europe. The crown had earned popularity as the leader in the struggle -against the English--a struggle which had created the French nation; -and as the patron of the middle classes against the feudal nobles. The -Estates-General, the deliberative assembly of the kingdom, had never -succeeded in vindicating its claims. The class divisions which divided -it, as they did the people, had prevented united action. The third -estate did not adequately represent the middle classes; the knights of -the shire, those valuable representatives of the country districts, -who had formed the backbone of the English House of Commons, did -not exist. With these defects, the Estates-General had failed to -secure the command of the purse, or to control the legislation and -administration of the country. All power accordingly lay with the -Royal Council, a body of royal nominees who issued ordinances and -levied taxes at their will, so long as they did not entrench on the -privileges of the nobility to be free from all direct taxation beyond -their feudal dues. - -True, the 'Parlement' of Paris, the supreme judicial court of the -realm, tried to exercise a power of veto by insisting on its right of -registering, and therefore of refusing to register, the royal edicts. -The King, however, could easily overcome this opposition by holding a -'Lit de Justice,'--that is, by summoning the members of the Parlement -before the Great Council, and ordering them to register; and under -a strong King, at least, the Parlement became the humble instrument -rather than the opponent of the crown.[2] - - | Charles VIII. under the guardianship of Anne of - | Beaujeu, 1483-1492. Her successful policy. - -As Charles was in his fourteenth year on the death of his father Louis -XI. in 1483, a regency was not necessary according to the ordinance -of Charles V. (1374). But Louis XI., conscious of the way in which he -had from policy or from cynicism[3] neglected his son's education, -had intrusted him to the guardianship of his daughter Anne, wife of -the Sire de Beaujeu, who, on the death of his elder brother in 1488, -became Duke of Bourbon. - -Of Anne Louis XI. had said 'she is the least foolish woman in France.' -But her conduct during the earlier years of Charles' reign belied his -further remark that 'of wise women he knew none.' She had, in the -interests of centralisation at least, though perhaps to the permanent -loss of her country, successfully evaded the claims made by the -States-General of 1484 to share in the government. She had defeated -the repeated attempts of the nobility headed by Louis of Orleans, -the heir-presumptive, to oust her from power, and to restore feudal -licence--a movement which had been supported by Francis II. Duke of -Brittany, by Maximilian, then King of the Romans, by Richard III., and -subsequently by Henry VII. of England. - -On the death of Francis, Duke of Brittany (1488), she had interfered -in the affairs of the duchy and won by arms the hand of Anne, the -Bretonne heiress, for the young King. By the marriage-contract the -autonomy of Brittany was indeed acknowledged, but it was agreed -that the duchy should fall to the survivor, and the Duchess Anne -bound herself, in the event of her husband dying before her without -children, to marry the next possessor of the French throne. Thus the -way was prepared for the final incorporation into the monarchy of the -last great semi-independent feudatory state, so long a thorn in the -side of France. - -This brilliant triumph of diplomacy aroused all the enemies of France. -Maximilian had a double affront to avenge. He himself had been married -by proxy to Anne of Brittany, while Charles VIII. had at the Treaty of -Arras, 1482, plighted his troth to Margaret, Maximilian's daughter. -Thus, by Charles' marriage with the Breton Duchess, both the Emperor -and his daughter were jilted. Stung by this twofold insult, Maximilian -forthwith laid claim to Margaret's dower, Artois and Franche-Comte, -and tried to enforce his claims by arms. Henry VII. attempted to -prevent the union of Brittany with France, and Ferdinand of Aragon -seized the opportunity to reclaim Roussillon, which had been ceded to -Louis XI. - -The claim of Maximilian to the dower of his daughter was a just one -and could scarce be denied. But the cession of Roussillon should have -been resisted at all hazards, while the interference of Henry VII. -might have been answered by a resolute attempt to regain Calais and -drive the English finally from the kingdom. Whether France was strong -enough for so bold a stroke may perhaps be doubted, but at least her -policy should have been devoted to the strengthening of her frontiers -and the consolidation of the kingdom. - - | Charles bent on the Italian expedition makes peace - | with his enemies. - -Unfortunately at this moment Charles had become infatuated with -the idea of the Italian expedition. Being now old enough to act -independently of his sister, he hurriedly yielded to the demands of -his enemies. Henry VII. was bought off by the Treaty of Etaples, -November 1492. Cerdagne and Roussillon were ceded to Ferdinand by the -Treaty of Barcelona, January 1493, and by the Treaty of Senlis, May -1493, the princess Margaret was restored to her father with Artois and -Franche-Comte. Having thus evaded his difficulties near home, Charles -hurried on his preparations for the Italian campaign. - - | Condition of Italy in 1494. - -After the fall of the Roman Empire, Italy had rapidly lost all -national cohesion. In spite of fruitless attempts which were made -now and again to establish a united kingdom in the Peninsula, the -principle of disintegration had finally triumphed. The Emperors of -the West indeed had claimed supremacy, but, since the close of the -thirteenth century, this had ceased to be a reality, and on the ruins -of those claims, amidst numerous smaller states, five had risen to -special prominence. - - | Milan. - -In the centre of the plain of Lombardy stood Milan, which at the close -of the thirteenth century had fallen to the Visconti. That cruel but -capable family, while they destroyed the liberties, extended the -dominion of the republic, and absorbed most of the smaller states -of the plain which escaped the rule of Venice. The territory, which -on the extinction of the male line of the Visconti was seized by -the Condottiere, Francesco Sforza (1450), stretched from the river -Adda, where it marched with the Venetian lands, to the Sesia, where -it met Piedmont then under the Duke of Savoy, and the Marquisate of -Montferrat. In 1476, the son of Francesco, Galeazzo Maria, had paid -the penalty of his tyranny, lust, and cruelty at the hands of three -Milanese nobles who, if tyrannicide may ever be defended, are worthy -of the name of patriots. He left a widow Bona of Savoy, who ruled -in the name of her infant son Gian Galeazzo, aided by her husband's -wisest counsellor, Francesco Simonetta. Three years later, 1479, -Ludovico 'Il Moro,' uncle of the young Gian, overthrew her rule, -caused Simonetta to be executed, and assumed the regency. Ludovico, -though ambitious, unscrupulous, and a lover of intrigue, was not -wantonly cruel as many of his predecessors had been, and, if his rule -was a despotic one, he was a liberal patron of the arts and kept his -dominions contented and at peace. - - | Venice. - -To the east of the Duchy of Milan stood the republic of Venice. Once -a democracy, she had by the close of the thirteenth century become -a commercial oligarchy. At the close of the fifteenth century, not -only did the Great Council monopolise the electoral functions of the -state, but the Doge himself had become little more than an ornamental -figure-head.[4] Venice originally had concerned herself little with -the politics of the mainland. Entrenched behind her lagoons, she had -turned her attention to the Mediterranean and the East, from whence -came her commerce, the source of her wealth. At the commencement of -the fifteenth century, however, she had turned her eye westward to -form a territory on the mainland.[5] In this venture she had indeed -met with great success, and, besides her possessions on the east of -the Adriatic, in the Morea, and the Aegean Sea, she now ruled a large -territory north of the Po, which stretched westwards to the Adda and -northwards to the spurs of the Alps. But this policy had drawn her -into the troubled tangle of Italian politics, and aroused the jealousy -of the Italian states. Still Venice was formidable. By the treaty of -1479, she had surrendered indeed Scutari, Negropont, and most of her -possessions in the Morea, but had retained her commercial privileges, -and secured a temporary peace with the Turk. In 1488, she annexed, by -a fiction of remarkable ingenuity, the island of Cyprus. - -The rule of her aristocracy was far less corrupt and far more -consistent than that of other Italian states. The stability of her -Government and her immunity from those revolutions to which the other -states of Italy were ever subject excited the envy of her neighbours. -The leniency and wisdom with which she governed her dependencies -secured her the loyalty of her subjects. Her riches were still great; -her patronage of art magnificent; and if the tone of private morality -was low, it was not lower than in the rest of Italy. - - | Mantua and Ferrara. - -To the south and south-west of Venice lay the two independent -territories of Mantua and of Ferrara. Of these Mantua, situated amid -the marshy flats of the Mincio, belonged to the warrior family of the -Gonzagas, while Ferrara, commanding the mouths of the Po, was ruled by -the ancient house of Este. - - | Florence. - -Nestling under the Apennines, Florence held the watershed of the Arno -with her dependent cities of Volterra, Arezzo, Cortona, Pistoja, and -Pisa. To the north-west and to the south of her lay the independent -states of Lucca and Siena, long her deadly enemies. - -Nominally a republic based on a system of trade-guilds, Florence was -practically in the hands of the Medici, who, while they left the -outward form of the constitution intact, kept the government in the -hands of their partisans. From time to time a packed 'Parliament' -of the citizens elected committees or Balias, under whose control -the Signory and other officials were selected. Finally, in 1480, -a college of seventy, practically nominated by Lorenzo, took for -a time the place of the Balias. This college not only nominated -the Signory, but elected the _Consiglio Maggiore_, the legislative -body of the republic, and thus became master of the city. A clever -manipulation of the taxes, by which they struck at the rich, gained -the Medici the support of the lower classes, while the confusion of -the public treasury with the finances of their banking-house gave them -the final control of the administration.[6] The rule of the Medici -was a far more temperate one than that of the Sforza of Milan. Their -power was the result of real political genius. By that alone they had -succeeded in controlling the most restless, the most acute, and the -most brilliant people the world had yet seen since the days of the -Athenians. In Florence was concentrated the essence of Italian art and -literature, and with it, alas, much of that immorality and licence -which stains the glory of the Renaissance. Unfortunately, at this -crisis of her history, Lorenzo the Magnificent, the type of a Medicean -prince, died (April 1492), and, under the incapable rule of his son -Piero, the authority of the family was being rapidly undermined. - - | The Papal States. - -Encircling the territories of Siena and Florence on the south and the -east, and stretching across the centre of Italy from sea to sea, stood -the Papal States, formed of the Patrimony of St. Peter, the Campagna, -the Duchy of Spoleto, the March of Ancona and the Romagna. - -Of these territories all, except the two first, while acknowledging -the suzerainty of the Pope, were practically independent, and in -the Patrimony and in the Campagna, the powerful families of the -Orsini and the Colonna were ever setting his authority at defiance. -It had been of late the policy of the Popes to enforce their rule -in these districts and to organise a strong temporal dominion, a -policy definitely begun by Sixtus IV. (1471-1484). They are probably -right who maintain that by this means alone could the Papacy hope to -survive. The mediaeval conception of the Holy Roman Empire had gone -beyond recall. The idea of a united Christendom under one faith was -no longer a reality. Largely, though by no means entirely, through -its own deficiencies, the Papacy had lost its moral hold on Europe, -and the attempt of Nicolas V. (1447-1455) and Pius II. (1458-1464) -to regain the intellectual leadership of Europe had met with scant -success. During the period of the captivity of Avignon (1309-1377), -and the great Schism (1378-1417), the power of the larger Italian -states, and the lust for further extension, had grown. Under these -circumstances, if the Papacy was to save itself from falling as low -as it had fallen in the tenth century, when it was the puppet of the -neighbouring nobles, it must needs follow suit, and form a strong -and united dominion. Yet the necessity cost it dear. Sucked into the -vortex of political intrigue, the Papacy prostituted its spiritual -powers for these secular objects and shocked the conscience of Europe. -Unfortunately the Popes who ascended the papal throne at this moment -were men of low principle. Sixtus IV. (1471-1484) was venal, and -sacrificed everything for the advancement of his nephews. Innocent -VIII. (1484-1492), hopelessly corrupt and indolent, was the first -Pope who openly acknowledged his children; while of Rodrigo Borgia, -who ruled as Pope Alexander VI. from 1492 to 1503, it is difficult -to speak with moderation. To enumerate the charges which have been -brought against him would exhaust the crimes of the decalogue. Even -if we dismiss those charges on which the evidence is not conclusive, -it cannot be denied that Alexander was profligate beyond ordinary -profligacy, contemptuous of the ordinary conventionalities of decency, -avaricious and cruel, and in statesmanship absolutely without scruple. - -The desire of the Popes to form a temporal dominion was also injurious -to Italy.[7] Not strong enough to unite the Peninsula under their -own sway, they were determined to prevent its union under any other -hands. In this attempt to reconcile their interests as head of the -Church with those of a temporal prince, they were ever ready to barter -away their country's liberties. They had more than once before this -summoned the foreigner to their aid, and, if they were not responsible -for the first invasion of the French, they went far to make the -foreign dominion permanent. - -The extremity of the Peninsula formed the kingdom of Naples, now in -the hands of Ferrante I. (1458-1494), illegitimate son of Alfonso -the Magnanimous, of Aragon; while Sicily and Sardinia belonged, with -Aragon, to the legitimate branch represented just now by Ferdinand -the Catholic (1479-1516). Always the most disturbed of the Italian -states, Naples had in 1485 been the scene of a baronial revolt against -the tyranny of Ferrante. The King, indeed, by cunning and ability had -triumphed, but his faithlessness and inhuman cruelties had made him -most unpopular, and his rule most insecure. He died in January 1494, -to be succeeded by his son Alfonso II. (1494-1495), who, according to -the French chronicler Commines, though not so dangerous, was a worse -man than his father, since 'never was any prince more bloody, wicked, -inhuman, lascivious, or gluttonous than he.' - - | Rivalry of these states. - -The rivalry of these five states, mutually repellent, yet unable to -establish complete independence, was to cause the ruin of Italy. Too -equally balanced to allow of the supremacy of one, too jealous of each -other and too divergent in the character of their peoples and the -form of their governments to unite in a federal bond, they lost all -sense of common national interest. The existence of numerous petty -states between their frontiers, which could only hope to survive by -dexterous intrigue, excited their cupidity and thickened the thread of -treacherous diplomacy which was now to call the foreigner into Italy. - - | Intellectual activity and moral degradation of the - | Italians. - -But if the quarrels of these Italian rulers led to the first invasion, -and subsequently prevented any permanent coalition, the condition -of the people of Italy destroyed all hope of successful resistance. -In reading the social history of Italy during the fifteenth century -two lessons are forced upon us: first, the fatal effect of the loss -of liberty, and of political faction on the moral fibre of a people; -secondly, the danger of luxury, and of devotion to art and literature, -if not chastened by the religious spirit. - -In states like Milan and Naples, where all political liberty had been -destroyed, the only weapons of the oppressed were those the tyrant -had taught them--intrigue and assassination. In cities like Florence, -where constitutional forms remained but the spirit had fled, and -where the state was torn by deadly feuds which vented themselves -in cruel proscription and exile of the defeated, the people were -inspired by mutual suspicion and deep political hatreds. To lose -power was to lose everything. Hence men became desperate, forgot -the necessity for patience, the duty of a minority, and sought to -overthrow their enemies by secret conspiracy or open revolt. In the -smaller states things were worse. There was even less stability, the -factions were more bitter, the chance of successful revolt greater. No -doubt Venice and the Papal Dominions were more stable than the rest of -the Peninsula, but even there intrigue, corruption, and conspiracies -were not uncommon. - -Amid such political circumstances as these, not only did all feeling -of Italian nationality perish, but patriotism for city or kingdom -died before the imperative instincts of self-preservation. The -worship of success replaced devotion to principle and obedience -to authority, while cleverness and selfishness flourished at the -expense of morality. Moreover, to protect themselves or to pursue -their schemes of conquest, the tyrants introduced the Condottieri. -The republics, partly from indolence, partly from the difficulty -of resisting the trained soldier with a half-disciplined militia, -followed suit, and Italy became the victim of mercenaries. Of war -these made a game: with no interest in the quarrels beyond their wage, -or their individual ambitions, they loved the battlefield by which -they lived, yet did not wish the battle to be decisive. Ever ready to -change sides at the dictates of self-interest, or for higher pay, they -set up and overthrew states and spread confusion around. Meanwhile -the citizens forgot the art of war, and, when the moment of their -trial came, finding themselves no match for the martial nations of the -North, were frightened at the fury of their onslaught. - -The rapid increase of luxury and the development of literature and -art tended to the same results. Undue devotion to material comfort -made the Italians cowardly, selfish, and indolent. The revival -of the critical faculty led to scepticism; the critic destroyed -indeed, but had not the enthusiasm nor the faith to reconstruct. -The return to classical ideals caused a revival of paganism, while -the concentration of man's mind on the pleasures of art, on the -sensuous delight in beauty of form and colour, led many on to -sensuality. The history of the Renaissance stands as a warning that -the aesthetic spirit is not necessarily religious or even moral. -No doubt it is easy to exaggerate. No doubt there were to be found -many who lived a pure and simple life. Perhaps the denunciations -of an enthusiast like Savonarola[8] are too extravagant. But the -contemporary evidence against the Italians is overwhelming. The -literature of the time must have found readers. The cynical frankness -with which Machiavelli disregards all moral scruples in his treatises -on the art of government are without parallel in the history of -political literature, and the carnival songs of Lorenzo are of -themselves enough to convince us of the depths of degradation to -which Italian morality had sunk. Thus Italy, without any sense of -nationality or patriotism, and devoid of those more sterling qualities -which might have rendered resistance possible, was to see her fair -plains the scene of other nations' rivalries, and to fall eventually -under the yoke of a foreign dominion which lasted till our own day. - - | French claims on Italy. - -The French claims on Italy were twofold, and were of long standing. -The House of Orleans, in virtue of their descent from Valentina, -heiress of the Visconti of Milan, looked upon themselves as the -legitimate aspirants to the ducal throne, and considered the Sforzas -usurpers. The House of Anjou disputed the title of the Aragonese kings -of Naples and declared that Joanna II., who died in 1435, had left her -territories to Rene, the head of their house. The claims of the House -of Orleans were now represented by Louis of Orleans, cousin of Charles -VIII., who already held Asti, while those of the House of Anjou -had in 1481 fallen to the crown, together with Anjou and Provence, -according to the will of Rene I., the last Duke of Anjou. Louis XI. -had contented himself with Anjou and Provence, but his foolish and -ambitious son, fascinated with the dream of a southern kingdom which -might serve as a starting-point for a new crusade against the Turk, -was eager to enforce his claims in Italy. Yet even Charles might have -hesitated if a quarrel between Milan and Naples had not offered a -tempting opportunity. - - | The Peace of Italy depended on the Triple Alliance of - | Milan, Florence, and Naples. - -In 1435, Alfonso the Magnanimous, the rival of Rene of Anjou for the -kingdom of Naples, had warned Filippo Maria, who then ruled Milan, -that the French, once masters of Naples, would seek to extend their -territories in the north. Francesco Sforza, who secured Milan shortly -after Filippo's death (1450), conscious that the legitimate claim to -Milan had passed with the hand of Valentina to the French House of -Orleans, needed no convincing. The result had been a close alliance -between these two powers, which had been strengthened by the marriage -of Ippolita, Sforza's daughter, with Alfonso, Prince of Calabria. -Lorenzo, true to the traditional policy of the Medici, had joined -this league. He hoped, by a triple alliance of Milan, Naples, and -Florence, to maintain the balance of power in Italy, resist the desire -for territorial aggression shared by Venice and the Papacy, and, by -keeping peace within the Peninsula, deprive the foreigner of all -excuse for interference. Whether Lorenzo would have succeeded may well -be doubted, but certainly his death (April 1492) removed the only man -to whom success was possible. - - | Rupture of the Alliance between Milan and Naples - | forces Ludovico to call in the foreigner. - -Even before Lorenzo died, the alliance between Milan and Naples had -threatened to break up. The _coup d'etat_ of 1479, by which Ludovico -'Il Moro' had seized the reins of power from Bona of Savoy, had -received the approval of Ferrante of Naples. In the following year, -however (1480), the death of Ippolita, Ludovico's sister and wife of -Alfonso, son of Ferrante, broke the bond between the two families. -The subsequent marriage of the young Gian Galeazzo, with Alfonso's -daughter, Isabella (1489), made matters worse. Alfonso became jealous -of Ludovico's rule and wished to see his son-in-law, who had in -the year 1492 reached the age of twenty, recognised as duke. This -jealousy was shared by Isabella, who was envious of the higher honours -conferred on her kinswoman, Beatrice of Este, the wife of Ludovico. - -Piero de Medici, who had just succeeded Lorenzo at Florence (1492), -joined Alfonso in a secret league against Ludovico, to which Ferrante -of Naples was somewhat unwillingly prevailed upon to accede. Thus the -triple alliance of Milan, Naples, Florence, upon which the safety of -Italy depended, was broken, and Ludovico was driven to look elsewhere -for support. To Maximilian, who in 1493 was elected emperor, he gave -the hand of his niece, Bianca, and gained in return the investiture -of his duchy, which had hitherto been denied to the Sforza family. -Despairing of more effective aid from that impecunious prince, he next -turned to France. San Severino, Count of Cajazzo, was sent to 'tickle -Charles, who was but twenty-one years of age, with the vanities and -glories of Italy, and to urge the right he had to the fine kingdom of -Naples' (Commines). - -The policy of Ludovico has received undue condemnation. Every Italian -prince had called upon the French when it suited his purpose. Hitherto -Ludovico had been the most strenuous opponent of this policy, and -when in 1485, Innocent VIII. had urged Rene II. of Lorraine to press -the Angevin claims on Naples, it was he who had prevented it. Though -selfish, and a master of diplomatic treachery, he was by no means the -worst of the Italian princes of his day. It was the altered policy -of Naples which drove him to the fatal step. Moreover, Gian Galeazzo -was an incapable man, and it seems probable that Alfonso, who had an -insatiable lust for power, hoped to make him his puppet. Ludovico -neither desired nor expected the French to conquer Naples. Italians, -indeed, had so often used the threat of foreign intervention that they -had forgotten what it might mean. His appeal to Charles was but a -move in the game of intrigue which all were playing, and all that can -be said is that, while others had tried it without success, Ludovico -succeeded, to his own ruin, and that of Italy. Nor was he the only one -who at this moment called on Charles. His exhortations were supported -by the Prince of Salerno, a Neapolitan fugitive, eager to avenge the -cruelties which Ferrante, in violation of his promise, had exercised -on the leaders of the revolt of the Barons in 1485. To these were -added the solicitations of the Cardinal Julian della Rovere, the rival -and deadly enemy of Borgia, who had just ascended the papal throne as -Alexander VI. (August 1492). - - | Charles decides on the expedition in spite of better - | advice. - -'The question of the expedition,' says Philippe de Commines, 'was -warmly debated, since by all persons of experience and wisdom it -was looked upon as a very dangerous undertaking.' Anne of Beaujeu, -her husband, and many others, did their best to dissuade the King, -but 'Charles was foolish and obstinate,' and was supported in his -obstinacy by his favourites, Stephen de Vers, once gentleman of the -Chamber, now Seneschal of Beaucaire, and Briconnet, Bishop of St. -Malo; the one hoping for lands in Naples, the other for a cardinal's -hat, promised by the Milanese ambassadors. The younger nobles, eager -for the spoils of Italy, joined in the cry, and Charles rashly started -on an enterprise 'for which neither his exchequer, his understanding, -nor his preparations sufficed.' - - | Charles crosses the Alps. Sept. 2, 1494. - -In August, the King, who had wasted the spring and early summer at -Lyons, spending on festivities and on amorous intrigues the money he -had collected or borrowed for his expedition, passed down the Rhone -to Vienne, and thence crossed the Alps by the pass of Mont Genevre -(September 2). His army was not exclusively a French one, for German -landsknechts and Swiss mercenaries also accompanied it. Thus it was -a fit harbinger of those foreign invasions which were for the next -hundred years to desolate the fair plains of Italy. - - | Charles crosses the Apennines and advances on - | Florence. - -At Asti, where Ludovico met him, he was delayed first by his gaieties, -then by illness, and it was not until the 6th of October that he -left Asti for Piacenza. Here the question as to his future course -was debated. He was now to leave the territories of his ally. Venice -to the north-east was neutral. The Pope, had after some hesitation, -decided to resist the French. In Florence, opinion was much divided. -The citizens, true to their traditions, were for the French, and were -strengthened in their views by the warnings of Savonarola that a -scourge should chastise Italy. Piero, on the other hand, was in league -with Naples. Finally, it was decided to choose the more western route -by the Via di Pontremoli rather than the easier way through Bologna. -Charles would thus avoid the Neapolitan Prince, Ferrante, who had been -sent by his father, now King Alfonso, to hold the Romagna, and would -maintain his communications with the sea which had been won by the -victory of the Duke of Orleans over Don Federigo, the brother of the -King of Naples, at Rapallo (September 8). Florence, moreover, it was -hoped, would declare for France on the king's approach. - - | Piero driven from Florence. Nov. 9, 1494. - -The pass was a difficult one, and the country through which it passed -was so barren that it did not even supply forage for the horses. Had -the French here been met with stubborn resistance they might never -have penetrated into Tuscany, for Ludovico was beginning to repent of -having called Charles into Italy. His suspicions of French designs on -Milan were already aroused, and the death of his unfortunate nephew, -Gian Galeazzo (October 1494), by poison, as was generally believed, -removed the need of French assistance against Naples. But the divided -counsels of the Florentines came to Charles' aid. The French were -left to pass the defiles undisturbed, and after sacking the town of -Fivizzano, sat down before the fortress of Sarzana. Hither Piero, -terrified at the disaffection in Florence, hastened, and acceded to -Charles' demands. He promised a sum of money; he surrendered four of -the most important cities: Sarzana, Pietra-Santa, Pisa, and Leghorn. -These humiliating concessions still further irritated the Florentines. -On Piero's return to Florence (November 8) the citizens rushed to -arms, and he was forced to fly in disguise to Venice. The defection of -Florence threatened the position of Ferrante in the Romagna and opened -the way to Rome. Thither therefore Ferrante retired. - - | Charles enters Florence, and having with difficulty - | made terms, passes on to Rome. - -Meanwhile Charles, after granting to the Pisans freedom from their -hated mistress Florence, a present which was not his to give, passed -on to Florence. Disregarding the warning of Savonarola that he would -only be victorious if he showed mercy, especially to Florence, and -was not an occasion of stumbling, he entered the city 'with lance -in rest' as if he came as conqueror (November 17). This threatening -attitude was accompanied by extravagant demands. First, he asked -for the recall of Piero. That being refused, he insisted that a -French lieutenant should be left in the city, whose consent should be -necessary for every act. As the Florentines still demurred, the king -in anger said: 'We shall sound our trumpets.' 'And,' we answered, -'Capponi shall sound our bells.' Seeing that he might go too far, -Charles abated his demands. The Florentines consented to pay 120,000 -florins in six months, and to allow two representatives of the king -to remain in Florence. But the Medici were not to be recalled, and -Charles promised to restore the cities ceded to him by Piero at the -end of the war (November 27). Having thus settled the difficulty -with Florence, Charles passed through Siena which accepted a French -garrison (December 2), and advanced on Rome. - - | Alexander comes to terms. Jan. 15, 1495. - -Alexander VI. had done his best for the cause of Naples, but he now -became seriously alarmed. His correspondence with the Turkish Sultan, -Bajazet II., in which, in return for help, the murder of the Sultan's -brother, Djem, then in Alexander's keeping, had been mooted, had -fallen into Charles' hands. His enemies were crying for a General -Council. Ostia had been seized by Fabrizio Colonna in the name of his -enemy, della Rovere (September 18). He therefore determined to come -to terms, and, securing a free retreat for Ferrante and his army, -admitted the French within the walls of Rome, while he retired to the -castle of St. Angelo. The Cardinals della Rovere and Sforza urged -Charles to offer no further concessions, and to summon a General -Council which should depose the Pope and proceed to reform the Church. -But Briconnet did not wish for a breach which might endanger his hope -of a cardinal's hat; Charles was scarcely the man for a reformer; the -bribes of Alexander had their effect; and finally a compromise was -effected. The Pope agreed to surrender Civita Vecchia, Terracina, -and Spoleto, for safe keeping till the conclusion of the war, to -pardon the rebellious cardinals, and to deliver up Prince Djem. He -also conferred on the bishop of St. Malo the coveted cardinal's hat, -and ordered his son, Cardinal Caesar Borgia, to accompany Charles -as a hostage. No sooner had the king left Rome for the south than -Caesar slipped away, and Djem died. The death of the latter, popularly -attributed to poison administered by Alexander, was probably due to -natural causes; but Caesar's disappearance warned Charles that no -trust could be placed in the promises of the Pope. - - | Alfonso resigns his crown and goes to Sicily. Feb. 3, - | 1495. - -The success of the French had been so extraordinary, that Alfonso -might well feel dismay. He knew that his subjects hated him with a -deadly hatred, and, with the cowardice so common to cruel men, he now -became a victim of superstitious terror. Declaring that 'the very -stones and trees cried France,' he resigned his crown to his son and -fled to Sicily (February 3, 1495). - - | Charles enters Naples. Feb. 23, 1495. - -His son, Ferrante II., showed more spirit and joined his army at -San Germano. Here a mountain pass and the river Garigliano offered -a favourable opportunity for defence; but the news of the savage -conduct of the French at the storming of Monte San Giovanni spread -terror among his troops, and they fell back on Capua. A revolt at -Naples recalled Ferrante, to find that his general, Trivulzio, had -made terms with Charles. Naples now rose again, and the luckless King, -declaring that he suffered for the sins of his fathers, not his own, -and promising to come to the aid of his faithless subjects, should the -barbarity of the French cause them to wish for his return, sailed for -Sicily (February 21). On the following day Charles entered Naples, and -within a few weeks all the country, with the exception of one or two -fortresses, was in his hands. - - | Reaction against the French. - -'The success of Charles,' says Commines, 'must be considered the work -of Providence.' Almost without breaking a lance, he had traversed the -length of Italy and won a kingdom. It seemed as if his boast, that he -would lead a crusade against the Turks and conquer Constantinople, -would be fulfilled. But his triumph was short-lived, and 'his fortunes -changed as suddenly as the day rises in Norway.' The French, puffed -up by their success, 'scarce considered the Italians to be men,' and -alienated them by their cruelties and licence. Charles took no steps -to secure his conquest, but betook himself to his pleasures. No pains -were taken to conciliate the Neapolitan nobles; all offices were -conferred on Frenchmen, and the promised remission of taxes was never -fulfilled. - - | The League of Venice. March 31, 1495. - -Meanwhile a storm was gathering in the North. Ludovico had long -repented of his rashness in inviting the French, and feared that -Louis of Orleans might lay claim to Milan; the Pope dreaded a General -Council, and was only too glad to raise up enemies against the King; -Venice, which had at first laughed at the expedition, became seriously -alarmed; Ferdinand the Catholic had already remonstrated with Charles, -and began to apprehend an attack on Sicily; the dignity of Maximilian -was ruffled by the preponderance of the House of Valois. Negotiations -between these powers had long been going on at Venice. The conquest -of Naples brought matters to a climax, and on March 31, they formed -the League of Venice, ostensibly to defend their territories and to -prepare for war against the Turks. Guicciardini asserts that they -secretly engaged to drive the French from Italy. Their object was more -probably to protect themselves against further French aggression. -Florence alone refused to break faith with the French, hoping to -regain Pisa through their help. - - | Charles retreats. - -With incredible folly, Charles delayed till May, in the vain hopes of -receiving the papal investiture of Naples. Then hastily receiving the -crown at the hands of the Archbishop of Naples, he began his retreat -with scarce 10,000 men (May 20). The Count of Montpensier, 'a good -soldier,' says Commines, 'but with little wisdom, and so indolent -that he did not rise till mid-day,' was left as viceroy. Stephen de -Vers, now Duke of Nola, was made governor of Gaeta and controller -of the finances, and Stuart d'Aubigny, the best soldier of them all, -governor of Calabria. As Charles approached Rome, Alexander fled to -Orvieto; and thence to Perugia. Arrived in Tuscany, Charles found -all in confusion. Siena, Lucca, and Pisa had formed a league against -Florence, and pleaded for French assistance. The Florentines, who had -reformed their government after the advice of Savonarola, demanded -the restitution of the cities temporarily ceded to the King. Charles, -incapable of decision, put them off with negotiations, and leaving -French garrisons in the ceded towns, crossed the Apennines, June 23. - - | The Battle of Fornovo. July 6, 1495. - -But the French were not to escape from Italy without a battle. Their -fleet on the west coast protected them from the attack of Venetian -or Spanish ships, but on the mainland the forces of Milan and of -Venice under the Marquis of Mantua met them at Fornovo on the Taro. -The army of the League had the advantage of numbers and position, -and had they shown determination, might have inflicted a decisive -defeat. But the Italians were little eager to bring the French to -bay, and Charles, wisely wishing to pursue his march, pushed on his -vanguard. It was met by the Milanese troops under the Count Cajazzo, -but the attack was feeble and easily repulsed. This, according to -Guicciardini, was due to Ludovico. Fearing that too complete a victory -might place him in the power of the Venetian troops, which were far -more numerous than his own, and that too crushing a defeat might draw -on him the vengeance of the French, he had ordered his captain not to -press the French too closely. Meanwhile the assault on the centre and -rearguard was far more vigorous, and Charles was in momentary danger. -He was, however, saved by the enemies' want of discipline; many of the -Italians turned to plunder his camp, the reserves did not attack, and -the French king, with loss of baggage but not of prestige, was able to -pursue his way. - - | Treaty of Vercelli. Oct. 10, 1495. - -At Asti, Charles was delayed by the question of Novara. Louis of -Orleans had occupied that town in June, only to be besieged by -Ludovico. In vain, Louis begged for instant aid. Charles would not -stir till reinforcements came, and meanwhile solaced himself with -amorous intrigues. Fortunately Ludovico was anxious to get the French -out of Italy, and in October came to terms. Louis surrendered the -town, but Ludovico, breaking with the League, promised to give free -passage to the French, and even to assist them whenever they might -march against Naples. This, however, seemed unlikely for the present. - - | Charles leaves Italy and his conquests melt away. - -No sooner had Charles turned his back on Naples than his conquests -began to melt away. The Neapolitans, according to Guicciardini, were -the most inconstant people of Italy, and the follies of the French -reminded them of Ferrante's words. Ferrante accordingly returned at -the end of May, aided by troops sent by Ferdinand the Catholic under -Gonzalvo de Cordova, the most brilliant of the Spanish generals. -Defeated by Stuart d'Aubigny at Seminara, and driven to Messina, he -directed a second attack on Naples. The city rose, the gates were -opened, and Montpensier took refuge in the castle (July 7), which -he was forced to evacuate shortly after. The Venetians, in return -for money, were allowed to occupy Monopoli, Otranto, Brindisi, and -Trani. Montpensier struggled on for some time longer, hoping for -reinforcements from France. But Charles was immersed in pleasure; -Louis of Orleans, who was heir-presumptive to the throne, refused to -leave France, and finally Montpensier capitulated at Atella (July 21, -1496). D'Aubigny, though sick with fever, held out a little longer, -but by the close of the year 1496, all was lost to France. Ferrante -did not live to see the end. He died in September, and his uncle -Federigo quietly succeeded him. Thus five kings had sat on the throne -of Naples within three years. - -Of Charles' acquisitions, the only traces which remained were the -cities ceded to him by Florence. These should have been restored on -his retreat, but in hopes of return, Charles had evaded his promise, -and the officers he had left in command proceeded to violate it -entirely. Leghorn was indeed surrendered in September, but Sarzana was -sold to the Genoese, Pietra-Santa to Lucca, and the citadel of Pisa to -the Pisans. Of these Pisa was only regained in 1509, after a prolonged -struggle which exhausted the republic and contributed materially to -its fall, Pietra-Santa not till the Medici had been restored in 1513, -and Sarzana not at all. Thus the ally of France was the one to suffer -most. - - | Death of Charles VIII. April 7, 1498. - -Charles VIII. survived the Italian expedition scarce three years. -Always indulging in dreams of a renewed attack on Naples, he was at -first too much engrossed in his pleasures to carry them into effect. -During the last few months of his life he had, according to Commines, -'resolved within himself to live a more strict and religious life.' -If so, death anticipated him. While staying at the castle of Amboise, -which was being embellished by Neapolitan artists, he struck his head -against the lintel of a door, and died at the age of twenty-seven of a -fit of apoplexy which resulted from it (April 1498). - -Contemptible in mind, though with great bodily strength, inspired with -chivalrous ideas which he had not the capacity to execute, a victim to -profligacy, it is strange that he should have played such a leading -part in history, and yet it does not seem altogether unfit that those -Italian wars, which caused such infinite misery in Italy, and were -so disastrous to the best interests of France, should be associated -with his name. His children had all died in infancy, and the crown -accordingly passed to his cousin and brother-in-law, Louis, Duke of -Orleans, then a man of the age of thirty-six. - - -Sec. 2. _Savonarola and Florence._ - -A month after the death of Charles VIII., the Friar Savonarola, who -had done so much to give an air of mystery to the Italian expedition, -fell a victim to his enemies. - - | Savonarola, Prior of San Marco, 1491. - -This remarkable man was born at Ferrara in 1452. Having gradually won -a reputation as a preacher of wonderful power and zeal, he was in the -year 1491, elected Prior of the Dominican Convent of San Marco in -Florence. In spite of the independent attitude which he here assumed, -Lorenzo showed him no ill favour, and even summoned the friar to his -deathbed to ask a blessing.[9] In all probability, however, Savonarola -would have remained a great revivalist preacher and nothing more, had -it not been for the expedition of Charles VIII. The constant theme of -his sermons had been that the scourge of God should visit Italy to -punish her for her sins and purify her by fire. The French invasion, -and the rapid success of Charles were looked upon as the fulfilment -of his prophecy, and Savonarola became one of the leading men in -Florence. - - | Savonarola and the revolution of 1494. - -In the overthrow of the Medici he did not take an active part, but -on Piero's flight (November 1494) he was sucked into the politics -of the city. Supported by his powerful advocacy from the pulpit in -the Duomo, and guided by his advice, the popular party, to which he -naturally belonged, was able to introduce and carry a reform of the -Constitution. By the decree of December 23, the government was to be -as follows:-- - -A permanent Great Council (_Consiglio Maggiore_) was to be composed -of all eligible 'citizens,' that is, of all citizens of the age of -thirty whose father, grandfather, or great-grandfather had been -elected to the greater offices of state. This Council, numbering some -3000, was to elect out of its own members a 'senate' (_Consiglio -degli ottanta_), holding office for six months, and forming with the -Consiglio Maggiore the legislative body of the city. Further, the -Great Council was to nominate the Signory and other magistrates out of -a list presented by a body of nominators, themselves elected in the -Council, and to hear appeals on criminal cases. The Signory remained -as it was before, composed of the Gonfalonier and the eight priors: -it was to be elected every two months, while the Ten of Liberty and -Peace (_Dieci di Liberta e Pace_), in whose hands lay the conduct of -foreign affairs, were to hold office for six months. - -The constitution can scarcely be called a democratic one, for at least -7000 citizens were disenfranchised. In common with most theorists -of his day, Savonarola admired the stability of Venice, and vainly -thought to secure this for his native city by establishing a closed -and permanent electoral and legislative body, the Consiglio Maggiore, -after the Venetian type. Nevertheless, the government was preferable -to the old system, by which the city, a republic in name, had fallen -into the control of a single family and their clique. - -Savonarola did not content himself with this. From his pulpit he -insisted on moral reformation as the necessary basis of true liberty, -and pressed for a general amnesty which might allay the dangers of -party strife. In thus becoming a politician, Savonarola protested that -he acted unwillingly. In his sermon of December 21, 1494, he declared -that he had pleaded with God to be excused from meddling with the -government, but had been bidden to go on and establish a holy city, -which favoured virtue and looked to Christ as its master. - - | Savonarola becomes associated with a political party - | and arouses enmity at home and abroad. - -That Savonarola was sincere we may well believe. None the less -the interference in politics was a fatal error. Thereby he became -closely associated with a party, responsible for its faults, and -dependent on its success. This weakened his position as a reformer, -while his adherents had henceforth to count as enemies all those who -disliked his attempts at a reform of morals. A serious opposition -was thus aroused. The Bigi (the Greys) worked for the restoration -of the Medici; the Arrabiati (the enraged), while casting off the -Medici, objected to the changes in the Constitution; the Compagnacci -(companions) disliked the preacher's interference with their -pleasures. These three groups, working at first with very different -aims, were eventually united together in common opposition to the -Piagnoni (weepers), the followers of the friar. But if Savonarola's -interference in the politics of the city weakened his position in -Florence, the attitude of his party drew down upon him the enmity of -foreign statesmen. The desire to regain Pisa was an overmastering -passion at Florence, and there was nothing she would not suffer to -attain that end. She had refused to join the League of Venice, in -the hopes of regaining Pisa from the hands of Charles. These hopes -had been disappointed. Still the adherents of the friar headed by -Francesco Valori, clung fondly to the dream that Charles would -once more enter Italy, and at last fulfil his promise. In these -expectations they were supported by the preaching of Savonarola, -who announced that Italy must yet suffer much, but that eventually -Florence should after much tribulation be saved by God. By thus -refusing to join the League, Florence drew down upon her the enmity -of Ludovico, of Maximilian, of Venice, and of the Pope. The three -first in turn supported the Pisans with arms, and, in October 1496, -Maximilian himself came to Italy. But mutual jealousies prevented -united action, and the expedition of Maximilian ended in a fiasco. - - | Alexander VI. interferes. Sept. 1495. - -The opposition of the Pope was to prove more serious. Alexander VI. -cared but little for the denunciation of the reformer against the -vices of the times, but his interference with politics he would not -brook. Accordingly, in September 1495, he had suspended him from -preaching. Savonarola at first obeyed, and was silent during the -following Advent. But, in the Lent of 1496, the Signory, then composed -of the friar's partisans, ordered him to resume his preaching. He -complied, and in the Carnival of 1496, the enthusiasm of the Piagnoni -broke forth in religious processions. The children swept the streets -in thick array, bearing olive-branches in their hands and chanting -hymns. This disobedience Savonarola justified, by declaring that no -papal prohibitions should move him from his duty, and that if they -contradicted the Law of Love set forth in the Gospel, they must be -withstood, since 'a Pope that errs does not represent the Church,' of -which he claimed to be a loyal son. Even this bold conduct did not -immediately rouse Alexander--nay, some would fix this as the date when -he tried to win the friar by the offer of a cardinal's hat. If so, -Savonarola contemptuously rejected the offer, and the Pope was driven -to take further measures. - - | Reaction against Savonarola. - -The Tuscan congregation of the Dominican order had, at Savonarola's -request, been separated from that of Lombardy. This had given him -a position of exceptional independence, which aroused the jealousy -of many of his order. Alexander now united the convent of San Marco -with a new formed Tusco-Roman congregation (Nov. 7, 1496). This was -clearly within the competence of the Pope, it was popular with the -order generally, and the Pope hoped to strike at the friar through -a superior of his own brotherhood. Savonarola, however, refused to -obey, and was supported by some 250 of his brethren of San Marco. The -Carnival of 1497 followed. Here the enthusiasm of the Piagnoni reached -its highest pitch. The children going from house to house begged for -'vanities.' Cards, trinkets, immodest books, pictures, works of art, -were handed up, and these, heaped promiscuously in one common pyre, -were solemnly burned in the Piazza. These and other extravagances, -which unfortunately cannot be denied,[10] disgusted many, and added -to the number of the friar's enemies. The reaction was seen in the -election of Bernardo del Nero, a secret adherent of the Medici, to -the office of Gonfalonier, March 1497; in the unsuccessful attempt of -Piero to regain Florence in April, and in a riot in the Duomo, raised -by the Compagnacci, while Savonarola preached, on Ascension Day, -May 4. - - | The Pope excommunicates him. May 1497. - -Influenced, perhaps, by the knowledge that Savonarola was losing -ground, Alexander now decided to strike. After a vain appeal to the -Florentines, in which he even promised to regain Pisa for them if they -would join the League, a promise which they prudently distrusted, -he declared that they were being misled by the prophecies of a -chattering friar, and proceeded to excommunicate him, May 1497. The -Signory meanwhile had attempted to stay the excitement in Florence by -forbidding all preaching either from Savonarola or his opponents, and -things remained more quiet for a time. - - | The Piagnoni regain power. - -The elections of July, however, again gave the Piagnoni a majority -in the Signory; and in August, the city was startled by the news -that five of the leading citizens stood accused of complicity with -the Medicean plot of the preceding April. On condemnation, they were -refused their right of appeal to the Great Council, contrary to the -express provision of the new Constitution, and executed. The condemned -belonged to Savonarola's opponents, and some of them, notably Bernardo -del Nero, had lately held office. Their execution therefore, for a -time, materially strengthened Savonarola's position, and from this -date until the ensuing March the Signory was filled with Piagnoni. - -Accordingly, on Christmas Day, Savonarola celebrated the Mass in San -Marco. In the Carnival another pyre of vanities was burnt; and on -invitation by the Signory to resume his preaching, the friar mounted -the pulpit of the Duomo with Consecrated Host in hand, called on God -to strike him dead if he deserved excommunication, and declared that -if the instrument by which God ruled the world withdrew himself from -God, he was but broken iron, and need not be obeyed. - - | Final reaction against Savonarola. - -But Savonarola had at last miscalculated his strength. Religious -enthusiasm is avowedly subject to relapses, and such a relapse now -came on Florence. The extravagances of his followers, and his own, -had swelled the number of his enemies. Many originally well disposed -towards him were shocked at his open defiance of the Pope, and at his -daring to administer the sacrament when excommunicated. The Franciscan -order, always jealous of the Dominicans, now redoubled their attacks, -led by Savonarola's old rival Fra Mariano de Genazzano. Even the -majority of the Dominicans outside San Marco declared against him. -Of this reaction his enemies were quick enough to take advantage. -Accordingly the Signory of March, 1498, only counted three of his -adherents among its members. Still many of the Dieci, who having been -elected for six months did not leave office, were in his favour. When -therefore Alexander threatened the city with an interdict, unless -Savonarola ceased preaching and came to Rome for absolution, the -Government adopted a middle course; they persuaded the friar to cease -preaching, yet would not force him to leave for Rome. - - | The ordeal by fire. - -It is doubtful whether in any case Alexander would now have stayed -his hand, for Savonarola had begun to speak of a General Council, -and it was known that Charles VIII. was likely to support the cry, -while the opponents of Savonarola, more especially the Franciscans of -Santa Croce, were open-mouthed for his destruction. In any case the -fatal suggestion of the ordeal by fire precipitated the crisis. This, -whether first suggested by the Franciscans or no, was eagerly taken up -by them. 'I believe I shall be burned,' said the Franciscan, Francesco -da Puglia, 'but I am ready to die to free this people. If Savonarola -does not burn, you may hold him to be a true prophet.' - -Savonarola himself declined to thus tempt God, but Fra Domenico da -Pescia, his most faithful follower, declared his willingness to stand -his champion. Savonarola could scarcely refuse; the Signory after -much debate consented; and on April 7, an eager crowd assembled on -the Piazza to witness the ordeal. It may be questioned whether either -party expected that the ordeal would really be essayed; in any case -it was the Franciscans who raised objections. Declaring that they -feared magic on Savonarola's part, they first demanded that his -champion should lay aside his chasuble and his vestments; they then -objected to his bearing the crucifix, and finally insisted that he -should not carry the Host into the fire. Here at last Savonarola -refused compliance. Meanwhile the day wore on. It began to rain, and -finally the Signory postponed the trial. The mob was now mad with -disappointment, and next day the Compagnacci seized the opportunity to -attack San Marco (April 8). Francesco Valori, the firmest supporter -of Savonarola, who had often held office as Gonfalonier, was slain -among others. The brethren, however, stood firm at San Marco until -the Signory intervened and arrested Savonarola and his two chief -supporters, Fra Domenico and Fra Silvestro. - - | Execution of the Friar. May 23, 1498. - -Alexander now demanded that the friar should be handed over to him -for trial. After much negotiation it was agreed that the Pope should -send two commissaries to judge of the spiritual offences, while -the Florentine commissioners should decide on the offences against -the city. At the same time, Alexander granted to Florence a tax of -three-tenths on ecclesiastical revenues. 'Three times ten makes -thirty,' said a Piagnone; 'they have sold our master, as Christ was -sold, for thirty pieces of silver.' Meanwhile Savonarola had been -put to the torture, and was said to have confessed that he was no -true prophet. But it is acknowledged that confessions extorted under -torture are not worthy of the slightest credit; there is good reason, -moreover, to believe that his depositions were falsified. His enemies -were determined on his ruin. All that was necessary to secure their -final triumph was that the elections of May should return a Signory -hostile to the friar. This was attained by excluding 200 Piagnoni -from the Great Council. A Signory of Arrabiati was thus secured. -Savonarola and his two followers, found guilty of heresy by the papal -commissaries, and of treason to the State by his fellow-citizens, went -to their death with all the constancy of martyrs, May 23, 1498. - -Contemporaries were much divided in their opinions on the merits -of Savonarola, and the contest rages still. 'The thing I shall be -most anxious to know when I get into Heaven,' said a later Pope, 'is -whether Savonarola was a righteous man or no.' Those who denounce him -as a hypocrite, pretending to believe in divine guidance, and in the -gift of prophecy to attain his ends, are surely ignorant of the subtle -influences under which religious leaders have ever acted; men who -carry with them into life a profound conviction of the divine ruling -of the world. Those who lightly dismiss him as a fanatic, have never -felt the burning shame of sin which consumes the reformer's soul. That -he was led to think that God had intrusted him with a mission and had -used him as the trumpet of His warnings we may well believe; that he -was betrayed into some extravagances will only convict him of ordinary -human frailty. - -As has been stated above, his real mistake lay in trespassing on the -sphere of politics. Had he confined himself to the work of a moral -reformer, he perhaps would not have risen so high; yet he would have -escaped from many contradictions, and never have fallen so low. The -office of the preacher and that of the statesman are not easily -reconciled. When once he had associated himself with the fortunes -of a political party, nothing but complete supremacy could save him -from disaster. For the rest, the work of Savonarola must not be -confused with the later Reformation. He had no idea of breaking from -the Church, or of disputing her doctrines. His mind was set in a -mediaeval mould. He belongs to the long list of those great reformers -who, like St. Francis of Assisi, strove to bring the life of man into -closer harmony with Christian teaching as then understood, but did not -dispute the accepted interpretation of that teaching. He stands forth -as the opponent of that godless pagan spirit which marred the movement -of the Renaissance, to rebuke the moral turpitude of his country, -which was surely working her ruin. - - -Sec. 3. _Louis XII. The War of Milan and Naples._ - - | Internal policy of Louis XII. - -The accession of Louis XII. was popular. He had in his earlier -years led the opposition against Anne of Beaujeu, and for that had -suffered imprisonment, but of late he had been the loyal supporter -of King Charles. Careless and fond of pleasure as a young man, he -had, while retaining his generous and chivalrous spirit, now become -more serious. Declaring at his accession that 'the King did not -remember the wrongs done to him as Duke,' he showed favour to Anne of -Beaujeu and her husband, whom he had once so bitterly resisted. On -the marriage of their only child, Susanna, with the young Charles, -Count of Montpensier, he annulled the decree of Louis XI. which had -declared that, in the default of male issue, the dominion of Bourbon -should fall to the crown. By this act of generosity, he postponed the -incorporation of the last great noble domain in France. - - | Louis determines to attack Milan. - -The reign was inaugurated by several useful measures. The 'taille'[11] -was reduced; the sale of judicial offices forbidden; an attempt was -made to check the venality of the magistrates. Provence and Normandy -were given local _Parlements_ or courts of justice, which might serve -as a counterbalance to the _Parlement_ of Paris, while the extravagant -privileges of the University of Paris in the matter of jurisdiction -were curtailed. Political interest may by some be held to justify -Louis' divorce from his first wife Jeanne, daughter of Louis XI., -and his marriage with Anne of Brittany, widow of Charles VIII.; for -Jeanne was childless, and Brittany threatened to break away again -from France. But, in the negotiations with the Pope concerning the -divorce, the King acted meanly, and the stipulation insisted on by -Anne of Brittany, that her duchy should not be united to the crown -of France, might have led to further trouble, had not Francis of -Angouleme, subsequently King Francis I., married Claude, the issue -of the marriage. In a word the home policy of the King might justify -his title of 'Father of his People,' had not his ambition led him to -follow in the steps of Charles and seek for conquests in Italy. If -his chivalrous spirit demanded war, the renewed attempt of Maximilian -to regain Burgundy and the lands on the west of Flanders, which -he still claimed as the heritage of his son, the Archduke Philip, -would have fully justified Louis in taking the offensive, and adding -Franche-Comte to his dominions. But his eyes, like those of Charles, -were dazzled with the fair skies and plains of Italy, and Italy alone -would satisfy French ambitions. Milan, however, and not Naples, was -the first object of Louis' attack. - -The invasion of Charles VIII. should have taught the Italians the -necessity of union. But this was not to be. Even in the League of -Venice, the aims of Italian statesmen had been purely selfish, and the -common danger once removed, their old rivalries returned and broke up -the coalition. - - | Alexander and Venice desert the League of Venice and - | ally themselves with France. - -Savonarola had been 'sacrificed by the Pope, because Florence would -not join the League'--yet no sooner was he gone than Alexander VI. -deserted it himself. The chief aim of Alexander's pontificate was -to strengthen the temporal dominion of the Papacy. Following in the -steps of Sixtus IV., he hoped to gain his end through his family. His -eldest son, the Duke of Gandia, was first chosen as his instrument. -He designed to make him Lord of the Patrimony of St. Peter and crush -the Orsini, who had given him a pretext by supporting the cause of -Charles VIII. But the Orsini had proved too strong. The attempt had -failed, and the mysterious murder of the duke in June 1497, seemed -for the moment to ruin his hopes. The Pope, however, was not a man -easily dismayed. He shortly resumed his scheme, and now looked to his -third son, the notorious Caesar Borgia. Caesar, unfortunately, was -both deacon and cardinal; but in August 1498, his father released him -from his ecclesiastical vows 'for the good of his soul.' Having thus -removed this primary obstacle, the Pope at first designed to marry him -to Carlotta, the daughter of Federigo of Naples, whereby Caesar might -some day gain a claim to the throne of that kingdom. Baulked in this -hope by the refusal of Federigo, Alexander turned to France. In return -for the papal bull sanctioning the divorce of his first wife Jeanne, -and a cardinal's hat for George of Amboise, his chief adviser, Louis -XII. invested Caesar with the counties of Valentinois and Diois, and -the title of duke. Subsequently he bestowed upon him the hand of his -niece, the beautiful Charlotte d'Albret (May 1499), and promised to -assist him in his designs on the Romagna. Thus Alexander was detached -from the League. - -The relations between Venice and Ludovico had never been cordial. -At the battle of Fornovo, the duke had played it false, and ordered -his troops not to press the French too closely. Shortly after this -the Pisan War led to further disagreement. Angry at the refusal of -Florence to join the League of Venice, Ludovico and Venice had both -supported Pisa in her struggle for independence. But the lust of -conquest soon began to tempt them, and, as both could not hold Pisa, -a quarrel was inevitable. At first Ludovico called upon the Emperor -Maximilian to secure that city, hoping eventually to wrest it from his -hands; but the expedition had failed (October 1496), and Ludovico, -rather than see the city fall under Venetian control, deserted the -Pisan cause, and aided the Florentines with men and money (May 1498). -Venice accordingly turned a ready ear to Louis' offers, and in the -Treaty of Blois (February 1499), agreed to support his claim to the -Duchy of Milan with arms: Louis, on his side, promising her Cremona -and the Ghiara d'Adda, a small district on the left bank of that -river, as her share of the Milanese spoil. - - | Desperate position of Ludovico. - -Thus Louis had succeeded in breaking up the League, and Ludovico -was left without an available ally. Ferdinand of Spain was already -thinking of seizing Naples for himself, and had no mind to interfere -in Lombardy; Federigo of Naples was trembling for his throne, and was -in no position to lend him aid; while Maximilian, at this time engaged -in a war with the Swiss, and at variance with his Diet on questions -concerning the Imperial Constitution, could not render any assistance. -In his despair Ludovico stirred up the Turks, and Bajazet II. sent an -army to ravage the Venetian territories in Friuli, an act which did -not materially assist him, and still further irritated his enemies. - - | The French enter Italy. August 1499. - -In August 1499, the French army crossed the Alps commanded by three -redoubtable leaders: the Lombard Trivulzio, who had deserted the -cause of Alfonso of Naples and adopted France as his country, a man -of whom Ludovico said, 'a halter awaits him as soon as caught'; -Stuart d'Aubigny, who had already earned a reputation in the war of -Naples; and Louis de Luxembourg, Count of Ligny, the patron of the -Chevalier Bayard, whose chivalrous exploits in the coming campaigns -remind us that the Middle Age had not yet departed. The Duke of Savoy -gave them free passage through Piedmont. At Asti they were joined -by a contingent of 5000 Swiss, sent by the Cantons, who had made a -treaty with Louis. The advance on Milan met with scant resistance. The -village of Annona, fortified by Ludovico, indeed held out, but was -taken by assault on the second day, and the garrison put to the sword. -Terrified by their fate, and beguiled by the promises and the bribes -of Trivulzio, castles and cities opened their gates. Alessandria, -evacuated by the Milanese army under Galeazzo di San Severino, who -was probably bribed by the French, made submission, but was cruelly -pillaged, and the French crossed the Po. - - | The Venetians advance on Lodi. - - | Ludovico flies to Innsbruck. The French and Venetians - | occupy the Milanese. Sept. 1499. - - | Reaction against the French. - -Meanwhile the Venetian army from the east occupied Caravaggio, and -advanced to Lodi. Ludovico now saw that his cause was lost. Warned by -a riot in Milan that the capital could not be trusted, he despatched -his two sons and his treasure to Germany, threw provisions into -the castle of Milan, and fled to seek assistance of Maximilian at -Innsbruck (September 2). Ludovico gone, the citizens of Milan hastened -to offer the keys of the city to the French. On September 14, the -citadel itself surrendered; Genoa followed suit, and thus within -a month, the French and Venetians found themselves masters of the -Milanese, without having had to fight a single important battle. But -they were not to hold their conquest without another struggle. The -rapidity of the French conquest, like that of Naples by Charles VIII., -illustrates the weakness of Italy. The treachery and cowardice of the -soldiery was the result of the evil traditions of Italian condottier -warfare. The army once gone, the citizens could scarcely have resisted -if they would, and they would not if they could. Devoid of all sense -of patriotism or loyalty, they feared the vengeance of the French, and -listened easily to their promises of milder government, and lighter -taxation. These indeed Louis attempted to fulfil, but extravagant -expectations had been raised, and the choice of Trivulzio as Governor -of Milan was an unfortunate one. A Lombard himself, he became a party -man; his severity alienated the lower classes, while the pride and -insolence of the French soon lost them the affection of their new -subjects. - - | Ludovico returns. Feb. 1500. - - | The French evacuate Milan, but take Ludovico prisoner - | at Novara, April 5, and re-occupy the city. - -A few months sufficed to disillusionise the Italians, and when, in -February 1500, Ludovico returned with an army he had collected in the -North, the French were forced to evacuate Milan and surrender their -conquests as quickly as they had gained them. All seemed lost, when in -April the French army, reinforced from France, again moved forward to -relieve the citadel of Novara, which, with the castle of Milan, alone -held out. The motley character of the army of Ludovico, composed as -it was of mercenaries from Franche-Comte and Switzerland, Albania -and Lombardy, would in any case have rendered victory doubtful, -but the chances of battle were never tried owing to the treachery -of the Germans and the Swiss. The latter pleaded as an excuse that -they could not fight against their countrymen who were serving the -French with leave of the Confederation. The only pretext the Germans -could find was arrears of pay. Allowed by the French to retire, -these honourable companions in arms did not even insist on the same -terms being granted to their Milanese comrades, or to the Duke. When -therefore the Milanese troops attempted to retreat, they were cut down -by the French. The Duke was discovered among the Swiss in the disguise -of a friar, and on April 17, the French re-entered the capital. The -rich Duchy of Milan was now theirs, with the exception of the strip of -country to the east of the Adda, which fell to the Venetians, and the -district round Bellinzona, which was seized by the Swiss in the pay of -Louis, and which they retain to this day. - - | Fortunes of the Sforza family. - -The Sforza family suffered cruelly for Ludovico's fatal act in first -calling the French into Italy and for his subsequent breach of faith. -The Duke, who had vaunted himself on his cleverness, ended his days in -the dungeons of Loches in Touraine (1508). His brother, the Cardinal -Ascanio, and Francesco, son of the unfortunate Gian Galeazzo, also -fell into French hands. Ascanio was released in 1503, but died in -1505. Francesco was forced to become a monk and died in 1511, and -the only important representatives of the male line of the Sforza -who remained were the two sons of Ludovico, Maximilian and Francesco -Maria, who were hereafter for a period to regain the duchy.[12] - -The collapse of the power of Ludovico is a signal illustration of -the insufficiency and untrustworthiness of mercenary troops. Caring -nothing for the cause they had momentarily espoused, they were ever -open to bribes, or ready to desert when desertion served their turn. - - | Short-sighted policy of Venice. - -For the rest, the policy of Venice in thus calling the French for the -second time into Italy, was as short-sighted as it was blameworthy. -The Venetians pleaded as a pretext their fears of the ambitious -schemer Ludovico, yet he was never likely to be so formidable as the -French, and, as Machiavelli well observes, 'in their desire to win two -districts in Lombardy they helped Louis to become master of two-thirds -of Italy.' - - | Treaty of Granada between Louis and Ferdinand. - | Nov. 11, 1500. - -Louis once master of Milan hurried on his preparations against Naples. -The only opponent who was likely to be formidable was Ferdinand -the Catholic. He had helped to restore the Aragonese dynasty after -the retreat of Charles, and might well put in his claim, if the -illegitimate branch of his house were to be excluded. 'But how,' said -his envoy, 'if you were to come to some agreement with us respecting -Naples as you did with Venice about Milan?' The suggestion was -welcomed by Louis, and in November 1500, the secret Treaty of Granada -was signed. An excuse for that shameless compact was found in the -alliance which Federigo in his distress had made with the Turk. After -deploring the discords of Christian princes, which weakened them -before the Turk, the preamble asserts that 'no other princes, save the -Kings of France and Aragon, have any title to the crown of Naples, and -as King Federigo has excited the Turk to the peril of Christendom, the -two powers, in order to rescue it from this danger and to maintain the -peace, agree to compromise their respective claims, and divide the -kingdom of Naples itself.' The northern provinces, consisting of the -Abruzzi and the land of Lavoro, with the title of king, were to go to -Louis; the Duchy of Calabria and Apulia in the south as a dukedom to -Ferdinand. That there was danger to be apprehended from the Turks was -true enough; not only had they ravaged Friuli in the autumn of 1499, -they had also defeated the Venetian fleet off Sapienza, and taken -Modon and Navarino in the Morea. That the cry of a crusade was not a -mere pretext is proved by the treaties made by Louis in the spring of -1500 with Ladislas, King of Bohemia and Hungary, and with the King -of Poland; by the fleet despatched by Ferdinand to aid the Venetians -in the siege of St. George in Cephalonia (September 1500), and by -the French attack on Mitylene in 1501. It is even possible, that the -conquest of Italy from the north alone saved that country from falling -before the Turk, but the advance of the Sultan might have been more -successfully opposed by a joint European coalition, and, as events -showed, lust of conquest was the primary motive of the allies. - -The treaty of Granada was 'the first open assertion in European -politics of the principles of dynastic aggrandisement; the first of -those partition treaties by which peoples were handed over from one -Government to another as appendages to family estates.' Not only was -the treaty of Granada a crime, it was also a fatal blunder on the -part of Louis. 'The French,' says Machiavelli, 'have little skill in -matters of State, for whereas before, Louis was sole umpire in Italy, -he now entertained a partner, and whereas Louis might have made the -king of Naples his pensioner, he turned him out and put the Spaniard -in his place, who turned out Louis himself.' The compact was at first -kept secret, and Federigo still hoped for assistance from Ferdinand. -In June 1501, however, when the French army under D'Aubigny entered -Rome on its southward march, Pope Alexander publicly ratified the -treaty, declared Federigo deposed as a traitor to Christendom, and -invested Louis and Ferdinand with his dominions. - - | Federigo abdicates and retires to France. August 1501. - -Federigo, despairing of his cause, did not dare to meet the French -in the field. Capua, which alone stood out, was taken by assault on -July 23, and handed over to a brutal soldiery who massacred the men -and outraged the women. To save his country from further misery, the -unfortunate King capitulated, and, accepting the terms of Louis, -retired to France, to live till 1504 a pensioner, with the title of -Duke of Anjou. - -The southern part of the kingdom made a somewhat more vigorous -resistance to the Spaniards. They would have preferred, they said, the -French as masters. But on the fall of Taranto in March 1502, Ferrante, -the young Duke of Calabria, surrendered, and, in violation of a -promise that he might retire whither he would, was sent to Spain to -die in 1550.[13] Thus in less than two years the two families, whose -quarrels had first invited the foreigner into Italy, had been driven -from their country. - - | Quarrel between Louis and Ferdinand. - -Naples and Milan conquered, Western Europe found itself dominated -by two great leagues, that of Louis XII., closely allied with the -Pope and some of the German princes, and that of the Austro-Spanish -houses. The latter was a family league cemented by the marriage of the -Archduke Philip, son of the Emperor Maximilian, with Joanna, eldest -daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella,[14] and included England and -Portugal. At this moment there seemed a prospect of these two leagues -coalescing. In 1501, it had been agreed that Charles, the young son -of the Archduke Philip, should marry the Princess Claude, daughter -of Louis XII. The children were yet young, but the joint conquest -of Naples by the Spanish and the French seemed a guarantee of their -future friendship, and that the marriage would eventually take place. -Had this compact stood, Europe would have been united as it had never -been before, and, if there was some danger that this powerful league -would have destroyed the political balance, and ridden rough-shod over -the smaller princes, at least a crusade to check the advance of the -Turks, or even to drive them from Europe, might have been possible. -The dream, however, was soon to be dispelled by the quarrel of Louis -and Ferdinand over their spoil in Naples. In the original treaty of -partition no definite mention had been made of the Basilicata,[15] the -Capitanata, and the two districts of the Principati. These furnished -an easy cause of dispute, which was further complicated by the claim -to the tolls paid on the sheep-flocks as they passed from their summer -pasture in the Abruzzi to their winter quarters in the Capitanata. The -quarrel might possibly have been compromised had it not been fomented -by the internal factions of the country. The old partisans of Anjou -were strongest in Apulia, while the Spaniards found many adherents in -districts held by the French. - - | The War of Naples. July 1502. - -These dissensions soon led to an open rupture, and in July 1502, the -war began. The ensuing struggle is famous in the history of chivalry, -which gleamed forth for the last time in these Italian wars, and is -well depicted in the picturesque pages of the life of Bayard. On the -French side, we find Imbercourt, 'to whom, wherever there was a battle -to fight, the heat of the Italian noontide seemed like the cool of -morning'; the aged La Palice, who in the _melee_ forgot his age; -and Bayard himself, the soul of knightly courtesy and valour. On the -side of Spain, stood Diego de Paredes, whose feats of extravagant -daring furnish the theme for many a Spanish romance; and Pedro de -Paz, a squinting dwarf, who scarce could be seen above the head of -his charger, yet had the heart of a lion; while Gonzalvo de Cordova, -the 'Great Captain' himself, added to his masterly qualities as a -general the chivalrous courtesy and manners of a knight-errant. These, -and many others, fought, not so much for victory, as for honour. -Not content with the opportunities offered by the regular military -operations for the display of their prowess, they challenged each -other to jousts and tourneys, which, though fought _a l'outrance_, -were conducted with all the punctiliousness, and all the ceremony of -the lists. As we read the history of their combats, we fancy that we -are present at a tournament of the Middle Ages--the contest, one for -knightly prestige, the prize, some guerdon awarded by lady's hand.[16] -But the real issue was not decided by these feats of personal valour. -On the declaration of hostilities, the French had the advantage in -numbers and in the quality of their troops, as well as the command of -the sea. - - | D'Aubigny's victory at Terranova, Dec. 15, 1502. - - | Siege of Barletta. - -In December 1502, the victory of D'Aubigny at Terranova, over a force -which had just landed from Spain, gave him the whole of Calabria. -Gonzalvo de Cordova, the Spanish commander-in-chief, unable to keep -the field, assumed the defensive attitude, and threw his troops -into the fortified towns of Apulia. Of these, Barletta was the -most important. Here the Spanish general entrenched himself, and -patiently waited for reinforcements from Sicily and Spain; but -Ferdinand was remiss in sending aid; while a French fleet, holding -the sea, prevented troops or supplies being shipped from Sicily. The -distress was so severe that Gonzalvo de Cordova had great difficulty -in preventing a surrender, and had the French general, the Duc de -Nemours, shown more energy, the Spaniards might have been driven from -the country. - - | Treaty of Lyons. April 5, 1503. - -In April 1503 there seemed a chance of peace. The Archduke Philip, -as he passed through France, visited Louis XII. at Lyons, and there -made a treaty by which it was agreed that Naples should eventually -go to the young Charles and the Princess Claude, who, in 1501, had -been betrothed. Until the children should be old enough to marry, the -French portion of the kingdom was to be administered by a nominee of -Louis, the Spanish, by the Archduke Philip, or some deputy appointed -by Ferdinand. Whether Ferdinand had allowed these negotiations to be -entered into merely to gain time, as the French declare, or whether, -as seems more probable, Philip, who was not on good terms with his -father-in-law, had exceeded his instructions, the results to France -were fatal. - - | Hostilities renewed. - -The treaty signed, Louis countermanded the embarkation of -reinforcements from Genoa, and ordered a suspension of hostilities -in Naples. Meanwhile the position of the Spaniards had materially -improved. In February, their general, taking advantage of the foolish -movement of the Duc de Nemours to recover Castellaneta, which had just -revolted to Spain, made a sortie from Barletta, captured Ruvo, and -took La Palice prisoner. In March, the defeat of the French fleet gave -the command of the sea to Spain. - -Now strengthened by reinforcements, Gonzalvo de Cordova openly -repudiated the treaty of Lyons, and at last assumed the offensive. So -overwhelming was the superiority of the Spaniards that two battles -fought within eight days of each other sufficed to make them masters -of the country. - - | French defeated at Seminara, April 20, 1503; and - | Cerignola, April 28. - -The defeat of D'Aubigny at Seminara by the Spanish General, Fernando -de Andrada, on April 20, and his surrender which shortly followed, -gave them Calabria. On the 27th, the Great Captain at last leaving -Barletta, where he had lain entrenched so long, sought the French -at Cerignola (April 28). Here taking up a strong position, with his -front protected by a ditch, which he filled with pointed stakes and -strengthened with a rampart, he awaited the onslaught of the French. -The Duc de Nemours, true to that cautious strategy which had hitherto -prevented him from taking full advantage of his superior strength, was -for postponing the attack. Stung, however, by the reproaches flung -at him by Ives d'Allegre, one of his officers, he rashly ordered an -advance as evening was already closing in. 'Now,' said he, 'perhaps -those who vaunt the loudest will be found to trust more to their -spurs than to their swords.' The event justified the taunt. In vain, -the French flung themselves with desperate valour on the ditch and -ramparts. They were exposed to the concentrated fire of the enemy and -beaten back. The Duc de Nemours himself, and Chandieu, the leader of -the Swiss contingent, were slain. The explosion of a Spanish powder -magazine caused more confusion to the French than to the foe, and -Gonzalvo de Cordova, seizing the moment, ordered a general advance. -The French, wearied by their long struggle, broke and fled. - - | The French driven from Naples. - -Henceforth, the advance of the Spaniards was unchecked. The French -proved the truth of the Italian saying that, 'while in their attacks -they were more than men, they were less than women in their retreats.' -In one day, thirty castles surrendered to the 'Great Captain.' On the -13th of May, Naples opened its gates, and Gaeta, Venosa, and Santa -Severina remained the only important places in French hands. - - | Renewed attempts of Louis XII. - -Louis XII. made desperate attempts to retrieve his disaster. Three -large armies were raised: one to penetrate into Spain by the way -of Fontarabia; the second to invade Roussillon and seize Salces on -the frontier; the third to re-enter Italy. Two fleets were also -equipped, one in Genoa, the other in Marseilles; the first to support -the invasion of Naples, the other to co-operate with the attack on -Roussillon by threatening the coast of Catalonia. But fortune did -not smile upon his efforts. The invasion of Spain was delayed by the -supineness or the treachery of the commander, Alan d'Albret.[17] The -fleet intended for Catalonia was driven back by heavy weather. The -attack on Roussillon was equally unfortunate. The fortress of Salces, -strengthened by Pedro Navarra, the best engineer of his day, was too -strong to be taken by assault; and in October, Ferdinand, marching to -its relief with a superior force, drove the French over the frontier. -Disheartened by these reverses Louis XII. consented to a truce of five -months (15th November), which was subsequently extended. Curiously -enough, the unfortunate Federigo of Naples was called upon to act as -peacemaker between the two robbers who were still quarrelling over the -kingdom they had dispoiled him of. For Naples was not included in the -truce, and thither the third French army had marched in July 1503, -under the leadership of La Tremouille. - - | Death of Alexander VI., Aug. 18, 1503, and election of - | Pius III. - -But the death of Pope Alexander, on August 18, caused delay. The -papal tiara had long been the aim of Cardinal d'Amboise, an ambition -favoured by Louis XII. Under the idea that the presence of the -army might influence the election, it was ordered to halt within a -few miles of Rome. The cardinals were indignant at this attempt to -overawe them, and the movement of a Spanish force from the south, -as well as the presence of Caesar Borgia with his troops in the -Castle of St. Angelo, made them fear lest the matter might lead to -a conflict. D'Amboise therefore allowed the army to depart. Shortly -after, despairing of success, he supported the election of Cardinal -Piccolomini who, on September 22, became Pope Pius III. This delay of -a month was fatal to the French cause. The expedition was postponed to -the autumn and winter, which proved to be exceptionally wet and cold. -La Tremouille fell ill and resigned his command to the Marquis of -Mantua, an inferior general, and time was given to Gonzalvo de Cordova -to obtain reinforcements. - - | Battle of the Garigliano, Dec. 28, 1503. - -Even as it was, however, the French were superior in numbers, and -the 'Great Captain' found it necessary to abandon the siege of -Gaeta, which still held out for the French, and to drop back on the -river Garigliano. The French, after a desperate conflict, succeeded -in throwing a bridge over the river (November 6), but failed in -dislodging the Spaniards from their position about a mile to the rear, -which had, as usual, been strengthened by Don Gonzalvo. Finally, -throwing up an earthwork to protect the bridge, they dropped back to -their old position. Seven weeks of inaction followed, broken only by -partial skirmishes and personal combats. - -Meanwhile the weather, which had been wet, grew worse. From this, -owing to the lowness and swampiness of their position, the Spaniards -suffered much. Yet Gonzalvo de Cordova succeeded in imparting to -his men his unconquerable determination to hold the position at any -cost. Urged to retreat he answered, 'I would not fall back a step to -gain a hundred years of life.' The effect on the French was far more -disastrous. In spite of their being on higher, and therefore drier -ground, the troops and the horses did not endure the wet and cold -so well. The country and even the roads became so sodden, that the -movements of the cavalry, and still more those of the artillery, the -two forces in which the French excelled, were seriously impeded. - - | The French finally lose Naples, 1504. - -Under such depressing circumstances, insubordination, the chief -evil of the French armies of those days, began to show itself, and -finally vented itself against the Marquis of Mantua, their general. -Pleading ill-health he resigned, to be succeeded by the Marquis of -Saluzzo. This led to the desertion of some Italian troops, insulted -at the treatment of their countryman. Thus, time was fighting for the -Spaniards; and when at last, recruited by the Orsini, whom he had -cleverly succeeded in conciliating, he felt strong enough to assume -the offensive, he met with but faint resistance. On the night of -December 28, the troops who guarded the river were overwhelmed and -the passage of the river effected. The French, surprised in their -scattered cantonments by the suddenness of the attack, were unable -to concentrate, and forced to retreat. In spite of numerous deeds -of valour, the retreat soon became a rout, and the remnants of the -army fell back in confusion on Gaeta. Here after one more struggle -they capitulated (January 1, 1504), on the condition that they should -retire unmolested, and that all prisoners in Spanish hands should be -released. The few remaining strongholds speedily surrendered, and the -Neapolitan kingdom was won for Ferdinand. - -The victory of the Spaniards was due to their possession of Sicily, -whence they could draw support, and to the failure of the French to -retain the command of the sea, so that reinforcements could come -from Spain; to the exceptional inclemency of the winter, which seems -to have been more severely felt by the French than the Spaniards; -in great measure to the unpopularity of the French, the result of -their licence and overbearing conduct; largely to the quarrels of the -French generals; but, above all, to their inferiority when matched -against the 'Great Captain.' Cautious, where caution was necessary, -he refused to be drawn from his position till the right moment came; -but, when he saw his opportunity, struck with decision and rapidity. -Never despairing under the most gloomy circumstances, he was able -to communicate his fortitude, and impart his cheerfulness to his -soldiery. Gracious and conciliatory, he earned the love of his army, -yet knew how to be severe when discipline was threatened. A master -of diplomacy, as well as of war, he succeeded, as no other foreign -general had, in winning over enemies, and in settling the factions of -that most factious country, Italy. Courteous in manner, and splendid -in his style of life, he won the hearts of the giddy Neapolitans. Nor -was Gonzalvo de Cordova above learning from his foe. To the short -sword and buckler, the national weapons of the Spaniards, so effective -for attack at close quarters, he added the long German spear, whereby -their power of defence was materially increased. Indeed, he may be -said to have made the Spanish infantry, which, re-armed by him and -reduced to discipline, became for a time the most formidable force in -Europe. - - -Sec. 4. _Alexander VI. and Caesar Borgia._ - - | Alexander VI. and the Romagna. - -While the struggle between the French and Spaniards was being decided -in Naples, events of importance to Italy and Europe were happening in -the centre of the Peninsula. Need of French help in his designs on the -Romagna had been the motive of Alexander's alliance with Louis XII. -at the date of the Milanese expedition. To the realisation of these -schemes he and his son now eagerly turned. - -The Romagna, once the old Exarchate of Ravenna, a district of somewhat -indeterminate limits, lay on the eastern slopes of the Apennines, -stretching to the Adriatic on the east, while to the north it was -bounded by the territories of Venice, to the south by the march of -Ancona. This country is said to have been originally granted to the -Pope by Constantine. The gift was confirmed by Charles the Great, and -all claims to it were definitely surrendered by Rudolph of Hapsburg -in the thirteenth century. The Emperor, however, had granted but -an empty title. The country was in the hands of numerous families -who acknowledged indeed the nominal supremacy of Rome, but were -practically independent.[18] - -The possession of these petty states had been long coveted by Milan, -Florence, and Venice. Venice indeed had already encroached on the -territory of Ferrara (1484), and under the new aspect of affairs -caused by the French invasion, the absorption of many of them by one -or other of these powers seemed inevitable. This Alexander hoped to -obviate by reasserting the papal supremacy, which had never been -formally denied, and by reducing the district to obedience. - -The pretext for the overthrow of these principalities was that they -had not paid the yearly dues which they owed the Pope as his vicars, -and no sooner had the French entered Italy in the autumn of 1499, than -Caesar proceeded to execute the papal decree of confiscation. - - | The conquests of Caesar in the Romagna. Nov. - | 1499-April 1501. - -Louis XII., in pursuance of his promise, sent 300 lances under the -command of Ives d'Allegre, while 4000 Swiss infantry were hired as -mercenaries. With these forces Caesar marched against Imola and Forli -(Nov. 9). The two cities did not make any resistance, but the castles -held out longer, especially that of Forli, which was defended by -the brave but masculine Caterina Sforza, and did not surrender till -January, 1500. - -The return of Ludovico to Milan in February (cf. p. 38) necessitated -the recall of the French contingent, and Caesar was forced to postpone -further hostilities until the ensuing September. Then, reinforced once -more by French assistance, and holding the title of Gonfalonier of the -Church, just bestowed upon him by his father, Caesar speedily reduced -Pesaro and Rimini. Faenza, happy under the mild rule of the young -Astorre Manfredi, offered stout resistance, and did not fall till -April, 1501. In violation of the terms of capitulation the unfortunate -Astorre was sent to Rome, and in the following June was found drowned -in the Tiber. By whose order the deed was done, no one knew, but all -men not unnaturally suspected the hand of the Borgias. - - | Caesar created Duke of Romagna, April 1501. Admitted a - | member of the Venetian oligarchy. - - | Louis XII. forbids Caesar to attack Bologna and - | Florence. - -Fortune now seemed to favour Caesar. Created Duke of Romagna by -Alexander, he had been enrolled a member of the Venetian nobility by -that proud republic, which hoped thus to gain papal aid against the -Turk. He had in his pay the best of the Italian condottiers, and the -remaining cities of the Romagna were trembling. Dazzled by his rapid -successes, his views expanded. He now aspired not only to complete his -conquest of the Romagna, but to interfere in the affairs of Florence, -if not eventually to make himself master of all Tuscany. For a time, -however, his ambition was checked. Bologna and Florence were both -under French protection, and Louis ordered him to stay his hand. The -Pope became alarmed, and Caesar was forced to content himself with a -sum of money paid by Florence, and an agreement to take him into her -service for three years. Leaving therefore his army to take Piombino, -which surrendered in September, he joined the French expedition -against Naples (July). In September he returned to find his sister -Lucrezia betrothed to Alfonso, the son of Ercole of Este. - - | Lucrezia Borgia. - -This beautiful woman[19] whose character has been the subject of -almost as much controversy as that of Mary Queen of Scots, and who has -been accused, probably unjustly, of the most unmentionable crimes, -seems rather to have been a person of colourless disposition who was -made the puppet of the schemes of her father and brother. She had -already been married twice. From her first husband, Giovanni Sforza, -Lord of Pesaro, she had been divorced to wed the Duke of Biseglia, an -illegitimate son of Alfonso II. of Naples (August 1498). At that date -the Pope desired an alliance with Naples, but two years afterwards the -papal policy had changed. The second invasion of Naples by Louis XII. -was about to take place, and the friendship of Naples was no longer -needed. Personal antipathies widened the breach, and in August 1500, -the Duke was murdered by Caesar's orders. Now, barely a year since the -foul deed, a new husband was found for this girl of twenty-one. - -Alexander's motives, as before, were political. The alliance of -Ferrara was valuable. It protected the Romagna from the North, and -threatened Bologna. The results were not so great as had been hoped, -but the marriage was a happier one than might have been expected; -and Lucrezia in her Ferrarese home found peace and a refuge from the -slander which had hitherto assailed her. - - | Further successes of Caesar. - -Meanwhile the quarrel between France and Spain offered new -opportunities to Caesar, since Louis needed papal support and was in -no position to thwart him overmuch. He had indeed to surrender Arezzo, -which had in June rebelled against Florence and called in Vitellozzo -Vitelli, one of Caesar's captains. But in January 1502, Fermo; in -June, Urbino; in July, Camerino had been occupied, while Pisa, which -still held out against Florence, offered to recognise him as its lord. -Finally in August, he obtained the leave of Louis to attack Bologna. - - | The Conspiracy of Sinigaglia. - -At this moment a revolt of his captains threatened to overwhelm him. -The rapid success of Caesar had awakened the apprehensions of these -men. Once master of the Romagna, he would no longer need their help, -and might turn against them; indeed, his negotiations with Florence at -this time lead one to suspect that he had already made up his mind to -destroy them. The chief conspirators were Vitellozzo Vitelli of Citta -di Castello, Oliverotto da Fermo, the Duke of Gravina and Paolo, both -Orsini, and Gian Paolo Baglioni of Perugia. These gained the adhesion -of Cardinal Orsini, Giovanni Bentivoglio of Bologna, and others. They -met at Magione (October 9, 1502), near Lake Thrasimene, where they -swore to be true to one another, and applied to Florence for aid. A -rebellion was stirred up in Urbino, from whence Caesar's troops were -driven, and another contingent of his was defeated at Fossombrone -(October 17). - -A terrible retribution was, however, soon to fall upon the rebels. -Louis sent Caesar aid. The opportune death of the wealthy Cardinal of -Modena, whether poisoned or no, enabled Alexander to appropriate his -possessions to Caesar's military needs. Florence feared the hostility -of Caesar and would not help, and Venice, in spite of the exhortations -of Ferdinand to seize the opportunity of freeing Italy from the -tyrant, was too cautious to move. - - | The Massacre of Sinigaglia. Dec. 31, 1502. - -The confederates began to hesitate. They were unable to raise -any more troops, and were divided amongst themselves. Listening -therefore to the fair promises of Caesar and the Pope, they made -their peace on October 28, abandoned the cause of Bologna, and, as -an earnest of their goodwill, marched against Sinigaglia. The town -surrendered, but the castle refused to yield to any one but the -Duke. Caesar accordingly came to Sinigaglia (December 31), and, -beguiling his captains with gracious words, suddenly pounced upon -them. Oliverotto and Vitellozzo were strangled that night, the first -accusing Vitellozzo of tempting him to rebel; Vitellozzo imploring -Caesar to obtain a plenary indulgence for him from the Pope. Paolo -Orsini and the Duke of Gravina were executed shortly after. Cardinal -Orsini was seized at Rome to die in prison, probably of poison. - - | Further successes of Caesar suddenly stopped by his - | illness, and the death of Alexander. Aug. 8, 1503. - -The conspiracy put down, nothing seemed to stand in the way of the -papal ambition. Urbino was again reduced; Citta di Castello and -Perugia submitted; most of the Orsini strongholds fell; and Alexander -was playing off Spain against France, in the hopes of gaining the -assistance of one or another in support of the still more magnificent -scheme of making Caesar King of Tuscany, when father and son were -suddenly struck down by an illness, to which Alexander succumbed on -August 8. It was popularly believed that they had fallen victims to -a poisoned cup, which they had intended for one of the cardinals. -The story needs confirmation, but this and others of the kind are at -least an indication of the popular opinion, which thought no crime too -horrible, or too improbable, to be imputed to the Borgias. - - | The election of Julius II. fatal to his cause. Nov. 1, - | 1503. - -The fate of Caesar now depended on the choice of the cardinals. If he -could secure the election of one who would support him, he might yet -hold his own. Of late Louis XII. had shown an inclination to desert -the Borgia alliance. Caesar therefore from his sick-bed intrigued -to get one of the Spanish cardinals chosen, but in this he failed. -Louis had hoped to obtain the papal tiara for the Cardinal D'Amboise; -Giuliano della Rovere was determined to prevent the election of a -Spaniard, and hoped to succeed himself. Foiled in the first instance, -Giuliano concurred in the choice of an Italian cardinal, Piccolomini, -who, in memory of his famous uncle Pius II., took the name of Pius -III. But, in October, Pius died, and della Rovere, coming to terms -with Caesar, secured the votes of the conclave by promises and bribes. -Machiavelli, who however exaggerates Caesar's influence in the College -of Cardinals, blames his shortsightedness, because, 'if he could not -procure the election of his own nominee, he might have prevented -that of della Rovere.' The new Pope, Julius II., had long been the -enemy of the Borgias. He had instigated Charles VIII. to invade -Italy, and urged him to summon a council to depose Alexander, and -although of late he had acquiesced in the inevitable, and affected -reconciliation, he was not the man to forget past injuries. Fear of -the designs of Venice on the Romagna caused him to support Caesar for -a moment. But Julius was determined to win the Romagna for the Papacy, -not for the Borgia family, and no sooner did Caesar attempt to act -independently than he ordered him to return to Rome (November 29). -Caesar's captains, however, refused to surrender the places which they -held without his consent, and Caesar would not consent except at the -price of freedom. After long negotiation the agreement was concluded, -and Caesar, free once more, set out for Naples to seek the aid of -Spain (April 1504). - - | The end of Caesar's career. - -Ferdinand was at first inclined to listen, till, convinced by the Pope -that Caesar would only disturb the peace of Italy, he ordered his -arrest on May 26, 1504, as the Duke was on the point of sailing for -the Romagna. In violation of a safe-conduct given him by Gonzalvo, he -was shortly sent to Spain, where he remained a prisoner till November, -1506. Escaping at last, he found refuge with his brother-in-law, now -King of Navarre, to die in the succeeding March (1507), in a skirmish -with a rebel vassal of the King. - -Thus, at the age of thirty-one, ended the career of the man whom -Machiavelli in his _Prince_ holds up as a pattern, in all but his -ill-fortune, to him who would attempt to form a united kingdom of -Italy. No doubt Caesar had many of the qualities requisite for -success. Clever and versatile in conception, rapid and resolute in -action, and a master of diplomacy, he had in a high degree the quality -of 'virtu,' that compound of force and intellect, which we find -praised not only by Machiavelli, but by Commines and other writers of -the day, as the essential characteristic of the ruler. - -We must, alas! allow that private morality is not always the -accompaniment of good statesmanship. Although Caesar was absolutely -without scruple in his treatment of the petty princes of the Romagna, -it may be questioned whether the independence of these petty -principalities was worth preserving. Ruled by despots, no question of -political freedom was involved. With a few exceptions, such as that -of Urbino, they illustrated the evils without the advantages of the -larger tyrannies, and their history is one tangled tale of faction, -murder, and intrigue. The country too, it must be confessed, was well -governed under him, and his rule was not unpopular. But, when all is -said, we cannot believe that a kingdom founded by such cruelty, and -maintained by such villany and treachery, can really be a solid one. -That Machiavelli, dazzled by the temporary good fortune of Caesar, -should boldly hold him up as a model to be copied, only makes one -realise the cynical despair of the Italians as to the possibility -of success in their country by any other means, and the depth of -degradation to which the people had fallen.[20] Nor, finally, do we -believe that the idea of thus founding a temporal dominion of the -Papacy was likely to succeed. Had Alexander lived longer, it might, -perhaps, have ended in the establishment of another petty kingdom in -Italy. But the state would have been founded in the interest of the -Borgia, not of the Papacy, and would have only added one more enemy -to the advance of the temporal dominion. If the papal authority in -the Romagna was to become a reality, it must be based on a firmer -foundation than that of papal nepotism. This Julius II. saw. Most of -the cities held or threatened by Caesar fell at once into his hands, -with the exception of Rimini, Faenza, and Cesena, which were seized by -Venice, to be secured, however, by Julius in the war of the League of -Cambray. Meanwhile Perugia and Bologna were gained by Julius in 1506, -while the Duchy of Urbino fell to his nephew, Francesco della Rovere, -who was adopted by Guidobaldo, its late Duke. These territories -were incorporated into the papal dominions; the history of their -semi-independent princes came to an end, and Julius II., rather than -Alexander, established the papal dominion in the Romagna. - - -Sec. 5. _The League of Cambray._ - -The pretext for the invasion of Italy by France and Spain had been the -necessity of securing a base of operations for a crusade against the -Turk. This had been prevented by the quarrel of the robbers over their -spoil. They were now to prove by their attack on Venice--the only -power which had seriously attempted to check the Moslem advance--that -the idea, even if ever seriously entertained, had been definitely -abandoned. - - | Jealousy against Venice, the result of her advance on - | the mainland. - -The hostility with which that republic was viewed by the rest of -Italy dates from the beginning of the fifteenth century, when she -definitely began to aim at establishing a dominion on the Italian -mainland. A quarrel between Milan and the Carrara of Padua enabled her -to overthrow that family, to seize Padua, then, step by step, Vicenza -and Verona, and to advance to the Adige (1405). In 1427 and 1428, she -wrested Brescia and Bergamo from the hands of Filippo Maria Visconti, -Duke of Milan, and after his death secured Crema (1454). Meanwhile she -had acquired the district of Friuli from the Patriarch of Aquileia -(1420), and in 1441 had added Ravenna, hitherto an independent state -under the Polentani, to her conquests. In 1484, the peace of Bagnolo, -which closed the Ferrarese war, gave her Rovigo and the Polesine. In -1499, she gained Cremona and the Ghiara d'Adda from Louis XII., as -the price of her assistance against Ludovico. On the death of Caesar -Borgia, she had occupied Faenza, Rimini, and Cesena; while in Apulia, -she held the four towns, Trani, Otranto, Gallipoli, Brindisi, which -she had acquired at the date of Charles VIII.'s expedition. Thus, -within the space of some hundred years, Venice had completely altered -her character. The island city had gained a large territory on the -mainland, which stretched to the neighbourhood of Milan, Florence, and -the Papal States. The change of policy has usually been attributed -to the advance of the Turk, which threatened her possessions in the -Aegean Sea, and on the coast of Greece. This no doubt was one of her -motives at a later date. But as her first advance on the mainland -occurred in 1405, some years before the Turk seriously menaced her, we -must look elsewhere for the primary cause. This is to be found in the -danger to be apprehended from the growing power of Milan. As long as -the plain of Lombardy and the approaches to the Alpine passes were in -the hands of petty princes, she could hope to purchase, or to extort, -an outlet for her commerce to the north; but, if these were to fall -into the hands of the powerful and aggressive Dukes of Milan, they -might be closed against her. An alternative route no doubt remained. -She might have threaded the Straits of Gibraltar and reached the north -of Europe by the Atlantic and the English Channel. But, though of late -a Flanders fleet had yearly sailed from Venice, this route was not -developed. It could, and probably would, have been closed by Spain. -Nor would such a policy have saved her from Milan, which, if she -became too powerful, might cut off her food supplies, surround her, -and drive her into the sea. - -The attempt, then, to form a state in Lombardy appears to have been -inevitable; nor was it so selfish as her enemies declared it to be. -Her treatment of the cities under her rule was not only infinitely -superior to that of Milan, but compared most favourably with that -of Florence. She left them as much local autonomy as was compatible -with the maintenance of her supremacy; she did not tax them heavily. -It was the aim of Venice to secure the affection of her subjects, -and their loyalty in the days of her troubles, proved that she had -succeeded. With equal injustice the policy of Venice towards the Turk -has been denounced as faithless to the cause of Christianity. No -doubt, despairing of the aid of Europe, she was anxious to keep on -friendly terms with the Turk, and would, if possible, have avoided -war; but this policy was forced upon her by the refusal of European -states to sink their common jealousies and join heartily in a crusade. -Venice, after all, was the only power which seriously attempted to -check the advance of the Moslem, and the coalition against her is -the best proof of the hollowness of the cry of a crusade on the part -of her spoilers. But though the advance on the mainland seems to -have been inevitable, and is capable of justification, it was none -the less a fatal step. Had it been possible for Venice to conquer -Milan, and to have secured the whole of Lombardy before the date of -the French invasion, she might some day have become the capital of -a united Italy, and the history of the Peninsula might have been a -happier one. But for this her resources were not sufficient, nor is -it likely that the European powers would have acquiesced. Failing -this, her vain attempts to find a strategic frontier only added to her -enemies, and earned her the name of the most selfish and grasping of -the Italian states; while in her endeavour to protect her commerce by -friendly treaties with the Turk, she added to her crimes the charge of -treachery towards the cause of Christendom. - - | The real faults of Venetian policy. - -The real fault of Venice has not been so often noted by historians. -Her interests imperatively demanded that the foreigner should be -excluded from Italy. As long as the Peninsula was left to itself, -she was strong enough to hold her own; but she was no match for the -more powerful kingdoms of the north. Her vacillation at the date -of the expedition of Charles VIII. she had in part redressed by -forming the League of Venice and driving him from Italy, although her -occupation at that date of the Apulian towns eventually earned her -the hostility of Ferdinand. The good work was, however, again undone -by her foolish alliance with Louis XII. in his war against Milan. By -this short-sighted policy she earned with some justice the accusation -of territorial greed; irritated Maximilian, who did not relish being -excluded from Lombardy; and established on her western frontier the -ever-grasping power of France. Thus, by the close of the fifteenth -century, Venice had incurred the enmity not only of the petty Italian -states, but of the chief powers of Western Europe. - - | European combinations leading to the League of - | Cambray. - -Maximilian desired to recover Friuli; Louis XII. wished to extend -the frontiers of the Milanese; Florence feared that Venice might -cross the Apennines; Ferdinand was determined to recover the cities -in Apulia. Above all, Pope Julius was bent on humbling the proud -republic. Her acquisitions in the Romagna interfered with his darling -scheme of establishing the papal rule in that district. Between France -in Milan, and Spain in Naples, Julius might hope to hold the balance, -and to establish the temporal dominion of the Papacy, but Venice, or -indeed any strong Italian power, would strenuously oppose it. In this -Julius only followed the traditional policy of his predecessors in the -papal chair, that of inveterate hostility to the growth of a strong -native state in Italy. Moreover, the independent attitude of the -republic in matters of church government, illustrated at this moment -by her refusal to allow him to nominate to the vacant bishopric of -Vicenza, angered the haughty prelate. 'They wish to treat me as their -chaplain,' he said, 'let them beware lest I make them humble fishermen -as they once were.' - -Under these circumstances the sole hope for Venice lay in the mutual -jealousies of her enemies. From these she had profited hitherto, -but when they ceased her day of reckoning would come. Hence it is -necessary to treat in some detail the relations of the European powers -at the opening of the sixteenth century. - -At the close of the Neapolitan war, the alliance between the houses of -Hapsburg and Spain, based on the marriage of the Archduke Philip, son -of Maximilian, with Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon and -Isabella of Castile, threatened to break up. By the deaths in 1497, -and 1500, of John, the eldest son, and of Michael of Portugal, the -grandson of the Spanish monarchs, Joanna became the heiress of Castile -and Aragon,[21] and, in the event of Isabella's death, would become -Queen of Castile to the exclusion of her father. This at once aroused -the jealousy of Ferdinand against her husband the archduke. The -temporary division of Castile and Aragon would arrest the unification -of the Peninsula; while the prospect of Spain eventually falling to -the Hapsburg was equally distasteful to him. - - | Treaty of Lyons, April 5, 1503; and of Blois, Sept. - | 22, 1504. - -Ferdinand had accordingly rejected the treaty of Lyons (April 1503), -concluded between Philip and Louis XII. for the settlement of the -Neapolitan quarrel. By that treaty, it had been agreed that the -kingdom of Naples should one day fall to Claude, the infant daughter -of Louis XII., who had already, in 1501, been betrothed to Charles, -the young son of the archduke. Philip, abandoned by his father-in-law, -clung all the closer to the French alliance, and was supported by his -father, Maximilian, who hoped by this marriage treaty to realise his -most magnificent dreams. In September 1504, at Blois, Louis XII., -influenced by his wife, Anne of Brittany, promised Milan, Genoa, -Asti, Brittany, and Blois, as Claude's dower, to which Burgundy was -to be added in the event of his own death without male heirs. In the -following year, Maximilian actually proposed, with the approval of the -French Queen, that the Salic Law should be repealed, in order that -Claude might succeed her father on the French throne. - - | Second Treaty of Blois. Oct. 12, 1505. - -Thus there seemed a prospect that the young Charles would some day -unite the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, France, the Milanese, and the -kingdom of Naples, with the hereditary dominions of the House of -Hapsburg. Had this ever come about, the rest of Germany must have -submitted, and the descendants of the poverty-stricken Frederick III. -would have found themselves masters of an empire over most of the -Teutonic and Latin races of the continent. But the day dream was not -to last. In November 1504, Isabella died, and Ferdinand, determined -to retain his hold as regent of Castile, made haste to conciliate -Louis XII. At Blois, in October 1505, he agreed to marry Germaine de -Foix, the niece of the French king. To her the French claims on Naples -were to be resigned, which, however, were to revert to Louis XII. in -default of her having issue by Ferdinand. Ferdinand further promised -to Louis a sum of money, and an amnesty to the French party in Naples. -In the June of the following year, 1506, Ferdinand was indeed obliged -to surrender the regency of Castile to Philip and Joanna; but in -September the Archduke Philip died at Burgos; the unfortunate Joanna -was declared to show signs of madness,[22] and Ferdinand, by the help -of Cardinal Ximenes, secured, though with difficulty, the government -of Castile. Thus the quarrel between Louis XII. and Ferdinand was -temporarily accommodated, and Ferdinand was secure in Spain and in -Naples. - -Meanwhile, in France the national hostility to a foreigner had been -aroused. The Estates-General at Tours (May 1506) prayed the King to -abandon the intended match between Claude and Charles, and to marry -her to Francis of Angouleme, the heir-presumptive to the crown, who -was 'entirely a Frenchman.' Maximilian, irritated at the failure of -his schemes, now broke with Louis. In 1507, he summoned the Diet to -Constance, and passionately demanded help of the empire. 'The King of -France,' he said, 'wishes to rob the Germans of the Imperial crown, -the highest dignity of the world and the glory of our nation.' In -return for a promise to reorganise the Imperial Chamber, he received -a contingent from the Diet; he also took a body of Swiss mercenaries -into his pay. Crossing the Brenner, he reached Trent in February, -1508, and there, with the consent of the papal legate, declared -himself Emperor-elect. - - | The League of Cambray. Dec. 10, 1508. - -But as usual the pretensions of Maximilian outran his abilities to -a ludicrous extent. The Venetians, fearing his designs on Friuli, -refused him free passage, and enforced their refusal by arms. His -attempt on Vicenza failed. The Duke of Gueldres, stirred up by Louis -XII., threatened the Netherlands, and the would-be ruler of Western -Europe was forced to accept the terms of the insolent republic and -retire. Burning to revenge himself, he pocketed his pride, and at -Cambray, December 1508, came to terms with Louis XII. Peace was made -with the Duke of Gueldres, and Maximilian promised, in return for -money, the investiture of Milan to Louis XII. and his descendants. -Their quarrels thus accommodated, the King and Emperor agreed to -partition the Venetian territory. All princes who had any claims -on Venetian lands were asked to aid in checking her intolerable -selfishness and greed by recovering their lost possessions. Ferdinand -and the Pope shortly joined, the latter with some misgivings, and only -after Venice had refused to restore to him Rimini and Faenza; a number -of petty Italian princes followed suit, and Venice found herself -face to face with one of the most shameful of coalitions in history. -Ferdinand, however, was engaged in wars against the Moors of Africa. -The penniless Maximilian was not ready for a fresh campaign; and the -French, and papal troops, assisted by the Duke of Ferrara and other -Italians, alone took the field. - - | Battle of Agnadello or Vaila. May 14, 1509. - -The wisest policy for Venice would probably have been, as Pitigliano -urged, to avoid pitched battles, and to play a waiting game. If the -war were prolonged, the robbers would be sure to quarrel. But rasher -counsels prevailed. Neglecting the movement of the papal troops in the -Romagna, the Venetians turned against the French and attempted to stop -their attack at the frontier. As the two armies were manoeuvring -in the valley of the Adda, it came about that the rear-guard of the -Venetian army, under Bartolomeo d'Alviano, came within striking -distance of the French advanced guard. Alviano, a condottier with more -valour than discretion, thought it more honourable to be beaten than -to retreat, and at once ordered the attack. The Venetian army was a -curious medley of Italian condottiers and peasants, Greek light horse -from the Peloponnese and the Aegean isles, and half-savage archers -from Crete. Nevertheless it fought well, more especially the Italian -infantry, composed of peasants from the Lombard plain and the slopes -of the Alps and Apennines. But it was exposed to the attack of the -whole French army, aided by a large body of Swiss. The van, under the -Count of Pitigliano, whether from jealousy, or because it was too -far distant, did not co-operate; and, after a desperate struggle, -the Venetian army turned and fled, leaving Alviano a prisoner, and -most of their infantry dead on the field. As is often the case with -mercenaries, the defeated army soon became a mob. The cities refused -refuge to the fugitives, and opened their gates to the victors. The -French met with no opposition till they reached Peschiera, which they -took by assault. - -At Venice meanwhile, the Senate were debating their future policy -amidst the wildest consternation. Deciding to bow to the storm and -to abandon their subject cities, they authorised them to surrender. -Verona, Vicenza, and Padua forthwith sent their keys to Louis, and on -his chivalrous refusal to accept their submission, since they did not -fall to his share, they turned to Maximilian. In the Romagna, the Pope -occupied Ravenna, Rimini, and Faenza. The Duke of Ferrara entered the -Polesine; the Marquis of Mantua seized the territories of which Venice -had deprived him; and the Apulian towns surrendered to Ferdinand. - - | Venice saved by the loyalty of her subject lands and - | the dissensions of her foes. - -Venice had now lost all her acquisitions made during the fifteenth -century, and seemed doomed to be confined again to her lagoons; nay, -Maximilian even spoke of taking the city itself and dividing it into -four districts among the confederates. But the Emperor as usual -counted without his host. Neither Ferdinand nor Julius were willing -to press matters so far; they stayed their hand, while Louis, having -attained his object, withdrew to Milan, and then to France. In the -conquered territories, more especially in those claimed by Maximilian, -a reaction now took place in favour of the republic of St. Mark. The -nobles had easily deserted Venice, but now the lower classes in town -and country rose in her defence. The Senate regained courage. By a -majority of one vote it was decided to resume the offensive, and, -on July 17, Padua was re-taken. The law which forbade the Venetian -nobility to serve on the mainland was revoked, and one hundred and -seventy-six young nobles, headed by the sons of the Doge, Loredano, -marched to the defence of the recovered city. Maximilian at last -determined to come in person, and laid siege to Padua with a large -army composed not only of Germans, but of Spanish auxiliaries, and -reinforced by a French contingent. But the French and Germans were -not on the best of terms. The French knights, when ordered to storm -the breach on foot, demanded that they should be joined by the German -men-at-arms, and not be left to fight side by side with low-born -lansquenets, and the German knights refused to serve on foot at -all. At last Maximilian, passing as was his wont from overweening -confidence to blank despair, raised the siege, October 3, 1509, and -recrossed the Alps, to hear that Vicenza had also revolted, and -recalled the Venetian troops. - -Unable to defeat the Venetians in open battle, or to take their -cities, Maximilian ordered their territories to be ravaged, and a -cruel war of pillage and of massacre went on in Friuli throughout -the winter of 1509-10. On one occasion, six thousand men, women, and -children were suffocated in a cave near Vicenza. Such cruelties could -only serve to convince the people of the superiority of the Venetian -rule. - -Venice was now to be saved by the dissensions of her enemies. Julius -II. had hitherto been the most bitter of her foes, and had supported -the League not only by arms, but by excommunication. Yet he had always -declared that Venice had driven him to this step by her refusal to -recognise the just claims of the Papacy, spiritual and temporal. 