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diff --git a/41959-8.txt b/41959-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 429ac88..0000000 --- a/41959-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8091 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Philippine Progress Prior to 1898, by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Philippine Progress Prior to 1898 - A Source Book of Philippine History to Supply a Fairer - View of Filipino Participation and Supplement the Defective - Spanish Accounts - -Author: Various - -Editor: Austin Craig - Conrado Benitez - -Release Date: January 31, 2013 [EBook #41959] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PHILIPPINE PROGRESS PRIOR TO 1898 *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously -made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - A Source Book of Philippine History - - To Supply a Fairer View of Filipino Participation and Supplement the - Defective Spanish Accounts - - PHILIPPINE PROGRESS PRIOR TO 1898 - - - - By AUSTIN CRAIG and CONRADO BENITEZ - - Of the College of Liberal Arts Faculty of the University of the - Philippines - - - Philippine Education Co., Inc., Manila, 1916 - - - - - - - -The following 720 pages are divided into two volumes, each of which, -for the convenience of the reader, is paged separately and has its -index, or table of contents: - - -VOLUME I - -I. The Old Philippines' Industrial Development - -(Chapters of an Economic History) - -I.--Agriculture and Landholding at the time of the Discovery -and Conquest. II.--Industries at the Time of Discovery and -Conquest. III.--Trade and Commerce at the Time of Discovery and -Conquest. IV.--Trade and Commerce; the Period of Restriction. V.--The -XIX Century and Economic Development. - -By Professor Conrado Benitez - -II. The Filipinos' Part in the Philippines' Past - -(Pre-Spanish Philippine History A. D. 43-1565; Beginnings of Philippine -Nationalism.) - -By Professor Austin Craig - - -VOLUME II - -III. The Former Philippines thru Foreign Eyes - -(Jagor's Travels in the Philippines; Comyn's State of the Philippines -in 1810; Wilkes' Manila and Sulu in 1842; White's Manila in 1819; -Virchow's Peopling of the Philippines; 1778 and 1878; English Views -of the People and Prospects of the Philippines; and Karuth's Filipino -Merchants of the Early 1890s) - -Edited by Professor Craig - - -Made in Manila--Press of E. C. McCullough & Co.--The Work of Filipinos - - - - - - - -EDITOR'S EXPLANATIONS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS - - -This work is pre-requisite to the needed re-writing of Philippine -history as the story of its people. The present treatment, as a chapter -of Spanish history, has been so long accepted that deviation from -the standard story without first furnishing proof would demoralize -students and might create the impression that a change of government -justified re-stating the facts of the past in the way which would -pander to its pride. - -With foreigners' writing, the extracts herein have been extensive, even -to the inclusion of somewhat irrelevant matter to save any suspicion -that the context might modify the quotation's meaning. The choice of -matter has been to supplement what is now available in English, and, -wherever possible, reference data have taken the place of quotation, -even at the risk of giving a skeletony effect. - -Another rule has been to give no personal opinion, where a quotation -within reasonable limits could be found to convey the same idea, and, -where given, it is because an explanation is considered essential. A -conjunction of circumstances fortunate for us made possible this -publication. Last August the Bureau of Education were feeling -disappointment over the revised school history which had failed to -realize their requirements; the Department of History, Economics and -Sociology of the University were regretting their inability to make -their typewritten material available for all their students; and -Commissioner Quezon came back from Washington vigorously protesting -against continuing in the public schools a Philippine history text -which took no account of what American scholarship has done to -supplement Spain's stereotyped story. Thus there were three problems -but the same solution served for all. - -Commissioner Rafael Palma, after investigation, championed furnishing -a copy of such a book as the present work is and Chairman Leuterio of -the Assembly Committee on Public Instruction lent his support. With -the assistance of Governor-General Harrison and Speaker Osmeña, -and the endorsement of Secretary Martin of the Department of Public -Instruction, the Bureau of Education obtained the necessary item -in their section of the general appropriation act. Possibly no one -deserves any credit for conforming to plain duty, but after listing -all these high officials, it may not be out of place to mention that -neither has there come from any one of them, nor from any one else -for that matter, any suggestion of what should be said or left unsaid -or how it should be said, nor has any one asked to see, or seen, -any of our manuscript till after its publication. Insular Purchasing -Agent Magee, who had been, till his promotion, Acting Director of the -Bureau of Education, Director Crone, returned from the San Francisco -Exposition, and Acting Auditor Dexter united to smoothe the way for -rapid work so the order placed in January is being filled in less than -three months. Three others whose endorsements have materially assisted -in the accomplishment of the work are President Villamor of our -University, Director Francisco Benitez of its School of Education, and -Director J. A. Robertson of the Philippine Library. And in recalling -the twelve years of study here which has shown the importance of -these notes there come to mind the names of those to whom I have -been accustomed to go for suggestion and advice: Mariano Ponce, -of the Assembly Library, Manuel Artigas, of the Filipiniana Section -of the Philippines Library, Manuel Iriarte of the Executive Bureau -Archives, Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera and Epifanio de los Santos, -associates in the Philippine Academy, Leon and Fernando Guerrero, -Jaime C. De