'But -for this,' he had said, 'we might have been united and found some way -to free Italy from the tyranny of the foreigner.' Why should this not -now be done? The lands he claimed were in his possession, and Venice -was prepared to acknowledge his spiritual pretensions. Moreover, -the overwhelming predominance, which France had gained, might be -more dangerous to papal interests than the Venetian republic. Thus -by joining Venice there was an opportunity, not only of furthering -the papal cause, but also of realising that dream of every patriotic -Italian, the expulsion of the foreigner. Julius, however, did not -show his hand at once. It would be rash to do so until he could be -sure that Venice was strong enough to resist her foes; hence his long -refusal to listen to her prayers. When, at last, in February 1510, he -admitted the city to his peace, it was only on the severest terms. -Venice acknowledged the justice of the excommunication; renounced -her claims to tax her clergy, and to nominate to her bishoprics; -promised that clerics should be tried by ecclesiastical courts, and -declared the navigation of the Adriatic free to citizens of the Papal -States. The Council of Ten indeed entered a secret protest against -these concessions as having been extorted by force, and subsequently -repudiated them, but for the moment the Papacy had triumphed. - -It was now the aim of Julius to drive the French and Germans from -Italy by the assistance of Venice, and of the Swiss, who had broken -with Louis. The Swiss alliance for the time failed him. Nevertheless -he met at first with transient success. The neutrality of Ferdinand -was secured by the investiture of Naples and Sicily, hitherto refused -by the Papacy (July 1510). Modena, belonging to the Duke of Ferrara, -and Mirandola, were conquered; the first by the nephew of the Pope, -the Duke of Urbino; the second by the warlike Julius himself, who, -rising from a bed of sickness, crossed the trenches on the ice, and -took the city by storm (January 1511). But here his success ended. - - | The Holy League. Oct. 5, 1511. - -On May 13, 1511, the French captured Bologna, aided by treachery -within the city, and in September, Louis summoned a general council -at Pisa, which had been at last reconquered by Florence two years -before. The council was a failure, for Europe was not prepared for -another schism. But it was evident that the French were not to be -easily driven from Milan. Julius, therefore, determined to be avenged -on France, now turned to Ferdinand. The wily Spaniard had long lost -interest in the League. Having regained the Apulian towns, he did -not care to see Venice further humbled, and dreaded the increase of -French power in Lombardy. Moreover, a quarrel in Italy would give him -a pretext for seizing Navarre, which he had long coveted. Ferdinand -accordingly gladly welcomed the offers of the Pope; and on October -5, 1511, the Holy League was formed between the Pope, Ferdinand, and -Venice. The ostensible object of the League was the protection of the -Church, the recovery of Bologna, and the restoration to Venice of her -territories. The real aim of the confederates was to drive the French -from Italy, while a further stipulation in the treaty, that the Pope -should confirm the Spaniards in any conquest made outside Italy, -pointed clearly to Navarre. The allies also gained the support of the -young Henry VIII. of England, who was anxious to revive his claims -to Guienne, and to strengthen his alliance with his father-in-law. -Against this formidable coalition, Louis was at first successful. The -French army was commanded by Gaston de Foix, the king's nephew and -brother of Ferdinand's wife. The young man--he was twenty-three, 'a -great general without having served as a soldier'--who by the rapidity -of his movements earned in this campaign the title of the Thunderbolt -of Italy, first threw himself into Bologna (February 4), and forced -the army of the League, under Raymond de Cardona, viceroy of Naples, -to retire. Hearing of the revolt of Brescia, he hurried thither, took -the town by assault, mounting the ramparts with bare feet to improve -his hold on the steep slopes (February 18), and killed so many of the -defenders 'that the horses could not put foot to the ground for the -corpses that covered it.' Then, speeding back to Bologna, he forced -his enemies to retire, and, pressing on to Ravenna, attempted to take -the town by assault (April 19). - - | Battle of Ravenna. Easter Day, 1512. - -Cardona was anxious to avoid a pitched battle. Time, he knew, was on -his side, for Maximilian was on the point of joining the League; the -Swiss were preparing to pour down into the Milanese; and the projected -invasion of France by Henry VIII. would prevent Louis from sending -efficient reinforcements. He had accordingly retired to Faenza, but, -fearing that Ravenna would fall if not relieved, was forced to return. -Even then his tactics were defensive. His camp was protected on the -left flank by the river; in front, by some of the numerous ditches -which intersect the marshy country. Strengthening this further by his -artillery, and by waggons with scythe-like implements mounted on them, -he awaited the French attack. - -The position of Cardona was indeed a strong one, but in numbers his -force was slightly inferior, and, if France was to win, the victory -must be won at once. Gaston, therefore, decided rightly to tempt -fortune once more, and on Easter Day at 8 A.M. he ordered the attack. -He had hoped to dislodge the enemy from their strong position by -means of his artillery, which had been brought to a condition of high -efficiency under the Duke of Ferrara. In this he was disappointed. -The fire of the Spaniards was nearly as effective as his own, and, -although the cavalry of the League suffered as severely as that of -the French, the Spanish infantry protected themselves by lying on the -ground, a movement which French ideas of military honour forbade. -After three hours' furious cannonade, the impatience of the cavalry -of the League, and of the French and German infantry, could no longer -be restrained, and while the former charged the French cavalry, which -stood opposite to it, the latter attacked the Spanish foot. Thus -cavalry was opposed to cavalry, and infantry to infantry. In the -shock which followed, the French horse under Ives d'Allegre, after -half-an-hour's struggle, carried all before them; but their foot, with -the German lansquenets, in spite of heroic efforts, found the position -too strong, and were already being driven back, when a detachment -of their horse, returning from the charge, took the infantry of the -League in flank. The French and German infantry now rallied, and -forcing their opponents back, finally drove them from their camp. The -battle was already won, when Gaston, attempting to check the retreat -of some two thousand Spanish footmen, rashly threw himself across -their path, followed by a handful of men-at-arms. Though unhorsed he -still fought on, 'rivalling the feats of Roland at Roncesvalles,' till -at last he fell pierced by wounds. Thus ended the most bloody battle -of the war, which had lasted from 8 A.M. to 4 P.M. - -The graphic account, given by the biographer of Bayard, helps us best -to realise its peculiar character. The shock of the men-at-arms, the -thrust of pike and short sword, the arquebuses and 'hacquebutes,' or -mounted arquebuses, belong to the Middle Age, but the efficiency of -the guns reminds us that we are on the threshold of the sixteenth -century. - -The victory lay with the French. Pedro Navarra, one of the best of -the Spanish generals, the young Marquis of Pescara, and the Cardinal -de Medici, legate of the Pope, soon to become Pope Leo X. himself, -were prisoners. 'The Spanish loss was such that an hundred years -could not repair it,' and Ravenna at once surrendered. Yet, never was -victory more dearly bought, or more useless. Though the Spanish troops -had suffered most, the losses amongst the officers were more severe -on the side of the French and Germans, and many a knight who had -distinguished himself in Italy had bit the dust. More serious still -was Gaston's death. Had he lived, he might have pressed on to Rome, -and brought the Pope at once to terms. His death, however, caused -delay, and delay was ruinous. The cruelty of the French had made them -hated by the Italians; the richness of the booty, at Brescia and -Ravenna, demoralised the troops, and many returned to France. - - | Maximilian and the Swiss join the Holy League. - - | The French recross the Alps. - -Maximilian had come to terms with the League just before the battle, -but too late to prevent his lansquenets from taking part and rendering -most efficient help to the French. Now, in hopes of securing the -Milanese for himself, or for his grandson Charles, he recalled his -troops and openly broke with France. Deprived of their support, the -French could hardly keep the field. It was, however, at the hands -of the Swiss that they were to be driven across the Alps. In the -previous wars, these mercenary mountaineers had been of the greatest -service to Louis; but the cantons had been alienated by his refusal to -increase the subsidy, and still more by his stopping their trade with -the Milanese, whence they drew their corn and wine and oil. A strong -anti-French party accordingly arose in Switzerland, headed by Mathias -Schinner, Bishop of the Valais, the implacable enemy of France, and, -in May 1512, a Swiss army poured down on Milan. La Palice, who, on the -death of Gaston, had succeeded to the command, felt too weak to resist -them with an army deprived of the German contingent, and demoralised -by its excesses. He accordingly withdrew to Pavia. Trivulzio, the -governor of Milan, followed him, and shortly afterwards the French -recrossed the Mont Cenis. With the exception of the castle of Milan, -and a few others, their conquests rapidly melted away. Genoa drove -out the French and elected Giano Fregoso as its doge. All the Romagna -returned to the obedience of the Pope. The Duke of Ferrara indeed -held out, but lost Reggio. Bologna was regained, and even Parma and -Piacenza seized, while Julius claimed all the territory south of the -Po. - - | The Medici restored to Florence. Sept. 1, 1512. - -In August 1512, representatives of the League met in congress at -Mantua. Florence first demanded their attention. Since the death -of Savonarola, the position of that republic had been most weak. -The constitution established in 1494 had not worked well. It was -too oligarchical to be popular, while the partisans of the exiled -Medici did all they could to discredit it. In 1502, to strengthen the -executive, the office of Gonfalonier had been made a life appointment, -and Piero Soderini had been elected; in 1506, at the suggestion of -Machiavelli, a militia had been formed. But these measures did not -mend matters much. The long struggle to regain Pisa, which was only -ended in 1509, exhausted the revenues of the state, and the intrigues -of the Medici grew more active. Clinging to the French alliance, the -city had refused the offers of the League; yet, in the pursuit of a -policy of feeble neutrality, had given no help to Louis XII., when -help might have saved him. Her turn was now to come. The confederates -demanded that Soderini should retire from office, and that the Medici -should be allowed to return as private citizens. The Florentines -agreed to admit the Medici, but, over-confident in their new-formed -militia, declined to depose Soderini. Accordingly, on August 12, 1512, -Raymond de Cardona attacked the town of Prato, which lay a few miles -to the north of Florence. The militia, although far more numerous -than their enemies, did not justify the confidence which had been -placed in them, and fled as soon as a breach was made; possibly there -was treachery within the walls. In any case, the Spaniards entered -the town without further opposition, and put it to the sack with -such brutality that the memories of it are said to have disturbed -the last moments of Giovanni, the future Pope, Leo X. This cruelty -at least did its work. Soderini, an amiable though weak man, whose -'silly soul' the indignant epitaph of Machiavelli sentences to the -limbo of infants, at once resigned rather than expose Florence to -further woes; and, on September 1, the Cardinal Giovanni entered -Florence. The Medici[23] returned nominally as private citizens, but -the constitution of 1494 was swept away, and the government, restored -as it had been under Lorenzo, was completely under their control. -Although the revolution was effected with moderation, the partisans of -the old government naturally lost office. Machiavelli, who had been -secretary to the Council of Ten (Dieci di Liberta e Pace), and who -had taken an active part in the diplomacy of the republic, was driven -from public life, and devoted himself to writing _The Prince_, and -_The Discourses_,[24] the former of which treatises has given him such -an unenviable notoriety. The city under its new rulers abandoned the -French alliance and joined the League. - - | Milan granted to Maximilian Sforza. Dec. 29, 1512. - -The confederates then turned to the question of Milan. Maximilian -was eager to secure this for his grandson Charles. But he was not -acceptable to the Pope, the Venetians, or the Swiss, or even to -Ferdinand. All dreaded the addition of the Milanese to the vast -possessions present and reversionary of the young prince. Finally, -it was agreed to recall Maximilian, the son of Ludovico il Moro, who -had since his father's fall been brought up in the imperial court. -On the 29th of December, Maximilian received the keys from the Swiss -and entered the city. In return, 'their puppet duke' ceded to the -confederates the Val Maggia, Locarno, and Lugano; and to their allies, -the Rhaetian League (later the canton of the Grisons), Chiavenna, -Bormio, and the Valtelline. This, added to the Val Leventina, acquired -1440, and to Bellinzona, granted by Louis XII. in 1503, gave the -Swiss, and their allies, complete command over four of the most -important passes of the Alps, the St. Gothard, the Splugen, the -Maloia, and the Bernina, and extended their territory to the Italian -lakes of Como, Lugano, and Maggiore.[25] Thus at the close of the year -1512, the Medici and the Sforza found themselves again in power as -they had been at the invasion of Charles VIII. - - | Ferdinand conquers Spanish Navarre. July 1513. - -Meanwhile France had been threatened by a joint attack on Guienne--on -the part of Ferdinand and Henry VIII. The English indeed landed -at Bayonne, but fortunately for Louis, the attention of Ferdinand -was called off to Navarre. That kingdom, which sat astride of the -Pyrenees, was at this moment under the rule of Catherine de Foix and -her husband, the Frenchman, John d'Albret. But her title had always -been disputed by the younger line, represented by Gaston de Foix, -the nephew of Louis XII. On his death at the battle of Ravenna, his -claims passed to his sister Germaine, wife of Ferdinand, and these -Ferdinand now proceeded to press. Catherine, the reigning queen, -no longer afraid of France, sought the alliance of Louis XII. This -gave Ferdinand the pretext he sought. He demanded a passage through -Navarre for his attack on France, and on being refused, invaded the -little kingdom. He was supported by a powerful faction, headed by the -Beaumonts. The timid John fled. 'Wert thou queen and I king, the realm -would not be thus lost,' said Catherine, but was forced to follow her -cowardly husband, and, by the end of July, Ferdinand occupied all -the territory on the Spanish side of the mountains. That portion of -the country which lay on the French slope of the Pyrenees, continued -an independent kingdom, to be absorbed into France in the sixteenth -century, by the accession of Henry of Navarre to the French crown. The -English, irritated at Ferdinand's failure to co-operate with them, -and attacked by disease, due to the hot climate, the incessant rain, -and the heavy wine of the South in which they indulged too freely, -withdrew from Bayonne, and France was relieved from immediate danger -on that side. - - | Break-up of the Holy League. - - | Death of Julius II. Feb. 20, 1513. - -At the beginning of the year 1513, it was pretty evident that the Holy -League would not last. The Venetians, finding that the Emperor was -coveting the share of their territory originally meted out to him by -the League of Cambray, were looking again to France. At this moment, -Julius II., one of the chief movers in that League, passed away. The -objects of this 'fiery personality' had been: first to conquer the -Romagna, and establish the papal dominion there on a sound footing; -secondly, if possible, to free Italy from the foreigner. Of these, -the first had been the dominant aim, and he had attained it. 'For -good or for ill, Julius is the founder of the Papal States.' We may -deplore the secularising influence of the temporal dominion on the -spiritual character of the Papacy, but at least the scheme of Julius -is infinitely preferable to that of Alexander VI. Alexander had tried -to establish his family; Julius won territories for the Papal See. -But in gaining this, his primary aim, he sacrificed his second. By -the League of Cambray, he finally destroyed the political life of -Italy, and called the foreigner to his aid; and, when, in the Holy -League, he attempted to undo the work, and to drive the French, the -chief instruments of his previous policy, across the Alps, he found -that he could only do so at the price of changing masters. In his -last days, indeed, he hoped to reconcile Maximilian by some small -concessions, and then, with the help of the Venetians and the Swiss, -to drive the Spaniards from the peninsula. But the dream was an idle -one. Julius had riveted the chains of Italian slavery, and done much -to advance the power of that formidable Austro-Spanish House which -was shortly to become so dangerous a menace to Europe, and to control -the destinies of Italy till our own day. None the less, the name of -Pope Julius will always live as the founder of the Papal States, as -the last representative of that great semi-political, semi-religious -Church, whose claims to universal supremacy over western Christendom -were on the point of being overthrown; as the patron of Bramante, -Michael Angelo, and Raphael, the authors of those supreme efforts of -Renaissance art, the Cathedral of St. Peter,[26] and the frescoes of -the Sistine Chapel, and of the Vatican. - - | Election of Leo X. March 11, 1513. - -Of all the schemes of Julius II., few had more influence on the -immediate history of Italy and of the Papacy than the restoration -of the Medici to Florence. He had been led to it by the obstinate -adherence of the republic to Louis XII. But the policy was a mistaken -one. The republic was weak and could not have had much influence, -whereas, under the Medici, allied as they were with Spain, Florence -was likely to become formidable again. Julius, however, could hardly -have foreseen that a family, which had only just been restored from -exile, would furnish his successor on the papal throne; for the -election of the young Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici--he was only -thirty-eight--surprised every one. - -Giovanni, the second son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, appointed a -cardinal before he was a man, had indeed shown himself a capable -politician by the leading part he had taken in the restoration of -his family to Florence. He was not, however, otherwise noteworthy, -and his election was due mainly to the desire of the young cardinals -for some rest after the political activity of the pontificates of -Alexander VI. and Julius II. This they hoped to gain by the election -of the pleasure-loving Medici, who represented the Renaissance in its -shallower aspects, loved magnificence, and dallied with literature and -art; but had no serious purpose in life beyond a desire to establish -his family at Florence, and, for the rest, to be ever on the winning -side. - - | Treaty of Mechlin. April 5, 1513. - -But though, by the death of Julius II., the Holy League was robbed -of its most earnest member, the change of Popes did not for the -moment improve the prospects of peace. On the one hand France and -Venice, united by common interest, formed an alliance; on the other, -the young Henry VIII. of England and his ambitious minister Wolsey, -anxious to win a place in European counsels, pined for a new league -of partition against France. This was signed at Mechlin, in April, -between Maximilian, Henry VIII., Leo. X., and Ferdinand; although the -last named was at the same moment making a secret treaty with the -French King. - - | Battle of Novara. June 6, 1513. - -Threatened thus on all sides, France seemed likely to be overwhelmed. -In Italy, her attempt to reconquer the Milanese, by the aid of the -Venetians, was foiled by the disastrous battle of Novara. Here the -Swiss, who looked upon Maximilian Sforza as their _protege_, without -cavalry or artillery, decisively defeated a French army three times as -numerous as themselves, and well provided with both guns and horse. - - | Battle of Guinnegate. Aug. 16. - - | Flodden. Sept. 9. - -Meanwhile Henry VIII., with the needy Maximilian in his pay, invaded -France; laid siege to Terouenne; put a French relieving force to -flight at Guinnegate with such ease, as to earn for the combat the -name of 'the Battle of the Spurs'; and took Terouenne and Tournay. In -September, the Swiss actually invaded France and extorted a treaty -from Louis XII. In the same month, James IV. of Scotland, as he sought -to make a diversion in favour of his French ally, lost the flower of -the Scottish nobility, and his own life, on the field of Flodden. - - | France once more saved by dissensions of her foes. - - | Ferdinand, the Pope, and Henry VIII. are reconciled to - | France. - -It looked as if France, the country which at first had gained most -from the partition of Venice, was likely to be partitioned herself. -But, as ever, the mutual jealousies of the European powers prevented -any lasting combination. Neither Ferdinand nor Leo X. wished to see -France too weak. Leo thought that his own interests and those of his -family would be best secured by balancing the powers of Spain and -France in Italy, and hoped to secure French assistance for his scheme -of establishing Giuliano his brother in Naples. He accordingly became -reconciled to the French King, and pardoned the French cardinals, -who had taken part in the schismatic council of Pisa (November, -1513). Ferdinand was above all things anxious to prevent the undue -aggrandisement of the House of Hapsburg. He had already made a secret -treaty with Louis, and he now intrigued to detach the Emperor from -the English alliance. Henry was determined not to be thus left in -the lurch. He was irritated at the treachery of Ferdinand, and the -incurable shiftiness of Maximilian, 'the man of few pence,' who would -do anything to gain a little money, and accordingly made his own peace -with Louis (August, 1514). It was agreed that his sister Mary, who had -just been betrothed to Charles, the grandson of Maximilian, should -marry the French King. The disparity in their ages was serious. The -bridegroom was a widower of fifty-two, and Mary was but sixteen. But -the scruples of the maiden were overcome by the promise that, if she -would this time sacrifice herself to her brother's interests, she -should next time follow her own inclinations; and peace was concluded -between France and England. Thus France escaped from her danger, and -England, under the guidance of Wolsey, had secured for herself an -influential position in Europe. - -Of the folly of Louis' Italian policy, there cannot be a doubt. -His three capital errors are thus described by Machiavelli: 'He -increased the power of the Church; he called the Spaniards into -Italy, a foreigner as puissant as himself; he ruined the power of the -Venetians, his best allies.' - -The mutual jealousies of the other powers, indeed, saved France itself -from dismemberment. But her resources were terribly strained; Spain -had seized half of Navarre; Tournay had been lost to England; and the -attempt to hold Italy had only proved the truth of the adage that -'Italy is the grave of the French.' - - | Louis XII. succeeded by Francis I. Jan. 1515. - -Had Louis lived, Europe might possibly have had peace. But the -unfortunate man succumbed in three months in his attempt to play the -bridegroom, 'dining at eight when he was accustomed to dine at midday, -and retiring to bed at midnight when he was wont to sleep at six,' -and was succeeded by his ambitious cousin, Francis of Angouleme, who -had, in 1514, married the king's daughter, Claude, heiress through her -mother to the Duchy of Brittany. - - | Francis determines to invade Italy. His treaties with - | Venice, England, and Charles. - -The young king, now in his twenty-first year, is thus described by -Sir Robert Wingfield, the ambassador of Henry VIII. at the court of -Maximilian: 'He is mighty insatiable, always reading or talking of -such enterprises as whet and inflame himself and his hearers. His -common saying is, that his trust is, that by his valour and industry -the things which have been lost and lettyn by his ignoble predecessors -shall be recovered, and that the monarchy of Christendom shall -rest under the banner of France as it was wont to do.' Encouraged -by his mother, Louise of Savoy, who was bent on the exaltation of -her 'Caesar,' he was no sooner on the throne than he resolved to -plunge into Italy and wipe out the disgrace of Novara. In the spring -and summer, he renewed the treaties with Henry VIII. and Venice, -and concluded an alliance with the young Charles, who, although -only fifteen, had just been called to assume the government of -the Netherlands, and who, under the guidance of Croy, the Lord of -Chievres, had adopted a conciliatory attitude towards France. Francis -also hoped to gain the support of Leo X. In February, he sanctioned -the marriage of Giuliano de' Medici, the brother of the Pope, with -Philiberta of Savoy, sister of his mother Louise, and held out hopes -of some day establishing him in Naples. - - | Counter-League against France. - - | Francis crosses the Alps, Aug. 1515. Victory of - | Marignano, Sept. 13. - -The fickle Pontiff, however, was as usual playing double, and in -the same month joined the counter-league against France, which was -composed of the Emperor, Ferdinand, Florence, the Duke of Milan, -and the Swiss. Had the allies been united it might have gone ill -for Francis, but they were bent on their own interests, and divided -their forces. Francis, finding that the outlet of the passes of -the Mont Cenis and Mont Genevre were guarded by the Swiss, pushed -his way across the Alps by the Col de l'Argentiere, a new and -difficult route, and reached Saluzzo unmolested. He then surprised -Prospero Colonna, who commanded the Milanese forces at Villafranca, -and completely turned the position of the Swiss at Susa. The Swiss -dropped back on Milan, and the French advanced to Marignano, a place -between Piacenza and Milan. Here, late on a September afternoon, -they were attacked by the Swiss. The intrepid mountaineers had been -stirred by the eloquence of Mathias Schinner, the Cardinal of Sion, -the life-long enemy of the French. With only a few Milanese cavalry -to support them, and scarcely any guns, they trusted to the weight of -their famous phalanx, and push of pike. The French they despised as -'hares in armour.' Disencumbered of their caps, and with bare feet to -give themselves firmer footing, they dashed upon the enemy, hoping to -repeat the exploit of Novara. But they underrated their opponents, -who were led by the flower of French chivalry, the Constable of -Bourbon, La Palice, the Chevalier Bayard, Robert de la Marck, the -son of the 'devil of the Ardennes,' himself dubbed 'L'Aventureur,' -and the Milanese, Trivulzio, who had fought in seventeen pitched -battles. Pedro Navarra, the Spanish general of artillery, was also -there. He had been made prisoner at the battle of Ravenna, and since -the niggardly Ferdinand had refused to pay his ransom, he had taken -service with the French. - -The struggle which ensued was declared by Trivulzio to be a battle of -giants, compared with which, all that he had ever been engaged in were -but child's-play. When darkness came upon the combatants, they lay -down to sleep 'within cast of a tennis ball of each other.' With the -dawn the combat was renewed, and continued till midday. The Swiss had -divided their forces in an attempt on the rear-guard, when d'Alviano -attacked them in the rear with the Venetian contingents. This decided -the matter, and Francis, knighted on the battlefield by the Chevalier -Bayard, remained the master of the field. Yet though defeated, the -Swiss retreated in good order, bearing their wounded with them. - - | Results of the victory. - -The battle of Marignano gave Milan to the French. Maximilian Sforza -abdicated his dukedom, which he had held for three years, and died -some years after, a pensioner in France. By his victory, Francis -shattered the military prestige of the Swiss, who had of late deemed -themselves invincible, commanded the destinies of Lombardy, and -'tamed and corrected princes.' Never again did these mercenaries -exercise an independent influence in Italy. Thus Francis had attained -at one stroke the pinnacle of military glory, and, had he pressed -his advantage, might have reduced the Pope and regained the kingdom -of Naples. But for this he was not prepared, and, contrary to -expectation, the battle for a moment promoted the cause of peace. -Leo, eager to join the winning cause, hastened to come to terms. He -ceded Parma and Piacenza, while Francis promised to support Lorenzo -in Florence, and to sanction the papal attack on the Duchy of Urbino, -whence Francesco della Rovere, the Duke, was driven. A short time -afterwards, Francis gave Lorenzo a wife connected with the royal -family, Madeleine de la Tour d'Auvergne. - - | The Concordat of Bologna. Aug. 1516. - -Having thus settled their political affairs, Pope and King proceeded, -by the concordat of Bologna, to share between them the liberties -of the Gallican Church. The traditional privileges of the Church -of France had been confirmed and extended by Charles VII. in the -Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (1439). By it, the free election to -bishoprics and abbacies had been secured to the chapters; the papal -claims to first-fruits had been rejected, as well as the right to -nominate to benefices by way of 'reservations' and 'expectancies'; -appeals to Rome had been restricted, and the superiority of General -Councils over the Pope had been declared. The independence thus gained -by the Church of France had been distasteful, not only to the Pope, -but to Louis XI. himself, who had attempted, though unsuccessfully, -to repeal the Pragmatic Sanction. Now Francis had his opportunity, -and was met half-way by Leo X. The Concordat of Bologna restrained -indeed the appeals to Rome, and declared papal 'reservations' and -'expectative graces' abolished. But it restored the first-fruits to -the Pope, omitted the assertion of the superiority of General Councils -over the Pope, and gave to the King the right of nomination to -bishoprics and archbishoprics, subject only to the papal confirmation -and institution. A few years later, the King gained the same privilege -with regard to the abbots of French monasteries. This serious attack -on the constitutional liberties of the Church of France met with -resolute opposition from the 'Parlement' and the University of Paris. -But the 'Parlement,' after an ineffectual resistance, was forced -to register it _de expressimo mandato regis_, the University was -overawed by royal threats, and the Concordat became the law of France. -Henceforth the French Church became the servant of King and Pope. The -power, which the crown obtained by control of these nominations, may -be estimated by remembering that in France at that time there existed -ten archbishoprics, eighty-three bishoprics, and five hundred and -twenty-seven abbacies. This right of nomination was almost exclusively -exercised in favour of men of noble birth. Hence the mischievous -distinction between the higher clergy who were nobles, and, for the -most part, courtiers, and the _cures_, who were not. Under these -circumstances, the position of the Church formed a counterpart to -the social condition of the country, with its sharp and disastrous -division between the noble and the _roturier_. On the other hand, the -right of veto enjoyed by the Pope on the royal nominations caused the -higher clergy and the aspirants for office to look to him. Thus the -Church of France, once the most independent of the European churches, -became one of the most servile and ultramontane, whilst its rulers -lost all touch with the middle classes. - - | Death of Ferdinand the Catholic, Jan. 23, 1516. - | Charles, King of Spain. - -Meanwhile, the triumph of Francis materially influenced the policy -of Ferdinand. Since the death of the Archduke Philip, the King of -Spain had been jealous of his grandson Charles. He feared lest he -might reclaim the regency of Castile, and disliked the prospect of -his eventually joining Austria, the Netherlands, and Spain under one -rule. His hostility even led him to entertain serious thoughts of -dividing his inheritance on his death between Charles and his brother -Ferdinand. Now, fearing that France might become too powerful, he -changed his will and bequeathed all to Charles. In January, 1516, the -wily old diplomatist, who had so adroitly schemed to establish his -undivided authority in Spain, and to balance the powers of Europe, -died, and Charles found himself, at the age of sixteen, the ruler of -Spain, the Netherlands, the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and the New -World. - - | Charles makes Peace of Noyon with Francis, Aug. 13, - | 1516, which Maximilian accepts. - -It was now the aim of Wolsey, who had gained his cardinal's hat in -the previous year, to oppose the predominant power of France by an -alliance between Charles, Maximilian, the Pope, and the Swiss. But Leo -for the present preferred the French alliance, and Charles was not yet -prepared for a struggle with Francis. His position was by no means -secure; his succession in Spain was disliked by many of the Spaniards; -the Netherlands lay exposed to the attacks of the Duke of Gueldres, -and of Robert de la Marck, the Lord of Bouillon, both ever glad of a -pretext for war. Finally, with all his titles, he was sadly in need -of money. He was therefore in no position to contest the possession -of Milan, and, following the advice of Chievres, he concluded the -Peace of Noyon with the victor of Marignano (August 13, 1516). Charles -was betrothed to Louise, the infant daughter of Francis; the French -retained Milan, but surrendered all claims to Naples; Charles promised -to restore Spanish Navarre to the line of Albret; Venice agreed to -offer 200,000 ducats to Maximilian for Brescia and Verona, but in the -event of his refusing, the two Kings might adopt what policy they -liked with regard to Venetian affairs. - - | Henry VIII. makes Treaty of London, Oct. 1518. Europe - | for the moment at Peace. - -The Peace of Noyon was a blow to Wolsey. In vain did he try to form an -alliance with Maximilian, the Venetians, and the Swiss. The Emperor -was ever ready with fantastic projects calculated to deceive the -simple Sir Robert Wingfield, Henry's representative at his court, -who was an ambassador of the old generation, and did not fathom the -wiles of the new diplomacy. But Richard Pace, Wolsey's special agent, -warned his master against the credulity of the good knight, whom -he humorously describes as 'Summer will be green,' and against the -shiftiness and money greed of Maximilian. Eventually, in December, -Maximilian accepted the terms of the treaty of Noyon, and surrendered -Brescia and Verona to Venice. Nor was Wolsey more successful with -the Swiss. In November, in return for gold, they made a 'perpetual -peace' with the French at Friburg. England seemed to be isolated once -more. But the desire of Francis to recover Tournay, which had been -seized by Henry VIII. in 1513, gave Wolsey an advantage, and by the -Treaty of London (October, 1518), Henry surrendered that town. The -alliance between the two countries was confirmed by the usual marriage -arrangements. The English princess Mary, a child of two, was betrothed -to the dauphin, who was not yet one year old. Thus England had at -least saved herself from isolation, and Europe was at peace. - -The Pope, when he dissolved the Lateran Council in the March of the -preceding year, had declared that schism had been ended, that the -necessary reforms in the Church had been accomplished, and that he -had good hopes that Europe, now at peace, might unite against the -Turk. The powers of Europe openly professed their intention so to do; -indulgences were promised, and papal collectors attempted to raise -money. Yet Europe was on the threshold of a renewed struggle between -the Houses of Hapsburg and of Valois, which was to last with some -slight pauses for another eighty years; and already Luther had affixed -his famous 'Theses' to the church door at Wittenberg, which were to -lead to a schism such as Rome had never dreamt of. - - | Effect of the Wars of the League of Cambray on the - | decline of Venice. - - | Real causes of the decline of Venice. - - | The old routes of commerce altered by discovery of - | route round the Cape. - -The series of treaties just mentioned may be said to have closed -the desultory war which had commenced with the League of Cambray. -It is often said that the League ruined Venice, yet we find that -she still retained almost all her dominions on the mainland, with -the exception of the Apulian towns and a few districts surrendered -to the Pope, and that the Adda still remained her boundary on the -west. The long war had no doubt severely strained her resources and -her exhausted finances, but these might have been restored. We must -therefore look elsewhere for the causes of the decline of Venice. In -the first place, the condition of politics had changed. The great -monarchical states of Europe, more especially France and Spain, had -become consolidated. Venice could no longer hope to compete with them; -her resources on the mainland were not sufficient to cope with the -armies which these powerful nations could put into the field; and in -any case she must have contented herself with a subordinate position. -We must also remember the strain of the Turkish wars. Europe, ever -ready to accuse Venice of treachery to the cause of Christendom, -turned deaf ears to her earnest entreaties for assistance. Thus Venice -was left almost alone to face the Turk. During the struggle, which -continued with some few intermissions throughout the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries, Venice slowly lost ground. She had to surrender -Cyprus in 1571, and Candia in 1669, after a desperate defence of -four-and-twenty years. The expenses of these wars, added to those -she had just incurred, would have been difficult to meet, even if -her trade had been left to her. But even this was slipping away. Her -wealth had depended chiefly on her commerce with the East and on -her carrying-trade between East and West. The old routes of Eastern -commerce had been mainly three. First, from Central Asia to the Black -Sea, and thence to the Mediterranean; secondly, by the Persian Gulf -and the Euphrates Valley, to the Levant; and lastly, to Cairo and -Alexandria from the Red Sea. Thence goods were shipped in Venetian -galleys to Venice, and were sent over the Alps, generally by the -Brenner Pass, to the Inn, the Danube, the Maine, and the Rhine, and -thence to Bruges, or were conveyed round by sea in the 'Flanders -galleys.' But at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Eastern -routes to Venice became closed. The Turks, after their conquest of -Constantinople, in 1453, cut off her trade with the Levant, while the -advance of the Portuguese on India destroyed the trade through Egypt. - - | Discoveries of the Portuguese. - -The Genoese had been the pioneers of exploration on the western -coast of Africa. They had rediscovered the Canaries and the island -of Madeira, which had been known to the Carthaginians. But their -attention had been directed to the Mediterranean, their strength -exhausted in struggles with their Venetian rivals, and in the -fourteenth century the Portuguese had reoccupied these islands. The -great period of Portuguese discovery dates from the time of Prince -Henry the Navigator (1394-1460). This son of John I. of Portugal built -an observatory at Sagres, on Cape St. Vincent, the extreme south-west -promontory of Europe, and devoted himself to the scientific study of -geography, and to the encouragement of discovery. Other motives were -not wanting; the desire to avenge himself on the Moors, the hereditary -foes of his country, and greed for gold dust, and the profits of the -slave-trade, in which the Prince was the first to engage. In one -expedition no less than two hundred and sixteen negro slaves were -brought to Portugal, of whom one-fifth were assigned to Henry as his -share; 'of which,' says the chronicler, 'he had great joy because of -their salvation, who otherwise would have been destined to perdition.' -Under his influence, the Portuguese planted colonies at Porto Santo -and Madeira, discovered the Azores, and the Cape de Verde Islands, and -began to creep down the western coast of Africa. In 1442, Prince Henry -obtained from Pope Martin V. a grant of all kingdoms and lordships -from Cape Bojador to India. The hopes of reaching India spurred him -on. In 1479, Ferdinand of Spain, still occupied at home with the Moors -of Granada, agreed not to interfere with the exclusive right of the -Portuguese to traffic and discovery on the western coast of Africa, -while claiming the Canary Islands. The agreement was confirmed by -the bull of Alexander VI., which gave to Portugal all newly found -lands east of a line one hundred--subsequently, in 1494, extended by -treaty to three hundred and seventy--leagues west of the Cape de Verde -Islands. - - | Defeat of Egyptian fleet by Portuguese at Diu. Feb. - | 1509. - -Eight years before this bull, Bartholomew Diaz rounded the Cape, -to which he gave the name of Stormy, but which his more sanguine -sovereign, John II. of Portugal, called the Cape of Good Hope. In -1498, Vasco da Gama, again sailing round the Cape, crossed the Eastern -Ocean, and set foot on the Malabar coast at Calicut. Shortly after, -Emmanuel, King of Portugal (1495-1521), assumed the title of 'Lord -of the navigation, conquest, and commerce of Aethiopia, Persia, -Arabia, and India,' and sent Almeyda to India with the title of -viceroy, although he did not yet possess a foot of territory there. -The Portuguese now pushed steadily up the western coast of India, -defeated the princes who opposed them, and began to monopolise the -trade. In 1505, the first Portuguese ships appeared at Antwerp, -offering eastern wares at a cheaper rate than they could be got at -Bruges, the market for the goods which came overland from Venice. This -advance seriously threatened the Venetian trade through Egypt, then -chiefly in the hands of Arabian and Moorish merchants. Accordingly, -in 1509, the Sultan of Cairo, in answer to an appeal from some of the -petty princes of the Malabar coast, despatched an expedition from -Suez against the Portuguese, which the Venetians, conscious that -their interests were involved, assisted. But in February 1509, three -months before the battle of Agnadello, the expedition was defeated by -Almeyda in the harbour of Diu. His successor Albuquerque fixed the -centre of the Portuguese rule at Goa, and occupied Ormuz, an important -port on the Persian Gulf. Henceforth the advance of the Portuguese -was unchecked. By the close of the sixteenth century not only did -they control the commerce of the coasts of Africa, Arabia, and the -western coast of India, but they had planted themselves at Ceylon and -in Bengal, had opened up a trade with China and Japan, and, above all, -had occupied the true 'Spice Islands' which cluster round Borneo and -Celebes (1546). - -Thus the same spring witnessed the fall of the Venetian military -power in the battle of Agnadello, and the destruction of their trade -with the East. The caravans no longer came to Cairo. The eastern -goods were shipped round the Cape. The mediaeval trade-routes were -revolutionised, and the carrying trade passed from the Venetians to -the Portuguese, shortly to be followed by the Dutch and English, while -Antwerp took the place of Bruges as the 'entrepot' in the North. -Finally, the conquest of Egypt by Selim I. (1516) destroyed what -remained of the Egyptian trade. This loss of commerce prevented Venice -from recovering from her financial straits, and was the chief cause of -her decline. - -The effect on the internal politics of the city was also fatal. The -nobility, who had hitherto enriched themselves by trade, either took -to banking, which could not last without the aliment of commerce, or -invested their savings in land, and became an idle class. Poverty -increased, and the aristocracy of Venice was weakened by internal -feuds. The rich monopolised the administration, while the less -fortunate, with a majority in the Great Council, were ever attempting -to overthrow their power by agitation, or by intrigues and plots, -often with foreigners. Thus Venice, which had long been the admiration -of Europe for the stability of her government, and the honour and -patriotism of her nobility, became the victim of selfishness, -corruption, and conspiracy. It is this which explains the growing -power of 'The Ten.' This executive committee, an excrescence on the -original constitution, first organised for temporary objects in -1310, assumed more and more the character of a committee of public -safety, and with the three inquisitors, created in 1539 to deal more -efficiently with treason, gave to the government a character of -mystery, suspicion, and cruelty, hitherto unknown. A loss of moral -tone accompanied this decline. As the wealth of the state decreased, -the extravagance, both public and private, grew. At no date were the -public pageants so magnificent, or the private luxury so unbridled. In -more vital questions of morality, though Venice had never maintained -a high standard, even for Italy, she now fell lower, and private -crime went almost unpunished. It would be absurd to attribute this -degradation entirely to the loss of her prestige and power, but -that it was increased thereby no one can doubt. Yet Venice still -survived. Protected by her impregnable position, and served by her -clever diplomatists, who resided at every court and carefully steered -the country through the mazes of European intrigue, she continued -the Queen of the Lagoons, if no longer of the Mediterranean, 'The -admiredst citie of the world' for her buildings, her blue lagoons, and -azure skies. - -In the domain of art she had something still to give the world. -The sixteenth century is the age of Titian (1477-1576), Tintoret -(1512-1594), and Paolo Veronese (1532-1588), in whose works painting -reached its climax of technique, of elaborate and harmonious grouping, -and of gorgeous, if somewhat sensuous, colour; while to the Aldine -Press we owe some of the earliest triumphs of the art of printing. - -In her struggle with the Papacy, in the later decades of the sixteenth -and the first of the seventeenth centuries, Venice showed the world -once more, as she had in days gone by, that though she accepted her -religion from Rome, she was determined and powerful enough to maintain -her independence in matters of church government. - -Finally, in her long contests with the Turk, notably in the wars of -Cyprus (1570-1571), and of Candia (1645-1669), she displayed a heroism -which recalled the greatness of her past, and which, but for the -abominable selfishness of Europe, might have checked the advance of -that Power which could conquer, but knew not how to rule, or to -develop the resources of subject lands. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [2] Cf. Appendix i. - - [3] 'If he knows these five Latin words, _Qui nescit dissimulare - nescit regnare_, it will suffice,' Louis XI. had said of his - son. - - [4] Cf. Appendix iii. - - [5] On this cf. p. 57. - - [6] Cf. Appendix ii. - - [7] Cf. Machiavelli, _Discorsi_, Book i. c. 12. - - [8] Cf. Savonarola 'on the Contempt of the World,' given in Villari, - _Life of Savonarola_, vol. ii. App. and his Sermons, _passim_. - - [9] For the question as to the true account of the interview, cf. - Creighton, _The Papacy_, Appendix vii. - - [10] Savonarola, however, was no enemy to literature and art. Cf. - Villari ii. 133. - - [11] The 'taille' was a tax levied on land and income. It was first - imposed by the Estates of Orleans, 1439. The nobles, clergy, the - officials of the sovereign courts, and other royal officials - were exempt. It therefore fell exclusively on the lower classes. - Cf. Appendix I., p. 456. - - [12] Three other sons of Galeazzo Sforza, one legitimate, the - other two illegitimate, were also taken prisoners and died in - captivity. - - [13] For the fate of the other children of Federigo, cf. Sismondi, - _Hist. des Rep. Italiennes_, ix. 295. - - [14] - Ferdinand of Aragon = Isabella of Castile - +1516 | +1504 - | - +---------------+------------------------+----------------+ - | | | | - John = Margaret | | | - +1497 _d._ of | | | - Maximilian | | | - | | | - Joanna = Archduke Philip | | - +1555 | _s._ of Maximilian | | - | +1506 | | - | Mary = Emanuel | - | of Portugal | - | +1521 | - | | - Charles V. Catherine - (1) betrothed - to Prince - Arthur. - (2) Married - Henry VIII. - - [15] For the position of these districts, see Map of Italy. - - [16] Cf. especially, Le Combat singulier entre Bayard et Don Alonzo, - and Le Combat des treize contre treize, _La tresjoyeuse Histoire - des gestes du bon Chevalier_, c. xxii.-xxiii. Ed. Petitot, vol. - 15. - - [17] His son John d'Albret, king of Navarre in right of his wife, had - allied himself with Ferdinand, fearing the claims on Navarre of - the younger branch, then represented by Gaston de Foix, nephew - of Louis XII. - - [18] The most important of these petty states in Alexander's time - were the Duchy of Ferrara in the hands of Ercole, Marquis of Este. - Bologna, " Giovanni Bentivoglio. - Imola and Forli, " Caterina Sforza, niece of Ludovico - il Moro, and widow of Girolamo - Riario, nephew of Sixtus IV. - Rimini, " Pandolfo Malatesta. - Faenza, " Astorre Manfredi. - Pesaro, " Giovanni Sforza, distant cousin of - Ludovico and first husband of - Lucrezia Borgia. - Camerino, " Giulio Caesare Varano. - Duchy of Urbino, " Guidobaldo di Montefeltro. - Sinigaglia, " Francesco Maria della Rovere, a - boy. - - A few such as Ancona were still republics, but were weak and obscure. - - [19] The best account of Lucrezia Borgia is to be found in - Gregorovius' _Caesar Borgia_, a work which has been translated - into French. - - [20] For a review of Caesar's character, and of Machiavelli's treatment of - him, cf. Creighton, vol. iv. 64; Burd, _Machiavelli_, introduction, - pp. 22, 28; Villari, _Machiavelli_, ii. 154; Symonds' _Age of the - Despots_, p. 275. - - [21] - - Ferdinand of Aragon = Isabella of Castile - | - +-----------------------+-----+-------+ - | | | - John Emanuel of Portugal = Isabella Joanna = Archduke Philip - +1497 | +1493 - | - Michael - +1500 - - [22] On the question of Joanna's madness, cf. authorities at page - 104, note. - - [23] The leaders of the Medici at this time were as follows:-- - - 1. Giuliano, Duke of Nemours, and Cardinal Giovanni, - subsequently Leo X., both sons of Lorenzo. - - 2. Giulio, nephew of Lorenzo, subsequently Cardinal and then - Pope Clement VII. - - 3. Lorenzo, Duke of Urbino, son of Piero, grandson of Lorenzo. - - [24] On the purpose of the _Prince_, cf. Burd, _Il Principe_, - Introduction. _Cambridge Modern History_, c. 6. - - [25] Chiavenna, Bormio, and the Valtelline, were held till 1797. The - others since 1803 have formed the Swiss canton of Ticino. - - [26] Bramante began St. Peter's under Julius II., Michael Angelo - added the dome under Leo. X. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -INTERNAL HISTORY OF FRANCE, SPAIN, AND GERMANY, 1494-1519 - - Administration of Cardinal d'Amboise--Union of Crowns of Castile - and Aragon--Policy of Ferdinand and Isabella--Ximenes--Spanish - Conquests in Africa--Discovery of America--Character of Isabella - and Ferdinand--Results of their Policy--Maximilian and the - Empire--Diet of Worms--Attempted reforms--Opposition of - Maximilian--Diet of Augsburg--Compact of Gelnhausen--The Landshut - Succession--Results of attempts at reform--The Swiss - Confederation--War with Maximilian--Peace of Basel--Policy and - character of Maximilian. - - -Sec. 1. _France._ - - | Internal condition of France. - -The most important events in the internal history of France during the -reigns of Charles VIII. and Louis XII. have already been mentioned. -The nation, engaged in war abroad, enjoyed peace at home. The nobles, -reduced in number, found, in the Italian wars, satisfaction for their -ambition, and did not disturb the country with their feuds. Under the -administration of the Cardinal, Georges d'Amboise, the minister of -Louis XII. (1498-1510), the country prospered. Population increased -rapidly and towns grew. One-third of the land, we are told, was -again restored to cultivation. In a word, France, having at last -escaped from the disastrous English wars, showed her marvellous power -of recuperation. Nor was she behindhand in art. In the reign of -Louis XII., the domestic architecture of the early Renaissance style -reached, perhaps, its highest point of excellence before it became -over-refined and overloaded with ornament: witness the eastern facade -of the chateau of Blois, and part of the chateau of Amboise; while so -renowned were the glass painters of France that Julius II. sent for -the artists, Claude and William de Marseille, to help decorate the -windows of the Vatican. - -Louis earned the title of Father of his People, and the popularity -of the cardinal is illustrated by the proverb, 'Leave things to -Georges.' Nothing, indeed, was done to strengthen the constitutional -liberties of the country. The Estates-General won no extension -of their privileges. Although Louis forbade the sale of judicial -offices, he really extended the evil system by openly applying it -to the financial offices. Yet, if the government was despotic, it -was at least kindly; and if the taxes were heavy, the poor were not -oppressed. Indeed, if we confine our view to the domestic policy, we -should not perhaps be wrong in holding that the popularity was well -earned. If Louis had only refrained from the Italian wars, his reign -might have been a turning-point in the history of his country, and -in a few years she might have become the richest and most powerful -country in Europe. - -But if the internal history of France during the period we have -covered is uneventful, far different is the case of Spain and Germany. - - -Sec. 2. _Spain._ - - | Union of the Crowns of Castile and Aragon. - -By the accession of Isabella to the throne of Castile in 1474, -and of her husband, Ferdinand the Catholic, to that of Aragon in -1479, not only did these two countries escape from a long period of -internal anarchy, but the rivalry hitherto existing between Castile -and Aragon was put an end to, and, while the autonomy of the two -governments was preserved, the policy which guided them was one. In -their determination to increase the power of the crown at home and -the prestige of their nation abroad, Isabella and Ferdinand were in -singular agreement. The most startling events of their reigns either -occurred before the beginning of our period, or have been already -mentioned. In 1492, Granada had been conquered from the Moors; and -the expulsion of the Jews, the establishment of the Inquisition, even -the discovery of Hispaniola by Columbus, had also occurred before the -Italian wars. - - | The Policy of Ferdinand and Isabella. Marriage Alliances. - -At this time, the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella was mainly devoted -to the formation of a great European alliance based upon the tie of -marriage, whereby they might at once strengthen themselves against -the formidable power of France, and contribute to the further -consolidation of the Spanish Peninsula. With this end in view, their -eldest daughter, Isabella, was given in marriage to Alonso, the Prince -of Portugal, and on his death to his kinsman, Emanuel, who ascended -the Portuguese throne in 1495. To this period also belongs the -betrothal of Catherine, their youngest daughter, with Arthur, Prince -of Wales (1496), an alliance which brought England into intimate -relations with Spain for the first time since the days of John of -Gaunt. More important was the double marriage treaty with the House of -Hapsburg. It was agreed that John, the heir to the Spanish kingdom, -should marry Margaret, the daughter of the Emperor Maximilian, and -that the Archduke Philip, the son and heir of Maximilian, should marry -Joanna, second daughter of the Spanish monarchs. The hopes founded -on these marriages by Ferdinand and Isabella were not, however, -realised. By the death of their only son John in 1497, and by that of -Don Miguel, only son of Isabella of Portugal, in 1500, all hopes of -uniting Portugal to Spain were destroyed; and Joanna, the wife of the -Hapsburg prince, and mother of Charles V., became heiress of Castile -and Aragon. Thus an alliance which had been originally made to protect -the balance of power against France, was eventually to destroy that -balance in the interest of the House of Hapsburg. - - | Their internal Policy. - -In their internal policy, Ferdinand and Isabella consistently pursued -the principles adopted from the commencement of their reigns. In no -countries in Europe perhaps were privileges so strong, the crown so -poor, or the royal prerogative so limited, as they were in Castile in -the fifteenth century.[27] A direct attack on these ancient privileges -would have been dangerous among so proud a people. The sovereigns -left, therefore, the outward forms of the constitution intact, and -indirectly pursued their aim by concentrating the machinery of -government in the royal hands, and by strengthening the personal -authority of the crown. They took advantage of the disinclination of -the nobles to attend the Cortes; they omitted to summon them to it, -or even to call them to their councils, and deprived the hereditary -officers of state of many of their powers. - -One of the most efficient instruments for keeping the nobility in -check was the 'Hermandad.' This association, which had been originally -organised by the principal cities of Castile to protect themselves -at once against the crown and the aristocracy, had, in 1476, been -reorganised under royal control. In every city of importance a court -was established for the trial of highway robbery and other acts of -violence. From these city courts, appeal lay to a supreme court of -the whole kingdom. The courts had in their service a force of mounted -police, which was maintained by a contribution levied on householders. -The regulation of affairs was placed in the hands of provincial -assemblies acting under a supreme 'junta,' which passed laws relating -to justice, and often trenched upon the privileges of the Cortes -itself. So effectual was the work of this reorganised 'Hermandad' that -in 1495 its powers were considerably curtailed. A few subordinate -functionaries alone were retained for the execution of justice, and -these were placed under the appellate jurisdiction of the ordinary -law-courts. - -During this period also, the resumption of grants of royal lands to -the nobility was persistently pursued, while the policy of annexing -the mastership of the powerful military orders to the crown, first -begun in 1487 with that of Calatrava, was completed. In 1494, the -mastership of Alcantara, and in 1499, that of St. Iago of Compostella, -were assumed by Ferdinand. It was not until the reign of Charles V. -that a Bull of Adrian VI. finally accorded the papal sanction to -this measure, but Ferdinand and Isabella reaped the practical fruits -of the policy. Not only was the royal prestige thereby materially -increased, but the crown gained complete control of wealthy and -powerful organisations, which had long been a menace to its authority, -as the Hospitallers and Knight Templars had been in other European -kingdoms during the Middle Ages. - -In the kingdom of Aragon the opportunities of the crown were not so -great. The Cortes had more extensive powers, the nobles were more -regular in their attendance, and there were no military orders whose -masterships might be annexed. Above all, the peculiar privilege of -the 'Justiza' formed a serious obstacle to royal encroachment. This -notable officer, elected by the Cortes, claimed the right of hearing -all appeals, of inquiring into the legality of any arrest, of advising -the King on constitutional questions, and of sharing the executive -with him. Even here, however, Ferdinand excluded his nobles as far -as possible from political power, ruled with the aid of commoners -whose fidelity could be more safely relied upon, and introduced the -Castilian Hermandad. - -The Catholic sovereigns also turned their earnest attention to church -reform. The relations between Church and State had always been close -in Spain. The long Crusades against the Moors had given the crown a -peculiar position of which it had taken advantage. It was the aim -of Ferdinand and Isabella to subordinate still further the Church -to the royal will, and use it as an engine at once for extirpating -heresy, and increasing the royal authority. Having, in 1482, gained -from Pope Sixtus IV. the right of exclusive nomination to the higher -dignities of the Church, the sovereigns proceeded to make excellent -use of their prerogative. The sees of Spain were filled with men of -energy and devotion, and the work of reform begun. Cardinal Mendoza, -Talavera (the first confessor of the queen), and, above all, the -famous Franciscan friar, Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, were the chief -agents of the royal policy. - - | Administration of Ximenes. - -Ximenes was first appointed confessor to the Queen in 1492 at the -instigation of Cardinal Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, and on the -death of his patron (1492), was nominated as his successor to this, -the richest see of Europe, as well as to the post of High Chancellor. -The very elevation of this remarkable man was a blow to the privileged -classes, since the see of Toledo had hitherto been exclusively -reserved to men of noble birth. The appointment was even contrary to -the wish of Ferdinand, who had hoped to secure the coveted position -for his natural son, the Archbishop of Saragossa. The confidence -of the Queen was not misplaced. The proud Castilian nobles learnt -to quail before the inflexible integrity of this Franciscan friar, -whom no terrors, no blandishments nor bribes could turn from his -purpose. Nor were the energies of Ximenes confined to secular matters. -Appointed Provincial of the Franciscans in 1494, he had zealously -pressed for reform of his Order, which of late had departed from -its primitive severity, owned large estates, and lived in luxury -and indolence. He now extended his view, and aimed at a general -reform, not only of the Franciscans, but of the monastic orders and -the secular clergy in his province. In the face of much opposition, -not only on the part of the General of the Franciscans, who in vain -visited Castile, but of the Pope himself, the efforts of Ximenes -succeeded. A Castilian writer of the following century asserts that -the clergy, the monks, and the friars of Castile, once the most lax -in Europe, could then compare most favourably with those of other -countries. The energies of the Archbishop were also devoted to the -promotion of theology and scholarship. He insisted on compliance with -a papal Bull of 1474, by which stalls were to be reserved in each -chapter for men of letters, canonists, and theologians. He reformed -the old universities, founded and richly endowed the University -of Alcala, started other schools, and caused the famous polyglot -Bible to be published. This was an edition of the Scriptures in -the ancient languages: the Old Testament in the Hebrew original, -the Septuagint version, and the Chaldaic paraphrase with Latin -translations thereof; the New Testament in the original Greek, and -the Vulgate of Jerome. Under his influence there arose in Spain a -school of Catholic Humanists free from the taint of heresy, and it is -mainly due to the efforts of the Cardinal and his royal patrons, that -Protestantism gained no hold in the country, and that Spain became the -centre of the future Catholic reaction. - -Unfortunately, the zeal of Ximenes was not confined to these excellent -objects. He burned also to be the extirpator of heresy. By the terms -of the capitulation of Granada in 1492, considerable privileges had -been promised to the Moors. Freedom of worship and of education, as -well as personal freedom, had been secured to them. They were to live -under the Mahometan laws, administered by their own judges, and to -be tried by mixed tribunals. Content with their position, the Moors -had settled down in tranquillity, and many had been converted by the -energetic but conciliatory policy of Talavera, Archbishop of Granada. -But his measures were not stringent enough for the fiery Ximenes. -The promises were violated. The Arabic copies of the Koran and other -theological treatises were collected and consigned to the flames, and -terror was called in to further the work of proselytism. A series of -revolts ensued during the years 1500-1501, revolts which seriously -taxed the military energies of Castile and embittered the relations -of the two nationalities. Finally in 1502, on the suppression of the -rebellion, a decree was issued offering the alternative of baptism or -exile to the unfortunate Moors. Meanwhile, the Inquisition assailed -the Jews and any Spaniard suspected of heretical views. - - | Conquests in Africa. - -Mahometanism thus nominally driven from the Peninsula, it was natural -that the Spaniards should cast their eyes across the narrow channel -which divided them from Africa. The ravages of Moorish pirates on the -Spanish coasts, the desire of national aggrandisement, jealousy at the -notable advances of the Portuguese on the eastern shores of Africa, -the crusading spirit engendered of their past history, all these -motives urged the Spaniards to extend their dominion in the north of -the great dark continent. And we cannot be surprised to find that -Ximenes, true Castilian as he was, eagerly advocated such a policy. -At his instigation Mazarquiver, a nest of pirates on the Barbary -coast, was taken in September, 1505. In 1509, the far more important -reduction of Oran followed, while, in the following year, Algiers and -Tripoli submitted to the Spanish arms. - -But although these African exploits fill the pages of the Spanish -chroniclers, the expeditions of Columbus and his followers, which -received much less support from the royal exchequer, and which -attracted far less attention, were destined to play a far greater part -in the future of Spain and of Europe. - - | The discovery of America. Why so long delayed. - -That the discovery of America was so long delayed will not surprise -us if we remember the following facts. The Carthaginians, who had -done something to explore the islands off the coast of Africa, had -been overthrown in their struggle with Rome. The Romans were not -a seafaring people; Europe was large enough to monopolise their -energies, and for the rest their gaze turned naturally enough to -Africa, or to the East, which was inseparably bound up with their -traditions. After the fall of the Roman Empire it was long before -her Teutonic conquerors were strong enough, or consolidated enough, -to think of foreign enterprise. When that time arrived, it was -only natural that they too should look eastward. The East was the -birthplace of their religion, and Palestine was in the hands of the -Saracens and subsequently of the Turks; the East was the fabled -treasure-house of riches and of luxury. Eastward therefore the -adventurer, the trader, and the pilgrim turned, and found in the -Mediterranean their natural pathway. - -Besides all this, as a glance at a physical atlas will show, the -winds and the currents of that part of the Atlantic which lies in the -latitude of central Europe, are not favourable to western enterprise. -There westerly winds prevail throughout the year, and with greater -force than those winds which occasionally blow from the north and -east. Moreover, the great ocean current known as the Gulf Stream sets -continuously eastwards. To the north and south of these latitudes -the conditions are different. In the north, the great arctic current -runs southward from Davis' Straits to Greenland, and thence to the -North American shore. In the south, the equatorial current sweeps -from the shores of Africa to Brazil; while immediately north of the -Equator, the trade winds blow to the south-west, and south of the -Equator to the north-west, continuously. It might therefore have been -predicted that America would not be discovered until the northern or -southern latitudes had been occupied by some seafaring nation with -sufficient resources, and sufficient knowledge of navigation, to brave -the unknown perils of the ocean. - -In the tenth century, indeed, the Norsemen had discovered Labrador, -Newfoundland, and even the mainland of North America, which they -called 'Wineland.' But their numbers were insufficient, Europe offered -plenty of scope for their inroads and for settlement, and the memories -of Wineland remained in their sagas alone. In the southern latitudes -there was little opportunity for such enterprise until the close of -the fourteenth century. Then, however, as shown at p. 85, the Genoese, -and subsequently the Portuguese, had begun to creep down the African -coast. The primary aim of the Portuguese in their expeditions had -been to seek an oceanic route to India and the east, which since -the appearance of the remarkable work of Marco Polo at the end of -the thirteenth century, had assumed a new importance as an earthly -paradise of gold and spices. - - | The idea of reaching India by the Atlantic, abandoned by the - | Portuguese, is taken up by Columbus. - -The African mainland, it was then believed, did not reach south of -the Equator. But, as the continent continued to expand before the -explorers in its endless length, these ideas faded away, and hopes -were entertained of seeking Asia across the Atlantic. For, that the -Atlantic washed the eastern shores of Asia, was a belief which gained -strength in mediaeval Europe. This idea, guessed at by some of the -ancients, was first definitely revived by Roger Bacon, the Franciscan -schoolman of Oxford, in the thirteenth century. From him it was -adopted by Peter d'Ailly, the chancellor of the University of Paris, -in his treatise _de Imagine Mundi_, written early in the fifteenth -century. It seemed to receive confirmation from the tradition of -islands lying out far in the Atlantic, and from drift-wood carried to -European shores on the Gulf Stream, and was definitely asserted by -Paolo Toscanelli, a Florentine astronomer, in a letter to a monk of -Lisbon, dated June 25, 1474. By that time, however, the Portuguese had -made a notable advance down the western shores of Africa, and finally -the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by Bartholomew Diaz in 1486, -caused them to concentrate their efforts on the eastern route. - - | Columbus approaches various courts, and finally gains the - | support of Spain. - -The idea thus abandoned by the Portuguese was now to be taken up -by Christopher Columbus. To appreciate the exact position of this -remarkable citizen of Genoa in the history of discovery, we must -remember that he had no idea of discovering a new continent. To find a -shorter way to the Indies was his sole aim. His views in this respect -were not beyond his age. His knowledge was based on the authorities -above mentioned; and he is marked out from his contemporaries only by -his determination to sail due west until he should reach the continent -of Asia. With this intention, and furnished with the treatise of -D'Ailly, a copy of Toscanelli's letter, and a chart given him by the -author, he first applied to the court of Lisbon, where he had already -settled with his brother Bartholomew. But John II. of Portugal, intent -on the circumnavigation of Africa, declined his offer, and, if we may -believe some accounts,[28] his attempts to obtain assistance from -Venice and Genoa were equally unsuccessful. He now, in 1484, turned to -England, and to Spain. - -His brother Bartholomew sailed for England, but unfortunately fell -among pirates in the English Channel. Returning to Portugal, he -accompanied Diaz on his expedition which reached the Cape, and though -he subsequently sought the court of Henry VII., where he was well -received, it was then too late: Christopher had already entered into -negotiations with Ferdinand and Isabella. The affair was indeed long -delayed. The Spanish Monarchs listened to his tempting scheme; but the -financial strain of the war of Granada, then in progress, was severe, -and the terms of Columbus were high. He demanded the hereditary office -of royal admiral and viceroy in all the lands and islands he might -discover, and the privileges enjoyed by the high admiral of Castile. -One-tenth of all treasures--gold, or otherwise--was also to fall to -his share. On the conquest of Granada, however, the contract was at -last signed (April 1492), and, in the following August, Columbus left -the roadstead of Palos on his memorable voyage, with three carracks, -one hundred and twenty souls, and provisions for twelve months. He -carried with him a letter from the Catholic sovereigns to the Khan of -Cathay, and announced his intention, not only of opening the riches of -the Indies to Spain, but of leading a new crusade against the -infidel. The details of his voyage we must leave to others, and -content ourselves with the briefest summary. - - | His first expedition, 1492. - -In his first expedition, after a sail of five weeks due west from -the Canaries, he touched land at one of the islands of the Bahama -group, and shortly after reached Crooked Island and Long Island. -Understanding from the signs of the natives that gold was to be found -to the south-west, he reached the shores of Cuba, and from thence the -island of Hispaniola or Hayti. Here, on the night of Christmas Eve, -his ship struck on the sands and became a wreck. Pinzon, one of his -subordinates, had deserted him, hoping to be beforehand in announcing -the news in Spain; and Columbus, leaving the crew of the wrecked -_Santa Maria_ in Hayti, returned to Spain in the _Nina_, his sole -remaining ship. - - | His later voyages, 1493. - -In his second voyage, 1493, he discovered Jamaica, and some of the -Antilles group. In his third voyage, he at last touched the continent, -and explored the coast of Venezuela. This was in 1498, the same year -in which Vasco da Gama, rounding the Cape, had reached India by the -eastern route. In 1502, Columbus landed on the coast of Honduras. But -although Columbus had thus discovered the continent of America, he -had been really forestalled in this by his compatriot John Cabot, who -started from Bristol in the pay of Henry VII., reached the coast of -North America, near the mouth of the St. Lawrence, in 1497, and traced -the coast possibly as far south as Cape Cod. Columbus therefore was -not the first to touch the continent, and, moreover, to the day of -his death believed that Cuba was part of the mainland of Asia, and -that Hispaniola and the other islands he had found lay in the Asian -Archipelago. - - | His failure as a Governor. - -Meantime, his governorship of his colony in Hispaniola was so -unsuccessful that he had been removed by the command of his royal -masters in 1498. Although Ferdinand and Isabella may be open to the -charge of some ingratitude in their treatment of one who had done so -much for the cause of Spain, Columbus had certainly shown himself -incapable as a ruler, and it was out of the question that they should -fulfil all the promises originally made to him. He had, indeed, been -the unconscious instrument in the discovery of South America, but the -determination he displayed in his first voyage forms his best title -to fame, and the true importance of his discovery was left to be -appreciated by his successors. - - | Further discoveries. - -In 1500, Vincent Pinzon, one of the original companions of Columbus, -sailing farther southwards reached Cape St. Agostino, at the northern -extremity of the future Brazil, and explored the coast to the -north-west between that point and Venezuela. In the same year the -Portuguese Cabral, on his way to the Cape, was driven to the westward -and again reached Brazil, which was then claimed by Portugal, -as falling within the limits of the line drawn by the Treaty of -Tordesillas (p. 86). In the succeeding year, 1501, the country was -more completely explored by Amerigo Vespucci. This Florentine, who -was once in the employ of Spain, but had deserted to the service of -Portugal, now traced the coast line down as far as Rio de Janeiro--a -point far to the southward of any yet reached--and by a curious -literary freak was destined to give his name to this New World. -The 'New World,' however, was still supposed to be either a huge -promontory of Asia, or a large island lying in the Atlantic. Five -years later, Columbus died in Spain, in obscurity, and almost -forgotten. After his death the discoveries continued apace. - -In 1512, Ponce de Leon, a colonist of Hispaniola, discovered or -explored Florida. Shortly after, the Gulf of Mexico was again entered, -and the continuity between North and South America demonstrated. In -1513, Vasco Nunez de Balboa crossed the Isthmus of Darien, and from -the summit of the Cordilleras gazed on the waters of the Pacific. So -strong, however, was the belief in the Columbian hypothesis, that this -great ocean was still believed by many to be but an inland sea.[29] - - | America discovered to be a new Continent by Magellan, 1519. - -The final explosion of this idea was probably due to the Portuguese -advance in the East. During the early years of the sixteenth century -they had gradually crept round the shores of Asia. Fernan de Andrade -explored part of the Asian Archipelago, and, in 1517, reached Canton. -In some of these Portuguese expeditions Magellan had taken a part. It -was the knowledge thus acquired of a great sea to the east of Asia -which led him to conceive his great exploit of seeking a western -approach through the newly discovered world of America to Asia. Piqued -by the refusal of Emmanuel of Portugal to increase his pay, he entered -the service of the young Charles V., and in September 1519, started -on his notable voyage. After thirteen months' sail, he discovered the -Straits which are known by his name. It took him three months more to -reach the Philippines. On the 27th of April, 1521, the intrepid seaman -was unfortunately slain on one of the Ladrone islands in an attempt -to aid a native Christian convert against his enemies, and eventually -only one of his fleet of five ships returned to Spain (September, -1522). At last the globe had been circumnavigated; and though it took -two centuries to work out the precise size of America and its relation -to Asia, it had at least been proved to be a 'New World' in a sense -hitherto never dreamt of. Meanwhile Mexico had been conquered by -Cortes (1519-21), and in 1524 Pizarro began the conquest of Peru. - - | Death of Isabella, Nov. 26, 1504. Her character. - -Some twenty days after the return of Columbus from his last voyage, -the great Queen of Castile had passed away (November 26, 1504), in -the fifty-fourth year of her age, and the thirtieth of her reign. -No queen of Spain, and few queens in Europe have ever enjoyed such -a reputation. She represents in a striking way the virtues and -weaknesses of her times. Of genuine and unaffected piety; affable, -yet dignified; stern in the execution of her duty; gifted with rare -fortitude, magnanimity, and disinterestedness, and with a true insight -into the needs of her kingdom, she was admirable as a woman, and -every inch a queen. The only blemish in her otherwise fine character -is to be found in her persecuting spirit. The establishment of the -Inquisition, the expulsion of the Jews, and subsequently the violation -of the terms promised the Moors at the capitulation of Granada, these -all met with her full approval. But in justice to Isabella it must be -remembered that she shared this spirit of intolerance with the best -men of the age, and that the time had not yet come when toleration was -thought of, or perhaps was possible. - - | Character of Ferdinand. - -Her husband Ferdinand, who survived her twelve years, was not nearly -so fine or attractive a character. Crafty, in an age remarkable for -its diplomatic faithlessness, he prided himself on often having -deceived others without himself ever having been duped. Suspicious, -and often ungrateful to those who had served him best, with a cold -and calculating heart which was rarely stirred by any generous -emotion, he seemed unworthy of his wife. Yet it must be remembered -that state-craft was then looked upon as virtue in a prince; that -his contemporaries, if less successful in their falseness, were not -more honest; and that his statesmanship was guided on the whole by a -true insight into the needs of his country. He supported, and for the -most part originated, the schemes for the consolidation of the royal -authority, and, as long as Isabella lived, worked heartily for the -union of the two kingdoms. - - | His policy after the death of Isabella. - -After her death, he seemed at times to waver in his policy. In the -autumn of 1505, he married Germaine de Foix, in the hopes of having -a son by her who might succeed to Aragon, hopes which, if realised, -would have destroyed that union of the two kingdoms for which he had -hitherto worked. Jealousy of the House of Hapsburg was, however, -the explanation of this move. By the death of Isabella the crown of -Castile had fallen to Joanna. As she had already begun to show signs -of madness,[30] Ferdinand claimed the regency. This was, however, -disputed by her husband, the Archduke, and eventually, in June 1506, -Ferdinand had to yield. The death of Philip on the following September -25, removed, indeed, Ferdinand's more immediate apprehensions, yet -transferred the claims of the Archduke to his young son Charles. -Disappointed in his hopes of a male heir by his second wife, the King -in his later years is said to have thought of leaving his dominions -to Ferdinand, his younger grandson. The old diplomatist foresaw the -danger both to Spain and Europe involved in the consolidation of so -wide a dominion in Charles' hands. Had he had his will, he would have -secured Italy and Spain for Ferdinand, Charles' younger brother, -and thus balanced the power of Austria by that of Spain and France. -But the victory of Francis at Marignano (September, 1515) aroused -once more his apprehensions of French supremacy. The counsels of -Ximenes prevailed, and on his death (January 23, 1516), the whole -of the magnificent inheritance passed on unimpaired to Charles of -Austria.[31] - - | Importance of the reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella. - -The reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella form the turning-point in the -history of Spain. Succeeding to their respective possessions after -long periods of anarchy and civil discord, they had re-established -order, and bridled the turbulence of the nobility. Their kingdoms, -which had been divided by long-standing national rivalries, were -united, never to be again dismembered. The confines of their territory -had been extended by the conquests of Granada and Spanish Navarre, -and now comprised the whole of the Peninsula with the exception -of Portugal. To this had been added the conquests in Italy and on -the north coast of Africa, while the discoveries in the New World -were soon to give Spain a dominion upon which the sun never set. -The infantry and artillery, reorganised by Gonzalvo de Cordova, and -Pedro Navarra, had already become the terror of Europe, and Spain had -definitely, and for the first time, established her position as one of -the leading powers of Europe. - -Yet amidst all these appearances of outward greatness, signs of coming -trouble might have been detected. The union of the kingdoms was not -more than a personal one. No constitutional unity had been effected, -and the national rivalries were deep-seated. The nobility had been -kept in control, but their power was not gone, and the absence of -all real constitutional liberty was to lead to the revolt of the -'Communeros' under Charles V. Above all, the bigotry which had led -to the establishment of the Inquisition, the expulsion of the Jews, -and the proscription of the Moors, was soon to destroy all liberty -of opinion. The greed for the precious metals which accompanied the -discovery of the New World, had already led to an inordinate belief in -their value, and to a neglect and even a proscription of trade which -was shortly to ruin the commercial prosperity of the country. - - -Sec. 3. _Germany._ - - | Internal history of Germany during the reign of Maximilian, - | 1493-1519. - -The history of Germany during the period we have covered (1494-1519), -comprises almost exactly the reign of the Emperor Maximilian I. -Elected King of the Romans during the lifetime of his father, -Frederick III., he had of late practically controlled affairs, and, -on Frederick's death in 1493, he quietly succeeded him. Our attention -throughout the reign must be mainly directed to a consideration -of those attempted reforms of the imperial constitution which, in -their origin, and in their comparative failure, illustrate forcibly -the weakness of Germany, and the fatal conflict of interests which -prevailed. - - | The Imperial Constitution. - -While the other kingdoms of northern Europe were becoming consolidated -under the strong rule of a monarch, it was otherwise with Germany. -The Holy Roman Emperor, in theory at least the temporal head of -Europe, and still enjoying considerable prestige on that account, -was, so far as his actual authority in Germany went, the weakest -monarch in Europe. The office was considered too dignified a one to -become hereditary, and, like that of the Pope, the spiritual head of -Europe, was elective.[32] The electoral privilege was vested in seven -Electors; the three Archbishops of Mainz (Mayence), Trier (Treves), -and Koeln (Cologne), the Duke of Saxony, the Margrave of Brandenburg, -the Count Palatine of the Rhine, and the King of Bohemia. Of these -seven Electors all, with the exception of the King of Bohemia, who -took no part in the legislative affairs of the Empire, formed the -first college of the Diet. Below it stood two other colleges; that of -the Princes, spiritual and lay; and that of the Imperial Cities, which -had only lately obtained a place. The Diet deliberated on imperial -questions, passed laws with the assent of the Emperor, and issued the -ban of the Empire against the recalcitrant. But the rivalries between -the three colleges, and between the Diet and the Emperor, prevented -effective legislation, and it was still more difficult to get laws -obeyed, or ban enforced. - -The Diet was in no real sense a representative assembly. With the -exception of the deputies of the Imperial Cities, who were few in -number and played an unimportant part, the members sat in their own -right,[33] while the lesser nobility, the Imperial Knights, were -entirely excluded. This numerous and influential class claimed to -hold immediately of the Emperor, and refused to pay the taxes levied -by the Diet. Owners, perhaps of one, perhaps of several villages, -they entrenched themselves in their strong castles, levied tolls and -exercised other rights of petty sovereignty, and, profiting by the -old German privilege of private war, disturbed the country with their -quarrels and their raids. Nor was the system of imperial justice in -any better plight. This lay with the court of the Emperor, called, -since 1486, the Imperial Chamber (_Reichskammergericht_). But its -jurisdiction was disliked as being too much under the control of the -Emperor. The Electors claimed to be free from its jurisdiction, except -on appeal for refusal of justice, and in the other states it was -impossible to get its verdicts enforced. - -The weakness of the imperial system was also displayed in its military -organisation. The imperial army was levied by a requisition of -men from each Elector, Prince, or City. But the summons was often -neglected, and if obeyed, resulted in the collection of a mob of -ill-armed and ill-drilled soldiery, with no united organisation or -even common commissariat. In a word, if we except the few occasions -when the national spirit was really stirred as against the Turk, the -imperial army was the laughing-stock of Germany and of Europe. - -While the imperial authority, once--in theory at least--the centre -of unity and control, had become a cipher, no efficient substitute -had taken its place. So complete was the failure of the imperial -constitution to maintain order, that Germany had of late protected -itself by forming leagues. These were usually confined to one class -or estate. In 1488, however, a union of the various existing leagues -was established in Suabia. Joined by Cities, Knights, and Princes, -it organised a common army, held a common purse, and regulated its -affairs by a federal assembly consisting of two colleges. This famous -Suabian League was favoured by Frederick III.; it maintained some -order in the district, hitherto one of the most disturbed of Germany, -and its authority was far more real than that of the Diet itself. - - | Attempted Reform of the Empire. - -The reign of Frederick III., however, had witnessed a remarkable -attempt on the part of the Electors to meet the most serious evils -of their country. That attempt had failed; it was now to be revived. -The aims of this party of reform, now led by Berthold Archbishop of -Mayence, John of Baden the Archbishop of Treves, Frederick the Wise -of Saxony, and John Cicero of Brandenburg, were briefly these: - - 1. To establish and enforce 'The Public Peace' and put an end to the - system of private feuds. - - 2. To establish a federative Court of Justice, freed from the - absolute control of the Emperor, for the settlement of disputes, and - the maintenance of peace. - - 3. To organise a more equal system of Imperial taxation under the - control of the Diet. - - 4. To extend and complete the system of 'The Circles' for - administrative purposes. - - 5. Finally, to establish a more effective Central Council of the - Empire which might control the administration, and act as a check on - the Emperor himself. - -In a word, the Electors aimed at substituting a more effective system -of justice, and a government freed from the irresponsible rule of -the Emperor, and representing a new unity, based on a federative -organisation of Germany. - - | The Diet of Worms, 1495. - -Such were the reforms which the Electors demanded of Maximilian when, -at the Diet of Worms, 1495, he sought the aid of the Empire for his -expedition to Italy. Whether it would have been well for Germany -if these reforms had been effected, is a matter much disputed.[34] -Certainly they are wrong, who attribute the cry for reform solely -to a selfish desire on the part of a few Electors for personal -aggrandisement and independence. Yet who can doubt that the movement, -if successful, would have resulted in the establishment of an -aristocratic federation, primarily in the interest of the Electors and -greater Princes--a federation which would have been unpopular with -the smaller Princes, the Knights, and the other classes below them? -Whether such a federation would have stopped the tendencies towards -separation, and given Germany a new centre of unity, must ever remain -doubtful. Yet the history of Germany from henceforth inclines one to -believe that the cure of German evils was not to be found in this -direction. - - | Opposition of Maximilian. - -In any case, the opposition of Maximilian was natural enough. He had -indeed shown some sympathy with the movement during his father's -lifetime, and was not averse to reforms, so long as they did not -weaken his own authority. Now, however, he saw more clearly their true -import. Not only would they circumscribe his imperial prerogative, -they would also seriously hamper his designs for the aggrandisement -of his House. For although the highly romantic mind of the Emperor -was not unaffected by the splendour of the imperial title, his policy -was really dynastic, rather than imperial. The Empire he hoped to -make practically, if not theoretically, hereditary in his family. -The dignity of the office was to be enforced by the resources of -the house of Hapsburg, and to be used meanwhile to further Hapsburg -interests. To secure the Netherlands, to regain Hungary, and if -possible, Bohemia, to reassert his claims on Italy, to overthrow the -threatening power of France, these were his present aims; while from -time to time, day-dreams of an universal Empire in the future, based -on a succession of brilliant marriages, and on an enlarged hereditary -dominion, floated before his eyes. Thus might the anagram of his -father AEIOU, 'Austriae est imperare orbi universo,' be realised in -part.[35] - -With aims thus fundamentally different, real harmony between -Maximilian and the Electors was impossible. Of all the projected -reforms, those with regard to taxation alone met with his hearty -approval, as likely to replenish his ever empty exchequer, and enable -him to form a more efficient army for the prosecution of his own -designs. Yet this was the one reform which the Electors cared for -least. Whether therefore they would carry their projects depended on -the fortunes of Maximilian. As long as he needed their assistance in -men and money, something might be extorted from his weakness, but when -success smiled upon him, he grew cold and opposed or postponed their -schemes. - -When in March 1495, he met the Diet of Worms, he was in need of help -that he might join the League of Venice, just formed to prevent the -undue extension of French influence in Italy. In return for the -establishment of the Common Penny (_der gemeine Pfennig_)--that is, a -tax upon all property throughout the Empire, and a poll-tax on those -of small means,--he allowed the Diet to proclaim the public peace, and -make it perpetual. Those who broke it were to be under the ban of the -Empire. - -To remove all pretext for private war, the Imperial Chamber was to be -reorganised. The Emperor was to retain the right of nominating the -President, the sixteen Assessors were to be elected by the Diet. The -court was not to follow the Emperor, but was to have a fixed place -of session, and was to be supported by imperial taxation. It was to -have supreme jurisdiction in all cases arising between states of the -Empire, and to hear appeals on all causes arising in their courts, -except where the Prince enjoyed the _privilegium de non appellando_; -and it could pronounce the ban of the Empire without the Emperor's -consent. Maximilian also consented to an annual meeting of the Diet, -and conceded to it the right of appropriating the proceeds of the -Common Penny. - - | Diet of Augsburg. April 1500. - -The demand for a Council of Regency (_Reichsregiment_) to control the -central administration he rejected, as trenching too seriously on his -prerogative. Yet five years afterwards, at the Diet of Augsburg, 1500, -his difficulties were so great, and his need of help so imperious, -that he yielded even on this point. His Italian expeditions of 1495 -and 1498 had failed. On the day on which the Diet met, Ludovico Sforza -had been taken prisoner, April 10, 1500 (cf. p. 38), and Milan was -once more in French hands. - -The system of the Common Penny had failed, owing to the difficulty of -collection. The Diet therefore ordered a levy of men for six months. -Every four hundred inhabitants were to furnish one soldier, the -Princes to provide the cavalry; a tax was also laid on those who did -not serve. In return, the Emperor consented to the establishment of -the Council of Regency (_Reichsregiment_). This standing Council of -the Empire was to be formed of a President, one Elector, one Bishop, -one Prince, one Count, and sixteen representatives of the States. It -was to summon the Diet, of which it served as a standing committee, -to nominate the members of the Imperial Chamber, to collect taxes, -to maintain order at home, and decide on questions of peace and war. -Although under the presidency of the Emperor or his Stadtholder, -nothing of importance could be done without its leave, and thus it -shared the executive power with him. - - | 1502. Opposition of Maximilian. - - | Compact at Gelnhausen. June 1502. - -Maximilian, however, had no intention of seeing his authority thus -controlled, and this abortive Council only lasted a few months. -Henceforth, disappointed at the niggard support which his concessions -had produced--for the levy voted at Augsburg was never fully -furnished--he determined to lean upon his own resources. 'As King -of the Romans,' he said, 'he had only experienced mortification. -He would for the future act as an Austrian Prince.' Accordingly, -in 1502, he fell back on his imperial right of holding Courts of -Justice (_Hofgerichte_), and erected a standing Court or Aulic Council -(_Hofrath_), entirely under his own control, to which he referred -matters pertaining to his own territories, and cases which he was -called upon to adjudicate in his capacity of overlord.[36] He even -thought of instituting a Council of his own to take the place of -the Council of Regency. The Electors on their side entered into a -solemn compact at Gelnhausen (June 1502) to unite themselves as one -man against the dangerous innovations of the Emperor; carried on -negotiations with Louis XII. on their own account; and, in 1503, even -spoke of deposing Maximilian and electing his rival, the French king, -in his stead. - - | 1504. Success of Maximilian in the Landshut succession - | question. - -At this moment the position of Maximilian began to improve. He found -himself supported by many of the literary men who cherished the -memories of the Empire, by many of the Princes, the Imperial Knights, -and others who dreaded the power of the Electors, and, in 1504, -the question of the Landshut succession gave him an opportunity of -humiliating his chief enemy, the Elector Palatine, Frederick the -Victorious, or the Wicked, as his opponents called him. On the death -of Duke George, the Rich, of Landshut (December 1503), without direct -heirs, three claimants appeared: Rupert, the second son of the Elector -Palatine, and son-in-law and nephew of George, who claimed under the -will of his father-in-law; and the two Dukes of Bavaria, Wolfgang -and Albert, who urged their claim as his nearest agnates. Maximilian -supported the cause of Bavaria; called on the princes who were jealous -of the Elector Palatine; with their help, defeated his forces in a -battle where Rupert, his son, was killed, and forced the Diet of -Cologne, in 1505, to divide the territories of Landshut between the -Dukes of Bavaria and himself; while the son of Rupert was fain to -content himself with the small district of the upper Palatinate on the -north of the Danube. - - | 1504. Death of Berthold of Mayence and of the Elector of - | Treves. - - | Improved position of Maximilian. - -By this defeat of a prominent Elector, the prestige of Maximilian was -much enhanced. Moreover, the death of John of Baden the Elector of -Treves, and of Berthold of Mayence during the year, 1504, seriously -weakened the party of reform. The Emperor's position abroad also -seemed magnificent. The Treaty of Blois (September 1504) promised a -brilliant match for his grandson Charles (cf. p. 61), a match which -was not only to bring Brittany, Burgundy, and the French possessions -in North Italy to the Hapsburgs, but might even, so Maximilian hoped, -end in uniting the crowns of the Empire and of France. In the ensuing -November, the death of Isabella made Joanna, his daughter-in-law, -Queen of Castile; and the old age of Ladislas, of Bohemia and Hungary, -gave prospects of the speedy fulfilment of the agreement, made by -that King fifteen years before, by which Hungary was to fall to the -Hapsburg house in the event of his dying without male issue. - - | End of the attempted Reforms. - -While Maximilian indulged in wild projects of universal empire, he -was not in a mood to listen to further demands, nor were the Electors -in a position to enforce them. Here therefore the attempts at reform -may be said to have practically ceased. The hopes of Maximilian were -not indeed fulfilled. Accordingly, in 1507, at Constance we find him -once more demanding men and money against the perjured Louis XII., in -return for a promise to revive the Imperial Chamber, which had held -no sittings for three years. Supplies were granted, no longer by the -Common Penny, or by assessment by parishes, but by a matricula or roll -on which the separate states were rated, according to their resources, -a system which emphasised the independence of the separate states. -Thus furnished, Maximilian once more invaded Italy, only to fail even -more ludicrously than before (cf. p. 65); and the Diets of the years, -1509 to 1512, are taken up with mutual recriminations--the Emperor -bitterly remonstrating with the Diet for refusing adequate support, -and for attempting to weaken his prerogative; while the Diet retorted -that his alliances and his wars had been entered into without its -consent, and that he had prevented the execution of the reforms which -had been enacted. - - | 1512. Establishment of the Circles. - -At the Diets of Treves and Cologne (1512), something indeed was done. -The organisation of the Empire into six circles,[37] hitherto only -used for elections to the Council of Regency, and of the Assessors -to the Imperial Chamber, was extended, and the administrative and -military work of the districts placed in their hands. Even then the -Diets refused to allow Maximilian the privilege of nominating the -Captains of the circles, or of appointing a Captain-general who -should be supreme, or nominating a council of eight, who were to act -as a Privy Council under his control. In short, the eternal conflict -continued; Maximilian, though not averse to reforms which might make -the executive and judicial work of the Empire more efficient, refused -to allow his prerogative to be touched, and the Diet would only -sanction those which secured them some control. The measure therefore -was still-born, the Captains were never elected, and the establishment -of the circles was not finally effected till 1521, three years after -Maximilian's death. - - | Permanent results of the attempt at Reform. - -Of the reforms thus attempted during the reign of Maximilian, the -Common Penny, and the Imperial Council of Regency were revived -again under Charles V., soon to be abandoned for ever; and -though the Imperial Chamber (_Reichskammer_), the Aulic Council -(_Reichshofrath_), the circles, the system of taxation, and the levy -by matricula were destined, with certain modifications, to last as -long as the Empire itself, they did not succeed in saving the Empire -from the continuation of weakness and intestine disorder. Not only -were they disliked by the Emperor in the shape in which they were -passed, but they received lukewarm support from most of the Princes, -and were opposed by the Imperial Knights; while the Cities, which -feared increased taxation as likely to fall chiefly upon their -citizens, complained that they had no representatives among the -assessors of the Imperial Chamber. The failure of these reforms -confirms the opinion that the idea of reconciling imperial unity -with the establishment of an aristocratic federation was a hopeless -one, and that two alternatives alone were practicable: either the -consolidation of Germany into a strong concentrated kingdom under -an hereditary Monarch; or the overthrow of national unity, and the -dismemberment of the Empire into a number of petty states, practically -sovereign and independent. - - | Condition of States of the Empire. - -The condition of the separate states formed a counterpart to that of -the Empire. The more powerful Electors and Princes, who wished to -establish a strong government, met with the same opposition from their -vassals, their cities, and even their peasants, which they themselves -offered to the Emperor; their provincial Diets were torn with the same -dissensions as those which disturbed the Imperial Diet. Yet here, more -surely than in the Empire, the authority of the ruler was asserting -itself, based upon that principle of independent territorialism which -was eventually to triumph. - -The Imperial Knights, enemies of the Princes whose power they dreaded, -were the chief opponents of such consolidation, and the Emperor was -not ashamed at times to lean upon these questionable allies, who -ruined commerce by their raids, and welcomed the wolves as their -comrades. 'Good luck, my dear comrades,' cried an Imperial Knight to -a pack of wolves which he saw fall on a flock of sheep; 'good luck to -us all, and everywhere.' The condition of the peasants under such a -state of things was probably a more miserable one than in any other -country, and led to frequent revolts and conspiracies, such as that -of 'The Bundschuh' (peasant's shoe)--risings which, however, were put -down with cruelty. Germany, in a word, was suffering the throes of -dissolution. The old institutions were falling into decay, the new -ones had not yet been established, and soon the religious troubles -were to add one more element of discord and weakness. - - | Social and economical condition of Germany. - -But if Germany at the close of the fifteenth century was in a -condition of anarchy political and social, it is a mistake to suppose -that she was in a condition of barbarism. Many a prince--nay, the -Emperor Maximilian himself--was a patron of art and literature; while -the cities at least formed an exception to the prevailing anarchy. -They protected themselves with some success from the raids of the -knights by their strong walls, their sturdy burghers, and their -leagues; and, although not free themselves from violent ferments -between the governing bodies of the towns and the unprivileged -classes, who sought for entrance into the town councils, this civic -turbulence, as is often the case, did not ruin the trade by which many -towns and burghers enriched themselves. - -The cities also were the home of education, of literature, and of -art. At the close of the fifteenth century sixteen universities -existed, of which nine had been recently founded. Hence came the -humanist scholars, Agricola, Erasmus, Reuchlin, Melanchthon, and a -host of others, who revived the knowledge of the ancient languages, -and enriched their own mother-tongue with their pens. In the cities -too, the arts of printing, etching, metal-working, and painting -flourished--witness more especially the names of Holbein, Albert -Duerer, and Peter Vischer, the metal-worker of Nuremberg. In a word, -Germany was in a condition of transition, of unrest, of political -dislocation, and yet of much intellectual ferment, which was preparing -her to take the lead in the Reformation. - - | The Swiss Confederation. - - | 1291. The Everlasting Compact of the three Forest Cantons. - - | The struggle with the House of Hapsburg. - - | Battles of Morgarten, 1315, and Sempach, 1386. - - | Their wars with Charles the Bold. - -The reign of Maximilian witnessed also an actual loss of territory to -the Empire, for it was then that Switzerland practically established -its independence. The Swiss Confederation was originally one of -those numerous leagues formed in Germany for self-protection as the -Empire fell into decay. In the year 1291, the three Forest Cantons -of Uri, Schwytz, and Unterwalden, lying at the head of the lake of -Lucerne, formed 'The Everlasting Compact,' to protect themselves -more especially against the powerful Counts of Hapsburg, who, with -their castle of Hapsburg on the lower Aar, held large possessions, -and enjoyed considerable political authority within, and around these -districts. Henceforth, for some two hundred years, opposition to this -aggressive house forms the clue to the history of Switzerland. By -the victories of Morgarten, 1315, and of Sempach, 1386, they freed -themselves from all claims to political control or jurisdiction on -the part of the Hapsburgs and of any other power except the Emperor. -In 1468, Sigismund of Tyrol ceded to them all the lands he held in -Switzerland, with the exception of the Frickthal in the Aargau. By -their famous war with Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 1474-1477, -they not only established the reputation of their formidable infantry, -but gained a footing in the French-speaking territories belonging to -the House of Savoy. - - | Condition of the Confederation at the accession of - | Maximilian. - -The primitive Confederation of the three Forest Cantons had, by the -date of Maximilian's accession, increased its numbers to ten, and -ruled over a stretch of country roughly bounded by the Jura and the -lake of Neuchatel on the west, the Bernese Alps on the south, and the -Rhaetian Alps, the lake of Constance, and the Rhine on the south-east, -east, and north.[38] The city of Constance was a free imperial city, -and was not a member of the Confederation. - -[Illustration: THE SWISS CONFEDERATION] - - | The Government of the Confederation. - -The constitution of the Confederation was based on 'The Everlasting -Compact' of 1291, which had been confirmed and expanded by subsequent -compacts, notably the Parson's ordinance (_Pfaffenbrief_) of 1370, -the Sempach ordinance of 1393, and the Compact of Stanz, 1481. These -agreements referred almost exclusively to questions of jurisdiction -and police, and of mutual assistance and common action with regard to -foreign powers, and assumed, rather than defined, the character of the -central institutions which should give sanction to these compacts. - -The Diet, composed of two delegates from each member of the -Confederation, and one from each 'Socius,' was little more than a -meeting of envoys, strictly limited by their instructions. Nor were -the minority bound by the decisions of the majority, except in matters -concerning the 'Common Bailiwicks.' Although all the Confederates -were allied with the three Forest Cantons, they were not necessarily -leagued with one another--thus Bern had made no direct league with -Zurich, nor Lucerne with Glarus. The internal constitution of the -separate states also varied infinitely. Some, like the Forest Cantons -and Zurich, were practically democracies, while Bern was ruled by -an exclusive burgher aristocracy. Thus the constitution was that of -a 'Confederation' of the loosest kind, a union between communities -practically sovereign, neither all bound to each other, nor alike in -their internal organisation. The complications, which were certain -to result from these peculiarities, were further increased by the -existence of other territories more or less intimately connected. Of -these there were three kinds: - - | The Subject Lands. - -1. The 'Subject Lands.' Some of these belonged to the separate states; -others, 'the Freie Orte,' such as the Thurgau and Aargau, were -held as Common Bailiwicks by several or all of the members of the -Confederation. These districts enjoyed no political rights, and, as is -so often the case with the dependencies of democracies, were governed -most harshly. - - | The Associated Districts. - -2. Secondly came the 'Associated Districts' (_Zugewandte Orte_). Of -these, three indeed, the abbot, and town of St. Gall and the town of -Bienne (Biel), on the lake of that name, were admitted as 'socii' with -one vote each in the Diet. - -But the far more numerous class, the 'Confoederati,' were not -admitted to the privileges of full membership, and yet were bound to -obey the orders of the Confederation in matters of peace and war.[39] - - | The Protected Districts. - -3. Lastly came the 'Protected Districts,' where the tie was still more -loose. - -The extraordinary complications and conflict of interests thus caused -had from time to time led to serious disputes, both internal and -external. They were now to involve the Swiss in a war with the Empire. - - | Causes of the War with the Empire. - -As long as the imperial title was in other hands than those of the -hated Hapsburg, the Swiss had remained faithful to the Empire, -although practically free. But in 1440, the election of Frederick -III. reawakened their apprehensions. They feared lest he should use -his imperial authority to regain his power over them. On the cession -of most of the family possessions by Sigismund of Tyrol (cf. p. 118), -a brief period of friendship ensued, which was strengthened when, by -'The Everlasting Compact' of 1475, he confirmed his renunciation, -and promised help against Charles of Burgundy. But the startling -successes of the Swiss had caused the Emperor and Sigismund to desert -their cause, and the old jealousies revived. The Confederation looked -with dislike on the formation of the Suabian League (1488), to the -north of them, a dislike which was embittered by the open contempt -shown by the German nobility for these upstart Swiss. The claim -made by the imperial city of Constance to jurisdiction over the -district of the Thurgau, which had been mortgaged to it by Sigismund, -caused further friction. After the death of Frederick III. matters -grew worse. The reforming party among the Electors were eager to -bring Switzerland under the jurisdiction of the Imperial Chamber, -and to force the Confederation to bear its share of the taxation -imposed on the Empire by the Diet of Worms (1495). Maximilian here -attempted to play double. He hoped that by allowing the Diet to make -these claims he might frighten the Swiss, while by refraining from -enforcing them he might gain the aid of the Confederation against the -French. In this he made a double blunder. The Electors, anxious to -make the imperial organisation a reality, insisted on the execution -of the decrees of the Diet, and the Swiss looked upon his policy -as a dishonest attempt to revive the claims of his house. They had -long been practically, although not legally, free from all imperial -jurisdiction and taxation. They had no representative in the Diet, -and their consent had not been asked. The tax of the Common Penny -they declared to be a scheme on the part of the princes to tax the -peasants. In short, their view of the matter was singularly like that -of the American Colonies when, in the eighteenth century, England -attempted to tax them. The Swiss, however, not only refused to comply -themselves, they even claimed independence for their ally St. Gall. -This at least could not be sanctioned, and, in 1497, St. Gall was -placed under the ban of the Empire. Maximilian still continued his -double dealing. He delayed the execution of the ban in the vain hope -of influencing the Swiss to make a personal arrangement with him, -and serve him in his wars. Meanwhile, other differences precipitated -the crisis. Of several leagues which had grown up around that of -the Swiss Confederation, some of the most important were the three -Rhaetian Leagues: the League of God's House, 'Gotteshausbund,' -round about Chur, from the cathedral of which it took its name; the -'Grauer Bund,' or Grisons, on the Upper Rhine; and the League of the -Ten Jurisdictions in the Praettigau and the valley of Davos. The -succession of Maximilian to the possessions of the cadet branch of -his family in Tyrol on the death of Sigismund (1496), not unnaturally -aroused the fear of these Leagues, the more so because Maximilian also -about this time gained part of the Praettigau. Accordingly in 1497, -the Grauer Bund, and in 1498, the League of God's House, entered into -an alliance with the Swiss and became associates (Confoederati). -The Swiss Confederation was thus drawn into the interminable disputes -as to possessions and jurisdictions, which existed between these two -Leagues and Tyrol. Finally, the occupation of the Muensterthal--one of -the valleys which joins that of the upper Adige--by the authorities at -Innsbruck, led to hostilities (1499). - - | Outbreak of War, 1499. - - | Defeat of the Suabian League and of Maximilian. - -The war was at first carried on by Maximilian as Archduke of Austria, -assisted by the Suabian League, and was not taken up by the Empire -until the following year. The best policy on the Emperor's part -would probably have been to concentrate his attack, and try to -outmanoeuvre the Swiss and crush them in one decisive battle; for -the Swiss army, organised according to the states in which it had -been levied, was better fitted for detached enterprises, and its -leaders were always somewhat deficient in strategy. Instead of this, -Maximilian divided his forces and thus played into the hands of his -enemies. The Swiss, advancing in a dense column, or in phalanxes in -echelon of three divisions, with four rows of pikemen in front armed -with pikes eighteen feet long, supported in the rear by halberdiers -with halberds (a combination of battle-axe and spear), proved more -than a match for the German landsknechts. The French king sent money -and artillery; even the Venetians contributed money, unwilling to see -Hapsburg influence increase in these parts. Ludovico Sforza, Duke of -Milan, Maximilian's only ally, was at this moment driven from Milan -(September 2). The Suabian League was defeated at Bruderholz and at -Dornach, near Basel. Maximilian himself was worsted at Frastenz in the -Tyrol, and again at the gorge of the Calven in the Muensterthal, and -on September 22, 1499, was forced to come to terms. - - | The Peace of Basel, 1499. - -By the peace of Basel all matters in dispute between Maximilian and -the Rhaetian Leagues were referred to arbitration. All decisions of -the Imperial Chamber against the Confederation were annulled, and -though nothing definite was said as to its future relations with -the Empire, no attempt was ever again made to subject the Swiss to -imperial taxation, jurisdiction, or military levy. Though still -nominally a member of the Empire the Confederation enjoyed practical -independence, which was finally recognised at the peace of Westphalia, -1648. - -In 1501, for the purpose of strengthening their northern frontier, -the Swiss admitted Basel and Schaffhausen to the Confederation; and -the addition of Appenzell, in 1513, brought up the number of the -Confederate States to thirteen, a number which was not increased -till the present century. The Swiss continued to be the mercenaries -of Europe, and in 1502, and 1512, gained, as we have seen, further -possessions to the south of the Alps (cf. p. 72). One thing at least -Maximilian learnt from his defeats. He copied the arms, and to some -extent the organisation, of the Swiss, and thus did much to form that -formidable infantry which did Charles V. good service in Italy. Yet -even this had its disadvantages; for the German landsknechts, finding -themselves in request, sometimes adopted the mercenary habits of the -Swiss, and took service with the enemies of their country. - - | The Policy of Maximilian towards the Empire and his Hapsburg - | territories. - - | His success as a Hapsburg Prince. - -In spite of Maximilian's attachment to the imperial name it may be -said of him, as it was of an earlier Emperor, Charles IV., that he was -'stepfather' of the Empire. Further, it was his aim to humiliate the -Electors. He had robbed the Palatinate of the succession to Landshut -(cf. p. 113). He defrauded the Elector of Saxony of his claim to Berg -and Julich by securing the succession, through marriage, to the Duke -of Cleves, and of the tutelage of Philip of Hesse, by declaring the -young Landgrave of age when only fourteen; and though he supported the -house of Brandenburg (Hohenzollern) by approving of the election of -Albert, a cadet of the house, to the Grand Mastership of the Teutonic -Order in Prussia (1512), he irritated him by confirming the peace of -Thorn of 1466, by which the knights had been forced to cede Western -Prussia to Casimir of Poland, and to hold East Prussia as a fief of -that king. To this he was induced by family reasons: Lewis,[40] the -nephew of Sigismund, the reigning King of Poland, had recently married -Maximilian's granddaughter Mary, while Anne, the sister of Lewis, -married his grandson Ferdinand, with the promise of succession to -Hungary and Bohemia, should Lewis die without heirs. In short, the -policy of Maximilian was mainly dynastic. To increase the power and -the future prospects of his house was his main aim,--by the aid of the -imperial position, if possible; if not, by conquest, by policy, and by -successful marriages. His success in this design will be best realised -by contrasting the position held by his house in 1485 with that which -it enjoyed at his death in 1519. - -In 1485, one year before Maximilian was elected King of the Romans, -Mathias Corvinus not only held Hungary and Bohemia, which had belonged -to the Hapsburgs from 1437 to 1457, but had driven Frederick III. -from Vienna. The Tyrol and Alsace were in the hands of Maximilian's -cousin Sigismund. Styria and Carinthia were being ravaged by the Turk, -and Maximilian himself, now that his wife Mary of Burgundy was dead -(1482), was deprived of the government of the Netherlands, and even -of the education of his son Philip. Far different was the state of -things in 1519. Not only had all Austria proper been regained, but on -the death of Sigismund, 1496, the Emperor reunited in his own hands -all the Hapsburg possessions, and the ravages of the Turks had for the -time ceased. If he had lost Switzerland, and if his attempt to restore -his authority in Italy had ludicrously failed, these were losses to -the Empire rather than to his house. - - | His Marriage Alliances. - -It is, however, in his marriage alliances that Maximilian met with -most success. The marriage treaties with Ladislas and his son Lewis, -mentioned just above (p. 125), were shortly (1526) to restore Hungary -and Bohemia to the Hapsburgs. His wife Mary, daughter of Charles the -Bold, had brought him most of the possessions of the powerful House of -Burgundy, and Philip, the issue of this match, had wedded Joanna of -Spain. Already in 1516, Charles, their son, ruled in the Netherlands -and in Spain and in Naples.[41] - - | His Character. - -In spite of his long struggle with the electors, and the failure of -his Italian wars, Maximilian was not unpopular with the Germans. -Indeed, he must have been an attractive character, if rather an -irritating person to deal with. Although not handsome--for his -complexion was pale, and he had a snub nose rising above a grey -beard--his countenance was manly, and his activity and strength -extraordinary, as his feats in pursuit of the chamois prove. His -intellectual activity was not less remarkable; well educated, speaking -seven languages or dialects; with wide interests, quick sympathies, -a chivalrous and highly imaginative mind, and inexhaustible energy, -his many-sidedness won him admirers among all classes. No doubt, some -of these qualities stood in the way of his success. Fond of indulging -in magnificent schemes, many of them incapable of realisation, his -very versatility and resource opened him to the reproach of being -indecisive and changeable. 'What he says at night he holds of no -account on the morrow,' said Louis XI. of him. His self-confidence -taught him to be impatient of strong men; 'to refuse the advice of -any, and yet to be deceived of all,' says Machiavelli. His overweening -ambition led him into financial straits, and these to humiliating -shifts, more especially in his dealings with foreign powers who called -him 'the man of few pence,' and treated him as an importunate beggar, -to be pensioned or bought off at will. But at least, Maximilian -was not self-deceived. In his epic of 'Teuerdank,' the adventurous -knight of 'glorious thoughts,' who sets out to seek his bride and -finally wars against the Turk, he depicts himself, and introduces -us to self-conceit and the desire of adventure as the two great -dangers which, with envious intrigue, beset him. This attractive, -lovable, impracticable, exasperating man of dreams, of nervous, -though ill-directed energy, is a fit representative of that period of -transition which may be said to be covered by his reign. - - | The death of Maximilian, 1519, marks the beginning of a new - | period. - -With the accession of Francis in 1515, and with the death of -Maximilian in 1519, we are definitely introduced to a new period. It -is an interesting fact that Italy, the home of that papacy which had -guided the Teutonic barbarians out of barbarism, had nursed their -earlier days and introduced them to the priceless legacy of Roman law, -government, and civilisation, should have been the stage upon which -the scenes were shifted. - -It was in the Italian wars that the kingdoms of Europe first -showed full consciousness of their national identity. In them, -notwithstanding their deadly rivalries, they learnt that their -fortunes were necessarily bound together as members of the European -commonwealth of nations. Thence the system of the balance of -power, the birth of modern diplomacy, the foundation of a system -of international law. In short, during this period, that political -system of Europe was established which still survives. Further, in the -Italian wars the nations found it necessary to keep large armies on -foot, and the art of war was revolutionised by the more extensive use -of gunpowder. - -Italy indeed suffered terribly. At no date was the selfishness of -nations more flagrantly exhibited than in these Italian wars. The -peninsula became the spoil of the foreigner, never to regain her -independence till our own day. Yet in the midst of her supreme agony, -she had bestowed a priceless gift on Europe. The revived knowledge -of Greek art and literature, the highest perfection of painting, -the new style of architecture, the knowledge of man, and the spirit -of criticism--these were to be her final legacies to Europe in the -movement of the Renaissance, which was so peculiarly Italian. - -Henceforth the main interest of European history will no longer lie in -Italy. The struggle for her fair plains is not indeed over. The papacy -will still demand our attention, in its relations to the Reformation -and to the Empire. But Italy falls back into a subordinate position. -The Mediterranean ceases to be the highway of commerce between east -and west. Our gaze is directed north of the Alps to follow the great -struggle between the Hapsburg and Valois houses, and the momentous -issues which were involved in the Reformation. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [27] For a description of the constitution of Castile and Aragon, - cf. _Cambridge Mod. Hist._, vol. i. 348 ff. - - [28] These supposed visits to Genoa and Venice are very doubtful. - - [29] On this point cf. Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der - Entdeckungen_, p. 458 ff. - - [30] The madness of Joanna has been denied by Bergenroth, _State - Papers_, London 1868, supplement to vol. i. II. But cf. Gachard, - _Sur Jeanne La Folle_, Brussels, 1869; Roesler, _Johanna die - Wahnsinnige_, Vienna, 1870; Ranke, _Latin and Teutonic Nations_, - Bk. II. ch. ii., note. - - [31] Isabella had left Castile to Joanna, and after her to Charles, - and Ferdinand did the same with Aragon. But Ximenes proclaimed - Charles king conjointly with his mother; and her madness made - Charles practically sole king. - - [32] On election he assumed the title 'The King of the Romans.' - But coronation by the Pope was then held necessary for the - assumption of the title 'Holy Roman Emperor.' Frederick III. - was, however, the last Emperor crowned at Rome; Maximilian in - 1508, assumed the title of 'Roman Emperor elect' with the assent - of the Pope; and after Charles V., who was crowned at Bologna - (1529), no Emperor sought for coronation from the Pope. - - [33] Besides the Princes who enjoyed an individual vote - (_Virilstimme_), there were three collective votes - (_Curiatstimmen_)--that of the Prelates who were not princes, - and those of the Suabian and Wetterabian Graves and Barons. - - [34] Cf. _Cambridge Mod. Hist._, vol. i. 299 ff. - - [35] This is the usual interpretation. But Ottokar Lorenz, - _Deutschland Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter_, ii. 280, reminds - us that this solution is not found in the Emperor's 'Diary.' Cf. - _Kollarii Analecta Monumentorum Vindobonensia_, ii. p. 675. - - [36] The Aulic Council was also to act as a supreme administrative - body. - - [37] The idea of dividing Germany into circles dates from the reign - of Albert II. The four then instituted were now increased to - ten-- - - 1. Franconia. - - 2. Suabia, including the Duchy of Wurtemberg, the Margraviate of - Baden, and 32 imperial cities. - - 3. Bavaria, with the Archbishopric of Salzburg. - - 4. The Upper Rhine, including Lorraine. - - 5. Lower Rhine, composed of the three Ecclesiastical - Electorates. - - 6. Westphalia, Julich, Cleves, Berg, the County of Oldenburg, - and numerous Bishoprics. - - 7. Upper Saxony, formed of the Duchies of Saxony, and Pomerania, - the Margraviate of Brandenburg. - - 8. Lower Saxony, composed of the Duchies of Brunswick, Luneburg, - and Holstein (held by the King of Denmark), Mecklenburg, the - Archbishoprics of Magdeburg and Bremen, and the towns of - Hamburg, Lubeck, and Goslar. - - 9. Austria. - - 10. Burgundy, including the Netherlands and Franche-Comte. - - N.B.--Bohemia did not form part of any circle. - - The duty of police and administration were to be in the hands - of a captain (_Hauptmann_), with two assessors elected by the - circles. - - [38] List of Cantons in 1499, with date of their admission to the - league: - - { Three { Uri, - 1291. { Forest { Schwytz, - { Cantons { Unterwalden. - - 1332. Lucerne. - - 1335. Zurich. - - 1352. { Glarus. - { Zug. - - 1353. Bern. - - 1481. { Fribourg. - { Solothurn. - - - [39] List of 'Confoederati' before 1497-- - - The league of Wallis, or Valais - Schaffhausen - Muelhausen - Rothweil - Appenzell. - 1497, The Grisons. - 1498, The League of God's House. - - [40] - - Casimir IV. of Poland, 1445-1492 - | - +--------------+-----------+-+-----------+ - | | | | - John Albert Alexander Sigismund I. Ladislas, King of Hungary and - 1492-1501 1501-1506 1506-1548 Bohemia, 1471-1516 - | - +----------------------+-------------------+ - | | - Lewis = Mary, _g.d._ of Max. Anne, _g.d._ of Max. = Ferdinand I. - 1516-1526 - - [41] The success of these and other marriages of the Hapsburgs is - commemorated in the lines:-- - - 'Bella gerant alii, tu felix Austria nube, - Nam quae Mars aliis, dat tibi regna Venus.' - - - - -CHAPTER III - -FROM THE ELECTION OF CHARLES TO THE BATTLE OF PAVIA - - The Imperial Election--Preparations of Charles and Francis for - war, which is, however, delayed--The Revolt of the Comuneros--The - Diet of Worms--The Council of Regency--The Renaissance and the - Reformation--Erasmus and Luther--The Imperial Ban--War between - Charles and Francis--Their Alliances--Successes of Imperial - Troops--Adrian VI. succeeds Leo X.--His quarrel with - Charles--Battle of Bicocca--Treaty of Windsor--Luther and the - Council of Regency--Diet of Nuremberg--The Knights' War--Congress - of Ratisbon--Battle of Pavia--The Peasants' War. - - -Sec. 1. _The Imperial Election._ - - | The three candidates for the Imperial throne. - -On the death of Maximilian in January 1519, the destinies of Europe -fell into the hands of three young Monarchs, all of them of marked -individuality and of great ambition. Of these Henry VIII., now in -his twenty-eighth year, was the eldest. The profound impression made -on foreigners by his personal appearance is probably in part to be -attributed to the fairness of his complexion, always much admired on -the Continent; but although in after-life he became very corpulent, -his high colouring, his massive head and wide-set eyes, his tall, -powerful, yet active frame must have been striking enough. When to -this is added his prowess in games and in the joust, his proficiency -in music and languages, and, above all, his masterful character, we -shall probably not think the estimate exaggerated. - -Francis I. was only three years younger. Nearly as tall as Henry, -his dark complexion, his corpulence and thin legs especially struck -contemporaries. A patron of art, a lover of pleasure, he was a -true son of the Renaissance in its shallower aspects. With little -foresight, prudence, or statesmanship--a bad King and a bad man--he -was bold to rashness, fully as ambitious as his rivals and yet was -gifted with a certain chivalrous spirit which was wanting in Charles, -and which formed the redeeming feature of his otherwise worthless -character. - -Of Charles little was at that time known, and little expected. He was -only nineteen, and was completely under the control of his Flemish -counsellor, William de Croy, 'le Sieur de Chievres.' Of middle -height and slouching gait, his fine forehead and powerful aquiline -nose were spoilt by the underhanging jaw of the Hapsburg, and small -bad teeth. The troubles of his early life, the quarrels between his -father and his grandfather Ferdinand, the jealousy which Ferdinand -had subsequently shown him, the madness of his mother, had made -him reserved and grave, and perhaps destroyed the enthusiasm of -youth. These qualities gave the impression of stupidity; yet he was -soon to show the world that, beneath that impassive exterior, lay a -clear-headedness, a business capacity, and a determination which, -coupled with indifference to sentiment, was to prove him the ablest -statesman of the three. - -These young Kings were the most important candidates for the imperial -throne vacant by Maximilian's death, the election to which now -monopolised the attention of Europe. Maximilian had squandered money -and promises to win the Electors, and fondly believed that he had -secured the votes of five of them for his grandson; but no sooner was -he dead, than they repudiated their engagements, and began to chaffer -again for bribes. Henry was scarcely a serious candidate; of the other -two, the chances of Francis seemed at first the best. The victory -of Marignano, and his ambition for military renown, pointed him out -as the most likely leader of that Crusade of which Europe was ever -talking, though never undertaking; and Francis vowed that, if elected, -he would be in Constantinople within three years. Leo X., although -unwilling to declare himself, hoped to see Francis elected. The -possession of Milan by the French made their friendship necessary if -the Medici were to be secure in Florence, and it was the traditional -policy of the Popes to prevent Naples and the Empire from falling into -the same hands. 'Do you know,' said Leo, 'that it is only forty miles -from Rome to the Neapolitan frontier?' The Electors, more especially -Frederick the Wise of Saxony, and Joachim I. of Brandenburg, had -many of them been irritated by Maximilian's opposition to reform, -and by his general policy towards them (cf. p. 110 ff.). The Rhenish -Electors--that is, the three Archbishops of Mayence, Treves, and -Cologne, and the Elector Palatine--feared the vengeance of Francis -if they refused their votes and Richard Greifenklau, the Elector of -Treves, was an ally of the Duke of Gueldres, the inveterate enemy of -the Hapsburgs. - -Francis, moreover, was determined to obtain the coveted title. 'And -he spent three millions of gold,' he said, 'he would be Emperor'; -and the bribes he offered to the Electors were higher than Charles -had to give. So poor indeed did the prospects of Charles appear that -he was urged by some to retire in favour of his brother Ferdinand, -an alternative which Charles rejected with warmth, as fatal to the -interests of his house, though promising that, if elected, he would -prevail upon Germany to accept his brother as his successor. He then -instructed his agents, for he himself was in Spain, to spare no pains -and to refuse nothing whereby his election might be secured. Thus the -dishonourable traffic continued with the Electors, who were at the -election itself to swear that they gave their votes free from all -promise, engagement, or earnest-money. - - | German sentiment declares for Charles. - -How the matter might have ended, if it had been left to the Electors, -it is impossible to say. But, as the day of election drew near, the -sentiment of Germany began to show itself unmistakably. Not only did -the literary men declare for Charles, but the Suabian League also -began to move. This powerful League had, in the previous May, driven -Ulrich, Duke of Wuertemberg, from his duchy on account of his cruelty -and misgovernment, and was in a position to enforce its views. The -League was commanded by Duke William of Bavaria, whose sister had -been brutally treated by her husband, the Duke Ulrich, and by Franz -von Sickingen, the famous imperial knight, who was already in the -pay of Charles. The army of the League now proclaimed that it would -not submit to the election of Francis, and was joined by the Swiss. -The Confederates were generally the opponents of the Hapsburgs, and -in 1499, by the peace of Basel, which closed their last war with -Maximilian, had gained their freedom from imperial laws, justice, -and taxation (cf. p. 124). Yet, influenced by Mathias Schinner, the -Cardinal of Sion, they now supported the cause of Charles. - -In the north, too, the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbuettel threatened -to take up arms for the German candidate. This strong expression of -German sentiment naturally influenced the Electors. They therefore -lowered their demands, and accepted smaller sums and promises from -Charles than Francis offered; while the Fuggers, the Rothschilds of -that day, refused to honour the bills of the French King. Leo, too, -seeing 'that it was useless to run his head against a brick wall,' -abandoned his opposition to Charles. - - | The Electors finally elect Charles. - -The most important suffrage to be gained was that of the Archbishop -of Mayence, the brother of Joachim of Brandenburg. His vote would -certainly carry with it that of the vacillating Hermann von der -Wied, Archbishop of Cologne, and he might have some influence on -his brother, although that 'father of all avarice' was deeply -pledged to support the French King. The Archbishop had been offered -120,000 florins and the perpetual legateship of Germany by Francis. -Nevertheless, after much haggling, he accepted Charles' smaller -promise of 72,000 florins and the legateship, and championed his -cause in the electoral college which met on June 18. Here the Elector -of Treves, who had dipped deeply into French money-bags, urged the -claims of Francis, and suggested, that if he were not acceptable, they -should elect some other German prince likely to be less dangerous -than Charles--the Duke of Bavaria, the Margrave of Brandenburg, or -the Elector of Saxony. This had been the final move of Francis. The -Elector of Saxony was the only one who had honourably refused all -bribes, and so great was the reputation of his virtuous and godly -life, as also of his singular wisdom, that, had he been willing, he -might have been chosen. Too shrewd, however, to accept so dangerous -a position, and patriotic enough to wish it conferred on a German, -he declined the offer, and declared for Charles. His conduct decided -the matter. Lewis, the young King of Bohemia, had married Mary, -sister of Charles, and voted for his brother-in-law. Hermann von der -Wied, Archbishop of Cologne, followed the lead of Mayence; the three -remaining Electors, the Archbishop of Treves, the Elector Palatine, -and the Margrave of Brandenburg, followed suit, and Charles was -unanimously elected Emperor. The papal confirmation was no longer -thought necessary for the assumption of the title of Emperor, and, -though Charles was subsequently crowned by the Pope at Bologna (1530), -he at once assumed the title, not of King of the Romans, but of -Emperor Elect. Thus ended the most memorable of the elections to that -imperial dignity, which was fast becoming a mere shadow--an election -which surpassed all others in the shameless corruption and intrigue -which accompanied it, and which Henry's agent Pace declared to be 'the -dearest merchandise which ever was bought.' - -The desire of Francis to attain the title is a proof of his want of -statesmanship. His success would have been disastrous to his country; -the hostility of Germany, and probably of the whole of Europe, would -have been aroused, and the resources of France would have been -exhausted in a struggle in which she was not really interested. - - | The Capitulations. - -By the election of Charles, the magnificent dreams of Frederick III. -and of Maximilian were in part realised. The house of Hapsburg now -ruled over Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Naples, and a large part -of the New World, and held once more the title of the Holy Roman -Emperor. And yet it may be questioned whether the imperial dignity was -really a source of strength. As a price of his election Charles had -to sign the 'Capitulations,' which henceforth were demanded of every -Emperor Elect. These 'Capitulations' well illustrate the views of -the German Princes. The fear of the Spanish and Flemish parentage of -the new Emperor is seen in their demands that German or Latin should -be the official language, that imperial offices should be reserved -for Germans, that the States should not be subject to any foreign -jurisdiction, and that no foreign troops should serve in imperial -wars without the consent of the Diet. The opposition to papal claims -prompted the Princes to insist on the abolition of every innovation -introduced by the court of Rome, in contravention of the concordat -made with Germany after the Council of Constance (1418). Finally, -determined to maintain their privileges, they demanded that Charles -should confirm their sovereign rights and appoint a standing Council -which should take a share in government. These last demands were of -serious import, and led to serious controversies. For the rest, as the -sequel will show, Charles' numerous and ill-assorted possessions and -claims led to difficulties, before which at last he succumbed. - - | War inevitable. - -That the election of Charles V. would lead to war was almost -inevitable. The fears of the French were not unnaturally aroused by -the union of the Hapsburg and Spanish claims in his person, while -the personal vanity of Francis had received a deadly affront by the -election of his rival to the Empire. - - | Charles wishes to put off the war. - -Under these circumstances, it was not difficult to find occasions of -quarrel. The terms of the treaty of Noyon (1516) (cf. p. 83), had not -been carried out on either side. Francis could complain that Spanish -Navarre had never been restored to Henry d'Albret, while Charles -asserted that Milan belonged to him, as an imperial fief, and demanded -the restoration of the Duchy of Burgundy as part of his Burgundian -inheritance. Nevertheless, it was clearly to the advantage of Charles -that the war should be postponed. Now, as throughout his reign, the -very extent of his dominions and the number of his titles were a -source of weakness. Spain, indignant at the rule of the Flemings, was -on the point of rebellion; Germany, which Charles had not yet visited -since his election, for he was still in Spain, was annoyed at his -continued absence; the Diet had to be reckoned with; and the question -of 'the little monk Luther' demanded immediate attention. - -Francis on the contrary, with less extravagant pretensions, was -master of a consolidated kingdom. He enjoyed a prerogative far less -controlled, more especially with regard to the finances and the army, -than his rival. He held the central position, and, as long as he -retained Milan, cut off the Emperor from all communication by land -between his German and Italian territories. Under these circumstances -Chievres was probably right, apart from the particular interests of -the Netherlands, in wishing, at least, to postpone the commencement of -hostilities. France, on the other hand, should have begun the war at -once. But the treasury had been exhausted by the extravagance of the -King, by the expenses incurred in the last war, and in the canvass for -the Empire, and the addition of fresh imposts would cause discontent. -Above all it was thought desirable, if possible, first to secure -the alliance, or at least the neutrality, of England. Charles, too, -realised the importance of English aid; and the two rivals were so -evenly matched that an opportunity, such as had never occurred before, -was opened to England to hold the tongue of the balance. - - | Attempt of Wolsey to keep the peace. - -The opportunity was eagerly seized by Wolsey. To continue friends -with both sides without offending either; to keep both asunder by -fostering mutual suspicion; to prevent either from declaring war lest -the aggressor might find England arrayed against him, and thereby to -prevent if possible, if not to delay, the outbreak of hostilities; -meanwhile, to gain for England the proud position of arbiter of -Europe--this was the aim of Wolsey, a policy which for nigh two years -met with such success that the two most powerful monarchs of Europe -became the humble suitors of the Cardinal and his master. - -In May, 1520, Charles hurried from Spain to meet Henry VIII. at -Sandwich, an act of condescension on the Emperor's part which excited -the astonishment of Europe. Immediately afterwards (June 7), followed -the interview between Henry and Francis at the 'Field of the Cloth -of Gold,' near Guisnes in the Pale of Calais--again, be it noted, on -English ground. The importance attached to this famous interview is -not only attested by the magnificence of the display, by the feats of -arms in which even the kings themselves took part to the discomfiture -of Francis, but by the attention it received from the artists and the -writers of the day. Thence Henry VIII. passed to a second interview -with Charles at Gravelines (July 10). The actual results of these -meetings are doubtful;[42] but it is probable that Wolsey declined any -definite agreements, since his policy was to avoid declaring himself -on either side. - -Thus the negotiations dragged on, much to the indignation of the Pope, -Leo X., who had made treaties with both, yet was anxious that war -should begin without delay in order that he might see who was likely -to prove the winner before he compromised himself too far. - - | The diplomacy of Wolsey fails to avert the struggle. - -At the close of the year 1520, however, the diplomacy of Wolsey -began to break down. Francis determined to take the offensive, and -accused Wolsey of betraying his secret to the Pope; while Charles, -who had long been hesitating whether to carry out the proposed -match with Mary of England, or to marry the Infanta of Portugal, -attempted to implicate Henry in a war with France and demanded that -he should fulfil his promises. Wolsey, however, was not thus to be -entrapped, and recalled Tunstal, his agent at the Emperor's court. Yet -Charles was in no position to declare war, and the actual outbreak of -hostilities was accordingly postponed till 1521. - -Meanwhile the troubles in Spain, the difficulties with the Diet, and -the question of the condemnation of Luther, demanded the attention of -the Emperor. - - -Sec. 2. _The Revolt of the Comuneros_ - - | Discontent in Spain. - -The troubles in Spain had commenced immediately on the death of -Ferdinand. In spite of the temporary success which had accompanied the -policy of that King and his consort, the work of consolidation was by -no means complete. Not only were the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon -independent of each other, but even Valencia and Catalonia, although -dependencies of Aragon, had their separate Cortes and characteristic -institutions. This outward variety of constitutional machinery was but -the symbol of deep and essential differences--differences which were -the outcome of the physical peculiarities of the various countries, -their racial differences, and their past history. The rivalries -between Castile and Aragon were of old standing, and no sharper -contrast is to be found in Europe than that which existed between the -primitive and poverty-stricken population of the Asturias, the proud -Castilian noble, and the busy trader of Barcelona, the democratic -capital of Catalonia. Nor was there more unity within the separate -kingdoms themselves. The social divisions were deepest in Castile. -There the nobles enjoyed numerous exclusive privileges, notably that -of freedom from taxation. The revenues derived from their wide domains -were so great as to exceed in several instances those of the crown -itself. Living in proud isolation, they despised the burghers of the -towns and their struggles for the constitutional rights of the Cortes, -the meetings of which they themselves had long ceased to attend. - - | The discontent reaches its climax on the accession of - | Charles, especially in Castile. - -In Aragon the nobles were less isolated. They were still represented -in the Cortes, and joined with the deputies of the clergy and the -towns in common defence of their political rights. Even here, however, -the social cleavages were deep, while in Valencia things were nearly -as bad as in Castile. But if Spain was the victim of national and -class jealousies and divisions, she was not on that account less -tenacious of her privileges, and the change of rulers gave her an -opportunity of reasserting them. When therefore Charles came to -Spain a year after his grandfather's death (1517), he had met with -considerable opposition. The Cortes of Aragon only consented to -acknowledge him as King in conjunction with his mother after he had -sworn to confirm their liberties, and in Catalonia and Valencia he met -with similar difficulties. - -Meanwhile, in Castile matters were even worse. The Castilians had -been irritated by the rule of the Fleming, Chievres--the 'goat' -as they called him in allusion to his name--who had administered -affairs till Charles came to Spain. When their new King did arrive -he hurt their pride by his ignorance of their language, excited the -indignation of many by his heartless treatment of Ximenes, who was -rewarded for his faithful services by being dismissed to his diocese -to die (November 17), and alienated all by conferring the dignities -which had been held by the Cardinal upon his hated Flemings. The -see of Toledo was given to the Bishop of Tournay, the nephew of -Chievres; and Sauvage, another Fleming, succeeded him in his office -of Chancellor of Castile. Accordingly the Cortes of Valladolid, in -1518, while acknowledging Charles and his mother as co-rulers, and -voting him a 'servicio' or money grant, for two years, demanded that -no foreigners should be given office; that no gold, silver, or horses -should be exported from Spain; that Charles should speedily marry; -and that his brother Ferdinand should act as his representative -until he should have children. These demands, if ever granted, were -not complied with. Meanwhile, the imperial election increased their -apprehensions. The Emperor, they said, would rarely be in Spain, and -they would have to pay the expenses of the honour as they had of the -election. Charles, anxious to leave Spain to meet Henry VIII. at -Sandwich, and to be crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen), consented to -call another meeting of the Cortes before leaving the country. He, -however, avoided the larger towns on account of their disaffection, -and summoned it to Santiago (March 31), in Galicia, and subsequently -(April 25) transferred it to Corunna that he might be near his ships. -Here he extorted a sum of money by promises to return again in three -years, on the faith of a King, to appoint no foreigners to office, and -to spend the 'servicio' only in the interests of Castile. The Cortes, -however, was by no means a full one; the deputies of Salamanca had -been excluded, and some, such as Toledo, had refused to send any. Even -so, the vote was only carried by a narrow majority. - - | Toledo rises. April 21, 1520. - -The city of Toledo had special cause for indignation. The appointment -of Chievres' nephew as Archbishop had been looked upon as a special -insult, and the envoys sent to remonstrate with Charles, had been -refused an audience. The citizens therefore rose, headed by two -nobles, Don Pedro Laso de la Vega, and Don Juan de Padilla, son of the -Commendador or Governor of Leon, whose intrepid wife had forced him -into a career for which he was ill fitted. They seized the government -in the name of the king and queen, drove the royal Corregidor from the -town, and formed a 'Communidad' of deputies from the parishes of the -city (April 21). - -Charles was now to experience for the first time, but not the -last, the conflict of those jarring interests which resulted from -his anomalous position. As King of Spain, his presence there was -imperatively needed, yet his European interests necessitated his -departure. Henry VIII. had promised to meet Francis in May or early -in June, and, if the conference at Sandwich was not to be abandoned -(cf. p. 136), no time was to be lost. Accordingly, on the 19th of May, -he left Spain almost as a fugitive, having appointed Adrian, his old -tutor, regent in Castile, Don Juan de Lanuza, viceroy in Aragon, and -Don Diego de Mendoza, in Valencia. - - | Charles' departure from Spain, May 19, is followed by the - | revolt of Castile. - - | The Junta set up Joanna. August, 1520. - - | The Junta present their Charter. - -The departure of the King only served to increase the discontent. The -Spaniards felt that henceforth their country would no longer be the -centre of his interests, but only a province of his wider Empire. The -revolt therefore spread rapidly. At Segovia the deputy who had voted -for the 'servicio' was murdered. Salamanca, Zamora, Madrid, Burgos, -and many other towns rose; and finally Valladolid, then the seat of -government, took up arms. Meanwhile, in Valencia, a social war was -raging between the nobles and the commons, although the disturbances -there had no connection with those in Castile. At the end of July, -the movements in Castile, hitherto isolated, coalesced under the -leadership of the citizens of Toledo, and a 'Junta' of deputies -from the insurgent towns was formed at Avila. In August, Padilla, -marching on Tordesillas, not far from Valladolid, seized Charles' -mother, Joanna, who was now completely imbecile, and established the -revolutionary government in her name. With this formidable revolt, -Adrian was quite unable to cope; he had been left without adequate -resources in troops or money, and had not even been intrusted with -full powers. After a fruitless attempt to quell the rebellion, he fled -to Medina de Rio Seco, and hastily wrote to Charles demanding his -own recall, and urging him to come quickly or Spain would be lost. -Charles, however, was in no position to comply with his request, or -to send reinforcements. He therefore bade Adrian temporise. He was to -summon a Cortes, to offer to abandon the 'servicio' and promise to -govern Spain according to the ancient laws; yet in no way to touch -the prerogatives of the crown. At the same time, Charles appointed -Don Fadrique Henriques, the High Admiral, and Don Inigo de Velasco, -the High Constable of Castile, as co-regents, hoping by this act -to gain the support of the nobles. Meanwhile the 'Junta,' after -vainly attempting to prove Joanna sane, and to put her on the throne, -proceeded to draw up a charter of their liberties. They called upon -Charles to return to Spain, to marry the Infanta of Portugal, to -reduce his expenses, and to live like his forefathers, and passed the -following decrees. No foreigner was again to hold office; the taxes -were to be reduced, and the exemptions of the nobility abolished; -the crown lands, which had been alienated, were to be resumed, and -future alienations were declared illegal; finally a Cortes, fully -representative of the three orders of nobles, clergy, and burghers, -was to meet once in every three years. These decrees were declared to -be fundamental laws, which could never be revoked by King or Cortes, -and Charles' acceptance of them was made the condition of his return. - - | The nobles declare against the rebels. - -Hitherto the nobles had displayed extraordinary apathy. They had -been irritated at the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella, and if, with -few exceptions, they had not taken any active part in the rebellion, -they had given Adrian no assistance. But now their fears began to -be aroused; some of these decrees touched their privileges, and the -movement in Castile threatened to follow that of Valencia, and to -assume the character of a social revolt. Moreover, the appointment of -two of their number as co-regents indicated a change in the policy -of the government, and had done something to conciliate them. The -hostility of the nobles once awakened, the position of the 'comuneros' -became critical, and their chances of success were further jeopardised -by the internal dissensions which now broke out. - - | Jealousies weaken the rebels' cause. - - | Renewed vigour of the comuneros. March, 1521. - -The citizens of Burgos, the capital of Old Castile, became jealous -at the leading part assumed by Toledo, the capital of New Castile, -while Pedro Laso, the President of the Junta, who represented the more -moderate party, was opposed to the more extreme views of Padilla. -The Regents, seizing the opportunity, managed to detach Burgos from -the Junta (October 1520), and in December, the Count de Haro, son of -the Constable, retook Tordesillas and gained possession of Joanna. -Yet in spite of these successes the danger was by no means over. -The nobles showed their want of union, and even the Constable and -the Admiral quarrelled. The rebels, on the other hand, received the -valuable support, not only of the Count de Salvatierra, a powerful -noble of the north, but also of Acuna, the Bishop of Zamora. This -clever and ambitious ecclesiastic attempted to give to the movement -a wider significance, and to establish a democracy, while he hoped -to gain for himself the Archbishopric of Toledo, just vacant by the -death of the nephew of Chievres. In these designs he obtained the -support of Francis, and even the neutrality of the Pope. Inspired by -these notable additions to their party, the 'communeros' displayed -renewed vigour. Padilla, marching on the town of Torrelobaton near -Valladolid, took it and put it to the sack (March 3, 1521); and the -city of Burgos, enraged at the refusal of the royalists to confirm -their promises, again took up arms. Once more the King's cause seemed -to be lost. The rebels had a short time before refused the concessions -offered them by his Regents, and determined to win all or lose all. -Charles therefore fell back upon his previous policy of letting -things take their course, while he refused to surrender a jot of his -prerogative. - - | Failure of the rebellion. - - | They are defeated at Villalar. April 23, 1521. - -This policy of obstinate inactivity met with a success it did not -deserve. It is the common fate of all rebellions, when not guided by -leaders of strong individuality, to fall to pieces of themselves. -This now happened in Spain. The leaders of the revolt were men of -no real strength. Padilla was an unpractical enthusiast, and the -Bishop of Zamora a dishonest, self-seeking man. There was a complete -absence of statesmanship or self-sacrifice. The Junta lost all -control. Pedro Laso, the President, disgusted at the turn things were -taking, began to waver, and was followed by many who feared that -anarchy would ensue. The nobles, at last thoroughly alarmed, laid -aside their quarrels, and showed a unanimity which, if displayed at -first, would have nipped the revolt in the bud. Finally, the Count de -Haro, reinforced by troops sent by the Count de Najera from Navarre, -advanced against the army of the 'communeros,' which since the fall -of Torrelobaton had remained idle. Meeting them on the plain of -Villalar, as they attempted to retreat to Toro, he won a decisive -victory. The rebels outnumbered, especially in cavalry, fled, leaving -their commander Padilla in the enemy's hands. On the following day he -was executed. The defeat of Villalar, and the loss of their leader, -sufficed to end the matter. The Bishop of Zamora was seized as he -attempted to fly to France, and having murdered the governor of the -prison was hung. Town after town capitulated, and on April 27, 1521, -the viceregents entered Valladolid. - -In Toledo, the first city to rise, Donna Maria Pacheco, the intrepid -widow of Padilla, still held out. But in October, finding it -impossible to keep the citizens in control, she fled to Portugal, and -the city and citadel opened their gates. Shortly afterwards the revolt -in Valencia was put down, chiefly by the nobles themselves. - - | Causes of failure of the Revolt. - -The cause of the failure of this serious revolt may be summed up in -one word--disunion. The rebellion had been confined to the kingdom -of Castile. Neither Aragon nor Catalonia had moved, and the rebels -of Valencia fought for their own cause and gave no support. Nor -were the 'comuneros' of Castile of one mind. They were divided in -their aims, and showed no power of concentrated action, while their -cause was further weakened by the incapacity and the jealousies of -their leaders. The prestige of the monarchy, enhanced as it had been -by the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella, was too great to be thus -overthrown. Indeed, but for the European difficulties of Charles, and -the lukewarmness of the nobles--an attitude which is largely to be -attributed to their discontent--the revolt would either never have -occurred, or would have been crushed out at once. - - | Subsequent measures of Charles. - -Charles did not come to Spain till the year 1522. A few of the rebels -were executed, the estates of others were confiscated. He then -summoned a Cortes in which he ordered that the 'servicio' should be -granted before grievances were heard, and forbade all discussion in -the absence of the President, who was to be his nominee. In future, -deputies were nominated by the government and frequently bribed; and -so valuable did a seat in the Cortes become, that in 1534 we find a -deputy giving 14,000 ducats for his seat. The nobles, still insisting -on their privilege of exemption from taxation, continued to be -excluded from the Cortes, and rapidly lost all political influence. -After the decline of the military power in Spain, the higher nobility, -the 'ricos hombres,' relapsed into luxurious idleness; the lower -nobility, 'the hidalgos,' and the knights or 'caballeros,' pressed -into the service of the Crown, and became its creatures, while the -commoners sought for titles of nobility that they might share the -emoluments of office, and enjoy the other privileges of nobility. Nor -was the Church more independent. The Crown made use of its power of -nominating to benefices, filled them with its adherents, and kept it -in a condition of servility. The Inquisition, however, was the most -efficient weapon in the hands of the Crown. It was entirely under the -King's control; the property of the condemned fell to the Crown, and -no subject, cleric or lay, was free from its jurisdiction. Charles -did not indeed directly tamper with the constitution of Castile, and -was even more cautious in his treatment of Aragon. The meetings of -the Cortes still continued, nor did Charles refuse to listen to their -petitions. Nevertheless, the power of the bureaucracy of the Crown -increased, and Spain, exhausted by the wars of Charles, was being -prepared for the despotism of Philip.[43] - - -Sec. 3. _The Diet of Worms, 1521._ - - | The Diet of Worms. Jan. 1521. - -Charles had been forced to let the revolt of the 'comuneros' in -Spain run its course because of the serious problems in which he -was involved by his position as an Austrian Prince and as Emperor. -After his interview with Henry VIII. at Gravelines in the beginning -of July, he had passed on to Germany to be crowned. Partly owing -to need of money, partly because of an outbreak of the plague at -Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen), this was delayed till October, and it was -not till the following January, 1521, that he met his first Diet at -Worms. Meanwhile he had settled the fate of the Austrian dominions. -He had at first thought of keeping at least a portion of these lands -in his own hands. Finally, however, while retaining the Netherlands -and Franche-Comte, he granted to his brother Ferdinand the whole -of the hereditary Austrian lands; to which were added the claims on -Hungary and Bohemia, based on Ferdinand's marriage with the Princess -Anne. Thus Spain and Austria, which had been in Charles' hands for two -years, were once more divided, never to be again united. The questions -which came before this important Diet were mainly three: - - (1) The settlement of the Imperial Constitution. - (2) The war with France. - (3) The attitude to be adopted towards Luther. - -1. The question of the reform of the Imperial Constitution revived -those controversies, of which we have treated in speaking of -Maximilian, and with very similar results. Charles had promised -in his 'Capitulations' (p. 133) that the Council of Regency -(_Reichsregiment_) which had existed for two brief years, 1500-1502, -should be restored. But here, once more, the old controversies -reappeared. The Electors wished that the Council should constitute the -supreme administrative body in home and foreign affairs, even when -Charles was present in Germany, and that its members should be elected -by the States with the sole exception of the President, who was to -be nominated by the Emperor. Charles, however, was fully determined -to protect his imperial prerogatives. His views as to the imperial -office were, if possible, more exalted than those of his grandfather. -In his opening speech on the 28th of January, the day consecrated to -the memory of Charles the Great, he declared that 'no monarchy was -comparable to the Roman Empire. This the whole world had once obeyed, -and Christ Himself had paid it honour and allegiance. Unfortunately -it was now only a shadow of what it had been, but he hoped with -the help of those powerful countries and alliances which God had -granted him, to raise it to its ancient glory.' 'My will,' he said -subsequently, 'is not that there should be many, but one master, as -befits the traditions of the Roman Empire.' Yet the needs of Charles -were great, and had the Diet been of one mind it might have forced -its views upon him. The old jealousies, however, still existed, and -Charles, by playing upon these, was able to make it abate something -of its demands. It was accordingly agreed that the Emperor should -nominate, not only the President, but two assessors. Of the other -twenty members, the seven Electors were each to send one delegate; the -six Circles, with Austria and the Netherlands, one apiece. From the -imperial towns two more were to come, while one Elector in rotation, -one temporal and one spiritual Prince, were always to have a seat. -The Council, thus constituted, was to have the initiative in the -negotiation of foreign alliances, and in settling feudal questions, -subject, however, to the confirmation of the Emperor. Its powers, for -the present at least, were only to continue during Charles' absence. -At the same time, the Imperial Chamber (_Reichskammergericht_) was -slightly altered. The Emperor was to nominate the President and two -assessors. The others were to be elected by the Electors and the -Circles, while two were to represent the hereditary dominions of the -House of Hapsburg. The most difficult question yet remained. How were -the members of these bodies to be paid? If no permanent revenue were -established, continuity would be impossible, and if the Emperor were -to pay them, the real control would lie with him. Accordingly, the old -controversies began again. The plan of the Common Penny having failed -(p. 111), the novel idea of establishing a system of custom-duties -on all imports coming into the Empire was suggested. Had this been -carried, a kind of customs-union (_Zollverein_) would have been set -on foot which might in time have led the way to a closer political -union. It was, however, violently opposed by the towns and merchants, -who declared that the burden would fall on them and ruin trade; and, -accordingly, the Diet fell back on the system of the 'matricula' of -1507 (cf. p. 114). - -2. Difficulties also arose on the question of the army. The war with -France had already been commenced by the invasion of Spanish Navarre -by the French, and by the attack of Robert de la Marck, the Lord of -Bouillon, on Luxembourg. Charles also was eager to enter Italy that -he might put it to the arbitrament of war, 'whether he should become -a very poor Emperor, or Francis a sorry King.' Yet all the Diet would -provide was a levy of some 4000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry, levied on -the separate states according to the system of the 'matricula.' It was -further decreed that each contingent should be under its own officers, -and that the commander-in-chief, though appointed by the Emperor, must -be a German. This 'matricula' or imperial roll was the last ever drawn -up, and thus became the model for future imperial levies. From 1535 -onwards, the system was gradually adopted of substituting for the men -themselves the money necessary to pay the contingent--the money being -assessed on the separate States, according to their liability on the -roll of 1521. The grants were termed 'Roman Months,' because they -originated with the vote for the Roman expedition of 1521. - -In these constitutional struggles, Charles had obtained something. He -had at least succeeded in retaining more control over the Council of -Regency and the Imperial Chamber than his grandfather had enjoyed. Yet -the Diet had gained much. It had now a real share in the executive and -judicial administration of the Empire, and Charles would be more often -absent than present. For the rest, as before, the reforms were mainly -in the interest of the Electors and more powerful Princes. The towns, -though represented in the Council, could easily be outvoted, and had -failed, in spite of urgent protests, to secure any delegates in the -Imperial Chamber. Devoid of popular support, the Imperial Chamber -failed to enforce its judicial authority, while the next few years -were to prove conclusively that the Council was powerless to maintain -order. - -3. The last question--that of the attitude of the Diet towards -Luther--was to prove a far more serious question than any one at that -time dreamt of--a question which was to affect deeply the future -history not only of the Empire, but of Europe. - - | The Renaissance and the Reformation. - -The Reformation was the outcome of two forces, independent in origin, -and never wholly in agreement: the Renaissance, and the desire for -reform in dogma and practice. Of these, the first owes its birth to -Italy. The Italians, despairing of political unity or stability, -yet excelling other people in material prosperity and comfort, -betook themselves to the study of the past for which their unbroken -connection with the language and memories of Rome well fitted them. -The movement, beginning in the earlier decades of the fifteenth -century, had made rapid strides before it closed, and was many-sided. -In art, it was marked by a return to the study of the antique; in -literature, by a fresh taste for prose and poetry, founded on classic -models; in scholarship, it was accompanied by the discovery of ancient -manuscripts, and the revival of criticism; in philosophy, it led to -a revival of the knowledge of Plato; in natural science, to a more -critical inquiry into the nature of the earth and its relation to the -system of the universe. - -But the principles which underlay and actuated these different -energies were the same. Mediaeval thought had striven to sacrifice -the individual. It had taught men to crucify the body with its -fleshly lusts, to check the rebellious passion for independence and -individuality. It had bidden men accept without question the authority -of the Church, and of the temporal power. The new spirit revolted -from all these doctrines. It preached the dignity of man, and of this -life. It questioned the virtue of asceticism, and lusted after the -world in thought and deed. It proclaimed the right of the individual -to think, and feel, and shape his creed according to the dictates -of reason. It inculcated the lessons of inquiry, of criticism, of -naturalism. Thus a new paradise was opened to the imagination, and -men rushed headlong into it with a pleasing sense of freedom. There -was much that was valuable, and indeed necessary to progress, in this -movement of emancipation. It led to more accurate observation, to -more careful criticism, to greater regard for literature, and to the -triumph of individualism. Nevertheless, it had its darker side. It was -accompanied by much riot and licence. The sensuous delight in form and -colour betrayed some into sensuality; the undue devotion to things of -this world led to a mundane pagan spirit; criticism, to scepticism and -infidelity. The atmosphere of the Renaissance was indeed inimical to -that of the Christian life, yet, with a few exceptions, the Italians -made no direct attack upon the Church. The literary men were well -content to leave an institution alone, which was so closely wrapped -up with their past traditions and with the general culture of the -day, and which so conveniently patronised them, and even tolerated -their satires, so long as they left her government and her dogmas -alone. With the philosophers it was different. Yet even they assailed -Christianity rather than the Church; and if Ficino tried to reconcile -Christianity and Platonism, or Pomponazzi questioned the immortality -of the soul, these scholars affected to distinguish between science -and religion, and while they speculated as philosophers, professed to -believe as Christians. Thus there is hardly any humanist of Italy, if -we except Laurentius Valla, who attacked the claims of the Pope to -interfere in temporal affairs, or the tradition that the Apostles' -Creed was the work of the apostles; and even he, for the sake of papal -protection, easily retracted his errors. - -For the rest, the Italian humanists were scarcely serious enough -to undertake a reformation of the Church. Their temper, if not -anti-religious, was irreligious, and their lives, with few exceptions, -as loose as those of the churchmen whom they lampooned. Reformers -there were indeed in Italy, but these had no connection with the -humanists. They were men of the type of Savonarola, whose sole idea of -reform was one of morals and of life, and who had no quarrel with the -dogmas, or the organisation of the Church. - -No sooner did the Renaissance cross the Alps than, in the hands of -the more earnest-minded Germans, it became more serious and more -theological, less philosophical and more dogmatic. Criticism they now -applied to the Church, and in another sense to the Bible, with the -intention not of destroying Christianity but of restoring it to its -primitive purity. - - | Reuchlin and Erasmus. - -Among numerous scholars who rose in Germany at the close of the -fifteenth century, the two most characteristic representatives of the -age were John Reuchlin (1455-1522) and Desiderius Erasmus (1467-1536). -Reuchlin is chiefly noticeable for his revival of the study of -Hebrew, a study which he applied to the criticism of the Vulgate, -and for his attempt to save the Jewish writings from indiscriminate -destruction at the hands of the bigoted Dominican Hochstraten. -Although a philologist, rather than a theologian, he may yet be called -the father of Old Testament criticism, and during the struggle over -the Jewish literature, the conflict between the old and new ideas is -strongly emphasised. - -But the most famous child of the German revival is Erasmus. Educated -at the school of Deventer, a school which owed its origin to the -Brethren of the Common Life, he was, at the date of the Diet of -Worms, looked upon as the greatest scholar of his age, and enjoyed a -reputation such as probably has never been equalled since. If Reuchlin -may be called the father of Old Testament criticism, Erasmus may -be termed the father of New Testament criticism, and of scientific -theology. In 1505, he republished Valla's notes on the New Testament, -the solitary piece of biblical criticism which had come from Italy. -This was followed, in 1516, by his Greek edition of the New Testament, -with a Latin translation and notes. The aim of these works was to -revive the knowledge of the original, and by the collation of such -MSS. as were procurable, to furnish as correct a version as possible -of the text. In the notes, Erasmus applied the canons of ordinary -criticism to the New Testament, and thereby laid the foundations -of modern biblical scholarship. The aim of his third work, the -_Enchiridion Militis Christi_, may be gathered from a letter to his -friend Colet, Dean of St. Paul's: 'I write,' he says, 'to remedy the -error which makes religion depend on ceremonies and on observance of -bodily acts, while neglecting true piety.' With these views Erasmus -was naturally a severe critic of the existing state of things. He -lamented the ignorance of many churchmen who dreaded the new learning -without understanding it; who went so far as to denounce Hebrew and -Greek as heretical because they were not the language of the Vulgate, -and whose bigotry had just been so conspicuously displayed in the -Reuchlin controversy. He despised the idleness of the monks, and the -intolerable narrowness of the scholastic pedants, with their barren -disputations and endless hair-splittings. He denounced the folly of -that Church which insisted on every tittle of outward ceremony and -dogma, and yet neglected practical piety. These were the objects of -his satirical pen in his _Praise of Folly_, which was written in -England in 1509. In this wonderful satire, Folly, declaring herself -the real source of happiness, represents herself as the authoress of -all the superstition, the pedantry, the idleness, the hypocrisy, which -were so prosperous in the world. - -Nor was the satire of Erasmus the only one which appeared at this -time. The _Ship of Fools_ by Sebastian Brandt in 1494, and the -more famous _Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum_, which arose out of the -Reuchlin controversy, deal with much the same evils, though without -the literary refinement of the northern scholar; while the _Ship of -Fools_ is specially noticeable as having been originally written in -German, and therefore written for the people, not to the scholars. -But although these and other writings indicate how deeply Germany was -stirred by the corruptions of the Church, and although they had done -much to prepare the way, there was as yet no idea of breaking away -from her. Men still looked to internal reform by Council, or if not, -by some other method. - -It has been usual to accuse Erasmus of half-heartedness in the cause -of religion, of carelessness in his private life, and of time-serving -in his public conduct. There is certainly some truth in this attack, -and assuredly he was not the man to raise the standard of avowed -rebellion. As he himself confessed, he was not of the stuff of which -martyrs were made. He was a scholar who loved peace, and had nothing -of the religious enthusiast about him. But quite apart from his -character, his whole intellectual position was incompatible with -that of the Reformation, as the Protestants understand the meaning -of the word. Erasmus belongs to that school of broad churchmen, who -did not believe that the cure for the evils afoot was to be found -in the assertion of new dogmas. In their view, too much dogma was -insisted upon already. Much was at least not comprehensible to the -multitude, and, if to be altered, should be altered by the slow -dissolvent of learned criticism. Reform with them meant a gradual -autumnal change, which might take place without violently breaking -with the past, while the moral principles acknowledged by all should -be enforced, and made more real. In short, Erasmus is the father of -modern latitudinarianism, as well as of biblical criticism. His whole -nature shrank from more violent methods, and he feared their results. -He foresaw the extravagances, the controversies, and the schisms which -would inevitably follow, and delay the triumph of rational theology. -The Reformation of the sixteenth century could not be guided by him; -but, as it has been well said, perhaps the Reformation that is to come -will trace itself back to Erasmus. - - | Martin Luther, 1483-1546. - -The final breach with Rome was not to come from scholars of world-wide -reputation, but from the son of a Thuringian peasant who, although of -robust mind, was an indifferent Greek scholar, and knew no Hebrew. In -dealing with Martin Luther it is of importance to remember the various -steps in his career. - -Driven by the consciousness of sin and the desire of spiritual -peace he had, at the age of twenty-two, entered the Order of the -Augustinian Friars at Erfurt, much against the wish of his father -(1505). Here he subjected himself to the severest discipline, but -without avail. 'If ever a monk had got to heaven by monkery, I should -have been he,' he said subsequently; 'for all that a monk could do, I -did.' Repeated acts of penance did not save him from new temptations, -and God remained in his eyes an inexorable judge, demanding obedience -to an impossible law. From this condition of despair, Luther was -delivered by Staupitz, the Vicar-General of his Order, who counselled -a closer study of the Bible, especially of the writings of St. Paul, -and of the Latin father, St. Augustine. Here, in the Augustinian -doctrine of justification by faith, he at last found peace; in the -text, 'The just shall live by faith,' appeared the solution of his -difficulties. The sinner was not to be saved by his own efforts or -work, but by throwing himself unreservedly on the mercies of a loving -God; thus received into a state of grace, the faithful believer found -penitence no longer painful, but a spontaneous act of love, while work -and life for God alone became easy. In this view he was strengthened -at a later date by discovering that the Greek word for _penitentia_ -was _metanoia_--in other words, that the efficacy of penance did not -consist in the external ecclesiastical penalty, but in the inward -change of heart. In thus asserting the Augustinian doctrine of -justification by faith, Luther was only reviving what had been held by -many Fathers of the early Church--a doctrine which had indeed of late -been overclouded by the contrary one of the justification by works, -but which had never been wholly discarded. It is no doubt true that -these opposing and contradictory dogmas are incapable of entire -reconciliation, nor must either of them be forced to their logical -conclusion, for if we are justified by God's grace alone, where is the -necessity for works; and if by works alone we are saved, where is the -need for a Redeemer? No doubt, once more, the doctrine of the -justification by faith is, if it be carried to an extreme, apt to -lead, and has in fact led, to fanatical fatalism and antinomianism. To -Luther, however, it seemed that the evils which followed on the -adoption of the contrary doctrine were worse; as if frail men could by -their unaided efforts extort salvation from the Almighty. To hold this -view was to nurse that very spiritual pride which was the cause of the -existing corruption. The only hope for moral reformation lay in -bringing man to believe in his utter unworthiness in the sight of God; -thus alone could he attain that spirit of humility which was the -essential preliminary to a godly life. - -In 1508, Luther was summoned by Staupitz to teach at the university of -Wittenberg, just founded by Frederick the Wise of Saxony. In 1510, he -visited Rome, a visit which only served to strengthen him in his -conviction that spiritual pride, the characteristic fault of the -Renaissance, was the enemy to be withstood, and to deepen his dislike -of those ceremonial observances of the Church which consecrated the -belief in the efficacy of works. Luther had returned to Wittenberg to -carry on his teaching, when the visit of Tetzel, a Dominican, to -Germany, offering papal indulgences to those who would contribute -money to the building of St. Peter's at Rome, aroused him to immediate -action. The doctrine of indulgences originated in the not unnatural -view, that while penitence reconciled the sinner to God, the wrong -done to man had yet to be punished, and that the punishment, like that -for worldly offences, could be commuted by a fine. But the system had -been shamefully abused. The Church declared that she held, in the -works of supererogation of the faithful, a treasure from which she -could draw for the remission of penalties, and, in her eager desire to -gain money, granted indulgences carelessly and without insisting on -the previous penitence of the offender. She even claimed the power of -remitting the punishment of those in purgatory. Whatever may be said -in defence of the primitive system of indulgences, it cannot be denied -that in their exaggerated form they led to grievous abuse, and -involved a flat denial of the necessity of grace. Accordingly Luther, -in pursuance of academic custom, nailed on the door of the church at -Wittenberg his famous ninety-five theses, in which he controverted the -theory of indulgences, and challenged all comers to disprove the -correctness of his statements (October 17, 1517). - -The views of Luther were not original. Several theologians before him, -even Cardinal Ximenes himself, had protested against the scandalous -abuse of indulgences. Nor did Luther dream of rebelling against -Mother Church. He did not deny the value of indulgences altogether, -but declared that, in his opinion, the Pope could not thereby remit -the guilt of sin nor abate the penalties of those who had already -passed to their account. Further, he declared that the extravagant -views he was combating were the invention of the schoolmen, not of the -Church, which had never formally accepted them. He therefore demanded -an expression of the mind of the Pope and Church thereon. Luther -asked for discussion and for argument; he was met with assertion and -denunciation. Tetzel in his answer disdained to discuss the question -of indulgences at all, and he asserted the claim of the Pope to -determine matters of opinion and to interpret Scripture. The Dominican -Prierias declared that neither a Council presided over by the Pope, -nor the Pope himself, could err when he gave an official decision, -and branded all those as heretics who did not accept the doctrines -of the Church and Popes, as the rule of faith. Cardinal Cajetan, who -was sent as papal legate to the Diet of Augsburg in 1518, although he -secretly agreed with Luther as to the abuse of indulgences, refused -all disputation, and demanded a recantation and silence for the -future. Luther's subsequent promise to keep silence on his part, if -it were adhered to on the other, could not possibly be kept, and the -discussion soon broke out afresh. - -Meanwhile, the ground of controversy had shifted. It was no longer -a question of indulgences, but of papal power and the authority of -tradition. The extravagant assertions of the papal advocates were met -by more outspoken, more violent, and sometimes by unseemly language -on the part of Luther. Wider reading now convinced him that his views -were not novel, but had been anticipated by others, such as John -Huss, John Wessel, and even by the humanist Laurentius Valla; while -he was strengthened by the increasing support he met with in Germany. -Ulrich von Hutten, a man whose love of satire outran his better taste, -embittered the controversy by the biting epigrams of his _Vadiscus_ -(1519): 'Three things maintain the dignity of Rome--the authority -of the Pope, the relics of the saints, the sale of indulgences. -Three things are feared at Rome--a General Council, a reform of the -Church, the opening of the eyes of the Germans. Three things are -excommunicated at Rome--indigence, the primitive Church, the preaching -of truth.' Finally, Luther, in his _Address to the Christian Nobility -of the German Nation_ (July, 1520), still more in his tractate on the -_Babylonish Captivity_ (October, 1520), was led on not only to deny -the authority of the Pope, but to question the divine institution -of the priesthood, and the authority of tradition, and to attack -the mediaeval doctrine of Transubstantiation. That Luther had now -definitely put himself outside the Church, cannot be gainsaid. Yet at -least it should be remembered that he was driven to his final position -by the knowledge that he was already condemned, and that the Bull of -excommunication had been issued as early as June 1520, although not -published in Germany till later. Luther, therefore, throwing all hopes -of conciliation to the winds, declared the Bull a forgery and the -author of it Antichrist, and on December 10, 1520, burnt it publicly -at Wittenberg. - -Whether, considering the character of Luther, his earnestness, his -bluntness, his fearlessness, his want of scholarly refinement, and -his violence, he might have been checked by a more conciliatory -attitude on the part of his opponents; or whether, again, had he -been conciliated, another leader in the existing ferment of German -feeling would not have arisen, may well be questioned. But at least -the conduct of the papal court could not have been more indiscreet or -less statesmanlike. Leo X. himself, with his cynical indifference to -such matters, might very possibly have acted otherwise; but the attack -on indulgences threatened the whole machinery of papal finance and -administration, and the officials of the Curia drove him on. We cannot -but deplore that a Church, which could treat with leniency unorthodoxy -on such fundamental questions as the immortality of the soul, should -have refused to listen to the criticism of her system of indulgences, -especially as we know that the system, in its abuse at any rate, -pricked the consciences of so many of her most loyal sons. That the -conduct of Luther is open to blame must be allowed. That he too -lightly cast away the traditions of the Church, and too confidently -believed in the possibility of finding all that was necessary to -salvation, and for the organisation of the Church in the Bible alone; -that many of his doctrines have been exaggerated and have led to much -evil; that the immediate results of the Reformation were neither to -promote learning, nor to advance the spirit of toleration--all this -cannot be denied. That the revolt which was thus inaugurated was to -break the unity of the Church, to lead to endless schism, and verily -to bring a sword on earth, we must all regret. But Rome, at least, -determined that it should be so; and we may fairly doubt whether the -reform of that corruption, which had eaten so deeply into her system, -could have been effected at a less costly price. - - | Luther and the Diet. - -Such was the position of affairs when the Diet of Worms met. The -question was whether the Diet would enforce the Bull and place Luther -under the ban of the Empire--a question fraught with momentous -issues. Leo X., without allowing Luther to be heard in self-defence, -urged Charles to execute the Bull. But though the Emperor himself -was in favour of such a course, and was supported by his confessor -Glapion, many of his advisers, notably Chievres, and Gattinara, his -chancellor, were of a contrary opinion. They knew the support which -Luther had already received in Germany from the poorer nobles, the -poets, the lawyers, and the men of letters, and what that support was -we may learn from the papal agent, Aleander: 'Nine-tenths of Germany -shouts for Luther; and the other one-tenth, if it does not care for -Luther, at least cries, Down with the Roman court, and demands a -Council to be held in Germany.' It was not to be expected that the -Diet would dare to disregard this popular feeling. Moreover, although -the majority were wholly opposed to the doctrinal views held by -Luther, many of its members sympathised with his desire for reform -in matters of Church government and discipline. The Diet, therefore, -demanded that Luther should be heard, declaring at the same time that, -if he persisted in his heretical views, contrary to the doctrine and -faith 'which they, their fathers, and fathers' fathers had held,' they -were ready to condemn him. Besides all this, the advisers of Charles -were not blind to the political advantages which might be gained from -the situation. Maximilian had once said: 'Let the Wittenberg monk be -taken good care of; we may want him some day,'--and the day had come. -Leo was still hesitating between the alliance of Charles and Francis, -and the threat of referring the whole question to a General Council -might be used to force his hand. - -Luther was accordingly summoned to Worms under promise of a -safe-conduct. If now he had consented to retract his doctrines on -matters of faith, and had confined himself to the question of internal -reform, he would probably have received the hearty support of the -Diet. But this was far from his intention, and his uncompromising -conduct played for the moment into the hands of Rome. He had expected -that he would be asked for a defence of his opinions; he was ordered -to retract his heresies on points of doctrine. This he declined to -do. To the demand that he would acknowledge the Emperor and the Diet -as judges of his doctrines, he answered that he would not allow men -to judge of God's word. He even refused to submit to the decisions -of a General Council 'unless his views were refuted by Scripture or -by cogent reason.' Thus he became in the eyes of Charles not only a -heretic, but, what was worse, a rebel; and the alliance of the Pope -having now been secretly secured, Luther was no longer wanted for -political purposes. Charles, therefore, was eager for the publication -of the ban and for an order that the books of the heretic should be -burnt. So great, however, was the repugnance of the Diet to face the -unpopularity of this act that Charles only succeeded in gaining its -assent at its last session (May 25), after Frederick of Saxony and the -Elector Palatine had left. Luther meanwhile had fled to the Castle -of the Wartburg in Saxony, where he lay hid under the protection -of Frederick the Wise. He had now been excommunicated, and the -excommunication had been ratified by the Diet. The future was to see -whether the Emperor could enforce the decision of the Diet in Germany. - - -Sec. 4. _The War_, 1522-1523. - - | Leo X. and Henry VIII. ally themselves with Charles V. - -At this moment the attention of Charles was directed to the war -against Francis. The humiliation of his rival, and the conquest of -Italy, were the first essentials; till these were attained, the affair -of Luther might wait. The French had been the first to assume the -offensive. Already, in May, they had invaded Navarre, while in the -previous March, Robert de la Marck, the Lord of Bouillon, had attacked -Luxembourg. These expeditions, however, had both failed, and Charles -now secured the alliance, not only of the vacillating Pope, but also -of Henry VIII. Leo X. had been gratified at the publication of the ban -against Luther. He convinced himself that the victory of the French -in Italy would be more disastrous than that of Charles, and on May 25 -definitely joined the Emperor. Ferrara and Parma were to be restored -to the Pope. Milan was to be held as a fief of the Empire by Francesco -Sforza, son of Ludovico il Moro; the French were to be driven from -Genoa, and Antonio Adorno set up as Doge; the Emperor promised to -protect the Medici in Florence, and to join the Pope in extirpating -the heresy of Luther. - -In November, Wolsey, after in vain attempting to continue his policy -of mediation at the Conference of Calais, was forced at last to -declare himself. He joined the league of Emperor and Pope, and -promised to aid Charles in a joint invasion of France: the Emperor, on -his part, engaged to marry the Princess Mary. - - | Success of imperial and papal troops in Italy. - -The English did not move; but in Italy the imperial and papal troops -were successful. Lautrec, the French commander, deserted by the Swiss, -who had been forbidden by the authorities at home to fight against -their countrymen, was forced to evacuate Milan, with the exception of -the citadel (November 19), and Parma and Piacenza soon surrendered. - - | Death of Leo X. Dec. 1, 1521. - -At this moment, when fortune seemed to smile on Leo X., he was struck -down by fever (December 1). The character of his pontificate is such -as we should expect from the son of Lorenzo the Magnificent. His name -will always be associated with the artistic triumphs of Raphael, and -remembered for his patronage of literature; but this is his only claim -to honour. His character is well illustrated by his saying at his -election, 'Let us enjoy the Papacy now we have got it.' Though not -profligate himself, he condoned profligacy in others, and at no time -was luxury more profuse, or life in Rome more careless. He lived for -pleasure; in the spiritual duties of his office he took but little -interest. The serious problems of the time he showed himself incapable -of realising. If his careless generosity brought him popularity, it -seriously encumbered the papal finances; and if, when he died, the -sky seemed fair, this was but the clearness which oft precedes the -storm--a storm which was largely due to his want of seriousness, of -insight, and of statesmanship. - - | Election of Adrian VI. Jan. 1522. - -To the surprise of all, the man chosen to succeed him was Adrian of -Utrecht, once the tutor of Charles, and subsequently his Viceroy in -Spain. His election was due to the impossibility of finding any one -else who could obtain sufficient suffrages in the electoral college. -Wolsey, who was a serious candidate, only secured seven. Giulio de' -Medici and Alexander Farnese, both eventually destined to wear the -tiara, as Clement VII. and Paul III., were equally unsuccessful. -A long vacancy was considered dangerous; and Cardinal de' Medici, -who, in spite of the warm support of the Emperor, despaired of his -own success, transferred his votes to Adrian. Thus two Flemings, -hitherto closely associated, now held the two highest dignities in -Christendom, and much might have been expected from such a remarkable -event. These expectations, however, were not to be realised. The -new Pope, indeed, presented a striking contrast to his predecessor; -but this very contrast served but to increase his difficulties. The -Romans were annoyed at the election of 'a barbarian.' Their fears -that Adrian might transfer the seat of the Papacy to Spain, expressed -itself in the satirical advertisement, 'Roma est locanda,' posted -on the walls of the Vatican. The Cardinals, who at first went in -fear of their lives from the Roman populace, soon regretted their -decision, and hated this austere reforming Pope, who tried to cut -down their salaries and pensions, while he showed favour to his -Flemish followers. The literary men were disgusted at his lack of -sympathy with the new learning. Even his uprightness and holiness -of life failed to make him friends among those who desired reform. -His economies were attributed to parsimony; his retiring habits and -his want of real initiative and of character lost him that support -which otherwise might have been accorded to him. Nor was his attitude -towards Luther, or to the political issues of the day, more fortunate. -Fully convinced of the necessity of internal reform of abuses, he was -none the less devoid of sympathy with the new theology. As inquisitor -in Spain, he had adopted Spanish views, and thought that repression -must precede reform; when the heretic had been disposed of, the Pope -could begin to set his house in order. - - | Causes of disagreement with Charles. - -On this point the Emperor agreed with him, but here agreement ceased. -Adrian had served him well as tutor, and then as his viceroy in -Spain; and now that his servant sat on the papal throne, he looked -for a continuance of that service. He forgot that there was all the -difference between Adrian, the viceroy of the King of Spain, and -Adrian the Pope. Nor were their views the same. Charles was determined -to be master in Italy; for that, not only the Lutheran question, -but even the war against the Turk must wait, threatening though the -attitude of Solyman was at this moment. Adrian, on the contrary, was -not anxious to see the Emperor too powerful in Italy, and yearned to -free the Papacy from the political trammels in which late Popes had -involved it. To bring about a reconciliation between the two rivals, -and then rally all Christendom in a crusade against the Turk, this was -Adrian's dream. For this purpose he assumed a position of neutrality -and attempted the work of mediation. The results of this policy were -most unfortunate. The French party in Italy raised their heads; the -Duke of Ferrara began to move (February, 1522); the opponents of the -Medici in Florence and Siena renewed their intrigues with Francis; -the Swiss again took service under France, and sent a contingent into -Italy, which was supplemented by Venice. So serious did things look, -that Don Manuel, writing from Rome, advised a truce with Francis. - - | Battle of Bicocca. April 27, 1522. - - | French evacuate the Milanese. - - | Treaty of Windsor. June, 1522. - - | The League of August 1523. Death of Adrian, - | Sept. 14, 1523. - -At this moment, however, the victory of Bicocca retrieved the fortunes -of Charles. In March, Lautrec had advanced against Milan, then held -by Colonna for the Emperor. Sforza at once marched from Pavia to -relieve Colonna, and, after some manoeuvring, entrenched himself in -the Villa Bicocca, some few miles from the city. The position was a -strong one. But the Swiss showed insubordination, and insisted on an -attack, which Lautrec dared not refuse. The Swiss had miscalculated -their powers, and were repulsed. Lautrec, who had made a detour with -his French soldiers, with the object of taking the position in the -rear, from whence alone an entrance seemed practicable, was delayed, -and had to face the united force of the enemy, flushed as they were -with victory over the Swiss. He was beaten back with serious loss, and -the imperial forces remained masters of the first important battle -of the war. The defeat ruined the French cause. They still held the -citadel of Milan, and the town of Novara, but had to evacuate the rest -of the Milanese, and shortly after (May 30), they were driven from -Genoa. The Doge, Ottavio Fregoso, the leader of the French party, was -taken prisoner, as well as Pedro Navarra, the great Spanish general, -who had been driven into the service of France by the niggardliness -of Ferdinand. Antonio Adorno was set up as Doge, as a vassal of -Charles--and France thus lost the important harbour which hitherto -had given her an easy entrance into Italy. The victory of Charles -only served to increase Adrian's desire for peace, but neither of the -rivals would listen. In June, 1522, Charles, then on his way to Spain, -signed the treaty of Windsor. Henry and the Emperor agreed that the -humiliation of Francis was the necessary preliminary to a war against -the Turk. They accordingly promised to engage in a joint attack on -France, and to solicit the alliance of the Pope and Venice. Even the -fall of Rhodes, the important outpost against the Moslem, held by -the knights of St. John in the Mediterranean (December 20), although -it caused great dismay in Europe and bitter grief to Adrian, did not -cause the two great powers to forego their quarrels; and finally in -August, Adrian, warned by the intrigues of the French partisans in -Italy that any idea of mediation was vain, and that if the French -were victorious the Papal States would be in danger, joined in a -defensive league with the Emperor, a league which included England, -Milan, Genoa, Florence, and Venice. Six weeks afterwards, Adrian died -(September 14, 1523). - -In spite of his narrowness and want of statesmanship, Adrian was a -good man, and earnestly desired reform. Yet the desire only earned -him the inveterate hatred of the Cardinals, and of the mob of Rome, -who decorated the door of his physician with a wreath, dedicated 'to -the liberator of his country.' The pathetic failure of Pope Adrian is -perhaps the best vindication of Luther's revolt. - - -Sec. 5. _Luther and the Council of Regency._ - - | Charles in Spain for seven years, 1522-1529. - -The absence of Charles in Spain, where he remained for seven momentous -years (July 1522 to August 1529), indicates most forcibly where his -real interests lay. Cruelly as he treated all those who had taken part -in the revolt of the Communeros, he had, since the death of Chievres -in 1521, become a thorough Spaniard in sympathy. In that year, he -finally ceded to Ferdinand the Austrian lands of his House, and -henceforth looked on Spain as the real centre of his Empire. The pride -of the Spaniards, their determination to crush out heresy,--above all, -their passion to dominate the world, he fully shared; and it was on -Spanish troops and Spanish money that he mainly depended in his wars. -He passed the largest part of his life in Spain. He retired thither, -and there he died. - - | Answer to the taunt of Napoleon. - -In this fact then, and in his imperial position, lies the best answer -to Napoleon's taunt that Charles was a fool not to have adopted -Protestantism and founded a strong monarchy on that basis. Whether -such a policy on Charles' part would have succeeded, may well be -doubted. He would have found arrayed against him the majority of the -Electors and Princes, who, whatever their religious views, dreaded -above all things a strong monarchical rule; and our doubt will be -intensified if we remember the future policy of the Catholic League -during the Thirty Years' War. But, however that may be, Napoleon did -not appreciate Charles' character. As well might a leopard be bidden -change its spots, as Charles be asked to lead a national German -movement against all that Emperors, and Kings of Spain held dear. - - | The possible alternatives for Germany. - -To grasp the possible alternatives we have only to recall the -political condition of Germany, already described at pages 106 ff. We -there noticed four forces struggling for the mastery:-- - - 1. The dynastic aims of the Hapsburgs, bent on establishing a - centralised monarchy. - - 2. The constitutional ideas of the Electors, aiming at an - aristocratic confederation. - - 3. The anarchical elements, represented by the constant private - warfare, and the social disturbances of the 'Bundschuhe,' or - peasants' associations. - - 4. The desire for territorial independence, shared by most of the - Princes. - -On the question which of these should finally gain the mastery, to -a great extent depended the fate of the Reformation in Germany. The -triumph of the first would, there can be little doubt, have led to -the extirpation of heresy, and the establishment of autocratical -rule, both ecclesiastical and civil. Could the second succeed, there -was some hope of a Protestant reformed Church, based upon a reformed -Empire, and a revived spirit of German nationality against Pope as -well as Emperor. The third, if not suppressed, or guided, would surely -lead to an outburst of religious fanaticism, and to religious as well -as political chaos. The last, which as we shall see was eventually to -prevail, established Protestantism on the principle of 'cujus regio, -ejus religio,'--that is, of territorial independence in Church as well -as State.[44] - - | The Council of Regency during Charles' absence. - - | Diet of Nuremberg, Nov. 1522. - -The departure of Charles for Spain gave some hope that a reform of -the Church might go hand in hand with a reform of the Empire. In -his absence, power fell into the hands of the Council of Regency -under the presidency of Ferdinand, whom Charles had nominated his -Stadtholder. The Council included among its numbers some, who desired -to extend the political reforms already begun, and who were also not -unfavourable to Luther; while the orthodox party, although still in -the majority, were too much alarmed at the growing popularity of -Lutheran opinion to assume a decided attitude. In spite, therefore, of -the exhortation of Adrian that they would enforce the Edict of Worms, -the Council decided, after a stormy debate, to refer the matter to -the Diet, which met for its second session at Nuremberg on November -17. In the Diet, the struggle began again with like results. The -orthodox party still found themselves in the majority, but, with -the exception of Joachim, Elector of Brandenburg, the Archbishop of -Treves, and George, Duke of Saxony, were unwilling to proceed to -active measures. The delegates from the imperial cities all supported -Luther. Nuremberg, where the Diet sat, was hotly in his favour, and -many of the lay Princes feared to oppose the sentiments of their -subjects. Accordingly, after much debate and reference to committees, -the Diet answered the Pope as follows: They regretted the confusion -caused by the Lutheran movement, but had refrained from enforcing -the edict for fear of civil war. The Pope himself had admitted the -existence of evils in the Church, and these must be amended. They -therefore asked that a free Christian Council--in which laymen as well -as ecclesiastics should be represented--should be summoned in Germany -to discuss grievances. Meanwhile, no further Lutheran books should be -printed, or sermons allowed, which might stir the people to revolt. - - | The hundred Gravamina. - -At the same time the lay estates presented their hundred 'Gravamina,' -enumerating the chief papal abuses from which Germany had suffered. It -is not correct to say, as has been said, that the Diet had declared -for Luther, for he had been condemned to silence, and the Diet had -no intention of breaking from Rome; but the enforcement of the Edict -was delayed, and delay was all that his cause needed. His adherents -were increasing apace: as Ferdinand said, 'There is not one man in a -thousand who is not more or less infected by Lutheran heresy,' and -this explains the unwillingness of the Diet to proceed against him. -Indeed, had the Diet, and more especially the Council of Regency, -truly represented public opinion, the Reformation might have been -established on national lines. This was prevented by the constitution -of the Diet. Moreover, the respect of Germany for the Council had been -lost by its failure to put down the 'Knights' War.' - - | The Council of Regency and the 'Knights' War.' - | Sept. 1522. - -Franz von Sickingen, the famous Imperial Knight who had taken so -prominent a part in the election of Charles, had adopted the opinions -of Luther under the guidance of Ulrich von Hutten, that strange -literary free-lance on the Reformer's side. True to the traditions of -his order, Sickingen hated the Electors, the Princes, and the cities. -He accordingly had organised a League of the Knights of the Upper -Rhine and neighbouring districts. The League demanded the restoration -of the old liberties of the Empire, the abolition of trade monopolies, -the abrogation of foreign law, the diminution of the number of clergy -and of monks, the cessation of the drain of money through indulgences -and other papal exactions. Seeing his opportunity in the weakness -of the Council, Sickingen determined to attack the dominions of the -Elector of Treves, relying for support upon a Lutheran party which -had been formed there. If he could win the country, he would at once -establish the Reformed opinions, and gain for himself a splendid -territory. In September, 1522, he accordingly laid siege to the city -of Treves. In vain the Council ordered him to desist. The city, -however, held out. Meanwhile the Princes became alarmed; they feared -that their turn might come next, and took the matter into their own -hands. Despite the commands of the Council to keep the peace, they -rose, and, led by Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, defeated Sickingen, who -shortly after died in the defence of his Castle of Ebernburg, April -1523. Hutten fled to Switzerland, to perish miserably shortly after. -The Council also attempted, though in vain, to prevent the Suabian -League from taking upon itself the duty of suppressing those Knights -within its jurisdiction who had joined Sickingen. - - | Failure of the Council of Regency. - -Failing thus to secure obedience or maintain order, the Council -forfeited all support. Some opposed it for what it failed to do, -others for fear of what it might become. It had never represented -popular opinion, and now became disliked by the Diet itself. The -cities had always objected to it on account of the taxation it -necessitated. Most of the Princes were behindhand with their dues, and -feared that the Council might proceed against them. Even the Electors -despaired of their projected reforms. It was accordingly soon deserted -by its most prominent members. The Elector Palatine, who had been -appointed vice-president, left it; and the Elector of Treves, George -of Saxony, and Philip of Hesse, declared against it. Finally, the Diet -of Nuremberg, at its third session (March-April, 1524), decided that -its members should be re-elected, and that none of the present members -should be re-eligible. The new Council was no more successful, and -though it lasted till 1531, it enjoyed little authority. The spirit of -independence and territorialism was too strong, and all hope that the -Reformation might go hand-in-hand with a national movement based on a -constitutional reform of the Empire was at an end. - - | Clement VII. and the Diet of Nuremberg. - | March-April 1524. - - | The Catholic Congress of Ratisbon. June, 1524. - -But this was not the only question that came before this Diet. Adrian -VI. had died on September 14, 1523. The new Pope, the Cardinal Giulio -de' Medici, who took the name of Clement VII. (elected November 1523), -had sent Campeggio, his legate, to demand prompt execution of the -Edict of Worms. The adherents of Rome, although still in a majority, -did not feel strong enough to comply fully with the Pope's command. -They promised indeed that the Edict should be enforced as far as -possible, and that heretical books should be suppressed; but, 'lest -the good should be rooted up with the bad,' they again insisted on the -summoning of a General Council in Germany, and meanwhile suggested -that another Diet should be summoned at Spires to settle religious -matters. Clement was not unnaturally displeased, and was in the main -supported by Charles, who, in July, issued a decree enjoining strict -obedience to the Edict of Worms. The Emperor denounced Luther in -the strongest terms, forbade the meeting of the Diet at Spires, and -declared that, although he was not entirely opposed to the summoning -of a General Council, this was a matter for him and the Pope to -decide, since it would be presumptuous for Germany to undertake the -alteration of Christian ordinances by herself. At the same time he -wrote to Clement, saying that only two alternatives were before -them: either that he (Charles) should go to Germany and suppress the -heretics by force, a course which would be not only dangerous but -impossible; or that a General Council should be called. The Council -he suggested might be summoned to Trent, and then removed to Rome. -This course, however, Clement was unwilling to adopt, and Campeggio, -by his orders, had already begun to treat with the Princes least -favourable to Luther, who met in Congress at Ratisbon in June, 1524. -After deciding to inaugurate a reform of some of the worst abuses -of Christian discipline, and of the system of indulgences, they -prohibited the reading of Luther's books, and forbade students to -attend the heretical university of Wittenberg. - -This Congress at Ratisbon marks a further stage in the controversy. -Hitherto the question of Luther had been treated as one of national -interest. Here we meet with the first attempt to organise a party of -opposition; the Lutherans were forced to follow suit; and Germany -began to fall into two hostile camps, so that all hope of settling the -religious question, without destroying the unity of the Empire, was -wrecked. It was however something that the reform of abuses had been -definitely mooted, and had Pope and Emperor been at one, something -might have come of it; but this was prevented by the political -issues which once more drove them apart, and so monopolised Charles' -attention that, as he said, 'This was no time to speak of Luther.' - - -Sec. 6. _The Victory of Pavia._ - - | Charles disappointed in his hopes of support from - | Clement VII. - - | Yet is at first successful in Italy, 1524. - -Charles had hoped much from the election of Clement VII. But he -forgot that he had to deal with a Medici. The aim of Clement was -to further the interests of the Papal States, and of his House in -Florence, whither he had sent as governor Alessandro, the young son -of his cousin Lorenzo, Duke of Urbino, under the tutelage of the -Cardinal of Cortona. To attain these ends he, like Leo. X., hoped to -balance the powers of Francis and Charles. Although he pretended that -he was anxious for peace, he really feared the outcome of a common -understanding between the rivals. Meanwhile he played a waiting game; -and anxious to find himself on the winning side, pursued a timid -faithless policy of intrigue which deceived no one, and was to bring -the Papacy to the depths of humiliation. - -Fortune at first favoured Charles. In 1523, the Duke of Bourbon, the -most powerful vassal of the French Crown,[45] High Chamberlain and -Constable of France, had quarrelled with his King and joined the cause -of the Emperor. He was now made generalissimo of the Italian army. -In May, the French, beaten in several battles, in one of which the -Chevalier Bayard found the death which alone he thought worthy of a -knight, had been forced to evacuate Lombardy. - - | Henry VIII. renews his alliance with Charles. - -The success of Charles led Henry to renew his alliance, much to the -dismay of Wolsey, who wished to keep the hand of England free, and to -prevent either rival from gaining too great preponderance. The King -of England promised once more to invade France, and to supply Charles -with the money he so sorely needed; while Bourbon was to do homage to -the English King, as King of France. - - | Bourbon's unsuccessful attack on Marseilles. - | July, 1524. - -In July, Bourbon crossed the Alps, invaded Provence and attacked -Marseilles--an important harbour, the basis of the operations of -the French fleet in the Mediterranean--whence he threatened the -communications of the Emperor between Spain and Italy. Contrary to -expectation, Marseilles held out. The Marquis of Pescara, who was next -in command, advised Bourbon not to attempt to storm it; while his -soldiers, short of pay and food, refused. - - | Francis crosses the Alps and enters Milan. - | Oct. 29, 1524. - -Meanwhile, Wolsey was averse to an English attack on Picardy; Charles -was unable to co-operate from Spain; and on the approach of Francis -with his army, Bourbon was forced to beat a hasty retreat across -the Alps with the loss of most of his artillery. Francis pressed -close at his heels, and, crossing the Alps by the valley of the -Durance, reached Pignerol on October 17, 1524. Milan at the moment was -ravaged by the plague, and could scarcely be held. The Imperialists, -therefore, after despatching a force of some 6000 men, under Antonio -de Leyva, to hold Pavia, threw some troops into its citadel, and -retreated under Lannoy and Pescara to Lodi, while Bourbon hastened to -Germany to collect fresh forces. - - | Clement VII. breaks with Charles. - -On the 29th of October, the French entered Milan by one gate, as the -last of the Imperialists left it by the other. Had Francis pursued -his advantage, he might have annihilated his enemy; but in a fatal -moment, Admiral Bonnivet, the French commander, persuaded him to -attack Pavia, and Pescara had time to recruit his exhausted troops. -'We are beaten,' said Pescara, 'but we shall soon be victors.' Yet, -as in 1521, so now, Charles seemed likely again to lose the Milanese. -Clement, fearing the vengeance of the French, first tried mediation. -He suggested that Charles should cede Milan to Francis, and content -himself with Naples. When Lannoy, Charles' viceroy in Naples, refused -to entertain so humiliating a proposal, the Pope offered his alliance -to the French, and attempted to win over Venice. This conduct he -attempted to justify on the plea of necessity. He declared to the -Emperor that he earnestly desired peace, and called God to witness to -the honesty of his motives. Charles, however, was not deceived, and -vowed 'he would revenge himself on this poltroon of a Pope, and that -perhaps some day Martin Luther might become a man of worth.' - - | The fortunes of Charles retrieved by the victory of - | Pavia. Feb. 24, 1525. - -The position of the Emperor indeed seemed desperate. The alliance with -England he could not depend upon. In Germany the peasants' revolt had -already begun. He himself was sick with fever in Spain: above all, he -knew not where to turn for money with which to pay the troops he had -on foot. Even Lannoy warned him that he was likely to lose a crown in -the attempt to save a dukedom. Two months later, the victory of Pavia -reversed all this, and placed Charles in a position of which he could -scarcely have dreamed. In January, 1525, Bourbon returned from Germany -with so many troops, that the army of the Imperialists nearly equalled -that of the French, except in artillery and men-at-arms. But he had no -money to pay his men. Here Pescara came to his aid. He succeeded in -persuading the soldiers to await their pay till February 10, by which -day Pavia was to be relieved; and the advance was at once commanded. -The city was still held by Antonio de Leyva; but the position of the -French army, which beleaguered it, was so strong that Lannoy hesitated -to attack. All attempts, however, to force Francis to raise the siege -by a diversion failed, and the garrison were in such distress that -they must soon have capitulated. Accordingly, after three weeks' -delay, it was determined to hazard the chance of an engagement. On the -night of February 23, a breach was made in the walls of the park of -Mirabello, which stretched to the north of the French entrenchments, -and on the following morning the attack was ordered. Francis, misled -by Bonnivet, now rashly left his strong entrenchments, and determined -to accept the offer of battle. The open ground at first favoured his -artillery, and the movements of the men-at-arms. The Imperialists -wavered in the first assault, and the King, assured of victory, cried, -'To-day I will call myself Duke of Milan.' But Pescara reformed his -Spanish infantry; the German landsknechts under Frundsberg supported -them, and the French men-at-arms were driven back. In the shock of -infantry which followed, the Swiss in the pay of France were the -first to give way, and the Italian troops gave but poor support. The -landsknechts in the French army for a while stood firm, till a sortie -of Leyva from the beleaguered city took them in the rear, and the -French army broke. Francis, as he attempted to restore the battle, -had his horse shot under him, and was taken prisoner. He would have -fallen in the general slaughter, had he not been recognised by one of -Bourbon's men. The losses of the French were heavy, for no quarter -had been given. Bonnivet, the French commander, La Palice and La -Tremouille, who had both grown old in the Italian wars, Francis of -Lorraine, and many others of note were slain; and Henri d'Albret of -Navarre was among the prisoners. - -The battle, fought on Charles' five-and-twentieth birthday, seemed -to realise the wildest dreams of Maximilian. Never since the days of -Charles the Great had the idea of an Empire of the West been so nearly -realised. Not only Italy, but France seemed to be at Charles' mercy, -and, if France had fallen under his rule, Europe could scarce have -escaped bondage. But the victory was too complete. Europe, alarmed for -its safety, drew together in self-defence, and the hopelessness of -Maximilian's dream was soon to be demonstrated. - - -Sec. 7. _The Peasants' War._ - - | Causes of the Peasants' War. - -While these momentous issues were being decided in Italy, Germany -had been the scene of a serious outbreak which threatened the whole -structure of society. The causes of the Peasants' Revolt were -primarily social. Even before the appearance of Luther, we hear of -the 'Bundschuhe' and other organisations of the peasants, and of -revolts against their lords. Their grievances were those common to -the villein class in all feudal societies; heavy services and dues, -oppressive sporting rights, and enclosure of common lands by their -lords. From the first, indeed, the higher clergy were specially marked -out for attack. The bishop and the abbot united in their own persons -the position of spiritual superior and feudal lord. As feudal lords, -they levied dues, exacted services, and tried offenders in their -courts. As ecclesiastical superiors, they claimed the tithes, punished -ecclesiastical offences in their ecclesiastical courts, and threatened -excommunication on the impenitent or recalcitrant. Moreover, the -heavy contributions demanded of them by Rome, forced them to exact -their dues to the full. Yet, at first, there was no connection -between these social grievances and the religious discontent. It was, -however, inevitable that in time they should become identified. The -more fanatical teachers of the new doctrines, such as Carlstadt, were -attracted to the movement. They appealed to Scripture as justifying -the revolt, and taught the peasants to interpret the spiritual -injunctions of the Gospel literally, and to fight for religious and -political freedom and for social equality under the same banner. Thus -in Germany, as elsewhere, the religious motive came to the front, -gave expression to misery as yet inarticulate, and furnished the -malcontents with a gospel. - - | The Revolt in the Black Forest. May, 1524. - -The eastern districts of the Black Forest, between the watersheds -of the Rhine and Danube, were the first to rise in May 1524. Their -views were comparatively moderate, and were subsequently formulated -in 'The Twelve Articles.' In this document, after an appeal to -Scripture in justification of their demands, they claimed the right -of electing their own ministers, and asked for the abolition of the -lesser tithe, for liberty of chase, fishing, and hewing wood, the -commutation of personal serfdom, the reduction of villein services and -dues, the restoration of communal rights. The revolt was even here -accompanied by some violence, but if it had been met by a spirit of -conciliation on the part of the lords, and of firmness on the part -of the government, it probably could have been arrested. The nobles, -however, clung to their privileges; the Council was incapable, and -Ferdinand was concentrating his energies on supplying troops and money -for the Italian campaign. - - | Spread of the Revolt. - -The disturbances accordingly increased rapidly during the autumn of -1524; and by February, 1525, they had spread to the whole of Germany, -from the left bank of the Rhine to the Tyrol, and from the lake of -Constance to Thuringia and Saxony. The claims of the peasants became -more extreme, the more moderate lost control, and the fanatics or the -designing assumed the lead. - - | The rebels of Franconia and Thuringia. - -In Franconia, amidst violent excesses, we find the demands for social -reform connected with a scheme of political reconstitution of the -Empire on a democratic basis--a scheme which betrays the hand of a -more educated mind. But it was in Thuringia and the district round -the Harz mountains that the extravagance reached its climax. The -leader, Thomas Muenzer, taught doctrines which were subversive of -all authority in Church and State, and of the existing conditions of -society. Received at Muelhausen in Thuringia as a prophet, he proposed -to make that town the seat of his authority, whence he should rule his -kingdom according to revelation. - - | Social Anarchy threatened. - -For a moment the social fabric of Germany was imperilled. On all -sides the peasants triumphed. The nobles were either driven from -their strongholds or forced to join the leagues as 'brothers.' The -smaller towns, many of which suffered from the same oppressions as -the peasants--even some of the lesser imperial cities--joined the -movement. Ulrich of Wuertemberg seized the opportunity to attempt a -recovery of the dominions which he had forfeited by misrule (cf. p. -131), and called the rebels to his aid. - - | Causes of failure of the Revolt. - -Germany was indeed threatened with anarchy; yet it is doubtful whether -the peasants had any chance of permanent success. The leaders were for -the most part visionary and ignorant fanatics. Muenzer was neither a -prophet, nor a general, and the rebels had no effective organisation. -Moreover, the middle classes, led by Luther, declared against them. -Luther at first had preached moderation and reconciliation. While -condemning the revolts against authority as contrary to divine law, he -had rebuked the Princes and the lords for their oppression, and urged -them to redress the grievances of their villeins. The extravagance -of the peasants, however, shortly disgusted and frightened him. He -disliked their views, and feared lest his own position and work might -be compromised. He pointed out that the spiritual principles of -Christianity might not without peril be transferred to the sphere of -society and politics; and that, if the gospel demands the freedom of -the soul, it does not thereby emancipate the body from the control of -law. He denounced the rebels with his usual violence of language, and -bade the authorities cast away all scruple, and 'stab and kill and -strangle' without mercy. - - | The defeat of Leipheim. April 4. - -At this moment the news of the victory of Pavia strengthened the cause -of order. The Suabian League took up arms against Duke Ulrich. The -Swiss, who had at first shown some sympathy with the peasants, and had -supported the Duke, now withdrew their contingent, partly on account -of disturbances at home, partly from fear of Charles' vengeance, and -Ulrich was forced to beat a hasty retreat. On April 4, the army of -the League inflicted a decisive defeat on the peasants at Leipheim, -near Ulm. On the 15th of May, the Princes, once more led by Philip of -Hesse, crushed the army of Muenzer near Frankenhausen. Muenzer was -taken prisoner and was executed at Muelhausen. The Duke of Lorraine -took Zabern in Alsace, and restored order in the Vosges. The reduction -of the city of Wurzburg by the united forces of the Suabian League, -of the Elector of Treves, and of the Elector Palatine on June 7, -decided the fortunes of Franconia; and shortly after, the peasants of -the Upper Rhine and the Black Forest either came to terms, or were -crushed. The Princes and the nobles, once more masters, rivalled the -cruelties of the rebels. Numbers of unfortunate peasants were cut down -without mercy, and the grievances of the survivors remained, with a -few exceptions, unredressed. - - | Effect of the Peasants' Revolt on the Reformation. - -But although the peasants failed in their attempt, the effect of the -revolt upon the course of the Reformation was profound. The utter -incapacity of the Council had been once more displayed, while the -defeat of the peasants had saved Germany from religious and social -anarchy. Of the four possible results of the Lutheran movement which -we have indicated above (p. 165), two alone now remained. The question -was whether Charles would succeed in completely re-establishing his -authority, or whether the spirit of territorialism would be too strong -for him. The cause of the Princes had indeed been strengthened. Once -more, as in the case of the Knights' War, they had asserted their -power, and, with the Suabian League, had shown themselves the real -masters of the country. Luther had lost to some extent the support -of the lower classes, and was forced to lean still more upon the -Princes. Yet the position of the Emperor was most threatening. The -opponents of Luther, with scant justice, laid the responsibility of -the disturbances to his charge, and many of the more timid and refined -were alienated from his cause. Charles himself became still more -convinced that heresy and rebellion were synonymous. He was determined -therefore to crush out heresy, and the victory of Pavia seemed to -offer him a brilliant opportunity. All depended upon what the issue of -that victory should be. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [42] Cf. _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. 416. - - [43] On this point cf. Armstrong, _Charles V._, II. c. iii. - - [44] To understand the future course of the Reformation in - Germany, it is necessary to study the map, and note-- - - _a._ The extraordinary number of principalities into which - Germany was divided. - - _b._ The division of the dominions of the greater princes among - branches of the same family, many of whom took opposite - sides. This will be best seen from the following table:-- - - PROTESTANT. CATHOLIC. - - House of Wettin, in Saxony. - - Ernestine, Electoral Branch Albertine, at Meissen. - at Wittenberg. - | - Ernest, 1464-1468. | Albert, 1485-1500. - | | | - _Frederick the Wise_, 1486-1525. | Duke George, 1500-1535. - John, his brother, 1525-1532. | Henry, his brother, 1535-1541, - | | becomes Protestant. - John Frederick. 1532-1554. | Maurice, 1541-1553, secures - the Electorate. - - Hohenzollern. - - Younger Branches. Electoral Branch. - | - (1) Albert of Prussia, Grand Master | Albert Achilles, 1470-1486. - of Teutonic Order, 1512-1568. | | - Secularises his Duchy, 1525. | John Cicero, 1485-1499. - (2) Albert Alcibiades, Margrave of | | - Culmbach, 1536-1557. | Joachim I., 1499-1535. - (3) John of Kuestrin, Margrave of | | - Neumark, brother of Joachim | Joachim II., 1535-1571. Becomes - II., 1571. | Protestant in 1539, though he - | never breaks with the Emperor. - - Wittelsbach. - - | (1) Bavaria. Munich. - | Albert II., 1460-1508. - | | - | William I., 1508-1550. - | (2) Palatinate. - | Frederick the Victorious, - | 1451-1476. - | Philip, his nephew, 1476-1508. - | | - | Lewis V., 1508-1544. - | Frederick II., his brother, - | 1544-1556, becomes - | Protestant. - - Welf. - - Duke Ernest I., of Luneburg, | Duke Henry IV., of Wolfenbuettel, - 1532-1541. | 1514-1568. - | - - Wurtemberg. - - | Ulrich I., 1503-1550, became - | Protestant 1534. - - _c._ The number of ecclesiastical states. The three great - electoral archbishoprics of Treves, Mayence, Cologne--with the - bishoprics of Metz on the Moselle, and Strasburg and Worms--so - dominated the upper Rhine and its tributaries as to give it the - name of Priest Street. The dioceses of Utrecht, Bremen, Muenster, - and Paderborn stretched in an almost continuous line along the - north-west. To these we must add Hildesheim, Halberstadt, - Magdeburg, Wuerzburg, Bamberg in central Germany; and in the - south, the archbishopric of Salzburg, and the bishopric of - Trent. The existence of these numerous ecclesiastical - principalities had a twofold effect. It caused a strong feeling - in Germany against papal exactions, of which the bishoprics were - the victims, or the agents; while the desire on the part of the - Princes to extend their dominions by secularising these - ecclesiastical states, had a potent influence on many an Elector - and Prince, both Catholic and Protestant. In many cases, too, - the bishops were the relations of the Princes, and their policy - was guided by family interests or rivalries. - - [45] He was Lord of 2 principalities, 2 duchies, 4 counties, 2 - viscounties, and 7 lordships. _See_ Map of France. - - _Cause of the quarrel between Francis and Bourbon._--Charles, - Count of Montpensier had been allowed by Louis XII. to marry - Susanna, the heiress of Duke Peter of Bourbon. After the death of - his wife without children, the Queen-mother, Louise of Savoy, - claimed some of his possessions as niece of Duke Peter. Francis, - with better right, demanded the restoration of others in - fulfilment of Duke Peter's original promise, that in default of - male issue he would leave all the alienable possessions of his - House to the Crown. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -FROM THE TREATY OF MADRID TO THE TREATY OF CRESPI - - Treaty of Madrid--League of Cognac--Sack of Rome--Medici driven - from Florence--Battle of Aversa--Treaty of Barcelona--Peace of - Cambray--Charles crowned Emperor--Diets of Spires and - Augsburg--League of Schmalkalde--Zwingle in Switzerland--Peace of - Nuremberg--Barbarossa of Algiers--Renewed war between Charles and - Francis--Truce of Nice--Revolt at Ghent suppressed--The - Anabaptists at Muenster--Diet of Ratisbon--Campaign of - 1542--Treaties of Crespi and Ardres. - - -Sec. 1. _Treaty of Madrid and League of Cognac._ - - | Behaviour and difficulties of Charles after the - | victory of Pavia. - -Charles maintained the same imperturbable composure at the news -of his good fortune as he had displayed in the days when defeat -seemed to stare him in the face. He forbade all public rejoicing. He -attributed all to God, and protested that his only desire was for a -lasting peace, so that he might turn the arms of Christendom against -the Turk. But he had before asserted that the only hope of peace lay -in the submission of France, and he had not changed his mind. Yet -how was that submission to be effected? War was at the moment out -of the question. Charles had no money, and even the payment of the -troops was in arrear. The Peasants' War still continued in Germany, -and Ferdinand could not help. Henry VIII. might perhaps have been -prevailed upon to invade France, if the Emperor would have recognised -his claim to the French throne; but Charles did not wish to see -England thus aggrandised, and refused all definite promises. Wolsey -therefore had his way, and, in August, concluded a treaty of alliance -with the Regent of France, in which Henry, in return for an annual -pension, promised to demand the liberty of the King on honourable -terms. Italy was forming a league of self-defence, and Clement, though -still full of promises, was known to be playing double. France, -although she had lost an army and her King, was still France, and was -determined to resist invasion to the last penny in her purse, and the -last drop of her blood. War then was not to be thought of; nor did -Charles' prospects of gaining his end by treaty seem much better. His -demands that Burgundy and Artois should be ceded to him, and that -Bourbon should hold Provence independently of France, were indignantly -rejected. To the mutilation of their territory, the French would not -submit, and the French King declared that he would sooner die in -captivity than buy his freedom by such dishonour. Francis, however, -had not the strength of character of his rival, and presently began to -pine for freedom. Hearing that it was proposed to send him a prisoner -to Naples, he prevailed upon Lannoy to send him to Spain instead -(June), for he hoped much from a personal interview with Charles. He -did not understand the man with whom he had to deal. Nothing is more -remarkable than the tenacity, often amounting to obstinacy, with which -Charles clung to a decision once made. He looked upon his claims to -Artois and Burgundy as just; Burgundy especially was the cradle of -his race, and had been wrongly taken from his grandmother, Mary of -Burgundy; it should be restored to him. In vain Francis and the French -envoys pleaded for some abatement of his demands. Charles remained -unmoved: he even refused to see the King of France until a serious -attack of fever threatened the prisoner's life. The news that Clement -and the Italians were making a league with France, that Francesco -Maria Sforza of Milan, his own creature, was turning against him; the -attempt of Morone, the Milanese chancellor, to corrupt the honour -of his best general Pescara--an attempt which Pescara,[46] urged by -feelings of loyalty or self-interest, betrayed to his master--all this -had no effect on Charles. Morone was seized, Sforza was declared to -have forfeited his dukedom, and was besieged, in his citadel, by the -imperial troops. - -Francis, having recovered from his serious illness, tried to escape; -but the plan was betrayed. There was nothing for it but to abandon -Burgundy; and to this course the queen-mother, Louise of Savoy, now -urged him. Francis accordingly yielded; but, asserting that he alone -could obtain the consent of his people to the cession, offered to -leave his two eldest sons as hostages, and promised to return to -captivity if that consent could not be obtained. Charles was most -unwilling to grant even this, and was supported by his chancellor -Gattinara, who predicted the result. The condition of Italy was, -however, desperate. Pescara died on December 3, urging his master -almost with his last breath to make peace with France, if he would -save Italy; all his other counsellors were of the same opinion. -Charles accordingly gave way, and consented to the Treaty of Madrid. - - | The Treaty of Madrid. Jan. 14, 1526. - -By this treaty Francis was to cede Tournay, to 'restore' Burgundy in -full sovereignty, to surrender all claims on Italy, as well as the -suzerainty over Flanders and Artois. He was to withdraw his protection -from his allies, pay the debt incurred by Charles to England in the -late war, and aid him against the Turk. The Duke of Bourbon was to -regain his forfeited possessions, and to receive besides the Duchy -of Milan. In ratification of the treaty, Francis promised to marry -Eleonora, the widowed Queen of Portugal, sister of the Emperor, and -left his sons as hostages for the fulfilment of the treaty. The treaty -was not, however, worth the paper it was written on. Although Charles -had made Francis swear on the honour of a knight, and on the gospel, -to fulfil the compact or return to captivity, no sooner was the latter -free again than he repudiated it. The day before he signed it, he had -protested to his own ambassadors that he would not consider promises -thus extorted from him as binding, and gave them notice that he did -not mean to keep it. We are astonished to find that this conduct -excited no surprise in Europe. Wolsey actually urged Francis to take -this course, and Clement absolved him from his oath. - - | The League of Cognac. May 22, 1526. - -The release of the French King, therefore, served but to encourage -the enemies of Charles, and, on May 22, the Pope, Francis, Sforza, -Venice, and Florence concluded the Holy League of Cognac, under the -'protection of Henry of England.' Sforza was to be confirmed in his -possession of Milan; all Italian states were to be restored to the -position they held before the war; Charles was to release the young -French princes for a sum of money, and pay his debt to England within -three months. The Leaguers proclaimed their desire to secure a lasting -peace. Charles and all other princes were therefore offered the -opportunity of joining the League. But if the Emperor refused, he was -to be driven not only from the Milanese, but from Naples, which was -then to be held by the Pope on payment of a yearly revenue to France. - -Charles was now threatened by a coalition more formidable than any -previous one. Nor was this all. His army was in a mutinous condition -from want of pay and food, and in danger from the determined hostility -of the Italians. Colonna, and Pescara, two of his best generals, were -dead, while Bourbon had quarrelled with Lannoy, the viceroy of Naples. -In Hungary, Solyman was on the point of winning the battle of Mohacs -(August 28, 1526)--a victory which was to give him the larger part of -that country; Francis was negotiating with this enemy of Christendom, -and even Venice declared she preferred to be the vassal of the Turk -rather than of the Emperor. - - | Milan capitulates to the Imperialists. July 24, 1526 - -Fortunately for Charles, the members of the League were not hearty -in the common cause. Francis seemed determined to make up for the -dreary days of imprisonment, and spent his time in hunting and other -pleasures. He expressed the most admirable sentiments as to the -necessity of immediate action, and made use of the League to try and -extort easier terms from Charles, yet did nothing. Wolsey had no -intention of openly breaking with Charles, and prevailed on Henry -VIII. to decline the office of Protector of the League. The Divorce -Question had already arisen, and if this influenced Wolsey to prevent -a reconciliation between Pope and Emperor, it also gave him strong -reasons for not needlessly irritating Charles. Finally, the Duke of -Urbino, the commander of the Venetian army, either from incompetence, -or from a disinclination unduly to extend the power of the Pope, -failed to prosecute the war with vigour. The Imperialists, therefore, -were able to concentrate their efforts on the citadel of Milan, and -on July 24, Sforza was forced to capitulate. The Colonnesi, headed -by the Cardinal Pompeio, now rose, and were supported by Don Hugo de -Moncada, the successor of Pescara. On August 22, they pretended to -come to terms; but no sooner had Clement dismissed his troops, than -Moncada and the Cardinal, rivalling the perfidy of Francis, appeared -before the walls of Rome with the army of the Colonnesi. The citizens, -assured that the Colonnesi only came to deliver them from the tyranny -of the Pope, and threatened with destruction if they stirred, offered -no resistance; the papal palace, the houses of the cardinals and -ambassadors, were sacked; the Church of St. Peter was rifled, and the -Host profaned; and Clement, utterly defenceless, was obliged to submit -to the terms dictated by the victors (September 21). He promised to -recall his troops from Lombardy, to make a four months' truce with the -Emperor, and to pardon the Colonnesi. The news, however, of the taking -of Cremona by the army of the League inspired him in an evil moment to -break his promises. He sent his troops to ravage the territories of -the Colonnesi, and deprived Cardinal Pompeio of his dignities. - - | The sack of Rome. May 6, 1527. - -Moncada had told the Emperor to disavow his attack on Rome. This -Charles did, but at the same time warned the College of Cardinals that -if anything befell Christendom, it would be the fault of the Pope who, -in thus joining the League, 'had sought the satisfaction of his own -desires rather than the honour of Christ and his people's good.' The -Emperor also despatched six thousand Spanish troops to Italy, and bade -Ferdinand send eight thousand Germans under Frundsberg. In November, -this enemy of the Papacy crossed the Alps with an army, levied mostly -from the robber fastnesses of Germany, in which there were many -Lutherans. By the end of December, he had reached Piacenza, in spite -of the feeble attempts of the forces of the League to check him. At -the same time Lannoy landed at St. Stefano, in Tuscany, with the -levies from Spain. Clement was now 'in such a condition that he did -not know where he was,' says an eye-witness. At one moment he haggled -over terms of peace with Lannoy, at another he threatened him and his -troops with excommunication. Finally, however, on the 15th of March, -he made an eight months' truce. This did not, however, save him. -Frundsberg had in February been joined by Bourbon with the troops from -Milan. Their first idea had been to attack Florence. Hearing, however, -that the city was prepared to resist, and was protected by the army -of the League under the Duke of Urbino, Bourbon turned on Rome, -declaring that his troops were mutinous and were dragging him there. -As he advanced, his army was swelled by Italians bent on plunder. On -the 6th of May, after being twice repulsed, the fortifications of -the Eternal City were carried, though Bourbon fell, and Rome was for -eight days in the hands of the spoiler. She had suffered much from the -barbarians of old, but probably never did she suffer such brutality as -now at the hands of Christians. The death of Bourbon, and the absence -of Frundsberg, who had been left mortally sick at Bologna, removed -the only men who might have restrained the fury of the soldiery. -The Spaniards excelled in cruelty, the Lutherans in blasphemy and -sacrilege. They sacked and plundered without discrimination of friend -or foe. 'There is not,' says a contemporary, 'a house in Rome, not -a church or monastery, either of Romans or of foreigners, great -or small, which has not been sacked.' 'Cardinals,' says another, -'bishops, friars, priests, old nuns, infants, dames, pages, servants, -the very poorest, were tormented with unheard-of cruelties, often -three times over: first by the Italians, then by the Spaniards, -afterwards by the lance-knights. Lastly, the villainous Colonnesi -came, dying of hunger, and ravaged what the other soldiers had not -deigned to take.' The sack of Rome may well be said to close the -period of the greatness of Italy. No longer was she to be the leader -of the new learning and of art. - - | Henry VIII. allies himself with Francis. April-May, - | 1527. - - | Conference at Amiens. August, 1527. - -Meanwhile, the unfortunate Pope lay besieged in the Castle of St. -Angelo. He might have escaped while the city was being sacked; yet -he delayed, trusting that the army of the League would hurry to his -support. It came, indeed, at last; but the Duke of Urbino, declaring -that he was not strong enough to attack, retreated, and, on June 7, -Clement was forced to capitulate. He promised to pay the sums of money -demanded, surrendered six towns as securities, and consented to remain -a prisoner, with his thirteen Cardinals, until the first instalment -should be paid. Some now advised the Emperor to take the lands of the -Papacy and reduce the Pope to his spiritual functions; or, at least, -'to keep the see apostolic so low that he might always dispose of it -and command it.' But though Charles declared the sack of Rome to be -the judgment of God, he was probably sincere in regretting it,[47] and -even had he wished to proceed to extremities, he was in no position -to do so. Indeed, the capture of the Pope promised to bring him as -little advantage as that of the King of France had done. The news of -the sack of Rome had at last aroused the pleasure-seeking Francis, -and caused England to change her policy of masterly inactivity. To -this, Wolsey was driven by his imperious master. Henry VIII. was -now bent on divorcing Queen Catherine, the aunt of Charles; it was -therefore of importance, not only to gain the support of Francis, but, -if possible, to earn the gratitude of the Pope. Accordingly, by the -treaties of April 30, and May 29, Henry abandoned his claim to the -French throne in return for a perpetual pension; the infant Princess -Mary was betrothed to the second son of the French King; and England -promised to furnish Francis with money for his Italian campaign. In -the following August, Wolsey held a conference at Amiens with the -French King. It was agreed that, during the captivity of the Pope, no -Bull derogatory to the interests of either King should be admitted -into their territories, that the Churches of France and England -should be administered by their bishops, and that the judgments -pronounced by Wolsey in his legatine and archiepiscopal courts should -be enforced, notwithstanding any papal prohibition. The contracting -parties also decided that the Pope, being in captivity, should be -asked to intrust his power to another, who should take steps to meet -present necessities. Wolsey even suggested that he himself should be -appointed papal Vicar. The pretext for these strange proposals was the -fear that Charles might use the spiritual powers of his prisoner to -their disadvantage, but there is little doubt that Wolsey also hoped -in this way to obtain authority for an immediate settlement of the -divorce question. - - | The French again enter Italy. July 30. - -Meanwhile, a new French army under Lautrec had invaded Italy, and -shortly secured the whole of Lombardy except Milan itself, which was -stoutly defended by Antonio de Leyva. Had Lautrec concentrated all his -efforts on the city, as he was urged to do by Sforza and the Duke of -Urbino, it must have fallen; for Leyva had but a handful of men, and was -short of money and supplies. Leyva, however, it was known, would fight -to the last; and Lautrec, unwilling to weaken his force by so desperate -an encounter, turned southward to the relief of Clement (October 1527). -The position of the Pope was indeed a pitiable one. Money he had none, -and, without the payment of his ransom, he could not regain his freedom. -Rome, meanwhile, continued to be the victim of the merciless soldiers. -The Duke of Ferrara had seized Reggio and Modena; and even the -Venetians, although the allies of the Pope, had occupied Ravenna and -Cervia, under the pretext that they did it to save those cities from -falling into Ferrarese hands. - - | Medici again driven from Florence. May 17, 1527. - -Worse than this, the Florentines had in May risen once more against -the Medici, driven the Pope's two cousins, Alessandro and Ippolito, -from the city, and re-established a Republic under the veteran Nicolo -Capponi. Clement had sacrificed the interests of the Church in his -attempt to strengthen the temporal power and to aggrandise his family, -and this was the result. Before Lautrec reached Rome, however, the -Pope had at least regained his freedom. Charles realised that he was -gaining nothing by keeping Clement in captivity; he earnestly wished -to make peace with him, and to proceed to the extirpation of heresy. -He had therefore ordered Moncada to try to come to terms, warning him -at the same time to beware that he was not tricked, as he himself had -been, by Francis. - - | Clement comes to terms with Charles, Nov. 26. But - | flies to Orvieto, Dec. 6. - -Accordingly, on November 26, the following agreement was made. The -Pope was to pay a certain sum of money at once, and to promise more. -He undertook not to oppose the Emperor's designs on Italy; he granted -him a 'cruzada' from the ecclesiastical revenues of Spain, and half -of the ecclesiastical tithes of Naples; Ostia, Civita-Vecchia, and -Civita Castellana were to be left in Charles' hands as guarantees, as -well as five of the cardinals; the Pope was to be freed on the 7th of -the following month. On the preceding night, afraid lest he might even -yet be kept a prisoner, he fled in disguise to the papal stronghold of -Orvieto. - - | Critical condition of the Imperialists in Italy. - -Even so, the affairs of Charles were going ill. Florence, although -she had expelled the Medici, did not abandon the League. Leyva still -held Milan, but warned Charles that 'God did not work miracles every -day,' and that, if not speedily relieved, his troops, though they -would not surrender, would be starved. Genoa had been once more won -for the French by Andrea Doria. Lannoy, the viceroy of Naples, had -just died of the plague, and the imperial army, which had marched, -under the Prince of Orange, to the relief of Naples, was surrounded by -the French army under Lautrec. Naples seemed doomed, and Francis was -jubilant. - - | Francis quarrels with Doria. - -Yet, as had been the case at every important crisis of this long -struggle, the French, when most confident, were nearest defeat. -Although the troops of the Emperor were ill paid and ill fed, and, -on that account, insubordinate and ready for plunder, they were -decidedly superior to those of Francis, both in powers of endurance -and on the battlefield. They had hitherto been outnumbered, but their -endurance had been wearing out their enemies, and they were soon to be -in a position to meet them in the field. The fate of Naples depended -on the command of the sea, and this was now in the hands of Andrea -Doria and his nephew Filippino. Andrea Doria had taken the lead in -the revolution which had recently restored Genoa to the French. He -soon repented of his deed. Not only did Francis personally affront -him by refusing to pay him properly for the use of his galleys, and -by denying him the ransom of the prisoners he had taken, but he also -touched his patriotism by neglecting Genoa, and attempting to set up -Savona, which the French had lately gained, as her commercial rival. -On Doria's remonstrance, Francis sent a Breton to take command of the -French fleet in the Mediterranean, and even thought of having the -Doge arrested. Doria accordingly listened to the tempting offers of -the Prince of Orange, and, on the 4th of July, ordered his nephew to -sail from Naples. His departure at once enabled the city to provision -itself from Sicily, and the danger of famine was removed. At this -critical moment, the French army, which had also suffered from want -of supplies, was attacked by a severe outbreak of the plague. To this -Lautrec, with several of his officers, fell a victim, and the army -was so decimated that the Marquis of Saluzzo, who succeeded him in -command, determined to retreat to Aversa (August 28). - - | Battle of Aversa, Aug. 28. The French evacuate - | Naples. - - | The French finally driven from Genoa. Oct. 28. - - | Battle of Landriano. June 20. - -As the French attempted to execute this movement, the rear-guard, -under Pedro Navarra, was overtaken by the enemy, and forced to -surrender. The Prince of Orange, following up his success, pursued -the retreating foe, and forced them to capitulate at discretion. -The Marquis of Saluzzo remained a prisoner in his hands with Pedro -Navarra, both to die shortly afterwards. The rest of the army were -allowed to return to their homes under promise not to serve for the -present against the Emperor. Doria now sailed to Genoa, and raised -the city against the French. On the 28th of October, the governor -Trivulzio was forced to capitulate, and Doria was successful in -establishing a government which, if somewhat oligarchical, at least -protected the city from those violent party factions which had torn -it for years, and secured its independence until the year 1796. Doria -then reduced Savona, and the French were driven from the Ligurian -coast. In Lombardy the struggle continued for a while. Here Leyva, who -still held Milan, was opposed by the troops of the League, commanded -by Sforza, the Duke of Urbino with the Venetian troops, and the -Count de St. Pol with the new levies from France. The armies of the -League, after retaking Pavia, had surrounded Milan, but hesitated -to attack the formidable Leyva. In the following June, the Count de -St. Pol, as he rashly attempted to make a diversion on Genoa, was -surprised by Leyva, who had received information of his movements, and -was completely routed at Landriano (June 20). The besieging armies -retreated, and Milan was saved. - -Charles was not yet complete master in Italy. Asti and Alessandria -were still in the hands of the French. Lodi, Cremona, and Pavia -were held by Sforza; the Republic at Florence still kept out the -Medici, and Venice yet clung to the eastern coast of Apulia. Further -resistance on the part of the League was, however, hopeless, unless -supported by its more important members, and these were soon to -abandon it. England had never intended to act as a principal in the -war, and was certainly unable to do so at present: she was weakened by -a serious outbreak of the sweating sickness, and the attention of her -King was absorbed in the matter of the divorce. - - | Clement and the Emperor reconciled at the Treaty of - | Barcelona. - -Still more fatal to the cause of the League was the final -reconciliation of Clement with the Emperor. The real desire of -Clement, since his escape from Rome, had been to maintain his -neutrality until peace was declared. This, however, was difficult, -besieged as he was by the importunate agents of the League, and of -Charles. Moreover, Clement cared chiefly for the temporal interests -of the Papacy and the aggrandisement of his family. To regain the -possessions of which he had been robbed, to re-establish the Medici in -Florence--these, rather than the freedom of Italy, or the overthrow -of heresy, were his aims. As these were not to be gained from the -League, the Pope decided after much hesitation to come to terms with -the Emperor, the more so, because the ultimate success of Charles -seemed certain. Nor can it be denied that, for once, Clement's private -interests coincided with those of the Church, for reconciliation with -Charles offered the only hope of making head against the formidable -Luther. His only apprehension was that Charles would put into effect -his threat of summoning a General Council, a threat which he had -enforced by his promises to the Diet of Spires in June 1526. On this -point, the Emperor's agents succeeded in allaying the fears of the -Pope, and no mention of a Council was made in the treaty which was -concluded at Barcelona on the 29th June, 1529. By that treaty the Pope -promised to invest Charles with the kingdom of Naples, and to crown -him Emperor. Charles undertook that the places seized from the Papal -States by the Duke of Ferrara, and by Venice, should be restored; he -also promised to re-establish the Medici in Florence. Finally, they -both agreed to turn their united forces against the infidel and the -heretic. Yet the treaty was to lead to another schism. On the 16th of -July, Clement, yielding to the wishes of Charles, revoked the powers -he had given to Wolsey and Campeggio to try the question of Henry's -divorce in England, and cited the cause to Rome. Wolsey's dream of -gaining papal sanction was broken, and soon Henry was to take the -matter into his own hands and cast off the papal supremacy. - - | Peace of Cambray. August 3, 1529. - -Meanwhile, negotiations for peace between the Emperor and Francis -had been going on. The rivals had, however, challenged each other -to single combat the year before, and their honour did not suffer -them personally to correspond. The negotiations, therefore, had been -conducted by two women--Margaret, Governess of the Netherlands, the -aunt of Charles, and Louise of Savoy, the mother of the French King, -both of whom were anxious for peace. Francis had been most unwilling -to grant the terms demanded, yet he was in no condition to continue -the war, and the reconciliation of Pope and Emperor forced him to -abandon his scruples, and sign the Peace of Cambray, or Women's Peace, -August 3, 1529. - -The French King was indeed freed from the necessity of ceding -Burgundy, and regained his sons, who had been left hostages in the -hands of Charles, in return for a sum of money. The other terms were, -however, sufficiently humiliating. Not only did Francis surrender all -claims to Italy, and to the overlordship of Artois and Flanders; but -he had also to abandon his allies; he even undertook, if necessary, to -force the Venetians to disgorge the conquests they had lately made on -the Neapolitan coast, and this in the face of his solemn engagement -on the honour of a King to include them in any treaty which he might -make. Francis, it must be confessed, rated a King's word rather low. -The marriage, first arranged at the Treaty of Madrid, was ratified; it -was hoped that if Eleonora, the widowed sister of Charles, were wedded -to Francis, the family tie might serve to heal the personal enmity of -these two sovereigns, whose rivalry had plunged Europe into an eight -years' war. - - | Charles leaves Spain for Italy. August, 1529. - - | Settlement of Italian affairs. - -Before the negotiations had been brought to a successful issue, -Charles had left Spain. It was his earnest desire to finish the war -himself, and to receive the imperial crown from the hands of the Pope. -It was at Piacenza therefore that he finally ratified the treaty. -Italy was now at the mercy of Charles. He was, however, wise enough -to adopt a conciliatory policy towards all her States, except the -Republic of Florence. Venice was indeed forced to surrender to Charles -her conquests on the east coast of Naples, and to restore Ravenna and -Cervia to the Pope, but was not further punished. To Francesco Maria -Sforza was left the duchy of Milan, with the exception of Monza, which -was granted to Antonio de Leyva, Charles' brave general, and of the -citadels of Milan and Como, which Charles kept in his own hands.[48] - -This policy had its reward. By a treaty of December 23, 1529, Venice -and Sforza joined the Pope in contracting a defensive alliance with -Charles; while Savoy was strengthened as an outpost against France -by the acquisition of the county of Asti. The affairs of Florence -had yet to be settled. Charles would gladly have found some middle -course. But the Florentines refused to readmit the Medici even as -private citizens, and Clement insisted that they should be restored -to power. The city, strengthened by the fortifications designed by -Michael Angelo, and defended by the militia formed after the advice -of Machiavelli, stood an eight months' siege, during which the Prince -of Orange, Charles' general, was killed. No one, however, came to the -aid of the unfortunate Republic, which was forced to accept as Duke, -Alessandro, the cousin of the Pope, who had married Margaret, the -illegitimate daughter of the Emperor.[49] - - | Charles crowned Emperor at Bologna. Feb. 23, 1530. - -Meanwhile, on February 23, Charles had been crowned Emperor at Bologna -by the Pope, and on the following day, the anniversary of his birth, -and of the victory of Pavia, had received the iron crown of Italy. - -During this long war, which had lasted eight years, we find the same -story repeated again and again. Thrice the French seemed on the point -of success, only to experience a crushing reverse which snatched from -them all they had gained. The imperialist armies, whether composed -of Germans or of Spaniards, ill paid and ill fed, often broke out in -mutiny, and disgraced their feats of arms by plunder and atrocities -of all kinds; yet no sooner were they called upon to meet the enemy -than they proved themselves superior whether in defensive or offensive -operations; while they were also, as a rule, better led. - -Francis, after his capture at Pavia, never appeared in the field -again, and although infinitely better supplied with money from his -subservient people than was Charles, he was too careless and too fond -of pleasure to make full use of his advantage. As for Charles, he -had taken no active part in the campaigns at all. Absent in Spain, -surrounded by difficulties which the vastness of his Empire entailed -upon him, and ever in grievous need of money, it seemed sometimes as -if he were forgetful of the war, and neglectful of his soldiers. Yet -under this callous exterior there was a determination and fixedness of -purpose which nothing could shake, and which, if it sometimes appeared -to be sheer stupidity, yet succeeded in the end. - - | Solyman invades Hungary. May, 1529. - - | Siege of Vienna raised. Oct. 14, 1523. - -While the armies of Charles had thus been engaged in winning Italy -from his Christian rival, Vienna seemed likely to fall into the hands -of the infidel. In May, 1529, Solyman the Magnificent had allied -himself with the Hospodar of Moldavia, and with John Zapolya, Waivode -of Transylvania, the inveterate enemy of the Hapsburgs, and had -invaded Hungary. His pretensions knew no bounds. 'As there is but one -God in Heaven, so must there be but one lord on earth, and Solyman -is that lord,' he proudly asserted, a boast which he hoped to carry -into effect by reducing the dominions of the Emperor in Germany. The -Austrians, afraid to trust the fidelity of the Hungarian forces, had -been unable to meet the Turk, and retreated from the country. Solyman, -in possession of the sacred crown of Hungary, which was handed to him -by an Hungarian bishop, passed on into Austria, and on the 20th of -September laid siege to Vienna. But divided though Germany was, it was -not so lost to shame as to allow the Crescent to be established on the -walls of the Austrian city. The Reformers, although irritated by their -treatment at the hands of the second Diet of Spires (cf. p. 198), -answered to the appeal of Ferdinand and to the injunctions of Luther. -Vienna was bravely held; and Solyman, threatened by the levies which -were coming to its aid, was forced to retreat after a fruitless siege -of twenty-four days (October 14). Vienna indeed was saved, but Hungary -was held by Zapolya, and Croatia and Bohemia threatened. - - -Sec. 2. _Progress of the Reformation in Germany._ - - | The Diet of Spires, Aug. 1526, and the Recess. - -In the midst of the troubles of the Italian campaign, and in the -face of the hostility of the Pope, any decisive action against the -Reformers had been out of the question. It was at least necessary to -procrastinate. Accordingly, at the Diet of Spires (Aug. 1526), the -Emperor had promised, through his representatives, that a General -Council should be summoned, but that, meanwhile, the penal clauses -of the Edict of Worms should be enforced. At the same time, he had -warned Clement VII. that if the Christian republic should suffer in -consequence of a Council not being summoned, the blame must fall on -him. At the Diet itself, the Catholics found themselves in a majority -in all the chambers, except that of the imperial cities, yet they were -not prepared to advocate extreme measures. The _Recess_[50] declared -that, until a Council should meet, each state should, in matters -appertaining to the Edict of Worms, 'so live, rule, and conduct itself -as it shall be ready to answer to God and his Imperial Majesty.' It is -a mistake to hold that the Reformers were thereby authorised to set on -foot their new ecclesiastical organisations. The concession was purely -provisional, and they were to answer to the Emperor for what they did. -None the less, the Elector of Saxony and Philip of Hesse proceeded -to establish their Lutheran churches, and to appropriate monastic -property for the purpose--a policy which was soon followed by others, -especially by Albert of Prussia, who, in 1525, had already secularised -the estates of the Teutonic knights, and converted his mastership into -a dukedom. - -Thus the Diet of Spires makes an important advance in the history of -the Reformation. If, on the one hand, it was now clear that Germany -was not to belong exclusively to the Lutherans, on the other, a great -impulse was given to the principle of territorialism (_cujus regio, -ejus religio_), upon which eventually the ecclesiastical settlement of -Germany was to be based. Three years later, the position of affairs -had materially altered. The marked advance of the Reformed opinions -had excited the apprehensions of the Catholics, while the successes -of the Emperor in Italy, and his reconciliation with the Pope, had -strengthened their cause. The rapid growth of the Zwinglian opinions -in the south of Germany, opinions which were wholly distasteful to -Luther, had weakened the Evangelical party, and the rash appeal to -arms on the part of Philip of Hesse, to resist a supposed conspiracy -against those who thought with him, had irritated the Princes. - - | Second Diet of Spires. Feb. 1529. - - | Meeting at Schmalkalde. Dec. 1529. - -This reaction of opinion expressed itself in the second Diet of -Spires. The Recess of 1526 was revoked, all further innovations -were forbidden, and the 'sect' of the Zwinglians was refused -all toleration. The minority, indeed, here earned their name of -'_Protestants_' by the protest they issued against these decrees--a -protest which was signed by John, Elector of Saxony, Philip of Hesse, -George, Margrave of Brandenburg, Ernest of Luneburg, Wolfgang of -Anhalt, and fourteen imperial cities. But the protest was rejected by -both Diet and Emperor; and so evident was it that Charles only waited -for an opportunity to take decisive action, that a meeting was held at -Schmalkalde, at which the lawfulness of resistance was discussed, to -be abandoned, however, for the present in deference to the scruples of -Luther. - - | Charles at the Diet of Augsburg. June, 1530. - -When on June 30, 1530, Charles, after eight years' absence, met -the Diet of Augsburg in person, the moment seemed to have arrived -for a final settlement of his difficulties. Italy was at his feet; -Francis had at last accepted his terms; the Pope had promised to -join with him in suppressing heresy, and had crowned him Emperor; -and, if Hungary was in the hands of Solyman, Germany at least was -free from his attack. The Protestants, conscious of their weakness, -desired reconciliation. This was strongly advocated by Melanchthon, -and breathed in every line of the 'Confession of Augsburg' which was -presented to the Diet, at the request of Charles that the Protestants -would express their thoughts in writing. In this famous Confession, -the doctrine of Justification was stated in qualified terms; the -paying of honour to the Saints was not entirely forbidden; although -reasons were given why the Lutherans had permitted the Cup to the -laity, the marriage of the clergy, and the secularisation of Church -lands, and had rejected vows and private masses, no definite assertion -was made as to the number of the Sacraments, or on the question of the -papal power; while the decision of other contested questions was to be -left to the verdict of a General Council. The tone of the document was -avowedly defensive, and its aim was rather to show that the Lutheran -doctrines were not heretical than to attack those of the Church. - - | The Recess of Augsburg. - - | Reorganisation of the Imperial Chamber. Nov. 19, 1530. - -The original intention of Charles had been to act as a mediator, and -to settle the religious dissensions by fair and gentle means. He -had asked the Evangelical party for an expression of their views. -He now wished that their opponents should bring forward a distinct -charge against the Reformers which would allow him to assume the part -of an umpire. But the Catholics in the Diet refused; they declared -that they had nothing new to propose, and accordingly prepared a -confutation in which, indeed, they made some approach towards the -Lutheran view of the doctrine of Justification, but in other respects -insisted on the old doctrines, and demanded that the Protestants -should return to the unity of the faith. The Emperor now abandoned -the _role_ of a mediator, and attempted to overawe the recalcitrants -with threats. Alarmed, however, by the determined though respectful -attitude of the Protestant princes, the Diet made one more attempt at -reconciliation, and a small committee was appointed. On the question -of dogma there seemed some chance of agreement, and a General Council -might possibly have broken down the opposition of the Protestants. -But, though this was earnestly desired by the Emperor, the Pope had -no idea of complying with his wish; while on questions relating to -the constitution and the practice of the Church, reconciliation -was probably hopeless. These the Catholics regarded as of Divine -institution; the Protestants, on the other hand, looked upon them -as the work of men, and therefore capable of modification. Erasmus -in his letters bitterly complains of the want of moderation on both -sides; yet this is not the only occasion where attempts at compromise -on serious religious issues have failed. Eventually, Charles adopted -the views of the majority, and the Recess of Augsburg proclaimed his -intention of enforcing the Edict of Worms. The Protestants were given -till the ensuing April to consider whether they would voluntarily -return to the Catholic Church. After that date, measures were to be -taken for the extirpation of their sect. But although the majority -of the Diet had thus shown themselves hostile to the Reformers, -they hesitated to put arms into the hands of the Emperor with which -he might enforce the Edict; rather they proposed to make use of -the Imperial Chamber for the purpose. This court was accordingly -reorganised and increased in number; assessors suspected of Lutheran -tendencies were admonished, and the Chamber was ordered to enforce the -Recess. - - | Formation of the League of Schmalkalde. Dec. 22, - | 1530. - -In answer to this, the Protestant princes and city deputies met -at Schmalkalde on December 22, 1530. They appointed procurators -to watch their interests before the Imperial Chamber; they agreed -to protect each other from any attempt on its part to enforce the -Recess of Augsburg, and after much debate decided that resistance -was lawful even to the Emperor himself, should he appeal to arms. -Hitherto Luther and the theologians had preached the doctrine of -passive obedience. But the civilians brought forward arguments to -prove that the power of the Emperor was limited by law. His title was -not hereditary, but elective; he had granted capitulations at his -election; if, therefore, he acted illegally, he might be resisted. -Convinced by these arguments, Luther gave way, and was followed -by most of those present, with the exception of the Margrave of -Brandenburg and the city of Nuremberg. Thus originated the League of -Schmalkalde, which was definitely formed in March 1531 and finally -organised in the ensuing December. Its members were to be represented -in a Diet. They promised to furnish contributions to a common fund, -and intrusted the supreme command of their forces to John, Elector -of Saxony, and the Landgrave Philip of Hesse. The formation of the -League of Schmalkalde marks a new period in the struggle. In spite -of the scruples of Luther, the movement had become a political one. -Henceforth Germany was to be divided into two hostile camps, each with -its centre of unity, and the Protestants had taken measures for their -common defence, by arms if necessary. - - | Zwingle. - -The next crucial question was, whether this League should include all -those both in Switzerland and in Upper Germany, who had embraced the -views of Zwingle. Although it may be doubted whether this Reformer -would ever have been heard of had it not been for the impulse given to -the cry for Reform by the appearance of Luther, yet the two movements -were to a great extent independent of each other, and, from the -first, presented essential points of difference. The son of the -'Amtmann' of the village of Weldenhaus, near St. Gall, Zwingle was -born in 1484, a few weeks after Luther. He had in early life been -influenced by the literary movement of the Humanists, and was well -versed in the classics. Chosen as curate of the congregation of Glarus -in 1506, he had accompanied his countrymen on some of the Italian -expeditions, notably on that which ended so disastrously at Marignano, -and henceforth never ceased to warn his fellow-citizens against the -demoralising influences of this mercenary system of warfare. - - | Zwingle curate at Zurich. 1519-1525. - -It is, however, with his call to be curate at Zurich (1519-1525) that -his career as a Reformer began. Starting, like Luther, with a crusade -against the abuse of indulgences, he soon began to take up different -ground. While Luther did not deny the Real Presence, Zwingle looked -upon the Sacrament merely as a festival of commemoration, and pressed -the Lutheran view of Justification to its logical conclusion--the -doctrine of election and the denial of man's free will. Luther was -willing to accept anything which could not be proved contrary to -his interpretation of Scripture; Zwingle would accept nothing but -what he found there. Luther had a deep reverence for the Universal -Church, and only left it after a struggle; Zwingle based the right -of each congregation to independent action in matters religious on -the republican organisation of the village. Luther had attempted -to keep religious questions apart from politics, and, when finally -driven from this position, threw himself on the side of authority -as represented by the Princes. The religious ideas of Zwingle were -intimately connected with a scheme of establishing a more thorough and -representative democracy in Switzerland, in which the Forest Cantons -should lose their privilege of holding as many votes in the Federal -Diet as the other and larger Cantons. By the close of the year 1530, -the opinions of Zwingle had not only been accepted by the Cantons of -Zurich, Basel, Bern, and Schaffhausen, and by many of the country-folk -of Appenzell, Glarus, and the Grisons, but had spread among many -of the towns of southern Germany, notably those of Constance, Ulm, -Augsburg, and Strasburg. - - | Temporary union between the followers of Luther and - | Zwingle soon comes to an end. - - | Reaction against Zwingle in Switzerland. - - | The battle and the second Treaty of - | Cappel. Oct. 1531. - -Common danger had for a moment drawn the adherents of these two -Reformers together, to protect themselves against the Recess of -the second Diet of Spires. But permanent union between such widely -divergent views was scarcely possible. Philip of Hesse, who was -himself inclined towards the opinions of Zwingle, had attempted -to effect a reconciliation at his castle of Marburg in 1529. The -attempt failed--Luther showing the most uncompromising hostility to -the Zwinglian doctrine concerning the Sacraments--and shortly after, -Zwingle had to face a reaction in his own country. Like so many -reformers, he was wrecked on the shoal of politics. The Forest Cantons -had from the first been the resolute opponents of the new teaching, -not only because they were strongly Catholic, but because Zwingle's -political reforms, if carried out, would destroy the position they had -hitherto enjoyed in the Federal Diet. His political views also lost -him adherents in those Cantons that were in favour of his doctrinal -position. The Hapsburgs cleverly fostered these divisions; war ensued, -and finally at the battle of Cappel, the army of Zurich, which alone -stood by him to the last, was defeated, and Zwingle himself was -slain (October, 1531). By the second Treaty of Cappel it was agreed -that each Canton was free to retain its own creed. In the 'Common -Bailiwicks,' the religion was to be decided by the majority. But no -force was to be used, and the city Cantons were to abandon their -foreign alliances. - -Switzerland was now definitely divided into Catholic and Protestant -Cantons. The Catholics regained lost ground, and secured seventeen out -of twenty-nine votes in the Diet. The Evangelical party held Zurich, -Bern, Basel, and Schaffhausen; while Thurgau, Glarus, and Appenzell -were divided. All hope that Switzerland would support the Protestants -of Germany was now over; nevertheless the cities of southern Germany, -deprived of their Swiss allies, were forced to join the Lutherans -and to swell the numbers of the League of Schmalkalde. Thus, by the -commencement of the year 1532, the position of the Protestants in -Germany had improved. - - | Charles prevented by European difficulties from - | taking action against the Protestants. - - | The Peace of Nuremberg. July, 1532. - -Had Charles' hands been now free, doubtless he would have appealed -to the arbitrament of the sword. But here again his political -necessities stood in his way. The peace with France was by no -means secure; nay, Francis was even intriguing with the League of -Schmalkalde. Solyman was again threatening to invade his dominions. -Spain, as usual, complained of his absence. In Africa the piracies -of Barbarossa demanded his attention. Nor could Charles depend on -the unqualified support of the Catholic princes. In June, 1531, he -had with difficulty secured the election of his brother Ferdinand as -King of the Romans by five of the Electors. But the election had been -protested against by John of Saxony, and he was joined by the two -Dukes of Bavaria and others, who, despite their Catholic sympathies, -dreaded to see the power of the Hapsburgs increased. Disappointed -in his hopes of settling the religious difficulty the Emperor was -forced to procrastinate. At the Peace of Nuremberg (July 1, 1532), -he promised to suspend the proceedings of the Imperial Chamber until -the convocation of a General Council; while at the Diet of Ratisbon, -which followed, he undertook, in the event of such a Council not being -convoked by the Pope within six months, to summon a general assembly -of the Empire for the settlement of the religious difficulties. - -Charles was at least rewarded by the loyal support of the Protestants -against the Turk. His army, recruited by Spaniards, Italians, and -Netherlanders, was the largest force he had ever led, and Solyman, -repulsed by the brave defenders of Guens, retreated without having -dared to fight a pitched battle. Yet the Emperor was in no position -to make use of his victory. The affairs of Italy and of Spain -imperatively demanded his presence. Accordingly, in the autumn -of 1532, he crossed the Alps, to be involved again in European -complications, and for seven other years Protestantism was left -unmolested. - - | Death of John, Elector of Saxony, 1532. - -Shortly after the Peace of Nuremberg, John the Steadfast of Saxony -died. He had gone much further in the direction of Protestantism -than his brother, Frederick the Wise, whom he had succeeded in 1525. -Frederick had never wholly broken from Rome; John had been one of -the leaders in the League of Schmalkalde, and had organised an -Evangelical Church within his territories. Yet, to the last, he tried -to maintain a moderate line of policy, and hoped to find a place for -the protestant churches without breaking up the Empire, or departing -from the obedience of the Emperor. With no remarkable intellectual -gifts--corpulent and somewhat slow-witted,--the simplicity and -honesty of his character, and the courage with which he clung to his -convictions, make him something of a hero; and there is, perhaps, no -one to whom Luther and the Protestants of Germany owe more than to -this plain and single-hearted man. - - -Sec. 3. _European complications and the fortunes of the Protestants, - from 1532 to the Treaty of Crespi._ - - | The European complications of Charles. - -At no time during the career of Charles V. are the contradictions -and difficulties which surrounded him better illustrated than during -the period from 1532 to the Treaty of Crespi. Had his claims been -less extensive he might have been more successful; but the very -magnificence of his pretensions prevented the complete realisation of -any one of them. As head of the Holy Roman Empire, it was his duty to -defend the unity of the Church, to put down heresy, and to support -the papal authority. Yet his position as King of Germany forced him -to postpone the suppression of heresy to the imperative necessity of -gaining the support of the Protestants against the Turk; while his -claims on Italy brought him into constant conflict with the Pope. -As King of Germany, it was his aim to increase the royal authority -and suppress the tendencies towards disruption, and, as ruler of -the Austrian territories, to further the family interests of the -Hapsburgs; but both these aims incurred the hostility of many even of -the Catholic princes. As King of Spain and master of Italy, it was -incumbent on him to secure his dominions and the Mediterranean from -the piratical incursions of the Moors. Yet here and everywhere, he was -constantly being thwarted by his persistent rival, Francis I., who -not only intrigued with the Pope against him, but, while persecuting -the Reformers at home, entered into alliances with the Protestants of -Germany, the schismatic King of England, and even the Infidel himself. - - | The struggle with Barbarossa. June-August, 1535. - -With the actual events of this period we must deal very briefly. They -are not in themselves of great importance. Scarcely any new question -is involved, with the exception of that of Africa, and the position -of European affairs is not very materially altered. Charles had -for the moment checked the attack of the Moslems from the East. He -was now forced to turn his attention to their movement in the -south-west. By the conquests of Ferdinand the Catholic, the Spaniards -had acquired possessions on the north African coast from Melilla to -Tripoli, and reduced the rulers of Algiers and Tunis to the position -of vassals. Since 1510, however, the Spaniards had met with many -reverses, especially since the rise of the two Barbarossas. These two -men, sons of a Greek or Albanian renegade, had made themselves masters -of Algiers. Huroc, the elder, was slain in 1518, but Hayraddin, his -younger brother, interfered in the dynastic disputes of Tunis, and, -in 1534, added that country to his kingdom. To gain the support of -Solyman, he had consented to hold his conquests of him, and, in -1533, received the command of the Turkish fleet. Meanwhile his own -ships had been threatening the Mediterranean, harrying the coasts of -Spain and Italy, and carrying off Christians to the slave-markets of -Africa and the East. This rise of a new Mahometan power in Africa, a -power with which Francis was not ashamed to coquet, demanded instant -attention. Charles, therefore, having renewed his alliance with the -new Pope, Paul III. (Farnese), and settled as far as was possible the -affairs of Italy, passed on to Spain. Thence, with a fleet under the -command of Andrea Doria, and an army which was not only recruited -from various parts of his dominions, but was joined by the Knights -of Malta, he sailed for Africa (June, 1535), nominally in support -of Muley-Hassan, one of the claimants to the kingdom of Tunis. The -expedition proved a brilliant success. Solyman could send no help, -and Francis was either afraid or ashamed to aid. The harbour of -Goletta was taken by storm, and the army of Barbarossa defeated on the -field. The Christian prisoners in Tunis rose against their captors, -and Barbarossa was forced to evacuate the country, which was granted -to Muley-Hassan under the suzerainty of Spain (August, 1535). But -though the expedition caused a great stir and increased the reputation -of the Emperor, it did not materially improve his prospects in Europe. - - | The intrigues of Francis. - -Francis had never intended to keep the Treaty of Cambray, and -was determined to attempt the recovery of the duchy of Milan at -least. He had accordingly been long intriguing, both in Germany -and Italy. To gain the support of Clement VII. he had consented to -marry his second son, Henry of Orleans, to Catherine de' Medici, on -condition of a principality being granted to the Duke in Italy, a -principality which might possibly include Milan; but the death of -the Pope (25th September 1534) had disappointed him of his hopes in -this direction. Francis had also opened negotiations with the members -of the League of Schmalkalde--who, however, refused to support one -who persecuted the Protestants in his own kingdom--and had made a -commercial treaty with Solyman, in which the plan of a joint attack -on the Milanese was mooted. Francis had then begun an unsuccessful -intrigue with Francesco Sforza, and, on the execution of his secret -agent Maraviglia, had declared war against that Prince. To reach the -Milanese it was necessary to pass through the dominions of the Duke -of Savoy. Since the days of Charles VIII. of France, Savoy had been -friendly to France, and had given free passage to her troops. But the -present Duke, Charles III., had married Beatrix of Portugal, sister of -the Emperor's wife, and now refused such passage. Francis therefore -determined to occupy Savoy and Piedmont. At the same time he supported -the Calvinists of Geneva, who were in rebellion against the Duke of -Savoy and their bishop, and stirred up the Swiss of Bern to invade the -district of Vaud. - - | Death of Sforza. Oct. 24, 1535. - -At this moment, the death of Sforza of Milan (24th October 1535), -altered the position of affairs. He was the last direct descendant -of the House, and Milan accordingly fell to Charles as suzerain. The -Emperor, who had only just concluded the expedition against -Barbarossa, was anxious to gain time, and amused the King with -negotiations. Francis demanded Milan for Henry, Duke of Orleans, his -second son. Charles offered to grant it to the Duke of Angouleme, the -third son of the French King, on condition of his marrying an Austrian -princess. - - | The French cross the Alps and occupy Turin. April, - | 1536. - - | Charles makes an unsuccessful attack on - | Provence. July-Sept. 1536. - -Meanwhile the French had crossed the Alps by the Pass of Susa, and -occupied Turin (April, 1536). Charles now threw off the mask. He -denounced the King as a faithless man, the ally of heretic and -infidel, and challenged him to personal combat, suggesting that -Burgundy and Milan should be the prize of victory. On this being -refused, Antonio de Leyva crossed the Sesia at the head of the -imperial troops (May, 1536). The Marquis of Saluzzo, who commanded -the French army in Piedmont, deserted to the Emperor, and Charles, -neglecting to secure Turin, pressed on into Provence in the hopes of -bringing Francis to a decisive engagement. The French, contrary to -their usual practice, adopted a Fabian policy. They devastated the -country as they retired, and threw themselves into strong positions -at Avignon and Valence. Unable to storm these places, the imperial -army began to suffer from want and disease, to which de Leyva himself -succumbed (September 10, 1536). Charles, despairing of success, was -forced to evacuate the country (September 23), and retired to Spain -'to bury there his honour which he had lost in Provence.' - - | Campaigns in Picardy, Languedoc, Artois, and - | Piedmont. - - | Solyman defeats Ferdinand at Essek. Oct. 1537. - - | Revolt of Ghent, 1537. - -The attack of the Imperialists on Picardy and Languedoc had been -equally unsuccessful, although, during the campaign in Picardy, -Francis lost Robert de la Marck, 'Le Jeune Aventureux,' the military -companion of his youth, and the author of the Memoirs which bear his -name. In 1537, the French invaded Artois. The war in Piedmont still -continued, and Solyman, in pursuance of his recent treaty, sent -Barbarossa to attack the coasts of Naples, while, shortly after, -he invaded Hungary in person, and defeated Ferdinand[51] at Essek -(October 8). This alliance of the French with Solyman excited the -indignation of Europe. Paul III., who had hitherto adopted a neutral -attitude, now intervened as mediator. Francis was not unwilling to -treat, and Charles had nothing to hope from a continuance of the -war. The Lutherans were daily gaining strength; the attack of the -Moslem was threatening the imperial hold on Naples; while in the -north, the people of Ghent had risen against the taxes imposed by the -Regent of the Netherlands (1537). - - | The Truce of Nice. June 18, 1538. - -Accordingly, a truce for ten years was made at Nice (June 18, -1538). By that truce the Peace of Cambray was confirmed. The rivals -abandoned their allies, and each was to retain the conquests they -had made. Thus the Duke of Savoy was made the scapegoat. Savoy and -two-thirds of Piedmont were retained by Francis, the Swiss henceforth -occupied the district of Vaud, and the Emperor held the rest, with the -exception of Nice, which alone was left to the unfortunate Duke. A -conference at Aigues Mortes followed (July 1538), at which Francis, -hoping to gain by conciliation what he had failed to attain by arms, -adopted a most friendly attitude towards Charles. The Marshal de -Montmorency, who had gained a great reputation in the campaign of -Provence, urged the King to ally himself with Charles, and even -suggested a joint invasion of England, where the anti-papal measures -of Henry VIII. and the execution of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More -had excited much discontent. Although Francis stopped short of this, -he turned a deaf ear to the petition for aid which the citizens of -Ghent sent him, and shortly after gave the Emperor a free passage -thither through France. - - | Charles suppresses the revolt at Ghent. Feb. 6, 1540. - -On the approach of Charles, the city, disappointed in its expectation -of French assistance, submitted (February 6, 1540), to pay dearly -for its rashness. Fourteen of the leading citizens were executed, -the civic privileges were forfeited, a heavy fine was levied, and a -garrison admitted within the walls. This completed the ruin of the -ancient city, whose commercial supremacy, with that of Bruges, had -already passed to Antwerp in consequence of the revolution in the -routes of commerce caused by the discovery of the way round the Cape. - - | Advance of Protestantism in Germany. - -Now for a moment it appeared as if King and Emperor would lay aside -their long rivalry and unite to resist both heretic and Turk. That -Charles entertained such an idea is not to be wondered at. Solyman, -encouraged by the French alliance, was menacing Hungary once more, and -Barbarossa was still threatening the Mediterranean from Algiers. Nor -was the danger less at home. Protestantism had made notable advances -since the Peace of Nuremberg, 1532. In 1534, Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg -was restored to his duchy, from which he had been driven by the -Suabian League in 1519, and which had been granted to Ferdinand, -Charles' brother. The restoration was effected by Philip of Hesse, who -defeated the troops of Ferdinand at the battle of Laufen (May 1534), -but it was also approved of by John Elector of Treves, who, although -Catholic, was glad to see the House of Hapsburg humbled. Duke Ulrich -forthwith established Protestantism in his duchy; the University of -Tuebingen became the stronghold of the Reformers, and a wedge was -driven into the phalanx of Catholic states in South Germany. - - | The Anabaptists at Muenster, 1534. - - | George, Duke of Saxony, and Joachim I., Elector of - | Brandenburg, die and are succeeded by Henry and - | Joachim II. 1535-1539. - -In the north, indeed, the outbreak of the Anabaptist revolution at -Muenster, under John of Leyden, in the spring of 1534, had threatened -to compromise the Lutheran party. This fanatic, who united unbridled -licentiousness with strange religious views, attempted to establish a -kind of socialistic state of which he proclaimed himself prophet and -king. But only the most heated partisanship could find any connection -between the views of Luther and of this wild fanatic. As had been -the case with the Peasants' Revolt, Philip of Hesse, one of the most -prominent of the leaguers of Schmalkalde, rallied to the cause of -order. John of Leyden was executed, his followers dispersed, and -Muenster restored to its bishop, 1535. Purged from any complicity -with the Anabaptists by the suppression of the revolt, the Lutherans -continued to make fresh converts in the north of Germany. In the year -1535 Joachim I., Elector of Brandenburg, and in 1539 George, Duke of -Saxony, of the Albertine branch of the house, both staunch Catholics, -died. Of their successors, Henry of Saxony actually embraced the -Lutheran creed, and Joachim II. adopted a conciliatory policy; while -his younger brother John, Margrave of the Neumark, became a devoted -adherent of the new opinions. Many other smaller princes followed, -and, by the close of the year 1539, the only important Catholic -states were those of Austria, Bavaria, the Palatinate, the Duchy of -Brunswick-Wolfenbuettel, and the three ecclesiastical Electorates; -moreover, the Elector of Cologne, Herman von der Wied, was known to be -wavering. Shortly after, both he and the Elector-Palatine embraced the -Protestant cause. - - | Charles anxious for a free hand, makes unsuccessful - | advances to Francis. - -The crisis demanded instant action. But this was impossible unless the -neutrality of France could be secured. Charles accordingly offered the -hand of his eldest daughter to the third son of Francis, who, by the -death of the dauphin during the campaign in Provence, had now become -the Duke of Orleans. He promised to cede to the Duke Franche-Comte -and the Netherlands, if Francis, on his part, would grant to him the -duchy of Burgundy, abandon all claim to Milan and to the suzerainty -of Flanders, and restore the conquests in Savoy and Piedmont to the -Duke of Savoy. This would have meant the revival of the old dukedom of -Burgundy, but as a fief of the Empire, and it is doubtful whether in -any case Francis would have acquiesced in the final loss, not only of -his conquests in Piedmont, but also of Milan. In short, the claims on -Italy prevented any agreement. After tedious haggling as to whether -the Duke of Orleans should have instant possession, and whether the -territories should revert to Charles in the event of the Duke's death -without issue, Charles invested Philip, his son, with the duchy of -Milan (October 1540), and Francis determined to appeal to arms once -more. - - | Attempted reconciliation with Protestants at Diet of - | Ratisbon, 1541. - -With the prospect of war before him, the Emperor recognised the -impossibility of using force against the Protestants. Reconciliation, -if possible on the basis of comprehension, was the only alternative; -and for that purpose he summoned the Diet of Ratisbon, in the -spring of 1541. For a moment the chances of reconciliation seemed -bright. There had risen of late in Italy a party of reform, led by -Reginald Pole, then a fugitive from England, the Venetian Contarini, -at this moment the papal legate in Germany, and Morone, Bishop of -Modena. This group of literary men, who represented the reaction -against the sceptical spirit which had dominated Italy during the -days of Leo X., approached very closely to Luther's views on the -doctrine of Justification, and were as eager as he to reform the -abuses which disfigured the Church of Rome. Even Paul III. declared -himself desirous of doing something. At Ratisbon, a conference -of theologians was held, under the presidency of Granvelle, at -which Melanchthon, Bucer, and Dr. Eck,[52] Luther's old opponent, -appeared, and an agreement was come to on three of the articles of -controversy--Original Sin, Redemption, and Justification. In the -Diet itself, the majority of the Electors and of the deputies of -the cities declared themselves in favour of this agreement, and -Pole rejoiced at the approach of peace and concord. But these hopes -were not to be realised. In the Chamber of Princes the opposition -was very formidable. The Pope insisted that his supremacy and the -Romish view of the Sacraments should be accepted, and Luther could -not bring himself to believe in the sincerity of the Catholics. Even -if the question had been untrammelled by political considerations, -it is very doubtful whether any satisfactory conclusion could have -been arrived at, and politics could not be excluded. Reconciliation -with the Protestants would make Charles too powerful, as master of a -reunited Germany, not to meet with strenuous opposition, both within -and without the Empire. Francis and the Pope brought their intrigues -to bear on the Princes, many of whom were jealous of Hapsburg -influence and dreaded the loss of their political privileges. In vain -did the Emperor suggest that the articles on which the theologians -had agreed should be accepted for the present, and that, with regard -to others, differences of opinion should be tolerated on either -side. The agreement was rejected by the Chamber of Princes, much to -Charles' indignation. Thus failed the last chance of a reconciliation -between the two religious parties--wrecked on political rivalries--a -reconciliation which might have altered the history of Germany and -even of Europe. Yet, even so, the Protestants gained much. Charles, -anxious for their support during the coming struggle, issued a -declaration by which the enforcement of the Recess of Augsburg was -still further delayed. Those who had secularised ecclesiastical -property were permitted to retain it until the final settlement; -Lutherans were to be admitted as assessors to the Imperial Chamber; -and, until the meeting of a General Council, no one was to be -prevented from adopting Lutheranism. So confident were the Protestants -in the strength of their cause, that when the Duke of Brunswick -attempted, contrary to this Recess, to force the decisions of the -Imperial Chamber on Goslar, he was driven from his duchy by the League -of Schmalkalde (summer of 1542), and the Catholics thus lost the only -important lay principality which they held in Northern Germany. - - | Francis again declares war. July 1541. - -While Francis had been doing his utmost to perpetuate the religious -divisions in Germany, he had been diligently preparing for war. The -Marshal Montmorency, who had advocated friendship with Charles, -was disgraced; alliances were eagerly sought for; and finally, the -assassination of the French agent as he was passing through the -Milanese on his way to Constantinople (July 3, 1541), gave the French -King a decent pretext for breaking the truce of Nice. War, however, -was not actually declared till 1542. During the interval Charles -suffered two disasters at the hands of the Mahometans. In Hungary, -Solyman, marching to the support of the son of Zapolya (who had died -in 1540), inflicted a crushing defeat on Ferdinand at Buda (July 30, -1541), and in October, an expedition which the Emperor led in person -against Barbarossa in Algiers failed, chiefly owing to wild weather on -the African coasts. - - | Attempts of Francis to obtain allies. - -The attempts of Francis to procure allies were not very -successful. Henry VIII., at this moment engaged in the war with -James V. which ended in the defeat of the Scots at Solway Moss -(December), was in no humour to support the French, their allies.[53] -Moreover, the old cause of quarrel between the English King and the -Emperor, arising out of the divorce of Catherine of Aragon, had been -in part removed by her death, and all idea of an English alliance -with the Protestants had been abandoned with the divorce of Anne of -Cleves and the fall of Cromwell in 1540. Henry therefore declined -the offers of Francis, and renewed his alliance with Charles. The -Protestants of Germany, satisfied with the concessions of the -Emperor, remained quiet. The Pope, Paul III., adhered to his policy -of neutrality. Solyman, the Kings of Denmark and of Sweden, and the -Duke of Cleves, were therefore the only allies of France. Of these, -Christian III. of Denmark was irritated by the support which Charles -had given to the claims of the Palatinate branch of the Wittelsbach -family on his throne; Gustavus Vasa, of Sweden, by the favour Charles -had shown to a revolt of his peasants; while the Duke of Cleves -disputed the claim of the Emperor to the reversion of Gueldres, in -virtue of the will of Charles of Gueldres, who died without children -in 1538. - - | Campaign of 1542. - -Francis, contrary to his usual strategy, refrained from directly -attacking the Milanese, and, while he acted on the defensive in -Piedmont, devoted his chief attention to the Netherlands and -Rousillon. The results of the first campaign, 1542, were not -important. Luxembourg was gained, only to be lost, and the invasion of -Rousillon was foiled by the resistance of Perpignan. Nevertheless, at -the beginning of the year 1543, the position of Charles was serious -enough. Solyman was master of most of Hungary and was preparing for a -decisive stroke; Barbarossa was on the point of joining the French in -an attack on Piedmont; the Pope, angry at the refusal of Charles to -invest his grandson, Ottavio Farnese, with Milan, at his concessions -to the Protestants, and at the demand for a General Council, was -leaning towards France; Denmark had closed the Sound to German ships; -moreover, it was very doubtful whether Philip of Hesse, and John -Frederick of Saxony would allow the Duke of Cleves to be overthrown, -more especially as the Duke was the brother-in-law of John Frederick, -and was known to have strong Protestant sympathies. - - | Henry allies himself with Charles. Feb., 1543. - -The Emperor, however, succeeded in his negotiations with England. On -the death of James V. of Scotland, in 1542, the regent, Mary of Guise, -had rejected all the advances of the English King, and continued -the French alliance. Henry accordingly turned again to Charles. By -the treaty of February 11, 1543, Emperor and King agreed to demand -that Francis should give up his alliance with the Turk, indemnify -the Empire for the sums it had incurred in the Turkish war, and, as -security for the debts he owed the King of England, hand over Boulogne -and other towns. If Francis refused these terms, the allies engaged -themselves to pursue the war till Burgundy should be restored to -Charles, and England had made good her ancient claim to Normandy and -Guienne, and to the crown of France. - - | The military events of 1543. - - | Diet of Spires, Feb. 1544. Charles gains assistance - | of the Empire against France. - - | Success of the Imperialists. - -In May, Charles hastily left Spain, and arrived in Germany. He secured -the neutrality of John Frederick of Saxony, entered the territories -of the Duke of Cleves, and forced him to resign his pretensions to -Gueldres (August). In September the joint attack of Barbarossa and -the Count of Enghien, at the head of the French troops, on Nice, was -foiled by the approach of Doria with the Spanish fleet and the army -of Milan. Francis had not even the consolation of success to requite -him for the odium he incurred by his alliance with the infidel. In -Hungary, indeed, the advance of Solyman was unchecked, and by the end -of August nearly the whole of that country had been conquered. But -even this success cost Francis dear. At the Diet of Spires, held -in February 1544, Charles denounced the King of France as an enemy -to Christendom. He informed the Protestants of the offers which -Francis had made in 1539 to assist him against them if he would cede -Milan, and therewith made further concessions with regard to the -religious question. He promised that a general _free_ and Christian -Council should be summoned, and that, if the Pope delayed, he would -next year call a Diet for the final settlement of the religious -question. The Protestants expressed their horror at the unholy -alliance with the Turk, and once more the Emperor secured the aid of -the Empire in his struggle with the French. At the same time, Denmark -abandoned the French alliance. Francis was now threatened by a serious -combination. In Piedmont, indeed, the Count of Enghien won a decisive -victory over the Marquis de Guasto and the army of Milan at Cerisoles -(April 11). But in June, the Imperialists, after reducing Luxembourg, -invaded Champagne and advanced as far as the Marne, while the English -landed on the coast. Had Henry kept his engagement and co-operated -with Charles in a combined attack on Paris, the capital might have -fallen. Intent, however, on his own schemes, he delayed to lay siege -to Boulogne, which did not surrender till September. Indignant at -this breach of faith, anxious to break the dangerous alliance between -Francis and the Turk, and to have a free hand to deal with the -Protestants in Germany, Charles, who was, moreover, in serious want of -money, now offered peace. - - | Treaty of Crespi. Sept. 18, 1544. - -Francis, largely owing to his intemperate mode of life, was seriously -ill. His mistress, Madame d'Estampes, feared that on his death all -influence would pass to her hated rival, Diana of Poictiers, once -the mistress of the King, now all powerful with the Dauphin. She -was therefore anxious to secure for Orleans, the second son, an -independent sovereignty. He was at enmity with his brother, and might -be of service to her in the future. She therefore urged the King -to accept the Emperor's terms. Francis listened; and on September -18, 1544, the Treaty of Crespi ended the last war between the two -rivals. All conquests made since the truce of Nice were to be -abandoned. The Emperor renounced his claims on Burgundy, and Francis -gave up his own upon Naples, as well as the suzerainty of Flanders and -Artois. The Emperor further promised to the Duke of Orleans, either -the hand of his daughter, with the Netherlands and Franche-Comte, -or that of his niece, the daughter of Ferdinand, with the duchy -of Milan. Charles retained the right of deciding which of these -two marriages should be carried out; and, on the completion of the -compact, Savoy and Piedmont were to be restored to the Duke Charles -III. Finally, the rivals engaged themselves to unite in defending -Christendom against the Turk, and in restoring peace and unity to the -Church. - - | Treaty of Ardres, June 7, 1546. - -Henry, complaining bitterly of the Emperor's desertion, continued his -war with Francis till the summer of 1546. He then promised to restore -Boulogne to Francis within eight years on the payment of a sum of -money, and of the perpetual pension already promised in 1525 and 1527. - -The marriage of Orleans, from which the French King hoped so much, -was prevented by the death of the Duke (September 1545). Francis was, -indeed, no longer bound to surrender his conquests in Piedmont and -Savoy, but these were poor compensation for four exhausting wars, -which cost France, it is said, 200,000 men. - - | Death of Francis I. March 31, 1547. - -Francis survived the Peace of Crespi two years and a half, but these -years are only noticeable for the persecution of the Huguenots in -France, which will be treated of hereafter. On March 31, 1547, he -succumbed to a disease which was the result of his careless life, -just when he was preparing to intervene once more in the affairs of -Germany. Few kings of France were so popular during their lives, -or have retained such a place in history; yet it may be doubted -whether Francis deserved his reputation. His character, though -not wanting in some superficial attractiveness, was shallow and -utterly wanting in high principle. His generosity led him into -gross extravagance. His gallantry was spoilt by an entire absence -of refinement and morality. His chivalry and his love of manly -sports and of the chase, even his literary and artistic tastes, -though praiseworthy in themselves, he shares with many a worthless -character. Nor is it easy to see how he benefited his country, except -by his patronage of art and literature, and by founding the College -of France for the study of languages and science. No doubt his reign -is marked by a great outburst of Renaissance architecture, of which -the Louvre and some of the 'chateaux' on the Loire are the best -examples. In literature, Rabelais; in painting, the two Clouets; in -sculpture, Jean Goujon, have earned a European reputation; while of -foreigners, the painters, Leonardo da Vinci and Andrea del Sarto, -and Benvenuto Cellini, the metal-worker and sculptor, were welcomed -at the court. It may, however, be questioned whether this artistic -revival was due to royal patronage, and at least in the more serious -business of government and administration, the name of Francis is -associated with no important measure of reform. During his reign, the -sale of offices became the custom, the corruption of royal officers -increased, and the taxes grew. The independence of the Gallican -Church was destroyed by the Concordat. The Estates-general were only -twice summoned, and gained no further privileges. The nobles, it is -true, were kept in check and amused in the foreign wars, or at the -court; they lost much of their power, which was transferred to the -bureaucracy; but in losing this they lost also their usefulness; -they retained their privileges, they swelled the factions of the -court, and formed a turbulent class which was to disturb France for -many a year. The lower classes rose, indeed, to some prominence in -the service of the State; but they were only powerful as servants -of the King, and as members of a bureaucracy which strangled all -local life and constitutional liberty. In short, during the reign of -Francis the absolutism of the crown increased, without that beneficial -administration which alone can justify it. Nor is his foreign policy -any more worthy of praise. It may be true that he foiled the attempt -of Charles to establish the universal supremacy of the Spanish -Hapsburg monarchy in Europe, yet we can scarce forgive him for his -alliance with the Porte. When we recall his cruel persecutions of -the Huguenots at home, it is difficult to justify his support of the -Lutherans in Germany. Jealous of the ascendency of Charles, he plunged -his country into war as carelessly as a knight of old entered the -lists, and, in spite of the lessons of the past, he grasped after -the bauble of a kingdom beyond the Alps, and neglected to strengthen -or extend the true frontiers of his country. A good captain of a -division, rather than a general: a pleasant, clever, but wicked man, -and a bad King, 'Le roi galant homme' left behind him an absolute -monarchy, unchecked and unsupported by any constitutional system, an -encumbered revenue, a heavy debt, a corrupt government, an immoral -court, a factious nobility, and a nation flushed with the lust of -war, and disturbed by religious discord. The troubles which came on -France after the King's death are in part at least attributable to his -policy, and yet it is these very troubles which, by contrast, have led -historians to judge more favourably of his reign than it deserves. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [46] On the question of Pescara's motives, cf. Baumgarten, - _Geschichte Karl V._, ii. 453. - - [47] On Charles' responsibility for the sack of Rome, - cf. Armstrong's _Charles V._, i. 172. - - [48] On Francesco's death in 1535, the duchy was annexed by the - Emperor. - - [49] On the assassination of Alessandro, 1537, Cosimo of the - younger branch of the Medici became Duke. - - [50] The Recess (_Reichsabscheid_) was the collection of the - Decrees of the Diet which had received the assent of the Emperor - (_Reichsschluesse_). - - [51] Ferdinand had been recognised as King of Hungary after the - death of Lewis at Mohacs (cf. p. 184). But his claim was opposed - by Zapolya, Woivode of Transylvania, who was supported by - Solyman. - - [52] Eck, however, had opposed it throughout. Granvelle the - chancellor, Gropper and Pflug, two Catholic divines, were in - favour of it. - - [53] James had married (1) Magdalen, daughter of Francis I.; (2) - Mary of Guise. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -FROM THE WAR OF SCHMALKALDE TO THE TREATY OF CATEAU CAMBRESIS - - Charles and the Protestants--Council of Trent, second - session--Maurice won over--Death of Luther--Outbreak of war of - Schmalkalde--Charles successful in Southern Germany--Council - removed to Bologna--Battle of Muehlberg--Diet of Augsburg--Charles - and Paul III.--The Interim--Charles and Julius III.--End of - second session of Council of Trent--Maurice joins the - Protestants--Treaty of Friedwald--Policy of Ferdinand--Charles - flies from Innsbruck--Treaty of Passau--Death of Maurice--Diet - and Peace of Augsburg--Truce of Vaucelles--Abdication and death - of Charles--Last war between France and Spain--Battles of - Gravelines and St. Quentin--Treaty of Cateau Cambresis. - - -Sec. 1. _The Schmalkaldic War and the battle of Muehlberg._ - - | Charles at last free to deal with the Protestants. - -On the signature of the Peace of Crespi, the hands of the Emperor -were at last free to deal with the Protestants in Germany. To -understand the conduct of Charles at this juncture, it is necessary -to remind ourselves of the main aim of his life. He had inherited -from Maximilian the idea of establishing an universal supremacy in -Western Europe; from his grandmother Isabella, that severe spirit of -orthodoxy so characteristic of the Spanish nation. To a man with such -views as these, the Lutheran movement was equally distasteful, both -from a political and a religious point of view; and, had he been able -to follow his own convictions, he would have taken immediate steps -to crush out the new opinions in the year 1521. But Charles was no -fanatic, and the political exigencies of the moment had caused him to -listen to the advice of his ministers, more especially of Gattinara, -who bade him temporise, and try to win back the Lutherans by measures -of conciliation. From that day to this, it had been necessary to -pursue the same path, while of late he had entertained the idea of -comprehension and possibly of settling the religious difficulty by a -National Diet [pp. 204, 212, 216]. - - | Agreement with the Pope. - - | Second Session of the Council of Trent. Dec. 1545. - -But although this policy had served the political ends of the Emperor, -and prevented the Lutherans from joining his enemies in the field, -it had not succeeded in bringing them back to the fold. In his -determination to put an end to schism, by force if necessary, the -Emperor had never swerved. Of late, more especially since the death -of Gattinara (1530), he had learnt to depend more upon himself, and -now at last the moment had arrived for action. Meanwhile, the Spanish -leanings of Charles had been intensified. Since the resignation of the -Austrian lands to Ferdinand in 1521, he had looked on Spain as the -centre of his rule, and had identified himself with Spanish interests -in Church and State. It was Spain that had chiefly supported him in -his European struggles, and he now came, rather as King of Spain and -Emperor of the West, than as a German prince, to re-establish the -unity of the Empire and of the ancient Church. Charles, however, was -too good a statesman to ruin his cause by over haste. He appreciated -the strength of the Protestant position, and saw that he must proceed -with caution. The Germans had often petitioned for a General Council, -and if a Council could now be summoned, it might institute certain -reforms, which might conciliate the more moderate, and strengthen his -hand. For this, the consent of the Pope was necessary. Accordingly, -Charles promised Parma and Piacenza to Ottavio Farnese, the grandson -of Paul, and the Pope consented to re-summon the Council to Trent,[54] -in March, 1545. Meanwhile, the Emperor met his Diet at Worms. The -hopes of the Emperor with regard to the Council were not fulfilled. It -did not open its session till December. It was not well attended; only -some forty bishops came, and among them the Spaniards and Italians -were in a decided majority. The Protestants therefore refused to -acknowledge it as a free and general Council, more especially as it -was decided that its members should vote as individuals and not by -nations, a course of procedure which would ensure the victory of the -papal party. Moreover, the wish of Charles that the Council should -postpone the consideration of dogma, and first proceed to the reform -of abuses, was rejected. It was agreed that both subjects should be -taken together; and on the question as to the authority of tradition, -and the doctrine of Justification, the views of Rome prevailed. - - | Charles succeeds in gaining over many of the princes - | of Germany, especially Maurice of Saxony. - -Charles, meanwhile, had met with more success in Germany in his -attempts to gain the German Princes to his side. William, Duke of -Bavaria, who, by the death of his brother (1545), had become sole -ruler in the duchy, had hitherto, although a Roman Catholic, coqueted -with the League of Schmalkalde. He was now brought over by the promise -of the hand of Ferdinand's daughter for his son, with the reversion -of Bohemia should Ferdinand die without male heirs, and by the hopes -held out to him, that, if the Elector-Palatine remained obdurately -Protestant, the electoral dignity should be transferred from the -Palatine to the Bavarian branch of the Wittelsbach family. John of -Brandenburg-Kuestrin, Margrave of the Neumark, and Albert Alcibiades -of Brandenburg-Culmbach, two of the younger members of the House of -Hohenzollern, annoyed at the reinstatement of the Duke of Wuertemberg -(cf. p. 210), also joined the Emperor. Charles was further successful -in securing the neutrality of Joachim, Elector of Brandenburg, -Frederick, the Elector-Palatine, and of some of the cities who had -been members of the League. - -Of his allies, however, by far the most important was Maurice of -Saxony. The history of the House of Wettin in Saxony illustrates most -forcibly the evil results of that custom, so prevalent among the -German princes, of dividing their territories among their sons. In -1464, Frederick II. of Saxony had died, leaving his territories to -his two sons, Ernest and Albert, and from that day the jealousy -between these two lines had been extreme. In the early days of the -Lutheran movement, while the Electors, Frederick the Wise, John, -and John Frederick, the representatives of the elder or Ernestine -branch, had, in their capital of Wittenberg, been the earnest -supporters of reform, George, the representative of the Albertine -line at Meissen, had been one of the most devoted advocates of the -ancient faith. This cause of difference was but in part removed -when Henry, the brother of Duke George, who succeeded him in 1539, -accepted Lutheranism. Maurice, who succeeded his father Henry in -1541, had also declared himself a Protestant, and had married the -daughter of the Landgrave, Philip of Hesse. Nevertheless, he had -recalled some of the ministers of his Catholic uncle, George, and -among them Carlowitz. He had also refused to join the League of -Schmalkalde, weak and divided by jealousies as it was, and had always -taken an independent position, which was disliked by his cousins -at Wittenberg. The estrangement thus caused between him and John -Frederick, the Elector, was aggravated by more personal grounds of -quarrel. None of the princes of Germany had made greater use of the -cry for secularisation of ecclesiastical property than these Saxon -princes, and this had led to fresh disagreements between the two -cousins. The bishopric of Naumburg had been secularised by John -Frederick; Maurice was anxious to do the same with the bishopric of -Merseburg. They also quarrelled over their claims within the limits -of the see of Meissen, which was under the common jurisdiction of -both branches; while both were anxious to obtain possession of the -two bishoprics of Magdeburg and Halberstadt, which had accepted -Protestantism, and lay close at hand. - -The Emperor, by cleverly playing upon these jealousies and by -magnificent promises, succeeded in buying the alliance of Maurice. He -consented to appoint him guardian of the bishoprics of Halberstadt -and Magdeburg, entertained the proposal of assigning the bishoprics -of Merseburg and Meissen to him as hereditary duchies, and finally -promised to transfer to him the electoral dignity now held by John -Frederick. On the question of religion it was not difficult to calm -the apprehensions of the Saxon duke. He had been subjected to various -influences during his youth; his mother, Catherine of Mecklenburg, -was an earnest Protestant; his uncle, the Catholic George, had made -a favourite of him and tried to influence his religious views. It is -not, therefore, astonishing that Maurice, although by no means an -irreligious man, had no strong convictions on points of dogma, nor -that he viewed matters from the standpoint of the statesman rather -than of the theologian. He had accepted Lutheranism because his people -wished for it, and the promises of the Emperor seemed to give all that -was needed. In religious matters, Maurice was to allow no further -innovations until the final settlement, which was to be referred to -a Council, 'and, if some points remained unsettled for the present, -Maurice was to be under no apprehension.' The terms indeed were vague; -but when people wish to be satisfied, they are not very exacting. On -these conditions, therefore, Maurice engaged to join the Emperor -in his attack on the Elector, John Frederick. He did not, however, -thereby break his alliance with the Landgrave, nor declare war on the -League of Schmalkalde. - - | Charles takes action against the Protestants. June - | 1546. - -While these negotiations had been going on, Charles had been holding -diets and entertaining schemes of compromise. His attempts, however, -to gain comprehension either through a Council or a Diet had failed, -and at last the moment for action had arrived. A truce had been -effected with Solyman; France and the Pope were friendly, and Charles' -concessions had brought over several of his opponents. Against the -wish of Granvelle he therefore threw off the mask, and at Ratisbon -published the imperial ban against those who refused to acknowledge -the jurisdiction of the Imperial Chamber. Even now he did not speak -of the war as a religious one; he proceeded, he declared, not against -those who were dutiful subjects, but against those who would not -submit to imperial laws; he was about to check insubordination, not -to punish heresy. It is not necessary to accuse Charles of deliberate -falsehood; indeed, as long as Maurice was on his side, it could -scarcely be called a war against the Protestants. Nor, on the other -hand, is it just to accuse the Protestants of having taken up the -question of reform solely from political motives, in pursuance of -their old struggle against the Emperor. Nevertheless, the cause of -religious independence was now so closely identified with that of -territorial independence, and the unity of the Church so intimately -connected in Charles' mind with that of the Empire, that the religious -and political issues could no longer be distinguished. The question -at stake was this: should Germany be forced to accept the mediaeval -system of one Empire and one Church, or should the princes vindicate -their rights to political and religious autonomy? - - | Death of Luther. Feb. 18, 1546. - -By a strange coincidence, Luther, who had been the prime author of the -discord, and yet had striven so long to keep the religious question -apart from politics, and had so reluctantly sanctioned the appeal -to arms, passed away before the actual outbreak of hostilities. On -February 18, 1546, he died in his native town of Eisleben, in his -sixty-fourth year. Whatever may be our view as to the doctrinal -position of the Reformer, it is as idle to deny his greatness, as -to belittle the importance of the movement he originated. Of his -faults, and he had many, some were those of his class and of his -age, some were all his own. Luther was the son of a Saxon peasant, -and never freed himself from the homely coarseness of his early -surroundings. Scurrility in controversy was the custom of the day, -and Luther did not rise above the common standard; while nature had -given him an uncompromising and dictatorial, and a somewhat violent -character. Yet he was not deficient in more amiable qualities. His -hospitality, his generosity, his geniality and affection, made him -beloved at home and among his friends; while his sterner virtues--his -honesty, his piety, his earnest conviction, his unflagging industry, -and, above all, his unflinching courage--even his adversaries have -not been able to gainsay. It would also be a mistake to imagine that -he had no refinement. Of this his hymns, many of which are familiar -to us, and, above all, his German translation of the Bible, are -sufficient proof. This magnificent work, which did much to elevate and -fix the literary style of Germany, is enough, of itself, to give to -Luther a high place among men of letters. - - | Critical condition of the League of Schmalkalde. - -The position of the League of Schmalkalde on the proclamation of -the imperial ban was a serious one. They had trusted too easily to -the Emperor's promises, and now found themselves unprepared for -war. The concessions of Charles had reduced their ranks, and the -only members of the League who actually took up arms were John -Frederick, the Elector of Saxony, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Duke -Ulrich of Wuertemberg, and the towns of Augsburg, Strasburg, Ulm, -and Constance. None the less, had the Protestants boldly taken the -offensive, they might have secured the Upper Inn and the outlet of -the Brenner Pass, and thus prevented the march of troops from Italy, -without which the Emperor could do little; or, again, they might have -surrounded him in Ratisbon, where he had but few troops. But the -organisation of the League was very faulty, there were many jealousies -and quarrels, and John Frederick was no statesman, and no general. The -army of the League, therefore, adopted a weak defensive attitude, and -entrenched itself between the Danube and the Rhine. Charles, taking -advantage of the dilatoriness of his enemies, had time to concentrate -his troops from Spain, Italy, and the Netherlands, and then by -superior strategy, in which he was assisted by Alva, was able to avoid -a decisive battle until events in the north forced his enemies to -retire. - - | Maurice declares himself, Oct. 27, 1546. And overruns - | the Electorate, November. - - | Success of Charles in the South. - -It was not until Maurice had received a definite promise of the -Electorate that, on October 27, he declared himself. Armed with -Charles' orders to occupy the forfeited estates of John Frederick, -he then approached his own subjects. He warned them of the danger -of refusal, and by undertaking that their religion should not be -interfered with, at last gained their consent to act. Finally, when -John Frederick contemptuously rejected his proposal to occupy the -Electorate quietly, he united his forces with those of Ferdinand -and rapidly overran the whole territory, with the exception of -Wittenberg, Eisenach, and Gotha (November 1546). The receipt of this -news filled the members of the League with alarm, and their overtures -of peace having been spurned by Charles, the Landgrave Philip and -John Frederick hurried north, while the rest of the confederates -dispersed to protect, if possible, their own territories. This -enabled the Emperor to deal with his opponents in detail, and to make -himself master in the south. The cities of the League were quickly -occupied. The Duke of Wuertemberg, and the Elector-Palatine, who, -though taking no active part himself, had assisted the League with -troops, submitted. They undertook to obey the Diet, and the decisions -of the Imperial Chamber, and to pay a fine; and Charles, on his side, -promised, as he had promised to Maurice, that with regard to religious -matters they should be left in peace until the final settlement. At -the same time, Herman von der Wied, the Archbishop of Cologne, -resigned his see (January 1547), and a Catholic succeeded him. - - | Successes of John Frederick in Saxony. - - | Quarrel of Charles with Paul III. prevents his - | assisting Maurice. - - | Council of Trent removed to Bologna. March 1549. - -Elsewhere, however, matters were not going so well for Charles. John -Frederick, on his return, not only easily recovered his dominions, -but invaded the territories of Maurice, where he was well received; -Ferdinand, recalled by a Protestant insurrection in Bohemia, could -give no assistance; and Maurice in a few weeks lost all his lands -except Leipsic and Dresden, which were too strong to be suddenly -reduced. Nor could Charles respond at once to Maurice's call for -help. His alliance with the Pope seemed likely to break up. The -interests of Paul III. as an Italian potentate demanded that neither -France nor Spain should become too powerful; as a Farnese, it was -his aim to increase the power of his family. The refusal, therefore, -of Charles to appoint Ottavio Farnese as Stadtholder of Milan on the -death of the Marquis de Guasto in March 1546, and the appointment of -Gonzaga, an old enemy of the Farnese and a strong supporter of the -imperial claims in Italy, had irritated the Pope, while the imperial -successes now alarmed him. Emperor and Pope differed, too, with regard -to the Council of Trent. Charles was most anxious that the Council -should proceed no further in the definition of dogma, lest thereby -the apprehensions of the moderate Protestants should be too soon -aroused; Paul, less careful of the position of Charles in Germany, -wished to maintain the infallibility of the Pope and of the Church, -and hesitated to touch the thorny question of internal reform; he also -feared lest the Emperor, victorious in the north, might come to Trent -and claim to preside. True, therefore, to the traditions of papal -policy, Paul began to waver. The time having expired for which he had -lent his troops (December 1546), he recalled them, and refused to send -any more. He declined to sanction the grant of ecclesiastical revenues -from Spain which Charles had demanded for the war; and since Trent -was surrounded by Austrian lands, in March he removed the Council to -Bologna. Nor did the Pope stop here. He even entered into intrigues -with Francis, who, disappointed in his hopes with regard to Milan by -the death of the Duke of Orleans (September 1545), was negotiating -again with the League of Schmalkalde, and stirring up revolts in -Genoa, Siena, and Naples. - - | Charles marches North. April 1547. - - | Battle of Muehlberg. April 24, 1547. - -Fortunately for Charles, the dilatoriness and want of generalship of -John Frederick saved Maurice from ruin, until the death of Francis -I. (March 1547), relieved the Emperor from the fear of a French -attack; and he was able, although tortured with gout and pale as -a ghost, to march north, in April 1547. Even then the imperial -army only numbered some 16,000 men, mostly Italians, Spaniards, -and Hungarians; while the Elector had a much larger force at his -disposal. This deficiency in numbers was, however, fully compensated -for by the superiority of Charles' veterans, and by the utter want -of generalship displayed by his opponent. Not only had the Elector -despatched a considerable detachment to aid the Bohemians against -Ferdinand, but he further weakened his forces by attempting to hold -open towns. When the success of Charles, who entered Saxony from -the south and rapidly reduced these positions, forced him at last -to concentrate on Muehlberg, a town to the east of the Elbe not far -from Dresden, he did not even then use all his troops to dispute -the passage of the river, where Charles might, perhaps, have been -successfully resisted. When the Emperor had crossed the river, the -Elector in vain attempted to retreat. He was forced to accept a -battle, in which his personal courage and that of his troops was of no -avail against the well-disciplined veterans of his foe. After a short -struggle, the Saxons gave way; the Elector, surrounded and wounded, -had no alternative but to surrender; and Charles and his foreign army -had won a decisive victory with the loss of some fifty men. It was -earnestly debated whether John Frederick should not answer with his -head for his rebellion. Such condign punishment, urged Pedro de Soto, -Charles' confessor, would have an excellent effect. But Wittenberg was -strong, and too severe a treatment might raise further opposition; -accordingly, by the advice of Granvelle and of Alva, his life was -spared. Even so, the terms were hard enough. The city of Wittenberg -was to surrender at once; John Frederick was to resign the electoral -dignity and most of his territories, of which those in Bohemia were -to go to Ferdinand; he was to submit to the decision of the Imperial -Chamber, and remain a prisoner for the rest of his life. On these -conditions the city of Gotha and the district around it, with a -pension to be paid out of the other territories, were secured to his -heirs, and a provision was to be made for his own support. - -The capture of John Frederick was shortly followed by the submission -of the Landgrave. Hitherto he had rejected the offers made by -Charles. Now that opposition seemed hopeless, he was persuaded by -Ferdinand and Maurice to accept the Emperor's terms, severe though -they were. Most of the Hessian strongholds were to be delivered, and -their fortifications demolished; the Landgrave was to acknowledge the -imperial authority, and submit to the decrees of the Imperial Chamber; -he was to set the Duke of Brunswick free, to pay a fine, and to place -himself in the Emperor's hands. Charles, it is said, once master of -the person of the Landgrave, took advantage of some looseness in the -agreement, and, contrary to the distinct undertaking of Ferdinand -and Maurice, refused to grant him his liberty, declaring that he had -only promised not to keep him in prison for ever.[55] It does not -appear that Charles actually broke his word, and the chief blame of -the mistake must apparently fall on Ferdinand and Maurice, who gave -promises to Philip without full authority. None the less, Maurice had -understood Charles otherwise. He considered that he had been duped, -and Germany believed it. Maurice never forgave the Emperor, and -Germany did not forget. - - -Sec. 2. _From the Diet of Augsburg to the Peace of Augsburg_. - - | Diet of Augsburg. Sept. 1547 to June 1548. - -When on September 1, 1547, Charles met his Diet at Augsburg, he seemed -at last about to realise his dream of re-establishing the unity of the -Church. All his opponents were either defeated or had come to terms, -and all had agreed to accept the decisions of a General Council. The -Diet unanimously declared itself to the same effect, and demanded that -the Council should be recalled to Trent. The Chamber of the Princes -further insisted that the decisions already published by the Council -should be reconsidered. The lay Electors held that Scripture should be -the only authority on matters of dogma, and wished for reform of the -Church in 'Head, and members'; the deputies from the imperial cities -requested that the Council should be composed of learned men of all -orders. Some desired that the Council should be under the presidency -of the Emperor, and although this was not demanded by the whole Diet, -nothing was said of the necessity of papal approval. - - | Renewed quarrel between Pope and Emperor. - - | The Interim. May 19, 1548. - -The Emperor, armed with this support, requested Paul to recall the -Council from Bologna to Trent. He expressly stated that he did not -approve of all that had been said against the papal authority, but -urged the Pope to take advantage of this unlooked-for submission on -the part of Germany. It cannot be denied that a serious question -of principle was involved in this request. Although the Emperor -did not definitely claim the right of presidency, yet the demand -that the Council should return to Trent, where still some of the -Spanish and Neapolitan bishops remained, practically assumed that -the Council at Bologna was no true Council. Compliance with the -demand of Charles would have emphasised the control of the temporal -over the spiritual power, and dealt a blow at the independence of -the Church, which claimed to be guided by the Holy Spirit. And yet -if the Pope had really been in complete harmony with the Emperor on -other matters, one of the many compromises which were suggested could -probably have been carried out by the clever diplomacy of Mendoza, -the imperial ambassador at Rome. Unfortunately, the affairs of Italy -once more stood in the way of that reconciliation between Pope and -Emperor which was so desirable for the welfare of the Church. On -September 10 Pierluigi Farnese, to whom his father Paul had granted -Parma and Piacenza, fell a victim to a conspiracy. He had been the -centre of anti-imperialist intrigues during the winter and spring of -1546-1547; and Gonzaga, the imperial governor at Milan, who, with -the consent of the Emperor, had supported the conspiracy though -not the assassination, forthwith occupied Piacenza, ostensibly to -preserve the peace, but really in pursuit of ambitious views of -extending the imperial authority in north Italy. The angry Pope at -once entered into negotiations with Henry II. of France. He was even -heard to say that he would call hell itself to avenge him of his -enemy. At the same time the prelates at Bologna, influenced, it must -be allowed, by more worthy motives, replied to the Emperor's demand -by summoning those ecclesiastics who had remained at Trent to join -them at Bologna, whereby they might show that Germany meant to obey -the Council. Charles might now have attempted to form a Council of -his own at Trent; but he was too good a Catholic to think of starting -a schism. Declaring therefore that he must take measures for the -protection of that Church which the Pope neglected, he determined -to settle matters in his own way. His confessor, Pedro de Soto, -suggested that he should forbid all Lutheran preaching, insist on the -restoration of secularised property, and of the Catholic ritual, and -then leave every one to think as he pleased. But this, said Ferdinand, -would require another war. The Emperor therefore fell back on the -suggestion of his brother, that he should try to find some ground of -union in Germany independently of the Pope. The Interim followed, -a document drawn up by theologians from both sides, and accepted -without debate by the Diet, May 19. It affirmed that 'There is but one -Church, of which the Pope is chief Bishop; but the power lies in the -Church under the guardianship of the Holy Spirit, rather than in the -Pope.' While insisting on the seven Sacraments in the Catholic sense, -it agreed to the doctrine of Justification by Faith in somewhat vague -terms, and declared that the questions of the celibacy of the clergy -and of the Communion in both kinds should be left undecided until the -calling of the future free Christian Council. It must not be supposed -that Charles intended this settlement to be permanent; he only looked -on it as a temporary measure which might entice the Protestants back -to obedience to the Church and to the Empire. Nevertheless, had the -whole Empire, Catholic and Protestant, accepted the Interim, a decided -step would have been taken towards the establishment of a national -Church under the control of the Emperor rather than of the Pope. Any -such result as this was, however, prevented by the refusal of the -Catholics to acknowledge the Interim as binding on them in their -dealings with their subjects, and the only question was, how far -Charles would be successful with the Protestants. - -The attempts of Charles to re-establish his authority were not -confined to the ecclesiastical sphere. He had also approached the -Diet with schemes for strengthening the imperial power. He did not -succeed in obtaining all he wished. His desire to revive, and, if -possible, extend the organisation of the Suabian League (which had -died out of late), though approved of by the smaller Princes, was -resolutely opposed by many of the larger, even Maurice himself, and -had to be abandoned. Nevertheless Charles gained much. He was allowed -to nominate, for this term, the assessors to the Imperial Chamber, so -long as they were Catholics, and was granted 'a Roman month,' as a -fund for future contingencies. He also obtained his aim with respect -to the Netherlands, which were now definitely organised as one of the -Circles of the Empire, were put under imperial protection, and were to -contribute to imperial taxation. But while in this way Charles hoped -to gain for these hereditary possessions the support of the Empire, -yet they were to retain their own privileges; and though their ruler -was to have a seat in the Diet, they were to be free from its control, -and from the jurisdiction of the Imperial Chamber. In June, 1548, the -Diet was dismissed, and Charles proceeded to enforce the Interim on -the Protestants. In the south, where the events of the previous year -had made him master, he was able, partly by expelling the Lutheran -preachers, partly by revolutionising the town councils, partly by -means of his Spanish soldiery, to secure obedience. In the north, he -had more difficulty. But even there, except in the case of Magdeburg -and a few imperial towns, he eventually obtained a general assent to a -modified form of the Interim, drawn up by Melanchthon, and termed the -'Leipsic Interim.' - - | The death of Paul in Nov. 1549, and the election of - | Julius III., strengthen the position of Charles. - - | Second Session of Diet of Augsburg. July 1550. - -In November 1549, the position of the Emperor was much strengthened -by the death of Paul III. That Pope, in the vain hope of prevailing -on the Emperor to free Parma and Piacenza from their dependence on -Milan, had assumed for a moment a conciliatory attitude, and spoke of -confirming the Interim, and recalling the Council to Trent. Many at -Rome thought these concessions dangerous and opposed such a policy, -and on Charles' refusal to comply with his demands with respect to -Parma and Piacenza, the Pope had declared them annexed to the papal -see and turned to France for aid. His death, therefore, was welcome -news to Charles, more especially as Cardinal Monte, who succeeded as -Julius III. in February 1550, contrary to all expectations, declared -for the imperialists. He promised to recall the Council to Trent, -to consider the question of internal reform, and to come to terms -with regard to the Interim. Fortified by this unwonted alliance -Charles found little difficulty in influencing the Diet (which was -re-summoned to Augsburg in July), to submit to the Council of Trent; -the Protestants even undertaking to appear there and plead their -cause. - - | Charles' dynastic ideas. - -The success of his ecclesiastical policy now enabled Charles to -return to his darling idea of establishing the hereditary rule of the -Hapsburgs over the Empire of the West. But of this Empire the centre -was to be, not Germany, but Spain and Italy, and its representative -after his death, not his brother Ferdinand, but his son Philip. The -plan, long cherished, had been steadily pursued. In 1540, Philip had -been recognised as Duke of Milan. When Charles left Spain in 1543, he -had intrusted the government to his son, although then only sixteen -years old. In 1548, he had sent for Philip that he might become -known in Germany, and had, though with difficulty, obtained for him -an oath of allegiance from the Netherlands. Meanwhile, an intimate -correspondence between the two had completely imbued Philip with -his father's ideas. The Emperor now hoped to complete his scheme by -securing for his son the succession to the Empire. He had originally -intended to bring the subject before the Diet; but it was necessary -first to overcome the not unnatural opposition of Ferdinand. After -much difficulty, a compromise was arrived at between the two brothers -(March 9). It was agreed that on the death of Charles, Ferdinand was -to be Emperor; he was, however, to make Philip imperial vicar, and -support his election as King of the Romans. Philip, on his part, -promised to do the same for Maximilian, the son of Ferdinand, when -he himself should ascend the imperial throne. Charles, though he had -not obtained all that he wanted--for the Empire was to be shared in -turn between the two branches of the family--had to all appearance -won over Ferdinand to his scheme of a future union of the Empire -with the Spanish monarchy of Philip. But, as a fact, he had excited -the jealousy of Ferdinand, who intrigued with the Electors to defeat -the plan which he had promised to further, and henceforth ceased to -support his brother as he had hitherto done. The family quarrel thus -aroused was shortly to cost Charles dear. - - | Renewed quarrels with the Pope concerning the Council - | of Trent. Sept. 1551 to April 1552. - -When, in November 1551, Charles went to Innsbruck that he might -watch over the Council which had reassembled at Trent in September, -he might well think that he had won; the unity of the Church seemed -about to be re-established, and the imperial power to be revived, -based on the support of the Spanish monarchy. The next few months -were, however, to see this hope dispelled. The failure of the Council -was to prove the impracticability of his ecclesiastical policy; the -European opposition, to ruin his scheme of political supremacy. From -the friendship of the Pope and the recalling of the Council to Trent, -Charles had anticipated great things. A statesman rather than a -theologian, he did not appreciate the difficulties which surrounded -the question of dogma, nor those which concerned the independence -of the Church as an organisation of divine institution. Although -severely orthodox himself, he did not see the necessity for further -definition of doctrine, and, above all, wished nothing to be done -that might irritate the Protestants, until the Council had approached -the question of reform. The abuses of the Church he knew had been the -primary cause of the Lutheran revolt, and a genuine reform of these -would, he believed, enable him successfully to overcome all further -opposition in Germany. He accordingly supported the demand of the -Protestants that they should be heard, and that the decisions of the -last session should be reconsidered, while he urged Julius to deal -forthwith with the question of reform. It was not to be expected that -this policy would find favour among the more orthodox, still less -with the Pope. When at last, in January 1552, the Protestants, having -extorted a promise of safe-conduct, appeared at the Council, it at -once became clear that an accommodation was impossible, either on the -question of dogma, or of the constitution of the Council, or even of -the form of procedure. The demands of the Reformers that Scripture -should be the only standard of truth, that laymen should have a vote, -and that the Pope should claim no right of presidency nor of veto, -'since a Council was superior to a Pope,' seemed to the orthodox both -godless and insolent; and Julius was determined to resist this serious -attack on the papal position. Nor were the demands of Charles and his -Spanish bishops any more palatable. The Emperor's idea of reform was -based on the ecclesiastical organisation of Spain. There the crown -was served by a church, the discipline of which had been reformed -by Ximenes, and which could be used as a weapon for extending royal -authority, and even for checking papal pretensions. The request more -especially that bishops should be resident and that the Pope should -resign the right of collation to all benefices was stoutly resisted by -Julius; 'rather than suffer that, we will suffer all misfortune,' he -said. The Papal court subsisted on foreign benefices since the Italian -bishoprics were poor, and the independence of national churches would -destroy the Papal power. The Pope, moreover, was disturbed at the -refusal of Henry II. to acknowledge the Council or to allow French -bishops to attend it, and by that King's preparations for renewing the -war in Italy. Evidently nothing was to be expected of the Council. It -had only served to illustrate the conflicting interests of the Pope -and Emperor, and the hopelessness of all reconciliation with the -Protestants. Under these circumstances it was soon abandoned by the -German bishops, and dragged on until the course of events in Germany -caused its second suspension (April 28, 1552). - - | Failure of Charles' political schemes. - -While Charles' ecclesiastical policy was thus breaking down, the whole -fabric of his political scheme, of which his ecclesiastical views were -but a part, was tumbling into ruins. Although Henry II. of France had -viewed with apprehension the growing pretensions of Charles, he had -not yet felt strong enough for active opposition. In the summer of -1551, however, hostilities broke out in Italy over the interminable -question of Parma and Piacenza, in which Henry II. supported the cause -of Ottavio Farnese. But Charles had no money to send to Gonzaga; -Julius III. was most anxious to keep matters quiet; and Henry, on the -point of invading Germany, consented to a truce (April 1552), by which -Ottavio was to be left in possession of Parma for two years. - - | Interference of Henry II. in Italy and in Germany. - | 1551-1552. - - | Discontent against Charles in Germany. - -Henry II. rightly judged that the issue must be fought out in the -north. Here the indignation against the Spanish rule and policy of -Charles had been growing fast. The Interim had never been popular even -with the Catholic princes; it had been passed without the consent -of the Church, and the concessions to the Lutherans were considered -a dangerous compromise with heresy. The Protestants looked upon -many of its clauses as popish, and resented the tyrannical means by -which they had been enforced. Above all, Charles' behaviour to the -Landgrave irritated all; not only did Charles keep him a prisoner, -he forced him to follow him in his progresses, and treated him with -open contempt. Indeed, Charles' conduct had changed. The certainty of -success made him abandon all idea of conciliation, and, tortured by -gout and other ailments, he became more irritable, more dictatorial, -and more overbearing than he had ever been before. - - | Maurice's intrigues with the Protestants. - -Already in February 1550, John of Custrin and Albert Alcibiades -of Culmbach had formed a defensive league to protect their common -interests, and had decided to approach the French King. Meanwhile, the -relations between the Emperor and Maurice were daily becoming more -strained. The victory of Muehlberg won, Charles was most unwilling to -make Maurice too strong, and accordingly had hesitated to fulfil his -promises. The right of protection over Magdeburg and Halberstadt was -not granted; the representatives of John Frederick were not forced to -acknowledge their new master; and the Emperor had been heard to say -that in John Frederick 'he had a bear which he could let loose against -Maurice.' On the other hand, the young Elector found that his position -among the Protestants and in his own dominions was daily becoming -more difficult. The unpopularity of the Emperor was transferred -to him; the treatment of the Landgrave was laid at his door; he -was looked upon as the arch-traitor who had ruined the Protestant -cause; and schemes were on foot of driving him from his ill-gotten -possessions by the aid of France. Maurice began to fear that his -new-won Electorate might be torn from him either by the Emperor, or -by the Protestant Princes. Apart from these personal motives, which -were strong, it cannot be denied that Maurice also thought of the -cause of Protestantism, which would be seriously endangered if Charles -should become completely master. The interests therefore of Maurice's -co-religionists, as well as his own, urged him to offer his alliance -to the Princes on condition that they would guarantee him the peaceful -possession of his newly-won territories. Accordingly, since the spring -of 1550, he had been making advances. None the less, the Protestant -Princes not unnaturally suspected him, more especially as Charles -had intrusted him with the enforcement of the Interim on the city of -Magdeburg. It was not therefore till February 20, 1551, that Maurice -was able to allay the apprehensions of the Protestants. He then -convinced them that the expedition against the city was only intended -to lull the suspicions of Charles; he promised them that the religion -of the inhabitants should be in no way interfered with, and that he -would be true to the Protestant cause. By two treaties (February and -May, 1551), the Princes agreed to unite in common defence of the -Protestant religion and the liberties of Germany, and Maurice was -secured in his Electorate against all claims of the Ernestine branch. - - | Magdeburg surrenders to Maurice. Nov. 1551. - -The siege of Magdeburg was now continued. In November, 1551, the -city surrendered. The citizens promised to implore the pardon of the -Emperor, to pay a fine, and to conform to the Interim. At the same -time they received secret assurances from Maurice that they should -not be deprived of their privileges, nor disturbed in the exercise of -their religion. Further, they elected Maurice as their Burgrave, a -title generally held by the electoral house of Saxony, which gave him -considerable jurisdiction over the city and its dependencies. - - | Treaty of Friedwald. Jan. 1552. - -Meanwhile, the question had been debated whether the League should -remain a defensive one, and be confined to Germany, or whether -it should look for help from outside. Maurice held that if the -Protestants were to win they must gain the aid of France. In spite -of the opposition of John of Custrin, who refused to go so far, the -advice of Maurice was followed, and negotiations were commenced -in October, 1551, which led, in January, 1552, to the Treaty of -Friedwald. Henry II. had the effrontery to request that the religious -affairs of Germany should be placed under his protection; but -this the Protestants refused to grant to the persecutor of their -co-religionists at home, and no mention of the religious questions -was made in the treaty. Henry II. promised to assist in obtaining -the release of the Landgrave from prison, and in defending the -liberties of Germany. The price of the French King was high. He was -empowered to occupy, as Vicar of the Empire, Cambray, Metz, Toul, and -Verdun--with reservation, however, of the imperial sovereignty--and -the Princes promised at the next vacancy of the Empire to support his -candidature, or that of some one agreeable to him. The cession of the -three bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, which dominated Lorraine, -has been often and severely blamed. But we should at least remember -that French was the common language of these districts, that the -sentiment of German nationality, never very strong, had been weakened -by the struggles of the Reformation, and that the French alliance was -necessary, if Charles was to be successfully resisted in his attempt -to subjugate Germany to a foreign Spanish rule. Maurice, however, did -not rest satisfied with the French alliance. Ferdinand had gained from -him a pledge that he would resist the plan of Charles with regard -to the succession to the Empire. The friendly terms which were thus -established Maurice turned to good account, and, by assuring Ferdinand -that no attack should be made on him, secured himself against active -hostility on the part of the Austrian prince. - - | Maurice declares himself, and marches south, March - | 18. Henry II. invades Lorraine. - -While Maurice had been raising this formidable coalition against the -Emperor, the relations between the two had been strictly amicable. Yet -it is a mistake to suppose that Charles remained in ignorance of what -was going forward. At this moment, however, Charles was ill, and in -one of his fits of irresolution and lassitude. Dazzled, moreover, -by the success of his policy since the battle of Muehlberg, he -thought too lightly of the conspiracy, and hoped to deal with his -opponents as he had done in 1546. He believed that he could either -win over Maurice by further concessions, or ruin him by freeing John -Frederick, and restoring to him his electoral dominions. The Emperor -did not understand how circumstances had changed since 1546; he did -not realise how unpopular his Spanish rule, his highhandedness, and -his succession scheme had become in Germany, even with his brother -Ferdinand; he omitted the French alliance in his calculations; -finally, he mistook the man with whom he had to deal. With all his -ambition Maurice really cared for the cause of Protestantism, and -was determined to protect his subjects in their religion. It was -improbable that he would ever have sacrificed that to any personal -gains. Charles also forgot that he had taught a lesson in diplomatic -tactics, which his pupil had learnt too well; a master of diplomacy -himself, he was fairly beaten by this young man of thirty. Maurice -to the last kept up appearances; he even pretended compliance with -the Emperor's request that he would come to Innsbruck to discuss -the situation. Then suddenly gathering his army, which he had held -together since the siege of Magdeburg, he marched southward (March -18), and was joined by the young William of Hesse at Bischofsheim. At -the same moment Henry II. invaded Lorraine. The French King declared -he came to protect German liberty, and the Princes issued a manifesto -in which they denounced 'the infamy and unreasonableness of the -imprisonment of the Landgrave,' and 'the foreign beastly (_viehische_) -hereditary servitude,' religious and political, which Charles had -attempted to force on Germany. At Rothenburg, Maurice was joined -by Albert Alcibiades of Culmbach, and advanced to Augsburg, 'the -watch-tower of the imperial power,' which was hastily evacuated by the -imperial garrison. - - | Policy of Ferdinand. - - | Conference at Linz. April 18. - - | Flight of Charles to Villach. - -It was now that Ferdinand assumed that attitude which was the -outcome of his jealousy of Charles, and of his earlier negotiations -with Maurice, an attitude which he was to maintain until the final -abdication of his brother. Anxious to protect his own interests and -those of his House, Ferdinand proposed to intervene as mediator; to -come to terms with the Protestants, and, with a united Germany at -his back, defeat the succession scheme of Charles, and turn upon the -Turk. Accordingly he induced Maurice to hold a conference at Linz, -April 18, at which they agreed upon the general terms of the future -peace, and Maurice consented to a suspension of arms on May 26, when -negotiations should be resumed at Passau. Charles had authorised his -brother to negotiate, hoping thereby to gain time, but the results -of the conference were not entirely to his mind, and Maurice had -once more gained a diplomatic victory. The neutrality of Ferdinand -was practically secured; while Maurice had time to act before the -26th. Marching on the Ehrenberg, he secured the castle which commanded -the pass to Innsbruck, where the Emperor was; and Charles, too ill -with gout to ride, after a vain attempt to escape northwards to the -Netherlands, fled with difficulty in a litter across the Brenner to -Villach. Maurice was urged to end the matter by seizing the Emperor -himself. 'I have no cage big enough to hold such a bird,' he answered, -and preferred to treat. - - | The Treaty of Passau. Aug. 2, 1552. - -On the 1st of June, negotiations were again resumed at Passau -between Ferdinand and Maurice, where the Electors, many of the city -representatives, and most of the princes were present. It is sometimes -said that Charles, in despair, left the negotiations to Ferdinand, and -let things go as they would. Nothing is further from the truth. At -no time of his life are the tenacity and obstinacy of his character -better illustrated than at this moment, especially when we remember -how ill he was. Unwilling to abandon his darling scheme of restoring -unity to the Church, and supremacy to the imperial authority, he -fought each concession clause by clause; ever dreaming of revenge, -he laboured to gain time while he intrigued and tried to organise -an opposition on every side. But all in vain. Germany had suffered -too much from his rule to care to fight for it again. The political -tendencies of the time leant too strongly to autonomy in Church and -State; and the Treaty of Passau is mainly due to the growth of a -middle party, both Catholic and Protestant, who were weary of war, -disliked the political schemes of Charles, and saw the necessity of -compromise--a party which expressed the sentiments of Germany at -large. On one point, however, the Emperor stood firm. He refused to -acknowledge the authority of the conference at Passau as final; to -the decisions of a Diet alone would he bow, and the terms granted -at Passau must be provisional only. Maurice who, in despair at the -obstinacy of Charles, had again taken up arms and besieged the city -of Frankfort-on-the-Main (July 17), did not feel his position secure -enough to refuse compliance, and, on August 2, agreed to the terms -offered by the Emperor. The confederates were to lay down their -arms before the 12th of August, when the Landgrave was to be set at -liberty; a Diet was to be held in six months, when the matters in -dispute should be finally decided, and, if no decision were come -to, the present arrangement should continue. Meanwhile, all those -who adhered to the Confession of Augsburg were to be unmolested, -and Protestants were to be admitted as assessors to the Imperial -Chamber. Even at the last Charles thought of refusing his consent, -and of appealing to arms. Overborne, however, by the solicitations -of Ferdinand, who warned him that he would have to fight the great -majority of the Princes, Catholic as well as Protestant, he at last -ratified the treaty (August 15), and set the Elector, John Frederick, -as well as the Landgrave, free. - -The Treaty of Passau represented, there cannot be a doubt, the general -wish of Germany, both Catholic and Protestant. It received the hearty -assent of all except a few devoted Catholics, and those who, like -John Frederick, hoped to regain what they had lost, or, like Albert -Alcibiades of Culmbach, looked to benefit by a continuation of the -war. Much as Charles disliked the peace, any attempt to join the -disaffected would have been madness. Yet with that doggedness which -seemed to grow upon him with years, he did not abandon hope. The -French had not been included in the treaty. A successful war waged -against them might yet regain him popularity, and place him in a -position to make one more struggle for all that he held dear. - - | Ill success of Charles prevents his breaking the - | Treaty. - -Fortunately for the cause of Protestantism and the interests of -Germany, Charles' military enterprises failed. He secured, indeed, the -assistance of Albert of Culmbach, and in October, 1552, laid siege to -Metz. But the skill and energy of the Duke of Guise, who here won his -military name, baulked the efforts of Charles. The winter came on, and -sorely tried the Spanish and Italian troops; and, in December, 1552, -Charles abandoned the attempt, bitterly declaring that 'Fortune, like -women, favoured a young King rather than an old Emperor.' Nor were -his arms more successful in Italy. The republic of Siena, torn by -internal dissensions, had put itself under the Emperor's protection, -and admitted a body of soldiers under Mendoza, the imperial ambassador -at Rome. But the severity of Mendoza's rule soon caused the Sienese -to repent; they applied to France for aid, drove out the Spanish -troops, and transferred their allegiance to France; while Solyman, -again in alliance with the French, sent a fleet which threatened, -though unsuccessfully, the city of Naples. In 1553, the Emperor, who -had retired to the Netherlands, was somewhat more fortunate, and took -the town of Terouenne. But in Italy, all the attempts of the Viceroy -of Naples, and of Cosimo, Duke of Florence, to oust the French from -Siena were vain; Naples was again threatened by a Turkish fleet, and -the French conquered a part of Corsica. In Hungary, Isabella the widow -of Zapolya, and her son, leaning on Turkish support, finally secured -Transylvania; and Vienna itself might have been attacked once more if -Solyman had not been called off by a Persian war, and distracted by -the domestic troubles which led to the execution of his own favourite -son Mustapha. - - | Death of Maurice at Sievershausen. July 9, 1553. - -At this moment occurred the death of Maurice, an event which, -under more prosperous circumstances, might have offered Charles an -opportunity of final victory. In the midst of the foreign war, Charles -had not ceased to intrigue with the disaffected, more especially with -Albert of Culmbach. In return for the assistance that prince had -given him before Metz, he had confirmed those grants of money and -of land which Albert had extorted from the Bishops of Bamberg and -Wurzburg. These claims Albert now proceeded to enforce with arms, in -spite of the order of the Imperial Chamber; whereupon, in February -1553, Ferdinand and Maurice, who, with other Princes of the south of -Germany, formed the League of Heidelberg to enforce the Treaty of -Passau, marched against him and defeated him at Sievershausen, in the -Duchy of Luneburg (July 9). The victory, however, was dearly bought, -for Maurice died two days afterwards of his wounds. Thus, at the age -of thirty-two, a Prince passed away who had played the leading part -in the history of Germany since 1546. To this day his aims and his -character are matters of hot dispute. By some he is looked upon as -the apt pupil of Machiavelli, a man devoid of religious conviction, -or of any principle beyond that of calculating self-interest. Others -represent him as the greatest statesman of the day; as the man who -first guessed the designs of Charles, and whose treachery in 1546 was -really only the first and necessary move towards the final vindication -of the cause of Protestantism, forced upon him by the necessity -of gaining a strong position before he could hope to resist the -Emperor. As is so often the case with violent partisanship, the truth -lies midway between these two extreme views. Although Maurice had no -very strong convictions on the points at issue between the adherents -of the two hostile creeds, and was, no doubt, influenced by ambition, -yet it is unjust to accuse him of sacrificing the religion of his -subjects to personal ends. In any case, whatever we may think of his -motives, the ability of his statesmanship is beyond dispute. Once -deceived by Charles, he quickly learnt of him, and finally succeeded -in outmanoeuvring that master of diplomacy. To Maurice, at least, -Protestantism owed its final recognition, and Germany her escape from -the Spanish tyranny of Charles. Nor did the electorate of Saxony -suffer under his hands. The country was well ruled, and education -advanced. Nay, had Maurice lived longer or been succeeded by men -of like calibre with himself, Saxony would probably not have seen -herself eclipsed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by her -neighbours, the Hohenzollern Electors of Brandenburg. Whether it be -true that, at the moment of his death, he dreamt of even greater -things, and that he, in conjunction with Ferdinand, was intriguing -with France to secure the imperial dignity for himself, we cannot -say. Maurice was too good a diplomatist to show his hand before the -decisive moment. But at least we may believe that Germany would not -have fared ill under him as Emperor. - -Neither Albert nor Charles benefited from the death of Maurice. The -former was shortly driven from Germany to end his days as a pensioner -of the French King, while his dominions in Franconia fell to his -cousin, George Frederick of Anspach; and Charles, despairing -of resisting the united will of Germany, at last bowed to the -inevitable. He abandoned his scheme of succession, and ceased to -oppose a permanent settlement of the religious difficulties. To this -course he was the more inclined, because he now thought of marrying -Philip to Mary, the Catholic Queen of England, and thus uniting -England with the Spanish monarchy. With this change of policy, the -rivalry between him and his brother was at an end, and Ferdinand was -given a free hand in Germany. - -The affairs of Saxony first demanded attention. John Frederick, in -spite of his remonstrances, was forced to rest content with some -territorial concessions; while the rest of the dominions, with the -electoral titles, went to Augustus, the brother of Maurice. - - | Diet of Augsburg. Feb.-Sept. 1555. - -Having settled this question satisfactorily, Ferdinand prevailed on -his brother to summon the Diet to Augsburg in February, 1555. Charles, -however, refused to take any part in the negotiations, and left -Ferdinand to preside and to settle matters as he would, with the -warning that he should do nothing against his conscience. - - | Death of Julius III., March 1555, facilitates - | matters. - -With a few exceptions all in Germany, both Catholic and Protestant, -earnestly desired a settlement of the religious question, and the -establishment of a peace which might protect them from such turbulent -spirits as Albert of Brandenburg. And yet the attempt to reconcile -the conflicting interests of the two religions--always a difficult -matter--was rendered doubly so by the complicated character of the -imperial constitution. No sooner, therefore, did discussion begin -than dissensions appeared, and these were fostered by the papal -party. Fortunately, the death of Julius III., in March, forced his -legate, Cardinal Morone, to retire from Augsburg. The next Pope, -Marcellus II., only lived twenty days; and although his successor, -Paul IV. (Caraffa), attempted to put every obstacle in the way, he was -only able to limit the concessions granted to the Protestants. - -On two points, agreement was comparatively easy. It was declared -that hereafter all religious disputes should be settled by peaceful -means, and to this end, in all causes between a Catholic and a -Lutheran, the Imperial Chamber was to be composed of an equal number -of assessors from either party. The remaining questions presented -greater difficulties. The Lutherans had originally wished that every -individual should be allowed to conform to the Confession of Augsburg, -whether the subject of a Protestant state or no. But this was dreaded -by those Catholic Princes in whose dominions Lutheranism had made -great strides, and the Reformers were forced to rest content with the -stipulation, that every secular Prince or imperial city should be -allowed to decide which of the two religions should be adopted within -their jurisdiction, and that those who could not conform should be -allowed to depart with their goods. A compromise was also arrived -at with regard to the secularisation of ecclesiastical property -within the jurisdiction of secular Princes. All such property as had -been secularised before the Treaty of Passau, 1552, was to remain -so, but no further exercise of the right was to be allowed. The -Protestants, while conceding this point, demanded that ecclesiastical -Princes should, like the secular Princes, be allowed to establish -what religion they liked within their jurisdictions, and that any -ecclesiastical Prince or Bishop who adopted the Lutheran Confession -should retain his dignities and his revenues. This would, however, -have dealt a fatal blow at the whole fabric of the Empire, and was -stoutly resisted by the Catholics, and by Ferdinand himself. As the -Lutherans stood out, Ferdinand thought seriously of postponing the -consideration of this question, lest the rest of the treaty might -be lost. Finally, however, an unsatisfactory compromise was arrived -at. It was enacted, that if any ecclesiastic should hereafter abandon -the Catholic religion, he should relinquish his office, with the -revenues and patronage appertaining thereto. This clause the Lutherans -allowed to be inserted in the treaty, but only under protest that they -did not consider the reservation binding on them; and further obtained -the concession that those subjects of ecclesiastical Princes, who had -already embraced Lutheranism, should be unmolested, and that those who -might subsequently become Lutherans should be allowed to emigrate. - -By the Peace of Augsburg, the attempt of Charles to re-establish the -unity of the Church on the basis of a revived Empire of the West, -received its final death-blow; and the principle of autonomy in -ecclesiastical matters was definitely recognised. Had Charles been -victorious over his foreign enemies, in all probability he would, for -a time at least, have gained his end. Had he been less ambitious, and -confined his attention to Germany, he might possibly have succeeded -in crushing out Lutheranism. But the very magnificence of his aims -prevented their realisation. Again and again, when he was about to -strike, some exigency of politics intervened to thwart him; and -eventually the principle of territorialism, when supported by the -foreigner, proved too strong. Yet it would not be fair to charge -the Protestants with having used a religious cry to further their -political ends. In Germany, as elsewhere in Europe, the religious -element perforce connected itself with politics. The Reformation -furnished a creed and a new enthusiasm to the political aspirations -already existing, and eventually gave the victory to those political -tendencies which were the strongest. Had Charles been a different -man, he might have adopted Protestantism and thereon founded a -united kingdom in Germany. But this his character and his Spanish -sympathies prevented, and, short of complete victory on his part, -there was no alternative but that of decentralisation. Henceforth, -Germany abandoned all hope of reconciling the two religions by -means of a general or even a national Council in Germany. The -Lutheran Church obtained a legal recognition, and the Protestant -states claimed to pursue their course without the intervention of -any external ecclesiastical authority. In this way the mediaeval -conception of Church and State was completely revolutionised, and -the temporal authority gained an independence it had not enjoyed -before. Nevertheless, the settlement was by no means final, and -bore in it the seeds of future discord. The principle of individual -toleration was not conceded. If the Princes usually adopted the -religion of the majority of their subjects, the rights of the minority -were not respected. The 'ecclesiastical reservation' was certain -hereafter to lead to serious disputes. Above all, the Calvinists, who -were shortly to become the most active of the Reformers, were not -included in the peace. The religious quarrels which ensued between -them and the Lutherans embittered the political jealousies already -existing. The Catholics took advantage of this, and Germany had yet -to undergo the horrors of the Thirty Years' War, before the religious -question should receive its final settlement. - - | Truce of Vaucelles. Feb. 1556. - -While Germany had been absorbed in these momentous issues, the war -with France had been continued on the borders of the Netherlands, and -in Italy, with varying results. In April 1555, Siena was regained for -the Imperialists by Cosimo, Duke of Florence. Elsewhere the events -were unimportant, and, in 1556, a truce concluded at Vaucelles, led to -a brief cessation of arms. By that date, however, Charles had ceased -to be King of Spain. - - | Preparation of Charles for his abdication. - -Disappointed at the frustration of all his schemes, a victim to gout, -asthma, and other ailments, he determined to abandon the heretical -Germany to Ferdinand, and to resign the government of his other -territories to his son. Charles fondly hoped that Philip, united to -the Queen of England, and in the full vigour of youth, might yet -establish a great Catholic monarchy with its centre in Spain, and -resist the dangerous advance of heresy; nay, might some day bring -the King of France to his knees, and establish Spanish supremacy -in Europe. Milan and Italy had been already ceded to Philip on his -marriage with Mary of England, but the division of authority had led -to difficulties, and to some quarrels between father and son. In -October 1555, therefore, one month after the peace of Augsburg, Queen -Mary of Hungary resigned her post as Regent of the Netherlands, and -the government of those territories, which had just been once more -separated from the Empire, was handed over to Philip. - - | Jan. 1556. Philip acknowledged King of Spain. Sept.: - | Charles resigns the imperial throne. - -Even then, Charles had apparently intended to retain the government -of Spain somewhat longer in his hands, but Italy and the -Netherlands could scarcely be defended without Spanish arms and -money; accordingly, in the following January (1556), Philip was -acknowledged King of Spain. Finally, in the September of that year, -Charles resigned the imperial crown, although, owing to certain -technicalities, Ferdinand was not elected for two years. By this act, -the ambitious idea, first entertained by Maximilian, of uniting under -one rule Spain, Italy, and the Netherlands with the German dominions -of the Hapsburgs, was abandoned, and a return was made to the more -reasonable policy of Ferdinand the Catholic. Henceforth until the -disappearance of the Spanish line in 1700, the House of Hapsburg was -divided into two branches, of which the Austrian ruled over the family -territories in South Germany, and secured the elective throne of -the Empire; while the Spanish ruled over Italy, Franche-Comte, the -Netherlands, and the conquests in the New World. It would probably -have been well for Spain if she had never had a German Emperor as -her King; while the Netherlands, all that now remained to her of -the patrimony of the Archduke Philip, was yet to prove a source of -weakness and humiliation. - - | Charles at Yuste. Sept. 1556 to Sept. 1558. - - | Death of Charles V. 21st Sept. 1558. - -Charles, having resigned the burden of government to younger -shoulders, retired to the Jeronymite monastery of Yuste in the -province of Estremadura, in September, 1556. The traditional story -of his life there requires some correction. He did not dwell in the -monastery, but in a house prepared for him close by. Although he lived -a religious life, attended regularly the services of the Church, and -even submitted himself to the penance of flagellation, his daily lot -was not otherwise one of extreme hardship. In the matter of diet, -especially, he not only excused himself from fasting, ostensibly on -the score of health, but indulged, to his cost, his love for rich -and unwholesome dishes. He by no means shut himself off from all -worldly concerns, but kept up an active correspondence with his son, -and with his daughter Joanna, who acted as Regent of Castile during -Philip's absence. He was most energetic in collecting the necessary -taxes for the campaigns of 1557 and 1558, and one of his last acts -was to urge the Regent to crush out the Lutheran heresy, which had -appeared in Spain. Retaining in his retreat the same dogged adherence -to the principles which had guided his life, Charles at last, in his -fifty-eighth year, succumbed to the ailments which had been growing -upon him of late (21st September 1558). - -The Emperor has been so often before us, that it is needless to say -much more of him here. His character was late in developing, and it -was not until the Diet of Worms, 1521, that he began to show his -powers. From that moment, however, he bent himself to the bewildering -difficulties of his position with a consistency of purpose which -is all the more remarkable when we remember his constitutional -indolence and irresolution. It is the conflict between these three -qualities--his obstinacy, his lethargy, and his irresolution--which -explains the contradictions of his conduct. Self-possessed and -self-contained, yet with a fiery nature which at times betrayed -itself, few save his two chancellors, Gattinara and Granvelle, and his -confessor Pedro de Soto, were admitted to his counsels. If we except -his wife Isabella of Portugal, who died in 1539, his son and his -sisters, he made but few close attachments, and his heart was rarely -stirred by any sentiment. He never forgave an injury; he rarely did a -generous deed. He was a man to command fear and even admiration, but -not to inspire affection. A Netherlander at first, but never a German, -he soon became a thorough Spaniard, and looked upon Spain as the model -he would fain impose on Europe. - - -Sec. 3. _Last War between France and Spain._ - - | Paul IV. allies himself with France against Philip. - | July 1556. - -The wish of Charles to secure a few years' peace for his successor -was not fulfilled. It was thwarted by the Duke of Guise, the -representative of the war party in France, and by his brother the -Cardinal of Lorraine, but more especially by Paul IV. That fiery -prelate, who was now in his eightieth year, although a leader in the -Catholic reaction, had throughout his life been a strenuous opponent -of the Spaniard in Italy. A member of a Neapolitan family (the -Caraffa) which had always supported the Angevin party in that kingdom, -he had early incurred the displeasure of Charles, who had caused -his name to be struck off the Council of Government, and resisted -his nomination to the archiepiscopal see of Naples. Under these -circumstances it is not surprising that, as Pope, he should adopt -that anti-Spanish policy which had now become almost traditional with -the Papacy. He remembered the days of Italian freedom, and considered -the Spaniard the most dangerous of its enemies. 'The French,' he -said, 'may easily be dislodged hereafter; but the Spaniards are like -dog-grass, sure to strike root wherever it is cast.' Prompted by -these motives, he had, in December 1555, made a secret treaty with -France, with the object of driving the Spaniards from Italy, and now -he urged Henry II. to break his truce with Spain. The Guises threw -their influence on the side of war; and in July, 1556, in pursuance of -a fanciful scheme of reviving the French claim to Naples, a treaty was -made by which that kingdom was to be torn from Philip and conferred -on one of Henry's sons, with the exception of some portion of the -northern frontier, which was to fall to the Pope as his share of the -spoil. - - | Duke of Alva invades the Papal States. Sept. 1556. - - | French invade Naples, but are recalled by defeat of - | St. Quentin. Jan.-Aug. 1557. - - | Paul comes to terms with Alva. - -Paul had not waited for this alliance to commence hostilities, or to -punish the Colonnesi, who supported the imperial cause. In answer -to this, the Duke of Alva, who had just been appointed Governor of -Naples, entered the Papal States (September), and, in the absence -of the French, occupied the chief places in the Campagna. Indeed, -had it not been for the scruples of the Duke, or rather of his royal -master, Rome itself might have been taken; but Philip's orders were -that he should bring the Pope to terms rather than ruin him. Alva -accordingly listened to the insincere offers of the Pope, and delayed -further operations until the advance of the French army under the Duke -of Guise, at the beginning of the new year, forced him to retreat -southwards. Alva now played a waiting game, and, refusing to meet the -French in a pitched battle, gradually wore them out, as Gonzalvo had -done in 1503. The Duke of Guise, frustrated in his attempt to take the -town of Civitella (May 15), and wearied by these tactics, was forced -to evacuate the kingdom of Naples, and shortly afterwards was recalled -to France (August 15), by the news of the defeat of St. Quentin, -'having done little for his King, still less for the Church, and -nothing for his honour.' Paul, deserted by his allies, was forced to -accept the terms offered him, which, however, were so advantageous -that, as Alva bitterly remarked, 'they seem to have been dictated by -the vanquished instead of the victor.' The territories of the Church -were to be restored intact; the remaining French troops were to be -allowed a free passage to France; the affair of the Colonnesi was to -be submitted to the arbitration of Philip and the Pope. The Duke of -Alva was actually to ask pardon, and receive absolution from the Pope, -for having dared to take up arms against him. - - | Sicily, Naples, Milan, finally secured by Spain. - -This, the last war for the possession of Italy for many a long day, -is noticeable for the strange contradictions it presents. Not only -does the most bigoted of the Popes oppose the most bigoted of Kings; -he even calls to his assistance the Infidel and the Protestant -mercenaries of Germany; while his opponent, at the command of his -master Philip, wages war on the Pope with every expression of -reverence, and, when dictating peace, does so, as a suppliant, on his -knees. Yet, in spite of his haughty demeanour, Paul had failed. The -French henceforth ceased to struggle for Italy; Sicily, Naples, -and Milan remained in the hands of the Spanish Hapsburgs until the -extinction of their line in the year 1700. - - | Campaign on the eastern frontier of France. Spanish - | victory of St. Quentin, Aug. 10. - - | Calais taken by the Duke of Guise. Jan. 1-8, 1558. - - | The French defeated at Gravelines. July 13, 1558. - -In the war which had meanwhile broken out on the eastern frontier of -France, the exhaustion of that country was plainly visible. The feudal -levies responded but feebly; the provincial legions of infantry, which -had been organised by Francis I. in 1534, had never been successful; -and of the French peasantry, the Gascons alone appeared in any -numbers. France was thus forced to fall back on six thousand German -mercenaries. Emanuel Philibert, the dispossessed Duke of Savoy, a man -of twenty-nine years, who commanded the army of Philip, had a much -larger force drawn from the various countries under Spanish rule, -and was aided by a contingent of English, who with difficulty had -been prevailed upon to aid the husband of their queen. The financial -straits of the two combatants were much the same, but the energy of -Charles in his retreat at St. Yuste succeeded in wringing from the -Spaniards a considerable amount of money. On the approach of the -Duke of Savoy, Coligny threw himself into the city of St. Quentin -(August 2), a town of importance, as being the entrepot for trade -between France and the Low Countries. But the rash attempt of the -Marshal de Montmorenci, who was in supreme command, to relieve it -with a far inferior force, led to his total defeat (August 10). The -Marshal himself, many nobles, and thousands of the common soldiers, -were taken prisoners; as many more were slain. France, in a word, had -not suffered such a defeat since Pavia. 'Is not my son in Paris?' -asked Charles, on receiving intelligence of the victory; and had -Charles himself been in command, Paris might have fallen. But Philip, -ever more fond of negotiation than of war, delayed till he should be -master of St. Quentin. The city, defended by the energy and ability of -Coligny, was not stormed till the 27th of August--and the delay saved -Paris. Quarrels subsequently broke out in the Spanish camp, which led -to the retreat of the English. The Germans complained of want of pay; -many transferred their services to the French; and, after taking a few -more places, the army of Philip went into winter quarters. In January, -the surprise of Calais by the Duke of Guise reversed, at least in the -opinion of the French, the disaster of St. Quentin. The English, in -overweening confidence, had of late neglected the defences of that -town, and in the winter were accustomed to withdraw a portion of the -troops, because the marshes were then believed to be impassable. The -Duke, informed of this, suddenly appeared before the walls, and -took by assault the two forts of Newman Bridge, and Risbank, which -defended Calais from the sea and from the shore respectively. Lord -Wentworth, despairing of holding the city now that his position was -commanded, capitulated on January 8. The recovery of this city, which -had been in the hands of the English since the days of Edward III., -very naturally caused boundless exultation in France. The taking of -Thionville by the Duke of Guise followed in June; and in July, the -Marshal de Termes, in command of the Calais garrison, secured Dunkirk -and Mardyke. But the Marshal had imprudently ventured too far into the -enemies' country, and had left Gravelines unmasked behind him. As he -attempted to retreat, he was caught between the garrison of Gravelines -and a Flemish force raised by the Count of Egmont, and was completely -routed, falling himself into the enemies' hands (July 13). - -This was the last action in the war. The renewal of hostilities had -not been of Philip's seeking, and he was now doubly anxious for -peace. The difficulty of supplying money, always a serious matter, was -now so great that Philip confessed to his ministers that he was on -the brink of ruin. The death of his father, Charles, on the 21st of -September, demanded his presence in Spain; and England was not to be -trusted to continue the war, especially as Mary was very ill. Nor had -France much to hope for from a continuation of the struggle, now that -the Pope had made his peace with Philip. Her finances were exhausted, -her people weary of a struggle which brought them no benefit. Besides -all this, heresy had appeared both in France and in Spain. Henry II. -therefore listened to the advice of Montmorenci and of the Cardinal of -Lorraine. The first, as a captive and a rival of the victorious Duke -of Guise, had personal reasons for desiring peace; the latter urged -Henry to devote his attention to the extirpation of heresy. - - | Treaty of Cateau Cambresis. April 3, 1559. - -Negotiations were commenced in October, but were delayed by the death -of Mary of England in November, and the refusal of Queen Elizabeth to -acknowledge the surrender of Calais. Philip, hoping perhaps thereby -to gain her hand, offered to stand by the English Queen and break off -the negotiations, but only on condition that she would support him -with all her power as long as the war should last. This did not suit -the cautious and parsimonious Queen, and she finally consented to -leave Calais for eight years in the hands of France. France was also -allowed, by the Emperor Ferdinand, to retain the three Lotharingian -Bishoprics, Metz, Toul, and Verdun, but had to surrender all her other -conquests to Philip and his allies, except Turin, Saluzzo, Pignerol, -and a few other places of importance in Piedmont. These she was to -hold until Henry's claim to that principality through his grandmother, -Louise of Savoy, should be decided--a claim which he could hardly -believe to be serious. Thus Philip regained the towns which France had -taken in Luxembourg; Montferrat was restored to the Duke of Mantua; -Genoa regained Corsica. On his side, Philip surrendered the few places -he held in Picardy. The two Kings further bound themselves to do their -best to procure the meeting of a General Council, which was necessary -both for reformation of abuses, and for the restoration of union and -concord to the Church. The treaty was to be ratified by a double -marriage; Philip was to marry Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Henry -II., then a girl of thirteen, who had at first been suggested as the -bride of his son Don Carlos; Margaret, the sister of the French king, -was to espouse Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy. In the tournament -which was held to celebrate the marriage of Philip with the French -princess, Henry II. received a wound from which he died, and was -succeeded by his son Francis II., a youth of sixteen, who in 1558 had -married Mary Queen of Scots. - -The peace of Cateau Cambresis, by which France 'lost as many -provinces as she regained cities,' was far more disadvantageous than -the military position, in spite of the defeats of St. Quentin and -Gravelines, justified. It is therefore not unnaturally looked upon as -a dishonourable one by most French writers. It reminds us once more of -the taunt of Machiavelli that the French are not masters of diplomacy, -and is perhaps not an unfitting close to that long struggle between -the Houses of Valois and of Hapsburg, which commenced with the foolish -expedition of Charles VIII., and in which France had continually been -the aggressor. Her only permanent gains were those of Calais, and the -three Lotharingian bishoprics; and these, balanced as they were by -the loss of Spanish Navarre, were won at the price of an exhausted -treasury and an impoverished people. She had no doubt taken a leading -part in resisting the dangerous supremacy of the Austro-Spanish -House, and in foiling the attempt of Charles to establish a universal -monarchy in Europe. Yet it may be questioned whether she could not -have done this more effectively if she had kept her hands off Italy, -and had strengthened and extended her frontiers by winning Rousillon -and Franche-Comte, and by pressing towards the Rhine. While playing -the rival to the House of Hapsburg, she had not only contributed to -the success of the Reformers in Germany, and to the advance of the -Turk in Hungary, but had allowed Protestantism to gain a firm hold at -home, and had fostered a military spirit among the smaller nobility, -which was to give to the religious struggle in France some of its -worst characteristics. - -Throughout the long struggle nothing had been done to strengthen the -government of France, or to develop constitutional life. The monarchy -came out of the war bankrupt, and the government the prey of rival -factions--factions which, if they did not cause the religious wars, -most certainly prolonged them and France, torn by civil and religious -strife, had to wait till the reign of Henry IV. before she could take -that part in European affairs to which her central position, the -ability of her people, and her magnificent natural resources entitled -her. - -Nor was Spain in much better plight. To outward appearances, indeed, -the power of Philip seemed overwhelming. He was King of the whole -Spanish Peninsula with the exception of Portugal;[56] King of Naples -and of Sicily, and Duke of Milan, a position which enabled him to -control the politics of the Peninsula;[57] Master of Franche-Comte -and of the Netherlands. In Africa, he held Tunis and Oran, with -places on the Barbary coast, and the islands of Cape de Verd, and -the Canaries; while in the Pacific Ocean, the Philippines were under -his sway. In America, Spain held a large part of the eastern coast, -except Brazil, which belonged to Portugal, all the islands in the -Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea, and the kingdoms of Mexico -and Peru, which had been conquered during the reign of Charles. The -Spanish infantry was considered the most formidable in Europe, and -the treasures of the Indies were believed to be inexhaustible. Yet -Spain had suffered seriously from the long-protracted struggle. Her -resources were nearly as much crippled as those of France; her -government, if better organised, was fully as despotic, and all -religious liberty had been crushed out; and she was shortly to give -evidence of her weakness in the failure to put down the revolt of the -United Provinces, and in the defeat of the Armada by the puny ships of -England. - -The peace of Cateau Cambresis, therefore, closes one epoch and -begins another. New actors came upon the scene.[58] The struggle for -supremacy is stayed a while. Germany and Spain are for ever divided; -the Turkish Empire soon ceases to be aggressive, and begins to suffer -from internal decay. The remaining thirty-nine years we have to cover -is chiefly taken up with the Counter-Reformation and the struggles to -which that movement gave birth, with the religious wars in France, and -with the revolt of the Netherlands against the religious and political -tyranny of Spain. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [54] It had already been summoned in 1542, but had been - postponed. - - [55] The question whether Charles had used the words, 'nicht - einiges' (any), or 'nicht ewiges (perpetual) Gefaengniss,' appears - to be an afterthought. Cf. Armstrong, ii. 156. - - [56] For the character of the Spanish rule in Italy, cf. - Armstrong, _Charles V._, II. p. 291 ff. - - [57] As we shall have to speak but little hereafter of Italy, it - may be well to give concisely the names of the chief dependent or - independent states: - - 1. Piedmont, in the hands of Emanuel Philibert of Savoy. - - 2. Genoa and Venice, independent republics. - - 3. Parma and Piacenza, under the rule of Ottavio Farnese; of - these Parma had been restored to him by Paul III., and Piacenza - by Philip II. in 1556. - - 4. Mantua, in the hands of Frederick, first Duke of Mantua, who - also gained Montferrat from Charles V. in 1536, having married - the heiress of William VII. (Paleologus), Marquis of Montferrat. - - 5. Florence, under Duke Cosimo dei Medici, who had just secured - Siena, and assumed the title of Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1569. - - 6. The Duchy of Urbino, a papal fief, in the hands of Guidobaldo - della Rovere. - - 7. The duchies of Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, in the hands of - Ercole II. of Este. On the extinction of the direct line in 1597, - Ferrara was seized by the Pope, Clement VIII. Modena and Reggio - went to Charles of Este, a collateral. - - [58] Charles, and Mary Queen of England died in 1558, Paul IV. - and Henry II. in 1559. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE COUNTER-REFORMATION AND CALVINISM - - The Counter-Reformation in Spain and Italy--The Theatines--The - Jesuits--Last Session of Council of Trent--The Inquisition--John - Calvin and Geneva--Characteristics of Calvinism. - - -Sec. 1. _The Counter-Reformation._ - - | Spain, the home of the Counter-Reformation. - -With the abdication and the death of Charles V., the history of -Europe loses that unity which it received from the comprehensiveness -of his policy, and from his striking personality. None the less, -a central point of interest is afforded us by the movement of -the Counter-Reformation, which affects all Europe and focuses -the political movements for the next thirty years, or more. The -Counter-Reformation found its impulse in that profound sense -of dissatisfaction with the condition of the Church to which -Protestantism itself owed its origin. Like the two orders of the -Dominicans and Franciscans of the thirteenth century, this movement -took its rise in Spain and in Italy. In the days of Alexander VI., -when the Papacy was immersed in secular interests, and was rapidly -forfeiting the respect of Europe, a thorough reform of the Church -in Spain had been inaugurated by Ferdinand and Isabella and carried -through by the energy and devotion of Cardinal Ximenes. Under these -influences a school of theologians had been formed, who revived the -doctrine of the great Dominican of the thirteenth century, Thomas -Aquinas, and united learning with a life of purity and zeal. The -movement had at first met with little support from the Papacy. The -kings of Spain were determined to maintain their independence in -matters ecclesiastical, and had acted independently and often even -against the papal will. Yet the spirit of reform soon spread to -Italy. Adrian VI. had, while Regent in Spain, been influenced by the -movement, and, as Pope (1522-1523), had vainly attempted to extend -the reform to the Church at large. Under the leadership of Caraffa -(1555-1559), who had before he became Pope spent some years in Spain, -and still more of Loyola, Lainez, and Xavier, the Spanish founders of -the Jesuits, the Counter-Reformation was to become the great support -of papal authority. - - | It spreads to Italy. - -Italy had never been much attracted by the speculative difficulties of -Luther. No doubt The Oratory of Divine Love, a small band of literary -men, with Contarini at their head, had embraced the Doctrine of the -Justification by Faith, but their party had been a small one, and -did not represent any important section of opinion in Italy. Those -of her children who approached the question of theology at all went -further and deeper; they questioned the truth of Christianity, or -discussed the immortality of the soul. Meanwhile, the majority of -the more earnest-minded, satisfied with the tenets of the Church and -influenced by the spirit of reform which had spread from Spain, aimed, -like Savonarola, at bringing doctrine to bear on life and conduct. - - | The Theatines. - -With this object many societies were formed in Italy at the beginning -of the sixteenth century, of which the Theatines are the most -interesting. The members of this fraternity, of which Caraffa, the -future Pope Paul IV., was one of the founders (1524), were not monks -but secular clergy. They devoted themselves to preaching, to the -administration of the sacraments, and to the care of the sick; and -took no other vow but that of poverty. Even from the Franciscans, the -most corrupt of the older orders, the reformed order of the Capuchins -arose. - - | The Jesuits. - -The society, however, which was to play by far the greatest part -in the coming movement, and in future history, was to be founded -by a Spaniard. Ignatius Loyola (Don Inigo Lopes Ricalde y Loyola), -cadet of a house of high nobility, who was born in 1491, had in -early days devoted himself to the profession of arms, with all the -fervour of a chivalrous spirit. A serious wound received at the -siege of Pampeluna (1521) crippled him for life, and Loyola, denied -all hopes of a military career, turned, with the enthusiasm of his -romantic and high-strung nature, to the service of the Virgin and -the infant Christ, after experiencing much the same moral crisis -as Luther had undergone. Returning to Spain after a pilgrimage to -Jerusalem (1523), his first attempt at preaching brought him under -suspicion of heresy, and he was ordered to undertake a course of -theology before he resumed his teaching. In 1528, he came to Paris to -pursue his studies. Here he made the acquaintance of three men whom -he profoundly influenced--Peter Faber, son of a Savoyard shepherd, -Francesco Xavier, and Iago Lainez, both countrymen of his own. In -August, 1534, the four friends, of whom Faber at first was the only -one in orders, formed a society. They took the vow of chastity, and -bound themselves, after the conclusion of their studies, to pass -their lives in poverty at Jerusalem, devoted to the care of the -Christians or to the conversion of the infidel; or, if that were -impossible, to offer their labour in any place whither the Pope might -send them. Three years after (1537), the society, now increased to -ten, set out on their pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and were ordained -to that end. The war between Venice and the Turk, however, prevented -their departure; and Loyola and his brethren becoming acquainted with -Caraffa and the Theatines, changed their purpose, and determined to -devote their energies to Christendom. Even then their difficulties -were not over. They were charged with heresy, and, though acquitted, -it was not till 1540 that they obtained with difficulty a confirmation -of their 'company of Jesus' from Pope Paul III., and that Ignatius -was elected as the first General. The society was organised in -six classes: the novices, the scholastics, the lay coadjutors who -administered the revenues of the colleges so that the rest of the -society should be free from such cares, the spiritual coadjutors, -and the professed of the three, and of the four vows. Of these, the -spiritual coadjutors were the ordinary active members of the society, -and from their number the rectors of the colleges were chosen. The -professed of three vows were formed of men who, for exceptional -reasons, were admitted into the order without having passed through -the inferior grades, and held a position similar to that of the -spiritual coadjutors. The professed of four vows alone enjoyed all -the privileges of the order. They alone elected the General; from -their number the provincials over each province into which Christendom -was divided were chosen by the General; and they alone, beyond the -three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, took a fourth of -especial obedience to the Pope, although his authority was limited -by the power, exclusively reserved to the General, of sending out, -or recalling, missionaries. To reach this highest grade a man must, -unless he had been admitted to the number of the professed of three -vows, pass through all the others except that of the lay coadjutors--a -probation of thirty-one years--and was not ordained till he became -a spiritual coadjutor. The supreme official of the order was the -General, elected from the professed of four vows by the provincial and -two members from each province. The rules of this remarkable society -were so framed as to reconcile the principle of absolute obedience -with the utmost freedom of action. In imitation of the Theatines, -whose views, however, the Jesuits carried much further, they rejected -the monastic habit, and were relieved from the more onerous and -ascetic practices of religion; they were forbidden to weaken their -bodies with fasts and vigils, and were exempted from the routine of -devotional exercise and daily service. Nor did the professed confine -themselves to any special duties. But if in this way they enjoyed a -freedom denied to the members of other religious orders, that freedom -was controlled by the absolute authority of the society itself. They -were not permitted to hold any ecclesiastical dignity without special -leave of the General; they were to hold no property of their own; they -had to cut themselves off from kith and kin, and to obey implicitly -the orders of the superiors, the provincials, and the General, even -against their reason and their conscience. 'It is your duty to obey -the call of your superior at once, even if in so doing you have to -leave a letter of the alphabet unfinished.' 'If,' said Ignatius, 'my -conscience forbids me obey, I should at least submit my judgment to -one or more superiors. Otherwise I am far from perfection.' Even their -most secret thoughts were not their own. None could write or read a -letter except under the eye of a superior, and it was the duty of -their confessor and of each member to reveal to the General anything -he might wish to know of their acts or thoughts. The General himself, -although absolute within the rules of the society, and with right of -nominating and recalling the provincials and the superiors, could not -alter the constitution of the society without consulting a General -Council. He was under the constant supervision of assistants elected -for that purpose, and of a monitor, and could be deposed by a general -congregation of the professed. Thus all individuality was merged in -the company, and obedience usurped the place of reason, affection, -and impulse. Bound by this iron chain of obedience, which was riveted -by a system of espionage, this marvellous society went forth to guide -and rule mankind. The young they influenced by education, the old by -preaching and by the confessional. Believing that he who gains the -young possesses the future, they founded schools and colleges where -the education, like their other work, was gratuitous; they crept -into the universities and sat in the professors' chairs. To make the -confessional an efficient instrument for guiding the consciences of -men, they soon developed a system of casuistry, in which the sins of -men were nicely weighed and the principles of moral conduct sapped -by the suggestion, at least, that the end justified the means. The -Jesuits, however, did not confine themselves to educational or -spiritual functions. Not only did they become the confessors of Kings, -they mixed themselves up in society and politics; they were found -in every court of Europe supporting the orthodox, and conspiring to -overthrow those who pleased them not. The growth of the company was as -marvellous as its principles. When Loyola died in 1556, sixteen years -after its foundation, the society numbered two thousand ordinary and -forty-five professed members; there were twelve provinces, and more -than one hundred colleges and houses. Under Lainez, who succeeded -Loyola as General, the organisation was completed, and its growth was -still more rapid, especially in Italy and Spain. Soon not only Europe, -but India and America, received their missionaries. The society, as -one might expect, was met by much hostility at first, on the part -more especially of the older monastic orders and the friars; in later -times, owing to the independent attitude it assumed, it was often -at serious variance with the Papacy. Yet for the time at least the -Papacy had gained an army of devoted soldiers. It now remained for the -Church to define its articles of war, and to provide more efficient -weapons. The Council of Trent was to do the first; the Inquisition to -furnish the last. - - | Third session of Council of Trent. Jan. 1562 to Dec. 1563. - -The second session of the Council of Trent had been dispersed in -1552, in the confusion caused by the advance of Maurice of Saxony -on Innsbruck (p. 242). In January, 1562, Pius IV. opened its third -and last session. There was no longer any question of the admission -of representatives of the Protestants; yet its work, if limited -to Catholic nations, was neither unimportant nor easy. It had to -determine the relation between the Pope and the Church; to settle the -articles of faith which still remained in dispute, and to undertake -those internal reforms the necessity of which all admitted. As might -have been anticipated, these questions led to grave dispute. The -Emperor Ferdinand, and the French king Charles IX. desired such a -reform of the Church as might possibly lead to a reconciliation, or at -least to a compromise with the Protestants. They demanded, therefore, -that the marriage of the clergy should be allowed; that communion -in both kinds should be granted to the laity; that the services of -their Churches should be in the vernacular. The French, led by the -Cardinal of Lorraine, went further, and raised the claim advanced -at the Councils of Constance (1414-1418), and of Basle (1431-1443), -of the superiority of a General Council over a Pope. The Spaniards, -while they opposed many of the demands of the Germans and of the -French, and were anxious to prevent any change in doctrine, objected -to the extreme pretensions of the Papacy, and wished that the bishops -should be recognised as holding their spiritual authority by divine -institution and not as the mere delegates of the Pope. The papal -party, on the contrary, were eager to affirm the supremacy of the -Pope, and then dismiss the Council as soon as might be. Had their -opponents been united, and had the German and French representatives -been more numerous, something might have been done, for all were -determined to assert the independence of the Council from papal -control; they also wished to limit the authority of the Pope and to -reform many of the abuses, more especially the financial extortions, -of the Roman Curia. Unfortunately, their divisions gave the Pope -an opportunity which he eagerly seized, and which was turned to -good account by Cardinal Morone, who was appointed president in -1563. Quarrels for precedence between the representatives of France -and Spain were studiously fostered. Separate negotiations were opened -with Ferdinand and Charles; they were warned of the danger which -might arise from too powerful an episcopate, and reminded that these -continued quarrels among the Catholics would only favour heresy; they -were urged to look to the Pope rather than to the Council for the -reforms they needed. Since the Council had declared that the question -of granting the Cup to the laity was to be left to the decision of the -Pope, Ferdinand was promised that it should be conceded as soon as the -Council closed; the election of Maximilian, his son, as King of the -Romans, should also be confirmed. The Cardinal of Lorraine, the chief -representative of the French Church at the Council, was promised the -legation in France, and even the reversion of the pontifical throne; -and in accordance with the policy of his family, the Guises, he joined -the papal party, and influenced the attitude of the French court. To -conciliate further the sovereigns of Europe, some articles which had -been passed, and which touched unduly on the temporal power, were -rescinded. The opposition of France and of the Emperor having been -thus in part removed, the triumph of the papal policy was secured. The -Italians, who outnumbered the rest, were almost unanimously on the -papal side, which was also supported by the powerful advocacy of -the Jesuit Lainez, and of Carlo Borromeo, the saintly Archbishop of -Milan. Aided by the Spanish representatives, who were in agreement -with them so far, the Italians succeeded in defining some of the -more important doctrines in accordance with their own views, and in -resisting all except some minor internal reforms. - - | The Council closed. Its results. - -Having now gained all that could be hoped for, the Pope was eager to -close the Council. To this the Spaniards alone objected. Philip was -anxious that it should continue its sessions until every disputed -doctrine had been settled, and a thorough reform of the Church -and the papal Curia had been effected. Here again the papal party -triumphed. A report of the serious illness of the Pope finally -overcame the opposition of Philip; for a vacancy while the Council -was still sitting would lead to serious difficulties. Accordingly, on -December 3, 1563, the Council was finally closed. Although some points -of doctrine were left undecided, those with respect to indulgences, -purgatory, the sacraments, and the invocation of saints, were -reaffirmed with new precision. Controverted questions were replaced by -dogmas, doubtful traditions by definite doctrines, and an uniformity -established in matters of faith hitherto unknown. If, in the matter -of reform, a stricter discipline was enforced upon the inferior -clergy, and the abuse of pluralities was checked, nothing was done to -touch the prerogatives of the Pope, or of the cardinals. The Council -of Trent may be said therefore to have defined the articles of the -Counter-Reformation. The Catholic Church of the West was henceforth to -be divided, and the Church of Rome may be said to have begun. - -The decisions of the Council of Trent were accepted without reserve -by the chief states of Italy, by Portugal, and by Poland. In Germany -they were ratified by the Catholic princes at the Diet of Augsburg, -1566. Philip also confirmed them, 'saving the prerogatives of the -crown.' In France a distinction was made; the decrees which referred -to dogma were acknowledged, and, indeed, subsequently declared to need -no confirmation by the temporal power; those, however, which referred -to discipline, and which interfered with the Gallican Church, were -opposed by the 'Parlements,' and by some of the lower clergy. Although -gradually accepted in practice, and even acknowledged by the clergy at -the States-General of 1615, they were never formally ratified by the -crown. - - | The Inquisition. - -To enforce the principles of this newly organised Church an instrument -already existed. On July 21, 1542, Pope Paul III. had, on the advice -of Cardinal Caraffa, authorised by Bull the erection of a 'Supreme -Tribunal of the Inquisition.' Its organisation was based on the court -instituted in Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella in 1483. Six cardinals -were appointed universal Inquisitors on either side the Alps, with -powers of delegating their authority to other ecclesiastics. All -from highest to lowest were declared subject to their jurisdiction; -no book could be printed without their leave; they could punish -with imprisonment, confiscation of goods, and death; and from -their judgment there was no appeal save to the Pope. How far these -tremendous powers could be exercised in the various countries of -Europe depended, no doubt, on the attitude of the temporal sovereigns, -but in Italy there was little difficulty. The Spanish Inquisition -willingly co-operated, and the tenets of the Council were enforced -with merciless rigour. - - | The Popes of the Counter-Reformation. - -The influence of the Counter-Reformation is seen in the revival of -apostolic piety and missionary zeal by such men as Carlo Borromeo, -nephew of Pius IV., Archbishop of Milan (1538-1584), and also in -the altered character of the Popes. Of these Paul IV. (1555-1559), -Pius V. (1566-1572), Sixtus V. (1585-1590), are true representatives -of the time; while the others, Pius IV. (1559-1565) and Gregory -XIII. (1572-1585), although not men of remarkable zeal, could not -resist the tendency of the age. The policy of all these Popes was much -the same. They abandoned the pernicious system of nepotism--Pius V. -finally forbidding all alienation of Church property; they reformed -the Court of Rome; they enforced better discipline in the Church, and -improved its services; they kept the cardinals in order, insisted -on bishops residing in their dioceses, and, for the rest, gave to -the Papal States an organised system of government and finance -in which they had been hitherto wanting. Abandoning the idea of -aggrandising themselves in Italy, they no longer struggled against -the Spanish rule. Although they had their difficulties with the -temporal sovereigns of Europe, they none the less supported the cause -of authority and orthodoxy. They allied themselves with the orthodox -Kings and Princes, whose younger sons they invested with episcopal -sees, and granted them taxes from ecclesiastical revenues. Thus the -Church of Rome had defined its faith, reformed some of its most -flagrant abuses, organised within itself a force of devoted servants, -and armed itself with the terrors of the Inquisition. Strengthened in -this way, and by the revived associations and enthusiasms of the past, -the Church, allied with the monarchs of Europe, went forth to stay the -advance of heresy, and to win back, if possible, the ground she had -lost by her _laches_. - -Of the Counter-Reformation, the two great exponents in the field of -temporal politics are Philip of Spain, and the family of the Guises in -France. It was ever the aim of Philip to carry out his father's -schemes with such modifications as the altered circumstances demanded. -The loss of the Empire and of Germany forced him to lean more -exclusively on Spain; the triumph of the Protestants in Germany and -England destroyed all hopes of bringing them again within the fold, -except by force, and this was not at first possible. But Philip never -relinquished the hope of re-establishing the authority of the Catholic -Church, backed up by a strong and wide-embracing monarchy under his -own control. The political ambition of the Guises, and their attempt -to place Mary Queen of Scots upon the throne of England excited the -apprehensions of Philip, who hoped to secure that country for himself, -and at first prevented his cordial co-operation with their attempt to -master France. But in time these apprehensions were removed, and -finally these two representatives of the Catholic reaction formed the -'League,' and united to enforce their rule on Europe. It is this which -forms the connecting link between the revolt of the Netherlands and -the civil wars in France, and gives a unity to the history until the -end of our period. - - -Sec. 2. _Calvin and Geneva._ - -While the Church of Rome was thus marshalling her forces, that form -of Protestantism which was henceforth to be her most deadly foe was -receiving its organisation at the hands of John Calvin. - - | Causes of failure of Lutheranism. - -It is a remarkable fact that Lutheranism has never made any permanent -conquests outside Germany and the Scandinavian kingdoms, and that even -in Germany the numbers of its adherents decreased after the middle of -the sixteenth century. For this, three reasons may be suggested:-- - -(1) Many of the doctrines of Luther, notably those on Justification, -and on the Eucharist, were compromises of too subtle a nature to -appeal to ordinary minds, even among the Germans themselves, and led -to arid controversies and ignoble divisions. - -(2) Moreover, by force of circumstances arising out of the political -conditions of Germany, the movement had allied itself with the -interests of the Princes, and with authority too closely to appeal -to democratic impulses. The failure of Lutheranism to command the -adhesion of the lower classes was illustrated even in Germany -itself by the revolt of the peasants, the rise of the Anabaptists, -and by the temporary success of the reform of Zwingle. From their -extravagances Luther had drawn back with horror, and, becoming daily -more conservative, had to a great extent lost the support of the more -enthusiastic and thorough-going. - -(3) Lastly, Luther had serious scruples on the question of employing -force, and although he had finally sanctioned the appeal to arms, the -war was to be a defensive one, waged by those in authority, and not -in alliance with rebels. Luther had no idea of leading a religious -and political crusade, or of promoting missionary enterprise outside -Germany. For this the world had to look elsewhere. - -The French have always been the most successful interpreters of new -ideas to Europe. Their logical acuteness, their mastery of method, -their gifts of organisation, as well as their language, with its -matchless clearness and elasticity, have well fitted them for this -office; and these gifts were now to be illustrated in a pre-eminent -degree by their great countryman John Calvin. - - | John Calvin. - - | Condition of Geneva. - -This son of the notary in the episcopal court of Noyon in Picardy, was -born in the year 1509. At the age of twelve he had been appointed to -a chaplaincy in the cathedral, and received the tonsure. But, though -he subsequently became a cure, he never proceeded any further in -clerical orders; for his father, thinking that the legal profession -offered more promise, sent him to Orleans, and then to Bourges -to study law, 1529-1531. It was during these years that Calvin -fell under the influence of Lutheran teachers, notably of Jacques -Lefevre, a man of Picardy like himself, and one of the fathers of -French Protestantism. In the year 1534, Calvin was driven from his -country by the persecutions instituted by Francis I., and retired to -Basle. Here at the age of twenty-five he published the first edition -of his great work, _The Institutes_, a manual of Christian religion, -which, although subsequently enlarged, contains a complete outline -of his theological system, and which probably has exercised a more -profound influence than any other book written by so young a man. In -the year 1536, as he passed through Geneva, he was induced by the -solemn adjurations of William Farel of Dauphine, a French exile -himself, to abandon the studies he so dearly loved, and devote himself -to missionary effort. The imperial city of Geneva was of importance -because it commanded the valley of the Rhone, and the commercial -routes which united there; it enjoyed municipal self-government, -but was under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of its bishop and was -threatened by the Duke of Savoy, who held the surrounding country -and possessed certain judicial powers within the town itself. To -emancipate themselves more completely from this double yoke of -ecclesiastical and temporal authority was the constant aim of the -patriots of Geneva, and with that view they had made an alliance -with the canton of Freibourg in 1519, and that of Bern in 1526. An -intermittent struggle had ensued, which was embittered by the adoption -of the Lutheran Doctrine by the city in 1535, at the instigation of -Farel. In 1536, war had broken out between the Duke and the canton of -Bern, when the Swiss succeeded in conquering the whole of the country -of Vaud, and thus relieved Geneva of all immediate danger from the -Duke. - - | Calvin at Geneva, 1536-1538, 1541-1564. - -Calvin, induced to stay in Geneva at this moment, commenced forthwith -to found a Christian church after the model of the _Institutes_; but -the severity of his system led to a reaction, and caused his exile, -and that of Farel, in 1538. Three years afterwards (September 1541), -the city, torn by internal discord, and afraid of being conquered -either by the Duke, who was supported by the Catholics within the -walls, or by Bern, which courted the Protestants, recalled the -Reformer, and accepted his system of church-government. Leaving the -municipal government of the city intact, he set up by its side an -ecclesiastical consistory, consisting of the pastors, and twelve -elders elected from the two councils of the town on the nomination -of the clergy. The jurisdiction of this consistory was nominally -confined to morals, and the regulation of Church matters. It could -only punish by penance, and by exclusion from the Sacrament, but as -it was the duty of the secular authority to enforce its decisions, -every sin became a crime, punished with the utmost severity. All -were forced by law to attend public worship, and partake of the -Lord's Supper. To wear clothes of a forbidden stuff, to dance at a -wedding, to laugh at Calvin's sermons, became an offence punishable -at law. Banishment, imprisonment, sometimes death, were the penalties -inflicted on unchastity, and a child was beheaded for having struck -his parents. When offences such as these were so severely visited, we -cannot wonder that heresy did not escape. In 1547, Gruet was executed, -and in 1553, Servetus was burnt. This remorseless tyranny, which -reminds one forcibly of the rule of Savonarola, was not established -without opposition. A party termed the Libertines was formed, who -endeavoured to relax the severity of the discipline, and to vindicate -the independence of the secular authority. Nevertheless Calvin, aided -by the French exiles who crowded into Geneva and obtained the freedom -of the city and a share in the government, successfully maintained his -supremacy until his death in 1564, when he was succeeded by his pupil, -Theodore Beza. - -Geneva had been relieved from fear of attack from the Duke of Savoy -by the French conquest of his country in 1543, and although, in the -October of the year in which Calvin died, the Duke obtained from -Bern a restoration of all the country south of the Lake of Geneva -which it had seized in 1536, he did not make any attempt on the city -itself. Geneva continued to be an independent republic, forming from -time to time alliances with some of the Swiss cantons, till 1815, when -she finally became a member of the Swiss Confederation. - - | Characteristics of Calvinism. - -The predominant characteristic of the teaching of Calvin lies -in its eclecticism. In his doctrinal views: in his tenets as to -Predestination, the Eucharist, and the unquestioned authority of -Scripture to the exclusion of tradition, he approached the views of -Zwingle rather than those of Luther. But if in so doing he represents -the most uncompromising and pronounced antagonism to the teaching -of Rome, yet in his conviction that outside the Church there is no -salvation, and in the overwhelming authority he ascribes to her, he -reasserts the most extravagant tenets of Catholicism, and revives the -spirit of Hebraism. That the religion he established, if not exactly -ascetic, was gloomy beyond measure; that it has inspired no art -except, perhaps, certain forms of literature; that his principles of -church-government, though founded on a democratic basis, in practice -destroyed all individual liberty; that, so far from advancing the -spirit of toleration, they necessarily involved persecution--all this -must be admitted. His strong predestinarian views, if logically acted -up to, ought to have led to a fatalistic spirit most dangerous to -morals, and paralysed action, as perhaps they have in a few cases. But -few sane men have ever believed themselves to be eternally reprobate, -or acted as if they disbelieved in free-will. The practical results -of Calvinism have therefore been to produce a type of men like the -founder himself, John Knox, and Theodore Beza, men of remarkable -strength of will, extraordinary devotion, and indomitable energy, and -to furnish a creed for the most uncompromising opponents of Rome. - -Henceforth Geneva was to become the citadel of the Reformers; the -refuge of those who had to fly from other lands; the home of the -printing-press whence innumerable pamphlets were despatched; the -school whence missionaries went forth to preach; the representative -of the most militant form of Protestantism on a republican basis; the -natural and inevitable enemy of the Counter-Reformation which was the -ally of the Jesuits, and of the monarchical forces of Catholic Europe, -headed by Spain. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -PHILIP AND SPAIN - - Persecution of the Protestants--The mystery of Don Carlos--Wars - against the Moors and Turks--Relief of Malta--Persecution and - Rebellion of the Moriscoes--Battle of Lepanto--Conquest of - Portugal--Internal Government of Spain and its dependencies - under Philip II. - - -Sec. 1. _Persecution of the Protestants--The Inquisition._ - - | Philip lands in Spain. Aug. 29, 1559. - -At the date of the Treaty of Cateau Cambresis (April 5, 1559), Philip -was in his thirty-second year. He had already wedded and lost two -wives. His first, Maria of Portugal, had died, in giving birth to Don -Carlos, on July 8, 1545; his second, Mary of England, on 17th November -1558. After having settled the government of the Netherlands (cf. -p. 319 ff.), Philip proceeded to Spain. A furious tempest greeted his -arrival; nine vessels of his fleet were lost; and the King himself -landed on the shores of his kingdom--which he was never to leave -again--in a small boat. - - | He devotes himself to the extirpation of - | Protestantism. - -Philip had not hitherto displayed those bigoted views of which he -henceforth became the exponent. During his brief residence in England -he had, in the vain attempt to conciliate the English, opposed -or pretended to oppose the policy of persecution adopted by his -unhappy wife. He had intervened to protect the Princess Elizabeth, -and after her accession had first proposed to marry her, and, when -that was refused, had continued on friendly terms. He even gave the -Calvinists of Scotland his tacit support against Mary of Guise and -her daughter. No sooner, however, did he finally settle in Spain than -all was changed. Spain was the representative of all that was most -fanatical in Europe, and Philip eagerly adopted the views of that -country. Henceforth the increase of his own authority, and the advance -of Catholicism, became identified; the reformed opinions were in his -eyes a gospel of rebellion and of opposition to authority, and to -crush out this pernicious heresy under his absolute rule became the -principle of his life. - -During the early years of Charles V., a few Spaniards abroad -had adopted reformed opinions, such as Francis de Enzinas, the -translator of the New Testament into Spanish, and subsequently -Professor of Greek at Oxford (1520-1522); while in 1553 Servetus -the anti-Trinitarian suffered at Geneva. But it was not until the -year 1558 that Protestantism seems to have made much head in Spain -itself. By that time, however, not only had Spanish translations of -the New Testament and various Protestant books been disseminated in -Spain, but a considerable congregation of Reformers had been secretly -formed, more especially in the towns of Seville, Valladolid, and -Zamora, and in the kingdom of Aragon. On receiving intelligence of -this new nest of heretics, Pope Paul IV. issued a brief, February -1558, in which he urged the Inquisitor-General to spare no efforts in -exterminating this evil; and the dying Emperor, forgetting his dislike -of papal interference, besought the Regent Joanna, and Philip himself, -to listen to the Pope's exhortations. Philip required no urging. He -published an edict, borrowed from the Netherlands, which condemned all -to the stake who bought, sold, or read prohibited books, and revived a -law by which the accuser was to receive one-fourth of the property of -the condemned. Paul enforced the law by his Bull of 1559, commanding -all confessors to urge on their penitents the duty of informing -against suspected persons. He also authorised the Inquisition to -deliver to the secular arm even those who abjured their errors, 'not -from conviction, but from fear of punishment,' and made a grant from -the ecclesiastical revenues of Spain to defray the expenses of the -Inquisition. - - | The Inquisition. - - | The Inquisition and the Spanish Church. - -This terrible tribunal, which had been established in its final -form by Ferdinand and Isabella in 1478, and freed from appeal to -Rome in 1497, consisted of a Supreme Council formed of lawyers and -theologians, mostly Dominicans, an order to which Philip showed -especial favour. At the head of this Council stood the Grand -Inquisitor, appointed by the king himself, with numerous subordinate -tribunals, protected by armed 'familiars.' Their trials were conducted -in secret. Persons were tempted or forced by threats to denounce -their enemies, their friends, and even their relatives; a system -of espionage was resorted to; torture was freely used to extort -confessions from the accused; and the most harmless words were often -twisted into heterodoxy by the subtle refinements of the Dominican -theologians. They punished by forfeiture of goods, by penance, by -imprisonment, and in the last resort handed over the condemned to -the secular arm, to be burnt at an _Auto da fe_. Supported by this -unwonted harmony between Pope and King, the Grand Inquisitor, Don -Fernando Valdes, Archbishop of Seville, set vigorously to work. In -Seville alone, 800 were arrested on the first day, and on May 21, -1559, the first of the _Autos da fe_ took place in the streets of -Valladolid; another was solemnised on the arrival of Philip in Spain, -and a third amid the _fetes_ attending his marriage with his third -wife, Elizabeth of France, in 1560. Indeed, no great ceremonial was -for some years considered complete unless sanctified by an _Auto da -fe_, and the Spaniards preferred one to a bull-fight. It may be true -that the cruelties of the Inquisition have been exaggerated; yet, at -least, opinions, which in other countries would have been tolerated, -were ruthlessly suppressed. Not only was all scientific speculation -tabooed, and Spanish scholars forbidden to visit other countries, but -the slightest deviation from the strictest orthodoxy was severely -visited. The Inquisition was even used against the Church. Although -the number of the clergy and the monks was very large, and their -wealth, especially in Castile, enormous, no Church in Europe was more -completely under royal control. The nomination to ecclesiastical -offices was exclusively in the hands of the king; papal interference, -unless by his leave, was stoutly resisted; and, if the Church -was rich, at least one-third of its revenues fell into the royal -coffers. The power of the crown was also enhanced by the devotion of -the Jesuits to the royal cause. It was, however, on the Dominicans -that Philip mostly relied. The ignorance and bigotry of the members of -this order of friars in Spain is only equalled by their subservience -to the royal will. They dominated the Holy Office of the Inquisition, -and subjected to its discipline not only Theresa, one of the most -devoted of Spanish saints, but the members of the powerful Society of -Jesus, and even the episcopal bench itself. No less than nine bishops -were condemned to various acts of penance; even Carranza, Archbishop -of Toledo, was attacked. This learned and zealous prelate, who had -taken an important part in some of the sessions of the Council of -Trent, and in whose arms Charles V. had died, was charged in August, -1559, with heterodox opinions. After his trial had dragged on for more -than seven years, Pius V. insisted on the case being transferred to -Rome. But the death of the Pope again delayed the matter, and it was -not until April 1576 that the papal decision was finally given. The -Archbishop was convicted of holding doctrines akin to those of Luther, -and was to abjure sixteen propositions found in his writings; he was -to do certain acts of penance; to be suspended from his episcopal -functions for five years more, and meanwhile to be confined in a -convent of the Dominicans, his own order, at Orvieto. - - | The Inquisition used to punish political offences. - -The efforts of the Inquisition succeeded in crushing out Protestantism -in Spain; and its success unfortunately refutes the comforting -doctrine that persecution is powerless against strong convictions. But -the success involved the destruction of all intellectual independence; -Spain soon became one of the most backward countries in Europe, and, -if we except Cervantes the author of _Don Quixote_, and Calderon -the poet, she gave birth to no writer of eminence. Nor did the -Holy Office confine itself to the extirpation of heresy, or to the -vigorous control of the clergy. Formed exclusively of nominees -of the crown,[59] it became an instrument in the royal hands for -financial extortion and for the pursuit of political offenders. Thus, -custom-house officers were dragged before the Inquisition for having -allowed horses to cross the frontier, on the pretext that they were -for the service of the Huguenots; Antonio Perez, the notorious -secretary of Philip, was arraigned before the Inquisition of Aragon; -and foreign ambassadors were enjoined to obey its orders. At times -the Pope remonstrated against these abuses of the Holy Office, which -trenched upon the papal claims. But Philip answered 'that with his -scruples his Holiness would destroy religion'; and long after the -reign of Philip the Inquisition, as well as the Church, continued the -humble servant of royal prerogative. - - -Sec. 2. _The Mystery of Don Carlos._[60] - - | Don Carlos. 1545-1568. - -According to some authorities the zeal of Philip did not spare his -own son and heir, Don Carlos. The history of this unfortunate Prince -was so distorted by the enemies of his father Philip during his -own lifetime, and since then has become such a favourite subject -of romance, that on some points it is difficult to arrive at the -truth. Some declare that the estrangement between father and son was -caused by the suspicion of a guilty passion between the Prince and his -stepmother, Elizabeth of France, and this is the view which has been -adopted by those, like Schiller, who have made Don Carlos the hero of -a romantic tragedy. - - | Reasons for his imprisonment. Jan. 1568. - -We find that in the negotiations for the Treaty of Cateau -Cambresis it had been suggested that Don Carlos should wed -the French Princess. The idea was dropped, and the hand of -Elizabeth was subsequently bestowed on Philip, the father of the -Prince. Nevertheless, it is asserted that Elizabeth had learnt to -love the son; that Don Carlos never forgave his father for having -robbed him of his bride; and that the jealous husband threw his son -into prison out of revenge, and finally procured the death by poison -not only of his son, but of his unfaithful wife. This tragic tale -must, however, be rejected. Don Carlos was only twelve years old at -the date of the Treaty of Cateau Cambresis, and the story is not -supported by any contemporary authority. Even William of Orange, who -in his 'Apology' accuses Philip of poisoning both, is silent as to the -motive. - -Less improbable is the story that Don Carlos had secret sympathy -with the Flemish malcontents, or at least some leaning towards -the Protestant heresy. This, it is said, explains the wish of Don -Carlos to be intrusted with the administration of the Netherlands, -the unwillingness of Philip to publish the reason of his treatment -of his son, and his letter to his aunt the Queen of Portugal, in -which he spoke of 'sacrificing to God his own flesh and blood, -preferring God's service and the welfare of his people to all human -considerations.' These expressions are, however, quite compatible -with the third, and far more probable, hypothesis that Don Carlos was -mad. Two of his brothers had died of epilepsy. Don Carlos, who was -born in July, 1545, was a sickly child, subject to serious feverish -and bilious attacks; that as he grew in years he became, in spite of -a certain reckless generosity and an extravagant attachment to a few, -arrogant, violent, and unmanageable. A fall down a staircase on his -head, in April, 1562, which necessitated an operation of trepanning, -increased his violence, and from this moment his actions were those -of a crazy man. He insulted women of position with opprobrious -epithets. Twice he swallowed costly jewels. He forced a shoemaker to -eat stewed strips of a pair of boots because they did not fit. He -violently assaulted the Duke of Alva, because the Duke was sent to the -Netherlands instead of himself, and even Don John, to whom he was much -attached. He declared that he meditated killing a man whom he hated, -and sought for absolution beforehand. He attempted to fly from Spain, -and probably to rebel against his father. Of his insanity the Venetian -ambassador was convinced, and that this is the explanation of the -mystery gains confirmation from a secret letter of Philip to the Pope, -of which, although the original has disappeared, a translation has -been preserved, and in which insanity is pleaded as the justification -for the treatment of the Prince; while surely we cannot wonder that -Philip should be anxious to keep secret the fact that the insanity -of Joanna was reappearing in her great-grandson? Nor, as far as we -can see, does the actual treatment of Don Carlos, while in prison, -appear to have been exactly cruel. No doubt, he was most carefully -watched. He was not to be allowed to talk on politics, or to have any -news of the outer world; he was only allowed books of a devotional -character; but his guardians were men of good birth, they were -enjoined to lighten his captivity by conversation, and he was not -tortured or starved. - - | Was he poisoned? - -We have yet to deal with the accusation that the unfortunate Prince -was poisoned by the order of his father. This was plainly asserted by -William of Orange, and by Antonio Perez, who was at the time of the -death of Don Carlos in the service of King Philip, and the story was -believed by many contemporaries. Yet both William the Silent and Perez -were, when they wrote, the mortal enemies of the King, and although -Philip was unfortunately not above resorting to murder to attain -his ends, we may at least allow that the charge in this case is not -proven. - - | Death of Don Carlos, 24th July 1568; and of Isabella, - | Oct. 3, 1568. - -Don Carlos died on the 24th of July, 1568, and in less than three -months he was followed to the grave by Elizabeth, his stepmother, who -died in childbed, October 3, 1568. Two years later Philip married his -fourth wife, Anne of Austria, his niece, and daughter of the Emperor -Maximilian. She died on the 26th of October 1580. Of her children, all -died young except Philip, who succeeded his father. - - -Sec. 3. _Wars against the Moors and Turks. - The Rebellion of the Moriscoes._ - - | Condition of the Moriscoes. - -By the ordinance of 1502, published by Ferdinand after the suppression -of the Moorish rebellion in Granada (cf. p. 96), the alternative -of baptism or exile had been offered to the Moors, and this had -been extended to Aragon, and its subordinate kingdoms Valencia and -Catalonia, in the early part of the reign of the Emperor Charles. To -further the work of conversion churches had been built in the -districts most occupied by the Moors, and missionaries despatched -thither. The attempt, however, met with scant success. The bitter -memories of the past, the deep racial hatreds, the imperfect -acquaintance of the preachers with the language of the Moors, the -differences of usage and of customs, presented insurmountable -difficulties. Accordingly, in 1526, coercion was attempted. An edict -was issued ordering the Moors to renounce their national usages, -dress, and language, and the Inquisition was intrusted with the -enforcement of the edict. Wiser counsels, however, for the time -prevailed. The edict was not enforced; and the government was fain to -rest content with an outward conformity, which was all that could, -under the circumstances, be looked for. The 'New Christians,' or -Moriscoes, as the Moors were called, at least did not disturb the -peace. Taking advantage of a strange clause in the Treaty of Granada, -which exempted them from certain duties paid by the Christians in -their trade with the Barbary coast, they devoted themselves to -commerce with that country. But it was as artisans and in agriculture -that they especially excelled. As artisans their skill was displayed -in many a handicraft; while by their irrigation and by their husbandry -they turned the slopes and uplands of the Sierras in Granada into one -of the most fertile parts of Spain. The fig, the pomegranate, the -orange, and the grape grew side by side with corn and hemp; their -flocks of merino sheep were famous; the mulberry tree formed the basis -of an extensive manufacture of silk. We may well deplore the fact -that this policy was abandoned; and yet amid the fanaticism aroused -by the crusade against the Protestants, the wonder perhaps is that it -continued so long. Moreover, at this moment, a renewal of the struggle -with the Moors of Africa and with the Turk in the Mediterranean -naturally revived the national antipathy to the Moriscoes. - - | Expeditions against the Barbary Corsairs. 1560-1564. - - | The relief of Malta. Sept. 1565. - - | The Edicts of 1560-1567. - - | Revolt of the Moriscoes. Dec. 1568. - -The unceasing raids of the corsairs of the Barbary coast had not -only rendered the sea unsafe, but devastated the shores of Italy and -Spain. Accordingly, two expeditions were despatched against them -from Naples, which did not meet with much success. The first, under -the Duke of Medina Sidonia, Viceroy of Naples, was directed against -Tripoli, then held by a Greek named Dragut, who had been taken -prisoner by the corsairs in early life, and had turned Mahometan. The -Duke was forced to put back by stress of weather; his ships were -subsequently put to flight by a Turkish fleet under Piali, another -renegade, who sailed to the assistance of Dragut, and the island of -Jerbah (Gelves), which had been occupied, was retaken by the Turks -(June 29, 1560). The second expedition, which started in 1562, -was almost annihilated by a storm. In the following year (April -1563), the Dey of Algiers, encouraged by these disasters of the -Spaniards, attempted to drive them from Oran and the neighbouring -fortress of Mazarquivir (Mers-el-Kebir), two of the conquests of -Cardinal Ximenes, which, with Goletta near Tunis and Melilla in -Morocco, were the only remaining Spanish possessions on the African -coast. Mazarquivir was nearly lost, when, at the last moment, it was -relieved by a Spanish fleet on June 8, and in the two succeeding -years (1564 and 1565), the efforts of the Spaniards were somewhat -more successful. In September 1564, the island fortress of Penon de -Velez, which lay to the west of the Spanish possessions, was taken -by Don Garcia de Toledo, who had succeeded Medina Sidonia as Viceroy -of Naples; and in the following year the estuary of the Tetuan, -another stronghold of the corsairs, was blocked up and rendered -useless. Further enterprise on the coast of Africa was now stopped -by the news that Malta was hard beset by the Turks. On the loss of -Rhodes, in 1522, the Knights of St. John had received the grant of the -island of Malta from Charles V. (1530); from that time forward they -had formed a bulwark against the Turk from the east, and had joined -in most of the late expeditions against the Barbary coast. Solyman -I., often urged to reduce this important place, at last despatched -a powerful fleet against it in May, 1565. Piali, the renegade, who -had already distinguished himself in 1560, shared the command with -Mustapha, a tried veteran of seventy, while Dragut of Tripoli also -added his contingent. In vain did the Grand Master, Jean de la -Valette, appeal for aid to repel the attack. Catherine de Medici was -at this moment intriguing with the Turks, and Venice was afraid to -arouse the anger of the Sultan. Even Philip did not seem inclined to -listen; the affairs in the Netherlands and in France demanded his -attention; perhaps he did not care to help an Order which, as it -happened at that time, was largely composed of Frenchmen. Finally, -however, he listened to the warning of Don Garcia de Toledo that -Malta, if once in Turkish hands, could never be recovered, and would -give the Sultan the command of that part of the Mediterranean; and -on September 8, 1565, Malta was relieved by Don Garcia when reduced -to the last gasp. That these events should have awakened the dislike -of the Spaniards for the Moriscoes at home, and that suspicions -were aroused of some correspondence between them and the Moors of -Africa, is not surprising. Nor under these circumstances can any -serious objection be brought against the first two ordinances; -that of 1560, forbade the Moriscoes to acquire negro slaves, on -the reasonable ground that thereby the number of the infidels was -constantly increased; that of 1563, prohibited the Moriscoes from -possessing arms without the licence of the captain-general. These -measures, however, did not satisfy Don Pedro Guerrero, the Archbishop -of Granada, nor the clergy of his diocese, and in pursuance of a -memorial which they presented, the government issued the following -astounding edict. The provisions of the ill-advised edict of 1526 -were revived; the national songs and dances of the Moriscoes were -proscribed; their weddings were to be conducted in public according -to the Christian ritual, and their houses were to be kept open -during the day of the ceremony, so that all could enter and see that -no unhallowed rites were solemnised; their women were to appear in -public with their faces uncovered; and lastly, the baths in which -the Moriscoes delighted were ordered to be destroyed on the ground -that they were turned to licentious purposes. Still further, as if -to outrage the feelings of the Moriscoes, the edict was published -on January 1, the anniversary of the capture of the capital of -Granada. It appears that many of the local nobility protested against -the execution of this atrocious edict, and that the Marquis de -Mondejar, the captain-general of Granada, and even Alva himself, -were opposed to it. To expect that the Moriscoes would submit to -such interference with their most cherished customs--an interference -which did not even respect the domestic privacy of their homes--was -absurd, and if it was intended to seize upon disobedience as a -pretext for expelling them, the army should at least have been -increased. The Grand Inquisitor Espinosa was, however, above such -considerations, and the execution of the order was intrusted to Diego -Deza, auditor of the Holy Office, who was appointed President of the -Chancery of Granada. Finding all remonstrance vain, the Moriscoes -made preparations to revolt in June, 1569. Unfortunately some of the -more hot-headed, led by a dyer of the name of Aben-Farax, could not -brook delay, and in December, 1568, attempted a premature rising in -the Moorish quarter (the Albaicin) of Granada. 'You are too few, -and you come too soon,' said the Moriscoes of Granada, and refused -to move. Disappointed in seizing the city, the rebels retreated to -the country, where they met with more response, and signalised their -success by horrible ferocity. Neither sex nor age were spared; and -Christians, we are told, were sold as slaves to the Algerian corsairs -for a carbine a piece. - - | Aben-Humeya elected King. - - | Limits of the rebellion. - -The Moriscoes now elected as their King Aben-Humeya, a young man of -twenty-two, a descendant of the ancient house that once had ruled in -Spain. The young King indeed dismissed Aben-Farax, and did something -to check the cruelties of his followers. The revolt was confined to a -somewhat limited area. Its chief stronghold was in the Alpujarras, a -low range of hills which lies between the higher peaks of the Sierra -Nevada and the sea; thence it spread to the neighbourhood of Almeria -on the east, and that of Velez-Malaga on the west. The Moriscoes held -no large towns, and only ventured on occasional raids upon the rich -plain of La Vega, in which the town of Granada lay, and upon the towns -on the sea-coast. Had the Sultan, Selim II., listened to the appeals -of Aben-Humeya, and thrown himself with energy into the struggle, the -rule of the Mahometans might have been re-established in Granada. The -Turks, however, were at this time too much engaged in the war of -Cyprus, and the Moriscoes only obtained some Turkish mercenaries -and some insufficient help from the Barbary corsairs; they were but -poorly armed, and their cause was ever weakened by internal feuds and -personal rivalries. - - | The counsels of the Marquis de Mondejar rejected. - - | Massacre of the prisoners at Granada. - - | Don John appointed to supreme command. Spring 1569. - - | The Moorish population of Granada removed into the - | interior. - -Under these circumstances, if the advice of the Marquis de Mondejar -had been followed, the rebellion might in all probability have -soon been quelled. Unwilling to drive the Moors to despair, he -advocated a policy of conciliation, and attempted, though not -always with success, to restrain the fanaticism and cruelty of his -soldiers. Unfortunately, he was violently opposed by Diego Deza, who -urged a war of extermination. The wish of Diego prevailed, and the -Marquis of Los Veles, a nobleman of the district who held the office -of Adelantado of the neighbouring province of Murcia, was appointed -to the command of an army which was to operate from the east. The -stern old veteran proceeded to conduct the war with such ferocity -that he earned the name of the 'Iron-headed Devil.' The Spanish -soldiery, formed chiefly of local levies, retainers of the nobles, and -volunteers, were allowed to satisfy their unquenchable hatred of the -Moriscoes, and proceeded to rival, if not surpass, the atrocities of -the rebels. Even peaceful villages were sacked: the men were cut down -without remorse; the women, when they escaped a worse fate, were sold -into slavery. Meanwhile, in the town of Granada itself, some hundred -and fifty Moors, who had been arrested on suspicion, were massacred -in cold blood by the order of Deza (March 1569). Death in open war -was better than such a fate. The Moors, driven to despair, had no -alternative but to fight to the last. The war was not marked by any -great battles; the rebels, holding but few towns, and unable to meet -the enemy in the open field, betook themselves to the hilly districts, -where a confused though hard-fought struggle of races and creeds was -carried on. The government, however, was scarcely likely to succeed as -long as the bickerings between Mondejar and his rivals continued. In -the spring of 1569, Philip, anxious to check these cabals, appointed -Don John, his half-brother, the illegitimate son of Charles V., to the -supreme command. At the same time he was forbidden to take the field, -and as he was only twenty-two years old he was to be guided by a -council of war, of which Deza and Mondejar both were members. The only -result, therefore, of the change was that the quarrel was transferred -from the camp to the council, where finally the views of Deza -triumphed. In June, 1569, the whole of the Moorish inhabitants of the -town of Granada, amounting to some three thousand five hundred souls, -were ordered to leave the city for the interior, where they were to -find new homes. Mondejar, remonstrating at this act, was removed from -his post; and on the 19th of October, Philip, who had come to Cordova -to be nearer the scene of operations, issued an edict in which he -proclaimed that the war henceforth would be carried on with 'fire and -blood.' - - | On assassination of Aben-Humeya, Aben-Aboo succeeds. - -Philip had now definitely committed himself to the views of Deza; yet, -owing to the incapacity of Los Veles, the royal army met with scant -success. At the close of the year, Aben-Humeya fell a victim to the -vengeance of one of the women of his seraglio. His death was no loss -to the cause of the Moriscoes, for although a man of much energy, and -of some ability, he had become intoxicated by success, and by his -jealousy, his selfishness, his licence, and his cruelty, had forfeited -the popularity he once enjoyed. Aben-Aboo, who succeeded him as King, -was a man of higher integrity and patriotism, and of greater constancy -and courage. He succeeded in obtaining the sanction of his election -from the Pasha of Algiers, in the name of the Sultan, and under his -rule the revolt spread eastwards to the very borders of Murcia, and -assumed a more formidable aspect than ever. - - | Don John takes the field. Jan. 1570. - - | Submission of Moriscoes. May 1570. - -At last Philip, convinced of the inefficiency of Los Veles, removed -him from his command, and allowed Don John to take the field, assisted -by the Duke of Sesa, the grandson of Gonsalvo de Cordova. At the same -time, fresh levies were raised from the towns of Andalusia, and many -nobles, with their retainers, flocked to the standard of the young and -popular Don John, who at once marched to the district on the east of -the Alpujarras, and, in spite of several reverses, gradually wore down -the rebels. On January 28, the strong town of Galera was invested, to -fall on February 7, after a desperate struggle; the reduction of Seron -followed, and soon the whole country to the east of the Alpujarras was -re-won. Meanwhile, the Duke of Sesa had been equally successful in the -north. Gradually working his way across the Alpujarras, he secured -his conquests by a line of forts, and, in May, united his forces with -those of Don John at Padules. At the same time an amnesty was offered -to those who would lay down their arms. The cause of the Moriscoes was -now hopeless. On May 19, El Habaquin, a leading Moorish chieftain, -agreed, in the name of Aben-Aboo, to the severe terms imposed by the -conqueror. The 'Little King,' as the Moorish prince was called, was to -make public submission to Don John; the lives of the Moriscoes should -be spared, but, like their fellow-countrymen of Granada, they were to -be removed from their native district and distributed elsewhere in -Spain. At the last moment Aben-Aboo refused these humiliating terms, -and attempted to raise once more the standard of revolt, only to -fall by the hand of one of his subjects who had been bribed by the -government. - - | The Moriscoes settle in other parts of Spain. Edict - | of Oct. 28, 1570. - -The rebellion was now at an end. By the edict of October 28, every -Morisco from within the disturbed districts,[61] including those who -had remained loyal, was to be removed into the interior. Their houses -and lands were declared forfeited to the Crown; but their flocks, -their herds and their grain were, if they so wished, to be taken at -a valuation. It was, however, ordered that families should not be -divided, and the removal appears to have been effected in as humane a -way as possible. The districts appointed for their settlements were -in the territory of La Mancha, in the northern borders of Andalusia, -in the Castiles, Estremadura, and Galicia. Flogging and forced labour -on the galleys was threatened against any Moor who should leave his -abode without leave, and death to any one who dared approach within -ten leagues of Granada. The edict of 1566 continued in force; and -by a subsequent one, to keep an Arabic book was declared an offence -punishable with stripes and four years in the galleys. Andalusia now -became a desert. Meanwhile, in spite of these cruel laws, the exiles -enriched their new homes by their husbandry and industry until the -year 1609, when the fanaticism and national hatred of the Spaniards -led to the final expulsion of this unfortunate people from Spain -itself. The treatment of the Moriscoes by the Spaniards forms one -of the saddest episodes in history; yet, in justice, an Englishman -should remember that the treatment of the Irish by Cromwell, if it was -preceded by greater provocation, was fully as cruel. - - -Sec. 4. _Renewed struggle against the Turks. - The victory of Lepanto, 1571-1574_. - -If the intolerance of Philip is responsible for the cruel proscription -of the Protestants and the Moriscoes, his political interests at -least did not lead him into such inconsistencies as those of other -European sovereigns. Indeed, when we consider the attitude of the -great Powers in Europe towards the Turks at this moment, we shall be -led to the conclusion that their policy with regard to heretics, as -well as to infidels, was guided rather by political, than by religious -considerations. The French, while they persecuted the Huguenots in -their own country, were ever allying themselves with the Turks to -oppose the Spaniard. Elizabeth of England, no doubt, gave grudging -aid to the Calvinists abroad, and established a form of Protestantism -in England; yet she proscribed the extreme Calvinists at home, and -at times sought the alliance of the Turk; whereas if Philip was -the persecutor of Protestants and infidels alike, the necessity of -protecting Italy and Spain at least made him the resolute opponent of -the infidel in the Mediterranean. - - | League of Spain--Pope and Venice against the Turk. - | May 25, 1571. - -The rebellion of the Moriscoes had not yet been crushed out, when -on May 1, 1570, the messenger of Pius V. reached Spain, praying for -the help of the most Christian King against the Turk. Solyman the -Magnificent had ended his long and triumphant career in 1566. Although -his successor, Selim II., possessed none of his father's qualities, -the vigour of the late administration was still represented by the -Grand Vizier Mahomet; and at the close of the year 1569, Piali, one -of the commanders of the attack on Malta, and now brother-in-law of -the Sultan, had started on an expedition against Cyprus. Philip gave -a ready ear to the papal appeal, but meanwhile Nicosia, one of the -most important Cypriot fortresses, fell (September 1570). Venice in -despair attempted, though unsuccessfully, to make a separate treaty -with the Sultan; and it was not until the 25th of May, 1571, that the -difficulties and jealousies were surmounted, and that the League was -finally concluded. Venice had wished that the League should confine -itself to the protection of Cyprus; but Philip, not unnaturally, -was anxious to extend its scope; and accordingly Spain, the Pope, -and Venice agreed to form a perpetual alliance against the Moors of -Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers, as well as against the Turk. They agreed -to defend each other's territories, and to make no separate peace; -each Power was to appoint a captain-general, and they should together -decide on the plan of operations, while the supreme command was to -be given to Don John of Austria. Finally, to defray the expenses of -Philip, Pius granted a _cruzada_, and an _excusado_.[62] The treaty -came too late to save the island of Cyprus; for on July 30, Famagusta -had fallen, when Bragadino, the chief in command, was flayed alive, -his skin stuffed and sent as a trophy to Constantinople. It was not -till the 16th of the following September, that the fleet of the -League finally left Messina. On reaching Corfu, intelligence was -received that the Turkish fleet was in the Gulf of Lepanto. Against -the advice of John Andrew Doria, who commanded the Genoese contingent, -Don John was eager to close with his antagonist. He was supported -in his opinion by the Marquis of Santa Cruz, the Grand Commander -Requesens, and the young Alexander of Parma, as well as by the other -captains-general, and on the 7th of October, the two fleets came -in sight of each other. That of the Christians was composed of 264 -vessels of all sizes, with 26,000 soldiers and 50,000 rowers and -sailors aboard. That of the Turks, of some 300 vessels, and not less -than 120,000 men. - - | The battle of Lepanto. Oct. 7, 1571. - -In the action which ensued it was the object of the Turkish admiral -Piali to turn the wings of his adversary. This movement was, however, -foiled by Barbarigo, who commanded the Venetian galleys on the left, -and by John Andrew Doria on the right. They hugged the shore, and a -terrible struggle ensued, in which the allies suffered severely. At -last, the Venetians drove back their enemies, and though Barbarigo was -mortally wounded, his loss was compensated by the death of Mahomet -Sirocco, the Turkish admiral opposed to him. Meanwhile the centre, -led by Don John, after a desperate conflict at close quarters, -which resembled a fight on land rather than on the sea, was equally -successful. Piali fell, and most of the Moslem's ships surrendered or -were destroyed. Finally Uluch Ali, the Dey of Algiers, who had been -severely handling the Genoese opposed to him, seeing that all was -over, took refuge in flight, and the Christians remained the victors -of one of the greatest naval combats of the century. The importance -of the battle of Lepanto, which lasted for more than four hours, -will be best appreciated when it is remembered that the Turks had -never hitherto been beaten at sea. Although an accurate computation -of the losses is not possible, it may with certainty be affirmed -that those of the Turks were more than twice as heavy as those of -their antagonists, and that not more than fifty of their vessels -escaped. Among the captives were found, we are told, 12,000 Christians -who had been condemned to the galleys. - - | Delays and jealousies of the allies. - - | Venice makes a separate treaty with the Turk. March - | 7, 1573. - -Some now thought that this crushing defeat should be followed by an -immediate attack on Constantinople. The season, however, was far -advanced, and it was decided to postpone further operations until the -spring. The delay was fatal. An attempt was made to buy over Uluch -Ali, a Calabrian renegade, who had not forgotten his Christian parents -from whom he had been separated in youth. The offer was declined, and -Uluch shortly took the command of the new fleet which the Turks had -put on the sea with remarkable rapidity. Far different was the conduct -of the allies. In Spain there was the usual procrastination. Nor were -the interests of Spain and Venice the same; Philip desired to turn -against the Moors of Africa, and extend his conquests there; Venice -only cared to strengthen her position in the Levant. In vain did the -aged Pontiff attempt to reconcile these conflicting views. He died -in the following May, and although Philip's fears, that a Pope in -the French interest would succeed him, were removed by the election -of Cardinal Buoncampagno (Gregory XIII.), the papal 'Briefs of Fire' -were not of much avail. The allies, indeed, at last sent out another -expedition under Don John, which found the Turkish fleet off Modon -on October 7, 1572, the anniversary of the victory of Lepanto. But -Uluch Ali declined the contest; he remained under the guns of the -fortress, and at the end of the month the allies again dispersed. In -the following March all hope of concerted action was destroyed by the -news that Venice had come to terms with the Sultan; she surrendered -Cyprus, and agreed to pay a three years' tribute to the Porte. The -Turks could scarcely have hoped for better terms if they had won the -battle of Lepanto. - - | Don John reduces Tunis, Oct. 1573; but it and Goletta - | are retaken by Uluch Ali, Sept. 1574. - - | The victory of Lepanto a barren victory. - -Deserted by his allies, Don John, in the following October, sailed -to the African coast and easily reduced the town of Tunis. He now -dreamt of obtaining the investiture of the African kingdom from his -half-brother. The jealousy of Philip was instantly aroused; he urged -that the fortresses of Tunis and Goletta should be dismantled, and, -although this was not done, they were left with such an insufficient -force that Uluch Ali had little difficulty not only in retaking Tunis, -but in reducing the fortress of Goletta (Sept. 1574). Such were the -miserable results of the victory of Lepanto. It did not save the -island of Cyprus, which henceforth belonged to the Porte; it was -followed by the loss of Goletta, one of the few remaining conquests of -Charles V. on the coast of Africa; it only served to display once more -the jealousies of the European nations; and if for seventy years the -Turks made no further advance, and never again seriously threatened -the south-western shores of Europe, this was due far more to the -internal decay of the Ottoman Empire, than to the victory of Lepanto -itself. - - -Sec. 5. _The conquest of Portugal._ - - | Death of Sebastian, King of Portugal. Aug. 4, 1578. - - | The Cardinal Henry succeeds; but dies. Jan. 31, 1580. - - | Philip claims the crown, and sends an army under the - | Duke of Alva. - -On August 4, 1578, Sebastian, the young King of Portugal, was -killed at the battle of Alcazar-Kebir as he was conducting a crazy -campaign against Abd-el-Melek, the Sultan of Morocco. The death of -the young King, who appears to have been half-mad, at once aroused -the determination of Philip to secure the crown of Portugal, and thus -finally unite the Iberian Peninsula under one hand. The successor -of Sebastian was his great-uncle, Henry. He was a Cardinal, and -over sixty-six years of age. Nevertheless, it was hoped that he -might yet have children, and the Pope was asked to authorise his -marriage. Philip declared his indignation at this interference of the -Papacy with what were 'so clearly temporal affairs,' but was relieved -from further apprehension by the death of the Cardinal-King on January -31, 1580. The only claimant whom Philip had now to dread was Antonio, -prior of Crato.[63] He was the illegitimate son, by a converted -Jewess, of Lewis, Duke of Beja, the great-uncle of Sebastian, but -he had been secretly legitimised by his father, had entered the -order of St. John of Malta, and was prior of the rich commandery of -Crato. If his legitimacy could be established, no doubt he was the -next male heir. Philip, however, refused to allow his claim, and -asserted his own right to the throne through his mother, the daughter -of King Emanuel. To enforce this claim an army had been collected on -the frontier under the Duke of Alva, which marched as soon as the -intelligence of the Cardinal's death arrived. Those who did not submit -were treated as rebels, and when the town of Setubal offered some -slight resistance it was given over to pillage, 'because to deny the -soldiers would have been a great injustice' (July 16, 1580). - - | Antonio proclaimed King. - - | Lisbon capitulates to Alva. - - | Philip enters Lisbon. June 29, 1581. - -Meanwhile, Antonio had been proclaimed King by a motley assembly -of peasants at Santarem, and proceeded to Lisbon. In vain Pope -Gregory XIII. attempted to mediate. To propitiate Philip, who had -a passion for relics, he sent a most precious gift, part of the -body of one of the Holy Innocents; Philip accepted the gift, but -declined his mediation, and for once did not procrastinate. The -Marquis of Santa Cruz was despatched with the fleet to Setuval. There -he took the Duke of Alva and his troops on board, and sailed for -Lisbon. Antonio in vain attempted to resist. The citizens of Lisbon -would not fight; they asked for terms, but had to capitulate at -discretion; and Antonio, escaping with difficulty, reached Calais -after many wanderings. The city of Lisbon was partly saved from -pillage by Alva, but the neighbouring villages were sacked with such -relentless cruelty that it even surpassed all that Alva could have -imagined; and such was the insubordination of the soldiery that the -Duke declared rope would fail him wherewith to hang his mutinous -soldiers. At Oporto, the same scenes were repeated by the troops under -Sancho d'Avila, an officer who had already earned an evil reputation -for mutiny in the Netherlands. On the 29th of June, 1581, Philip -made his entry into Lisbon. Those few nobles who had dared to oppose -him were treated with relentless cruelty; the majority attempted no -resistance, and the people sullenly submitted. Antonio, with a price -set on his head, wandered from court to court begging for assistance -to regain his crown. In June, 1582, he succeeded in obtaining the help -of a French fleet, which sailed to the Azores. The fleet, however, -was dispersed by the Marquis of Santa Cruz; and for the rest of his -life the unfortunate pretender found an asylum for the most part in -England. Philip had gained his end, and Portugal was for a time united -with Spain. The Spaniards, however, had never been liked in Portugal; -the atrocities which accompanied the accession of Philip turned the -dislike to hatred; and it was not many years before Portugal again -threw off the hated yoke, and once for all declared her independence. - - -Sec. 6. _Internal Government of Philip II._ - - | The Government despotic; yet constitutional forms - | survive in Spain and its dependencies. - -Although the government of Philip II. was practically a despotism, it -would be a mistake to suppose that no constitutional checks existed, -or that they were entirely futile. The Cortes of Castile and Aragon -still survived, and even in the subject provinces the old assemblies -were not done away with. In Castile, the Cortes nominally enjoyed -deliberative powers; no edict could constitutionally be issued except -on their petition, and no tax levied except by their consent. Yet -if Philip often summoned them, if he did not interfere with their -debates, if he listened to their petitions, these were constantly -disregarded on the plea that it was not expedient that they should be -granted; and, when occasion demanded it, royal ordinances were issued, -and fresh taxes imposed, without waiting for their assent. - - | The revolt of Saragossa, 1591. - - | Interference with the privileges of Aragon. - -The constitutional rights of Aragon and its dependencies, Valencia -and Catalonia, were even more extensive. Any member of the Cortes -could present a memorial of grievances; until these grievances were -redressed the session could not be closed; and no law could be passed -or tax imposed except by the unanimous vote of the assembly. The -royal tribunals were subject to that of the Justiza, and any one -who set foot in Aragon could escape from the jurisdiction of the -royal courts by 'manifesting'--that is, by appealing to his aid. No -foreigners could hold office in Aragon; the Inquisition, though -established, met with constant opposition. With these privileges -Philip came into open conflict when, in April, 1590, Antonio Perez, -his secretary, fled to Aragon and claimed the protection of the -Justiza (cf. pp. 307-9). On the pretext that Perez had, in the -justification which he had just published, been guilty of blasphemy, -he was, at the demand of the Inquisitors of Aragon, transferred to -their own prison. The citizens of Saragossa at once rose against -this violation of their 'fueros.' The Justiza was mobbed for having -surrendered the prisoner; the royal representative, the Marquis of -Almanara, was killed; and the Inquisitors, in fear of their lives, -restored Perez to the 'Aljaferia,' or Justiza's prison. Four months -later, another attempt on the part of the Inquisitors (September 1591) -led to a renewed revolt, which was supported by the new Justiza, who -had been just appointed. Philip forthwith ordered an army to march -(October 24). The rebels had no army or organisation, and found little -support, except from some of the more violent of the peasants, who -betook themselves to brigandage. Accordingly, the royal army met with -no resistance; and when it reached Saragossa on November 12, 1591, -the city submitted without striking a blow. Although Philip published -an amnesty, all the leading men who had taken any part were excepted; -and the Justiza himself was executed, in violation of the law that -he could not even be arrested unless by the order of the Cortes. A -meeting of that body followed. In spite of the rule that it should be -presided over by the King himself, or a prince of the blood, the chair -was taken by Chinchon, the Archbishop of Saragossa, and the Cortes -consented to the following invasion of their privileges. The King was -to be allowed to nominate aliens as his viceroys; a definite time -was to be fixed for presenting grievances; except for the voting of -taxes, the right of any member to veto any measure was done away with, -and matters were to be decided by the vote of the majority of each -estate. This last concession practically made the King master of their -decisions, since he had the power of adding to the number of deputies -of each estate by summoning his nominees. Finally, for the appointment -of the deputies of the Justiza, a complicated system was established -which practically put the nomination in the King's hands, and made -them the creatures of the royal will. Here, therefore, ended the -real independence of the Cortes of Aragon, and of its Justiza. True, -the country was not so severely taxed as Castile; yet, as in Castile -itself, the shadow of constitutional liberty alone remained, while the -reality had departed. - - | Government of Naples, Sicily, and Milan. - -An identical policy, although in a more exaggerated form, was pursued -by Philip in Sicily, in Naples, and in Milan. Satisfied with getting -the control of the central courts of justice, and of the supreme -executive, into the hands of his nominees, Philip allowed the old -assemblies, the feudal and municipal privileges, to continue. For the -rest the royal authority was maintained by the Viceroy. He made use of -class and local jealousies; he played off noble against burgher and -peasant, laity against clergy; he resorted to wholesale corruption, -and kept an army, mainly composed of Spaniards, to fall back upon in -the last resort; and, if at any time the Viceroy became too unpopular, -he could always be made the scapegoat and removed. It was in Naples -that the authority of the Viceroy was the least uncontrolled, that -corruption was deepest, and the taxation heaviest; while Milan -was protected by the privileges of the town and the pretensions -of the archbishop, more especially under the well-known prelate, -Carlo Borromeo; and in Sicily the feudal rights, and the municipal -privileges of such towns as Messina and Palermo, were too powerful to -be entirely overthrown. - - | The Central Councils. - -Under such a system of government as this, it was inevitable that the -real power should lie with the King and with those central councils -which controlled the administrative and judicial system in the various -parts of the empire. Of these there were as many as eleven,[64] of -which the three following were the most important: the Council of -State, the Council of Castile, and that of the Inquisition. The -Council of the Inquisition has already been described (p. 279). The -Council of State confined itself for the most part to foreign -affairs. But since Philip looked upon Castile as the centre of his -empire, it was but natural that the Council of Castile should become -the most important. Its functions were mainly judicial; it heard -appeals from inferior courts, and under Philip II. was mainly composed -of lawyers. It enjoyed, however, other powers; it kept the Church in -control, it drafted laws, and was generally consulted on all matters -of state interest. In fact, it became practically the Council of State -for the interior. The nomination of the members of these Councils -was exclusively in the hands of the King. With the exception of the -Council of State they were composed of ecclesiastics as well as -laymen, but the nobles rarely found a place there. - - | Exclusion of nobles from political power. - -Excluded altogether from the Cortes of Castile, and with a very -limited representation in that of Aragon,[65] the Spanish nobility -took but little part in political affairs at home. They had enormous -revenues; they were exempted from taxation; they filled most of -the offices in the royal household; they often commanded the royal -armies and fleets abroad; they acted as ambassadors, and as Viceroys -in the dependent states and in the colonies; but at home they had -little influence. They were no longer allowed to bear arms or levy -their retainers, except in the royal service; and, except on special -occasions, such as the rebellion of the Moriscoes, rarely appeared -in the field unless on foreign service. The time which was not spent -at court, was passed on their wide domains, where they copied on a -small scale the magnificence and the etiquette of the court. Living -thus in proud isolation, with much wealth but little power, they -refused to mix, or to intermarry with the lower classes, and rapidly -became a degenerate and useless class like the nobles of France in the -eighteenth century. - -The Councils, then, depending as they did on the royal will, were -filled for the most part with the obsequious servants of a suspicious -master who could ruin them at his pleasure, unless, indeed, as was -sometimes the case, they were able to spread a net of intrigue round -the King which he was, for a time at least, unable to break. If Philip -usually asked the advice of his Councillors, he kept to his father's -injunction, 'to depend on no one but himself.' He did not often appear -at their sessions; sometimes he altered despatches before submitting -them to his Councils; he generally received their opinions through a -committee, or more often demanded a written report, which he took to -his private cabinet and annotated with marginal comments. True to his -boast, that 'with a bit of paper he ruled over both hemispheres,' he -sat at his desk for hours together, sometimes assisted by a secretary, -sometimes by his favourite daughter Isabella, often quite alone, -and covered the state papers with notes in his crabbed hand with -the assiduity of a clerk, and not uncommonly with trivialities, of -which a schoolboy might be ashamed. Under these circumstances the -actual authority exercised by any individual depended on his personal -influence, and that of his clique, with the King. Although Philip -would allow his ministers considerable latitude as long as he trusted -them, his suspicions were easily aroused. He made use of one minister -against another; he learnt from each severally the views and opinions -of the others; he adopted the same system of espionage with regard -to them as he did, through his secret emissaries, abroad, and his -suspicion once aroused, the fall of the minister or viceroy was not -far off. - - | The chief ministers. - - | The Duke of Alva. - - | Ruy Gomez, Prince of Eboli. - - | Cardinal Espinosa. - -Of the ministers who chiefly enjoyed his confidence the following -may be mentioned. At the beginning of his reign three men were -most influential: the Duke of Alva, Ruy Gomez de Silva, Prince of -Eboli, and Espinosa. The Duke of Alva had been a trusted adviser of -Charles, and had served him in his wars. Accordingly he recommended -him to his son as the ablest statesman, and the best soldier in his -dominions. Alva's love of carefully weighing all sides before arriving -at a decision, coupled with his determination in carrying out the -royal will, made him a congenial spirit. He was Grand Steward of the -household, and a member of the Council of State, and for the first -few years had much influence. From the very first, however, he found -a rival in Gomez. This nobleman, descended from the younger branch of -a Portuguese family which had settled in Castile, had, as an imperial -page, become the favourite of Philip when prince. The ascendency -thus obtained he subsequently maintained by his knowledge of the -humours of his master, his pliability, his obsequiousness, and his -dexterity; while by his affability to others he succeeded in retaining -popularity. After his marriage with Anna Mendoza, Princess of Eboli, a -woman remarkable for her wit and for her beauty in spite of the loss -of an eye, he was created Prince of Eboli, and made a member of the -Council of State, and First Gentleman of the Bedchamber. Generally in -favour of pacific measures, he was opposed to the policy of repression -in the Netherlands, of which Alva approved. On this question Alva's -advice prevailed; but with his departure to carry out the policy he -advocated, the influence of the Duke declined. The King perhaps had -learnt to resent his haughty demeanour; at all events Alva ceased to -play an important part in affairs of state.[66] The influence of the -Prince of Eboli was now supreme; and by his adroitness, and, if we may -believe some, by the complaisance of his wife to the attentions of -the King, he continued to retain his power till his death, in July, -1573. The third man of note during Philip's earlier years was Diego de -Espinosa, who attracted the attention of the King by his extraordinary -capacity for work, and by his ability. He became President of the -Council of Castile and of the Indies; he was also Inquisitor-General, -a member of the Council of State, and Bishop of Siguenca, and, -finally, was created Cardinal. This rapid rise, however, made him so -arrogant that he shortly incurred the dislike of his master, and on -being given the lie by the King in open council, Espinosa took to his -bed and died of chagrin, in September, 1572. - - | Antonio Perez. - -After the death of Ruy Gomez in July, 1573, his policy was continued -by the Marquis de Los Velez, the Queen's major-domo, and by Antonio -Perez. The history of the latter is so characteristic of the dealings -of Philip with his ministers, that it requires more elaborate -notice. Antonio Perez, the illegitimate son of Gonzalo Perez, -Archdeacon of Sepulveda--one of the secretaries of state of Charles -V., and afterwards of his son--had learnt his business in the service -of the Prince of Eboli. On his father's death, in 1566, Perez had -succeeded to some of his duties, and on the death of his patron, the -Prince of Eboli, he stepped into his place and continued his policy, -supported by the powerful advocacy of his widow. Blindly devoted to -the service of the King, and an adept at that system of espionage -which Philip loved, he sought for confidences that he might betray -them to his master, and flinched at no baseness to do him service. Of -these despicable acts, the dealings of Perez with Don John will -furnish the most flagrant example. We shall find (p. 353) that it -was Perez who fed the jealousy of Philip for his half-brother; that -he made use of Escovedo, Don John's secretary, to tempt Don John -into rash statements, only that they might be communicated to the -King, and finally that it was he who saw Philip's order to murder -the unfortunate secretary carried out. From that moment, however, -Perez knew no peace. His enemies in the council fostered the report -that he was the murderer of Escovedo, and implored the justice of -the King. Philip at first promised to support his instrument, or, -rather, his accomplice, but suddenly changed his mind, and had him and -the Princess of Eboli arrested (July 28, 1579). The explanation of -this strange conduct is still one of the mysteries of that reign of -mystery. The popular opinion, that it was due to the wounded pique of -the monarch, who was affronted because the widowed Princess of Eboli -preferred the embraces of the secretary to those of his master, is -not very probable. The report was based on vague surmises, and is not -supported by any definite proof; the Princess was now in years, and -the mother of ten children; the wife of Perez remained the constant -defender of her husband; nor is it easy to believe that Philip's -confessor, Fray Diego de Chaves, would have shown such activity in the -matter had the reason for the persecution of Escovedo been of this -shameful character. It would appear more likely that Philip became -convinced that Perez and the Princess had deceived him in the matter -of Escovedo, and that, possibly to free themselves from a rival, they -had by their slanders compassed the death of the unfortunate man. The -conduct of the King seems to support this view. Afraid apparently of -compromising revelations with regard to his treatment of Don John, -and the murder of Escovedo, he at first seemed inclined to pardon -Perez, and even to recall him to his work; and it was not until -November, 1581, that, urged on by his confessor, he determined on -a more rigorous course. From that moment, the affair became almost -a personal struggle between the King and Perez. For five years the -ignoble matter dragged on, while Philip was collecting evidence -against his secretary. Perez was then (January 23, 1585) condemned -to a fine and to two years' imprisonment, followed by eight years' -exile. Even then an attempt was made to get hold of all compromising -papers and letters. These had been hidden by the wife of Perez at the -commencement of the affair, but, though imprisoned, she refused to -surrender them, even after receiving her husband's leave. Meanwhile, -Perez himself succeeded in escaping from his house, where he had been -confined, and took sanctuary. This was, however, violated, and Perez -was seized and put to torture. Nevertheless, on April 20, 1590, he -managed to escape from his tormentors, dressed in his wife's clothes, -and fled to Aragon, where we have already met him (p. 300). On the -suppression of the revolt in that kingdom he once more succeeded in -escaping, this time to France. Philip still pursued him with fury; -he suborned agents to murder him; he tried to entrap him by means of -a woman of Pau, but all in vain. Perez subsequently went to England, -where he stirred up Elizabeth to send the expedition to Cadiz (cf. -p. 374). He finally survived his persecutor, and tried to make his -peace with Philip III. by offering to betray the state secrets of -the countries which had given him refuge. Philip, meanwhile, baulked -of his prey, took vengeance on the Princess of Eboli, and the heroic -wife of the secretary. The first was treated with increased harshness, -and died eighteen months afterwards (February 1592); the second was -imprisoned with her children, during the rest of Philip's life. - - | Change of Ministers and of Policy, after fall of - | Perez, 1579. - - | Cardinal Granvelle, 1579-1586. - - | Idiaquez and Christoval de Moura. - -With the fall of Perez in 1579, the party originally led by Ruy Gomez -lost influence in the royal councils. Their places were taken by -Granvella, Don Juan de Idiaquez, and Christoval de Moura. Of these, -Cardinal Granvelle, son of the Chancellor of Charles V., and a native -of Franche-Comte, had already served Philip as a member of the -Consulta in Flanders, 1559-1563 (cf. p. 321). Since then he had filled -the post of Viceroy of Naples, where he had distinguished himself by -forming the league which led to the battle of Lepanto (cf. p. 293). He -was now appointed President of the Council of Castile. Idiaquez, son -of a secretary of state under Charles V., succeeded to Perez' place -as secretary, while Moura, a Portuguese, was appointed member of the -Council of Finance, and took an active part in the conquest of his -native country (cf. p. 297). This change of ministry was marked by a -complete revolution in the policy of the King. Philip had hitherto -pursued a pacific policy in Europe; but from this moment he began to -embark on those attempts to make himself master of France and England -which finally ended in complete collapse. - - | The Night Junta. - -Granvelle soon found himself supplanted by his colleagues; and on his -death (September 22, 1586), Idiaquez and Moura with the addition of -the Count de Chinchon, an Aragonese, formed a triumvirate known as -the Night Junta, to which all important affairs from every department -were referred. Under the rule of this Junta, which lasted to the end -of the reign, the administration became more corrupt, and the quarrels -among the subordinates more frequent, while the irresolution and -procrastination of the King increased as his health began to fail. - - | The King's Confessors. - -We should, however, fail to appreciate the influences which surrounded -Philip if we omitted his confessors. These were two Dominican -friars--Fray Bernardo de Fresneda up till 1577; from that date till -1595, Fray Diego de Chaves. Both these men added to their position -as confessors a post in the civil administration. The former--'the -fat Bishop of Cuenca,'--whom Cecil's agent declared to be one of the -'chiefest' of the ministers, was appointed a member of the Council -of War, and commissary-general of the revenue derived from the -Cruzada. The second had even greater influence. Nominated a Councillor -of State in 1584, we find De Chaves taking a principal part in the -affair of Perez, in the suppression of the rebellion in Aragon, and in -the conquest of Portugal. He did not scruple to betray to his master -the secrets he learnt in the confessional, but in return for this -devotion he at times demanded obedience. Thus, in 1591, we find him -actually refusing the sacrament to Philip until the King should follow -his wishes with regard to the appointment of the President of the -Council of Castile. - - | The beginnings of a standing army. - - | The evils of the absolute rule of Philip. - -To this despotic rule, one thing alone was wanting--a standing -army--and even there a beginning had been made. Although a large force -had been kept on foot by Philip's father, it was only used on foreign -service, and was stationed abroad. For service at home, Charles -had depended on the militia levies from the towns, and the feudal -service of the nobles and their retainers. To these Philip added -the 'Guards of Castile,' a considerable force of men-at-arms with -their followers, together with some squadrons of light cavalry, who -were put upon a permanent footing, and retained at home. Henceforth -the government had an army at hand wherewith to quell any domestic -troubles. But if Philip's rule may be justly called a despotism, -here too, as ever, that despotism involved the restraints and the -intrigues of a bureaucracy--a bureaucracy which, though appointed by -the King, sometimes became his master. Nowhere perhaps can a more -startling illustration be found of the evil results of absolute rule, -especially when placed in the hands of a man of small intelligence, -of narrow and bigoted views, and of suspicious temperament, yet with -a tenacious love of power, and with indefatigable though misdirected -industry. Charles had, indeed, ruled despotically, and with some -success. But the son resembled his father in one point only, his -self-control. Neither good nor bad news made him display any emotion; -at most, when some untoward event was announced, he was seen to clutch -his beard. For the rest, Philip had not his father's gifts, and, -with such a man, the consequences of the system were disastrous. His -determination to hold the reins of government, at least in appearance, -necessarily caused delay; and, coupled with his unfortunate delusion -that 'time and he were a match for any other two,' led to that fatal -habit of procrastination and irresolution which often ruined his most -cherished schemes. Dearly as he loved power, he was not strong enough -always to take the lead himself; and hence his eager desire for the -opinions of his councillors. No doubt he fancied that the ultimate -decision lay with him; yet often, in reality, he was guided by the -individual who for the moment had his ear. Under these circumstances -it was inevitable that intrigue and corruption should gather round -him, until they were often too strong to be withstood. Meanwhile, in -the lower orders of the bureaucracy these evils grew apace, and were -even acknowledged by Granvella himself. - -Nevertheless, since it is not to be denied that Philip decided what -influences should be near him, and thus gave the general tone to the -character of the administration, he must be held primarily responsible -for its harmful action. We have already shown how the isolation -of the nobility was fostered; how by the absolute authority which -Philip exercised over the Church, combined with the powers of the -Inquisition, all independence of thought was crushed; how by a narrow -bureaucratic system, the people were deprived of the substance of -political power. - - | Philip's Financial and Commercial Policy. - -A few words remain to be said on the commercial and financial policy -of the reign. The view prevalent at that time in Europe that gold -and silver were the most desirable of all forms of wealth, and that -a country benefited when the imports of those metals exceeded their -exports, had a certain practical truth in it. It should be remembered -that, in the absence of paper money, the amount of metallic currency -required within a country would, relatively to the volume of trade, -be greater then than now. Moreover, since national loans were only in -their infancy, and a National Debt unknown, a well-filled treasury -was necessary to meet great emergencies, such as a war. Above all, in -those countries which did not themselves possess any mines, the only -way of obtaining the precious metals was in exchange for homemade -goods, or by trade. In such countries, therefore, the doctrine -tended to stimulate, not to cramp industrial enterprise. The case -of Spain, however, was different. The mines of the New World gave -her the precious metals, and therefore she was tempted to discourage -the imports of foreign countries, and even to forbid the exportation -of gold and silver. Nor was this all. Trusting to the produce of -the mines, the Spaniards both at home and in the colonies were -encouraged in their national dislike for the more laborious, though -more productive industries, and national indolence increased. The -mines, moreover, were not nearly so productive as was hoped, and -Philip soon learnt that the wealth turned out by the Flemish looms was -infinitely greater than that produced by the far-famed mines of Mexico -and Peru. - -The absurd regulations with regard to trade, which were not however -new, led also to disastrous results. In the vain hope of keeping -prices down, the export of corn and cattle, and even dealing in -corn within the country, was prohibited; importation of any kind -from the Barbary coast was also forbidden. The effect of these and -other absurd restrictions was that the cultivation of the restricted -articles was checked, and that trade gradually fell into the hands -of foreigners. Many of these, in return for loans, obtained licences -from the King to export, while the demand for foreign goods gave the -foreigner the command of the import trade. All articles of luxury -came from abroad, and we know that the rebels of the Netherlands -carried on a thriving trade in those very munitions of war which -Spain used in her attempt to crush them. It has been computed that -five-sixths of the home, and nine-tenths of the Indian trade were -monopolised by foreigners. Thus Spain, by no means wealthy by nature, -failed to enrich herself by trade and manufactures, and remained -poverty-stricken. The evil was increased by the exorbitant taxation -necessitated by Philip's wars, and by the expenses of the court. These -taxes fell more especially on Castile and Naples, and were collected -by such evil and corrupt methods that, while the people suffered much, -the government often received but little. - - | General results of Philip's Home Policy. - -The general effect of Philip's policy at home was to foster and -exaggerate all the worst traits of the Spanish character--its -intolerance, its ignorance, its indolence, and its pride; and if at -the beginning of his reign Spain seemed to have touched her pinnacle -of greatness, by the end of it she had made a long step towards her -future decline. We must now pass on to deal with Philip's policy in -the Netherlands and abroad, to trace the failure of his attempt to -reduce these provinces to the condition of his other dependencies, and -the collapse of his wild idea of subjugating England and France to his -despotic rule. - -[Illustration: THE NETHERLANDS] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [59] The Grand Inquisitors during the reign of Philip were:-- - - 1. Don Fernando Valdes, Archbishop of Seville, 1547-1566. - - 2. Espinosa, the King's Secretary, Bishop of Siguenca, and - Cardinal, 1566-1573. - - 3. Quiroga, Archbishop of Toledo, 1573-1594. - - [60] For the mystery of Don Carlos cf. Prescott, _Philip II._, c. - vi.; Forneron, _Philippe II._, c. xi.; Gachard, _Don Carlos et - Philippe II._ - - [61] There were Moriscoes in other parts of Spain, especially in - Murcia, Valencia and even in the Vega of Granada, who were not - disturbed. - - [62] A _cruzada_ was a licence granted by papal dispensation, - allowing the eating of eggs and milk on certain days. This - licence was sold by the King, and to induce people to purchase - it, every one was forced to buy these articles whether they ate - them or no. An _excusado_ was the tithe upon one holding in each - parish in Spain, granted to the King. - - [63] There were other possible claimants--Emanuel Philibert, Duke - of Savoy, and the sons of Alexander Farnese, who could claim - through the female line, but did not do so. Even Catherine de' - Medici affected to base her title on descent from a distant King - of Portugal, but did not at this time urge it. The question of - the succession, and the close relationship between the royal - families of Spain and Portugal will be best understood from the - following table:-- - - { Isabella, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. - =Emanuel of Portugal= = { Mary, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. - | { Eleanor, sister of Charles V. - | - +-----------------+------+----------+-----------+ - | | | | - =John III.= = Catherine, Lewis, =Henry, Isabella = Charles V. - 1521-1557. | sister of Duke of Cardinal=, | - | Charles V. Beja. 1578-1580. | - | . | - +--+-------+ ................. | - | | . | - Philip II. = Mary Emanuel = Joanna, Antonio, | - of Spain. John, | sister of Prior of | - +1554. | Philip II. Crato, the | - | Pretender. | - =Sebastian=, | - 1557-1578. +-----------+ - | | - =Philip II.= Joanna = - Emanuel John. - - [64] The others were:-- - - 1. The Hazienda, for the administration of the revenue, and - for the trial of cases concerning it. - - 2. The Council of The Orders, for the administration of the three - Military Orders of St. Iago, Calatrava, Alcantara. - - 3. The Camera, originally a section of the Council of Castile, - subsequently became practically a separate council. - - 4. The Council of War. - - 5, 6, 7, 8. The Councils of Aragon, Italy, Flanders, and - Portugal. That of Portugal was created after the conquest of that - country. That of Flanders soon ceased to be of much importance. - - 9. The Council of Indies, for the general administration of the - Indies, and for the trial of cases, civil and ecclesiastical, - arising thence. - - [65] Only eight titled houses of the Grandees could claim a seat. - Of the hidalgos, or lesser nobility, only those came whom the - king chose to summon. - - [66] After the return of Alva from the Netherlands, a quarrel - broke out between him and the King about the marriage affairs of - his son, and he was ordered to live in retirement at Uzada, 1579. - There he remained till his services were required for the - conquest of Portugal, 1580. He died in December 1582. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS - - Policy of Charles V.--Regency of Margaret of Parma--The - States-General of 1559 and their grievances--Granvella - retires--Edict of Segovia--The Confederates at St. - Trond--Alva--Execution of Egmont, Hoorne and - Montigny--Jemmingen--The 'Beggars' seize Brille--Alliance with - France--St. Bartholomew--Fall of Mons--Siege of Haarlem--Don - Requesens--Military events--Conference at Breda--Exploits of - Mondragon--Sack of Antwerp--Pacification of Ghent--Don John--The - Perpetual Edict--The Archduke Mathias--Gemblours--Alexander of - Parma--Union of Arras and Utrecht--Sovereignty offered to Duke - of Anjou--The French Fury--Assassination of Orange--Successes of - Parma--Henry III. and Elizabeth decline the - Sovereignty--Leicester in the Netherlands--The Armada--Successes - of Maurice--Death of Parma--The Archdukes Ernest and - Albert--Truce of 1609--Condition of Netherlands. - - -The revolt of the Netherlands has been generally looked upon -as a notable instance of the resistance of a democracy to -religious persecution. The statement, however, requires some -modification. The religious element, no doubt, furnished -a principle of enthusiasm to many, more especially in the -northern provinces. Yet persecution was not the primary, nor -indeed the chief cause of discontent, and many Catholics, at -first, in any case, joined the party of resistance;[67] while the -oligarchical character of the government of many of the towns, -and the influential position held by the nobles, more especially -in the southern and western provinces, remind us that the -movement was far more oligarchical in character than has -often been allowed. - - | Previous history of the Netherlands. - -Of the seventeen provinces which formed the Netherlands at the -accession of Philip II., the greater number had been gradually -collected together by the powerful Dukes of Burgundy during the -fifteenth century, by successful marriages, by cession, and by -conquest. On the marriage of the Burgundian heiress Mary to Maximilian -they had passed to the house of Hapsburg, and thence, by the marriage -of the Archduke Philip and Joanna, to their son Charles V. The tie -which bound these provinces together was purely a personal one. They -were held by various titles.[68] They were inhabited by peoples of -different race and language; the Dutchman in the north-east, the -Flamand in Brabant, the Walloon and the German in the western and -southern provinces. The social conditions also varied. In Flanders -and Brabant the country districts were in the hands of a powerful -nobility, the cities inhabited by an industrial and turbulent people, -controlled by opulent burghers. In the north, the democratic element -predominated, more especially in the Frisian provinces, and the -inhabitants spent their life either in fishing and commerce on the -sea, or in saving their country from its inroads. These differences, -social and political, were reflected in the variety of their -institutions. Each province had its own peculiar government. Many had -especial privileges guaranteed them by charter, and no native of one -province could constitutionally hold office in another. - - | Policy of Charles V. - -The attempt of the Dukes of Burgundy to establish a more centralised -system of government, and to fuse these heterogeneous elements into -greater unity, had been strenuously resisted, more especially by the -burghers of Brabant and of Flanders, and the relations between the -provinces and their rulers had often been severely strained. During -the rule of the Archduke Philip (1494-1506) the struggle had abated, -but with the accession of Charles V., the policy of consolidation -and centralisation was again resumed. The boundaries were extended -by the acquisition of West Friesland in 1524, of the lordship of -Groeningen in 1536, and of the duchy of Gueldres and of the county of -Zutphen in 1543. By the treaty of Madrid (1526), Artois, Flanders, -and Tournay were freed from their dependence on France, and in 1528, -Charles acquired the temporalities of the bishopric of Utrecht, and -the lordship of Overyssel. In 1548, the whole of the Netherlands were -formed into the Burgundian Circle, while retaining their independence -of the Diet and the Imperial Chamber, and Charles thought of erecting -them into a middle kingdom under a separate government--a policy -which was, unfortunately, reversed when, in 1555, Charles decided to -leave these provinces to his son. Owing to his necessary absence from -the country, the Emperor left the control of the government in the -hands of Governesses--his aunt, Margaret of Savoy, ruling from 1506 -to 1530; his sister, Mary of Hungary, the widow of Lewis, from 1530 -to 1555--yet the policy of centralisation was steadily pursued. A -States-General composed of clergy, nobles, and city representatives -from each of the provinces, was summoned, although its meeting was -not a success. A Central Court of Justice was again established at -Mechlin, to which all provincial courts were declared subject. The -control of the administration was placed in the hands of three -Councils: a Privy Council, to act as a ministry of police and justice; -a Court of Finance over the financial chambers of the provinces; and -a Council of State, composed chiefly of the greater nobles, which, -under the presidency of the Regent, was to administer foreign affairs -and exercise a general superintendence over the other Councils. The -provinces were placed in the hands of Stattholders, nominated from the -ranks of the nobility by the Emperor himself. The other officials, -both municipal and judicial, were usually appointed by him. The -privileges of the towns were gradually circumscribed, and the attempt -of Ghent to refuse a tax voted by the States-General, and generally to -resist the centralising policy of the Emperor, was crushed out with -merciless severity in 1540; the immunities and privileges of the city -were declared forfeit, and the exclusive nomination of ten magistrates -vested in the Emperor's hands (cf. p. 209). - -It was on the question of heresy, however, that Charles proved himself -most inexorable. Not only had the doctrines of Luther early spread -among the Netherlanders, but the more extreme views of Calvin, which -were even better suited to the genius and character of the people; -while the extravagant and anarchical views of the Anabaptists of -Munster had appeared at Amsterdam, and elsewhere. Untrammelled by -the political difficulties which surrounded him in Germany, Charles -was eager to crush out these opinions. A series of edicts, termed -'Placards,' culminating in that of 1550, threatened death by pit, -fire, or sword to all convicted of heresy, or of harbouring heretics, -of dealing in heretical books, of attending conventicles, of disputing -on the Scriptures, or of image breaking. An attempt, indeed, to -appoint one Inquisitor-General, with uncontrolled powers of enforcing -these edicts, led to such discontent that the Inquisitor had to fly, -and Charles was fain to content himself with dividing the office -among four, who were not to proceed to sentence without the consent -of the provincial council. If the number of victims under these -'Placards' has been grossly exaggerated, yet at least Charles had not -refrained from persecution. Nevertheless, he was not unpopular in the -Netherlands; the religious and political grievances had not as yet -become identified. Charles was a Fleming born; in his earlier years he -was entirely in the hands of his Flemish councillors, and if latterly -the exigencies of his European position enforced his residence -elsewhere, he often visited the home of his birth; and not only -abstained from appointing foreigners to office in the Netherlands, -but irritated his Spanish subjects by raising Flemings to the highest -posts in Spain. His constant wars offered a profession to those who -cared for the pursuit of arms, and the wide extent of his empire gave -commercial opportunities of which the industrious Flemings were eager -to take advantage. At no time was the prosperity of the Netherlands -greater; the looms in the western towns were never busier; the lands -of Flanders and of Artois were rich in corn; the north-east provinces -furnished ample supplies of butter and of cheese, while the fishermen -enriched themselves by the herring fishery. Antwerp, which of late -had taken the place of Bruges as the entrepot of commerce, became -one of the most populous and prosperous towns in Europe; its quays -were crowded with the shipping, its banking houses with the business -men, of every nation. The riches of the Netherlands may be estimated -by remembering that in a few years they contributed no less than -twenty-four millions of ducats to the finances of the Emperor. These -contributions had, however, only been extorted with difficulty; the -Netherlands complained that their revenues were expended on wars -in which they were not concerned; the religious difficulties were -increasing; and when Charles, in 1555, handed over the government to -his son, it was pretty clear that this prosperous yet turbulent and -independent people could only be kept loyal by clever and conciliatory -statesmanship. - - | Philip at once alienates the sympathies of the - | Netherlanders. - -The succession of Philip II. at this critical moment was most -unfortunate. His cold and arrogant behaviour was contrasted with -the more genial manners of the great Emperor; he made no secret of -his devotion to Spain and his contempt for his Fleming subjects, -while his bigoted adherence to the Catholic faith was proved by his -renewal of the edicts of 1550, in all their severity. Even the war -with France was not popular in the Netherlands; they complained that -their interests were sacrificed to those of Spain, and resisted the -demands made upon their purses. The Peace of Cateau Cambresis (1559) -still further increased this discontent. By that treaty, the Duke of -Savoy, who had been Regent in Brussels since 1555, was restored to his -dominions in Italy. It therefore became necessary to choose another -Regent. Here was an opportunity of conciliating the Netherlanders by -appointing some Flemish noble, of whom there were at least two well -qualified for the post. William of Nassau had, by the death of his -cousin Rene in 1544, succeeded, not only to large possessions in -Holland and in Brabant, but to the rich lands of Chalons in France, -and the principality of Orange on the Rhone. Appointed Stattholder of -Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, and West Friesland by Charles V., he had -been intrusted by him with military command, and with the conduct of -diplomatic missions, an employment for which he displayed a special -gift. By character and position he would have been excellently well -fitted for the position of Regent. Failing him, there was Lamoral, -Count of Egmont, and Stattholder of Flanders and Artois, who although -inferior to the Prince of Orange in ability and strength of character, -had gained a great reputation in the battles of St. Quentin and -Gravelines, and was, owing to his genial and impulsive nature, a -general favourite. - - | Margaret of Parma appointed Regent. 1559-1567. - - | The Consulta. - - | Unpopular measures of Philip. - - | Grievances presented by States-General of 1559. - -Philip, however, had no intention of appointing any one who was -likely to be too powerful or independent, and finally selected his -half-sister Margaret, Duchess of Parma, the illegitimate daughter -of Charles V., and wife of Ottavio Farnese, grandson of Pope Paul -III. Margaret, who was at this time thirty-eight years of age, was the -daughter of a Flemish lady. She had been brought up by two Regents -of the Netherlands, Margaret of Savoy, and Mary of Hungary, and her -appointment was not disliked. But although of masculine appearance and -voice, she was a woman of no great political ability, and was apt to -adopt the policy of any one who for the moment was most influential, -and unfortunately those in power were most unpopular. Philip had -given instructions that she was to rule by the aid of the three -Councils, that of Finance, the Privy Council, and the Council of -State. The Council of State comprised amongst its members several -of the higher nobility, the most notable of whom were the Prince -of Orange and Egmont. It was nominally the supreme authority in -the Netherlands; but Philip gave orders that all the more delicate -questions of State should be in the hands of an interior Council, -termed the Consulta, which was composed of Count Berlaymont, Viglius, -and Granvelle. Of this triumvirate, Count Berlaymont, the president -of the Council of Finance, was a Fleming of good family, an honest -man, but with narrow and despotic views. Viglius, the president of -the Privy Council, was a jurist and a humanist of some reputation, -and a friend of Erasmus; yet he was so avaricious that he took orders -in order to enjoy the revenues of several benefices; he was wanting -in initiative, and was the humble follower of Granvelle. This man, -son of Charles' chancellor, was born in 1517, at Besancon, in -Franche-Comte. Raised to the see of Arras at the age of twenty-five, -he had, during the declining years of his father, and after his -death in 1550, enjoyed the confidence of the Emperor, and was by -him specially recommended to Philip, who appointed him president of -the Council of State. Although a hardworking and able statesman of -polished and insinuating manners, and with a real interest in the -welfare of the Netherlands, he was ambitious, fond of power, corrupt, -and greedy. He was disliked as a Burgundian by the Netherlanders, and -detested as the representative of the views of Philip. Nor was the -policy of the King calculated to smooth the susceptibilities of the -Flemings. The Spanish troops, whose presence had been necessitated -by the war, were not removed on the conclusion of peace, and made -up for the arrears in their pay by extortion and plunder; while the -well-known intention of Philip to crush out heresy caused widespread -apprehension. These, and other grievances found expression at the -meeting of the States-General, which had been summoned to Ghent in -August, 1559. Philip indeed promised to withdraw the troops--a promise -which, owing to his procrastination, was not fulfilled till October -1560--but the other grievances he did not deign to notice. Sooner than -reign over heretics, he declared to his ministers he would rather -not reign at all; while the opposition shown to the foreigner caused -him to remark: 'I, too, am a foreigner; will they refuse to obey me -as their Sovereign?' Having thus disregarded the complaints of his -people, Philip left the Netherlands never to return again, after -accusing William of Orange, if we may credit a contemporary writer, of -being the real mover in the opposition which had shown itself in the -States-General. - - | Philip's scheme of ecclesiastical reform. - -The departure of the King was followed by another measure which -seriously aggravated the discontent. The ecclesiastical organisation -of the Netherlands was very imperfect. There were only three -sees--Arras, Tournay, and Utrecht, and their dioceses were far too -large to be efficiently administered. That of Utrecht alone included -three hundred walled towns and eleven hundred churches. The other -parts of the Netherlands were either under the jurisdiction of the -Bishop of Cambray, a free imperial city, or under that of foreign -Bishops such as Liege, while the duchy of Luxemburg formed part of -four foreign dioceses. The confusion and conflicts with regard to -appeals were further increased by the fact that these bishoprics -were under the jurisdiction of foreign metropolitans: the two first -being subject to the archbishopric of Rheims, Utrecht to that of -Cologne. Charles V. himself had planned a reform; time, however, and -opportunity failed him, and it was left to Philip to carry it out on a -more extended basis. The number of the bishoprics was to be increased -to fifteen; they were to be freed from all foreign control, and to be -organised under three archbishoprics--Mechlin, Cambray, and Utrecht, -of which Mechlin, with Granvelle as its archbishop, was to enjoy the -primacy; the requisite revenues were to be supplied from the abbey -lands within each diocese, and the abbeys to be placed under priors -dependent on the bishops: each bishop was to appoint nine additional -prebendaries, two of whom were to be Inquisitors and to assist him in -the work of rooting out heresy. The announcement of this scheme was -met with a storm of opposition from Catholic and Protestant alike. The -bishops, it was declared, would be the creatures of the crown; while -the abbots, whose place they were to take, had been elected by the -monks, and had represented the local interests in the provincial -assemblies and in the States-General. The appropriation of the -revenues of the abbeys was denounced as an act of spoliation, by the -nobles especially, whose sons had often filled the place of abbot. The -more careless and ignorant of the clergy feared the stricter -supervision and discipline which would ensue. Above all, the measure -was condemned as an attempt to introduce the Spanish Inquisition. It -is true, no doubt, that some reform was needed, and that much of the -opposition was due to interested motives; nevertheless it was unwise, -if not unconstitutional, to introduce such a radical alteration in -the ecclesiastical organisation of the country without the approval -of the States-General, or even of the Council of State. The change -would certainly have enhanced the despotic authority of the crown; -while the inquisitorial powers given to the bishops at the very -moment when Philip was crushing out Protestantism in Spain, were of -dangerous import. In a word, the measure was inopportune unless it -was avowedly intended to serve the interests of authority and of -persecution, and if it was so intended, it demanded the most strenuous -opposition. Accordingly, the scheme met with such resistance that it -could not be fully carried out; Antwerp, which was specially protected -against an increase of ecclesiastical power by 'La Joyeuse Entree' -(the charter of Brabant), Gueldres, Utrecht, and five other places -escaped. But even mutilated as it was, the measure served to unite -the religious and political malcontents, and seriously increased the -unpopularity of the government. - - | William of Orange heads the Opposition. - - | Granvelle retires. March 1564. - - | Egmont sent to Spain, Jan. 1565. Philip refuses to - | listen. - - | The Edict of Segovia. - -In April, 1562, the first attempt to rescue victims of the Inquisition -was made at Valenciennes; at the same time the opposition of the -nobles to Granvelle became more determined. As Archbishop of Mechlin, -he was looked upon, though wrongly, as the prime mover in the matter; -as president of the Council of State he was held responsible for all -the hated measures of the King; while his acceptance of a cardinal's -hat, in 1561, still further awakened the jealousy of his enemies. The -malcontents found a leader in the Prince of Orange. In 1561, he had -taken as his second wife Anne, the daughter of Maurice of Saxony, the -old opponent of Charles V. The marriage had been opposed by Granvelle -as likely to strengthen the Protestant sympathies of the Prince, and -from that time forward there was open war between them. Finally, in -March 1563, Orange, Egmont, and Hoorne addressed a letter to Philip, -in which they demanded the dismissal of the Cardinal, and declined to -appear at the Council of State until their demand was granted. Even -the Regent Margaret, who had hitherto been a strenuous supporter of -Granvelle, deserted him, and supported the request of the nobles. In -March 1564, after long delay, Philip at last consented to dismiss his -minister. This however, had but little effect; for Berlaymont and -Viglius still remained, while Granvelle, from his place of retreat, -continued to advise the King; the system of government was unaltered, -the corruption continued, and the persecution did not cease. In the -following August, Philip added to the discontent by ordering on -his sole authority the publication of the Decrees of the Council -of Trent. This act met with general disapproval, not only from the -Protestants, but also from the Catholics, who looked upon it as an -infringement of their liberties. William of Orange expressed the -general opinion, when he declared in the Council of State that, in -the existing condition of public opinion, the Tridentine Decrees and -the edicts against heresy could not be enforced, and that it was time -that the corrupt system of government, the perversion of justice, -and the wranglings between the Councils should cease. To remedy this -state of things the nobles, led by the Prince of Orange and Counts -Egmont and Hoorne, urged on the Regent the necessity of summoning the -States-General and of increasing its powers, of reforming the Council -of State by the admission of more of the native nobility, and of more -completely subordinating the other Councils to it. Margaret, who had -now completely identified herself with the oligarchical party, adopted -their views, and Egmont was sent to Spain to urge their acceptance on -Philip (January 1565). Had Philip consented, the Netherlands might -have remained loyal; but the reforms would have involved an overthrow -of the bureaucratical system which had hitherto existed; the native -nobility would have regained power in the States-General, and in the -reformed Council of State, and a mitigation of the laws against heresy -must have followed. Philip therefore was unwilling to comply. In June, -1565, he had sent Alva to the Conference of Bayonne, and had urged -Catherine de Medici to proceed to stringent measures against the -Huguenots, and he was not likely to stultify himself by tolerating -heresy in his own dominions. He seemed indeed, at first, anxious to -procrastinate. Granvelle's brother wrote in despair: 'Everything goes -on from to-morrow to to-morrow: the only resolution is to remain -irresolute.' Possibly Philip delayed in the hopes of winning over -Egmont. At all events, in October the King threw off the mask, and in -his famous despatches from the wood of Segovia forbade any change in -the system of administration, and ordered the edict against heresy to -be enforced with all severity. - - | General opposition. - - | The Compromise. - -'Now we shall see the beginning of a fine tragedy,' said William -of Orange. The Regent, and even Berlaymont and Viglius, were -dismayed, and urged that Philip should be warned of the probable -consequences. But William declared that, 'Since the word of his -majesty was so unequivocally expressed, all that remained for them -was to execute it.' It is generally believed that the Prince of -Orange wished to precipitate matters; in any case his prophecy was -speedily to be fulfilled. In the agitation which ensued we find a new -element appearing. Hitherto the opposition for the most part had been -confined to the higher nobility, men who held some office, and who had -something to lose; now the lesser nobility began to move. These, like -the smaller nobility in France, had previously found occupation in the -wars, where they furnished a famous force of cavalry. The peace had -destroyed this occupation, and many had returned to their homes with -a turbulent spirit, a love of extravagance and of licence engendered -of the war, and ready for any opportunity of repairing their shattered -fortunes. Others, however, were of a more serious turn of mind, who -had, during their stay abroad, learnt and zealously adopted Protestant -opinions, while all were inspired by a sturdy love of freedom. Of the -less reputable, Henry, Viscount of Brederode, is a fair type. Philip -van Marnix, Lord of Sainte Aldegonde, represented the fanatical party; -while Louis of Nassau, the impetuous brother of William of Orange, -was the only statesman among them. Their views were expressed in 'The -Compromise,' a document which was very numerously signed by Catholics -as well as Protestants, and which declared that Philip had been -induced by evil councillors to establish the Inquisition, in violation -of his oath, and that they would resist it. - - | Petition of the Confederates, April 5, 1566, sent to - | Spain by Bergen and Montigny. - -It does not appear that any of the greater nobles signed the -Compromise. William of Orange himself openly condemned the violence -of its tone; yet his influence is probably to be traced in the -more moderate petition which the Confederates, led by Brederode, -presented to the Regent on April 5, 1566. In this petition, while -protesting their loyalty, they expressed their fears of a general -revolt, and demanded that envoys should be sent to Philip to urge upon -him the necessity of abolishing the Inquisition, and of summoning -the States-General for the purpose of moderating the edicts. The -Regent consented to despatch the Marquis de Bergen, and the Baron -de Montigny to Spain, and promised meanwhile some mitigation of -the edicts. Montigny reached Spain on June 17. But Philip, with -his usual procrastination, vouchsafed no answer until July 31. He -then promised that the Inquisition should be abolished, and that he -would content himself with the inquisitorial powers vested in the -bishops. Some hopes were held out that the severity of the edicts -would be moderated, and pardon was promised to any whom Margaret might -think deserving of it, on condition that they would abandon the League -of the Confederates and engage to support the government. To the -summoning of the States-General he would in no case consent. - - | Meeting of Confederates at St. Trond. July 1566. - -There is little reason to suppose that these terms would have -satisfied the Netherlanders even if the King had been sincere. But -we now know that he protested in the presence of the Duke of Alva, -a notary, and two jurists that, as these concessions had not been -granted of his own free will, he did not feel himself bound to -them. He wrote to the Pope to the same effect, and forthwith began -secret preparations for the despatch of Alva to punish those to whom -a pardon had just been offered. Meanwhile, events happened in the -Netherlands which, unfortunately, went some way to justify Philip's -conduct. The Confederates, in one of those drinking-bouts with which -they were too apt to inflame their patriotism, had assumed the name -of Les Gueux, possibly in allusion to a remark of Berlaymont that -they were nothing but a crowd of beggars. In July, they held another -meeting at St. Trond, near Liege, where, in spite of the opposition -of many Catholics, notably Count Mansfeld, they determined to insist -on complete toleration, and on some guarantee against the vengeance -of Philip. On the 28th, headed by Louis of Nassau, they presented -their petition to the Regent, but were ill received; and so convinced -were they that Philip would not long delay his vengeance, that Louis -proceeded to subsidise a force of mercenaries in Germany. - - | Iconoclasm causes a reaction. - -At this moment an outburst of violent fanaticism ruined their -cause. The activity and violence of the preachers, which had of late -been increasing, led, in the early days of August, to a serious -outbreak of iconoclasm. Commencing at St. Omer, the contagion rapidly -spread, and in a fortnight four hundred churches were sacked in -Flanders alone, while in Antwerp the cathedral was stripped of all -its treasures. Images, relics, shrines, paintings, manuscripts and -books shared a common fate. Only a few of the southern provinces were -spared. The fanatics were joined by the criminal classes, and for -a time anarchy reigned supreme. Margaret, bowing before the storm, -followed the advice of William. She promised that the Reformers -should be allowed to hold their meetings in the places where they -had hitherto held them, until the King and the States-General should -otherwise command. The Confederate nobles, on a promise of pardon, -undertook to assist the government, and the Stattholders, despatched -to their respective provinces, succeeded--some by concessions, some by -more stringent measures--in partly restoring order. The violence had, -however, done its work. The Catholics, shocked at the extravagance -and profanity of the rioters, abandoned the movement in disgust. The -Lutherans, anxious to throw blame on the Calvinists, with whom they -had little sympathy, followed suit. Egmont and Hoorne made haste to -rally round the government; even William was forced to execute some of -the ringleaders in Antwerp before he could restore order. Margaret, -taking advantage of this reaction, assumed a bolder line, and -commanded that the towns which were least to be trusted should be -occupied by royal garrisons, levied among the Walloon and Catholic -provinces. - - | The Confederates rise, but are defeated. - -The Confederate nobles, who had not been directly concerned in -these riotous proceedings, knowing that they would none the less -be held responsible, now rose. Compromised, however, as they were -by the extravagant conduct of the fanatics, and not quite prepared -to make common cause with them, they failed to obtain adequate -support. William forbade the citizens of Antwerp to march to the -defence of the patriots, who had seized the village of Austruweel -near by (March 13, 1567). They were defeated by the royal troops, -and their leader, the brother of St. Aldegonde, was slain. On April -2, Valenciennes, which had refused to admit the royal troops, was -taken; and shortly the Regent was practically mistress of the country, -with the exception of the province of Holland, and the city of -Antwerp. Fortresses were built in the principal towns; the meetings -of the Calvinists were dispersed; and many suffered death on the -scaffold, or at the hands of a ruthless soldiery. - - | Philip determines on stringent measures. - - | William of Orange retires to Nassau. April 30, 1567. - - | Egmont declines to move. - -Yet Philip was not satisfied. He had for some time determined to -replace Margaret by a stronger hand, and, in spite of the opposition -of his chief minister, the Prince of Eboli, to take summary vengeance, -not only on the authors of the late excesses, but upon the greater -nobles, whom he held responsible for the troubles. Of this intention -William of Orange was fully informed through his secret and paid -agents at Madrid, and, despairing of successful resistance for -the present, he decided to retire. His conduct has been severely -criticised. Had he stayed, it has been said, and raised the standard -of civil war, the cruel rule of Alva might have been prevented, or -the struggle would have been ended sooner and with more brilliant -success. It must be admitted that there is something to be said for -this view. Subsequent events proved that the political and religious -issues must eventually become identified; and if so, the sooner that -occurred the better. The government was as yet ill-provided with -troops upon whom it could depend, and a victory at this moment would -have rallied to the Prince's standard many who had not declared -themselves, and yet have made him strong enough to suppress the most -extravagant of his partisans. William might possibly have made the -venture if Egmont could have been prevailed upon to move. But Egmont -was a Catholic, and the movement had become decidedly anti-Catholic; -he still remembered the conciliatory treatment he had received in -Spain: he still trusted to Philip's clemency and shrank from open -rebellion. Without Egmont, William was unwilling to take action. He -was an aristocrat at heart: he looked for reform to a properly -representative Estates-General, and was disgusted at the mob-rule -which had of late prevailed. Although he had probably by this time -embraced Lutheranism, he had no sympathy with the Calvinistic tenets, -and scarcely realised their strength as the militant creed of those -who fought for political liberty. Moreover, he had alienated the -Calvinists by his conduct during the late troubles, and it was -questionable whether they would heartily rally round him. Finally, -the Lutheran princes of Germany could not be depended upon, and, of -success without foreign aid, he despaired. With these views, he had -no alternative but to fly; and, after vainly warning Egmont that he -feared Philip was merely 'making a bridge of him whereby he might -enter the Netherlands,' he took refuge, together with his brother and -some of the other Confederates, in his county of Nassau (April 30, -1567). - - | Alva despatched to the Netherlands. April 1567. - -William gone, all opposition was at an end. Antwerp opened its -gates on the day he left for Germany. Brederode, who had held -out at Viana in Holland, fled to Germany, to die in the summer -of 1568, a victim to his intemperate mode of life; and shortly -after all Holland submitted. The churches were now taken from the -Calvinists; the Regent issued a new edict which threatened death -to all Calvinistic preachers, and all who had been a party to the -late sacrilegious attack on the churches. The Prince of Orange had -left none too soon. Three days before he crossed the frontier, Alva -had started from Spain (April 27). The question as to the despatch -of Alva had been debated in the royal council. Ruy Gomez, Prince -of Eboli, the chief minister of Philip, and others, urged that the -Flemings were a people more likely to be overcome by clemency than -by arms. This was also the opinion of Margaret, who informed Philip -that order was now re-established, and that all that was needed was -'not an army but a vigilant police.' Philip, however, was of another -mind. He had from the first chafed under the restraints imposed on -his despotic authority by the privileges and independent spirit of -the Netherlanders, especially in the matter of taxation. He was -determined to root out heresy there, as he had done in Spain. Above -all he was eager to inflict summary vengeance on the nobles, whom he -considered the real authors of the troubles, and the chief obstacles -to the triumph of arbitrary rule. For this task no more fit agent -could have been found than the Duke of Alva. With a father's blood -to revenge, he had been nurtured in the wars against the Moors. At -the age of thirty-nine he led the army of Charles V. against the -Lutherans at Muehlberg, and since then had governed Italy with a rod -of iron. His severity only increased with his age; and now at the age -of sixty, a good general, a severe disciplinarian, an enemy of all -political freedom, and a narrow bigot, he was a man after Philip's -own heart, and one to succeed if severity without statesmanship could -win success. Appointed in the first instance Captain-General, with -supreme control over military affairs, he was by a later commission, -of March 1, 1567, invested with supreme control in civil matters as -well, and all authorities, including the Regent herself, were ordered -to obey his commands. He was to inquire into the causes of the recent -troubles, to bring the suspected to trial, with full authority of -punishment or pardon, and to reduce the country to submission. - - | Alva reaches Brussels, Aug. 22, 1567. Margaret - | resigns, December. - -With these extensive powers, and with an army of about 10,000 men, -chiefly composed of Spanish veterans, Alva reached Genoa on the 17th -of May. Thence he marched to the Mont Cenis, and, passing the Alps, -pressed northwards. His advance caused considerable apprehension at -once to the city of Geneva and the French court. Conde, indeed, -offered to raise a force and overwhelm him as he deployed from the -mountain passes. But Catherine declined, and contented herself with -levying a body of Swiss Catholics to watch his progress. Alva, -however, was careful to give no pretext for attack; enforcing the -strictest discipline, he proceeded by way of Franche-Comte and -Lorraine to Luxemburg. This he reached on August 8, and entered -Brussels on the 22nd. Margaret, hurt at the way in which she had -been treated, demanded her recall. Her request was not granted till -December 1567, but her authority was at an end, and even her protests -against the tyranny and cruelty of Alva's rule were disregarded. The -horrors which followed have, perhaps, served to place her eight -years' administration in too favourable a light. And yet, if she -had at first acquiesced in the unpopular measures of Granvella, she -had subsequently joined the greater nobles and backed their demands -for some mitigation of the Inquisition, and for the summoning of -the Estates-General. She had, indeed, put down the Iconoclasts with -a severe hand, but in this she had been supported by the higher -nobility, and probably would not have dissociated herself from their -cause. With no great administrative ability, and with some want of -initiative, she had a real interest in her charge, and a belief in -the loyalty of the greater nobles and in their fitness to rule the -country. She would probably not have altogether opposed their request -for an extension of the authority of the Estates-General, for a reform -of the Council of State, and for some toleration; and, had these -been granted, the troubles might have ceased. There was, however, no -prospect that Philip would grant such concessions, and under these -circumstances a continuation of her rule was impossible. - - | Egmont and Hoorne arrested, Sept. 9, 1567. Council of - | Blood erected. - -No sooner had Alva reached Brussels than the scheme of Philip rapidly -unrolled itself. In spite of the protests of Margaret, the Walloon -soldiers in the chief towns were replaced by Spanish soldiery, -who forthwith made up for the restraint imposed on them during -their march, by a reckless cruelty and a licence which even Alva -deplored. Egmont and Hoorne, enticed by fair promises, were arrested -on the 9th of September, together with Egmont's secretary, Backerzell, -and Van Stralen, the Burgomaster of Antwerp. To try such offenders the -ordinary courts could not be trusted. Accordingly Alva created the -'Council of his Excellency' or of 'Tumults,' which became popularly -known as the Council of Blood. This terrible tribunal was nominally -composed of twelve judges. Two of these, Berlaymont and Noircarmes, -were nobles, and six were lawyers of the country; but these eight only -acted as assessors, or sub-commissioners, and the right of voting on -the cases was reserved to three Spaniards, Juan de Vargas, Del Rio, -and La Torre, the final ratification of their decisions being reserved -to Alva, who was president. Of this trio, Juan de Vargas, who presided -in the absence of Alva, was a miscreant who, after violating his ward, -an orphan in Spain, had fled from justice, and earned immunity by -subservience to the will of the King. He was in the habit of relieving -the monotony of his work of blood by cruel jokes at the expense of -the accused; while another judge, Hessels, who subsequently had much -influence, is reported, when aroused from naps in court, to have -cried out automatically: 'To the gallows, to the gallows.' To furnish -victims for this court, commissioners, despatched to the provinces, -arrested on the charge of treason all preachers, or harbourers of -them, all members of Calvinistic consistories, all who had joined -in destroying Catholic, or in building Protestant churches, and all -who had signed the Compromise. Except in more important cases, the -commissioners or local authorities proceeded to judgment, the revision -of their sentences being alone reserved for the Council itself; and -rarely, if ever, was the revision exercised on the side of mercy. The -punishment was death and confiscation of goods, and Alva hoped from -this source to replenish the exhausted treasury. As to the precise -number of the victims it is impossible to speak with certainty. Alva -is said to have boasted that he had executed 18,600 during the period -of his rule. This is probably an exaggerated statement, but that the -victims are to be counted in thousands is not to be doubted, nor that -the trials and executions were accompanied with all the refinements -that cruelty could suggest. It is indeed difficult to find a parallel -in history for this irresponsible and tyrannical court, which was -created by the mere word of Alva, without even the authority of -his written instrument, much less of the royal warrant, and which -violated every constitutional privilege of the Netherlanders. Alva -had indeed succeeded in his designs 'of making every man feel that -any day his house might fall about his ears.' Under the pressure of -these cruel proscriptions, the tide of emigration, which had already -begun under the rule of Margaret, assumed such proportions, even as -early as October, 1567, that a decree was then issued threatening -confiscation and death to all who left the country or abetted others -in so doing. This, however, only increased the panic; and by the end -of Alva's administration, Granvella declared that there were 60,000 -fugitives in England, and more in Germany. - - | Louis of Nassau wins the battle of Heiligerlee. May - | 23, 1568. - -The vengeance of Alva and his master could not, however, be sated -until the heads of the most distinguished had fallen. Since the arrest -of Counts Egmont and Hoorne, the proceedings against them had been -dragging slowly on, but in the early summer of 1568, events occurred -to hasten the hand of Alva. William of Orange and his brother Louis -had, by the end of April, succeeded in collecting a motley force of -Germans, of Huguenots, and of exiles from the Netherlands, and now -attempted a triple attack, in the hopes of exciting a rising against -the Spanish rule. Two of the attempts (that of Hoogstraten on Brabant, -and that of Coqueville, with his Huguenots, on Artois) failed, the -latter being dispersed by a French corps which was despatched by -Charles IX. But on May 23, Louis of Nassau succeeded in defeating a -force of Spanish soldiers at Heiligerlee under the Count of Aremberg, -the governor of Groningen, who himself fell in battle. - - | Egmont and Hoorne condemned and executed. June 5, - | 1568. - -The defeat of Heiligerlee hurried on the doom of the two Counts. Alva, -anxious to retrieve the disaster in person, was determined not to -leave them alive behind him. The counsel for the prisoners had -hitherto delayed to produce their evidence, probably in the hope that -the exertions made in favour of their clients by the Duke of Lorraine, -by many of the German princes,[69] and even by the Emperor himself, -might at least secure them a trial before the order of the Golden -Fleece, of which they were members. This privilege was, however, -refused them, on the ground that it did not extend to charges of -treason. On the 1st of June, a decree was published, declaring that -the time allowed for the production of witnesses had expired. On -the following day, Vargas and del Rio pronounced the prisoners -guilty of treason, and the sentence was confirmed by Alva. They were -convicted of having given their support to the Confederate nobles, -who signed the Compromise; of having shown favour to the sectaries -in their respective governments of Flanders and Artois, of Gueldres -and Zutphen; and of being parties to the conspiracy of the Prince of -Orange. On June 5, they were led to execution in the market-place of -Brussels. A few days before, the secretary of Egmont, Backerzell, and -the Burgomaster of Antwerp, had shared the same fate, after having -been cruelly tortured in the vain hope of extorting evidence from them -against Egmont and Hoorne. That the trial and condemnation of these -two nobles was flagrantly illegal is not to be questioned. It violated -the ancient privilege that no Fleming should be tried by a foreign -judge, and the right, definitely acknowledged by a law of 1531, of -the Knights of the Golden Fleece to be tried by their own order, a -law which Philip himself had confirmed in 1550. Moreover, the court -had been erected without a royal warrant; and the cause was decided -before the defendants had produced their evidence. Nor does it appear -that, apart from the technical aspects of the question, Egmont and -Hoorne had been guilty of treason. As Catholics they certainly had no -sympathy with the Sectaries; and this their conduct at the time of -the Iconoclastic riots shows; and if they indirectly supported the -movement of the Confederates who signed the 'Compromise,' there is -no proof that they intended to appeal to arms, or to throw off the -Spanish yoke--or that they did anything more than insist, perhaps with -somewhat too great vehemence, on the constitutional privileges of -their country. - - | Montigny condemned and secretly executed in Spain. - | March 1570. - -There yet remained one more noble for whose blood Philip thirsted. Of -the two envoys sent to Spain in 1566 (cf. p. 327) the Marquis of -Bergen had died in May 1567. In the following September, as soon -as the arrest of Egmont and Hoorne was known in Spain, Bergen's -companion, the Baron de Montigny, brother of Count Hoorne, had been -seized. But it was not till February, 1569, that proceedings against -him were commenced. The results of the examination to which he was -then subjected were sent to the Council of Blood, which after a -year's delay condemned him to death (March 4, 1570), without giving -him the opportunity of defending himself. The verdict was kept close, -and finally Philip ordered that he should be secretly executed in -Spain. This was represented to the unfortunate man as an act of -mercy, whereby he would be saved from the humiliation of a public -execution--while it was publicly announced that he had died a natural -death. His property, as well as that of the Marquis of Bergen, was, -however, confiscated. So successfully was the secret kept, that this -act of perfidy and tyranny was never known till 1844, when access to -the records at Simancas was granted by the Spanish government. Philip -might now indulge the hope that he had rid himself of all his enemies; -but Granvelle with truer insight remarked that 'as they had not caught -William, they had caught nothing.' - - | Louis of Nassau defeated at Jemmingen. July 21, 1568. - - | Fruitless expedition of William of Orange. Oct. 1568. - -From the tragedy in the market-place of Brussels, Alva marched -against Louis of Nassau, and on July 21, defeated him at the battle -of Jemmingen. In vain did William of Orange strive to retrieve this -disaster. In spite of the express command of the Emperor Maximilian, -who was attempting to mediate, he crossed the Meuse on October 5, -1568, and entered Brabant with a levy of German mercenaries, to -which were subsequently added a body of Huguenots under the Comte de -Genlis. In mere numbers Orange had the advantage over his adversary, -but in nothing else. Alva avoided a pitched battle, and with his -veterans completely outmanoeuvred the ill-disciplined troops of -William, who soon became insubordinate and began to desert. No city -opened its gates; and the Prince, disheartened at the want of support -which he received, was forced to retreat to Strasburg, whence, after -disbanding most of his worthless troops, he and his brother joined -Coligny, and took part in the campaign of 1569 in France. - - | Financial tyranny of Alva. - -The expeditions of William and of Louis had been premature. The -Netherlands, cowed by the late reign of terror, and always slow -to move, had not answered their appeal, and Alva felt so secure -that he determined to furnish Philip with tangible evidence of his -success. He had long talked of 'the stream fathoms deep' of wealth -which he would cause to flow from the Netherlands. The confiscations -of the disloyal falling short of his expectations, he now proposed -to tax the wealth of all. In March, 1569, summoning in haste the -Estates of each province, he demanded a tax of one per cent. on -all property, moveable and immoveable, a tax of five per cent. on -every sale of landed property, and one of ten per cent. on every -sale of moveables. The two first were heavy enough, but the third -amounted to nothing less than a proscription of all trade. Before -a commodity reached the hands of the consumer it would have to pay -the tax at least four times--first, as raw material; then, when it -passed from the manufacturer to the wholesale dealer; again, when -it was sold to the retail dealer; and, finally, when it was bought -by the consumer. The absurdity of this tax was patent to all but -Alva. Viglius, and even Berlaymont and Noircarmes tried to dissuade -him from his purpose; and, although most of the provincial assemblies, -inspired by fear, at first consented, the opposition of Utrecht, -which was soon imitated, forced Alva to postpone its enforcement for -two years, in return for a stated sum. In July, 1570, an amnesty -was proclaimed, although with so many exceptions as to render it -nugatory; and no sooner did Alva, on the expiration of the two years' -respite, attempt to enforce the hated tax (July 31, 1571) than a -storm of opposition arose. In vain did Alva offer to remit the tax -on raw materials, and on corn, meat, wine, and beer. In spite of the -threat of a fine on those who refused to sell, merchants declined -to deal, shops were shut, trade was at a standstill, debtors were -not able to meet their creditors, and many banks broke. The distress -caused by the lack of employment was also aggravated in the northern -provinces by a fearful inundation, caused by a north-westerly gale -which had destroyed the dykes in the winter of 1570. The numbers of -the 'wild beggars'--already considerable--seriously increased, while -the Spanish troops, furious for their pay, which Alva was unable to -provide, became daily more insubordinate. The words of Margaret were -now fulfilled. 'This man,' she said, 'is so detested by the people -that he will make the very name of Spaniard hateful.' Even Alva -himself acknowledged that all had turned against him, and demanded -his recall. Philip, informed of the universal disaffection, had, -in September, 1571, appointed the Duke of Medina Celi as Alva's -successor, but his love of procrastination caused delay, and the Duke -had not left Spain when the news arrived that Brille had been seized -by the 'Beggars of the Sea.' - - | Brille seized by the 'Beggars.' April 1, 1572. - - | General revolt of the Northern Provinces. - -Of those who fled from the tyranny of Alva, some had betaken -themselves to the sea, and carried on an organised system of piracy -against Spanish commerce. Although common fear of the Guises had -led to friendly relations between Philip and Elizabeth in the early -part of her reign, and still prevented open hostility between them, -Elizabeth had, more especially since the overthrow of Mary Stuart at -Carberry Hill (June, 1567), given a tacit approval to the attacks of -the English seamen on the Spanish settlements and trade, had harboured -the Dutch privateers, and even allowed them to sell their plunder in -English markets. In 1568, she had actually seized a Genoese loan, -which was on its way to the Netherlands. Philip had in retaliation -supported the Ridolfi plot of 1571, in favour of Mary Queen of Scots -and the Duke of Norfolk. The plot failed indeed, yet at this moment -Elizabeth was not anxious openly to defy the Spaniard. She therefore -ordered the Dutch privateers, then under the command of William de -La Marck, a noted and unprincipled freebooter, to leave the shores -of England. The fleet of twenty-four vessels accordingly put out to -sea, and La Marck, after attacking a Spanish merchant fleet which -he met in the channel, suddenly seized the town of Brille, at the -mouth of the Meuse (April 1, 1572). The seizure of Brille had not -been authorised by William of Orange, who was not yet prepared for -active operations, nor was it intended at first to be more than a -temporary raid. Nevertheless, it was the first act in the Revolt -of the Netherlands. The news of the 'Beggars'' exploit spread like -fire. Flushing, which commands the opening of the Scheldt, was the -first to rise; Enkhuizen, the Spanish arsenal on the Zuyder Zee, -soon followed, and shortly after, the chief towns of Holland and -Zealand--with the exception of Amsterdam and Middleburg--as well as -those in Guelderland, Overyssel, Utrecht, and Friesland, declared for -the Prince of Orange. - - | The French support the Rebels. - - | Louis of Nassau takes Mons. May 24, 1572. - - | Genlis defeated before Mons. July 19. - -From this time forward the revolt of the Netherlands becomes closely -involved in the wider range of European politics, and with the -diplomatic relations of the great powers of France, Spain, and -England. As is more fully explained in the chapter on the religious -wars in France (pp. 411, 429), the policy of the French court was at -this moment in favour of supporting the Netherlands. Since the treaty -of St. Germains (August, 1570) Coligny had been in power, and had -prevailed on Catherine, and on her feeble son, Charles IX., to divert -the attention of the French from their civil and religious troubles -at home, by reviving the slumbering hostility against Spain. Even -Elizabeth of England, angry at the support Philip had given the -Ridolfi plot, and anxious to prevent either the dreaded union of -France and Spain, or the incorporation of any part of the Netherlands -into France, listened to these schemes, and entertained the idea of -marrying Anjou or his brother Alencon, to whom the sovereignty of -the Netherlands was to be offered. William of Orange had eagerly -embraced the French Alliance; and the outcome of the negotiations was -the taking of Mons, the capital of Hainault, on May 24, by Louis of -Nassau, assisted by a Huguenot force under the Comte de Genlis. On the -15th of July, the nobles and deputies from six cities of the northern -provinces met at Dort. While still acknowledging the sovereignty of -Philip, they recognised William as their Stadtholder, voted him a sum -of money, and gave him authority to take measures for liberating the -country from Spanish tyranny. William, assured of support from the -northern provinces, and trusting in the co-operation of the French, -had already crossed the Rhine on the 7th July, with the intention of -raising the southern provinces. A bitter disappointment was, however, -in store for him. On July 19, Genlis was defeated and taken prisoner -in his attempt to relieve Mons, which had been invested by the son of -Alva; and although the advance of William in the following August was -well received by most of the southern towns, his hopes were suddenly -dashed to the ground by the news of the massacre of St. Bartholomew -(August 24, 1572). - - | Change in the policy of the French court. - - | Effects of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. - - | Fall of Mons. Sept. 19. - - | Reduction of Southern Provinces. - -The reasons for this astounding revolution in the policy of the French -court are dealt with elsewhere (cf. p. 413 ff.). We are here concerned -with its effects on the struggle in the Netherlands. The news of the -massacre of St. Bartholomew fell 'like the blow of a sledgehammer' on -William of Orange. He continued, indeed, his march to relieve Mons, -but Alva, who had assumed the command on the 27th of August, avoided, -according to his wont, a pitched engagement; the troops of William, -discouraged by the defection of the French, became insubordinate; -the Prince himself was only saved from surprise in a night attack by -the watchfulness of his spaniel, and was forced to fall back on the -northern provinces. Louis of Nassau, thus deserted by his brother, -and no longer in hope of French assistance, capitulated on September -19. His troops were allowed to retire, in spite of the treacherous -request of Charles IX. that they should be cut to pieces, but the city -was cruelly treated in violation of the terms of capitulation. The -fall of Mons decided the fate of the southern provinces. City after -city returned to its allegiance and was admitted to pardon, with the -exception of the city of Mechlin. This prosperous city, that it might -serve as an example, was given over to pillage for three days by the -commands of Alva; churches and monasteries were ruthlessly sacked, and -Catholics as well as Protestants suffered at the hands of the brutal -soldiery. - - | Campaign of Don Frederick in the North. - - | Siege of Haarlem. Dec. 9-July 14. - - | Defeat of Spanish Fleet off Enkhuizen. - -The struggle round Mons had at least given the northern provinces -time to strengthen themselves, and to Holland the Prince of Orange -retired, to organise resistance. It was now the plan of Alva to try -and isolate the revolt by reducing the chief towns in the north, -and so to place the disaffected provinces between two fires. The -work was intrusted to his son, Don Frederick. Zutphen was taken -and its garrison put to the sword. The provinces of Guelderland, -Overyssel, and Groningen submitted, and Don Frederick passed on -westwards to Holland, where Amsterdam was the only city held by the -Spaniards. After razing the small town of Naarden to the ground, in -violation of the terms on which it had capitulated, Don Frederick laid -siege to the important town of Haarlem. The city lies on the narrowest -part of the neck of land which separates the Zuyder Zee from the -German Ocean, and which at that point is barely five miles broad. Its -occupation by the Spaniards would completely isolate the northern -portion of Holland. Alva, fully realising the strategical importance -of the city, ordered his son, who had a force of 30,000 men, to take -it at all hazards. The task, however, proved most serious. The city -was protected on the east by the large though shallow lake of Haarlem, -and by land was only approachable from the west. The inhabitants, -warned by the experience of Zutphen and of Naarden that they could -expect no mercy, resolved to resist to the last; and although the -garrison was but some 4000, it took the Spaniards more than seven -months before they could reduce the city (December 9-July 14). The -siege was marked by great cruelty on both sides; and, after the -surrender, the city became a shambles, over 2000 being murdered in -cold blood. The news of the fall of Haarlem is said to have raised -Philip from a bed of sickness; but the city had been dearly won. Don -Frederick had lost 12,000 men, and the cruelties of the victors only -nerved the Netherlanders to greater efforts. 'Our cities,' said -William, 'are pledged to each other to stand every siege, to dare the -utmost, to endure every possible misery, yea rather, to set fire to -all our homes and be consumed with them, than ever to submit to the -decrees of this cruel tyrant.' The independence of Holland, indeed, -may be said to have been won by the defence of Haarlem. Fifteen days -after the fall of the town, the Spanish soldiers, furious at the -arrears of their pay, mutinied. They were conciliated by the promise -of the pillage of the town of Alkmaar if they could take it, but this -they failed to do; and on the 11th of October, Alva suffered a still -more serious check in the destruction of his fleet off Enkhuizen. - - | Alva superseded by Requesens. Nov. 17, 1573. - -Philip, disheartened at the failure to crush out the revolt, and -assailed on all sides with complaints of the fiendish cruelty and -the incapacity of Alva, decided, after long hesitation, to supersede -him. The Duke de Medina Celi had been in the Netherlands since June, -1572; but, as it was not thought wise to change masters at such a -crisis, he had refrained from taking over the reins of power, and -remained a very unfriendly critic of Alva's administration till -August, 1573, when he returned to Spain to swell the number of those -who condemned the policy of indiscriminate vengeance. Finally, on -the 17th of November, the new Lieutenant-Governor, Don Louis de -Requesens, Grand Commander of Santiago, arrived at Brussels. Alva left -the country, as he bitterly complained, without having gained the -approbation of the King, while he had incurred universal detestation -'of Catholics as well as Protestants, of the clergy as well as -the laity.' The tyranny and ferocity of his rule almost surpass -belief. Every form of torture which ingenuity could devise had been -exercised on his unfortunate victims, and he will ever remain in -history as the incarnation of fiendish cruelty. And yet, it must at -least be confessed that the policy he adopted was one after Philip's -own heart in all but its failure, and that he had at least succeeded -in restoring the King's authority in the southern provinces. - - | Military events of the year 1574. - | Taking of Middleburg, Feb. 24. - | Defeat of Mooker Heyde, April 14. - | Siege of Leyden, Nov. 1573-Oct. 3, 1574. - -It was the avowed intention of the new Governor-General to abandon -the system of wholesale proscription pursued by Alva, and to try and -win back the Netherlands by conciliatory measures. Nevertheless, his -attention was at first necessarily directed to military affairs. In -the north the cause of the patriots prospered. On the 21st of -February, 1574, Mondragon, who had held the important town of -Middleburg, was forced to capitulate, and thus the whole of the -island of Walcheren, which commands the two mouths of the Scheldt, -was finally lost to Spain; while the town of Leyden, which had been -invested since November, 1573, still held out for the Prince of -Orange. These successes in the north were, however, neutralised by the -terrible disaster of Mooker Heyde on the Meuse (April 14, 1574). Here -Louis of Nassau, as he attempted to force his way to join his brother -at the head of a motley body of French and German mercenaries, was -completely routed by the Spanish general Sancho de Avila. Louis -himself, with his brother, Count Henry, and Duke Christopher, son of -the Elector-Palatine, were among the slain. The death of Louis, 'the -Bayard of the Netherlands,' was a serious blow to William, who had -now lost three brothers in the field;[70] and Requesens, having with -difficulty quieted a serious mutiny of the victorious troops, ordered -the reinvestment of Leyden (May 26, 1574), which had been suspended -owing to the advance of Louis. In the opinion of Requesens, religion -had but little to do with the rebellion. He accordingly offered a -general amnesty to all, with a few exceptions, who would return to -Mother Church. But although this view of the Grand Commander was -correct enough with respect to the original causes of the revolt, -matters had changed, at all events in the northern provinces. There -religious and political discontent were fast becoming identified, and -already in the summer of 1572, William had complained of the cruelties -exercised by the patriots on priests and monks. The offers, therefore, -of the Governor-General were rejected, and with the cry, 'Rather Turks -than Papists, better be drowned than taken,' the citizens of Leyden -prepared to hold out to the last gasp. All hopes of succour by land -had been destroyed by the defeat of Mooker Heyde. Nevertheless, the -sea remained. This was indeed fifteen miles away; but the dykes were -cut; and, after a long and anxious delay, the wind shifted to the -north-west; two furious gales on the 18th September and the 1st and -2nd of October helped to heap the waters of the ocean on the land, and -enabled the fleet of Admiral Boisot to approach. The Spaniards, with -Valdes their commander, fled at the advance of this new enemy, and -the city was saved (October 3). - - | Meeting of Estates of Brabant. June 1574. - - | Conference at Breda. March-July 1575. - -The relief of Leyden, the most brilliant success of the war--a success -commemorated by the foundation of the University--proved conclusively -that although the Spaniards might conquer by land, they were no -match for the 'Sea Beggars' wherever a ship could float. While this -memorable siege had been proceeding, Requesens had been attempting to -conciliate the southern provinces. On the 7th of June, an assembly of -the Estates of Brabant had been held at Brussels. The King's pardon, -above mentioned, was published, and the abolition of the Council -of Blood and the tax of the tenth penny promised. The Estates, not -satisfied with this, demanded the departure of the Spanish troops, -the exclusion of foreigners from office, and the restoration of -municipal privileges to the cities, while they were niggardly in their -offers of money. Requesens had no authority to grant these demands, -and the attempt at complete restoration of the King's authority in -the south had to be postponed. The alternative was to make peace -with William and the northern provinces. To this end, negotiations -had begun as early as the previous autumn, and finally in March, -1575, a conference was held at Breda. The commissioners who had been -appointed by the Estates of Holland and Zealand demanded the dismissal -of the foreigner, the summoning of the Estates-General from all the -provinces, and the toleration of Calvinistic opinion. The royal -commissioners offered to dismiss the foreign soldiers, if the Prince -would disband the German and other foreign mercenaries in his service, -and they consented to the summoning of an Estates-General. They, -however, asked that in return for the guarantee of the King's -sign-manual and the pledge of the Emperor that the royal promises -should be kept, the Prince should give hostages and surrender some -of the most important towns he held. William was not likely thus to -deprive himself of effective means of resistance, and an agreement -was highly improbable on such terms, even if the religious difficulty -had not presented an insurmountable obstacle. The utmost that the -royal commissioners would offer was that those, who would not return -to the Catholic Church, should be allowed to sell their property -and leave the country. Requesens, despairing himself of peace on -such conditions, had made the curious suggestion to Philip that he -should surrender the Netherlands to some other ruler, who would -not have the same scruples with regard to toleration. 'They might -be exchanged for Piedmont with the Duke of Savoy or be granted to -Philip's second son.' 'To my son--never,' wrote Philip on the margin -of the despatch. 'I would rather he were a pauper than a heretic.' And -in his answer to Requesens he suggested the advisability of adopting -Alva's last advice to burn all the cities which could not be held; -then after secretly tempting the adherents of the Prince to win -pardon by assassinating their master, he relapsed into one of his -long periods of silence. Under these circumstances peace was clearly -impossible. The negotiations were broken off in July, 1575, and -Requesens with a heavy heart, a mutinous soldiery, an empty exchequer, -and a ruined credit, prepared for further operations. - - | Increased authority given to the Prince of Orange. - - | Mondragon secures the islands of Duiveland and - | Schouwen. Oct. 1575-June, 1576. - -Meantime, steps had been taken by Holland and Zealand to form a union -and to reorganise the government. There had been a tendency of late -on the part of the burgher aristocrats to place restraints on the -authority of the Prince. But he refused to accept the responsibilities -of rule under such conditions; and accordingly, in June, 1575, he was -intrusted with absolute power in all matters concerning the defence -of the country, subject only to the power of the purse, which was -reserved to the Estates. The magistrates and other officials were -to be nominated by him out of a list supplied by the Estates. The -Estates also demanded that he should suppress the open exercise of -the 'Roman religion.' William, however, insisted on substituting -for these words 'any religion at variance with the Gospel.' The -clause, even as amended, showed very clearly that the religious -question was coming more and more to the front, and the difficulty -of any compromise on this question, not only with the King, but with -those southern provinces where Catholicism was strong. In October of -the same year, the Estates of Holland and of Zealand took a still -more decisive step. Hitherto they had declared themselves the loyal -subjects of King Philip; they now resolved to forsake the King and -seek the sovereignty of some other prince. But their efforts were not -successful. Elizabeth, to whom they first offered the sovereignty, -played her usual game. She listened graciously to their offers; she -allowed them to purchase arms and levy soldiers at their own expense -in England; but on the question of the sovereignty she reserved her -decision 'until she had done all in her power to bring about an -arrangement between them and their King' (April, 1576). An offer made -at the French court to the Duc d'Alencon was no more successful; and -while these fruitless negotiations were being pursued the patriots -suffered a serious reverse in the north of Zealand. Of the three -islands, Tholen, Duiveland, and Schouwen, which lie between the -northern outlet of the Scheldt and the Meuse, the last had remained -in the hands of the Spaniards. In September, 1575, an attack, led by -Mondragon and supported by the fleet, was made thence on Duiveland, -which was taken in October. A landing was then effected on Schouwen, -and the town of Zierickzee was besieged, to fall in the following -June, 1576. By this brave exploit of Mondragon the island province -of Zealand was cut in two, and the northern outlet of the Scheldt -commanded. - - | Death of Requesens, March 5, 1576, followed by an - | interregnum of eight months. - - | Revolt of Spanish soldiery. July 1576. - - | The mutineers sack Antwerp. Nov. 4, 1576. - -In the midst of this transient success, Requesens died suddenly of -a fever aggravated by the anxieties of his post (March 5). Philip -allowed several months to slip away before he finally decided -on his successor. Meanwhile, the Council of State carried on -the government. Of the old members there remained only the Duke -of Aerschot, Count Berlaymont, and Viglius. To these, several -Netherlanders and one Spaniard, Jerome de Roda, were added; -while Count Mansfeld, a German, was intrusted with supreme -military command. Although the Council of State was thus formed -almost exclusively of natives, its administration was still very -unpopular. Aerschot was secretly a partisan of William. The other -two original members had been associated with Cardinal Granvella, -and Berlaymont had besides been one of the judges of the Council of -Blood. In spite of the desire of the majority for a thorough change in -policy, the Council was divided, wanting in capacity, and absolutely -devoid of funds. Above all, it failed in maintaining the discipline -of the Spanish troops. No sooner had the town of Zierickzee fallen -(June 21), than the soldiers, furious on account of the arrears of -their pay, mutinied once more, deserted Mondragon, and left Zealand -for Brabant (July 15). The mutiny spread rapidly, and Alost in -Flanders was seized. The indignation and fear thus aroused led the -Estates of Brabant, then sitting at Brussels, to take measures of -self-protection. On July 26, they forced the trembling Council of -State to issue an edict against the mutineers. They then threatened -the Spaniards in the city, levied troops, and finally, on September 4, -arrested the members of the Council themselves. This only served to -further irritate the soldiery. The officers, already jealous at the -appointment of Mansfeld, now with few exceptions made common cause -with their mutinous troops, more especially Sancho de Avila, who was -in command of the citadel of Antwerp. Many of the German and Walloon -mercenaries joined, while De Roda, flying from Brussels to Antwerp, -declared himself the only representative of the King and openly -supported d'Avila. The mutineers now held the citadels of almost -every important town in the south, with the exception of Brussels, -and in many cases obtained possession of the towns themselves, which -they treated with great cruelty. Meanwhile, Orange had seized the -opportunity to try and win over the southern provinces. Although the -religious divisions between the north and south had of late become -accentuated, all were at least united in their desire to drive out -the foreigner, more especially the foreign soldiery, and to reassert -their political privileges. William, appealing to this common -motive, urged them to sink all differences, and with one heart and -will to work for the liberation of their country. Inspired by his -stirring words, delegates from the Estates of the southern provinces -appeared at Ghent, in the middle of October, to confer with the -representatives sent by the Estates of the north. Hardly had their -conference commenced when the violence of the mutineers reached its -climax. On the 4th November, the troops at Alost marched upon Antwerp, -joined hands with the garrison under d'Avila, overcame the German and -Walloon regiments which had been sent by the Estates of Brabant to -hold the town, and with the cries, 'St. Iago, Spain, fire, murder, -and pillage,' wreaked their vengeance on the city. Catholics and -Protestants, native and foreign merchants, women and children, the -poor as well as the rich, were attacked without discrimination. Eight -thousand persons were massacred; the finest buildings were burnt; -property to the value of twelve millions was destroyed or seized; -and Antwerp, the richest city of the Netherlands, and 'one of the -ornaments of Europe,' became 'the most forlorn and desolate city of -Christendom.' - - | Pacification of Ghent. Nov. 8, 1576. - - | Successes of the Patriots. - -The sack of Antwerp served, at least, the cause of William. On the 8th -of November, the Pacification of Ghent was signed by the delegates -of the northern and southern provinces assembled at that city. By -this famous treaty, it was agreed that the Spaniards should be at all -hazards expelled from the Netherlands, and that an Estates-General -from all the provinces should be summoned to take measures for the -common safety and future government. The Prince of Orange was to -continue lieutenant, admiral, and general for his Majesty in Holland -and Zealand. There should be freedom of trade and communication -between the provinces. All prisoners should be released, and all -confiscated property restored. The placards and ordinances against -heresy should be suspended until the Estates-General had decided -on the matter. No attack, however, should be made on the Catholic -religion outside the provinces of Holland and Zealand, and if the -property of prelates and other ecclesiastics in the north were -alienated, it should not be done without compensation. Lastly, no -province was to have the benefit of this treaty until it had given its -adhesion. The Pacification of Ghent was received with enthusiasm by -the whole of the Netherlands; and, although the religious difficulty -was postponed rather than solved, there seemed a reasonable prospect -that both Catholics and Protestants would at last unite, on the -basis of mutual toleration, to throw off the Spanish yoke. The -Pacification was at first followed by encouraging results. On November -11, the Spanish garrison surrendered the citadel of Ghent. That of -Valenciennes was bought from the German soldiery, and at the same time -the islands of Schouwen and Duiveland were abandoned by Mondragon. All -Zealand, with the exception of Tholen, was again free from Spanish -rule. Shortly after, Friesland and Groningen were regained by the -national party; and in January, 1577, the Pacification of Ghent was -confirmed by the Union of Brussels, an union which was numerously -signed in every province except that of Luxemburg. - - | Don John of Austria arrives at Luxemburg. Nov. 3, 1576. - - | The Perpetual Edict. Feb. 17, 1577. - -Meanwhile, the new governor had arrived. One day before the Antwerp -massacre, and four days before the publication of the Treaty of -Ghent, Don John of Austria, the illegitimate son of Charles V., rode -into Luxemburg, having crossed France in the disguise of a Moorish -slave. Philip had at last made up his mind to bow before the storm. He -hoped that by a show of conciliation, and by restoring the government -to the condition in which it had been at the death of Charles -V., he might secure the authority of the crown and the exclusive -exercise of the Catholic religion, and yet recover the obedience of -the Netherlands. Don John appeared well fitted to carry out this -policy. The great, though somewhat undeserved, reputation he had -gained by the suppression of the Moorish rebellion in Granada and by -the victory of Lepanto, his imperial descent, his fascinating manners, -had made him universally popular, and he started on his errand with -all the enthusiasm of a darling of fortune and of a young man of -twenty-nine.[71] His ambition was not bounded by the Netherlands. He -dreamt, after a rapid settlement of the difficulties there, of either -marrying Elizabeth of England, or of overthrowing that heretic Queen -and ascending the throne as the husband of her rival Mary Queen of -Scots. He was soon, however, to be rudely awakened. He did not even -dare to leave Luxemburg, and was forced to content himself with -negotiating from thence with the States-General. This assembly, -warned by the Prince of Orange not to trust to promises, demanded the -following concessions as the price of their obedience (December 6, -1576): the Spanish troops must be removed at once; all prisoners must -be released; and the Treaty of Ghent must be confirmed. One at least -of these demands, the dismissal of the Spanish soldiery, Don John was -willing enough to grant. Yet in pursuance of his scheme of invading -England, he wished that they should go by sea, and that ships should -be provided for the purpose. The Estates, ignorant of this design, -suspected some future attempt on the Netherlands, and insisted on -their departure by land. Philip peremptorily ordered an accommodation, -and Don John, forced to abandon the projected invasion of England, -signed the Perpetual Edict on February 17, 1577. The Spanish soldiers -were to depart by land; all prisoners were to be released on both -sides; all privileges and charters were to be confirmed, and the -Estates-General were to be convened as they had been in the time -of Charles V. On these terms the insurgent provinces promised to -recognise Don John as Governor-General, to surrender the citadels -which they held, to disband their own troops, and to take an oath to -maintain the Catholic religion. - - | Don John enters Brussels. May 1, 1577. - - | William rejects the Perpetual Edict. - - | Philip's suspicions of Don John. - -The Spanish soldiery departed at the end of April, and Don John, -entering Brussels on May 1, met at first with such success in his -policy of conciliation, that he seemed likely to add the pacification -of the Netherlands to his other laurels. But, apart from the intrinsic -difficulty of the attempt, there were two fatal obstacles in his -way--the wariness of his enemy, William the Silent, and the suspicions -of his master. William had been disconcerted at the signature of -the Perpetual Edict, which had been done without his approval, -or that of his deputies. He had not expected that Don John would -be so compliant, or he would have raised his terms. From letters -which he had intercepted, he had good cause for distrusting the -sincerity of the Spaniard, and he knew that peace on such terms -would mean his own ruin. He had accordingly refused to recognise -the Edict, or to publish it in the provinces of Holland or Zealand, -and he now proceeded to take measures against it. He turned to -the lower classes and excited their opposition; he entered into -negotiations with England and France, and even plotted to secure -the person of Don John. On the other hand, Don John listened to -schemes for the assassination of the Prince, while he wrote to Philip -abusing the Netherlanders as 'drunkards and wine skins,' and urging -him to prepare for war. Finally, on July 10, the Governor-General -despatched his secretary Escovedo to Madrid to represent his views -to the Spanish King. Unfortunately, Philip had meanwhile conceived -a profound jealousy of his half-brother. He suspected him of some -design on the government or crown of Spain, a suspicion which was -studiously fostered by Antonio Perez, his minister and confidential -adviser. The representations of Escovedo were therefore disregarded, -the urgent solicitations of Don John for counsel or assistance were -left unanswered for more than three months, and in the following -March, Escovedo himself was assassinated by the orders of Perez, and -with the connivance of the King. - - | Causes of disunion in the Netherlands. - - | Archduke Mathias elected Governor. Jan. 18, 1578. - -The brilliant dreams of Don John had indeed been rudely dissipated; -and when, on September 23, William of Orange, after an absence of -eighteen years, entered Brussels, the capital of Brabant, it seemed -as if the whole of the Netherlands would soon be lost to Spain. But -the near prospect of success served only to revive those feelings of -disunion and personal jealousy, which had been temporarily laid aside -under the pressure of Spanish tyranny. The northern provinces, it must -be remembered, had only lately been united to those of the south. Of -the southern provinces, those which lay closest to Holland and Zealand -were inhabited by a people of kindred race indeed, but who spoke a -different dialect, the Flamand; while in the more southern and eastern -provinces, the infusion of Romance blood was strong, and the common -language French. These differences of race and past history were -illustrated in the religious leanings of the people. In the north, the -Protestant, in the south, the Catholic religion predominated, and now -that the fear of Spain was declining, a narrow spirit of intolerance -began to be displayed on either side. To these causes of disunion we -must add the oligarchical jealousy of the southern nobles, mostly of -the Catholic persuasion, at the growing importance and the democratic -leanings of the Prince of Orange--a jealousy which led to the strange -idea of offering the office of Governor-General to the Archduke -Mathias, the brother of the Emperor Rudolf, subject to the fuller -approval of King Philip. The adroitness of William, however, enabled -him to turn this move of his opponents to his own advantage. He -openly supported the candidature of the Archduke, who was elected -Governor-General on the 18th of January. Meanwhile, the revolt of -Ghent against the newly appointed governor, the Duke of Aerschot, one -of those who had called in the Archduke Mathias--a revolt secretly -approved of by William--showed that the latter had the support of -the lower classes. And Mathias, afraid of opposing so popular a man, -not only confirmed his election as 'Ruwart' of Brabant, an office -generally held by the heir of the ruling prince, and as Stadtholder of -Flanders, but acknowledged him as his lieutenant-general, and promised -to rule with the consent of the States-General and of a Council of -State. At the same time, by the New or Nearer Union of Brabant, the -Catholics and Protestants engaged to respect and to protect each other -against all enemies whatsoever. - - | The defeat of Gemblours. Jan. 31, 1578. - -Yet while William had been thus dealing with those factions which -threatened to ruin his cause, the Spaniards had been again preparing -for war. Philip, at last aroused from his strange apathy, had ordered -the Spanish veterans to return from Italy. Reinforced by these troops, -which were led by Alexander of Parma, and by others from France under -Mansfeld, Don John marched against the ill-disciplined army of the -States, and, aided by the skilful generalship of Alexander, inflicted -a disastrous defeat on them at Gemblours, near Namur. The victory -secured the valley of the Sambre, forced William and the Archduke to -abandon Brussels, and went far to ruin the cause of liberty in the -southern provinces. In the north, however, the reverse of Gemblours -served rather to advance the interests of William. In March, his -brother, Count John, was elected governor of the important province -of Guelderland; and in May, the adherents of the Prince succeeded in -overthrowing the Catholic magistrates of Amsterdam, and thus securing -the capital of Holland, as well as Haarlem, for the Protestant cause. - - | Duke of Anjou appointed defender of the liberties of - | the Netherlands. July 1578. - - | Death of Don John. Oct. 1, 1578. Succeeded by - | Alexander of Parma. - -Meanwhile the Catholic nobles, disappointed in their expectations of -Mathias, turned to Francis, Duke of Anjou, the brother of Henry III. -of France. Never since the days of Coligny's brief supremacy, had -Catherine altogether abandoned the idea of taking advantage of the -disturbed condition of the Netherlands to extend French influence in -the Walloon provinces of Hainault, Artois, and French Flanders. At -this moment, she would probably have preferred to gain her end by -friendly negotiations with Philip, and possibly by a marriage of one -of her sons with a Spanish princess. But Anjou was little pleased -with his position in France; he was attracted by the hope of carving -out a new principality for himself; and, accepting the offer, arrived -at Mons, in Hainault, in July 1578. William, although unwilling to -see French influence predominant in these parts, did not deem it -politic to oppose Anjou, and hoped that the enterprise might excite -the jealousy of Elizabeth, who, while she coqueted with the Duke as a -suitor for her hand, was determined not to see the Low Countries under -French control, and had already promised some help to William. The -Duke of Anjou was accordingly recognised as 'the defender of the -liberty of the Netherlands against the tyranny of the Spaniards.' He -was assured of the offer of the sovereignty should the Netherlands -find it necessary to throw off the supremacy of Spain. Meanwhile, he -promised to make no alteration in the government of the country, and -to hold all conquests he might make for the States (August 20). Before -these confused negotiations had led to any definite result, Don -John, worn out by disease, and sick at heart at the failure of his -magnificent schemes, at the neglect shown to him by King Philip, -and at the murder of Escovedo, had passed away. He died in his camp -at Bouges, near Namur, on the 1st of October, 1578, at the age of -thirty-one, having appointed his nephew, Alexander of Parma, as his -successor. Although there is no probability in the rumour that he was -poisoned by the orders of Philip, the suspicion and neglect with which -he had been treated at least contributed to his death. - -Alexander of Parma, who succeeded Don John as governor, was the son -of Ottavio Farnese and Margaret of Parma, the first Regent during the -reign of Philip II. He had been brought up in Spain with his cousin -Don Carlos, and his uncle Don John of Austria. His love of adventure -and of military exercises had in earlier days shown itself in an -inordinate passion for duelling; but the war against the Turks gave -him a more honourable field, and at the battle of Lepanto he had -distinguished himself by the most remarkable personal bravery. Now at -the age of thirty-three, he was more than the equal of his uncle, Don -John, as a soldier, and infinitely his superior as a diplomatist and a -statesman. Great, however, as were the abilities of the new governor, -it must be remembered that the position of affairs at this moment -gave him opportunities which had been denied to his predecessors. The -racial and religious differences between the northern and southern -provinces were becoming daily more accentuated. In the southern and -western provinces disunion was rapidly spreading. The decisions of -the States-General, especially with regard to taxation, were little -observed. The soldiery were ill-paid, ill-disciplined, and mutinous; -the intolerance of the Catholics and Calvinists was becoming more -pronounced; the social and political rivalries were daily forcing -themselves more prominently to the front and threatening civil war or -anarchy. William had of late been forced to lean on the lower classes, -and he was not able to keep them in control. In Ghent, especially, the -turbulence reached its climax under the demagogue Imbize, supported -by John Casimir of the Palatinate, an ambitious and weak prince, who -had just arrived with a motley force of German mercenaries and English -soldiers, sent by Queen Elizabeth. The rise of this fanatical party -not only excited the indignation of the Catholics, or 'Paternoster -Jacks,' who still represented the majority in the southern provinces, -but also alienated many of the 'Malcontent' nobles, who had hitherto -supported the national cause. Of these divisions, Alexander was -quick to take advantage. Partly by conciliation, more successfully -by bribery in money, or in promises of advancement, he succeeded -in reconciling many of the nobles. Among these, we may especially -note Egmont, the degenerate son of his father, and Champagny, the -brother of Granvella, while Parma even approached William himself with -brilliant offers if he would but desert the cause. - - | Union of Arras, Jan. 6, answered by the Union of - | Utrecht, Jan. 29, 1579. - -The most signal result of Alexander's diplomacy was seen in the -Union of Arras (January 6, 1579), between the Walloon provinces of -Artois and Hainault, and the towns of Lille, Douay, and Orchies -in French Flanders--a League which, in the following May, came to -terms with Alexander, on condition that the foreign troops should -be dismissed, and the provincial privileges respected. In answer -to this, the northern provinces of Guelderland, Holland, Zealand, -Utrecht, and Friesland formed the Union of Utrecht (January 29). The -object of the union was declared to be the strengthening of the -Pacification of Ghent. The allegiance to Spain was not thrown off, -but the provinces bound themselves to protect each other against all -force brought against them, either in the name of the King or of -foreign Potentates. Each province was, while renouncing its right -of making separate treaties, to retain its especial liberties and -privileges, and to decide on the religion it should adopt, although -individual freedom of conscience was to be allowed; the Roman Catholic -provinces were asked to join on the same terms. The Confederacy -was to be ruled by a General Assembly formed of deputies from each -provincial assembly. It was to have a common currency, a common -system of taxation, and an executive Council, responsible to the -General Assembly. This famous document was originally only signed -by five of the northern provinces, but the other two--Groningen and -Overyssel--subsequently joined, as well as the towns of Ghent, Bruges, -Ypres, and Antwerp. Although the Union was originally intended to be -temporary, it became the basis for the future federal constitution of -the Seven United Provinces, as the Union of Arras formed the germ of -the future reconstituted Spanish Netherlands. - - | Success of Parma in south-western provinces and in - | the north. - -While the inevitable cleavage between the north-eastern and -south-western districts was thus appearing, Parma made notable -advances in the central provinces. In the summer of 1579, Maestricht, -on the Meuse, fell after a four months' siege, and Mechlin was -treacherously surrendered by De Bours. In May of the following -year, the famous Huguenot, De la Noue, was taken prisoner near -Ingelmunster. Even in the north, Count Renneburg had betrayed the town -of Groningen, and John of Nassau, the brother of William, disgusted -at the people's lack of patriotism, and at their want of discipline, -abandoned his Stadtholderate of Guelderland and retired into Germany. - - | Philip publishes the Ban against William of Orange. - | June 1580. - - | William publishes his _Apologia_, and enters into - | negotiations with the Duke of Anjou. - -Encouraged by his success, in June, 1580, Philip took the decisive -step of publishing a ban against the Prince of Orange. He was declared -a traitor and a miscreant. All loyal subjects were forbidden to -communicate with him, or to give him food or shelter, and a purse -of twenty-five thousand crowns of gold and a patent of nobility -were offered to any one who would deliver him into Philip's hands, -dead or alive. Philip in this had acted by the advice of Granvella, -who declared that William was a coward, and that the fear of -assassination would either cause him to submit, or 'die of his -own accord.' Nevertheless, though the ban may well be called the -death-warrant of the Prince, he was not in the least dismayed. In the -_Apologia_ which shortly appeared, William boldly defied his enemy. He -asserted that Philip had murdered his son Don Carlos, his wife -Elizabeth, and the Emperor Maximilian. He declared that as Philip's -claim to rule the Netherlands was forfeited by his tyranny, he was -no longer their legitimate king, nor he himself a rebel. Finally, -professing that he would gladly endure perpetual banishment or death -if he could thereby deliver his people from their calamities, he -placed himself in the hands of God, 'who would dispose of him and of -his goods as seemed best for His own glory, and his salvation.' Nor -did William content himself with words. He had long been convinced -that, unless foreign help could be obtained, the southern provinces, -at least, were lost. Duke Casimir had, by his incapacity, done the -cause more harm than good, and had left the country without even -paying 'his 30,000 devils' of German mercenaries. The Archduke Mathias -was evidently not the man to strengthen any cause, and further -help Germany would not give. France alone remained. Accordingly -negotiations were again reopened with the Duke of Anjou, who, in -1579, had left the Netherlands for England, enticed by the hope that -Elizabeth, if she could only see him, might accept his hand. Certainly -the personal appearance of the Duke was not likely to further his -suit, for although he had the gracious manners of all the Valois -princes, and was 'a good fellow and a lusty prince,' he was of puny -stature, his face was pitted by smallpox, and he had an enormous -nose. The virgin Queen was, moreover, playing with him. To marry Anjou -and assist him in the Netherlands without a definite promise of French -assistance, would be to incur too rashly the enmity of Philip II., and -Henry III. would not promise; to allow him to conquer the Netherlands -for France was not to be endured. She had raised her lover's hopes, -only to draw him out of Flanders, and there was no alternative but -to keep him dangling on as her suitor, and nothing more. Anjou was -accordingly dismissed with fair promises, and, in the hope of securing -his bride, eagerly accepted the offers of the States. - - | Sovereignty over the Netherlands conferred on the - | Duke of Anjou by Treaty of Plessis-les-Tours. Sept. 1580. - - | Triple division of the Netherlands. - - | 'The French Fury.' Jan. 16, 1583. - - | Anjou leaves the Netherlands. June 28, 1583. - -By the Treaty of Plessis-les-Tours (September, 1580), which was -ratified in the following January, the Duke was granted the hereditary -sovereignty over the Netherlands. He was always to reside in the -country, to appoint no foreigner to office, not to attempt any -alteration in the government, nor interfere with the privileges -of the provinces; he was to procure the assistance of the King -of France, but to permit no incorporation of territory with that -country. Any violation of these conditions was to cause an immediate -forfeiture of his sovereignty. On the 26th of the July following -(1581), the Estates finally renounced their allegiance to Philip, -and the Archduke Mathias left the Netherlands in October, though -Anjou was not finally accepted till February, 1582. The northern -provinces were most unwilling to receive this foreign ruler. In -July, 1581, William had already, after many refusals, accepted the -title of Count of Holland and Zealand, with the sovereignty during -the war. These provinces, therefore, only consented to acknowledge -the Duke of Anjou on the express terms that no alteration should be -made in the practical supremacy of the Prince of Orange. Thus to all -intents the Netherlands were now divided into three divisions: the -western provinces, which had again submitted to Spanish rule; the -north-eastern under William; and the central, which acknowledged -the sovereignty of the French Prince. The policy of William in the -matter has been severely criticised, and certainly the previous -conduct of Anjou in France (cf. pp. 418 and 423) was not of very -hopeful augury. Yet, although a desperate remedy, the French alliance -was not altogether a bad idea. There was some hope that a Catholic -sovereign who would consent to tolerate the Protestants, might -unite once more all the elements of opposition to Spain. Catherine -and King Henry III. were at this time half inclined definitely to -adopt an anti-Spanish policy (cf. p. 426); while, if the English -marriage had also come about, Coligny's idea of a great coalition -against Spain might have been realised at last. Unfortunately, all -turned out for the worst. Elizabeth, after sending for Anjou once -more, and even exchanging betrothal rings with her lover, declined -to take the decisive step, and Anjou finally left England for the -Netherlands. There the Flemings and the French quarrelled; religious -intolerance added to the discord; the successes of Parma continued; -and Anjou, irritated by the restraints imposed upon him, rashly -and foolishly attempted a _coup d'etat_. He succeeded in some of -the smaller towns, but failed at Bruges; while at Antwerp, the -citizens rose and cut down nearly 2000 of his soldiers (January 16, -1583). Anjou, with shameless effrontery, attempted to throw the blame -upon his subjects, while he intrigued with Parma, and offered to -join him in return for the cession of certain towns on the French -frontier. Even then, William did not think it wise to irritate the -French. Negotiations were continued after the departure of the Duke -for France (June 28), and were only ended by his death in the June of -the ensuing year. Before that event, Parma, taking advantage of the -confusion and distrust caused by 'the French Fury,' partly by arms, -partly by bribery, recovered nearly all the central provinces except -Flanders, and even there Bruges was surrendered through the treachery -of Chimay, the son of the Duke of Aerschot. - - | Assassination of William of Orange. July 10, 1584. - -One month after the death of Anjou, William of Orange was -assassinated. The ban had been his death-warrant. No less than five -attempts had been made, of which one had been nearly fatal to the -Prince, and by the anxiety it caused, contributed at least to the -death of his wife, Charlotte of Bourbon. Finally, on the 10th of July, -1584, when fifty-one years of age, he was shot at Delft by Balthazar -Gerard, a fanatic of Franche-Comte, who had long looked upon himself -as predestinated to do the deed. - -The great man, who thus passed away, is a good example of the -chastening influence of a life of responsibility and danger. The -troubles of his country, and the anxieties they brought upon him, had -weaned him from the extravagance and dissipation of his youth and had -deepened his character. A Catholic by birth rather than conviction, -his adoption of Lutheranism, and subsequently of Calvinism, were -probably in part due to political interest; and although there is -no reason to doubt the sincerity of his ultimate beliefs, his past -experience led him to realise, as few of his contemporaries did, the -value of toleration--a belief which cost him the support of some of -his more fanatical followers. Few would deny that he was ambitious, -but his repeated refusal to accept the sovereignty offered to him--a -refusal which some think mistaken--proves at least that he knew -how to keep his personal interest in control. That he was no great -general, and that he was deficient in military courage, may be true; -yet, if it be remembered that he commanded mercenaries who were not -to be trusted, or civil levies which could indeed defend a town, -but were scarcely fitted to meet the veterans of Spain in the open -field, we shall probably applaud his wisdom in avoiding pitched -battles. It is, however, as a statesman and a diplomatist that he -excelled. Absolute straightforwardness is difficult in diplomacy, but -William was infinitely more straightforward than the shifty Elizabeth, -the Machiavellian Catherine, or the treacherous Philip; while his -constancy under reverse, in spite of a constitutional tendency to -depression, justly entitles him to his motto, 'Je maintiendrai.' The -extravagant denunciations of the Prince by his enemies may be taken as -a measure of his ability; the number of his devoted followers, of his -personal fascination; the future glories of the 'United Netherlands,' -as an incontestable proof of the greatness of the man who is justly -called their 'Father.' Nevertheless it is improbable that William, -had he lived, would have won back the south-western provinces. The -cleavage, as we have seen, had already begun--a cleavage which future -history has proved to be deep and permanent--and the success of Parma -in the south-west seemed already pretty well assured. No doubt William -hoped for an alliance with the Huguenots and with Henry of Navarre, -who, by the death of Anjou, had become the heir to the French crown, -an idea which explains his marriage with Coligny's daughter.[72] -He seems even to have looked for a coalition of all Protestant -powers. But Henry had enough to do at home, and Elizabeth was a broken -reed; while the quarrels between the Lutherans and Calvinists, and -the advance of the Catholic Reaction, would probably have prevented -effective help from Germany. William had laid the foundation of the -independence of the Seven United Provinces, and had he lived he would -not in all probability have done more than antedate by a few years the -recognition of that independence. - - | Maurice elected Captain-General of Holland and - | Zealand. - - | Success of Parma. - - | The siege of Antwerp. Aug. 17, 1585. - -'Had William been murdered two years earlier,' said Philip, 'much -trouble might have been spared me; but it is better late than -never.' His second son, Maurice, who was elected Captain-General of -Holland and Zealand, and head of the Council of State, which was -appointed provisionally, was only seventeen; Hohenlo, the son-in-law -of William, who was appointed commander-in-chief, was a drunkard; -while Treslong, the admiral, quarrelled with the Estates, and was -superseded by Justin, an illegitimate son of William, a man of no -experience. Of the confusion which naturally ensued, Parma made good -use. The most important towns in the South, which remained unsubdued, -were Dendermonde, Ghent, Brussels, Mechlin, and Antwerp, all of them -lying on the Scheldt or its tributary the Senne. Alexander offered -good terms; he promised to respect their privileges, to make no -inquiry into conscience, and to free them from foreign garrisons. Many -of the old adherents of Orange deserted the cause in despair, and -by the end of July, 1585, all these towns had surrendered or had -been taken, with the exception of Antwerp. Against that important -place, Parma now concentrated all his efforts. The enterprise was a -difficult one; Parma had no fleet; Philip, at this moment occupied -with the affairs of the League in France (cf. p. 428), gave him scant -assistance; and, had the citizens of Antwerp followed the example -of those of Leyden in the year 1574, and completely flooded the -country, he could scarce have approached the city. For this sacrifice, -however, they were not prepared, and the half-measures which they -adopted did more harm than good. Parma accordingly was able to reach -the Scheldt to the seaward of the town, and began a bridge which -should cut off all communication with the sea. The besieged, when too -late, made energetic attempts to defeat his purpose, and once, by -means of the dread fire-ships, nearly succeeded in breaking through -the barrier. But Parma was not to be baulked. In spite of all their -efforts, the bridge was completed, and, after a six months' siege, -St. Aldegonde the Burgomaster, surrendered (August 17). The victory -was not tarnished by any outrages. An amnesty was proclaimed, though -the city had to pay a fine; all religions except the Catholic were -proscribed, but those who would not conform were allowed two years' -grace. But if the capitulation of Antwerp raised the military fame of -Parma to the highest pitch, and practically secured Brabant to the -Spaniards, the actual gain was not very great. Ostend and Sluys still -held out, and although they were subsequently won (Sluys in August -1587), the Dutch succeeded in permanently holding Flushing and the -entrance to the Scheldt. By so doing, they not only destroyed the -commercial importance of Antwerp, which depended on her communication -with the sea, but contributed to the decline of the industries of the -other great Flemish cities. Amsterdam now took the place of Antwerp; -the Scheldt was closed to Flemish commerce, and never till our day, -when that river was finally declared open, did Antwerp become again -that entrepot for trade, for which her geographical position so well -fits her. - - | Sovereignty refused by Henry III., Oct. 1584, is - | offered to Elizabeth. - -While this memorable siege had been progressing, the sovereignty over -the Netherlands was going a-begging. Two parties had now arisen there: -those who based their hopes on French assistance, and those who looked -to England. The French party were at first successful. Undismayed by -the treachery of Anjou, and in spite of the opposition of the Province -of Holland, they offered the sovereignty to Henry III., 'upon -conditions which should hereafter be settled,' October, 1584. So -brilliant an offer was indeed tempting, and, had the hands of Henry -been free, he probably would have accepted it. But the last of the -Valois was in the toils of the Catholic League. After much hesitation -he had, in July, 1585, submitted to its dictation (cf. p. 429), and -accordingly he declined the proferred dignity. - - | Elizabeth declines the sovereignty, but despatches - | the Earl of Leicester. Dec. 9, 1585. - -Disappointed in their hopes of French assistance, the Netherlanders -turned to England. Elizabeth had received with satisfaction the news -of the refusal of the sovereignty by the French King. Well aware -of the designs of Philip on England, she was anxious to save the -United Provinces from reconquest by Parma, and was willing to aid -them with men and money. Nevertheless, with her usual parsimony, she -was determined to obtain good security for repayment, which should -take the form of cautionary towns, while she feared to accept the -sovereignty lest such a step might pledge her too deeply to a definite -anti-Spanish policy. This was, however, just what the Netherlanders -most desired. The negotiations therefore, which had begun before the -fall of Antwerp, were long protracted, and it was not until November, -1585, that the Netherlanders finally consented to her terms. The Queen -engaged herself to maintain a permanent force of 5000 foot and 1000 -horse in the provinces at her own charges; for the repayment of the -expense thus incurred, Brille and Flushing were to be placed in her -hands, to be garrisoned by an additional contingent; she was also to -have the right of nominating two members of the Council of State of -eighteen, to which the administration of affairs had been intrusted -after the death of William the Silent. The Earl of Leicester, the -favourite of the Queen, was appointed commander of the forces; the -governorship of Flushing was intrusted to his nephew, Sir Philip -Sidney, and that of Brille to Sir Thomas Cecil, son of Lord Burleigh. - - | Leicester accepts the office of Governor-General. - - | Indignation of Elizabeth. - -On the 9th of December, the expedition sailed. The Netherlanders -were not, however, yet satisfied. Anxious apparently to compromise -the Queen still further in their cause, they offered the post -of Governor-General of the United Provinces to Leicester, with -supreme military command by land and sea, and supreme authority -in matters civil and political. He was to swear to maintain the -ancient laws and privileges of the country, and to govern with the -assistance of the Council of State; he might, however, summon the -States-General at his will, and was to enjoy the right of appointing -to all offices, civil and legal, out of a list presented to him by -the states of the province where the vacancy should occur. The Earl -not only accepted the brilliant offer, but, elated by the magnificent -reception he received, was even heard to say that his family had -been wrongly deprived of the crown of England.[73] By this conduct -the susceptibilities of Elizabeth were aroused. As a Queen, she was -angered at 'the great and strange contempt' of her subject who had -dared accept the 'absolute' government without her leave; as a woman, -she was jealous of her favourite who looked for honours from other -hands than hers; as a diplomatist, she feared that this rash act of -Leicester would destroy her game, and that Philip would strike at -England. She therefore peremptorily commanded him to make 'public -and open resignation' of his office. For two months the Queen was -implacable. At last, however, a most secret letter from her 'sweet -Robin' salved her woman's pride. Burleigh and Walsingham warned her -of the fatal results of her capricious conduct; and she consented -that the Earl should, provisionally at least, retain the authority -of 'absolute governor' (April 10). We even find her subsequently -declaring 'that she misliked not so much the title, as the lack of -performance' of their promises by the Dutch. - - | Leicester loses the support of the 'States' Party. - - | Leicester leans on the democratic party. - - | Leicester quarrels with his subordinates. - - | Disasters of the year 1586. - -The quarrel between the Queen and her favourite was at an end; not -so its consequences. The authority of the Earl had been discredited -by the humiliating position in which he had been placed by his own -vanity and rashness, and by the pique of his mistress. The suspicion -and disgust thus engendered among the Netherlanders were increased -by the reports of negotiations between Elizabeth and Parma--reports -which were but too well founded; for as the projected invasion of -England became more certain, the efforts of the Queen to avert the -blow by peaceful negotiations increased. Nothing could have been -more unfortunate than the policy thus adopted. Philip's object -was simply to gain time until he should be ready for his great -stroke; and, although Elizabeth hoped to include the Netherlands -in any peace she might make, her previous conduct certainly gave -no security that she would refuse to sacrifice their interests if -necessary. These apprehensions were naturally most acutely felt by -the 'States Party,'--that is, by the governing classes, who were -represented in the Provincial Estates, and in the States-General--men -like Paul Buys, the ex-advocate, and John Van Olden Barneveld, the -advocate of Holland. This party had hitherto taken the lead in the -struggle against Spain, and, although still in favour of the English -alliance, were unwilling to see their country made the victim of a -woman's pique, or of a faithless Queen's diplomacy. Leicester, stung -by their reproaches, with that vanity and love of flattery which -were his chief faults, accordingly turned to the people and adopted -a democratic policy which was still more distasteful to the official -classes, and to the patrician burgher families. In violation of the -law that no person should hold office in any province of which he was -not a native, he raised three creatures of his own to power: Deventer, -a native of Brabant, was appointed burgomaster of Utrecht; Daniel de -Burgrave, a Fleming, was made his private secretary; and Regnault, -another Fleming, a renegade who had once taken service under Granvella -and Alva, was placed at the head of the new Finance Chamber--a chamber -which Leicester erected with the hope of putting a stop to frauds on -the revenue, and of finding 'mountains of gold.' The merchants were -further irritated by the refusal of Elizabeth to remove the staple -for English cloth from Embden, in East Friesland, to Amsterdam or -Delft, and by the prohibition of all exports to Spanish territories--a -measure which did far more harm to Dutch trade than it did to that -of Spain, and which was so unpopular that it had shortly to be -rescinded. A Calvinist himself, the Earl gladly adopted the views of -the democratic party in religious matters. Declaring that the Papists -were favourers of Spain, he banished seventy from the town of Utrecht -and maltreated them elsewhere; while with the object of declaring -Calvinism the state religion, he summoned a religious synod at the -Hague. By this conduct he abandoned the principle of toleration which -William the Silent had ever advocated; he threatened the compromise -laid down at the Union of Utrecht (cf. p. 358) whereby each province -had been allowed to settle the religious question for itself, and he -alienated the best statesmen of the day, men who objected to Church -influence in secular affairs, who feared the intemperate zeal of -the Calvinist ministers, and wished to avoid the establishment of -a theocracy after the fashion of Geneva. The adherents of the Earl -did not stop there; they denied the authority of the States-General -and of the Provincial Estates, and declared that sovereignty resided -in the people. In pursuance of these theories the government of -Utrecht, where Leicester generally resided, was revolutionised, and -Paul Buys, one of the most prominent of the burgher party--seized -with the tacit acquiescence, at least, of Leicester--was kept six -months in prison without trial. Thus the Earl, instead of uniting all -parties in common opposition to the Spaniard, had become a partisan, -had made enemies of those who had been the most strenuous advocates -of the English alliance, and deepened those provincial, class, and -religious differences which henceforth were to be the chief bane of -Holland. Nor was Leicester more fortunate in his relations with his -own subordinates; he quarrelled with Sir John Norris, who had been -in command of the English contingent before his arrival, with the -knight's brother Edward, and his uncle the treasurer, and with Wilkes, -one of the English members of the Council of State. Although Leicester -was not altogether responsible for these dissensions, they did not -improve the Dutch opinion of him, and, added to the niggardliness -of Elizabeth's supplies, seriously crippled his efforts in the -field. It was fortunate, under these circumstances, that Philip was -too intent on securing the victory of the League in France, and on his -preparations for the Armada, to send efficient help to Parma. As it -was, the year 1586 was one of disaster for the patriots. On June 7, -Grave was treacherously surrendered to Alexander by its governor. On -the 28th, Venloo capitulated, and Parma became master of the Meuse -almost to its mouth. Finally, the attempt of Leicester to take the -town of Zutphen on the Yssel, which was still held by Parma, led to -the death of Sir Philip Sidney, the brilliant nephew of the Earl, who -was mortally wounded as he took part in an heroic, though unsuccessful -effort to intercept a convoy of provisions thrown into the town by -Parma (October 2). The only successes on the English side were the -surprise of Axel on July 17, the reduction of Doesburg, September 12, -and the taking of some of the outlying forts of the town of Zutphen. - - | Leicester temporarily leaves the Netherlands. Nov. - | 24, 1586. The discontent increases. - - | Leicester returns. July, 1587. The discontent - | increases. - - | Leicester finally recalled. Dec. 1587. - -The only remedy for the ill that had been done was that Elizabeth -should accept the sovereignty, and send a good army into the -field. This Leicester earnestly pressed on the Queen, and the proposal -met with the support of Burleigh. Elizabeth, however, objected to -the one, 'because it bred a doubt of perpetual war'; to the other, -'because it required an increase of charges'; and the departure of -Leicester on a visit to England at the end of November only added to -the confusion and disagreements in the Netherlands. The government -during his absence was nominally left to the Council of State. To -Sir John Norris was given command of the English forces, to Hohenlo -that over the Dutch and German troops. Leicester, however, knowing -that the majority in the Council were against him, and that these two -officers were his deadly enemies, had left a secret paper by which he -forbade the Council to set aside any appointments to the command of -forts and towns without his consent. Unfortunately, two of his last -nominees turned traitors. Sir William Stanley surrendered the town -of Deventer, near Zutphen, and Rowland York betrayed Fort Zutphen to -Tassis, the Spanish commander of the town (January 29). These acts -of treachery on the part of Leicester's own nominees, added to the -negotiations of Elizabeth with Parma, which were now well known, -roused the indignation of the States Party in Holland to boiling -pitch. Barneveld declared 'that the country had never been so cheated -by the French as it was now by the English, and that the government -had become insupportable.' Envoys bearing a bitter remonstrance were -despatched to Elizabeth, and Maurice was again provisionally appointed -Governor-general, with Hohenlo for his lieutenant-general. The visit -of the envoys was most inopportune. At the moment of their arrival the -question of the fate of Mary, Queen of Scots, who had been convicted -of complicity in the Babington Plot, was agitating the English -Queen. Four days after their arrival, Elizabeth at last consented to -sign the death-warrant (February 11), and on the 17th, Mary's head -fell on the scaffold. It was now thought imperatively necessary to -conciliate Philip, or to husband all the resources of England for -defence against the invasion which was otherwise inevitable. Under -these circumstances, Elizabeth was in no mood to listen either to the -remonstrances of the Dutch against the conduct of her favourite, or to -their demands for increased help and money. 'No reason that breedeth -charges,' said Walsingham, 'can in any sort be digested.' In March, -indeed, Lord Buckhurst was despatched to Holland, and by his wise and -conciliatory policy did much to heal the breach. But with the return -of Leicester in July, the quarrels again broke out. His attempt to -relieve the town of Sluys, which he found invested by the Duke of -Parma[74] on his return, failed, and on August 4, that important basis -for an attack on England was in Parma's hands. The fall of Sluys led -to recriminations between Leicester, Maurice, and Hohenlo. Meanwhile, -the altercations with the States Party continued, while the continued -negotiations between Elizabeth and Parma deepened the suspicions -against the English. The Dutch even declared that Elizabeth's aim -was to secure possession of more towns, that she might thereby make -a better bargain for herself, while she sacrificed her allies. That -the Queen herself entertained so base an idea is not proved; yet we -have Leicester's own words to show that he at least did not shrink -from such a course 'if the worst came to the worst.' When, therefore, -in the autumn of 1587, Leicester made a vain attempt to revolutionise -the governments of Amsterdam and Leyden (October, 1587), as he had -previously done in the case of Utrecht, a cry was raised that he was -playing again the game of the false Anjou (cf. p. 361), and there was -no alternative for him but to retire. He was accordingly recalled -by his mistress in December to bask in her royal smile, although -he did not actually resign his authority till the following March -31. Elizabeth would not hear a word against her favourite. In her -letter of recall she threw the blame entirely on her allies; she -upbraided them for their ingratitude, their breach of faith, their -false and malicious slanders against the Earl, and concluded this -marvellous epistle with a gracious promise that 'out of compassion -for their pitiful condition, she would continue her subsidies for the -present, and that if she concluded a peace with Spain, she would take -the same care for their country as for her own.' - - | Review of his administration. - - | Philip determines to invade England. - -It would be unfair to hold Leicester altogether responsible for the -failure of this ill-starred expedition. Some of the leading men, like -Hohenlo, were violent men, especially when in their cups; the parties -and factions which divided the Netherlanders were not of Leicester's -making; the complicated and loose character of the government, and the -religious difficulties, were sure to lead to trouble; except in the -provinces of Holland and Zealand, little zeal was at this time shown -in the cause, and Stanley and York were not the only traitors. But if -the task imposed on Leicester had been a delicate one, certainly no -person was less fitted than he to carry it through. His arrogance, -his imperiousness, and his implacable temper made him many personal -enemies, and led him to chafe against any control or contradiction; -his vanity caused him to listen to the flattery of his creatures, and -to break with the leading statesmen of the time, because they dared -criticise his conduct; his strong Calvinistic prejudices ill fitted -him to hold the balance amid the religious parties of the Netherlands; -and if he was courageous and open-handed, he was certainly neither -a capable statesman nor a good general. Yet, after all, the chief -fault lay in the policy of the Queen herself. Her refusal to accept -the sovereignty and throw herself heartily into the cause of the -Netherlands, the niggardliness of her supplies, and the harshness of -her terms--above all, her suspicious negotiations with Parma--these -were the chief causes of complaint. Nor was this conduct the result -of mere caprice. Well aware of the preparations of Philip against -England, she still vainly hoped that, if she refrained from the -irretrievable step of assuming the sovereignty, she might make use of -her position in the Netherlands to secure a lasting and honourable -peace for herself and them. She accordingly allowed herself to be -deluded by the comedy of negotiation, which Alexander was playing, at -his master's orders, with the sole intention of deceiving her till the -time for action was ripe. With the same idle hope, she had disavowed -the action of Sir Francis Drake, who, in the preceding April, had -'singed Philip's beard' by entering the ports of Cadiz and of Lisbon, -and destroying some two hundred and fifty vessels. Her conduct was -in keeping with her policy to the Protestants in Scotland and in -France--a policy which has been generally praised, if not for its -honesty, at least for its cleverness. It has been asserted that by -this trimming attitude she prevented a coalition of the united forces -of Catholicism, before which England must have succumbed; however -true that may have been in the earlier years of her reign, it was -certainly so no longer, for Philip was now determined on his invasion -of England. Once, indeed, he had feared the designs of the Guises; -but the Duke of Guise was now in his pay. In January, 1584, Mendoza, -Philip's ambassador, who had been summarily dismissed from England -on account of his known connection with Throgmorton's plot, informed -Elizabeth 'that as he had failed to please the Queen as a minister -of peace, she would in future force him to try and satisfy her in -war,' and he had been true to his word. Removing to France, he became -thenceforth Philip's most active agent in making preparations. In -May, 1586, the Queen of Scots had ceded to Philip all her claims on -the crown of England, unless James accepted Catholicism before her -death, and her execution finally removed all his scruples. Under these -circumstances, Philip was determined to endure the ill-disguised acts -of enmity on the part of the English Queen no longer. She had aided -the rebels in the Netherlands; she had supported the Pretender to the -crown of Portugal; above all, the piratical attacks of the English -sea-dogs were bleeding Spain to death. England must be conquered. If -that could be effected, the Netherlands would be soon subdued; and, -since the victory of the League seemed assured in France, Philip might -well hope soon to be master in London, Amsterdam, and Paris. Had -Elizabeth at the time of Leicester's expedition cast all fears to the -winds and thrown her energies once for all on the side of Henry of -Navarre, and on that of the Netherlands, Philip would have had his -hands too full to strike. Even as it was, Alexander was prevented from -co-operating in the attack on England by those very Netherlanders -whose sympathy Elizabeth had done her best to alienate. - - | The Armada sails. May 30, 1588. - - | The Armada sights the Lizard. July 28. - -Five months after the departure of the Earl, the Armada, under the -Duke of Medina Sidonia, sailed. The scheme for invading England -had been elaborately planned between Philip and Parma. The Armada -was to proceed from Lisbon to the throat of the English Channel, -off Calais. There it was to wait for Alexander, who was to come -forth with his army, numbering some 17,000 men, shipped on the -flat-bottomed boats he had prepared, and assume the command of the -whole expedition. The Channel was then to be crossed. The Duke of -Parma was to land and march on London, while Medina Sidonia was to -guard the harbours from the Dutch and English fleets. The first -experiences of the Spanish fleet were not encouraging. Many of the -ships proved unseaworthy, Medina was forced to put into Corunna -to refit, and it was not until the 28th of July, that the Armada -sighted the Lizard. The delay had been of value. Elizabeth, although -she had continued her negotiations with Parma to the very last, had -made some preparations. On land, indeed, little had been done; but -when the Spaniards appeared off Plymouth a motley fleet of some one -hundred and ninety-seven ships had been collected. Of these only -thirty-four belonged to the government; the rest had been provided by -the merchants of London and other towns, or by private individuals. - - | Running engagement up the Channel. July 30-Aug. 6. - - | Armada in Calais roads. Aug. 6-7. The fire-ships. - - | Final engagement. August 8. - -It appears, however, that the strength of the Armada has been -exaggerated. Although it is impossible to speak with absolute -accuracy, it would appear that the number of the Spanish vessels -actually engaged was some one hundred and twenty, while that of -the English was about one hundred and seventy. The tonnage of the -individual Spanish ships was greater, but in everything else the -advantage was on the English side. They had more guns--a weapon which -the Spaniards, depending as they did on boarding their adversary, -despised. The number of effective fighting men was probably greater -than that of the Spaniards, if we omit the galley slaves; certainly -the proportion of sailors to the soldiers was greater in the English -fleet; the sailors were far better seamen than those on the Spanish -ships, and they had amongst their captains such men as Drake, Hawkins, -and Frobisher, who had spent their lives at sea. The Spanish ships, if -higher and of greater size, and therefore dangerous at close quarters, -were unwieldy and undermanned. In a word, as Drake well said, if the -English could 'fight loose and at large,' their victory was assured; -and this they succeeded in doing. In a running engagement up the -Channel, which lasted eight days, the English hung round the Spanish -fleet, generally to windward of them, poured their shot into the hulls -of the Spanish ships, and were away again before they had suffered -much punishment. The English fired low; the Spaniards, anxious to -disable their enemies preparatory to boarding, fired at the masts and -rigging, and often missed their aim. When, therefore, the Armada at -last reached the Calais roads, the absurdity of the idea that they -could drive the English fleet from the sea was already palpable; and -unless that could be done, it would have been madness for the Duke of -Parma to venture out to sea in his flat-bottomed boats, encumbered -as they would be by troops. This he himself had foreseen; but in any -case, the swarm of Dutch craft which lined the coast prevented him -from the attempt. Nothing clearly could be done unless the Armada -could command the sea, and this it completely failed to do. On the -night of August 7, the English sent six fire-ships against their -enemies as they lay at anchor. The fire-ships might easily have been -towed aside by boats, for they had no explosives on board. But the -Spaniards remembered the fire-ships of Antwerp; a shameful panic -seized the men; the great hulks slipped their anchors; two were set -on fire, others became entangled with each other, and the rest of the -fleet were driven seaward by awkward squalls which sprang up from -west-south-west. On the following morning, the English pursued; and -in the engagement which ensued, while the English lost not a single -vessel and scarce a hundred men, the Spaniards had sixteen of their -ships disabled and lost four to five thousand men. Unfortunately the -English were now short of powder and of shot and of provisions.[75] -The Lord-Admiral, Lord Howard of Effingham, however, 'put on a brag -countenance and gave them chase, as though they wanted nothing,' and -the Spaniards, afraid to face the English ships again, were fain to -drop before the wind which soon began to freshen into half a gale -from the west, and threatened to drive the fleet upon the Zealand -sands. A sudden shifting of the wind to the south-west saved them from -this disaster; but the change was only the prelude to a violent gale, -which, finally bursting upon the half-disabled ships on August 14, -scattered them far and wide. Of the one hundred and thirty-four sail -which left Corunna in July, some fifty-three alone, painfully and one -by one, found their way back to Spain, and even these were so damaged -as to be useless. - - | Troubles in Holland after departure of Leicester. - - | Dutch and English expedition to Portugal. April-July, - | 1589. - - | Breda secured by a stratagem. Feb. 28, 1590. - - | Farnese marches into France. Aug. 3, 1590. - -The great enterprise of Philip had been ruined by the combined action -of the English and the Dutch. Yet, unfortunately, the disagreements -caused by the expedition of Leicester were long in disappearing. On -the retirement of the Earl, Maurice of Nassau, who was already -Stattholder of Holland and Zealand, had been appointed Captain-general -of those provinces;[76] but his authority was disputed by Leicester's -party, more especially in the provinces of Utrecht, Friesland, and -in North Holland. They declared that the Earl had only temporarily -retired, and refused obedience to Maurice and the States-General. The -difficulties were further increased by quarrels with Lord Willoughby, -who had been left in command of the English forces, and was himself -an adherent of the Earl. Under these circumstances, Alexander had -easily reduced most of the contumacious cities; and, on April 10, a -quarrel between Maurice and the English officer, Sir Robert Wingfield, -enabled him to secure the important city of Gertruydenberg. In -the same month, however, a joint Dutch and English expedition was -made against Portugal, which, although it failed in its immediate -object--the restoration of the pretender Don Antonio to the crown--did -some damage to Spanish shipping, and gave earnest of a better feeling -between those two countries, whose interests were so closely knit -together. In the following February, a clever stratagem, heroically -carried out, won Breda for the patriots, and during the following -summer, Maurice began to display his military powers by the reduction -of several places of importance. Nevertheless, the dissensions still -continued. The two English councillors, and the commander of the -English auxiliary forces, who, according to the original treaty, still -retained a seat in the Council of State, were ever quarrelling with -the Hollanders. The province of Holland, which contributed at least a -half to the expenses of the war, did not consider its representation -on the State Council an adequate one; the States-General, in which -the influence of the delegates of Holland was predominant, began -to disregard the authority of the Council, while its authority in -turn was often disputed by the other Provincial Councils. It was -fortunate, under these circumstances, that the attention of Philip was -at this time directed elsewhere. In France alone his fortunes seemed -prospering. If the victory of the League in that country could be -secured, England and the Netherlands might yet be conquered. Besides, -Philip was becoming jealous of the Duke of Parma. No one could serve -Philip long without arousing his suspicions; and Alexander had no -lack of enemies who spread rumours of his intention to make himself -independent in the Netherlands.[77] He was therefore neglected, and -with troops mutinous for want of pay, operations on a large scale -were impossible. Finally, in spite of his remonstrances, Farnese was -ordered to 'talk no more of difficulties' but to march into France to -the assistance of the Duke of Mayenne, August 3, 1590 (cf. p. 434), -and although on December 3, Parma returned from his French expedition, -it was with enfeebled health, exhausted funds, and an army seriously -reduced in numbers. - - | Early life of Maurice. - - | His military reforms. - - | Exploits of Maurice. May-July, 1591. - - | Continued success of Maurice. Sept.-Oct., 1591. - -Maurice at last had his opportunity. This second[78] son of William -the Silent, and, through his mother, the grandson of Maurice of -Saxony, whom he resembled in feature and in character, had not as yet -attracted much attention. Some indeed thought him nothing more than -a petulant and unmannerly schoolboy; shrewder observers, however, -admitted that he was a man of 'deep if sullen' wit, and that as he -grew up to manhood he did not indulge in the vice of deep drinking so -prevalent among Dutchmen of that day. With politics he had hitherto -concerned himself but little, and had been content to follow the -lead of Barneveld. Meanwhile he had devoted himself to mathematics, -the science of fortification, and to tactics, and subsequently, -assisted by his cousin, Lewis William, Stattholder of Friesland--an -odd little man with bullet head, bright eyes, and shaggy brown -beard--had turned to military reform. A more elaborate system of -drill was introduced, which might give greater elasticity to the army -in the field; appreciating the value of fire-arms, he increased the -proportion of musketeers to pikemen in the infantry, and armed the -cavalry with carbines. To this he added the use of the spade, which -had hitherto been despised as beneath the dignity of the soldier, and -formed a school of engineers. In his anxiety to put an end to the -system of pillage which disgraced the armies of the day, and which -had made the Spaniards a terror, he severely punished such offences; -while, to remove all pretext for such conduct, he was careful to -prevent the peculation which had been rife among the officers, and -insisted on the soldiers being punctually paid. By these means he had -succeeded, in spite of much hostile criticism and ridicule, in making -the small army of the Hollanders a thoroughly effective one; while he -himself at the age of twenty-three had become a master of scientific -fortification and siege operations. The moment had now come to use his -remodelled forces. On May 24, 1591, he laid siege to Zutphen on the -Yssel, and in six days reduced that town, which had hitherto proved -impregnable. The reduction of Deventer, on the same river, followed -on June 10. Sixteen days later, he appeared before the walls of -Groningen, and reduced several places in the neighbourhood. Farnese, -aroused by the news of his exploits, attempted in July, to make a -diversion by attacking the fort of Knodsenburg on the Waal, but was -outmanoeuvred by his young antagonist, and was forced to retreat, -and in August was compelled by illness to retire to Spa. Maurice now -took the town of Hulst on September 24, and on October 21, Nymwegen, -at the frontier of the Netherlands, on the Waal. - - | Alexander's second expedition into France. Further - | conquests of Maurice. - -In January, 1592, the Duke of Parma was peremptorily ordered by -Philip to advance once more into France, Maurice, thus free from -all apprehension, again took the field. After a siege of forty-four -days, the town of Steenwyck fell (July 3), on the 26th, the fortress -of Coeworden capitulated, and thus the keys to the districts of -Friesland, Groningen, and Drenthe were in his hands. Thus in two -summers, Maurice had not only secured once more the control of the -Waal, but had driven the Spaniards from most of the strongholds they -had hitherto held in the northern provinces of Guelderland, Overyssel, -and Drenthe; Groningen alone remained, and this was to be reduced in -the following year. - - | Death of Alexander of Parma. Dec. 3, 1592. - -In the winter of 1592, Alexander, Duke of Parma, the only man whose -military genius Maurice had need to fear, passed away. He had returned -from his second French expedition at the end of May, a dying man, -but even if he had been himself, the suspicions of Philip would have -effectually paralysed his efforts; for that jealous King, persuaded -by enemies of the Duke that he had designs on the sovereignty of the -Southern Netherlands, had already appointed his successor, and had -intended to remove him by force if necessary. Never were suspicions -more unjust; and Farnese, in obedience to his master's orders, was -preparing a third expedition into France, when he was suddenly struck -down at Arras (December 3). Thus, at the age of forty-seven, passed -away the first soldier of his age, and one of the most devoted -servants Philip ever had. The only blot on his political career is -to be found in the unscrupulous character of his diplomacy. But even -here, he was at least faithful in his baseness; if he deceived others, -it was in obedience to his master's orders, and the suspicion with -which Philip treated him in his later moments was as cruel as it was -unjust. The fourteen years of Parma's governorship may be looked -upon as the critical period in Philip's reign; they witnessed the -final move in the political game which the King of Spain was playing -for the mastery of Western Europe, and when Parma died the game was -nearly lost. Yet such success as Philip had, was largely due to -Alexander. Although the Duke had failed in the impossible task of -subduing the northern provinces, he had at least secured the southern -and western ones for Spain, and postponed the triumph of Henry of -Navarre. Had Philip had more such servants, he might have succeeded -better. - - | Archduke Ernest appointed Governor. Jan. 1594. - - | Maurice reduces Gertruydenberg, June 24, 1593; and - | Groningen, July 22, 1594. - -On the death of Parma, the government had been provisionally placed -in the hands of Count Peter Ernest Mansfeld, a veteran now in his -dotage. The real successor was to be the Archduke Ernest, brother of -the Emperor Rudolf. The Archduke was Philip's nephew. He proposed -to marry him to the Infanta and to gain for him the crown of France -(cf. p. 435). Thus, Philip hoped that the Spanish Netherlands might -be united to France, and ruled by a submissive relation. At least, -Philip seemed determined that the new Governor-general should not be -a man to excite his fears. The Archduke was thoroughly incapable, -very indolent, very fat, fond of drinking and of gambling; withal a -melancholy man, a victim to gout, and one who wept when complaints -were made to him. It was not until January, 1594, that the Archduke -arrived in Brussels. By that time his chances of the French throne -seemed remote, and his arrival with no troops and no money, but -'with 670 gentlemen, pages, and cooks, and 534 horses to draw his -coaches,' did not augur very well. A jealous scramble for places -ensued; the proud Spanish and Flemish nobles were insulted by his -want of courtesy, and the soldiery mutinied for want of pay. Under -these circumstances Maurice was able to reduce the only two important -places which were held by the Spaniards in the northern provinces. On -June 24, 1593, the successful siege of Gertruydenberg gave him the -command of the Meuse. On the 22nd July of the following year (1594), -the taking of the town of Groeningen, after sixty-five days' siege, -practically secured that province. - - | Death of Archduke Ernest, Feb. 20, 1595. Succeeded by - | the Archduke Cardinal Albert, Jan. 1596. - - | Dutch and English expedition to Cadiz. July, 1596. - - | Triple league against Spain. Aug.-Oct., 1596. - - | Successful campaign of Maurice. Jan.-Oct., 1597. - -After the death of the Archduke Ernest, which occurred on February 20, -1595, the attention of Philip was once more concentrated on France. In -January, Henry IV. had at last declared open war against Spain, and -the army of the Netherlands was required for service against him. -Fuentes, therefore, who held the post of Governor provisionally, -and the Cardinal Archduke Albert, brother of Ernest, who was appointed -in January 1596, both took part in the campaigns in the east of France -(cf. p. 440), and had but little time to give to the Netherlands. The -Dutch, free from immediate apprehension, were therefore enabled to -share in the brilliant English expedition to Cadiz, which ended in -the destruction of a Spanish fleet and in the sack of the city (July -2, 1596). In August, indeed, the Archduke Albert succeeded in wresting -the town of Hulst from Maurice; but in October, Holland joined -the League which Henry IV. and Elizabeth had made against Spain -in the previous August, and on the 24th of the following January -(1597), Maurice decisively defeated the Archduke at Turnhout near -Gertruydenberg. This important victory was followed by a three -months' campaign, from August to October 1597, on the frontiers of -the duchy of Cleves--which was being used by the Spaniards as a basis -of operations against the disobedient provinces--a campaign in which, -by the reduction of nine cities and five castles, Maurice materially -strengthened his eastern frontier on the Rhine. - - | Dutch not included in the Peace of Vervins. May 2, 1598. - - | Settlement of government of the obedient provinces. - - | 1609. Twelve years' truce. - -The Dutch had entered the League with France and England in the hope -that they might by such help finally secure the recognition of their -independence. But Henry was now weary of war, and had already opened -those negotiations which, in spite of the remonstrances of the Dutch, -ended in the Peace of Vervins (May 2, 1598, cf. p. 444). As the -recognition of their independence was denied them, the Dutch declined -to take part in the treaty. Nevertheless, the Peace was accompanied -by some change in the position of the obedient provinces; for as -Henry would no longer brook the presence of the Spanish King on his -eastern frontier, Philip consented to renounce his claim to them, as -well as to Franche-Comte, on condition that the sovereignty should -be conferred on the Archduke Albert, who was to marry the Infanta -Clara Eugenia Isabella (May, 1598). It was, however, stipulated that -these provinces should fall again to Spain in the event of there -being no issue of the marriage; Philip had reason to believe that -the Archduke could have no children, and by a secret treaty, his -nephew acknowledged the suzerainty of Spain, and promised to allow -Spanish garrisons to hold the cities of Antwerp, Ghent, and Cambray. -A desultory war, which did not materially affect the issue, continued -between the Spanish and disobedient provinces till 1609. A truce -of twelve years then virtually recognised the independence of the -United Netherlands--an independence which was not, however, formally -acknowledged till the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. - - | The limits of the seven United Provinces. - - | Contrast in condition of the United Netherlands and - | the Spanish Netherlands. - - | The constitutional and other difficulties. - -The seven United Provinces which thus broke away from Spain were -Guelderland, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, Groeningen, Zealand, and -Holland. These occupied a stretch of country on the shores of the -German Ocean, running from the duchy of East Friesland to the estuary -of the Scheldt, both sides of which they held. They thus completely -commanded the various mouths of the Rhine, as well as those of the -Meuse and the Scheldt. On the east and the south their boundaries -were East Friesland, the territories of the bishopric of Muenster, -the duchy of Cleves, the bishopric of Liege, and South Brabant. Of -the United Provinces, the sea was at once the enemy and the friend; -a large proportion of their territory had been reclaimed from its -embrace, and it was only kept back by expensive dykes. Some of the -water of the Rhine had even to be conveyed to the sea in canals above -the level of the fields (poulders), yet so much below the level of -high tide that this had to be kept back by gates, which opened and -shut as it ebbed and flowed. Yet it was this very sea which they had -so often called to their assistance against their human foes, and -which gave them the trade upon which their prosperity depended. The -condition of these provinces, compared with that of the obedient -provinces, had undergone a marvellous change since the accession -of Philip. At the commencement of his reign, Flanders and Brabant -were by far the most wealthy districts; Antwerp was one of the great -entrepots for the trade of Europe, and their other great towns were -the centres of busy industries; while their contributions to the royal -exchequer equalled those of all the other provinces together. At the -close of the struggle these provinces were a desert; the wolves, -we are told, roamed over the vacant fields; the looms were silent, -and whole streets in the towns were empty; trade had shifted to the -north, and Amsterdam had usurped the place of Antwerp. Already the -Dutch were becoming the carriers of Europe, and taking the lead in -colonisation to the east. Yet the young State was threatened by many -dangers. The jealousy of England for her trade was likely to prove -formidable, and the internal dangers were many. The government was a -loose federation of provinces of very unequal size and wealth, and -each province a federation of municipal councils, which, with the -exception of those in Overyssel and Groningen, were filled up by -co-optation, or by election on a very narrow franchise. The authority -of the States-General, therefore, which was the legislative assembly -of the federation, and that of the States Council which formed the -Executive, was continually being disputed by the Provincial Councils; -while the burgher aristocracy which ruled the towns was disliked -by the nobles in the country, and looked upon with jealousy by the -unenfranchised. The predominant power of the province of Holland, -which contributed more than half of the annual budget, and the -existence of the Stattholder and Captain-general,[79] who held the -supreme military and executive power, no doubt gave a practical unity -to the government. But there was ever a tendency on the part of the -Stadtholder to break away from the burgher aristocracy, and to base -a more extended sovereignty and a more united kingdom on the support -of the unprivileged classes. Religious differences embittered these -dissensions; the burghers generally supported the new Arminian views, -the Stadtholder those of the more extreme Calvinists; and thus there -arose two parties whose quarrels were often in the future to shake the -federation to its base. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [67] Lord Buckhurst, the English envoy, declared that as late as - 1587, the numbers of the Catholics in the disobedient provinces - exceeded those of the Protestants. - - [68] Four were Duchies: Brabant, Guelderland, Limburg, - Luxemburg. Five were Lordships: West Friesland, Mechlin, - Utrecht, Overyssel, Groningen. Six were Counties: Flanders, - Artois, Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Zutphen. Antwerp and Namur - were Margravates. Of these Friesland, Groningen, Utrecht, - Guelderland, Zutphen were added by Charles V. - - [69] The Duke of Bavaria was the brother-in-law of Egmont. - - [70] Adolf fell at Heiligerlu 1568. - - [71] Some, however, fix the date of Don John's birth two years - earlier, 1545. - - [72] William married four times:-- - - 1. Anne of Egmont. - - 2. Anne, daughter of Maurice of Saxony. - - 3. Charlotte of Bourbon, daughter of Louis, Duke of Montpensier. - - 4. Louisa, daughter of Admiral Coligny. - - Of his eleven children, the following are the most important:-- - - 1. Philip William, son of Anne of Egmont, a captive in Spain - since 1567; _ob. s.p._ 1618. - - 2. Maurice, son of Anne of Saxony, Stattholder from 1587 to 1625. - - 3. Frederick Henry, son of Louisa de Coligny, Stattholder from - 1625 to 1647. - - [73] The Earl of Leicester was the brother of Guildford Dudley, - the husband of Lady Jane Grey, executed 1554. - - [74] Alexander had become Duke of Parma on the death of his - father Ottavio, September 1586. - - [75] This is generally attributed to the parsimony of the Queen. - But on this and other popular errors cf. _State Papers relating - to Defeat of the Spanish Armada_, Navy Records Society, - Introduction. - - [76] In 1590, Maurice was also appointed Stattholder and - Captain-general of Guelderland, Utrecht, Overyssel; but he never - was appointed Captain-general of the whole Union. - - [77] That Alexander had been approached on this subject is true; - but that he ever entertained such a proposal there is not the - slightest proof. - - [78] The eldest son, Philip, had been kidnapped from school and - sent to Spain in 1567. When he returned in 1596, he had become a - Catholic and a supporter of Spanish rule. - - [79] Maurice after 1590 was Stattholder and Captain-general of - Holland, Zealand, Guelderland, Utrecht, and Overyssel, but never - Captain-general or Stattholder of the Union. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE REFORMATION AND THE CIVIL WARS IN FRANCE - - Francis and the Reformers--Massacre of the Vaudois--Henry II. - and the Reformers--Parties at Accession of Francis II.--Tumult - of Amboise--Accession of Charles IX.--States-General and - Colloquy of Poissy--Massacre of Vassy--First Civil - War--Dreux--Assassination of Francis of Guise--Pacification of - Amboise--Second Civil War--St. Denis--Edict of Longjumeau--Third - Civil War--Jarnac and Moncontour--Peace of St. Germain--Massacre - of St. Bartholomew--Fourth Civil War--Treaty of La - Rochelle--Change in Views of Huguenots--Fifth Civil - War--Accession of Henry III.--Peace of Monsieur--Guise and the - Catholic Leagues--Sixth and Seventh Civil Wars--Treaties of - Bergerac and Fleix--France and the Netherlands--The Catholic - League--Treaty of Joinville--Eighth Civil War--Courtras--The - Barricades--Assassination of Henry of Guise and Henry - III.--Henry IV. and the League--Ninth Civil War--Arques and - Ivry--Henry 'receives instruction' and enters Paris--War with - Spain--Edict of Nantes--Peace of Vervins--Conclusion. - - -Sec. 1. _The Rise of the Huguenots during the Reign of Francis I._ - - | The first French Reformers. - -While France, in pursuit of her policy of opposition to the House of -Hapsburg, had been allying herself with the Protestants of Germany, -heresy had been growing apace within her own borders. Jacques -Lefevre of Etaples may fairly claim the title of father of -French Protestantism. A lecturer on theology at Paris, he had in a -commentary on the Epistles of St. Paul (1512) taught the Doctrine -of Justification by Faith five years before Luther had denounced -indulgences. In 1521, he had, under the patronage of Briconnet, the -Bishop, collected a small band of men at Meaux in Champagne, of whom -Farel of Dauphine was the most important, and had also influenced -Louis de Berquin, the friend of Erasmus, who was a nobleman and a -courtier. - - | Francis at first inclined to toleration. - - | Persecution begins in absence of Francis. 1525. - - | Francis adopts a policy of persecution. 1529. - -The rise of these new opinions had at once excited the fears of the -Sorbonne or theological faculty in the University of Paris, and of -the 'Parlement' of Paris. But Francis had no love for either of these -institutions. The 'Parlement' had opposed him in the matter of the -Concordat (cf. p. 81), the Sorbonne had viewed with jealousy his -new foundation, the 'College de France' (cf. p. 218). Moreover, he -disliked the monks and friars, while his sympathy with literature and -culture, the redeeming traits of his otherwise worthless character, -as well as the influence of his sister, Margaret of Navarre, led him -to tolerate the new opinions; indeed, he is said to have entertained -the idea of founding a literary and philosophic institution in France -with Erasmus at its head. Accordingly in 1523, he saved de Berquin -from the 'Parlement,' and had he been victorious at Pavia he might -have continued this policy of toleration. His defeat and imprisonment, -however, altered the condition of the Protestants for the worse, for -his mother, Louise of Savoy, took advantage of his absence to crush -out heresy. Leclerc, a wool-carder of Meaux, was burnt, July, 1525; -Briconnet was ordered to disperse the brotherhood of Meaux (October -1525); and de Berquin was again arrested (January, 1526). He was, -indeed, once more saved from his enemies by Francis, who, on his -return to France, even appointed Lefevre tutor to his children. But -a change soon came over the policy of the fickle King. His political -necessities demanded an alliance with the Pope, who was forming the -Holy League against the Emperor (cf. p. 184), and with the clergy -at home, who could supply him with money wherewith to continue -the war. He had never sympathised with the religious views of the -reformers, but only with the literary side of the movement; while the -iconoclastic and other extravagances of some of the more hot-headed -reformers gave colour to the suggestion that the movement had a -political significance. De Berquin, although in no way responsible for -these extravagances, refused to listen to the timid caution of Erasmus -'not to disturb the hornets,' and in consequence was seized again and -executed (April, 1529). - - | Massacre of the Vaudois. 1545. - -In 1534, an intemperate placard on the abuses of the Mass not -unnaturally increased the indignation of the King; in 1535, the -outbreak of the Anabaptists in Muenster still further frightened -him; and in January 1545, convinced by the misrepresentations of the -'Parlement' of Aix that the Vaudois of Provence were attempting to -set up a republic, he gave the fatal order which, whether he intended -it or no, led to a massacre. More than twenty towns and villages were -destroyed, and some three thousand Protestants in the valley of the -Durance perished. The reign of Francis closed in the following year -with the execution of the 'fourteen' poor artisans at Meaux, the -cradle of French Protestantism. - - -Sec. 2. _The Reign of Henry II._, 1547-1559. - - | French Protestantism becomes Calvinistic and - | aggressive. - - | Increased persecution under Henry II. - -Meanwhile, the French Protestants had come under the influence of -Calvin. In 1535, he had dedicated his _Institutes_ to Francis I., in -the hope, it is said, of convincing the King that his doctrines were -not dangerous, and from that moment the French rapidly assimilated the -teaching of their great countryman. French Protestantism now became -dissociated from the literary movement with which it had hitherto been -connected, its churches were organised on the democratic system of -Geneva, and the movement soon became for the first time political and -aggressive. Under these circumstances it is no wonder that persecution -increased after the death of Francis I., especially when we remember -that the young King (he was twenty-nine) had not the literary -sympathies of his father, and that the Constable de Montmorenci and -the Guises, who had been out of favour during the later years of -Francis, were again recalled. Accordingly, at the beginning of the -reign of Henry II., a special chamber of the 'Parlement' was erected -to try cases of heresy, which gained the name of 'La Chambre Ardente,' -from the number of victims it sent to the flames. In 1551, the Edict -of Chateaubriant gave to the ecclesiastical courts jurisdiction in -matters of heresy without appeal to the 'Parlement,' and in 1557, -an attempt was made to introduce the Inquisition into France; Paul -IV. published a Bull appointing a commission consisting of the three -cardinals of Lorraine, Bourbon, and Chatillon, with the power of -delegating their authority. - -In spite of these severe measures the number of converts grew apace, -and this was the chief motive which induced Henry II. to conclude the -treaty of Cateau Cambresis in April, 1559. Although there appears to -be no foundation for the assertion that the Kings of France and Spain -bound themselves by a secret clause of that treaty to unite against -the heretics, yet negotiations to that effect certainly followed. - - | Opposition of the 'Parlement' of Paris. - -In June, Philip proposed to aid the French King in exterminating the -Protestants; and Henry, while declining the offer, suggested a joint -expedition against Geneva. The political rivalry, however, of the two -countries was too deep to permit of joint action at present, and Henry -pursued his course alone. Here he met with unlooked-for opposition -on the part of the 'Parlement.' Heresy in France had hitherto been -within the cognisance of the civil courts, and the 'Parlement' had -therefore protested as well against the Edict of Chateaubriant as -against the Bull of Paul IV. On the latter point the King had given -way, but the other cause of dispute remained, and was aggravated by -the appearance of a moderate party in the 'Chambre de la Tournelle,' -or criminal session of the 'Parlement,' who declared that persecution -was ineffective, and that they would not punish heresy with death. The -King was most indignant, and was on the point of proceeding against -the leaders, Du Faur and Anne de Bourg, when, at the tournament held -to commemorate the Peace, the lance of Montgomery laid him in the dust -and transferred the crown to his son, Francis II., a youth of sixteen -(July, 1559). - - -Sec. 3. _The Reign of Francis II., July, 1559--December, 1560_ - - | Condition of Huguenots at accession of Francis II. - - | Disorganised condition of France. - -The Protestants, or Huguenots,[80] as they began to be called, -were now too powerful to be put down by such persecution as was -possible. They numbered some 400,000, of whom the largest proportion -were either burghers and tradesmen of some substance, or belonged to -the smaller nobility, a military class who were only too ready to -appeal to arms. Nor were they destitute of leaders from the higher -nobility and from those of influence at court, notably Conde and -Coligny. And yet, had a strong and popular King succeeded, or had -there existed in France a well-knit and healthy constitution, some -compromise might have been effected, or, failing that, the new -opinions might have been at once suppressed by a vigorous use of -force. But France was suffering from the evil results of the prolonged -foreign war, and from the misguided policy of her Kings since Louis -XI. The financial distress, the heavy and unequal taxation, which -fell almost exclusively on the lower classes, caused widespread -discontent against the government. The bureaucracy and the judicature, -largely owing to the system of purchase, were hopelessly corrupt, -and had lost respect. The Church, though exceedingly wealthy (its -revenues amounted to two-fifths of the total revenue of the country), -was suffering from the effects of the Concordat; its benefices -were monopolised by the nobility and the courtiers, and absorbed -in a few hands; thus John, the Cardinal of Lorraine, held three -archbishoprics, seven bishoprics, and four abbeys. Its leaders were -for the most part men of secular interests, swayed by the factions -of the court, and caring little for the spiritual needs of their -dioceses. The States-General had been rarely called of late, and had -lost all constitutional life. The towns, with no real share in the -government of the country, were inclined to stand apart, and depend -upon themselves. The greater nobility aimed either at controlling the -crown, or, failing that, at establishing themselves as hereditary -governors of their provinces. The smaller nobility, excluded from -trade and from all professions except those of the army and the -Church, now that the war was over, either crowded into the Church, to -secularise it more completely, or formed a turbulent military class -who welcomed the chance of renewed war. France, in short, nominally -under the control of a closely centralised monarchy, was suffering -from that worst form of anarchy which comes of a bureaucracy when -it has become disorganised. To complete the misfortunes of France, -the House of Valois was represented by four boys of no character, -intellect, or physique, who were the victims of court intrigue and -factions, which were to make the crown still more unpopular, and soon -to hurry the country into civil war. - - | The Bourbons. - -The three most influential parties among the nobles were led by the -Bourbons, the Constable Anne de Montmorenci, and the Guises. Of -these the Bourbons stood nearest the throne. The eldest, Antony -of Bourbon, was King of Navarre, in right of his wife Jeanne of -Navarre, the daughter of Margaret, the tolerant sister of Francis -I. But, although he adopted the Calvinistic views of his wife, and -was popular and a good soldier, his weaknesses and irresolution -unfitted him for the leadership, which fell to his youngest brother -Louis de Conde, who also leaned to the new opinions, and was a -man of far more character. The second brother Charles, Cardinal of -Bourbon, remained a Catholic, dissociated himself from the policy -of his family, and subsequently strove for a brief season to be -called Charles X. of France. Closely connected with the Bourbons -stood the two nephews of the Constable--Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral -of France, and D'Andelot, Colonel-General of the infantry, both -strenuous Huguenots. The eldest Odet, Cardinal of Chatillon, although -sympathising with the reformers, was never of much weight. - - | The Constable Anne de Montmorenci. - -The Constable Anne de Montmorenci, who headed the second party, was a -devoted Catholic, and a stern soldier, whose severity and devotions -in time of war had led men to say, 'Beware of the Constable's Pater -Nosters.' His policy had ever been that of alliance with Spain and -suppression of heresy--a policy which had lately triumphed in the -Peace of Cateau Cambresis. Yet his jealousy of the Guises and of -the queen-mother caused him for the present to join the party of the -Bourbons. - - | The Guises. - -Lastly came the Guises. This family, the cadet branch of the House of -Lorraine, was founded by Claude, second son of Rene of Lorraine, -the grandson of Rene le Bon, of Anjou, through his daughter -Iolante. Claude had earned a reputation by his defence of the eastern -frontier after the defeat of Pavia, 1525, and had married his daughter -Mary to James V. of Scotland. In reward for his services, Francis I. -had erected Guise, Aumale, and Mayenne into duchies which Claude left -on his death (1550) to two of his sons, Francis, Duke of Guise, and -Claude, Duke of Aumale; while two others, Charles and Louis, entered -the Church to become the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise. Duke Francis -had surpassed his father's fame by his defence of Metz (1552-1553), -and by the taking of Calais (1558). Ostentatious and open-handed, he -courted popularity, and what he lacked in statesmanship was supplied -by his younger brother Charles, the Cardinal, who, in spite of his -avarice and his arrogance, was scrupulous in the outward observance -of his clerical duties, a master of diplomacy, and an accomplished -scholar of persuasive speech. Although we must wait till the next -generation for the full development of the schemes of this ambitious -family--schemes which no doubt expanded as the opportunities presented -themselves--yet the foundations were already laid by these two -remarkable men. The key to the policy of the Guises is to be found in -the fact that they were only half Frenchmen, and that they were only -remotely connected with the royal family. Looked upon as upstarts -by the older nobility, and afraid of being excluded from power by -the Bourbons, they asserted their descent from the House of Anjou, -and even from the Karolings. The family of Anjou, if still existing -in the male line, would have been nearer to the throne than the -Bourbons themselves. But the male line had died out with Charles -of Maine (1481), and accordingly the Guises pressed the claims of -the female line, through which they could trace their descent from -Rene of Anjou. Their half-foreign extraction presented greater -difficulties. These they had no doubt in part removed by their -military exploits in defending France. Now that the war was over, they -naturally adopted the cause of Catholicism, which gave them a certain -popularity among the lower classes, more especially of Paris, which -city remained intensely Catholic throughout. Their foreign policy, -although Catholic, was not Spanish at this date, for they dreamt of -supporting the claim of Mary, Queen of Scots, wife of Francis II., -to the throne of England, and of uniting the three countries into a -strong monarchy which might balance the Austro-Spanish power. - - | Catherine de Medici. - -Amid these conflicting factions, belonging to none of them, yet -anxious to control them all, stood Catherine de Medici, the -Queen-mother. 'What,' said Henry IV. of her subsequently, 'could a -poor woman have done, with her husband dead, five small children -upon her hands, and two families who were scheming to seize the -throne--our own and the Guises? I am astonished that she did not do -even worse.' The clew to the policy of this much-abused woman lies -in her foreign extraction and her previous life. A Florentine and a -Medici, she was unpopular in France, while she failed to secure the -love of her husband, Henry II., and saw her influence eclipsed by -Diana of Poictiers, his mistress. This exclusion from all influence -working on a jealous nature, had bred an intense passion to rule. Had -direct rule now been possible for her, Catherine might have done well -enough; for though devoid of moral elevation, she was not vicious. She -was very industrious and painstaking, and anxious to please. She -wished to maintain the independence of the country against the designs -of Spain, as well as the authority of the crown which was threatened -by the internal factions; if a Catholic, she was certainly no bigot, -and would probably have granted at least a contemptuous toleration to -the Huguenots. But when power was denied her, and her position was -threatened, like a true Medici she betook herself to intrigue--so -often the resource of the weak--and pursued a policy of balance which -was all the more fatal because it did not succeed. - - | The Guises in power. - -As Francis was over thirteen, it was not necessary to have a -regency. None the less, it would have been natural that Antony of -Navarre, as the nearest male relation of full age, should be called -to power. This was, however, prevented by the Guises. Uncles of the -Queen, they succeeded in obtaining complete control of the young King; -and Catherine, seeing that they were too strong to be opposed, jealous -of Navarre, and disliking Montmorenci on account of his insolent -behaviour to her during her husband's life, threw herself on their -support. Montmorenci was dismissed, and retired to his estates at -Chantilly; Coligny was deprived of his governorship of Picardy, nearly -all the governors on whom the Guises could not depend were removed, -and while the Duke controlled the army, the Cardinal of Lorraine -became the head of the civil administration. Having thus monopolised -the government of the kingdom, the Guises resumed the procedure -against the refractory members of the 'Parlement,' which had been -stayed by the death of Henry II. Anne de Bourg, condemned by a special -commission, was executed in spite of his appeal against the legality -of the court, and the others were suspended or imprisoned. - - | The Tumult of Amboise. March 17, 1560. - -But the triumph of the Guises was not to go unchallenged, and a -formidable opposition was aroused in which their political and -religious opponents joined hands. The nobility were indignant at being -deprived of their governorships, and asserted the right of the princes -of the blood against these upstart foreigners. The heavy taxation and -the poor success of the war in Scotland, where Mary of Guise, assisted -by her brothers, was carrying on an unequal struggle against the -'Lords of the Congregation,' added to the grievances. Those who wished -to revive the authority of the States-General seized the opportunity -to attack the despotic government of the Guises, and the religious -discontent served as a rallying-point. In the spring of 1560, De la -Renaudie, a noble of Perigord, formed a plot to remove the King, -who was at Amboise, from the hands of the Guises, and to place the -Prince of Conde at the head of the government. The plot, however, -was betrayed. De la Renaudie was killed in a skirmish, and the other -conspirators cruelly punished, some being hung from the balcony of the -castle. - -Although the 'Tumult of Amboise' was by no means exclusively confined -to the Protestants, it marks the moment when they finally became -a political and aggressive party, and when they were joined by -the smaller nobility of the provinces; while it furnished the -government with a pretext for declaring that the interests of the -monarchy and of the Catholic Church were identical. For the moment -the Guises pretended somewhat to change their policy. On first -hearing of the plot, they had issued an Edict in the King's name -promising forgiveness for all past deeds; and, although the Edict of -Roromantin, which followed in May, 1560, gave exclusive jurisdiction -over matters of conscience to the ecclesiastical courts, it urged -the desirability of proceeding gently in the matter. The Guises even -listened to demands of Coligny, which were supported by Catherine -and Michel L'Hopital, who had just been made chancellor, to summon -a States-General, and a Council of the French prelates for the -discussion of grievances, political and religious. To these proposals, -however, they had consented in the belief that they could postpone -the ecclesiastical Council under pretext that the Council of Trent -was shortly to be reopened, and that they could secure a subservient -majority in the Estates-General by influencing the elections, and -by excluding and imprisoning those who would not subscribe to the -articles of the Catholic faith. - - | The triumph of the Guises prevented, by death of - | Francis II. Dec. 5, 1560. - -The death of Mary, the Regent of Scotland (June 10, 1560), and the -Treaty of Leith (July 6), by which the French were to evacuate -Scotland, and King Francis and his wife, Mary Stuart, were to abandon -their claims to the throne of England, had removed the apprehensions -of Philip. He therefore offered to help the Guises in securing -their power. The Pope and the Duke of Savoy were to send troops to -exterminate the Vaudois and to attack Geneva, while Philip was to -invade Navarre. Conde and the King of Navarre having rashly answered -a summons to Orleans, where the court had assembled for the meeting of -the States-General, were seized; an unsuccessful attempt was made to -assassinate Navarre; and Conde, tried before a special commission for -complicity in the late conspiracy, was condemned to die. The triumph -of the Guises seemed secured, when it was snatched from them by the -sudden death of the young King from a disease in the ear (December 5, -1560). - - -Sec. 4. _Charles IX., December 1560--May 1574._ - - | Catherine rules in the name of Charles IX. - -The Guises, baulked of their prey, went at first in such fear of their -lives that they shut themselves up in their palace, and Catherine at -last seemed to have her opportunity. As Charles IX. was only ten, a -regency was necessary, and, beyond all dispute, the office should -have been held by Antony of Navarre. But he agreed to surrender his -right to the Queen-mother, reserving for himself only the office of -Lieutenant-general. Catherine was delighted. 'He is so obedient,' -she wrote to her daughter the Queen of Spain, 'that I dispose of -him as I please.' She now hoped to act the part of mediator between -the two religious parties, and, by playing off the Guises against -the Bourbons, to rule. Her first difficulty was with regard to the -States-General. Summoned on December 15, 1560, to Orleans, they were -prorogued till the following August, when they met again at Pontoise. - - | The States-General. August 1561. - -This, the first meeting of the States-General for seventy-seven -years, is noticeable as illustrating the political ideas of the -Huguenots, who found themselves in a majority, and for the remarkable -reforms proposed, which, if carried out, might have saved France -from civil war, and altered her future history. The nobles, while -insisting on their privileges, urged the reformation of the judicial -system, and the substitution of an elective magistracy for one which, -through the system of purchase, was rapidly becoming hereditary; -they denounced the chicanery of the ecclesiastical courts and the -abuses of pluralities and non-residence; they petitioned that nobles -who preferred the Calvinistic worship should be allowed to use the -churches for their services. - -The demands of the Tiers Etat went further. They asked that the -Prerogative should be limited by triennial meetings of the Estates, -and by the appointment of a Council from which the clergy should be -excluded. They petitioned for the sale of church lands. From the -interest of the capital thus obtained, the clergy were to be paid -fixed stipends, and the balance was to be spent on paying the debts of -the crown, and in loans to the principal cities for the furtherance of -their commerce. They demanded that persecution should cease, since 'it -is unreasonable to compel men to do what in their hearts they consider -wrong,' and that a national Council, in which the laity as well as the -clergy should have votes, and in which the Word of God should be the -sole guide, should be summoned for the final settlement of religious -questions. This would have meant the establishment of the Reformed -opinions in France, and for this Catherine was certainly not prepared, -for the Huguenots after all only represented some one-thirtieth of the -nation. - - | The Colloquy of Poissy. - -Nor did the results of the 'Colloquy of Poissy,' which was held -near by at the same time, offer better hopes that comprehension -would be possible. At this conference eleven ministers--among whom -were Theodore Beza, the disciple of Calvin, and Peter Martyr the -Italian--and twenty-two laymen appeared. But as might be expected, -the attempt served rather to accentuate the differences between the -two creeds. The only practical result of the Colloquy was that the -bishops, to meet the demands of the third estate with regard to Church -property, pledged themselves to pay by instalments the sum needed -for the redemption of those crown lands which had been alienated to -satisfy the public creditors. - - | The Edict of Jan. 1562. - -Comprehension was plainly impossible. It remained to be seen whether -toleration was practicable. This was attempted by the Edict of -January, 1562, which, while it insisted on the Huguenots surrendering -the churches which they had occupied, allowed them, until the -decision of a General Council, to assemble for worship in any place -outside walled towns. Thus the policy of L'Hopital seemed to have -triumphed. The Huguenots were given a legal recognition, and ceased -to be outlaws. But the appearances were delusive, and the Edict of -January really only precipitated civil war. L'Hopital himself had -confessed, at the opening of the States-General, that 'It was folly -to hope for peace between persons of different religions. A Frenchman -and an Englishman,' he said, 'who are of the same religion have -more affection for one another than citizens of the same city, or -vassals of the same lord, who hold to different creeds.' Nor was this -all. Religious differences were in many cases embittered by personal -rivalry, by selfish interests, and by political prejudices, and all -these had been intensified by the demands of the third estate. If -granted, the demands would have revolutionised the constitution of -the country, and they could only have been successful if backed up by -the nation. But the third estate, nominated for the most part by the -municipal oligarchies, represented neither the views of the peasants -in the country districts nor those of the lower classes in the towns, -who were mostly Catholics. Those whose interests and prejudices they -assailed formed the great majority of the nation, and these henceforth -learnt to look upon the Huguenots as their deadly enemies. The higher -nobility were frightened at the demand for resumption of the crown -lands, many of which were in their hands; the Church resented the -cry for disendowment; the lawyers were indignant at the attack on -their privileges, and were as jealous as ever of the claims of the -States-General to rule the country. It is, in fact, from this time -that we must date the uncompromising hostility to the Reformers -of these three powerful bodies--the nobility, the clergy, and the -lawyers--many of whom hitherto had not been unwilling to show some -favour to the Huguenots. The only chance of the Huguenots now depended -on the maintenance of peace. Although they had not gained all that -they desired, and although the Edict was only to be provisional, -their adherents were increasing so fast that in a short time they -might hope to be able to command respect. One archbishop--that of -Aix--and six bishops, besides the Cardinal of Chatillon, were said -to favour the new opinions. Throgmorton informed the Queen of England -that even Charles IX. himself was wavering. Catherine did not object -to her ladies reading the New Testament and singing the psalms of -the Huguenot Marot, and certainly she would not have hesitated to -continue her policy of toleration if she could thereby have secured -her authority. Unfortunately the administration was not powerful -enough to enforce the law, and the religious and political animosities -were too deep. The leaders of the Huguenots could not entirely control -the more hot-headed spirits, and iconoclastic outrages occurred, -more especially in the south; while the Catholics were determined to -overthrow the Edict as soon as possible. - - | The massacre of Vassy. March 1, 1562. - - | Duke of Guise enters Paris, March 16; and secures the - | person of the king. April 6. - -Already in April, 1561, Montmorenci had been reconciled to the -Guises. They now succeeded in gaining over the unstable King of -Navarre by offering him the island of Sardinia and a kingdom in -Africa, or possibly a divorce from his Protestant wife, Jeanne -d'Albret, and the hand of Mary, Queen of Scots, with the crown of -Scotland, and some day that of England. In the south, massacres and -outrages occurred; and finally, on Sunday, March 1, the Duke of -Guise coming across some Huguenots who were worshipping in a barn at -Vassy, in Champagne, ordered his followers to disperse the meeting as -being contrary to the law. The Huguenots, though unarmed, probably -made some resistance, and the affair ended in the massacre of some -fifty or sixty men and women, while two hundred more were seriously -wounded. As the town of Vassy was apparently not a 'walled' one, the -Huguenots were probably within their rights. In any case, the Duke had -no authority to take the execution of the law into his own hands. It -may be true that he had not intended his followers to proceed to -such extremities, but at least he never denounced or punished the -perpetrators. For the rest, the massacre of Vassy was not the only one -that had occurred since the Edict, and it is important only because it -was committed with the acquiescence of one of the great party leaders, -and because in thus transferring the quarrel from the country to the -court, it rendered war inevitable. The question was, Who should secure -the person of the King? The Duke advancing rapidly, entered Paris -(March 16) in spite of the order of Catherine to the contrary. On her -retiring with the young King to Fontainebleau he followed her; and -the Queen-mother, seeing no other alternative, consented to return to -Paris (April 6), Charles IX. crying 'as if they were taking him to -prison.' Catherine, after attempting to support the weaker party, had -ended, as was her wont, in siding with the stronger. - - | Conde's Manifesto. March. - -Meanwhile, Conde had retreated from Paris (March 23) to -Orleans. Being joined there by Coligny and d'Andelot he published -a manifesto in which he justified his appeal to arms, and declared -that he did so to free the King from unlawful detention by the -'Triumvirate'--Guise, Montmorenci, and the Marshal St. Andre. Thus, -if the Catholics were the first to break the peace at Vassy, the -Huguenots were the first to appeal to arms. Many have blamed them -for want of patience, and held that, if they had refrained from -raising the standard of rebellion, they would in time have gained -toleration. Calvin had always been opposed to war, and Coligny -only consented after much hesitation, overborne, it is said, by -the entreaties of his wife. But it is extremely doubtful whether -they could thus have disarmed persecution; the Catholic party were -determined to crush out heresy; and, as it was, the victims of 1562 -exceeded those of the massacre of St. Bartholomew. A more serious -charge is that the Huguenots, under the garb of religion, were -pursuing political objects; but this assertion may be brought with -equal truth against all parties in the religious struggles of the -century. In France, as elsewhere, the religious disaffection furnished -a rallying-point for, and a creed to, all the smouldering discontent -in the country. With some the religious, with others the political, -and even the personal element was strongest. 'The grandees,' says a -Venetian observer, 'adopted reform for ambition, the middle classes -for Church property, the lower classes for Paradise.' Moreover, the -accusation would be equally true of the Catholics. If Conde was -fighting for the control of the government, he had a juster claim -thereto than the half-foreign Guises. The political aims of the -Huguenots, as represented at Orleans, were more worthy of support -than the absolutist opinions of the Guises. If the Huguenots may -be charged with reviving feudalism at one moment, and of being -republicans at another, the Guises at first fought for political as -well as religious tyranny, and latterly masqueraded as the champions -of pure democracy. Finally, the cause of the Huguenots, although that -of a minority--and, it must be confessed, an unpopular minority--was -yet the cause of national independence, which was threatened by the -ever-tightening alliance of the Guises with Philip of Spain. Nor -must it be supposed that there was nothing deeper on either side; -indeed, it was the presence of religious convictions which gave to the -struggle at once its earnestness and its ferocity. - - | The geographical and social distribution of the two - | parties. - -The geographical distribution of the two parties does not bear out -the idea that there is a natural affinity between Protestantism and -the Teutonic races, and between the Celtic and Romance nations and -Catholicism. It is true that the lower classes in Celtic Brittany were -strongly Catholic, but so was the north-east of France, in which the -Teutonic element was strong, while the Huguenots found their chief -support in the south-west, which was Romance. The main stronghold of -the Huguenots may be described as a square enclosed between the Loire, -the Saone, and the Rhone on the north and east; the Mediterranean, -the Pyrenees, and the Bay of Biscay on the south and west; while -Dauphine and Normandy were their outposts. Yet even here it was only -in Eastern Languedoc and in Dauphine, and later, at La Rochelle, -that they solidly held their own, or that they were supported by the -majority of the population, both noble and non-noble. Elsewhere, -in those provinces where the nobles inclined to Protestantism, the -peasants generally remained Catholic. While the Huguenots had, with -the exception of Conde and his relations, few adherents among the -grandees, they found their main support in the smaller nobility and -in the trading classes of the towns. Of these, the nobility formed, -at their own charges, a most admirable light cavalry, and, in spite -of the inferiority of their arms, proved in many a battle that they -were more than a match for mail-clad men-at-arms. Unfortunately their -poverty, their dislike of discipline, and their local interests -rendered them unfit for a long campaign, and this accounts for the -fact that their victories often led to such poor results. - -On the side of the Catholics were ranged the mass of the greater -nobles, the Church, and the official classes of the magistracy -and bureaucracy, the peasants of the rural districts, except in -the Cevennes and Dauphine, and the lower classes in the towns, -more especially of Paris, and later, of Orleans and Rouen. The -intense Catholicism of these and other towns is to be explained -by the influence of the religious houses, and in Paris of the -University which, with its sixty-five colleges, formed almost a -town of itself, and, together with the monasteries, owned a large -part of the city and its suburbs. The moral strength of Catholicism -depended on the conservative instincts of the people and on their -religious traditions, which were so closely intertwined with the -business and pleasures of life, and which were shocked by the -iconoclasm of the Huguenots; while the feudal, separatist, and -republican tendencies of the Huguenots at once prevented harmony among -themselves, and opened them to the charge of being enemies to unity -and centralisation--always dear to the French mind. The Catholics -had also the possession of the King's person and of the financial -resources of the government and the Church, and were assisted by the -subsidies of Philip II. Finally, the Catholics were able to recruit -their troops by mercenaries not only from the Catholic states of -Germany, but also from the Lutherans, who gave but scant support -to their Calvinistic brethren. That under these circumstances, -coupled with the fact that they never numbered more than one-tenth -of the population, the Huguenots maintained the struggle so long as -they did must be, in the main, attributed to the zeal and devotion -of many--notably of the ministers--to the stubbornness of the -_bourgeoisie_, the superiority of their cavalry, and the ability of -their leaders, especially of Conde and of Coligny. - - | First Civil War. Aug. 1562-March 1563. - - | Rouen taken by the Catholics. Oct. 26, 1562. - - | Battle of Dreux. Dec. 19, 1562. - - | Assassination of Francis, Duke of Guise. Feb. 18, - | 1563. - -The war began in August by the taking of Poictiers by St. Andre, -and the surrender of Bourges, which gave the centre of France, up to -the gates of Orleans, to the Catholics. In September, the Huguenots -secured the alliance of Elizabeth of England, who feared lest the -triumph of the Guises might mean that the whole of the resources of -France would be used to place Mary Queen of Scots on the English -throne. Yet with her usual caution, Elizabeth demanded the cession -of Dieppe and Havre as the price of her assistance. The indignation, -however, caused by the cession of these towns was scarcely balanced by -the niggardly help which the Queen vouchsafed to the Protestants; and -on the 28th of October, the Catholics gained a brilliant success by -the capture of Rouen, the capital of Normandy, which henceforth became -'one of the eyes of the Catholics.' The loss of the town was, however, -sufficiently compensated for by the death of the fickle Antony of -Navarre of a wound received at the siege, for thereby the headship -of his house devolved on Conde, and on his own son the future Henry -IV., a boy of ten years old. In December, the attempt of Conde to -neutralise the effect of the loss of Rouen by an attack on Normandy -led to the battle of Dreux, on the Eure, which was really a victory -for the Catholics. The losses on their side were indeed the heavier; -the Marshal St. Andre was slain, and the Constable Montmorenci -taken prisoner. Nevertheless, Conde himself fell into the enemy's -hands, and Coligny was forced to retire on Orleans. In February of -the following year, Coligny again returned and took several towns of -importance in Normandy. But the Duke of Guise had taken advantage -of his absence to besiege Orleans (February 5), and the city seemed -doomed, when the Duke was assassinated by a fanatic named Poltrot, who -believed that it was the will of God that he should rid the world of -'the butcher of Vassy.' - - | Pacification of Amboise. March 12, 1563. - -The death of the leader of the Catholics revived the hopes of -Catherine that she might succeed in keeping the balance between the -two parties. Accordingly, on March 12, the Pacification of Amboise -was signed. By that treaty, Conde and Montmorenci were exchanged; -nobles were permitted to hold Protestant services in their houses; in -each _senechaussee_,[81] one city was to be granted, in the suburbs -of which the Huguenots might worship; and in every town where the -Protestant service had been held in the preceding March one or two -places were to be designated by the King, where it might be continued -_inside_ the walls. From these provisions, however, Paris was to be -excepted. The treaty was followed by a united attack on Havre, from -which the English were driven on the 25th of July, and Elizabeth was -forced to surrender her claim to the restitution of Calais. Coligny -was opposed to the treaty. It did not, in his opinion, give sufficient -security to the Protestants; but Conde, who was as rash in making -peace as he had been in declaring war, had fallen under the fatal -influence of Mdlle. de Limeuil, one of the ladies of Catherine's -suite, and was deluded with the promise that he would be appointed -Lieutenant-general, and could then watch over the interests of his -party. In this he was disappointed; for Catherine, to escape from -her promise, had Charles, who was now thirteen, declared of age; and -although she herself was anxious to prevent any further hostilities, -such was not the wish of the Pope, of the Guises, or of Philip. - - | The Conspiracy of Meaux, and the Second Civil War. - | Sept. 1567-March 1568. - - | The battle of St. Denis. Nov. 10, 1567. - - | The Edict of Longjumeau. March 1568. - -At a conference held at Bayonne in June, 1565, Alva, in his master's -name, urged the Queen-mother to dismiss the chancellor L'Hopital, to -'show herself a good Catholic,' and to proceed to stringent measures -against the Huguenots. Very possibly she might have complied if -Philip had consented to further her dynastic aims by giving the hand -of Don Carlos to her second daughter, and that of his sister, the -widowed Queen of Portugal, to her favourite son, Henry of Anjou; -Philip, however, rejected the proposal, and Catherine refused to -follow his advice. Nevertheless, the alarm of the Protestants was -natural; it was rumoured that a League had been made and a massacre -of the Protestants decided upon, and finally, the levying of some -Swiss Catholic troops, ostensibly to watch the march of Alva from -Piedmont to the Netherlands (cf. p. 332), led to the conspiracy of -Meaux in September, 1567. The Protestant leaders proposed to seize -the person of the King, to insist on the removal of the Cardinal of -Lorraine, and to demand that unrestricted liberty of conscience should -be conceded. The court, warned at the last moment of its danger, -escaped with difficulty to Paris, escorted by the Swiss troops; and -the Cardinal, after a hair-breadth escape, fled to Rheims. Conde -then advanced on St. Denis, where he was attacked by the Constable -with an overwhelming force (November 10, 1567). But the Huguenots -fought so stubbornly, and the Parisian levies so badly, that the -battle was indecisive. On the Huguenot side, more men of note fell, -yet on the Catholic side, the Constable Montmorenci was mortally -wounded. The death of Montmorenci for the moment strengthened the -hands of Catherine and the influence of L'Hopital. Accordingly, in -March, 1568, the Edict of Longjumeau confirmed the Treaty of Amboise, -which was to last 'till by God's grace all the king's subjects should -be reunited in the profession of one religion.' - - | Third Civil War. Sept. 1568-Aug. 1570. - - | Battle of Jarnac. March 13, 1569. - -Catherine hoped that the Catholic party would be weakened by the -death of Montmorenci. She kept the office of Constable vacant, -and conferred on the Duke of Anjou, the brother of the King, the -less ambitious title of Lieutenant-general. But her hopes of thus -maintaining peace were not to be realised. The 'Parlements' throughout -France had opposed the Edict of Longjumeau, and that of Toulouse -went so far as to execute the King's messenger on the charge of -heresy. The Huguenots, not unnaturally, refused to surrender all the -cities, as they had promised in the treaty. The Cardinal of Lorraine -returned, and, in August, 1568, a plot was formed to seize Conde -and the Chatillons, who only succeeded in effecting their escape -to La Rochelle owing to a sudden flood in the Loire. L'Hopital, in -despair, retired; and Catherine was once more forced to adopt the -policy of the Guises. The Edicts of Toleration were revoked, and the -'Patched-up Peace,' as it was called, was at an end. In this, the -third Civil War, Orleans, which had been surrendered at the last -truce, became one of the Catholic outposts; while La Rochelle, which -only declared for the Huguenots in February 1568, was the chief -Protestant stronghold. No serious battle, however, occurred till -the spring of the year 1569. Then the Duke of Anjou, a young man of -eighteen years, won the battle of Jarnac on the Charente (March 13th), -in which Conde was slain after he had surrendered. The death of -Conde was looked upon as a serious blow to the Huguenot cause. But it -is doubtful whether they lost much, for, although Conde was popular, -and did not, like his brother, sacrifice his religious convictions -to his personal interest, he was an ambitious man, and his aims had -been chiefly political. His moral character was, moreover, weak; and, -though a brave soldier, he was not a general of the first order, while -as a statesman his conduct often verged on foolhardiness. - -The expectation of the Catholics that the victory of Jarnac would put -an end to the war was not fulfilled. The battle was not much more -than a cavalry skirmish. The death of Conde left Coligny in supreme -command, and served, as a contemporary says, 'to reveal in all its -splendour the merits of the admiral,' who was in every way, except -as a diplomatist, the superior of his predecessor. Even the loss of -d'Andelot, who at this juncture died of fever, did not prevent the -Huguenots from meeting at first with considerable success. - - | Expedition of the Duke of Zweibruecken and William of - | Orange. May 1569. - - | Battle of Moncontour. Oct. 3, 1569. - -In May, 1569, Wolfgang, Duke of Zweibruecken (Deux Ponts), entered -France at the head of 'reiters' from lower, and of 'landsknechts' from -upper Germany, and a force of French and Flemish troops under William -of Orange and Louis of Nassau. Forcing their way to the Loire they -seized La Charite, a place of considerable importance as commanding -the passage of the river from Burgundy and Champagne, and, although -Wolfgang himself died of fever during the campaign, his troops -effected a union with Coligny near Limoges (June 12). Unfortunately, -instead of attacking Saumur, which commanded the road to Anjou -and Brittany, they turned south against Poictiers. The city was -bravely held by Henry, Duke of Guise, the young son of Francis, who -here first displayed his military genius; and, after seven weeks, -Coligny was forced to abandon the siege by the advance of the Duke -of Anjou. Coligny was anxious to avoid a battle, for William of -Orange had departed to raise fresh troops in Germany; his losses -before Poictiers had been considerable; and, as usual, he had found -it difficult to keep his forces long in the field. But the Germans -demanded pay, which he could not give, or to be led against the enemy; -and Coligny, forced to accept the challenge of Anjou with far inferior -forces, suffered a serious defeat at Moncontour (October 3), where -he was severely wounded. Had Anjou at once pursued, the Huguenots -might have been completely crushed; fortunately, whether owing to the -jealousy of the Guises at this success of Anjou or no, it was decided -first to reduce Saint Jean d'Angely. The city fell, indeed, after -seven weeks' siege, but 'as the siege of Poictiers was the beginning -of the mishaps of the Huguenots, so that of Saint Jean d'Angely was -the means of wasting the good fortune of the Catholics.' La Rochelle -still held out; the winter came on; the Duke of Anjou resigned his -command, while his successor, the Duke of Montpensier, retired to -Angers. - - | Expedition of Coligny. Oct. 1569-June 1570. - -Meanwhile in October, Coligny, now recovered of his wounds, had -started on a brilliant expedition. He crossed the south of France, his -army growing like a snowball, and reached the Rhone; thence, hugging -the right bank of the Saone, he marched northwards to Arnay Le Duc, -where an indecisive engagement with Marshal de Cosse (June 25), -caused him to retreat to La Charite, and thence to his own castle at -Chatillon-sur-Loire. Coligny had not, indeed, succeeded in carrying -out his plan of uniting with William of Orange, who was collecting a -force on the German frontier, and of forcing his way to Paris, but the -campaign showed conclusively that the Huguenots were not yet crushed. - -Philip II. would send to the Catholics nothing but promises; Queen -Elizabeth, unwilling to see the Huguenots completely routed, was -considering the question of aiding them; Charles was jealous of the -military success of his brother Anjou; and Catherine was not sorry to -listen to the advice of Francis of Montmorenci, eldest son of the old -Constable, to come to terms once more. - - | Peace of St. Germain. Aug. 8, 1570. - -By the Peace of St. Germain (August 8, 1570), which closed the third -Civil War, the Huguenots not only regained all that they had obtained -by the Edict of Longjumeau, but were allowed to celebrate their -services in two cities of each of the twelve provinces of France, and -received as securities four cities which they were to hold for two -years--La Rochelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La Charite. They were also -to be restored to all their property, honours, and offices, and were -given the right of challenging a certain number of the judges in the -'Parlements,' and a right of appeal from that of Toulouse, which had -been the most violent. Thus the Huguenots had at last obtained liberty -of conscience, and terms with regard to the holding of services, -which, if not completely satisfactory, were perhaps as much as they -could expect. Moreover, they might well hope that this time the -terms would be kept, for the Treaty of St. Germain was followed by a -complete change in the foreign policy of the court. - - | Change in the policy of the French Court. - -Catherine had hitherto followed two lines of conduct. At one time she -had tried to act as a mediator between the two religious parties; at -another to support the weaker, and thus maintain a balance. But both -had failed. The crown was not powerful enough for the first, and, -instead of succeeding in the second, she had been obliged to join -the stronger party. A third alternative remained. Might it not be -possible to revive the national hostility to Spain; sink religious -differences in a foreign war; form a great Protestant league against -the Pope and Spain; divide the Netherlands with England and William -of Orange; and at home secure the authority of the crown? Such were -the views of Coligny, which were now to be adopted by the King and -Catherine. Charles IX., feeble though he was, was not without some -traces of better things; he had always been averse to civil war, and -saw that Spain had been the chief gainer from the discords of France, -since, as Marshal Vielleville had said long ago, 'as many gallant -gentlemen had fallen in one battle as would have sufficed to drive -the Spaniards out of Flanders.' The Spanish victory of Lepanto over -the Turks in October, 1571, only served to intensify Charles' dread -of Philip. Moreover, as we have seen, he was jealous of the fame his -brother, the Duke of Anjou (the favourite of his mother), had gained -in the late campaign, and hoped that he might eclipse it by leading a -national war against the Spaniard. But the support of the King would -have been of little value had not Catherine also favoured the designs -of Coligny. Philip had refused to further her dynastic interests at -the Conference of Bayonne, in June 1565 (cf. p. 407). His third wife, -Elizabeth of France, had died in 1568. He now declined either to marry -Margaret of Valois, Catherine's second daughter, or to urge the claims -of that lady upon the young King of Portugal. Accordingly Catherine -wished to marry her to the young King of Navarre, the first prince -of the blood, whose possessions[82] stretched from the Pyrenees to -the other side of the Garonne, and whose friendship, whether he was -converted or not, might be of great assistance to her. His mother, -however, Jeanne d'Albret, dreaded the influence of the depraved -court of France on her son, and rightly suspected the character of -the young princess; and Catherine, eager to gain the assistance of -the Admiral, who alone was likely to overcome the scruples of the -Queen of Navarre, listened to his suggestions, and negotiations were -opened with William of Orange and with England. The Prince eagerly -welcomed these overtures. He had long realised that the revolt of the -Netherlands against Spain would not be successful if fought solely -on religious lines. The Protestants were too scattered, and too much -divided among themselves, for that; and the only chance lay in waging -a political war against Spanish tyranny, in alliance with foreign -powers. Accordingly Louis of Nassau was sent to negotiate, and there -was talk of an alliance of France, England, and the Empire, and of -a division of the Netherlands between them. In pursuance of this -scheme, Elizabeth of England was approached; but though at this time -quarrelling with Philip over the exploits of the 'Sea-dogs' on the -Spanish Main, and angry at the support he had given to the Ridolfi -plot in 1571, she had insuperable objections to see Antwerp and the -Scheldt in French hands. It was therefore proposed that she should -marry the Duke of Anjou, and that he should be declared sovereign of -the Netherlands (cf. p. 338). To this proposal Elizabeth appeared -more favourably inclined, and Walsingham, her agent in France, was -closely questioned as to the personal appearance of the Duke. The -negotiations broke down, indeed, in January, 1572, owing to the -preference of Anjou, who had been influenced by the Guises, for the -hand of the Queen of Scots, 'the rightful Queen of England,' but -even then Alencon, Anjou's younger brother, was suggested; and a -correspondence on the subject, which, on the part of Elizabeth at -least, was only entered into to gain time, continued until arrested by -the massacre of St. Bartholomew. - - | La Marck seizes Brille. April 1, 1572. - -While Elizabeth trimmed, events moved rapidly. On the 1st of April, -1572, the Comte de la Marck, a Flemish refugee, being expelled from -Dover with his ships by the order of the English Queen, who was -not yet prepared for an open breach with Philip, seized Brille and -Flushing, and Holland and Zealand rose. In May, Louis of Nassau, -having by the connivance of Charles raised a force, chiefly of -Huguenots, in France, took Mons, the capital of Hainault, while -Elizabeth, not to be outdone, allowed English volunteers to cross to -Flushing. The dream of Coligny seemed likely to be fulfilled, and -Charles appeared to be on the point of declaring war on Spain. - - | Catherine becomes alarmed at the growing influence of - | Coligny. - - | Genlis defeated and taken prisoner. July 19, 1572. - - | Attempted assassination of Coligny. Aug. 22, 1572. - - | The Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Aug. 24, 1572. - -Unfortunately, the apprehensions of Catherine had been in the meantime -aroused. She had consented to the Treaty of St. Germain because she -feared the Guises; she was now threatened by the more distasteful -ascendency of Coligny, who, if we may believe Tavannes, advised -Charles that he would never be truly King until he had emancipated -himself from his mother's control. She therefore returned to the -idea, often entertained, and often pressed upon her, of getting rid -of the leaders of the Huguenots, more especially of Coligny. At what -date she finally decided on this course it is impossible to say -with certainty, but there is evidence to show that the scheme had -assumed practical shape as early as February, 1572. Even then had the -movement in the Netherlands met with complete success, King Charles -might have made up his mind to declare war against Spain; Elizabeth -might have cast away her doubts, and some of the Protestant princes -of Germany would have joined the alliance. The position of Coligny -would then have been too strong for Catherine, who, as she had often -done before, might have submitted to the inevitable, and the hopes of -Burleigh and Walsingham of beating back Catholicism behind the Alps -and the Pyrenees might have been realised. Unfortunately, de la Noue -was driven from Valenciennes, a French detachment under the Count of -Genlis was cut to pieces by the son of Alva in an attempt to relieve -Mons (July 19), and Genlis himself was taken prisoner. The hands of -Catherine were now free, and she planned the assassination of Coligny -with the Duke of Anjou and Henry of Guise. The attempt was made in -the midst of the festivities which followed the marriage of Henry of -Navarre and Margaret. Whether, if it had succeeded, Catherine would -have been satisfied, or whether she hoped that the murder would cause -the Protestants to rise, and thus give the Catholics an excuse for -proceeding further, it is impossible to say. In any case, the assassin -missed his aim; Coligny escaped with a serious wound, and it was -necessary to proceed to further extremities. Accompanied by the Duke -of Anjou, by Birago a Milanese, the successor of L'Hopital in the -chancellorship, and by others, the Queen-mother visited the King, -and, with threats and imputations that he was too timid to act, at -last persuaded him. 'By God's death,' said he, 'since you insist that -the admiral must be killed, I consent; but with him every Huguenot -in France must perish, that not one may remain to reproach me with -his death, and what you do, see that it be done quickly.' The King's -consent obtained, the plan was rapidly concerted between Catherine, -Anjou, Henry of Guise, and Charron, the 'Prevot des Marchands' of -Paris. Whether, even then, it was intended to dispose of more than -some of the leaders is doubtful, but, when once the order had gone -out, the fanatical mob of Paris could not be restrained. On Sunday -morning, August 24, the massacre began, and was subsequently taken up -in the provinces. - - | No change in foreign policy contemplated. - -Such appears to be the truth with regard to the causes of this pitiful -tragedy, which some think had been premeditated as early as the -Treaty of St. Germain itself. All direct evidence, however, has been -destroyed, and the facts have been so distorted by partisanship, -that certainty is no longer possible. The number of victims has -been variously stated; but at the lowest computation they were not -less than 1000 in Paris, and 10,000 elsewhere. Among the victims, -besides Coligny, were Teligny, his son-in-law, and La Rochefoucauld, -an important noble of Poitou. Navarre and the young Conde were -spared, but were forced to abjure Protestantism, and were practically -prisoners in the hands of Catherine and the Guises. As to any future -policy, the Court had not made up its mind. Catherine, it is said, had -hoped that, if the responsibility could be thrown upon the Guises, the -Huguenots would rush to arms and attack them, and that an obstinate -struggle would then ensue, which would weaken the two factions, and -justify the King in interfering to restore order; thus both parties -might be destroyed, and she and her favourite son Anjou might be left -without dangerous rivals. Accordingly the King at first announced -that the affair had been the result of the long-standing quarrel -between the Guises and the Chatillons, which the Government had -done its best to suppress. But as the Guises would not accept the -responsibility, the King changed his tone, justified the crime by -declaring that the Huguenots had been plotting against the crown, and, -with singular baseness, urged Alva to put to death all the Huguenot -prisoners he had taken before Mons. At the same time, Catherine was -eager not to alienate the Protestants abroad. She looked upon the -massacre as a domestic incident, and was not unwilling to continue the -policy of Coligny now that he was gone. This she was the more anxious -to do, because she now entertained the idea of securing the crown -of Poland, just vacant by the death of the last of its hereditary -Kings, the Jagellons, for her favourite son Anjou. It was therefore -announced that the Edict of Amboise would be kept, and negotiations -were continued with the Protestant powers. This policy met with some -success. - - | Attitude of European Powers. - - | Anjou elected King of Poland. May 9, 1573. - -The rulers of Europe expressed delight or disapprobation according -to their sentiments, but guided their policy as their interest -demanded. Philip was at first beside himself with joy; it meant, -he thought, the end of the French alliance with the Netherlands; -Alva, however, warned him that the overthrow of the Huguenots would -strengthen France too much. Elizabeth declared her disgust, but -could not afford to quarrel with France; while William the Silent, -especially after the fall of Mons on September 19, was not in a -position to abandon all hopes of French assistance. The Protestant -Princes of Germany at first showed great indignation, but did nothing -to interfere with the candidature of the Duke of Anjou, who was -elected King of Poland (May 9, 1573). - - | Effect of Massacre on France. - - | 4th Civil War. August, 1572-June, 1573. - - | Treaty of La Rochelle. June 24, 1573. - - | Rise of the Politiques. - -At home, Catherine was not so successful, and 'France,' says Sully, -'atoned for the massacre by twenty-six years of disaster, carnage, -and horror.' On the news of the massacre, the survivors took up -arms, but they were not strong enough to meet their enemies in the -field, and the resistance was confined to a few cities, of which -Nimes and Montauban in the south, Sancerre and La Rochelle in the -west, were the most important. The Government in vain attempted their -reduction. The siege of La Rochelle cost the lives of some 20,000 -men, and of more than 300 officers of some distinction. Sancerre was -reduced to such straits that cats, rats, mice, and even dogs, were -eaten; the last, says Jean de Lery, whose narrative has not been -inaptly called a cookery book for the besieged, were found to be -rather sweet and insipid. At last, on June 24, 1573, the Government -despairing of success, and unwilling that the Polish ambassadors -should find their new King, the Duke of Anjou, who was in command -of the army, besieging a Protestant town, concluded the Treaty of -La Rochelle. By this treaty the Huguenots were promised liberty of -conscience throughout France, and the right of holding services in La -Rochelle, Nimes, and Montauban. These towns were also to be free from -royal garrisons. In August, by the mediation of the Polish ambassador, -Sancerre was admitted to the same terms. But the treaty could not -last. It was doubtful whether the Government were sincere, and it was -not likely that the Huguenots would consent to forego their rights -of worship. Besides all this, their cause was being strengthened by -the rise of the 'Politiques,' or 'Peaceable Catholics' as they called -themselves. This party, born of the horror and weariness which the -Civil War had caused, was anxious to establish peace on the basis of -mutual toleration. Its leaders were the two sons of the old Constable, -Francis, Marshal of France and Governor of Paris, and Henry Damville, -Governor of Languedoc. Their jealousy of the Guises they had inherited -from their father, yet their ideas as to toleration would have been -most distasteful to him, and, still more so, the opinions of his two -youngest sons, William (Thore), and Charles (Meru), who adopted the -Huguenot faith. The Politiques were strongest in the south, where the -adherents of the two creeds had been more equally balanced, and where -the struggle had been most severe. As a whole they were not actuated -by high principle. If they adopted the views of L'Hopital it was -from cynical indifference to religion, rather than from conviction as -to the merits of toleration, and the leaders at least were largely -influenced by ambition or personal motives. Indeed, the massacre of -St. Bartholomew was followed by a general lowering of tone and of -morality throughout France. - - | Change in the character and views of the Huguenot - | Party. - -Closely connected with the Politiques stood Navarre and Henry of -Conde, who had been forced to abjure their faith and were practically -prisoners in royal hands, and the King's brother, the Duc d'Alencon, -who selfishly sided with Huguenots in the hope of securing the crown -on the death of Charles IX. At this time, too, the results of the -massacre were seen in a complete transformation of the views of the -Huguenots. Hitherto, the party had been dominated by the nobility, -great and small, who, in spite of the feudal colour which they gave -to the movement, had asserted that they were not fighting against -the crown, but for the removal of foreign and unpopular ministers, -while the third estate had limited its demands to an extension of the -powers of the States-General. But now many of the greater nobility -had fallen, and many had abjured their faith. The importance of the -_bourgeoisie_ and of the ministers had consequently increased, and -under their influence republican ideas had become more prominent; -while the feudal element, which was still represented by the smaller -local nobility, went to strengthen separatist tendencies. The change -was accompanied by the appearance of numerous political pamphlets, of -which the most striking were the _Franco-Gallia_ of Hotman, and the -_Vindiciae contra Tyrannos_ from the pen of Languet, or possibly of -Duplessis-Mornay, the faithful adviser of Henry of Navarre. - - | The Franco-Gallia, and Vindiciae contra Tyrannos. - -The _Franco-Gallia_, adopting the historical method, asserts that -the Teutonic nations saved France from the tyranny of Rome, revived -the free institutions of the Gauls, and established an elective -monarchy, which governed through the people and for the people, in -whom eventually the sovereignty resides. The decadence of this free -constitution began with the Capetian Kings, who in time overthrew the -privileges of the Estates, and introduced the despotic rule of King -and 'Parlement.' The writer goes on to illustrate from the history -of France the evil results of the rule of women, and holds that this -is the reason for their exclusion from the throne, rather than any -fundamental law, like the Salic Law, which conflicts with the primeval -right of free election. - -The author of the second treatise, the _Vindiciae_, adopts the -opposite method, and seeks to prove his point by a deductive -argument. Both King and people have made a contract with God: the King -to rule his country well, the people to depose him when he fails to do -so. Hence resistance to a tyrant is a duty. Nevertheless, the right of -resistance does not belong to individuals, except, indeed, against an -invader, an usurper, or a woman, if such, in defiance of law, seek to -rule a country; for they are outside the law. In other cases, not the -individuals, but their representative, the magistracy, should be the -judge of breach of contract. Thus, although the doctrine of resistance -is clearly enunciated, the resistance must come from the properly -constituted authorities, and the writer objects to anything which -savours of anabaptism or other extreme views. - - | Political organisation of the Huguenots. - - | Fifth Civil War. Feb. 1574-May 1576. - - | Death of Charles IX. March 30, 1574. - -The Huguenots did not limit themselves to theory. On the 24th of -August, 1573, the anniversary of St. Bartholomew, the Protestants -of Languedoc and Upper Guienne formed two federative republics, -each divided into dioceses with small deliberative assemblies, -which were to send deputies to the central assemblies at Nimes and -Montauban. These, with an elective governor, were to have the power -of levying troops and of imposing taxes on Protestant and Catholic -alike. This republican form of government, in which we see the -Presbyterian ideas of church-government applied to secular politics, -was to be extended to all parts of France which the Protestants might -subsequently win. After thus settling the government of the south, -the Huguenots sent a petition to the King demanding complete liberty -of conscience and of worship throughout the kingdom, and the cession -of two fortresses in each province as a security. The Politiques -at the same time published a manifesto demanding toleration. 'If -Conde had been alive and in possession of Paris he would not have -asked so much,' said Catherine. And on February, 1574, the fifth -war broke out. An unsuccessful attempt on the part of Navarre and -Alencon to fly from St. Germain, led to the imprisonment of the -Marshal Montmorenci, and Marshal de Cosse, another Politique. Henry -of Conde effected his escape, and negotiated with the German princes -for help. Before, however, any event of importance occurred, the -unfortunate King, Charles IX., passed away (March 30, 1574), tortured -to the last by remorse, and terrified by visions of the massacre to -which, in an evil hour, he had consented. - - -Sec. 5. _The reign of Henry III., March 1574-July 1589._ - - | Henry III. leaves Poland and reaches France. Sept. - | 1574. - -The death of Charles IX. gave Henry a pretext for hastily leaving -Poland, where he had already become unpopular. He did not, however, -appear to be in any hurry to reach his new kingdom. Warned by his -mother to avoid North Germany, since 'the German princes had too -many causes of quarrel with France,' he passed through Austria and -Italy. At Venice, he wasted two months in luxury and debauch, and -is said to have been corrupted by the licence of that town. On his -arrival in France (September, 1574), he seemed for a moment inclined -to adopt a conciliatory policy. But his mother, now that her favourite -son was King, hoped that if he were victorious over the Huguenots her -influence would be paramount, and expected everything from the hero -of Jarnac and Moncontour. The King therefore announced that he would -recognise liberty of conscience, but would not tolerate religious -practices which deviated from Catholicism, and that he would speak of -peace when his castles and his cities had been restored. - - | Peace of Monsieur. May, 1576. - -Thus the war dragged on, though without any decisive events, and soon -Henry III. began to crave for peace that he might indulge in his -pleasures. The definite alliance of the Politiques with the Huguenots -of the south, which took place in December, enabled the rebels to -hold their own. In September, 1575, Alencon, and in the following -February, Navarre, effected their escape. Meanwhile Duke Casimir, -son of the Elector Palatine, who dreamt of heading an aggressive -Calvinistic party in Europe, had invaded France, ravaged Burgundy and -the Bourbonnois, and, in March, joined Alencon at Soze. Finally, -by the exertions of Francis of Montmorenci, the Marshal, who had -been released by the King, the Peace of Monsieur (May, 1576) gave -to the Huguenots better terms than they had hitherto obtained. They -were allowed to worship where they liked, except within two leagues -of Paris, and within the domains of any lord who might withhold his -sanction. Cases in which Protestants were concerned were to be tried -by 'Chambres mi-parties' in each 'Parlement,'--that is, by courts -composed of an equal number of judges of the two religions. The -Estates were to be convened at Blois; and eight cities were to be -held by the Huguenots in pledge of the fulfilment of the treaty. The -Duke of Alencon, or Anjou, as he had now become in consequence -of the accession of Henry of Anjou to the throne, was to receive -the duchies of Berry, Touraine, and Anjou, with reservation of -the rights of suzerainty to the crown. To Henry of Navarre was -given the governorship of Guienne, and to Henry of Conde that of -Picardy, with Peronne as his residence. The last concession was an -important one, for Picardy hitherto had been very Catholic in its -sympathies, and had divided the Huguenots from their Protestant allies -in the Netherlands. The Peace of Monsieur was received with violent -indignation by the Catholics of France, and led to an agitation -which was directed almost as much against the crown as against the -Huguenots. - - | The Catholic Leagues. - - | The Guises adopt democratic views. - -The idea of forming associations of 'Better Catholics' was no new -one. Shortly after the Edict of Amboise, in 1563, we find mention of -several, such as the Fraternity of the Holy Ghost in Burgundy, and -the Christian and Royal League of Champagne. With the massacre of -St. Bartholomew these associations had fallen into neglect; they were -now to be revived on a much more important scale. The first of these -new leagues was that of Peronne, organised by Humieres, the old -governor who refused to surrender the fortress to Conde (1576). The -example was speedily followed elsewhere, and formed the counterpart -to Huguenot federation in the south (cf. p. 419). The organisation -of these leagues was a military one. Their objects were declared -to be: the defence of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic Church; the -preservation of Henry III. in the obedience of his subjects, and after -him 'of all the posterity of the House of Valois'; the execution -of the resolutions which should be presented by the Estates which -were about to meet; and the restoration of the ancient liberties as -they existed in the time of Clovis, the first Christian King. In -this declaration we are reminded of a new departure in the policy -of the Guises. Hitherto they had attempted to secure their power as -the first ministers of the crown, and supported the principles of -despotic rule. But Henry III. threatened to shake himself free from -their influence, and was already leaning upon his favourites 'the -Mignons.' Accordingly, Henry of Guise, who, by the death of his uncle, -the cardinal, in 1574, was the undoubted leader of his house, assumed -a position of antagonism to the crown, and even began to dream of -some day winning the throne itself. The unpopularity which Henry III. -incurred by the Peace of Monsieur and by his foppish follies, caused -the Duke to lean on popular support, while many of the Catholic nobles -had joined the Politiques. Thus the party of the Guises, without -completely breaking with the upper classes, began to seek its fulcrum -in a lower stratum. - - | Henry III. tries to make use of the States-General. - -The change is represented not only in the articles of these Catholic -Leagues but also in the Catholic pamphlets of the day, which began to -borrow the popular doctrines of the _Franco-Gallia_ and other Huguenot -writings. Denying the application of the Salic Law to France, they -asserted that the title of the House of Lorraine was superior to -that of the Bourbon, and even to that of the House of Valois itself, -since it could trace its descent through the female line from Charles -the Great himself. In the face of these new developments, Henry III. -followed for some time an oscillating policy. At first he forbade -all Associations. Subsequently he abandoned that idea, and tried to -utilise them for the purpose of influencing the elections to the -States-General which were to meet at Blois according to the Treaty, -in the hope, by the aid of the Catholic majority thus obtained, of -putting down both the Guises and the Huguenots. In this he was only -partially successful. The Huguenots, indeed, despairing of success -owing to the terrorism and intrigues of the League, declined even -to send deputies from those districts and towns which were in their -power, and the Catholics finding themselves in a majority, demanded -that there should be only one religion in France. Yet so great was the -dislike to a continuance of the war that they refused the necessary -supplies, and brought forward constitutional demands which made Henry -III. only too glad to be quit of them (March 1577). - - | Sixth Civil War, 1577. - - | Treaty of Bergerac. Sept. 17, 1577. - -In the war which had broken out in the meantime, the King was somewhat -more successful. The Duke of Anjou (Alencon), who had now deserted -the Huguenots, took command of the royal army; the aristocratic -prejudices and the religious indifference of the Politiques could -ill agree with the earnestness of the republican and Calvinistic -burghers; and Damville, who by the death of his brother had now -become Duke of Montmorenci and Marshal of France, soon abandoned the -alliance and made his peace with the court (May, 1577). Under these -circumstances the Huguenots lost ground. In May fell La Charite -on the Loire; in August, Brouage, a place next in importance to La -Rochelle; and it was only the want of union among the Catholics -themselves, and the utter weariness of the country, which enabled the -Huguenots to gain such favourable terms as they did by the Treaty -of Bergerac (September 17, 1577). Their right of worship was indeed -restricted to the domains of nobles, to all cities where worship -was held at the date of the peace, and elsewhere to one city or -its suburbs in each senechaussee--Paris itself being specially -excluded. The 'Chambres mi-parties' were also confined to the four -southern 'Parlements' where the Huguenots were strongest. But they -still had eight cities intrusted to them in pledge for six years, -and Conde received St. Jean d'Angely instead of Peronne. The King -was probably sincere in desiring to maintain the Peace of Bergerac, -for he was anxious if possible to escape from the thraldom of the -Guises, and the violations of the treaty which occurred were due to -the insubordination of the governors of provinces, to the popular -fanaticism, and to the stubborn ill-will of the Law Courts. - - | Seventh Civil War, April 1580, to Peace of Fleix, - | Nov. 1580. - -In 1580, indeed, 'The Lovers' War' broke out. This was caused, -however, rather by quarrels between the King and Henry of Navarre -concerning the dower of Margaret, and it is noticeable that the great -Protestant leader, de la Noue, disapproved of it, and that neither La -Rochelle nor the southern towns took part in it. It was ended by the -Peace of Fleix, in Perigord (26th November, 1580), which confirmed the -Treaty of Bergerac, and closed the Seventh Civil War. - - | Disorganisation of France. - -The Peace of Fleix was followed by five years of feverish peace, -which served only to illustrate the utter disorganisation of the -country and the demoralisation of all classes. Although there were -not wanting earnest, if fanatical, adherents of the two creeds, -these formed an ever lessening minority; and for the most part, -as a competent observer tells us, 'Men were combating not for the -faith, nor for Christ, but for command.' Of the greater nobles, the -Guises were attempting to overawe the crown, if not to seize it for -themselves; the rest, like Henry de Montmorenci the Marshal, and -the Duke of Mercoeur, strove to make themselves independent in -the provinces of which they were governors. The smaller nobility -played the same game on a less magnificent scale, and in some cases -had degenerated into brigands; while many, both great and small, -spent their leisure in duels and assassinations, often caused by -some shameful intrigue. Even the women resorted to the dagger to -free themselves from an inconvenient lover, or to avenge some act of -infidelity. While the upper classes were thus disturbing the country -with their ambitions and their vices, the lower classes were bemoaning -their social grievances, and threatening social war. At the head of -this seething mass of iniquity, and of political, social, and moral -anarchy, stood a vacillating, effeminate King, and an intriguing -Queen-mother. - -Henry III. had in earlier life shown some character. He was far more -able than his brothers, the unfortunate Charles IX., or the Duke of -Anjou (Alencon); and had distinguished himself in the battles of -Jarnac and Moncontour. His natural gifts, however, had been choked -in a life of licence and of luxury, and ever since his accession he -had gone from bad to worse. He dressed himself more like a woman than -a man; he surrounded himself with favourites, and with lap-dogs; -he relieved the monotony of his debaucheries by ridiculous acts -of penance and superstition which deceived no one. No doubt, the -idea of raising new men to power to balance the ambitions of the -older nobility was not altogether a foolish one, and some of the -favourites, like Epernon, Joyeuse, and the Marshal de Biron, were -men of capacity. But others, like Villequier and D'O, would have -disgraced any court; while all were influenced by sordid and unworthy -motives. By the King's side stood the Queen-mother, still intriguing -for power though life was fast ebbing, and descending to the arts -of a procuress to win her opponents. Clearly there was no hope for -France until the last of this degenerate race of the Valois had -disappeared. The only chance for a continuance of internal peace, -such as it was, lay in a vigorous foreign policy, which might have -monopolised the attention of the turbulent spirits, and put the King -at the head of a united people. - - | Sovereignty of Netherlands accepted by Anjou. Sept. - | 1580-Feb. 1582. - - | Expedition to the Azores. June 1582. - - | The French Fury. Jan. 16, 1583. Anjou leaves - | Netherlands, June 1583, and dies. Assassination of - | William of Orange. July 10, 1584. - -For this, the offer of the sovereignty of the Netherlands to the -Duke of Anjou, in September, 1580, furnished an opportunity which -Catherine, angry at the recent occupation of Portugal by Philip -(cf. p. 298), eagerly embraced. Even the King himself approved; -while Elizabeth received with favour the advances of Anjou for her -hand in marriage. The sovereignty was finally conferred on the Duke -in February, 1582. In the June of that year, Catherine sent an -expedition to the Azores in support of Antonio, the Pretender of -Portugal. William of Orange might well hope that France was about to -return to the policy of Coligny, and, in alliance with the Protestant -Queen of England, and the Netherlands, finally to join issue with the -representative of the Catholic reaction. His hope was not, however, -to be realised. Henry III. was not prepared for so bold a course, and -was half-jealous of his brother. Elizabeth had been only scheming to -prevent the Netherlands from being incorporated into France, and, if -possible, to embroil France with Philip, and, for all her love-making, -had no intention of really marrying Anjou. The expedition to the -Azores, as well as another which was despatched in June, 1583, was -destroyed by a Spanish fleet under the Marquis de Santa Cruz. Anjou, -ill satisfied with the restricted authority granted to him, rashly -attempted to establish himself in a more independent position by -seizing Bruges and Antwerp (January 16). The attempt failed, and in -June, 1583, Anjou retired from the Netherlands to die in the following -June. One month after (July, 1584), William the Silent fell a victim -to the pistol of Balthazar Gerard. - - | Sovereignty of Netherlands offered to Henry III. Oct. - | 1584. - - | The Catholic League. - -The deaths of Anjou and of William the Silent both led to most -momentous consequences. The first made the Protestant, Henry of -Navarre, the heir-presumptive, and rendered a renewal of civil war -almost inevitable; the second was followed by the offer of the -sovereignty of the Netherlands to Henry III. It seemed by no means -impossible that Henry III. would reconcile himself with his heretic -heir, and accept the offer made him. At once the apprehensions of the -French Catholics, of the Guises, and of Philip were aroused, and the -outcome was the Catholic League. Following the model of the Catholic -Associations of 1576, the League was formed in Paris. The city was -divided into five districts: the president of each of these, assisted -by an elective Council of Eleven, formed the famous _Sixteen._ This -Council deliberated on the measures to be adopted, and its decisions -were communicated to the faithful through the agency of professional -and trade associations. The example of Paris was rapidly followed in -the provincial towns; and France was threatened with the tyranny of -a central club with its affiliated societies, whose authority was -maintained partly by terrorism, partly by the fanaticism excited -through the preaching of friars and Jesuits. - - | Treaty of Joinville. Jan. 1585. - -Although Henry of Guise did not altogether approve of the democratic -principles adopted by the Catholic League, his interests demanded -that he should put himself at the head of it. But this was not the -only important change in the policy of the Guises. The reputation -of the family had been originally made in defending France against -Spain, and Francis, Duke of Guise, had always been anti-Spanish in -his views; while Philip, on his side, was most unwilling to see Mary, -Queen of Scots, their kinswoman, triumphant in England, and had even -sent secret help to the Scottish rebels. Of late, however, the more -imperative necessity of preventing the French from assisting the -Dutch, or from incorporating any part of the Netherlands into France, -had caused Philip to alter his views. Negotiations had accordingly -been entered into with Henry of Guise as early as the end of the year -1581, and Philip pretended to favour the family designs in favour of -Mary Stuart, now a captive in the hands of Elizabeth. The death of -Anjou, and the danger of reconciliation between Henry III. and the -heretic Henry of Navarre, still further aroused the apprehensions of -Philip. He therefore approved of the organisation of the League, and -in January, 1585, concluded the Treaty of Joinville with Guise. The -allies bound themselves to eradicate heresy, and to proclaim the -Cardinal of Bourbon, the Catholic uncle of Henry of Navarre, King -in the event of the decease of Henry III.; the viscounty of Bearn -and French Navarre was to be ceded to Philip, as a price of his -assistance. In March, 1585, the Leaguers issued a manifesto, in which -they declared their intention to restore the dignity and unity of the -crown, to secure the nobility in their ancient privileges, to drive -unworthy favourites from the court, to relieve the country from new -taxes, and to prevent future troubles by settling the succession -on a Catholic king, and by providing for regular sessions of the -States-General. - -Meanwhile, to enforce their views they had seized the three -bishoprics, Metz, Toul, and Verdun, most of the towns of Picardy, all -Champagne, and the larger part of Burgundy, Normandy, and Brittany; -while in June they presented an ultimatum to the King insisting on the -withdrawal of the late Edict of Toleration. The formidable movement -which was thus inaugurated was the outcome of the union of three -forces:-- - -1. The determination of the Catholic party to oppose the claims of a -heretic heir. - -2. The jealousy of the Guises for the King's 'Mignons.' - -3. The European policy of Philip II., who not only dreaded the French -alliance with the Netherlands, but also feared that it might lead to -a definite alliance with the Protestant Queen of England, and thus -shatter his hopes of re-establishing his authority and that of the -Catholic Church. - - | Henry III. submits to the League. July 5, 1585. - | Sixtus excommunicates Henry of Navarre. Sept. 9, - | 1585. - -It remained to be seen what line of conduct Henry III. would adopt -in the face of this formidable conspiracy. Sixtus V., who had just -succeeded Pope Gregory XIII. (August 26, 1585), did not altogether -approve of the League. 'I fear me,' he said, 'that matters will -be pressed so far that the King, Catholic though he be, will be -constrained to appeal to the heretics for aid to rid himself of the -tyranny of the Catholics,' and this for a moment did not appear -impossible. Henry III. went so far as to acknowledge Henry of Navarre -as his lawful successor, and laughed at the claims of the Cardinal -as those 'of an old fool.' He forbade all Leagues and Associations, -and even made an unsuccessful attempt to seize the Duke of Guise at -Metz. But a continuation of such a bold policy was scarcely to be -looked for from such a King. Elizabeth, although she could scold Henry -for submitting to rebels within his kingdom, would not depart from her -position of dubious neutrality; Henry of Navarre, although professing -his willingness 'to be instructed,' refused to declare himself a -Catholic; while Catherine, who was hoping to secure the succession -for her daughter Claude and her husband the Duke of Lorraine, warned -the King of the danger of opposing so powerful a coalition. Henry, to -his ruin, listened to his mother's advice, and allowed her to yield, -in his name, to the demands of the Leaguers at the Conference of -Nemours (July 5, 1585). The Edicts of Toleration were revoked, and -they of the Huguenot faith who would not conform were to leave the -country. Sixtus, now partly relieved from his apprehensions, issued a -Bull of Excommunication against Henry of Navarre. - - | Altered position of the Huguenots and Catholics. - -The capitulation of Henry III. to the League brought Henry of Navarre -prominently to the front. He had already shown his military abilities -during the Lovers' War, and, in 1581, he had been appointed 'Protector -of the Churches.' He now became the representative of all those whose -bigotry or whose interest did not destroy their patriotism. It is -interesting to note how completely the position of the two parties -was reversed. The charges of opposing the legitimate successor, of -holding republican doctrines, and of alliance with the foreigner, -once brought against the Huguenots, could now be laid at the door of -the Catholics; while the Huguenots could claim to be fighting for the -principle of legitimacy and of national independence. Navarre was, -accordingly, supported by the Politiques and by the Constable Henry of -Montmorenci, who was, however, chiefly influenced by personal jealousy -of the Guises. Even the 'Parlement' of Paris remonstrated against -the intolerance of the Edict, and against the Papal Bull. Although -opposed as before to the concession of the right of worship to the -Protestants, its members were in favour of liberty of conscience, -and resented, as they had always done, the papal claim to interfere -in the internal affairs of France. Thus the party of the Huguenots -was by no means a contemptible one. The centre of their position -lay in the territories belonging to Henry of Navarre, or under -his control. These, spreading from the Spanish frontier to the -Dordogne, and from the Bay of Biscay to Languedoc, comprised Lower -Navarre and Bearn, which Henry held in his own right, and seven -fiefs which he held of the King of France. He was also Governor of -Guienne, and he was not without adherents in Normandy and Brittany, -while Languedoc was held by the Constable. And yet the position -of the Huguenots was discouraging enough. If their party was not -confined to those of their religious profession, this only added to -the divisions which had always weakened them. The Catholics held by -far the greater part of France; in the Netherlands, Alexander of -Parma had secured Antwerp (August, 1585), and threatened to carry -all before him, and were his task in the Netherlands finished, how -should they resist the united forces of the League and of Philip -II.? What wonder if many apostatised or fled, and that the beard of -Henry of Navarre turned white with anxiety. Already Philip dreamed of -overthrowing Elizabeth of England, of placing Mary Queen of Scots on -the English throne, and of subjugating France under his lieutenant, -the Duke of Guise. Fortunately, however, the King of Spain as usual -procrastinated, and preferred to work his end by diplomacy and by -bribes, rather than by arms. The Guises were not in complete accord -with him, and Henry III. himself daily grew more impatient of the -yoke. To these causes, and to the personal ability of the King of -Navarre, the salvation of France must be attributed. - - | Eighth Civil War. War of the three Henries.----1585-April - | 30, 1589. - - | Battle of Courtras. Oct. 20, 1587. - - | The Barricades. Aug. 12, 1588. - - | Assassination of Henry of Guise. Dec. 23, 1588. - - | Ten years Truce. April 30, 1589. - - | Death of Catherine, Jan. 5; Assassination of Henry III. - | July 31, 1589. - -Henry III. hoped, in the war which now broke out, to humble the -Huguenots, and yet curb the ambition of the Guises. He accordingly -gave to the Duke of Joyeuse, his favourite, the command of the army -which was to advance against the Huguenots, while he himself opposed -the German 'reiters' whom Casimir, brother of the Elector Palatine, -had sent to the assistance of the Protestants. Unfortunately for -the King, Joyeuse was defeated and slain by Henry of Navarre at -Courtras on the Isle (October 20, 1587), and although the 'reiters' -were forced to retire, the Guises succeeded in gaining the credit -of their retreat. 'Saul,' cried the fanatics of Paris, 'has slain -his thousands, but David his ten thousands.' Philip was anxious at -this moment to prevent any interference with his schemes for the -Armada. His envoy, Mendoza, therefore urged the Duke of Guise to make -further demands on the King; and on his hesitating to comply with -these, the Duke entered Paris in defiance of the royal command (May -12). The attempt of the King to reassert his authority by ordering the -Municipal Guard and the Swiss to secure the important points of the -city was answered by the 'barricades'; and Henry III., finding himself -no longer master of his capital, retired to Chartres, never again to -enter Paris. Forced for the moment to submit to the League, the feeble -monarch next tried to outbid the Guises with the deputies of the -States-General, which assembled at Blois on September 16, 1588. But -so extreme were the views adopted by the League at this moment that -this proved impossible. Accordingly, the King turned to the last -expedient of the coward, and ordered the assassination of Henry of -Guise in his royal palace of Blois (December 23, 1588). The Cardinal -of Guise the brother of the Duke, was executed the next day, and the -Cardinal of Bourbon was held a prisoner. 'Now at last I am King,' said -Henry. The illusion was soon to be dispelled, for the assassination -of the Duke led to the open revolt of the League. Supported by the -decision of the Sorbonne, it declared that the crown was elective; -and when the 'Parlement' resisted, its more obstinate members were -imprisoned. The Duke of Mayenne, the eldest surviving brother of the -murdered Duke, was made Lieutenant-General of the realm, and ruled -Paris with a Council of forty, formed of deputies from the affiliated -societies of the League. The example of Paris was followed elsewhere, -and the League secured most of the important towns of the centre and -south of France. Meantime, the failure of the royal army in Guienne -destroyed the last chance of maintaining an independent attitude, and -the King at last did what he should have done four years before, and -threw himself into the arms of Henry of Navarre. A truce for a year -was made between the two Henries (April 30, 1589). The King promised -to leave the Huguenots undisturbed, and Navarre engaged to oppose the -Duke of Mayenne. The armies of the two Kings shortly after advanced -on Paris, which seemed doomed, when the dagger of the Dominican, -Jacques Clement, an emissary of the League, avenged the assassination -of the Duke of Guise (July 31). The death of the last Valois King -had been preceded only a few months by that of Catherine de' Medici, -his mother. She died (January 5, 1589), with the reproaches of the -Cardinal of Bourbon ringing in her ears: 'If you had not deceived us -and brought us here (to Blois) with fine words, the two brothers (the -Guises) would not be dead, and I should be a free man.' - - -Sec. 6. _Henry IV. and the League, July 1589--May 1598._ - -By the assassination of Henry III., Henry of Navarre became the -legitimate King of France. The question was, whether he would make -good his claim. Had he now been willing to declare himself a Roman -Catholic, he would have at once won over the more conservative of -the people, for the League was daily becoming more anarchical; the -Cardinal of Bourbon, who was by it acknowledged as King Charles -X., was but a puppet of Spain; and the Spanish alliance was ever -growing more unpopular. But conversion would have probably lost him -the support of the Huguenots, while it would not have gained the -more fanatical members of the League. Accordingly, Henry refused. He -offered to recognise Catholicism; to grant to the Huguenots no -privileges beyond those they had hitherto gained; and to submit 'to -the instruction' of a National or General Council. In thus acting he -was guided by policy, not by conviction; and the interpretation he -would put on his favourite phrase 'receiving instruction' would depend -on his success in the field. - - | 9th and last Civil War. 1589-1595. - - | Battle of Arques, 5 Sept. 1589; and of Ivry, March - | 1590. - - | Siege of Paris. - - | Death of Alexander of Parma. Dec. 1592. - -Not feeling strong enough to attack Paris itself, Henry determined to -hold Picardy, Champagne, and Normandy, whence the capital drew her -supplies. The Duke of Longueville was therefore sent to Picardy, the -Marshal d'Aumont to Champagne, while Henry himself dropped back on -Normandy, and occupied Dieppe, the most important of the Norman ports, -and valuable on account of its proximity to England. The attempt -of the Duke of Mayenne to dislodge him was foiled at the battle -of Arques (September 21). In the following March, 1590, the still -more brilliant victory of Ivry, near Dreux, conclusively proved the -superiority of Henry over his antagonist. Henry perhaps 'committed the -bravest folly' that ever was in staking the fate of a kingdom on a -single battle, in which he had far inferior forces; but at least his -intrepidity won for him the admiration of his countrymen. Possibly -if he had pressed on at once, Paris might have been taken; but Henry -had not the faculty of making the best of a victory, and preferred -to continue his more cautious policy of starving the city into -submission. He occupied Corbeil, Lagny, and Creil, which commanded the -upper Seine, the Marne, and the Oise, and by the end of August, Paris -was reduced to fearful straits. 'Nothing was cheap except sermons.' As -at Sancerre, dogs, cats, rats, and mice were eagerly devoured; some, -it is said, even ate the flesh of children; and the people were loudly -clamouring for peace or bread, when the approach of Alexander of -Parma, from the Netherlands, baulked Henry of his prey, and forced -him to retire (September 10). In the year 1592, Parma again entered -France, and saved Rouen from Henry's clutches. In December, however, -the death of the great commander freed the King from immediate -apprehension, and left the League without any leader who could -match him in the field. Nevertheless, the war seemed likely to be -indefinitely protracted. The party of the League indeed threatened to -break up. Mayenne was impatient of Spanish influence, and was becoming -daily more disgusted with the extravagance of the League in Paris. In -the preceding November, the Sixteen had even dared to execute Brisson, -the president of the 'Parlement,' and two other judges who opposed -them, and had established a reign of terror. Accordingly, Mayenne had -marched into the city, seized and condemned four of the Sixteen to -death, and reasserted his authority. Hated, however, as he was by the -fanatics, he was in no position to carry on the war with vigour unless -with Spanish help, which he wished to do without. - - | Position of Henry of Navarre. - - | Declaration of Mantes. July, 1591. - -Henry, too, was gaining popularity. Although his sensuality, his -lack of real conviction, his cynical indifference, prevent our -making altogether a hero of the King of Navarre, his superabundant -energy, his splendid courage, his frankness, affability, and genuine -humanity, coupled with his caustic wit, had already endeared him to -his countrymen. And yet he was not powerful enough to win his country -by the sword; the Catholics would not consent to see a heretic on -the throne of France; his attempt to settle the religious difficulty -by the Declaration of Mantes (July, 1591), which acknowledged the -Catholic religion as that of the State, while he himself remained -a Protestant, pleased neither party. Too many, like the Marshal -Biron and D'O, who had control of the finances, were interested in -perpetuating the war, lest a return of peace might deprive them of -employment, or of the hope of carving out a fortune for themselves. - - | The States-General. Jan. 26, 1593. - - | Henry IV. 'receives instruction.' July 23, 1593. - -Meanwhile, France was going to ruin. Trade was at a standstill. -Even the more patriotic of the nobles--whether Catholic or -Protestant--despairing of peace, were aiming at their own independence, -and the enemies of France were taking advantage of her weakness; -Philip II. hoped to place his nominee on the throne, and to secure -Brittany; the Duke of Savoy was attempting to encroach on her -south-east frontier; and even Elizabeth of England was demanding -Calais, or some other return for help, niggardly and intermittent -though it was. The earnest desire, therefore, of all the moderate -Catholics in France who were not sold to Philip, that Henry would -'go to Mass,' cannot excite surprise. In the spring of 1593, the -meeting of the States-General, summoned to settle the question of the -succession, brought matters to a crisis. The Cardinal of Bourbon had -died in 1590; and, according to the Catholic view, the throne had -been vacant for three years. Philip II., therefore, instructed his -representative the Duke of Feria, to propose that the crown should -be conferred on the Infanta (who through her mother represented the -House of Valois in the female line). If, however, the Salic Law -could not be violated, he was to suggest that the Archduke Ernest, -the Governor of the Netherlands, and brother of the Emperor Rudolf, -should be chosen King, or, failing him, the young Duke of Guise, who -should take the Infanta as his Queen. In all probability, had the Duke -of Feria at once proposed the Duke of Guise as King, he would have -been accepted; but fortunately for Henry IV. he first suggested the -Infanta, and thereby aroused the indignation of the 'Parlement' -and of all those who cared for the fundamental laws of the country, -and were not wholly sold to Spain. Convinced that delay was perilous, -Henry now accepted the offers of a deputation of the Estates-General -sent to hold conference with him at Suresnes, and promised to -'receive instruction' within two months, while at the same time he -strengthened his position by occupying Dreux. On July 23, Henry IV. -recognised the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church as the true one, -and promised obedience. On the following February 27, he was anointed -in the Cathedral of Chartres, since Rheims, where this ceremony should -have been performed, was still in the hands of the League. - -In dealing with the justification of Henry's 'conversion' it must -always be remembered that, although by no means a disbeliever, he -had no strong convictions as to the relative merits of Catholicism -and Calvinism, and was a man on whom religious scruples sat somewhat -lightly. To him, therefore, the question would necessarily be one -to be decided on the grounds of political expediency. But some may -be disposed to think that, even if Henry had been convinced of -the superiority of the Huguenot faith, it would still have been -his duty to guide his policy by the same considerations. Any one -in his position, it has been said, would have been justified in -accepting Catholicism as the State religion if he had good grounds -for believing: first, that there was no other way of giving peace -to his country; and secondly, that he could, while officially -recognising Catholicism, secure complete and lasting toleration -for the Huguenots. Of the first, it was not difficult to convince -himself. He had attempted to win France by arms and had failed. We -must remember also that the Huguenots, after all, represented but a -small minority of the nation, and that a large number of the Catholics -preferred the Duke of Guise with his Spanish wife to a heretic -King. Nor is it easy to believe that, if Henry had been willing to -efface himself, any settlement which the Huguenots would have accepted -could have been arrived at. On the second point, opinions will -probably always differ. The danger was that in accepting Catholicism, -he would revive the idea as to the intimate connection between Church -and State in France which led men to look on heresy as treason. We -know that the Edict of Nantes did not last; but whether the Revocation -was inevitable, and, if so, whether Henry ought to have foreseen it, -may well be questioned. - - | Henry secures Rouen, March 17; and enters Paris, - | March 21, 1594. - -The King of Navarre was thus at last acknowledged King of France. By -his 'conversion' he won to his side all Catholics except the most -fanatical of the Leaguers, and those who, like the Dukes of Mayenne -and of Mercoeur, were intent on their personal interests. While, -therefore, Henry restrained as far as possible all hostile operations, -he steadily pursued a policy which he had long adopted of buying over -those whose opposition was still to be dreaded. The governors of -provinces were confirmed in their governorships, or offered pensions; -the smaller nobility were tempted by subordinate offices and money; -the cities were promised exemption from extraordinary taxation and -freedom from Huguenot worship within their walls. The wisdom, and -indeed the necessity, of this course have been disputed, and certainly -the evil results of it--the independence of the nobility, the venality -of the government, the serious straining of the finances--long -outlived the King himself. Yet at least it must be confessed that the -policy succeeded. On March 17, Rouen surrendered, and Henry secured -all Normandy. Four days later Brissac, just appointed Governor of -Paris by the Duke of Mayenne, accepted the offers of Henry, brought -over the Parisian magistrates, and opened the gates. The Duke himself -had already left, the Spanish troops were forced to evacuate the city -with some sixty of the more prominent Leaguers, and Henry was at last -master of his capital. 'That which is Caesar's has been given unto -Caesar,' said one to the King. 'Given?' said he, looking at Brissac; -'No, sold, and for a goodly price.' - - | Dukes of Lorraine and Guise come to terms. - - | Jesuits expelled. Dec. 1594. War declared against - | Spain. Jan. 17, 1595. - -Henry, anxious to secure his eastern frontier which was always -threatened from the Netherlands, next laid siege to Laon, which -surrendered on the 2nd of August, 1594. A fortnight later Amiens, -and other towns of Picardy, followed its example. The spring of the -year 1595 was marked by a far more important event. Henry succeeded -in conciliating the Duke of Lorraine and the young Duke of Guise. The -former restored the cities of Toul and Verdun; the latter surrendered -his governorship of Champagne in exchange for that of Provence, -where he shortly proved his loyalty by driving out Epernon, one of -Henry III.'s 'Mignons,' who, after joining Henry IV., had played -him false. The only important nobles who still held out were the -Dukes of Mayenne and of Mercoeur, both members of the House of -Guise, and the Duke of Nemours. The two first were loth to abandon -the ambitions of their family, and hoped, by the aid of Spain, to -turn their governorships of Burgundy and of Brittany into hereditary -principalities. The Duke of Nemours, with the support of Savoy, -threatened the country round Lyons. Henry, therefore, after some -futile negotiations with Spain, in which the idea of Henry's marrying -the Infanta was entertained, determined to declare open war against -Spain. An open war, he held, was far preferable to a continuation of -unavowed hostilities; the national enthusiasm against the foreigner -might be aroused; all those who continued to resist would incur the -charge of treachery to their country; while the English and the Dutch -promised their assistance. The war was preceded by the expulsion of -the Jesuits. Introduced into France by Henry II. they had made many -enemies; the 'Parlement' objected to their extravagant assertions -of papal supremacy, and to their attacks on the prerogatives of the -crown; the Bishops resented their claim to be free from episcopal -authority; the older orders grudged them their popularity, the -University their educational success. Although it does not appear -that the Jesuits had taken any prominent part in the organisation -of the League, and though they were, as a matter of fact, at this -time out of favour in Spain, where they opposed the tyranny of -the Inquisition, they were nevertheless denounced as the tools of -Philip. An attempted assassination of Henry IV. by one of their -pupils, though not apparently instigated by them, brought matters to -a crisis. They were convicted by the 'Parlement' of attempting to -subvert the laws of Church and State, of instigating to rebellion and -assassination, and were expelled the kingdom (December 29, 1594). - - | The Duke of Mayenne driven from Burgundy. - - | Fuentes takes Doullens, July 1595; and besieges - | Cambray. - - | The Duke of Mayenne submits. Jan. 1596. - -War was declared against Spain on January 17, 1595. The young -Marshal Biron, who had been intrusted with the governorship of -Burgundy, succeeded in driving Mayenne from that province. The King, -on marching to support him against the attack of a Spanish force -under Don Fernan de Velasco, the Constable of Castile, was nearly -surprised at Fontaine-Francaise. He, however, saved himself by his -intrepidity; and the Spanish general retreated, much to the disgust -of Mayenne. Henry now entered Franche-Comte; but the Swiss who were -guarantors of the neutrality of the country, remonstrated, and the -King, unwilling to incur their hostility, retreated. His presence was -indeed needed elsewhere. The Duke of Longueville, after a successful -campaign in Artois, had died in April; and Turenne, the Duke of -Bouillon, had suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the Spaniards -under Fuentes, in an attempt to raise the siege of Doullens (July 24, -1595). Doullens fell, and Fuentes laid siege to Cambray, which had -been in French hands since the expedition of the Duke of Anjou in 1581 -(cf. p. 361). The King, too late to save Cambray, which capitulated in -October, besieged La Fere, a fortress on the Oise, which the League -had surrendered to the Spaniards, and the siege dragged on through the -winter. The success of Henry in the field had not been brilliant. He -was more successful in diplomacy. In September, 1595, Clement VIII. at -last consented to grant him absolution, and in the following January, -the Duke of Mayenne finally made his peace. The terms he received -were too high. His debts, which were enormous, were paid; he was -made Governor of the Isle de France, and received three fortresses -as places of security. Epernon, who soon followed the example of -Mayenne, was equally well rewarded. Truly Henry was teaching his -people that rebellion, if prolonged, was the way to royal favour. - -There now remained no other important noble in arms except the Duke -of Mercoeur; and the winning of Marseilles by the young Duke of -Guise, which also took place in January, caused Henry to declare -'that God had indeed pity for France.' Yet the outlook was not very -promising. The financial straits were severe: Elizabeth would not, and -the Dutch could not, render any efficient help; while the Huguenots -were becoming very troublesome. They were scandalised at the desire of -Henry IV. to get a divorce from his faithless and hated wife, Margaret -of Valois, that he might marry his mistress, Gabrielle d'Estrees; -they were outraged by the delay of the King in dealing with their -grievances, while the rebellious Leaguers were receiving all that they -could desire, and they even talked of enforcing their claims by arms. - - | Archduke Albert takes Calais. April, 1596. - - | Sully's financial reforms. - -In April, 1596, the new Governor of the Netherlands, the Cardinal -Archduke Albert, invaded France and inflicted a serious blow on the -prestige of Henry's army by taking Calais. The town might have been -saved if Elizabeth had not demanded its possession as a price of -her assistance, and higgled till it was too late. In the ensuing -month, Henry, in a measure, balanced this serious loss by taking La -Fere, and by driving the Archduke across the frontier; but he was -quite unable to dislodge the Spanish garrisons from Calais or from -Doullens. If the war was to be continued with vigour, money at least -must be found; and to this object the Baron de Rosny (Sully), who had -lately been appointed 'surintendant' of the finances, now turned his -attention. New offices were created, which were sold to the highest -bidder. Loans were extorted from the rich. Those who had filled their -pockets by frauds on the exchequer were forced to disgorge part of -their ill-gotten gains, and some attempt was made to put a stop to -such corruption in the future. The tax on salt was raised, and in the -autumn an Assembly of Notables granted the King the 'Pancarte,' or -duty of 5 per cent. on all goods offered for sale.[83] - - | Porto Carrero seizes Amiens. Mar. 11, 1597. - - | Amiens recovered. Sept. 19, 1597. - - | Philip agrees to a truce. - - | The Duc de Mercoeur submits. Mar. 20, 1598. - -Yet what Henry gained with one hand he was, with his usual -recklessness, ready to spend with the other. Much of the money thus -obtained was being thrown away on expensive festivities in Paris, -when the news suddenly arrived that Porto Carrero, the Governor of -Doullens, had seized the important town of Amiens by a clever _coup -de main_ (March 11, 1597). 'Enough,' said Henry, 'of playing the -King of France; 'tis time to be the King of Navarre again.' Biron -was despatched to besiege Amiens forthwith. In June, the King -followed himself with an army, in which the presence of Montmorenci, -Mayenne, and Epernon showed that the old factions had been well-nigh -extinguished. The English and the Dutch also sent reinforcements, in -pursuance of a treaty of alliance which they had made in the previous -year (August-October, 1596). On September 3, Porto Carrero died. The -Archduke Albert, unable to raise supplies even on credit, owing to -Philip's late act of repudiation, could not advance to the relief of -the garrison till September 12; then, finding himself in the presence -of a superior force, he retreated 'like a priest,' and on September -19, 1597, Amiens was at last recovered. Henry now determined to -take advantage of his success to negotiate with Spain. Philip did -not refuse his offer. Tortured by disease, knowing that his end was -approaching, that Spain could no longer bear the strain of war, and -that his feeble son was not likely to succeed where he had failed, he -was anxious to leave his country at peace. He accordingly agreed to a -truce, and to hold a conference at Vervins in the following January -for finally settling the terms of peace. The affairs of Brittany Henry -was determined to settle without any foreign interference; and this he -succeeded in doing without drawing the sword. The Bretons, despairing -of successful resistance now that the aid of Spain was withdrawn, -deserted the Duke of Mercoeur, who was forced to come to terms at -Angers (March 20). He surrendered the governorship of Brittany, with -the hand of his daughter, to Caesar, the illegitimate son of the King -by Gabrielle d'Estrees, and received a pension in return. Thus at -last all resistance had ended, and France was once more united. - - | The Edict of Nantes. April 15, 1598. - -The King was now in a position to attend to the grievances of the -Huguenots. On entering Paris he had republished the Edict of 1576, -with the amendments added thereto by the treaties of Bergerac and -Fleix. Since he could no longer be their Protector, nor allow any -other to hold that position, he had also authorised the Huguenots -to organise themselves into a federative system for defence, and -ten provinces had been formed, each with its elected assembly and a -General Council of ten nominated by the assemblies. But the Huguenots -were not satisfied; they complained that these concessions were -not sufficient, and that they were often violated. All members of -the League, whether noble or town, who came to terms were allowed -to forbid the exercise of the Protestant religion within their -jurisdiction, and what security had the Huguenots that one who could -so lightly change his own religion would care or dare to protect that -of others? They therefore had demanded more formal ratification of -the privileges already granted them, an extension of the system of -'Chambres mi-parties' to all the 'Parlements' of France, and admission -to all offices. The King, in spite of the grave discontent which at -times threatened to break out in open war, had hitherto refused to -satisfy their demands; until the Catholics were completely reconciled -such a policy might be dangerous, and certainly would be futile, since -Henry was not strong enough to enforce his promises. Now, however, -that he was really master of France, he had neither the excuse nor -the wish to delay any longer. Negotiations had, indeed, been going -on for some time, and finally led to the Edict of Nantes, which was -published on April 15, 1598. The clauses of this famous Edict followed -closely on the lines of the Treaty of Bergerac of 1577. The Huguenots -were permitted to hold divine service in all towns specified by that -treaty, or in which it had been held in 1596 and 1597; and besides -this, in one town in each bailiwick and in the fiefs of Protestant -nobles. In these privileged towns they were also allowed to found -colleges and schools, and to print books. Paris, however, as before, -with a circuit of five leagues, was especially exempted till 1606, -when the King allowed a temple to be built at Charenton, five miles -distant. Huguenot ministers were to be exempt from military service, -and the King promised to contribute an annual sum for their support; -while the Protestants, on their part, were to pay tithes. In the -'Parlements' of Paris, Rouen, and Rennes, special 'Chambres de -l'Edit'--one of the judges of which was to be a Protestant--were to -be established to try cases in which Huguenots were concerned; while -three 'Chambres mi-parties' at Castres, Bordeaux, and Gap were to -exercise a similar jurisdiction in the south. Finally, the Huguenots -were to be allowed to hold synods, to have admission to all colleges -and schools; all offices were to be open to them, and they were to -suffer in no way for their religion. They were to hold the eight -cities they possessed for eight years, but to allow the Catholic -worship to continue there. Considering that the Huguenots did not -number more than one-twelfth of the population of France, the terms -they thus obtained were as favourable as they could expect, and all -that was perhaps possible in the existing condition of France. - -But the principle on which the Edict was based was radically -faulty. It can scarcely be called an Edict of general toleration, for -no other religion but that of Calvinism was allowed. Moreover, the -concession of the privilege of worship to individual nobles, and to -congregations in special towns, tended to accentuate the independence -and isolation of the Huguenots, and to perpetuate the centrifugal -tendencies, both of feudalism and of federative republicanism, which -the wars of religion had intensified, and which were yet to give -trouble to France. As long as there was a King on the throne willing -and able to enforce the Edict, the compromise continued fairly -satisfactory. But after he was gone, the chances that the Edict -would be permanent day by day became less. The Huguenots, partly in -self-defence, partly in pursuance of political aims which the Edict -had fostered, attempted to form those towns which had been granted -them into a semi-independent federation; and when, to check this, -Richelieu deprived them of these pledges for the fulfilment of the -Edict, he left them to fall defenceless before the tyranny and bigotry -of Louis XIV. - - | Peace of Vervins. May 2, 1598. - -While Henry was thus removing the last traces of opposition in France, -the negotiations with Spain had been going on; and, on May 2, the -Peace of Vervins was signed. Spain evacuated all the conquests she -had made in France during the last war with the exception of Cambray; -Henry, on his part, restoring the county of Charolais. The Duke of -Savoy came to terms at the same time; he surrendered Berre, the only -place he held in Provence; while the question as to the Marquisate of -Saluces, which he had seized in 1588, was referred to the arbitration -of the Pope.[84] Neither the Dutch nor the English were included in -the Peace. The Dutch refused to enter into any treaty which did not -recognise their independence, while Elizabeth was not unwilling to -see the war continue between France and Spain. She had even attempted -to make capital out of the negotiations, going so far as to suggest -to Philip that he should cede Calais in exchange for Brille and -Flushing, which she still held. Henry accordingly contented himself -with securing the right of his allies to become parties to the treaty -within six months. - - -Conclusion. - - | Condition of Europe at the Peace of Vervins. - - | Decline of Spain. - -The Treaty of Vervins scarcely made any alteration in the political -geography of Europe. Its importance lies rather in the changed -conditions which accompanied it, and followed it. A few months -after the signing of that treaty, Philip II. died (September 12, -1598) in his seventy-second year, at the Escurial--that magnificent -though somewhat strange mixture of 'a palace, a monastery, and a -tomb,' which is the chief architectural monument of his reign. Had -Philip been a wiser man, he might have retained the obedience of the -Netherlands, and profited by their industry and their colonies. He -might have developed the resources and the constitutional liberties -of his country, and enriched her by commerce with America. He might -have turned her arms against the Turk, made himself master of the -Mediterranean, and left Spain consolidated and prosperous. Intent, -however, on more magnificent schemes, he had failed disastrously. His -attempt to lead the Catholic reaction, and to re-establish the -unity of the Church on the basis of Spanish supremacy, had ended in -disaster. The defeat of the Armada had saved England from both Spain -and Rome. The United Provinces had virtually won their religious and -political freedom, and Henry IV. had bowed the Spaniard from his -doors. Meanwhile Spain, exhausted by the constant drain which the vast -attempts involved, and ruined by the disastrous policy pursued at home -(cf. ch. vii.), was fast declining. After Philip's death her royal -race degenerated rapidly; and with a shrinking population, paralysed -industries, and attenuated resources, she was forced to step aside and -leave the struggle for supremacy to others. - - | Successes of the Catholic Reaction. - -And yet the Catholic reaction, of which Philip had been the leading -spirit, had not been without its successes. If England, the United -Netherlands, and the Scandinavian kingdoms had decisively broken away -from Rome, Protestantism had been completely crushed out in Spain and -in Italy, and in 1587, Catholicism was finally restored in Poland by -Sigismund. In France, if the Huguenots had secured toleration, that -toleration was not to last; and Catholicism had not only captured the -King, but had again been recognised as the religion of the State. In -Germany, too, the advance of Protestantism had, since the middle of -the century, been arrested. The Jesuits had by this time made their -influence felt, not only by their missionary and educational work -among the people, but also on the policy of the Princes. In Bavaria, -Albert III. (1550-1579) drove out the Protestants, and made his Duchy -a stronghold of Catholicism. In 1576, Rudolf II. succeeded his father, -Maximilian II., in the most important of the Austrian dominions,[85] -and was elected Emperor. Maximilian had been half-inclined towards -Lutheranism. Rudolf, educated under the influence of his mother, -the daughter of Charles V., and subsequently at the Spanish Court, -was strongly Catholic. He dismissed the Protestant preachers from -Vienna, and supported a Catholic policy in the Empire. The advance -of Catholicism was also favoured by the dissensions between the -Lutherans and the Calvinists, who were respectively headed by the -Electors of Saxony and of the Palatinate. Under these circumstances, -quarrels over the controverted clauses of the Peace of Augsburg were -inevitable (cf. pp. 248-9). The Catholics questioned the right of the -Bishop of Magdeburg to a seat in the Diet, and, in 1581, had driven -Gebhard Truchsess from his Electoral See of Cologne, because these two -prelates had embraced Protestantism. - - | Disorganised condition of Germany. - -Day by day the relations between the adherents of the two creeds -became more strained. Already the Thirty Years' War was looming in -the distance--a war in which Protestantism was indeed to hold her -own, but at the price of the destruction of German nationality and -unity, almost of German independence, and of the crippling of national -prosperity and intellectual growth for more than a century. - - | Condition of France. - - | Revival of the Royal authority. - -France, it is true, had suffered severely from her civil war of -thirty-six years. Trade and industry had been ruined, and her -finances heavily strained. The venality of her administrative system -had been increased. The Estates-General and the 'Parlements,' the -representatives of constitutional life, had been discredited; the -former by the extreme views it had at times adopted, both by their -subservience to the League. The power and self-importance of the -nobles had been increased during the civil wars, and by the system -adopted by Henry IV. of buying off their opposition. The desire for -federative republicanism had grown with the growth of Calvinism. All -these things had been the results of the religious wars. Yet after -all, it was the royal power and prestige which in the end had -benefited most from the internal discords. It was Henry who had given -his country peace at last, and thereby earned the gratitude of his -people; he it was who chiefly gained by the discredit into which the -organs of constitutional life had fallen, and by the divisions and -dissensions of his subjects. The nobles, indeed, were dangerous, but -Henry IV. was successful in defeating their intrigues. His able, -though self-sufficient and egotistical minister, Sully, reorganised -the finances, and did something to check the venality and corruption -which existed. The marvellous recuperative powers of the country -came to his assistance; and France under the clever, though somewhat -cynical, rule of her great King became once more a first-rate -Power. Had Henry lived longer, or had he been succeeded by a capable -son, the Thirty Years' War would probably not have occurred, or -would have been ended sooner. The House of Hapsburg might have been -humbled to the dust, and France might have established a dangerous -supremacy in Europe. The assassination of Henry IV. in 1610 prevented -this; France, on his death, became the victim of a weak minority, -and a troubled regency; and Europe was not threatened with a French -supremacy until the reign of Louis XIV. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [80] Probably a corruption of the German word 'Eidgenossen' - (confederates), first applied to the Protestant party in Geneva. - - [81] Cf. Appendix I. for meaning of this. - - [82] Henry held Lower Navarre and the Principality of Bearn in - his own right, and, as fiefs, the Duchies of Vendome, Beaumont, - and Albret; the Counties of Bigorre, Armagnac, Rouergue, - Perigord, and Marle; the Viscounties of Limoges, and other - lordships. See Map of France. - - [83] While Sully had been doing something to replenish the - exchequer of King Henry, his antagonist, Philip, attempted a more - summary method. On November 20, 1596, he publicly revoked all - assignments, or mortgages by which the taxes on the royal domain - had been pledged for money advanced to him. The pretext for this - wholesale repudiation was that his exertions for Christianity had - reduced him to beggary, while the money-lenders had been growing - rich at his expense. The deed, however, produced a panic. The - chief merchants and bankers suspended payment, and the credit of - Spain received a shock from which it did not easily recover. - - [84] The Marquisate of Saluzzo in Piedmont had been ceded to - France by the Treaty of Cateau Cambresis, cf. p. 257. Henry IV. - in 1601 exchanged it with the Duke of Savoy for Bresse, Bugey, - and Gex. - - [85] His brothers, Ferdinand and Charles, received Tyrol and - Styria. These were reunited to Austria proper under Ferdinand - II., and the Austrian dominions were declared indivisible, 1621. - - - - -APPENDIX I - -THE FRENCH CONSTITUTION IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES. - -Cf. Gasquet, _Institutions Politiques et Sociales de la -France_. Cheruel, _Dictionnaire Historique des Institutions de la -France_. - - -I. Central Administration.--_Conseil du Roi_ (King's Council), or -_Conseil d'Etat_ (Council of State). The supreme Executive Council -of the realm. It also exercised _Legislative_ powers through its -Ordinances, and high _Judicial_ power until organisation of the Grand -Conseil. - - =1.= Sometimes heard ultimate appeals from the Sovereign Law - Courts. - - =2.= Evoked cases from other Courts in which public interests were - involved. - - =3.= Heard complaints against the royal officials. These Judicial - Powers were subsequently transferred to-- - - =a.= The Grand Conseil.--Finally organised in 1497, to decide - questions of disputed jurisdiction between the other sovereign - Courts, but never very important. Composed of the Constable (the - Chief Military Officer), the Chancellor (the Supreme Civil Officer), - the Princes of the Blood, Officers of State. - - =b.= The Conseil Prive or des parties. A Judicial Committee of the - Council erected in the seventeenth century. - -A number of clerks (Maitres de Requetes) under the Conseil du -Roi, worked various Departmental Councils, such as those of War and -Finance. - - -II. Central Courts of Justice. - -_A._ The Parlement of Paris.--The Central Judicial Court of the Realm, -sharing with the Grand Conseil the right of hearing appeals from all -subordinate Courts. - - It also (1) issued Arrets, or Injunctions. - - (2) Registered all royal ordinances, treaties of peace, and other - public documents; and, from the reign of Louis XI., claimed the right - of refusing to register--a right which gradually ripened into a right - of veto. The King, however, could always override its veto by holding - a 'Lit de Justice'--_i.e._ by summoning the Parlement, in solemn - assembly, before the Peers of France and the officers of State, and - ordering it to register. - -Its members held office for life, and were, since the reign of -Louis XI., irremovable, unless convicted of some penal offence. As -membership was generally purchased from the King, they became -saleable, and, after the reign of Henry IV., practically hereditary. - -The Parlement was divided into five Courts:-- - - 1. _The Grand Chambre._--This heard all appeals of great importance, - and cases of first instance which concerned the Peers; cases of - treason; and criminal charges against royal officials and members of - the Parlement. - - 2. _Chambre des Requetes._--Decided smaller cases of first instance. - - 3. _Chambre des Enquetes._--Heard smaller cases of appeal, and - prepared the more important appeals for the Grand Chambre. - - 4. _Chambre de la Tournelle._--Tried less important criminal cases. - - 5. _Chambre de l'Edit._--Established after the Edict of Nantes, - 1598, to try cases between Catholics and Huguenots. One or two of - the judges were to be Protestants. - -_B._ Chambre des Comptes.--Exercised jurisdiction in all -financial matters dealing with the royal domain, and audited -accounts of the Baillis and Seneschals; registered edicts -concerning the royal domain, and recorded the fealty and homage of -tenants-in-chief. Jurisdiction civil--not criminal. - -_C._ Cour des Aides.--Exercised civil and criminal jurisdiction over -cases dealing with Taxation, and audited accounts of the Elus who -collected the direct taxes. - - -III. Local Justice and Administration. - -1. _Provincial Parlements_, exercising the same authority as the -Parlement of Paris within their districts, existed in the fifteenth -century at-- - - Toulouse for Province of Languedoc, instituted 1443. - Grenoble " Dauphine, " 1453. - Bordeaux " Guienne, " 1462. - Dijon " Burgundy, " 1477. - -And the following were added during the sixteenth century at-- - - Aix for Provence, 1501. - Rouen for Normandy, 1515. - Rennes for Brittany, 1553. - -Five more were subsequently added-- - - Pau for Bearn, 1620. - Metz " 3 Bishoprics, 1633. - Douai " Flanders, 1686. - Besancon " Franche-Comte, 1676. - Nancy " Lorraine, 1769. - -Most of these Provinces had their separate Chambre des Comptes, and -Cour des Aides. - -2. _The Baillis or Seneschals_ (with Prevots under them). - - (_a_) Collected the dues from the royal domains (while the Elus - collected the regular direct taxes). - - (_b_) Tried petty cases. - - (_c_) Administered affairs, civil and military, of their Bailliage or - Senechaussee. - -Their jurisdiction was subordinated to that of the Parlements, and -their financial accounts were under the Cours des Comptes, while that -of the Elus were audited by the Cours des Aides. - -Francis I., however, appointed new officers--_the Lieutenants, Civil -and Criminel_--to whom, by the ordinance of 1560, the judicial -functions of the Baillis and Seneschals were transferred. After that -date the importance of the Baillis and Seneschals rapidly declined, -especially after the final institution of the Intendants by Richelieu. - -Francis I. also appointed twelve _Lieutenants-General_ over the -frontier Provinces. During the Civil War these were extended to most -of the Provinces; and the _Governors_, as they now were called, made -themselves so powerful as to be 'very kings.' Henry IV. did his best -to buy off these Governors; but their power was not finally overthrown -till the time of Richelieu. - -3. In 1551 Henry II. instituted _Tribunaux Presidiaux_ as -intermediate Courts between the Parlements and those of the Baillis or -Seneschals. - -4. The nobles still retained their Seignorial Courts; but these, -jealously watched by the Baillis and Seneschals, were confined to -questions between the Seigneur and his dependants. - -5. The towns enjoyed municipal government, which varied very much, but -was usually composed of a General Assembly which elected a Corps de -Ville, which in its turn elected a municipality composed of the Mayor -and echevins (sheriffs). In Paris the Prevot des Marchands took the -place of the Mayor. The rights of election, however, became day by day -more and more visionary. The officials were usually nominated by the -Crown, often in return for money. The towns also had their Courts, but -the judicial powers, always limited, were finally withdrawn. - -In Paris, however, there was a peculiar Court, that of the -_Chatelet,_ under the Prevot of Paris (to be distinguished from -the Prevot des Marchands). The Prevot of Paris had no Baillis -or Seneschal over him. He administered the police of the city, -and heard cases on appeal from the Seignorial Courts of the town -and district, as well as certain cases especially reserved to the -_Chatelet_, such as dowries, rights of succession to property, etc. - -The Estates-General (Etats Generaux). - - Composed of three Chambers, consisting of deputies from the three - Orders of Nobles, Clergy, Tiers Etat (Third Estate). - - _Mode of Election._--On fixed day, nobles, clergy, and townsmen met - in chief town of Bailliage or Senechaussee. - - _Nobles and Clergy by direct Election._--The nobles and clergy drew - up their cahiers (petitions), and elected their deputies separately. - - _Tiers Etat by double Election._--The townsmen chose a body of - electors, who drew up the cahier, and elected the deputy. - - After 1484 the peasants of the villages took part in the election of - the Electoral Body. - - In some of the Provinces a different system prevailed. Thus in - Languedoc and Champagne, the three orders elected their deputies in - common; in Brittany, the deputies of one order were chosen by the - other two orders. - - _Procedure._--On the meeting of Estates-General the three orders - were summoned to a Royal Seance (Session), in which the reasons for - the summons were given. - - The orders then separated, and each order proceeded to draw up their - general cahier apart. The three cahiers having then been presented - to the King, the States-General was dismissed. - - _Powers._--The States-General were originally summoned not to - discuss, but to hear the will of the King, and to present - grievances. - - These Petitions were of considerable value, for, although the - States-General was dismissed without having received the answer of - the King, the cahiers often furnished the basis for royal - ordinances. At various dates the Estates-General attempted to gain - the same powers as those finally secured by the English Parliament: - - 1. Frequent and regular Sessions. - - 2. That their petitions should be answered. - - 3. Control of taxation and of policy. - - 4. Appointment, or at least responsibility, of ministers. - - But in spite of notable attempts, especially those of 1355-1358, - 1484, 1561 (p. 398), 1576-7 (p. 423), 1588 (p. 431), the - States-General failed in obtaining its object, and after 1614, - ceased to be summoned until 1789. - - _Reasons for failure of the States-General._--It is sometimes said - that the States-General did not represent France; it is more correct - to say that it represented France too well--in its want of cohesion, - its class divisions, its absence of local government. Nor were the - circumstances of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries - propitious. During that period, the hundred years' war, and the - religious wars, led the people of France to lean on the King; the - privileges of the feudal nobles prevented any unanimity between the - upper and lower classes, and allowed the bureaucracy to gain such - strength that it was impossible subsequently to overthrow it. - - Thus the causes of failure may be tabulated as follows:-- - - 1. The existence of three Houses prevented unanimity, more - especially because they represented class divisions which were - deep. The nobility being a caste dependent on blood; while the - upper offices of the Church were also filled by nobles. - - 2. There was no class of country gentry as in England, from whom - the knights of the shire were elected, and who united with the - burgesses in the House of Commons. - - 3. The number of royal officials elected as deputies of Tiers - Etat was generally very large. - - 4. The Estates-General of Orleans (1439), in establishing a - permanent army by the Ordonnance sur la Gendarmerie, was held to - have granted to the King a permanent tax, _the Taille_; and this, - in spite of several protests, was subsequently increased at the - royal will. - - 5. Since the nobles and clergy were exempt from the Taille--the - first because they served in the feudal array; the latter because - of their clerical privileges--the deputies of these two orders did - not support the Tiers Etat in their attempt to control the - purse. Thus the States-General lost the control of the purse. - - 6. There was no efficient local government like that of the - English shire. The real power being in the hands of the royal - officials, the Baillis and the Seneschals, and later, of the - Intendants. - -Provincial Estates.--It is true that all the Provinces of France -originally had their Provincial Estates composed of three orders. - - (1) But in many Provinces they were artificial creations. - - (2) They were weakened by the same class divisions as the - States-General. - - Accordingly after the fifteenth century many Provinces lost their - Estates, and finally only some four survived the reign of Louis - XIV., and even those had but little power beyond that of assessing - the Taille. - -The Church.--The Church had its - -(1) _Ecclesiastical Courts_, which as elsewhere in Europe had -attempted to extend their jurisdiction very widely, not only over -clergy but over laity. By the end of the fifteenth century, however, -their jurisdiction was confined to offences of clerics or laics -against morals, the law or doctrine of the Church, and to cases -concerning the marriage and death-bed--_e.g._ divorce, wills, etc.; -any attempt on the part of the Ecclesiastical Courts to encroach on -the domain of secular jurisdiction being met by the Appels comme -d'abus (abuse), which were presented to the Parlement of Paris. - -(2) Its Assemblies, in which, in and after the sixteenth century, the -clergy voted 'dons gratuits' (voluntary offerings) to the Crown. - -The relations of the Church to the Crown and to the Pope were further -defined by the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, and the Concordat of -Bologna (cf. p. 81). - - -TAXATION. - -The revenue during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was drawn -from the following sources:-- - -I. The Royal Domain. - - (_a_) Feudal incidents. - - (_b_) Profits of Justice. - - (_c_) Rights appertaining to the King as Sovereign--_e.g._ of - succeeding to property of aliens dying without heirs, and of all - bastards; fines on land granted in mortmain. - -II. Direct Taxes. - -(1) _The Taille_, which was of two kinds-- - - (_a_) In the _Pays d'Etats_ it was generally a tax on the value of - land, assessed by regular assessments, under orders of the - Provincial Assembly. - - (_b_) In the other parts of France (the _Pays d'Election_), it was a - tax levied on presumed income derived from whatever source, and - assessed in a very arbitrary fashion by Elus, who were responsible - to the Cour des Aides. - -_Exempt from the Taille_ were Nobles following arms, Clergy, Students -at the Universities, Royal Officials, Municipal Authorities. Thus the -tax fell practically on the lower classes. - -(2) _Dons Gratuits._--Taxes on clergy voted by ecclesiastical -assemblies. - -III. Indirect Taxes. - -(1) _Aides._--Dues levied on the sale of food-stuffs, wine, and other -articles. - -(2) _Gabelles._--Salt was a royal monopoly; and every household had to -buy so much salt for every member above the age of eight. The price -was very high, but varied, as well as the amount to be bought, in -different Provinces. - -(3) _Customs_ at the frontiers of every Province. These in later -days were so heavy that a cask of wine would pay its value before it -reached Paris. - -(4) _Sale of Offices._--By the end of the sixteenth century there was -scarcely any royal office which was not sold. - -The Aides, Gabelles, and Customs were in the hands of farmers of the -taxes, who exercised great extortion. - - - - -APPENDIX II - -CONSTITUTION OF FLORENCE IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES. - - -I. Based on System of _Guilds_ (since 1282), cf. Von Reumont, Lorenzo -de Medici, vol. i. pp. 15 and 67. Villari, _Florence_, p. 312 ff. - - Seven Greater Arti = Popolo Grasso. - Fourteen Lesser Arti = Popolo Minuto. - -Each with its Council, Consuls, and Proconsuls. Number of eligible -citizens (Statuali), some 5000 out of 100,000. - -II. Executive.--The _College,_ composed of Signory and Collegi--_I tre -Maggiori_ (offices). - -(1) _Signoria_ appointed for two months. Its members (unpaid with -exception of its Secretary, and Chancellor), lived in Palazzo Publico -at public cost. - - Powers.--(_a_) Initiation of Legislation. - (_b_) Supreme Executive power. - (_c_) Right of summoning a Parlamento. - - Members.--A. _Gonfalonier of Justice_ (first instituted 1293), must - be forty-five years of age and a member of one of Arti - Maggiori. Presided over all Councils--and could call out the - Militia. Originally elected by the Councils, but subsequently - appointed by lot. Cf. below. - - B. _Eight Priori._--Two from each quarter of the city - (originally elected by the Arts), must be thirty years old and - members of a guild (six from Arti Maggiori, two from Minori since - 1345). Each Prior presided with Gonfalonier for three days, and - could put any measure to the vote if Gonfalonier refused. ('Il - proposto.') - -(2) _The Colleagues_ (_Collegi_). - - (_a_) Twelve _Buonuomini_ (nine from greater, three from lesser - Arts). These acted as a Privy Council and check on the Signory. - - (_b_) Sixteen _Gonfaloniers_ of the sixteen militia companies (four - from each quarter of the city), under the _Capitano del Popolo_. - - (_c_) Nine assessors of the Priors. - -A permanent paid Secretary called 'Second Chancellor.' - -_Exceptional. Capitani di Parte Guelfa._--These instituted in 1297, -for protection of city against Ghibellines, were continued long after -danger had passed away. They were from three to nine in number, -elected for two months, and empowered to administer proceeds of -confiscated property of Ghibellines exiled or condemned, and as these -sums were large the Capitani undertook the maintenance of fortresses -and defences and public buildings. - -By Law of 1358 all who held or had held office might be accused -openly or secretly before the Capitani as being no genuine Guelph. No -witnesses for defence allowed--and if the accusation was supported by -six witnesses worthy of belief the accused could be condemned to fine -or death, without appeal. - -By the end of the fourteenth century, however, this tyrannical -organisation had somewhat lost its power. - -III. Foreign Affairs were in hands of-- - -(1) Dieci di Guerra--called later Dieci di liberta e Pace--first -appointed 1423. - -(2) Two Councils, which considered the bills concerning foreign -affairs before they went to the ordinary Councils. - - (_a_) _Consiglio del Dugento._--Two hundred of those who had held - the highest offices of State. - - (_b_) _Consiglio Centotrentuno,_ 131 (the Signory, Captains of - Guelph Party, Ten of War, Councils of craftsmen, Consuls of Guilds, - and forty-eight citizens). - -IV. Legislation after 1328. - -A Law approved by the College went to-- - - 1. The Two Councils of the Capitano del Popolo. - - (_a_) Consiglio di Credenza or del Cento, 100 officials of guilds, - sometimes called Senate, often disregarded. Cf. Nardi, 1, 4 - (b). Symonds, _Age of Despots_, p. 530. - - (_b_) Consiglio del Popolo, 300 originally chosen from the greater - Arts--later from others as well, renewed every four months. - - 2. The Two Councils of the Podesta. - - (_a_) A special Council of 90. - - (_b_) The larger Consiglio del Podesta or del Commune, some - 390. This contained judges and law officers (and therefore nobles, - since nobles could hold these offices), as well as popolani, and - were renewed every four months. - -Finally, a law having passed these Councils had to be submitted to a -General Council of them all. - -The Signory and the colleagues _ex officio_ were members of these -Councils. - -_System of voting._ By ballot. Black and white beans. Black = yes, -white = no. 2/3 of black beans necessary to carry a question. - - Tenere le fave or il partito = To vote no. - Rendere le fave or il partito = To vote yes. - L'autorita dei sei fave = Majority of 2/3 in Signory. - (6 out of 9.) - Il piu della fave = 2/3 of votes. - -V. Justice. - -=1.= _Court of Capitano del Popolo_--a paid officer--must be a foreign -noble and lawyer. Exercised summary criminal jurisdiction, especially -over Plebs. - -=2.= _Court of Podesta_--a paid officer--must be a foreign (Italian) -noble and lawyer. Exercised higher civil and criminal jurisdiction. - -=3.= _Executor of Justice_--a paid officer--must be a popolano and a -Guelph and a foreigner. Exercised summary jurisdiction, especially -over nobles. - -All these held office for six months. - -=4.= _Casa della Mercatanzia._ A tribunal for decision of Commercial -Cases, which also acted as a Board of Trade. - -=5.= _Otto di Balia e Guardia_, nominated by Signory, held office for -four months. - -A court of appeal from Court of Podesta and with powers of police. - -The Signoria and the Otto had power to execute, banish, or imprison -any citizen. - -VI. Mode of Appointment to Chief Magistracies. - -Originally elected by the Councils, but subsequently this -replaced by system of 'lot.' - -For each office a purse (borsa), was formed every three or five years -of all citizens eligible to said office, and names were drawn out of -this purse. - -In case of Priors, fifty wax balls, each containing eight names (six -from Arti Maggiori, two from Minori), were put in the purse, and then -a ball was drawn out. - -_Eligibility_ (Benefiziati, the Eligible).--This was decided by a -Squittino (Scrutiny) conducted by a board--and persons could be -considered ineligible 'messo a sedere,' for the following reasons (the -disenfranchised 9000 out of 100,000):-- - - =1.= (_a_) _Grandi._--By Ordini della Guistizia, 1293, nobles could - not be members of the Signoria or of the Collegi or of - Consiglio del Popolo until 1434, when Cosimo allowed them to - enter Guilds. - - (_b_) The Plebe or Ciompi, all not members of Guilds. - - (_c_) Inhabitants of Contado, country districts. - - =2.= _Ammonito._--'Warned' for any political offence, _e.g._ being a - Ghibelline, and denounced by the Capitano del Parti Guelfa; - disqualification for life or shorter time. This system carried to - great extravagance. 'Hast thou no enemy? Consent to admonish mine - and I will do the same by thine.' Cf. Napier, ii. 235. - - =3.= _Moroso di Specchio_ (mirror).--One who had not paid his - taxes. (_Netto di Specchio_, freed from this ineligibility.) By law - of 1421, taxes must have been paid for thirty years by self, father - and grandfather. - - =4.= _Divieto_ (prohibited).--Even after names were drawn a man - might be disqualified because he or a relation had recently held - office--'veduto ma non seduto.' - -The members of the board bound to secrecy, but - - (1) As the period for which the purses had been made up drew to its - close, it became possible to guess who would be the coming - magistrates, and there were charlatans who pretended to foretell - this. - - (2) The members of the boards of scrutiny were bribed to divulge the - names who would be drawn. - - _Legalised Revolution._--At times of crisis the Signoria would - summon a Parlamento nominally of the whole citizens, but generally - only of party adherents, who granted exceptional powers (Balia) to a - certain number of citizens. - - The _Balia_ (1) could alter the constitution. - (2) Appointed Accopiatori (couplers or joiners) who - selected those eligible to office, and sometimes - nominated the officials, _i.e._ appointed 'a mano' - instead of 'a sorte.' - - In 1459 (under Cosimo) a council of 100 was instituted to elect the - Accopiatori. - - Florence enjoyed political, but _no_ civil liberty. - - (1) Powers of magistrates unchecked. - (2) No appeal from Law Courts. Arbitrary Jurisdiction. - (3) No liberty of Press. - - -CHANGES IN THE CONSTITUTION. - -_N.B._ Signory lasted till 1530. - -I. Under Lorenzo. - -1472. Burd, _Machiavelli_, 81, 85, 89; Perrens' _Histoire de Florence, - Depuis la domination des Medicis_, 1, 362, 445, 523; Armstrong, - _Lorenzo de' Medici_. - - Arti reduced to 12 by suppression of 9 Arti minori. - -1480. After Pazzi Conspiracy. - - _Consiglio de Settanta_ (College of 70), appointed by Signoria - with power to fill up its own vacancies from those who had held - office of Gonfalonier. - - _Its work_ (_a_) To permanently nominate to offices (a mano). - - (_b_) Appoint the _Otto di Pratica_ which superseded - the old Dieci di Liberta e Pace. - - This College, originally appointed for five years, was - continually reappointed. - -In 1490. This College intrusted some of its powers to a smaller - Committee of 17, of whom Lorenzo was one; and this Committee - - (_a_) Appointed Accopiatori to nominate to offices. - - (_b_) Supervised every branch of administration. - -II. 1494. Savonarola's Reforms. Cf. Burd, p. 94. Guicciardini, _Storia -Fiorentia_, iii. 120. Villari, _Savonarola_, p. 257. Perrens, ii. -c. 3. _Cambridge Mod. Hist._, vol. i. p. 158. - -(1) Temporary.--A Parlamento summoned, who appointed 20 Accopiatori -(_Governo de' Venti_). These filled up magistracies for the year and -prepared a Squittino for the future. - -(2) Permanent.--Constitution formed in imitation of Venice. Consiglio -del Popolo and del Commune and Parlamento abolished. - - =A.= _Consiglio Generale_, or Maggiore, formed of all eligible - 'benefiziati' citizens (all those of age of 29 whose father, - grandfather, or great-grandfather had been veduto _or_ seduto for - one of three greater offices, about 3000). But if the number of the - 'benefiziati' exceeded 1500, they were to be 'sterzati,' _i.e._ - divided into 3, and 1/3 of the whole number were to form the Consiglio - for 6 months. A small number of citizens, above age of 24 and - otherwise qualified, were admitted, and each year 60 eligible but - neither veduto nor seduto might be elected if they received - two-thirds of votes. - - =B.= _Consiglio degli Ottanta_, a Senate elected out of and by - Consiglio Generale for six months, must be 40 years of age. - - The Senate was to advise _The Signory_ (which remained as before), - and elect ambassadors and commissioners to army. - - The Consiglio Generale was - - (1) To elect to magistracies by a complicated system of voting and - selection by lot. Cf. Guicciardini, _Storia Fiorentina_, iii. 125. - - (Subsequently the system of direct appointment by lot was again - introduced. Cf. Guicciardini, iii. 155, 203, 235.) - - (2) To hear criminal appeals from the Signory and Otto di Balia. - - (3) To pass laws. The President _Il Proposto_, one of the Signory, - changed every third day, laid the law before the Signory and the - Collegi. If they approved it might be submitted to a _Practica_ of - selected members of the Consiglio d'Ottanta. Thence it went - before the Ottanta, and then to the Consiglio Generale. Here laws - could not be discussed, though Signory might call on some one to - speak in support, but were voted on. - - =C.= Dieci di Liberta e Pace (called also Dieci di Balia), again - restored in place of the Otto di Pratica. The Signory, the Courts of - the Capitano and of the Podesta, the Mercatanzia, and the Otto di - Balia remained as before. The Dieci di Pace e Liberta restored. - -In 1498. The Courts of the Podesta and the Capitano del Popolo were -restored. - -This Government lasted till 1512, with these exceptions:-- - - (i) In 1502. - - (_a_) The Gonfalonier to be elected for life, by a double system - of nomination and election. Piero Soderini elected. (Guicciardini, - iii. 281; Villari, _Life of Machiavelli_, ii. 102; Perrens, - _Hist. Flor._ ii. 408.) - - (_b_) Courts of Podesta, of the Capitano del Popolo, and of - Mercatanzia abolished. Instead, the _Ruota della Justizia_ - composed of five Doctors of Law with civil and criminal - jurisdiction. These to be foreigners elected by Signory and the - College for three years, and paid, one of whom was to be - Podesta. The Mercatanzia, however, continued as a Board of Trade. - - (ii) 1506. A militia instituted at suggestion of Machiavelli. - - All males from 15--50 years of age to serve, but only from the - city and country district (contado) of Florence. Not from her - subject cities. (Burd, 126.) - - The militia placed under a new board of nine, _Nove della - Milizia_, which however was under the Dieci di Liberta e Pace in - time of war. - -III. 1512. Return of Medici. - -The constitution restored as it was before the revolution of 1494, -although nomination to offices lay practically in hands of the Medici, -Giuliano, and Lorenzo. (Burd, 145, 148.) - -IV. 1527. Re-establishment of the constitution of Savonarola, 1494, -except that Gonfalonier was to be elected for 13 months. - -V. 1530. Final overthrow of the Republic. Perrens, _Hist. Flor._, -iii. 368. - - Alessandro de Medici appointed Grand Duke. - - 12 Reformatori elected in a Parlamento to 'reform' the State. - - 1. Signory abolished. - - 2. A Council of 200 elected for life. - - 3. A Senate of 48 elected for life from the 200, with powers of - legislation and taxation, and appointment to offices. - - 4. A Privy Council of four Councillors elected for three months by - 12 Accopiatori chosen out of the Senate. - - These with the hereditary Grand Duke fulfilled duties of the - Signory. - - The Otto di Pratica } - The Otto di Guardia } to be nominated by the Senate. - The Buonuomini } - - All distinction between higher and lower 'arti' abolished. - - The offices paid. - - -TAXATION. - -See Napier, iii. 117. Von Reumont, i. 30. Ewart, _Cosimo de' -Medici_. Armstrong, _Lorenzo de' Medici_. - -I. Indirect Taxes. Import and Export Duties. Monopoly on Salt. - -II. On Real and Personal Property. - -III. _Prestanze._--Forced loans on the estimated property. In theory -these were to be repaid and interest paid meanwhile, but this was -rarely done ('tenere i luoghi' (shares) = to withhold the payment of -interest), so much so that most took advantage of the law, that where -the amount did not exceed two golden florins they might pay one-third -down and forfeit all claim to interest or repayment. - -The system led to great abuse. The influential got repaid, not so the -poor. Hence speculators connected with Government bought up claims on -the State for small sums, and then got the loan refunded. - -The Assessment (estimo) of citizen's property for II. and III. was -originally managed thus-- - - =1.= A Balia appointed who assigned to each ward their _quota_. - - =2.= In each ward. Seven Boards of seven each (Sette Settine) made - seven schedules of assessment on the citizens according to their - idea of the property of each individual. - - =3.= These seven schedules were sent to some of the best reputed - monasteries, which rejected the four schedules which differed most - widely, and then, adding up the amounts assessed to each taxpayer by - the three remaining schedules, divided the total by 3. - -But under this system numerous exceptions had crept in; indeed, the -rich were largely exempted on the plea that they served the State by -taking office. - -Hence the reform of the _Catasto_, 1427 (_Accatastare_, to heap up). A -valuation made every five years of all property subject to -taxation. (Lands, movables within or without city, rents, profits of -business.) - -From this sum capitalised at the rate of 7 per cent., _i.e._ 7 florins -income = 100 florins capital, deductions for necessary expenses were -made. The remainder, which was looked upon as a surplus, was liable to -be taxed either for direct tax or for loans at the rate of 1/2 per -cent. on the capital. - -From the time of Cosimo the Assessment was made by officials instead -of representative Committees, and the principle of graduation was -introduced. This became perpetual in 1480, when the tax was thrown on -land only at 1/10th of annual value (the _Decima Scalata_). In 1482 -the tax on movables and professions (_Arbitrio_) was reintroduced. - -Under Savonarola, 1494, the system of graduation was abolished and the -Decima was levied on land only, but shortly after the old system was -re-established. - -In 1503. The Arbitrio, a tax on Professions established. - -IV. Poll Tax from 1-1/4 to 4-1/4 florins per head between ages 17-70. -In cases of large young families only one member taxed. - -Subject Towns and Districts of two kinds. - - =1.= _Somissio_ by conquest or compact. The relation of Florence to - these differed; but, generally speaking, the Podesta was appointed - by Florence, and an appeal lay to Florentine Courts, while the - dependent city kept its own government and laws, and more or less - freedom of taxation. - - The trade relations were peculiar. Both mother city and dependent - cities maintained protective duties against each other. - - =2.= _Accomandigia._--Under a Protectorate, the town then called - _Raccomandato_. This did not amount to much more than acknowledging - the Florentine supremacy, and following her lead in war.[86] - -Causes of instability of Florentine Government-- - - 1. Conflict between idea of equality and desire of families to rule. - - 2. Jealousy of the Executive. - - 3. No adaptability in the Constitution. - - 4. Weakness and partiality of Justice. - - 5. Taxation the sport of parties, except when regulated by the - Catasto, and that only for a short time. - - 6. Turbulent character of its citizens. - - 7. Oppressive government of its subject cities. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [86] Guicciardini in his _Ricordi_ says: 'The subjects of a Republic - are in worse case than those of a Prince. A Republic grants no - share of its grandeur to any but citizens of its chief city - while oppressing others. A Prince considers all equally his - subjects.' - - - - -APPENDIX III - -VENETIAN CONSTITUTION IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES - -Authorities.--Daru, _Histoire de la Republique de Venise_, B. -xxxix. Brown, _Venice_, pp. 163, 177, 398; _Venetian Studies_, p. 178. - - -I. The Great Council (Maggior Consiglio). - -Confined by law of 1296 to the families of those who were _then_ -members (_Serrata del Maggior Consiglio_). The eligible had to be -elected, but were, as a matter of fact, always elected. No one could -take his seat until the age of twenty-five, with the exception of -thirty who were elected every December, and a few specially allowed to -do so, in return for loans lent to the State. - -Its functions were chiefly _Elective_. All officials, and magistrates -elected by it, except a few of the highest officers, _e.g._ the Savii -Grandi, the Savii di Terra Firma, and the Admiral. - -_System of Election._--Nominators, chosen by lot in the Council, -elected candidates--sometimes two, sometimes four--for the vacant -office. The names of these candidates were then submitted to the -Council, and the one who received most votes was declared elected. - -The Great Council also originally enjoyed (_a_) some legislative -powers, but these were gradually absorbed by the Senate; (_b_) -judicial powers. On presentation by the College they tried commanders -accused of negligence or incompetency.[87] - -II. The Senate (Pregadi, _i.e._ the Invited), 246 in number:-- - - (_a_) Sixty elected in the Great Council for one year. - - (_b_) Sixty (the Zonta, _i.e._ addition) elected by the outgoing - Senate and confirmed by the Great Council. - - (_c_) _Ex officio._--The Doge, his six Councillors, members of - Supreme Court of Criminal Appeal, and members of financial and - judicial departments. - - (_d_) Fifty minor officials, who had a right to debate, but not to - vote. - -_Its Functions._ - - (_a_) _Chiefly Legislative._--It passed laws on the proposal of the - College. - - (_b_) _Elected_ a few of the higher officials. - The Savii Grandi. - Savii di Terra Firma. - Admiral. - - (_c_) Sometimes tried commanders accused of negligence or - incompetence. - -III. The Council of Ten (Consiglio de' Dieci).--After 1310 this -Council absorbed some of the functions of the Senate. Brown, _Venice_, -p. 177. - -_How elected._ - -For one year, by the Maggior Consiglio, out of a list of twenty, -of which ten were elected by the Consiglio, ten by the Doge, his -Councillors, and the Chiefs of the Supreme Court of Justice. No member -to be re-eligible for a year after holding office. The Doge and his -six Councillors were _ex-officio_ members. Subsequently, twenty -additional members were elected in the Maggior Consiglio for each -important case. - -_Functions._--(_a_) It looked after urgent questions of finance, -public policy, and military organisation. - -(_b_) Tried cases of treason, and other cases removed from the -ordinary courts by the College. - -IV. The Collegio proposed measures to the Senate, and was the _Supreme -Executive Authority_. - -_Members._--(_a_) The Doge, six Councillors, three Presidents of -the Criminal Court of Appeal. - -(_b_) Six Savii Grandi, elected by the Senate for a period of -six months. Must be 38 years old. - -These superintended the action of the boards below them, and fulfilled -the work of the responsible ministers of State. - -(_c_) Five Savii di Terra Firma, elected for six months. Must be 30 -years old. - - =1.= Savio alla Scrittura. Minister of War. - - =2.= Savio Cassier. Chancellor of Exchequer. - - =3.= Savio alle Ordinanze. Minister for Native Militia. - - =4.= Savio ai da mo. Minister for execution of urgent matters. - - =5.= Savio ai ceremoniali. Minister for ceremonies of State. - -(_d_) Five Savii da Mar, or agli ordini. - -The Board of Admiralty, elected for six months, worked under direct -superintendence of the Savii Grandi. Had a vote, but no voice in the -College. Filled for most part with young men, who here received their -political education. - -V. The Doge.--Elected for life, by forty-one electors, themselves -chosen by ballot, and vote in the Great Council (cf. Brown, _Venice_, -p. 150). His position ornamental. He, with his six Councillors, who -were elected for eight months in the Great Council, presided over the -Council, the Senate, the College, and all State affairs were conducted -in his name. But he had no power without his six Councillors, and -little even with them. - -VI. Justice.--This was administered by four Supreme Courts formed of -judges elected out of its own members by the Great Council, who held -office nominally for one year, but were usually re-elected. - -(_a_) _Criminal._--The members of this Court sat in the Senate, and -its three presidents in the College. - -(_b_) Three Courts of Civil Jurisdiction: of which one heard appeals -from the inferior Courts in Venice, the other two from the Courts in -the dependencies. - -No decision of the appellant Court was valid unless it confirmed the -decision of the inferior Court; and in the event of their decisions -differing, the matter was constantly referred backward and forward -until the Court of first instance and the Supreme Court could agree. - -VII. Taxation.--Venice always objected to permanent direct taxation, -and it was not till 1530 that she resorted to an income tax. - -The chief taxes were: - -=1.= Forced loans, redeemable or not, on which the State paid regular -interest. This system, adopted in 1171, is perhaps the earliest -instance of a national debt. - -=2.= Each member of a guild paid-- - - (_a_) The _Taglione_ = capitation fee for belonging to a guild. - - (_b_) The _Tansa insensibile_ = tax on profits of his work. - -=3.= Duties on imports and exports. - -=4.= Trade in salt, which was a State monopoly. The profits of this -trade at home and abroad amounted at times to one-tenth of the gross -revenue. - -=5.= Profits of the State Bank, which did business often with foreign -princes. - -=6.= In days of her decline Venice also resorted to the system -of selling public offices. - -VIII. Government of Dependencies.--Aim to leave as much independence -as was compatible with maintenance of Venetian supremacy, and to -assimilate the government of the dependent town as closely as was -possible with that of Venice. - -The representatives of the Venetian Supremacy were the Rettori. - -That is-- - - =1.= The Podesta--the supreme civil officer, with control over the - police, the fiscal, and other administrative work. - - =2.= The Capitano--who looked after the local levies and other - forces. - - Both these officials were in immediate communication with the - Venetian Senate and the Ten, but were bound by oath to respect the - local privileges. - - Under the Rector stood the Free Municipal Government, which varied - in every town, but was always presided over by a Podesta--an elected - officer, who was sometimes a native, sometimes a Venetian, sometimes - the Rector himself. - -Reasons for stability of Venetian Government-- - - 1. Coincidence of theoretical and practical Sovereignty in the same - hands. - - 2. Adaptability of the Constitution, _e.g._ gradual assumption of - power by Senate, and then by the Ten. - - 3. Strength of the Executive which excited no jealousy. - - 4. Impartiality of Justice. - - 5. Provision made for nobles in Government of Dependencies, for the - middle class in civil service and commerce, for the lower classes in - the fleet. - - 6. Large alien Population who did not want political power, but to - be judged fairly, taxed lightly, and find employment. - - - For the imperial Institution, see pp. 106, 145. - For the Spanish Constitution, see pp. 92, 299. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [87] The College decided whether the offender should be tried by - the Council or the Senate. If he was accused of treason, the case - went to the Council of Ten. - - - - -THE POPES, 1494 TO 1598. - - -Alexander VI. (Rodrigo Borgia), August 1492 to 1503. - -Pius III. (Francis Piccolomini), September to October 1503. - -Julius II. (Julian della Rovere), November 1503 to February 1513. - -Leo X. (Giovanni dei Medici), March 1513 to December 1521. - -Adrian VI. (Tutor of Charles V.), January 1522 to September 1523. - -Clement VII. (Giulio dei Medici), November 1523 to September 1534. - -Paul III. (Alexander Farnese), October 1534 to November 1549. - -Julius III. (Giovanni Maria del Monte), February 1550 to March 1555. - -Marcellus II. (Marcello Cervini), April 1555. - -Paul IV. (John Peter Caraffa), May 1555 to April 1559. - -Pius IV. (Giovanni Angelo dei Medici), December 1559 to December 1565. - -Pius V. (Michael Ghislieri), January 1566 to May 1572. - -Gregory XIII. (Hugh Buoncompagno), May 1572 to April 1585. - -Sixtus V. (Felix Peretti), April 1585 to August 1590. - -Urban VII. (Giovanni Baptist Castogna), September 1590. - -Gregory XIV. (Nicholas Sfondrati), December 1590 to October 1591. - -Innocent IX. (Giovanni Antony Facchinetti), October to December 1591. - -Clement VIII. (Ippolito Aldobrandini), January 1592 to March 1605. - - - - -[Illustration: PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES. SPANISH DISCOVERIES.] - - - - -GENEALOGY OF THE HOUSES OF VALOIS AND BOURBON. - - CHARLES V. - | - +------------+-----------+ - | | - CHARLES VI. Louis, Duke of Orleans. - | | - CHARLES VII. +-------------------------+ - | | | - LOUIS XI. Charles, Duke of Orleans, John, Count of - | _ob._ 1467. Angouleme. - +----------+--------------+ | | - | | | | | - Anne = CHARLES VIII., 1. Jeanne = LOUIS XII., | 2. Anne of Charles, Charles of - Peter, 1483-1498 1498-1515. | Brittany. Count of Vendome, -Duke of = 1. Anne of | 3. Mary, d. Angouleme. descended -Bourbon. Brittany | of | from - | | Henry VII. | Louis IX. -Susanna +-----------------------------+ | | -= Charles, | +--------------------------------+----+ | -Count of | | | | -Montpensier, 1. Claude = FRANCIS I. = 2. Eleanora Margaret = | -Constable, | 1515-1547. sister of Henry d'Albret, | -_ob._ 1527. | Emp. Charles V. King of Navarre. | - | | | - +--------+--+ +-----------------+ | - | | | +-------------+----------++ - | | | | | | -Catherine = HENRY II., Margaret = Jeanne = Antony, Charles, Louis, -de Medici |1547-1559. Emanuel d'Albret, | Duke of Cardinal of Prince -_ob._ 1589.| Philibert, Queen of | Vendome, Bourbon, of - | Duke of Navarre. | _ob._ 1562. _ob._ 1590. Conde, - | Savoy. | _ob._ 1569. - | | | - | | Henry, Prince - | | of Conde. - | | - | +------------------------------+ - +-------+-----+-------------+-----------+-----------+--------+ | - | | | | | | | -FRANCIS II., CHARLES IX., HENRY III., Elizabeth = Hercules Margaret = HENRY IV., -1559-1560 1560-1574 1574-1589 Philip II. Francis, 1589-1610. -= Mary Stuart. = Elizabeth, = Louise of Spain. Duke of - d. of Emp. of Lorraine. Alencon - Maximilian II. and Anjou, - _ob._ 1584. - - - - -THE HAPSBURGS IN GERMANY AND IN SPAIN. - - FERDINAND = ISABELLA MAXIMILIAN I. = 1. Mary, d. of Charles - the Catholic, | of Castile, Emperor, | the Bold; - King of Aragon, | 1474-1504. 1493-1519. | 2. Bianca d. of Galeazzo - 1470-1516. | | Sforza, Duke of Milan. - | +-------------+-+ - | | | - Joanna = The Archduke Philip, Margaret = 1. John, son of - | _ob._ 1506. Governess Ferdinand and Isabella; - | of the 2. Philibert II. of Savoy. - | Netherlands, - | 1506-1530. - | - +------------+---+----+-------------------+------------------+ - | | | | | -(1) Eleanor = | | | | - 1. Emanuel | | | | - of Portugal; | | | | - 2. Francis I. | | | | - of France. | | | | - | | | | - (5) Catherine = | | | - John III. | | | - of Portugal. | | | - | | | - (2) CHARLES V. = Isabella | | - 1519-1556, | d. of | | - _ob._ 1559. | Emanuel | | - | of | | - | Portugal. | | - | | | - | (4) Mary = Lewis of | - | Governess of Hungary. | - | Netherlands, | - | 1530-1555. | - | | - | (3) FERDINAND I. = Anne, - | Emperor, | heiress - | 1556-1564. | of - | | Bohemia - | | and - Illegitimate. | | Hungary. - ..............................++---------------------------+ | - | | | | | - Margaret = 1. Alessandro | | | | -Governess of | dei Medici;| | | | -Netherlands, | 2. Ottavio | | | | - 1559-1567. | Farnese, | | | | - | Duke of | | | | - | Parma. | | | | - | | | | | - Alexander | | | | - of Parma, Don John | | | - _ob._ 1592. of Austria,| | | - _ob._ 1578.| | | - | | | - PHILIP II. = 1. Maria, d. of | | - 1556-1598. | John of Portugal; | | - | 2. Mary, Queen of | | - | England; | | - | 3. Elizabeth, d. of | | - | Henry II. of | | - | France; | | - | 4. Anne, d. of | | - | Emperor | | - | Maximilian II. | | - | Mary = MAXIMILIAN II. - | | Emperor, - | | 1564-1576. - 1. 4. 3. | | - +-------+--------+-----------+ | - | | | | - | | | | - | | | | - (1) Don Carlos, | | | - _ob._ 1568. | | +--+ - | | | - (3) PHILIP III. | | - 1598-1621. | +-----+-----+-------+------+--------+ - | | | | | | | - (2) Isabella = (6) Albert, | | | | | - Governor of | | | | | - Netherlands,| | | | | - 1596- | | | | | - _ob._ 1621. | | | | | - | | | | | - (1) Anne = | | | | - Philip II. | | | | - | | | | - (2) RUDOLF II. | | | - Emperor, | | | - 1576-1602. | | | - | | | - (3) Ernest, | | - Governor of | | - Netherlands, | | - 1594-1595. | | - | | - (4) Elizabeth = | - Charles IX. | - of France. | - | - (5) MATHIAS, - Emperor, - 1612-1619. - - - - -HOUSES OF LORRAINE AND GUISE. - - Rene, Duke of Lorraine, - _ob._ 1508. - | - +------------------------+--+---------------------+ - | | | - Anthony, Duke of Lorraine, Claude, Duke of Guise, John, Cardinal. - 1508-1544. _ob._ 1550. - | | - +-----+------------------------+ +---------------------+ - | | | - Francis, Duke Nicholas, Duke of | - of Lorraine Mercoeur. | - 1544-1545. | | - | | | - Charles, Duke = Claude, d. of Philip Emanuel = heiress of | - of Lorraine | Henry II. _ob._ 1602. Penthievres, | - 1545-1608. | | - | | - +-----------+ +------------------------------+ - | | - Henry = s. of Henry IV. | - | - +-------------------------+-------------------+-----------+ - | | | | - Francis = d. of Ercole Mary = James V. Charles, Louis, - Duke of | II. of | of Cardinal Cardinal - Guise, | Ferrara. | Scotland. of of - _ob._ 1563. | | Lorraine. Guise. - | | - | Mary Stuart = Francis II. - | - +--+--------------+------------+ - | | | - Henry, Duke of Guise Charles, Louis, - (Le Balafre), Duke of Cardinal, - _ob._ 1588. Mayenne. _ob._ 1588. - | - Charles, Duke of - Guise. - - - - -INDEX - - - Aargau, 120. - - Aben-Aboo, King of Moriscoes, 290. - - Aben-Farax, a leader of the Moriscoes, 288. - - Aben-Humeya, King of Moriscoes, 288, 290. - - Abruzzi, the, 40. - - Adrian VI., tutor to Charles V., appointed Regent of Castile, 139; - Pope, 161; - policy of, 162; - death and character of, 164. - - Aerschot, Duke of, 348, 354. - - Africa, Portuguese conquests in, 85; - Spanish possessions in, 97, 206, 208. - - Agnadello, battle of, 63. - - Albert, and Albert Alcibiades. _See_ Brandenburg. - - Albert, Cardinal-Archduke of Austria, Governor of Netherlands, 383; - invades France, 440; - retreats, 442. - - Albret, Alan d', in command against Spain, 46. - - ---- Charlotte d', 35. - - ---- John d', King of Navarre, 46. - - Albuquerque, Portuguese Commander in India, 87. - - Alencon, Hercules Francis, Duc d', offered sovereignty of - Netherlands, 347; - marriage negotiations with Elizabeth, 413; sides with Huguenots, - 418; deserts them, 423. _See_ Anjou. - - Alessandria pillaged, 37. - - Alessandro. _See_ Medici. - - Alexander of Parma. _See_ Parma. - - Alexander VI., Pope, 17; - makes terms with Charles, 20; - flies to Perugia, 22; - suspends and excommunicates Savonarola, 27, 28; - family policy, 35; - ratifies treaty of Granada, 41; - death, 46; - policy of, 49-53. - - ---- Alfonso the Magnanimous, 15. - - ---- II., 15; - succeeds Ferrante, 12; - marriage with Ippolita of Milan, 15; - abandons alliance with Milan, 16; - abdicates, 20; - escapes from San Germano, 21. - - Alfonso of Este, 51. - - Algiers, taking of, 97. - - Allegre, Ives d', 50. - - Almeyda, Portuguese Commander in India, 86. - - Alost, revolt at, 349. - - Alva, Duke of, success in Italy, 253 ff.; - takes Lisbon, 298; - minister, 304 ff.; - sent to Netherlands, 327; - success in Netherlands, 331 ff.; - system of taxation, 337 ff.; - asks for recall, 339; - attempts to subdue revolt, 341 ff.; - leaves Netherlands, 343; - at Conference of Bayonne, 406. - - ---- Frederick, son of Duke, defeats Genlis before Mons, 341; - takes Haarlem, 342. - - Alviano, Bartolomeo d', 64. - - Amboise, George, Cardinal of, 35, 46. - - ---- Castle of, 25; - 'Tumult' of, 396; - 'Pacification' of, 406. - - Amiens, Conference of, 181; - seizure of, 441. - - Amsterdam, rise of, 365. - - Ancona, 49. - - Angouleme, Francis of. _See_ Francis I. - - Anjou, Hercules Francis, Duke of (cf. Alencon), in Netherlands, - 355 ff., 360; - death of, 426. - - ---- Henry, Duke of (cf. Henry III.), made Lieutenant-Governor of - France, 407; - defeats Coligny, 409; marriage negotiations, 412 and foll.; plots - massacre of St. Bartholomew, 414-416. _See_ Henry III. - - Anne. _See_ Austria, Brittany, Saxony, and Beaujeu. - - Annona, assault of, 57. - - Andrada, Fernando de, 45. - - Anspach, George Frederick of, succeeds Albert Alcibiades of - Brandenburg, 246. - - Antonio, Don, claims crown of Portugal, 297, 378. - - Antony. _See_ Navarre. - - Antwerp, rise of, 87, 319; - sack of, 350; - capitulation, commercial decline, 365. - - Apulia, 42, 44. - - Aragon, Ferdinand of, reclaims Roussillon, 6; - Treaty of Barcelona, 7; - Lord of Sicily and Sardinia, 11; - aids Ferrante, 24; - Treaty of Granada, 40; - war with Louis XII., 42, 48; - character of, second marriage, and death, 104 ff. - - ---- Catherine of, marriage, 92. - - ---- Isabella of, marriage, 92. - - ---- Joanna of, marriage, 92. - - ---- John of, death, 92. - - ---- Constitutional rights of, 92; - policy of Ferdinand, 94; - Cortes of, extracts confirmation of liberties from Charles V., 138; - not fulfilled, 144; - under Philip, 300. - - Armada, 375 ff. - - Arques, battle of, 433. - - Arezzo, department of Florence, 52. - - Arras, Union of, 357. - - Asti, 37; - acquired by Savoy, 194. - - Atella, fall of, 24. - - Aubigny, Stuart d', Governor of Calabria, 22; - invades Italy, 37; - enters Rome, 41; - gains Calabria, 43. - - Augsburg, Diets of (1530), 111, 198, 230, 234, 247; - 'Confession' of, 198; - (1555) Compromise on religious question, 247 ff. - - Augustus. _See_ Saxony. - - Aumont, Marshal d', 433. - - Austria, Anne of, marriage, 285. - - ---- Don John of. _See_ John of Austria. - - Aversa, battle of, 191. - - Avila, Sancho de, 334; - aids mutiny of Spanish soldiery, 349. - - Axel, surprise of, 370. - - - Backerzell, 336. - - Bailiwicks, the Swiss, 120. - - Bajazet II., intrigues with Alexander VI., 17, 36. - - Baglione, Gian Paolo, of Perugia, 53. - - Barbarossa, Hayraddin, and Huroc, 206, 208. - - Barberigo, Venetian admiral at Le panto, 294. - - Barcelona, Treaty of, 7, 192. - - Barletta, 44. - - Basel, Peace of, 124. - - Basilicata, the, 42. - - Barneveld, John Van Olden, 368, 371. - - Bavaria, Duke William of, supports election of Charles, at head of - Suabian League, drives out Duke Ulrich, 131; - approves of his restoration, 210; - won over by Charles, 222. - - ---- Albert III., Duke of, 446. - - Bayard, 43, 172. - - Bayonne, Conference of, 406. - - Beaujeu, Anne of, 5. - - ---- Susanna of, 33. - - Bentivoglio, Giovanni, of Bologna, 50, 52, 53. - - Bergen, Marquis of, 327, 336. - - Bergerac, Treaty of, 424. - - Berlaymont, Count, 321, 333. - - Berquin, Louis de, 388. - - Beza, Theodore, successor of Calvin, 274. - - Bicocca, battle of, 163. - - Bienne, 121. - - Birago, successor of L'Hopital as Chancellor, 414. - - Biron, Marshal de, 425, 435, 439. - - Biseglia, Duke of, second husband of Lucrezia Borgia, 52. - - Blois, Treaty of, 36; - second Treaty of, 61. - - Boisot, Admiral, relieves Leyden, 345. - - Bologna in hands of Giovanni Bentivoglio, 50; - under French protection, 51; - threatened by Borgia, 52; - gained by Pope Julius II., 56; - Concordat of, 81. - - Bonnivet, Admiral, 173. - - Borgia, Caesar, 47, 49-56; - released from ordination vows, 35; - conquests in Romagna, 50; - subdues revolt of his captains, 53; - death, 55. - - ---- Lucrezia, marriages, 52. - - ---- Rodrigo. _See_ Alexander VI. - - Borromeo, Carlo, Archbishop of Milan, 268, 302. - - Bouillon, Robert de la Marek, Lord of, 147. - - Bourbon, family of, 392. - - ---- Charles, Cardinal of, 392; - candidate of League for Crown, 428, 433; - reproaches to Catherine, 432; - death, 435. - - Bourbon, Duc de, quarrels with Francis, commands Italian army with - success, 172; - wins battle of Pavia, 175; - takes Rome, death, 186. - - Bourg, Anne de, 391; - death, 396. - - Bourges, Pragmatic Sanction of, 81; - surrender of, 405. - - Bragadino, 294. - - Brandenburg, Albert of, 125; - secularises Prussia, 197. - - ---- Albert Alcibiades (of Brandenburg-Culmbach) joins Charles, 222; - joins Maurice against Charles, 241; - rejoins Charles, defeated by Maurice, 245; - driven from Germany, 246. - - ---- Joachim I. of, 131. - - ---- John Cicero of, 108. - - ---- John of Brandenburg-Kuestrin, 222. - - Breda, Conference of, 346. - - Brederode, Henry, Viscount of, 326, 330. - - Brescia, assault of, 67. - - Bresse ceded to France, 445. - - Briconnet, Bishop of Meaux, 307. - - Brille seized by 'Beggars of the Sea,' 339, 413; - handed over to Elizabeth, 366. - - Brindisi occupied by Venice, 24. - - Brissac yields Paris to Henry IV., 437. - - Brisson, death, 434. - - Brittany, Anne of, betrothed to Maximilian, marries (1) Charles - VIII., 6; - (2) Louis XII., 34. - - Brouage, fall of, 423. - - Brunswick, House of, in Luneburg and Wolfenbuettel, 167. - - Brussels, Union of, 351. - - Buchhurst, Lord, 372. - - Buda, battle of, 214. - - Bugey ceded to France, 445. - - Bundschuh, the, 116, 176. - - Buoncompagno, Cardinal. _See_ Gregory XIII. - - Burgrave, Daniel de, secretary to Leicester, 368. - - Burgundy, Mary, heiress of, 126. - - Burleigh, Lord, 414. - - Buys, Paul, 368. - - - Cadiz, Sack of, 383. - - Cajetan, Cardinal, Papal Legate, 156. - - Calabria, 40. - - Calais taken by Duke of Guise, 255; - taken by Archduke Albert, 440. - - Calvin, John, early life, 272; - at Geneva, 273 ff. - - Cambray, Capitulation of, 439; - League of, 63; - Peace of, 193. - - Camerino in hands of Giulio Caesare Varano, 50; - occupied by Caesar Borgia, 52. - - Campeggio, Legate of Clement VII., 170. - - Cappel, battle of, 203; - second Treaty of, 203. - - Capitanata, the, 42. - - Capitulations signed by Charles V., 134. - - Capponi, Nicolo, re-establishes Florentine republic, 189. - - Capua, fall of, 41. - - Caraffa and the Counter-Reformation, 262. _See_ Paul IV. - - Caravaggio, 37. - - Carberry Hill, battle of, 339. - - Cardona, Raymond de, commands army of Holy League, 67; - loses battle of Ravenna, 68. - - Carlos, Don, mystery of, 281 ff.; - proposal for marriage of, 407. - - Carlotta of Naples, 35. - - Carranza, Archbishop of Toledo, 280. - - Castellaneta, 44. - - Castile, constitutional privileges of, 92, 299; - centralising policy of Ferdinand and Isabella, 93; - social cleavages in, 137; - protests of Cortes to Charles V., 138; - unsuccessful revolt, 140 ff.; - loss of liberties, 144. - - ---- Isabella of. _See_ Isabella. - - Catalonia, 46. - - Cateau Cambresis, Treaty of, 257. - - Caterina Sforza. _See_ Sforza. - - Catherine. _See_ Medici and Navarre. - - Cecil, Sir Thomas, Governor of Brille, 366. - - ---- Lord Burleigh, 414. - - Cerdagne, cession of, 7. - - Cerignola, battle of, 45. - - Cerisoles, battle of, 216. - - Cesena, surprise of, 56. - - 'Chambres mi-parties,' 421, 424, 443. - - Champagny, brother of Granvella, 357. - - Chandieu, a Swiss leader, 45. - - Charles III., Duke of Savoy. _See_ Savoy. - - ---- V., betrothal, 42, 61; - Governor of Netherlands, alliance with Francis I., 78; - King of Spain, 82; - Peace of Noyon, 82; - character of, 130; - early difficulties in Spain, 137 ff.; - disputes with Diet of Worms, 145 ff.; - attitude to Luther, 159; - leagued with Henry VIII. and - Leo X., 160; - with Adrian VI., Milan, Genoa, Florence, and Venice, 164; - Spanish sympathies, 165; - attitude towards Luther, 171 ff.; - success in Italy; alliance with Henry VIII., 172 ff.; - makes Treaty of Madrid, 183; - opposed by League of Cognac, 184; - his success over Clement, 186; - makes Treaty of Barcelona, 192; - makes Treaty of Cambray, 193; - conciliatory policy in Italy, 194; - crowned by Pope at Bologna, 195; - forced to procrastinate in Germany, makes peace of Nuremberg; - repulses Solyman; - leaves Germany, 204; - his difficulties, 205; - negotiations and quarrel with Francis, 207; - tries to win over the Protestants, 213; - alliance with Henry VIII., 215; - holds Diet of Spires, 216; - Treaty of Crespi, 217; - secures various princes, 222; - issues ban against recalcitrants, 224; - arrangement with Ferdinand as to succession, 235; - failure of ecclesiastical policy, and of political schemes, 236 ff.; - agrees to Treaty of Passau, 243; - ill-success against France, 244; - Diet of Augsburg, 247; - policy in Netherlands, 317 ff.; - abdication, 250; - death, character of, 251 ff. - - Charles VIII., Accession of, 5; - betrothed to Margaret of Hapsburg, but marries Anne of Brittany, 6; - makes treaties of Naples, Senlis, and Barcelona, 7; - claims on Naples, 15; - invades Italy, 17, 22; - retreats, 22, 24; - death, 25. - - ---- IX., Accession, 398; - declared of age, 406; - jealous of Anjou, 410; - supports Coligny, 411 ff.; - massacre of St. Bartholomew, 414 ff.; - death, 420. - - ---- of Guise. _See_ Guise. - - Charron joins in massacre of St. Bartholomew, 414. - - Chatillon, Odet, Cardinal of, 393. - - Chaves, Fray Diego de, 307, 309. - - Chievres, 138; - attitude towards Luther, 158; - death of, 164. - - Chimay, son of Duke of Aerschot, surrenders Bruges, 362. - - Chinchon, Archbishop of Saragossa, 301. - - ---- Count de, 309. - - Circles of German Empire, 114. - - Citta di Castello, 53. - - Claude, daughter of Louis XII., 34, 42, 61, 78. - - ---- of Guise. _See_ Guise. - - Clement VII. tries to enforce Edict of Worms, 170 ff.; - vacillation of, 172, 174; - concludes Holy League of Cognac with Francis, Sforza, Venice, and - Florence, 184; - obliged to submit to Moncada, but breaks terms, 185; - sack of Rome by Germans, 186; - captivity, 187; - selfish policy, final reconciliation with Charles, 192; - cites Henry's cause to Rome, 193; - defensive alliance against Charles, 194; - crowns Charles at Bologna, 195; - refuses a General Council, 199; - death, 207. - - ---- VIII., 440. - - Cleves, Duke of, claims Gueldres, 214; - forced to resign pretensions, 216. - - Coeworden, capitulation of, 381. - - Cognac ceded to Huguenots, 410; - Holy League of, 184. - - Coligny, Gaspard de, Admiral, defence of St. Quentin, 255; - in power, 340; - connected with Bourbons, 393; - deprived of governorship of Picardy, 395; - joins Conde, 402; - retires on Orleans, 405; - opposes pacification of Amboise, 406; - in supreme command, 408; - defeated at Moncontour, 409; - expedition, Peace of St. Germain, 410; - his foreign policy adopted by court, 411; - attempted assassination, 414; - death of, 415. - - Cologne, Hermann von der Wied, Archbishop of, 132; - becomes protestant, 211; - resigns, 227. - - ---- Diet of, 114. - - Colonna, Prospero, Milanese commander, 79. - - Columbus, Bartholomew, 100. - - ---- Christopher, difficulties in obtaining assistance, 99; - his discoveries and rule in Hispaniola, 100 ff. - - Comuneros, revolt of, 137-144. - - Conde, Louis of (a Bourbon), 392; - tried for conspiracy, 397; - appeals to arms, 402; - taken prisoner, 405; - pacification of Amboise, 406; - defeat at Jarnac, death, 408. - - ---- Henry of, in hands of Catherine, 415; - connected with 'Politiques,' 418; - escape of, 420; - comes to terms with Catherine, 421. - - Condottieri, their influence, 7-13. - - Constance, Diet of, 62, 114. - - Contarini, 212. - - Coqueville, 335. - - Corbeil, occupation of, 434. - - Cordova, Gonzalvo de, Spanish general in Italian war, 24, 43-48; - character of, 48. - - Cortona, department of Florence, 9. - - ---- Cardinal of, 172. - - Cosimo. _See_ Medici. - - Cosse, Marshal de, 420. - - Courtras, battle of, 431. - - Creil, occupation of, 434. - - Cremona, 36. - - Crespy, Treaty of, 217. - - Cruzada, a, 294. - - Culmbach, Albert Alcibiades of, _See_ Brandenburg. - - Custrin, John of, Margrave of the Neumark, joins Charles, 222. - - - Damville. _See_ Montmorenci. - - D'Andelot connected with Bourbons, 393; - joins Conde, 402; - death, 409. - - Del Nero, Bernardo, enemy of Savonarola, 29; - executed, 30. - - Del Rio, 333. - - Deventer made burgomaster of Utrecht by Leicester, 368. - - ---- surrender of, 371; - reduction of, 380. - - Deza, Diego, 288. - - Dieci, the, 26, 459. - - Diet of Empire, construction of, 107; - chief Diets in period--Worms (1495), 109; - Augsburg (1500), 111; - Constance (1507), 114; - Treves and Cologne (1512), 114; - Worms (1521), 145; - Nuremberg (1523), 167; - Spires (1526), 196; - second (1529), 197; - Augsburg (1530), 198; - Ratisbon (1532), 204; - second (1541), 212; - Worms (1545), 221; - Augsburg (1547), 230; - second session (1550), 234; - Augsburg (1555), 247. - - Diois given to Caesar Borgia, 35. - - Diu, battle of, 87. - - Djem, brother of Bajazet II., 20. - - D'O, 425, 435. - - Doesburg, reduction of, 370. - - Doria, Andrea, carries over Genoa to Francis; - affronted with Francis, makes terms with Prince of Orange, 190; - establishes independent republic in Genoa, commands fleet against - Barbarossa, 206. - - ---- John Andrew, at Lepanto, 294. - - Doullens, battle of, fall of, 439. - - Dragut, 285. - - Drake, Sir Francis, 374. - - Dreux, battle of, 405. - - Duplessis-Mornay, 418. - - - Eboli, Ruy Gomez de Silva, Prince of, 304 ff.; - advises clemency towards Flemings, 331. - - ---- Princess of, 306, 308. - - Egmont, Lamoral, Count of, wins battle of Gravelines, 256; - his reputation, 320; - joins in opposition to Philip, 324; - rallies to government, 328; - declines to support William of Orange in arms, 330; - arrested, 333; - executed, 335. - - ---- Egmont, Count, son of former, 357. - - Eleanora of Portugal, sister of Charles V., second marriage arranged - with Francis, 183, 193. - - Elizabeth of England, Treaty of Cateau Cambresis, 257; - foreign policy of, 339 ff.; - offer of sovereignty of Netherlands, 347; - marriage negotiations with Anjou, 360; - sends Leicester to Netherlands, 366 ff.; - orders execution of Mary Queen of Scots; - altercations with Dutch, 371 ff.; - policy of, 373 ff.; - Armada, 373 ff.; - leagued with Henry IV. against Spain, 383; - alliance with Huguenots, 405; - gives up claim to Calais, 406; - negotiations with France and Netherlands, 412 ff.; - marriage negotiations, 426; - attempts to obtain Calais from Philip in exchange for Brille and - Flushing, 445. - - ---- of France, marriage of, 279; - death of, 412. - - Enghien, Count of, 216. - - Epernon, a favourite of Henry III., 425, 438, 440. - - Erasmus, Desiderius, 151 ff. - - Ernest, Archduke, in Netherlands, 382; - proposed as King of France, 435; - death, 383. - - ---- Duke of Luneburg, 167. - - Escovedo, Secretary to Don John, murdered, 306, 353. - - Espinosa, Bishop of Siguenca, Cardinal and Secretary, Grand - Inquisitor, 281, 288; - influence with Philip, 305 ff. - - Essek, battle of, 208. - - Estampes, Madame d', 217. - - Estates-General of France at Tours (1506), 62; - at Orleans and Pointoise (1560-1), 397, 398; - at Blois (1577), 423; - at Blois (1588), 431; - of 1593, 435. _See_ Appendix I., 453. - - Este, House of, 9. - - ---- Ercole I., Marquis of Ferrara, 50. - - ---- Alfonso, marries Lucrecia Borgia, 51. - - ---- Ercole II., 259. - - Estrees, Gabrielle d', 440. - - Etaples, Treaty of, 7. - - Excusado, an, 294. - - - Faber, Peter, 263. - - Faenza, 50, 56, 64. - - Famagusta, fall of, 294. - - Farel, William, of Dauphine, 273. - - Farnese, Alexander. _See_ Parma. - - ---- Paul. _See_ Paul III. - - ---- Ottavio, his grandson, 215; - Charles promises him Parma and Piacenza, 221; - refuses to appoint him Stadtholder of Milan, 227; - in possession of Parma, 237, 259. - - ---- Pierluigi, granted Parma and Piacenza by Paul, - anti-imperialist, death, 231. - - Federigo. _See_ Naples. - - Ferdinand of Aragon makes second Treaty of Blois, 61; - on Joanna's madness secures Castile, 62; - Holy League, 67; - Treaty of Mechlin, 75; - peace with France, 76; - a member of counter-league, 78; - death, 82; - policy, 92; - Church reform, 94. - - ---- of Austria obtains Austria, marriage of, 145; - assists in Italian campaign, 177; - sends Frundsberg to help Charles, 186; - elected King of the Romans, 203; - defeated at Essek, 208; - at Laufen, 210; - at Buda, 214; - arrangement with Charles as to succession; - dissatisfaction of, 235; - neutral position of, 242 ff.; - manages affairs at Augsburg, 247; - becomes Emperor, 250. - - Federigo of Naples, 24; - capitulates, 41. - - Feria, Duke of, 435. - - Fermo, Oliveretto da, 53. - - ---- occupation of, 52. - - Ferrante I. of Naples, his cruelty and abdication, 12. - - ---- II. of Naples, driven from Naples, returns, but dies, 21, 24. - - ---- Duke of Calabria, 41. - - Ferrara, House of Este in, 9; - birthplace of Savonarola, 25. - - ---- ceded to the Pope, 259. - - Fivizzano, sack of, 19. - - Fleix, Peace of, 424. - - Florence, constitution of, 9 (and _see_ Appendix II.); - leagued against France, 15, 78; - submits to Charles VIII., expels Piero, 19; - refuses to join League of Venice, 22; - reforms constitution, 26; - Medici restored to, 71; - Medici driven out and a republic re-established, 189; - siege of, Alessandro reinstated, 194; - under Cosimo, 259. - - Flushing held by Dutch, commercial results of, 365; - handed over to Elizabeth, 366. - - Foix, Germaine de, betrothal of, 62; - heiress to Gaston, 73. - - ---- Gaston de, 46; - commands in Italian wars, 67; - death in battle of Ravenna, 68, 69. - - ---- Catherine de, Queen of Navarre, 73. - - Fontaine-Francaise, 439. - - Fontarabia, 46. - - Forest Cantons, the, 118. _See_ Swiss Confederation. - - Fornovo, battle of, 23. - - Fossombrone, engagement of, 53. - - France, under Louis XII., 90; - under Francis I., 219; - after civil wars, 447; - constitution of, 5. And _see_ Appendix I. - - Francesco and Francesco Maria Sforza. _See_ Sforza. - - Francis I. of Angouleme, King of France, 71; - Treaties with Venice, England, and Charles, 78; - Italian expedition of, 78; - makes Peace of Noyon, 82, and Treaty of London, 83; - character of, 129; - taken prisoner at Pavia, 175; - signs Treaty of Madrid, 183; - joins Holy League of Cognac, 184; - allies himself with Henry VIII., 187; - sends army to Italy, 188; - makes Treaty of Cambrai, 193; - commercial Treaty with Solyman, 207; - invades Italy, 208; - truce of Nice, 209; - war with Charles, Treaty of Crespi, 216; - death, character, 218 ff. - - ---- II., marriage, position of affairs at accession of, 258, 391; - death, 397. - - ---- _See_ Guise and Montmorenci. - - _Franco-Gallia_, the, 418. - - Frederick I., Elector-Palatine, 113. - - ---- II., 167, 227. - - Frederick the Wise. _See_ Saxony. - - Fresneda, Fray Bernardo de, 309. - - Friedwald, Treaty of, 330. - - Friuli, 36, 65. - - Frundsberg, an imperialist leader, 186. - - Fuentes, Governor in Netherlands, 383; - defeats Turenne, 439. - - - Gaeta, siege of, 47. - - Galeazzo Maria Sforza. _See_ Sforza. - - Gandia, Duke of, a Borgia, 35. - - Garigliano, battle of, 47. - - Gaston. _See_ Foix. - - Gattinara, 220, 221. - - Gelnhausen, compact of, 112. - - Gemblours, battle of, 355. - - Genazzano, Fra Mariano da, 30. - - Geneva, position of, 273; - Calvin at, 274 ff. - - Genlis, Count of, defeated before Mons, 341, 414. - - George of Saxony. _See_ Saxony. - - Gerard, Balthazar, 362. - - Germaine. _See_ Foix. - - Gertruydenberg, siege of, 383. - - Gex, ceded to France, 445. - - Ghent, revolt and submission of, 209. - - Gian Galeazzo Sforza. _See_ Sforza. - - Giovanni. _See_ Medici and Sforza. - - Giulio. _See_ Medici. - - Goletta, storming of, 206. - - Gonzaga, House of, 9. - - ---- Imperial Stadtholder at Milan, 231. - - Granada, Treaty of, 40. - - Granvelle, Cardinal, influence with Philip, 308 ff.; - in Netherlands, 321, 323. - - Gravamina, the hundred, 168. - - Grave, surrender of, 370. - - Gravelines, battle of, 256. - - Gravina, Duke of (Orsini), 53. - - Gregory XIII., 270; - attempts to mediate between Philip II. and Antonio, 298. - - Groeningen, betrayal of, 358; - fall of, 383. - - Gruet, executed at Geneva, 274. - - Guasto, Marquis de, 216, 237. - - Guerrero, Pedro, Archbishop of Granada, 288. - - Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino, 56. - - Guinnegate, battle of, 76. - - Guise, family of, 393. - - ---- Claude, Duke of, 393. - - ---- John, Cardinal, brother of Claude, 267, 392. - - Guise, Mary, sister of Claude, Regent of Scotland, 215. - - ---- Francis, Duke of, success at Metz, 244; - advises war, 252; - defeated in Italy, 254; - takes Calais, 256; - falls from power, 397; - enters Paris and secures person of king, 401; - death, 406. - - ---- Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, brother of Francis, 393, 407, 422. - - ---- Louis, Cardinal of Lorraine, brother of Francis, 393. - - ---- Henry, Duke of, holds Poictiers, 409; - joins in plot for murder of Coligny, and in massacre of - St. Bartholomew, 414; - position of, 422; - heads Catholic League, 427; - enters Paris, death, 431. - - ---- Charles, Duke of, 435; - reconciled to Henry IV., 438; - takes Marseilles, 440. - - ---- Louis, Cardinal of, brother of Duke Henry, executed, 431. - - Guisnes, scene of 'Field of Cloth of Gold,' 136. - - Guens, repulse of Solyman at, 204. - - - Haarlem, sack of, 342. - - Hapsburg, House of, Sigismund of Tyrol, 123. - - ---- Maximilian, betrothed to Anne of Brittany, 6; - war with Charles VIII., makes treaty of Senlis, 7; - Italian expedition, 28; - wishes to maintain Treaty of Lyons, 61; - a member of League of Cambray, 63; - signs Treaty of Mechlin, 76; - leagued against France, 79; - accepts Peace of Noyon, 83; - election of, 106; - attitude to reforms of Empire, 110; - position abroad, 113; - defeated by Swiss, 123; - dynastic policy of, 124; - character of, 126; - death of, 127. - - ---- Philip, Archduke, son of Maximilian, marriage of, 42. - - ---- Charles, son of Archduke. _See_ Charles V. - - ---- Ferdinand, brother of Charles V., 145. _See_ Ferdinand of - Austria. - - ---- Joanna, daughter of Charles V., regent of Castile, 251. - - ---- Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, governess of Netherlands, - 92. _See_ Margaret. - - Hapsburg, Albert, Cardinal Archduke. _See_ Albert. - - ---- Ernest, Archduke, brother of Emperor Rudolf. _See_ Ernest. - - ---- Maximilian II., son of Ferdinand, 446. - - ---- Rudolf II., son of Maximilian II., 446. - - Havre ceded to Elizabeth, 405; - fall of, 406. - - Hayraddin, Huroc. _See_ Barbarossa. - - Heiligerlee, battle of, 335. - - Henry II. of France, war in Italy, 237; - alliance with Maurice and Protestants, 239; - campaign in France, 254; - Peace of Cateau Cambresis, 257; - persecution of Huguenots, 389; - death, 257, 391. - - Henry III. (_see_ Anjou) succeeds his brother, 420; - refuses sovereignty of Netherlands, 366, 427; - yields to League, 429; - has Duke of Guise murdered; - on revolt of League turns to Navarre; - death, 431. - - Henry IV. succeeds Antony of Navarre, 405; - his possessions, 412; - in hands of Catherine, 415; - connected with 'Politiques,' 417; - escapes, 420; - heir-presumptive, 426; - supported by 'Politiques,' 429; - his success, 429 ff.; - reconciliation with Henry III., 432; - struggle for the crown, 433; - 'conversion,' 436; - war with Spain, 438 ff.; - leagued with Elizabeth and Netherlands, 383; - negotiations with Philip, 384, 442; - treatment of Huguenots, 442 ff.; - Peace of Vervins, 444; - rule and death of, 447 ff. - - ---- IV. of Brunswick-Wolfenbuettel, 167. - - ---- of Guise. _See_ Guise. - - ---- of Montmorenci. _See_ Montmorenci. - - ---- of Saxony. _See_ Saxony. - - ---- VII. makes Treaty of Etaples, 7. - - ---- VIII. supports Holy League, 67; - Treaty of Mechlin, 75; - victory of Guinnegate, 76; - peace, 77; - Treaty of London, 83; - leagued with Charles V. and Leo X., 160; - with Charles and Adrian VI., 164; - alliance with Charles V., 173; - allies himself with France after Pavia, 181; - anxious for divorce, 187; - Clement cites the cause to Rome, 193; - change of policy and alliance with Charles, 214 ff.; - war with France, Treaty of Ardres, 216 ff. - - Henry (the Navigator), 85. - - ---- of Portugal, 297. - - Hermandad, the, 93. - - Hesse, Philip, Landgrave of, puts down the Knights' War, 169; - defeats Muenzer, 176; - establishes Lutheranism, 197; - signs protest, 198; - commands forces of League of Schmalkalde, 200; - battle of Laufen; - restores Duke Ulrich; - opposes John of Leyden, 210; - leader in Schmalkaldic War, 226 ff.; - submission and imprisonment, 229; - freed by Treaty of Passau, 243. - - Hessels, 333. - - Hohenlo, 364, 371. - - Hohenzollern, House of, 166. _See_ Brandenburg. - - Holy League, the, 67, 70; - forces Venice to restore Medici, 71; - breaks up, 73. - - Hoogstraten, 335. - - Hoorne, Count, an opponent of Philip's policy in Netherlands, 324; - rallies to government, 328; - arrested, 333; - executed, 335. - - Hotman, author of _Franco-Gallia_, 418. - - Howard, Lord, of Effingham, in command against Armada, 377. - - Huguenots, early history of, 389 ff.; - origin of name, 391; - condition of, in 1561, 398; - Edict of January, 399; - massacre of Vassy, 401; - geographical distribution of, 403; - peace of St. Germain, 410; - massacre of, on St. Bartholomew, 414; - change in party; - writings, 418; - federative republics, 419; - peace of Monsieur, 421; - altered position of, 429; - obtain Edict of Nantes, 442. - - Hulst, reduction of, 380. - - Humieres organises League Peronne, 422. - - Hutten, Ulrich von, 169. - - - Idiaquez, Juan de, 308. - - Imbercourt, Chevalier d', 43. - - Imbize, a demagogue, 357. - - Imola, in hands of Caterina Sforza, 50. - - Inquisition in Italy, 269 ff.; - in Spain 278 ff.; - in Netherlands, 323 ff. - - Interim, 232. - - Ippolita Sforza. _See_ Sforza. - - Isabella of Castile, 91; - policy of, 92; - Church reform, 94; - death, character of, 103; - importance of reign, 105. - - ---- of Portugal, 277. - - Italy, the chief states of, in 1494, 7 ff.; - in 1559, 259. - - Ivry, battle of, 433. - - - Jeanne, daughter of Louis XI., wife of Louis XII., 34. - - Jarnac, battle of, 408. - - Jemmingen, battle of, 337. - - Joanna II. of Naples, 14. - - ---- of Castile, 42, 60; - succeeds her mother as Queen, 113; - madness of, 62, 104. - - ---- Regent of Castile, 251. - - Joachim I. and II. of Brandenburg. _See_ Brandenburg. - - John Casimir of the Palatinate, 357, 359, 431. - - ---- Cicero of Brandenburg. _See_ Brandenburg. - - ---- Don, of Austria, 290 ff.; - wins Lepanto, 294; - commands a second expedition against the Turks, 296; - Governor of Netherlands, 351 ff.; - excites jealousy of Philip, 353; - victory of Gemblours, 355; - death, 356. - - ---- of Saxony. _See_ Saxony. - - ---- Frederick of Saxony. _See_ Saxony. - - Joinville, Treaty of, 428. - - Joyeuse, Duke of, 425, 431. - - Julius II., policy of, 54, 56; - makes terms with Venice, 66; - forms Holy League, 67; - death of, 74. - - ---- III., imperialist policy of, 234, 236, 247. - - Justin, son of William of Orange, 364. - - 'Justiza,' the, of Aragon, 94, 300. - - - Knights' War, the, 169. - - - La Charite, 410; - fall of, 423. - - Ladislas, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 40. - - ---- of Poland, 125. - - La Fere, reduction of, 439, 440. - - Lagny, occupation of, 434. - - La Marck, William, Comte de, seizes Brille and Flushing, 339, - 413. _See_ Bouillon. - - Landshut, George the Rich, Duke of, 113. - - Landriano, battle of, 191. - - Languet, 418. - - Lainez, Iago, 263. - - Lannoy in command under Bourbon, 173; - death of, 190. - - La Noue, 414, 424. - - Laon, reduction of, 438. - - La Palice, 43, 44, 70. - - La Renaudie, 396. - - La Rochefoucauld, 415. - - La Rochelle, 408, 410, 416; - Treaty of, 417. - - Laso Pedro, leader of the Junta, 139, 141, 142. - - La Tremouille, 46. - - La Torre, 333. - - Lautrec, French commander in Italy, 160, 163, 188, 190. - - Laufen, battle of, 210. - - Lavoro, district of, 40. - - Lefevre, Jacques, influence on Calvin, 273; - position and doctrine of, 387. - - Leghorn, dependency of Florence, 9; - French garrison in, 22; - given back to Florence, 24. - - Leicester, Earl of, commander of forces in Netherlands, 366 ff. - - Leipheim, battle of, 179. - - Leith, Treaty of, 397. - - Leo X., election of, makes Treaty of Mechlin, 75; - peace with France, 76; - joins Counter-League, 78; - makes peace with France and signs the Concordat of Bologna, 80; - policy towards Luther, 157; - leagued with Charles V. and Henry VIII., 160; - character of, 16. - - Lepanto, battle of, 294 ff., 411. - - Lewis V., Elector-Palatine, 167, 179, 211. - - ---- of Poland, 125. - - ---- Duke of Beja, 297. - - Leyden, investment of, 344. - - ---- John of, 210. - - Leyva, Antonio de, 173; - holds Milan for Emperor, 188; - wins battle of Landriano, 191; - granted Monza by Charles, 194; - death, 208. - - L'Hopital, Michel, Chancellor, 397, 407, 408. - - Ligny, Count of, 37. - - Limeuil, Mdlle. de, 406. - - Linz, Conference of, 242. - - Lisbon, capitulation of, 298. - - Lodi, 37. - - London, Treaty of, 83. - - Longjumeau, Edict of, 407. - - Longueville, Duke of, 433, 439. - - Lorenzo. _See_ Medici. - - Lorraine, Charles II., Duke of, reconciled to Henry IV., 438. - - ---- Cardinal of. _See_ Guises. - - Louis. _See_ Nassau. - - Louis of Orleans (the XIIth), leader of opposition to Anne of - Beaujeu, 5; - claims on Milan, 15; - at Rapallo, 18; - surrenders Novara, 23; - succeeds Charles VIII., 25; - policy, 33-34; - makes Treaty of Granada, 40; - war with Ferdinand, 42-8; - death of, 78. - - Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis I., negotiates peace of Cambray, - 193, 388. - - Loyola, Ignatius, early life, foundation of Order of Jesus, 262 ff. - - Los Veles, Marquis of, cruelty to Moors, 289; - inefficiency as general, 291; - in power, 306. - - Lucca, enemy of Florence, 9; - joins league against France, 22. - - Ludovico il Moro. _See_ Sforza. - - Luneburg, Ernest I. of, 167. - - Luther, Martin, early difficulties and visit to Rome, 153; - the Theses, 155; - break with the Church, 157; - at Diet of Worms, 168; - attitude to peasants' revolt, 178; - supports League of Schmalkalde, 200; - death, character, 225. - - Lyons, Treaties of, 45, 61. - - - Machiavelli, views on Caesar Borgia, 55; - devotes himself to letters, 72; - his militia, 194. - - Madrid, Treaty of, 183. - - Maestricht, fall of, 358. - - Magdeburg, surrender of, 239. - - Magellan, discoveries of, 102. - - Magione, 53. - - Mahomet Sirocco, Turkish Admiral, 294. - - Mansfeld, Count Peter Ernest, 348, 382. - - Mantes, Declaration of, 435. - - Malatesta, Pandolfo, 50. - - Manfredi, Astorre, 50, 51. - - Mantua, the Gonzagas of, 9. - - ---- Marquis of, 23, 28. - - Marcellus II., Pope, 247. - - Margaret, Duchess of Parma, Governess of Netherlands, appointed to - Netherlands, 320; - policy, 324, 325, 328, 329, 331, 332. - - ---- of Savoy, aunt of Charles V., 92; - Governess of the Netherlands, 317; - negotiates Peace of Cambray, 193. - - ---- sister of Henry II., marriage of, 257. - - Margaret of Valois, marriage of, 412, 440. - - Mary of Burgundy, 126. - - Mary Queen of Scots, marriage, 258; - Carberry Hill, 339; - plots against Elizabeth, 339; death of, 371. - - ---- sister of Henry VIII., marries Louis XII., 77. - - ---- of Hungary, Governess of Netherlands, 320. - - Marignano, battle of, 79. - - Mathias, Archduke, brother to Emperor Rudolf, elected - Governor-General of Netherlands, 354; - defeated at Gemblours, 355; - his inefficiency, 359. - - Matricula, the, 114. - - Maurice. _See_ Orange. - - ---- of Orange. _See_ Orange. - - ---- of Saxony. _See_ Saxony. - - Maximilian I. and II. _See_ Hapsburg. - - ---- Sforza. _See_ Sforza. - - Mayence, Berthold, Archbishop of, 108, 113. - - ---- Archbishop of, a Hohenzollern, 131, 132, 133. - - Mayenne, Duke of, made Lieutenant-General, rules Paris, 432; - defeated at Arques, 433; - selfish aims, 437; - comes to terms with Henry IV., 440. - - Mazarquiver, fall of, 97; - relief of, 286. - - Meaux, Briconnet, Bishop of, 387; - Protestants at, 387, 389; - conspiracy of, 407. - - Mechlin, Treaty of, 75; - sack of, 342; - surrender of, 358. - - Montigny, Baron of, execution, 336. - - Medici in Florence, 9; - Lorenzo, 9, 15; - Piero, joins Alfonso of Naples against Ludovico of Milan, 16; - submits to Charles VIII.; - flies from Florence, 19. - - ---- Giovanni, Cardinal, restored to Florence, 71. _See_ Leo X. - - ---- Giulio de. _See_ Clement VII. - - ---- Alessandro, Governor of Florence, 172; - driven from Florence, 189; - reinstated, 194. - - ---- Cosimo, Duke of Florence, 250; - Grand Duke of Tuscany, 259. - - ---- Catherine de, 394 ff.; - regent, 398; - adopts policy of Guises, 402, 406-408; - joins Coligny, 411; - becomes alarmed, 413; - her share in massacre of St. Bartholomew, 414; - subsequent policy, 415 ff.; - death of, 432. - - Medina Celi, Duke of, sent to Netherlands, 336; - returns to Spain, 343. - - ---- Sidonia, Duke of, 285; - in command of Armada, 375. - - Mendoza, imperial Ambassador to Rome, severe rule at Siena, 244; - Ambassador to Elizabeth, 374; - envoy to France, 431. - - Mercoeur, Duke of, 438; - selfish aims, 424, 437; - submission to Henry IV., 442. - - Messina, 24. - - Miguel, Don, 92. - - Milan, claims of House of Orleans to, 14; - leagued with Naples and Florence against France, 15; - Maximilian grants investiture to Sforza, 16; - joins League of Venice, 21, 22; - Treaty of Vercelli (1495), 23; - surrenders to French, 37; - lost by French, 70; - leagued against France, 79; - in French hands, 80; - French driven out, given to Francesco Sforza, 160; - taken by imperialists from Francesco Maria Sforza, 185; - held by Leyva, 188; - granted by Charles to Sforza, 194; - on his death annexed by Charles, 207; - given by Charles to his son Philip, 212; - Philip's government of, 301. - _See_ Sforza. - - Mirandola, conquest of, 66. - - Mitylene, French attack on, 40. - - Modena taken by Julius II., 66. - - ---- Cardinal of, 53. - - Modon taken by Turks, 40. - - Mohacs, battle of, 184. - - Moncada, Hugo de, succeeds Pescara; takes Milan; treacherous seizure - of Rome, 185. - - Moncontour, battle of, 409. - - Mondragon, success of, 348. - - Mondejar, Marquis de, 289. - - Monopoli, occupation of, 24. - - Mons, fall of, 340, 413; - defeat of Genlis before, capitulation of, 341. - - Monsieur, Peace of, 421. - - Montauban, 410, 416. - - Monte, Cardinal. _See_ Julius III. - - Montefeltro, Guidobaldo di, Duke of Urbino, 50. - - Montigny, Baron of, brother of Count Hoorne, 327, 336. - - Montmorenci, Anne de, Marshal and Constable, his policy, 209; - disgraced, 213; - defeated at St. Quentin, advises peace, 255; - policy, 392; - reconciled with Guises, 401; - taken prisoner, 405 - of, 407. - - Montmorenci, Francis of, Marshal of France and Governor of Paris, - leader of the 'Politiques,' 410, 417, 420, 423. - - ---- Henry, (Damville), Governor of Languedoc, a leader of the - 'Politiques,' 417; - becomes Duke and Marshal, and makes peace with court, 423, 441. - - ---- William (Thore), Charles (Meru), 417. - - Montpensier, Count of, Viceroy in Italy, 22; - capitulates, 24. - - ---- Duke of, 410. - - Mooker Heyde, battle of, 344. - - Morone, Bishop of Modena, 212. - - ---- Cardinal and Papal Legate, 247. - - Moura, Christoval de, 308. - - Muehlberg, battle of, 229. - - Muley-Hassan, 206. - - Munster, Anabaptist revolution at, 210. - - Muenzer, Thomas, 177. - - Mustapha in command against Malta, 286. - - - Naarden, razing of, 342. - - Nantes, Edict of, 442. - - Naples, condition of, 11; - French claims on, 14, 15; - government of, by Philip, 301. - - Nassau, John of, brother of William, 355, 358. - - ---- Louis of, 326, 335; - defeated at Jemmingen, 337; - invades France, 337, 409; negotiations with France, takes Mons, - 337, 409; - capitulates, 341; - defeated at Mooker Heyde, death, 344. - - ---- Maurice of. _See_ Orange. - - ---- William of. _See_ Orange. - - Navarra, Pedro, 46, 69, 191. - - Navarre, Spanish, conquered by Ferdinand, 73. - - ---- Antony of (_see_ Albret), position of, 392; - submissiveness to Catherine, 398; - death, 405. - - ---- Henry of. _See_ Henry IV. - - Navarino, battle of, 40. - - Nemours, Conference of, 429. - - ---- Duke of, 5, 44, 45, 438. - - Netherlands, condition of, at accession of Philip II., 316; - at his death, 385; - Philip's ecclesiastical policy, 322; - plan of reform of nobles, 325; - Alva in, 331; - revolt of, 335 ff.; - independence of, 384. - - Nicosia, fall of, 293. - - Nice, truce of, 209. - - Nimes, 416. - - Noircarmes, 333. - - Norris, Sir John, 370. - - ---- Edward, 370, 371. - - Novara, battle of, 76. - - Noyon, Peace of, 82. - - Nuremberg, Diet of, the religious struggle at; - the hundred Gravamina, 167 ff.; - peace of, 204. - - Nymwegen, reduction of, 381. - - - Oliverotto, 53. - - Oran, fall of, 97. - - Orange, Philibert, Prince of, commands imperial army in Italy, 190; - killed in siege of Florence, 194. - - ---- William (of Nassau), Prince of, 320; - leader of malcontents, 324 ff.; - leaves Netherlands, 328; - ill-success, 337; - French campaign, 337, 409; - negotiations with England and France, 340, 412; - forced to retire, 341; - increased authority, 347; - pacification of Ghent, 350; - opposition to Don John, 353 ff.; - ban and _Apologia_, 359; - death, character, 362; - marriages and children, 363. - - ---- Maurice, Prince of, second son of William, Captain-General, 364; - reappointed Governor-General, 371; - again appointed, 377 ff.; - early life, 379; - military reforms, 380; - success, 380 ff. - - Orleans, siege of, 406. - - ---- Louis, Duke of. _See_ Louis XII. - - Orsini, the, 35, 48. - - ---- Cardinal, 53. - - ---- Paolo, 53. - - Otranto, occupation of, 24. - - - Pacheco, Donna Maria, widow of Padilla, 143. - - Padilla, Don Juan de, heads revolt at Toledo; - defeated at Villalar and executed, 139 ff. - - Padua, 64. - - Palatinate, Family of Wittelsbach in, 167. - - ---- John Casimir of, 357, 359, 431. - - Palatine, Frederick I., Elector, defeat of, 113. - - ---- Rupert, second son of Frederick, death of, 113. - - ---- Lewis V., Elector, 167; - puts down peasants, turns Protestant, 179, 211. - - Palatine, Frederick II., Elector, brother of Lewis, submits to - Charles, 227. - - 'Pancarte,' 441. - - Paolo, Gian, 52. - - Papal States, the, origin of, 10; - extension of, 49-56. - - Parlement of Paris, 5; - (Appendix, 449-450); - weakness of, 5; - policy towards Huguenots, 390, 396, 400, 404, 408, 421, 430, 443. - - ---- Provincial (Appendix I., 451); - policy of, 408, 421, 424, 443. - - Parma, Alexander Farnese of, at Lepanto, 294; - son of Margaret, successor of Don John, 356; - successes, 358, 361, 364, 370; - takes Sluys, 372; - negotiates with Elizabeth, 374; - success of, 378; - jealousy of Philip, 379; - ill-success and death, character, 380, 434. - - ---- Margaret, Duchess of, birth, education, and marriage, - 320. _See_ Margaret of Parma. - - Paredes, Diego de, 43. - - Passau, Treaty of, 242. - - Paul III., allies himself with Charles V., 206; - mediates to bring about Truce of Nice, neutral policy, 209, 214; - re-summons Council to Trent, 221; - refuses to support Charles; - intrigues with Francis, 228; - refuses to recall Council from Bologna to Trent, negotiates with - Henry II., 231 ff.; - death, 234. - - ---- IV., Pope, 247; - anti-Spanish policy, 252; - terms with Alva, 254. - - Paz, Pedro de, 43. - - Peasants' war, 176-180. - - Perez, Antonio, accused by Inquisition, 281; - accuses Philip of murder of Don Carlos, 283; - quarrel with Philip, 300; - rise, quarrel with Philip, exile, 306 ff. - - Perpetual Edict, 352. - - Perpignan, 215. - - Perugia, 53, 56. - - Pesaro, 50. - - Pescara, Marquis of, 173; - advises Treaty of Madrid, death, 183. - - Peschiera, 64. - - Pescia, Domenico da, 31, 32. - - Philibert of Orange, 190, 194. - - ---- Emanuel, Duke of Savoy. _See_ Savoy. - - Philip, Archduke of Austria, 42; - marriage, 316. - - Philip II., granted Milan by his father, 212; - governor in Spain, etc., 234 ff.; - King of Spain, 250; - Treaty of Cateau Cambresis, marriage with Elizabeth of France, 257; - position of affairs, 259; - ecclesiastical policy, 268, 271, 278; - marriages, 277, 282, 284; - treatment of the Moriscoes, 287 ff.; - internal policy and government, 299 ff.; - character of, 310; - commercial policy, 311 ff.; - policy in Netherlands, 319 ff.; - ecclesiastical scheme, 322 ff.; - opposition to plan of reform, 325; - policy to Elizabeth of England, 374; - to Catherine of France, 407, 410; - to Guises, 427, 431; - designs on France, 435; - method of filling exchequer, 441; - negotiations with Henry IV., 442; - peace of Vervins, 444; - death and policy, 445 ff. - - ---- of Hesse. _See_ Hesse. - - Piali, 285, 286, 293; - death at Lepanto, 295. - - Piero. _See_ Medici. - - Piccolomini, Cardinal, Pope Pius III., 47. - - Pietra-Santa, dependency of Florence, 9; - French garrison, 22; - sold to Lucca, regained by Florence, 24. - - Piombino, surrender of, 51. - - Pisa, dependency of Florence, 9; - joins Charles VIII., 19, 22; - regained by Florence, 24; - Council of, 66. - - Pistoja, dependency of Florence, 9. - - Pitigliano, Count of, 64. - - Pius III., 47, 54. - - ---- IV., 266, 270. - - ---- V., 270, 295. - - Poictiers, taking of, 405; - siege of, 409. - - ---- Diana of, 217. - - Pointoise, States-general at, 398. - - Poissy, colloquy of, 399. - - Pol, Count de St., defeated at Landriano, 191. - - Poland, Ladislas of, 125. - - ---- Lewis of, 125. - - ---- Sigismund of, restores Catholicism, 446. - - Pole, Reginald, 212. - - Polesine, the, 64. - - Poltrot assassinates Duke of Guise, 406. - - Pompeio, Cardinal, leader of the Colonnesi, takes Rome, 185. - - Porto Carrero, Governor of Doullens, 441. - - Portugal, Isabella of, 277. - - ---- Kings of--Antonio, Prior of Crato; - Henry; - Lewis, Duc de Beja; - Sebastian, 297 ff., 378. - - Portuguese, discoveries and conquests of, 85. - - Prato, sack of, 71. - - Principati, the district of the, 42. - - Puglia, Francesco da, 31. - - - Quiroga, Archbishop of Toledo, Grand Inquisitor, 281. - - - Rapallo, battle of, 18. - - Ratisbon, Congress at, 171; - Diets of (1532), 204; - (1541), 212. - - Ravenna, occupied by Julius II., 64; - battle of, 68. - - Regency, Council of, ill-success of, 169, 179. - - Regnault, head of Finance Chamber in Netherlands, 368. - - Requesens, Don Louis de, grand commander of Santiago, at Lepanto, - 294; - succeeds Alva, 343; - change of policy, 344; - attempt at reconciliation, 345 ff.; - death, 348. - - Reuchlin, John, 150. - - Rhaetian Leagues, 122. - - Rhodes, fall of, 164. - - Rimini, 49, 56, 64. - - Roda, Jerome de, 348, 349. - - Romagna, papal claims over, 49; - Caesar Borgia's conquests in, 50 ff. - - Roromantin, Edict of, 396. - - Rosny, Baron de. _See_ Sully. - - Rouen taken by Catholics, 405; - secured by Henry IV., 437. - - Rousillon, 6, 46, 215. - - Rovere, Francesco Maria della, lord of Sinigaglia, 50. - - ---- Giuliano della. _See_ Julius II. - - ---- Francesco, Duke of Urbino, 56. - - Rudolf II., Emperor, 446. - - Rupert, son of Frederick I., Elector-Palatine, 113. - - Ruvo, 44. - - - St. Andre, Marshal, 405. - - St. Denis, battle of, 407. - - St. Gall, 121. - - St. Germains, Treaty of, 340, 410. - - St. Quentin, battle of, 254. - - Saint Jean d'Angely, fall of, 409. - - Sainte Aldegonde, Philip van Marnix, Lord of, 326. - - Santa Cruz, Marquis de, 426. - - ---- Severina, 45. - - Sapienza, battle of, 40. - - Saluzzo, Marquis of, 48; - succeeds Lautrec in command, defeated at Aversa, death, 191. - - ---- Marquisate of, ceded to France, 257; - exchanged for Bresse, Bugey, Gex, 445. - - Sancerre, siege of, 416. - - San Severino, Galeazzo di, 37. - - Santa Cruz, Marquis of, 294, 298, 299. - - Sarzana, dependency of Florence, 9; - French garrison in, 22; - sold to Genoa, 24. - - Savonarola, 25-33. - - Savoy, Charles III., Duke of, quarrel with Francis, 207; - Treaty of Crespi, 217; - Emanuel Philibert, son of Charles III., commands Philip's forces - against France with success, 255; - restored by Treaty of Cateau Cambresis, 257. - - ---- Philibert Emanuel, 257, 320. - - ---- Louise of, 193; persecutes the Huguenots, 388. - - Saxony, Frederick the Wise, Elector of, his family, 166; - one of party of reform, 108; - refuses to be a candidate for the Empire, 133; - founds University of Wittenberg, 154; - protects Luther, 159. - - ---- George, Duke of, 166-168, 170. - - ---- Henry, 166. - - ---- John the Steadfast, Elector of, character of, 204; - establishes Lutheranism after Diet of Spires, 197; - signs protest against Second Diet, 198; - commands forces of League of Schmalkalde, 200; - protests against election of Ferdinand as King of the Romans, 203; - death, policy of, 204. - - ---- John Frederick, 222 ff.; - Schmalkaldic War, 224 ff.; - capture, 229; - freed by Treaty of Passau, 243. - - ---- Maurice, secured by Charles' promises, 223; - overruns Saxony, repulsed, reinstated, 226 ff.; - conspires and takes arms, 238 ff.; - death, character, 244 ff. - - ---- Augustus, succeeds Maurice as Elector, 246. - - ---- Anne of, daughter of Maurice, marriage of, 324. - - Schinner, Mathias, Bishop of the Valais, Cardinal of Sion, 70, 132. - - Schmalkalde, meeting of, 198; League formed, 200; - joined by Southern Germany, 203. - - Sebastian of Portugal, 297. - - Selim II., Sultan, 288, 293. - - Seminara, battle of, 24, 45. - - Senlis, Treaty of, 7. - - Servetus burnt at Geneva, 274. - - Sesa, Duke of, 291. - - Sforza, Francesco, seizes Milan, 7; - allies himself with Naples and Florence, 15. - - ---- Ippolita, daughter of Francesco, wife of Alfonso of Calabria, 15. - - ---- Galeazzo Maria, son of Francesco, 7. - - ---- Gian Galeazzo, son of Galeazzo, 7; - marries Isabella of Naples, 16; - death of, 18. - - ---- Ludovico il Moro, uncle of Gian Galeazzo, seizes power, 8; - calls on Charles VIII., 16; - joins League of Venice, 22; - makes Treaty of Vercelli, 23; - flies to Maximilian, 37; - returns but is taken prisoner, 38; - death, 39; - family of, 39. - - ---- Caterina, niece of Ludovico, at Imola and Forli, 50. - - ---- Giovanni, Lord of Pesaro, cousin of, 50. - - ---- Maximilian, son of Ludovico, 39; - restored to Milan, 72; - surrenders to Francis, 80. - - ---- Francesco Maria, granted Milan, 160; - joins League of Cognac, 184; - capitulates to imperialists, 185; - commands troops of Holy League, 191; - restored by Charles V., 194; - death, 207. - - Sicily, government of, by Philip, 301. - - Sickingen, Franz von, 132; - organises League of Knights, defeat and death, 169. - - Sidney, Sir Philip, Governor of Flushing, 366; - death, 370. - - Siena, enemy of Florence, 9; - accepts a French garrison, 20; - joins league against Florence, 22; - turns to Emperor,then to France, 244; - regained for Imperialists by Cosimo, Duke of Florence, 250. - - Sievershausen, battle of, 245. - - Sigismund of Tyrol, cousin of Maximilian, 123. - - ---- of Poland, 446. - - Signory, Florentine executive, 26, 458. - - Silvestro, Fra, executed with Savonarola, 32. - - Simonetta, counsellor of Bona of Savoy, murdered by Ludovico 'Il - Moro,' 8. - - Sinigaglia, massacre of, 53. - - Sixtus V., 270; - disapproval of League, 428; - excommunicates Henry of Navarre, 429. - - Sluys, fall of, 365, 372. - - Soderini, Piero, Gonfalonier of Florence, 71. - - Solyman wins battle of Mohacs, 184; - forced to retreat from Vienna, 196; - treaty with Francis, defeats Ferdinand at Essek, 208; - and at Buda, 214; - nearly completes conquest of Hungary, 216; - supports the French, 244; - sends fleet against Malta, 286; - death, 293. - - Spires, Diets of, 196, 197, 216. - - Stanley, Sir William, 371. - - Steenwyck, fall of, 381. - - Stralen, Burgomaster of Antwerp, 333, 336. - - Suabian League, formation of, 108; - defeat at Bruderholz and Dornach, 123; - favours election of Charles, 131; - wins battle of Leipheim; with Elector of Treves and - Elector-Palatine suppresses revolt of peasants, 179. - - Sully, 440, 448. - - Swiss Confederation, origin of, 117 ff.; - constitution of, 120 ff.; - war with Maximilian, 123; - makes Peace of Basel, 124. - - - Taillie, the, 34, 456. - - Tassis, 371. - - Teligny, 415. - - Terouenne, 76, 244. - - Termes, Marshal de, defeated at Gravelines, 256. - - Terranova, battle of, 43. - - Theatins, the, 262. - - Thurgau, the, 120. - - Toledo, revolt of, 139. - - ---- Garcia de, 286, 287. - - Torrelobaton, sack of, 142. - - Tours, Estates-General of, 62. - - Trade routes, 84, 87. - - Trani occupied by Venice, 24. - - Trent, 62; - Council of, first and second session, 221; - at Bologna, 230; - reassembles at Trent; - failure, 235; - third session, 266 ff. - - Treves, John of Baden, Archbishop of, 108; - death, 113. - - Treves, Richard Greifenklau, Archbishop of, his policy at the - imperial election, 131-133; - joins in suppressing peasants' revolt, 179; - attacked by Sickingen, 169; - opposes Council of Regency, 170. - - ---- Diet of, organisation of Empire, 114. - - Tripoli, 97. - - Trivulzio, General in French service, 36; - Governor of Milan, 38; - in Italian Wars, 70; - surrenders Genoa, 191. - - Tuebingen, University of, 210. - - Turnhout, battle of, 383. - - Turenne, Duke of Bouillon, 439. - - - Ulrich. _See_ Wurtemberg. - - Uluch Ali, Dey of Algiers, 295; - retakes Tunis and reduces Goletta, 296. - - Urbino, 50; - occupied by Caesar Borgia, 52, 53, 56. - - ---- Duke of, leads army of Holy League, 186 ff. - - Utrecht, Adrian of. _See_ Pope Adrian VI. - - ---- Union of, 358. - - - Valdes, Don Fernando, Archbishop of Seville, Grand Inquisitor, 281. - - ---- a Spanish Commander, 345. - - Vaila, battle of, 63. - - Valencia, social war in, 140. - - Valenciennes, fall of, 414. - - Valette, Jean de la, Grand Master of Knights of Malta, 286. - - Valentina, Visconti, 14. - - Valentinois given to Caesar Borgia, 35. - - Valla, Laurentius, 150. - - Valois, Margaret of, 412, 440. - - Valori supports Savonarola, 27; - slain, 31. - - Varano, Giulio Caesare, Lord of Camerino, 50. - - Vargas, Juan de, 333. - - Vassy, Massacre of, 401. - - Vega, Don Pedro Laso de la, 139. - - Velasco, Don Fernan de, 439. - - Venice, constitution of, Appendix III.; - position of, 8; - joins League against Charles VIII., 22; - growth of, 57; - losses of, 64; - recovery of, 65; - agrees to peace of Noyon, 83; - causes of decline, 84; - though an ally, seizes Ravenna and Cervia from Clement, 189; - forms defensive alliance with Charles, 194. - - Venloo, capitulation of, 370. - - Venosa, 45. - - Vercelli, Treaty of, 23. - - Verona, 64. - - Vers, Stephen de, Duke of Nola, 22. - - Vervins, Peace of, 384, 442. - - Vespucci, Amerigo, 102. - - Vicenza, 64, 65. - - Vielleville, Marshal, 411. - - Viglius, 321. - - Villalar, battle of, 143. - - Villequier, 425. - - Vitellozzo, Vitelli, a captain of Caesar Borgia's, 52, 53. - - _Vindiciae contra Tyrannos_, 418 ff. - - Volterra, a dependency of Florence, 9. - - - Walsingham, 413, 414. - - Welf, House of, 167. - - Wettin, House of, 166. _See_ Saxony. - - Wilkes, 370. - - William I. of Bavaria, 167. - - ---- of Orange. _See_ Orange. - - Willoughby, Lord, in command in Holland, 378. - - Wingfield, Sir Robert, Ambassador of Henry VIII., 78. - - Wittelsbach (_see_ Palatinate and Bavaria); - House of, 167. - - Wolfenbuettel, Henry IV. of, 167. - - Wolfgang of Zweibruecken, 409. - - Wolsey, Cardinal, 75, 77; - opposition to France, 82; - policy of, 135 ff.; - joins Charles V. and Leo X., 10; - induces Henry to ally himself with France after Pavia, 181; - persuades Henry not to promise 'protection' to Holy League of - Cognac; divorce question on foot, 184 ff.; - therefore alliance with France necessary, conference at Amiens - with Francis, 188; - Clement revokes powers of Wolsey and Campeggio to try Henry's - cause, 193. - - Worms, Diet of (1495), reforms demanded, 109; - second Diet of, chief questions for settlement, 145 ff.; - practical failure of, 148, 221. - - Wuertemberg, Ulrich, Duke of, driven out by Suabian League, 131; - recovers Duchy, 178; - ousted again by Suabian League, 179; - restored by Philip of Hesse, establishes Protestantism, 210; - Schmalkaldic war, 226. - - - Xavier, Francesco, 263. - - Ximenes, Francisco, de Cisneros, Cardinal, 62; - Archbishop of Toledo, 95; - rise, reforms, 95; - persecution, 96; - death of, 138. - - - York, Rowland, 371. - - - Zamora, Acuna, Bishop of, 142. - - Zapolya, John, Waivode of Transylvania, allied with Solyman, holds - Hungary, 195 ff. - - ---- Isabella, secures Transylvania, 244. - - Zierickzee, fall of, 348. - - Zutphen, engagement of, 370; - reduction of, 380. - - Zweibruecken, Wolfgang, Duke of, 409. - - Zwingle, position as a reformer, reaction against him in - Switzerland, death in battle of Cappel, 201 ff. - - - - -[Illustration: ITALY 1494-1559] - - -[Illustration: FRANCE 1494-1598] - - -[Illustration: GERMANY IN 1547] - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - -Obvious typographical and printer's errors have been corrected. -Punctuation marks where missing have silently been supplied. -Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been retained as in the -original except where noted otherwise. - -Footnotes have been moved to the end of the respective chapter or -appendix. In Chapter IX the chapter summary has been moved to precede -the heading of the first section, consistent with all other chapters. - -Where historical names have been anglicized, e.g. Nicolo Capponi -for Niccolo Capponi (page 189), the author's version has -been retained. Other spelling variations including but not -limited to comuneros--communeros, Custrin--Kuestrin, Beza--Beza, -Granvelle--Granvella, Groningen--Groeningen are as in the original. - -Pages 183, 193, 298, 474, 475, 481, "Eleanor", "Eleanora", "Eleonora" -all refer to Eleanor of Austria, the widowed sister of Charles V and -later wife of Francis I. - -The following corrections have been made to the printed original: - - Page ix, "treaty" amended to "Treaty" (Treaty of Cateau Cambresis). - Page x, "Sued Europa" corrected to "Sued-Europa" (Fuersten und Voelker - von Sued-Europa). - Page xi, "Ponjoulat" corrected to "Poujoulat" (Petitot, Michaud et - Poujoulat). - Page xiii, "republica" corrected to "repubblica" (Storia della - repubblica). - Page xiii, "Alberi" amended to "Alberi" (Alberi, La relazione degli - Ambasciatori). - Page xiii, "Niccolo" amended to "Niccolo" (Niccolo Machiavelli). - Page xiv, "Harisse" corrected to "Harrisse" (Harrisse, Christophe - Colomb). - Page xiv, "Gashard" corrected to "Gachard" (Ed. Gachard.) - Page xv, "Mexica" corrected to "Mexico" (Conquest of Mexico). - Page 26, "Liberta" corrected to "Liberta" (Dieci di Liberta e Pace). - Page 34, footnote 11, "Appendix I." changed to "Appendix i." for - consistency's sake (Appendix i., p. 456.) - Page 60, "Sep." corrected to "Sept." (Blois, Sept. 22, 1504.) - Page 72, "Liberta" corrected to "Liberta" (Dieci di Liberta e Pace). - Page 102, "Balbao" corrected to "Balboa" (Vasco Nunez de Balboa). - Page 113, "brilliantmatch" corrected to "brilliant match" (promised a - brilliant match). - Page 114, "Meckle burg" corrected to "Mecklenburg" (Mecklenburg, the - Archbishoprics of Magdeburg). - Page 142, "digusted" corrected to "disgusted" (disgusted at the turn). - Page 166, footnote 44, "Wurtemburg" corrected to "Wurtemberg" - (Wurtemberg, Ulrich I., 1503-1550). - Page 170, "Guilio" corrected to "Giulio" (Cardinal Giulio de' Medici). - Page 185, "Moncada" corrected to "Moncada (Moncada and the Cardinal). - Page 189, "Ippollito" corrected to "Ippolito" (Alessandro and - Ippolito). - Page 208, "Sep." corrected to "Sept." (July-Sept. 1536.) - Page 208, footnote 51, the missing footnote marker was supplied. - Page 220, "Cambresis" corrected to "Cambresis" (Treaty of Cateau - Cambresis). - Page 280, "cause" corrected to "case" (case being transferred). - Page 387, "Etaples" amended to "Etaples" (Jacques Lefevre of Etaples). - Page 414, "Prevot" amended to "Prevot" (Prevot des Marchands). - Page 449, "chief" corrected to "Chief" (the Chief Military Officer). - Page 454, "d'Etat" corrected to "Etat" (deputies of Tiers Etat). - Page 464, "Podesta" corrected to "Podesta" (Courts of the Podesta). - Page 480, "Chatillon" corrected to "Chatillon" (Chatillon, Odet). - Page 481, "Epernon" corrected to "Epernon" (Epernon, a favourite of - Henry). - Page 482, "Etaples" amended to "Etaples" (Etaples, Treaty of). - Page 484, "Etaples" amended to "Etaples" (makes Treaty of Etaples). - Page 484, "Albret" corrected to "Albert" (Hapsburg, Albert, Cardinal) - Page 484, "Peronne" corrected to "Peronne" (League Peronne). - Page 486, "Carpinal" corrected to "Cardinal" (Giovanni, Cardinal, - restored). - Page 487, "Meru" corrected to "Meru (Charles (Meru)). - Page 487, "Moncada" corrected to "Moncada" (Moncada, Hugo de). - Page 487, "Naussa" corrected to "Nassau" (Nassau, John of). - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EUROPE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY -1494-1598, FIFTH EDITION*** - - -******* This file should be named 42025.txt or 42025.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/2/0/2/42025 - - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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