Veyra, Valentin Ventura, of Barcelona, J. M. Ramirez, of -Paris, the late Rafael del Pan, José Basa, of Hongkong, and Doctor -Regidor, of London, all Filipinos, Doctor N. M. Saleeby, H. Otley -Beyer, Dr. David P. Barrows, now of the University of California, -along with assistance from the late Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt, -of Leitmeritz, Dr. C. M. Heller, of Dresden, and the authorities of -the British Museum, Congressional Library, America Institute of Berlin, -University of California Library, and the Hongkong and Shanghai public -libraries and Royal Asiatic Society branches. - -It is due the printer, Mr. Frederic H. Stevens, manager of -E. C. McCullough & Co.'s press; Mr. John Howe who figured out -a sufficient and satisfactory paper supply despite the war-time -scarcity; and Superintendent Noronha, that after the first vigorous -protests against departures from established printing-house usages, -they loyally co-operated in producing a book whose chief consideration -has been the reader's use. Paper, ink, special press-work and the -clear-cut face chosen for the hand-set type have combined to get -a great deal more matter into the same space without sacrifice of -legibility; putting minor headings in the margin has been another -space-saver which as well facilitates reference, while the omission of -the customary blank pages and spaces between articles has materially -aided in keeping down unnecessary bulk. Printed in the usual style -this book should have run over twelve hundred octavo pages as against -its under two-thirds that number of a but slightly larger page. - -And finally, my colleague, Professor Conrado Benitez, besides -furnishing promptly his part of the manuscript has been chief adviser -and most zealous in carrying out our joint plan. - - -Austin Craig. - -University of the Philippines, - March 27, 1916. - - - - - - - -CONTENTS - - - Page - - I.--The Old Philippines' Industrial Development, - by Conrado Benitez 1 - -II.--The Filipinos' Part in the Philippines' Past: - - Pre-Spanish Philippine history, A. D. 43-1565. - (Introduction, by Austin Craig) 77 - Pre-historic civilization in the Philippines, - by Elsdon Best 79 - A thousand years of Philippine history before the coming - of the Spaniards, by Austin Craig 91 - Translation by W. W. Rockhill of a Chinese book of 1349 102 - Spanish unreliability; early Chinese rule over Philippines; - and reason for indolence in Mindanao; from Salmon's - "Modern History," 1744 104 - Bisayans in Formosa, by Dr. Terrien de Lacouperie 105 - The Tagalog Tongue, by José Rizal 106 - Philippine tribes and languages, by Prof. Ferdinand - Blumentritt 107 - Beginnings of Philippine Nationalism (Introduction, - by Austin Craig) 118 - The Friar Domination in the Philippines, by M. H. - del Pilar 119 - Archbishop Martinez's secret defense of his Filipino - clergy 121 - Nineteenth century discontent 128 - The liberal governor-general of 1869-1871, by Austin - Craig 132 - The rebellion in the Philippine Islands, by John Foreman 133 - Filipinos with Dewey's squadron, from the Hongkong - Telegraph 136 - A prediction of 1872 136 - -Reproductions of twelve early maps relating to Further India -and the Philippines. Following page 136 - - - - - - - -PHILIPPINE PROGRESS PRIOR TO 1898 - - -THE OLD PHILIPPINES' INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT - -Chapters of an Economic History - -by Conrado Benitez, A. M. (Chicago) - -Assistant Professor of Economics and Sociology in the University of -the Philippines - - - I. Agriculture and Landholding at the time of the Discovery and - Conquest. - II. Industries at the Time of Discovery and Conquest. - III. Trade and Commerce at the Time of Discovery and Conquest. - IV. Trade and Commerce; the Period of Restriction. - V. The XIX Century and Economic Development. - - -PHILIPPINE EDUCATION CO., INC., MANILA, 1916 - - - - - - - -FILIPINO WRITERS QUOTED IN "THE OLD PHILIPPINES' INDUSTRIAL -DEVELOPMENT": - - -Citizens of the Philippine Islands, "Memorial to the Council," -Manila, 1586. -Gobernadorcillo Nicolas Ramos, "Affidavit for Governor Dasmariñas," -Cubao, 1591. -Chief Miguel Banal, "Petition to the King of Spain," Manila, 1609. -Governor Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, "La Libertad de Comercio en las -Islas Filipinas," Madrid, 1872. -Gregorio Sangclanco y Gozon, LL. D., "El Progreso de Filipinas," -Madrid, 1884. -Dr. Jose Rizal Mercado y Alonso, "Annotations to Morga's Sucesos de -las Islas Filipinas," Paris, 1890. -Rizal's La Indolencia de los Filipinos, Madrid. 1889. -T. H. Pardo de Tavera, M. D., "Philippine Census, Volume I, History," -Manila, 1903. -Tavera's Resultados del Desarrollo Economico de Filipinas, Manila, -1912. -Antonio M. Regidor, D.C.L., (with J. Warren T. Mason), "Commercial -Progress in the Philippine Islands," London, 1905. - - -Made in Manila--Press of E. C. McCullough & Co.--The Work of Filipinos - - - - - - - -INTRODUCTION - -Need of more study of Philippine Economic Development. - - -The Spanish writers, and with them the Filipinos as well as, to a -great extent, writers of Philippine treatises in other languages, -have over-emphasized the political history of the Philippines. The -history of this country has been regarded but as the history of the -Spaniards in it, and not of its people, the Filipinos. [1] Hence -arises the need of studying our history from the point of view of -the development of our people, especially to trace and show the part -played by them in Philippine social progress as a whole. [2] - -The study of the economic history of a country is important also -because economic forces play a great part in the development of any -people. Indeed, some claim that all history may be explained in terms -of economic motives. This is known as the economic interpretation -of history. [3] Without going into the controversy centering around -this theory, we can readily see that what we know as civilization -has a two-fold basis, the physical and the psychical. And it is only -after the physical basis is secured, that further psychical advance -is possible. "Among all species, and in every stage of evolution, -the extent of aggregation and its place or position are determined -by external physical conditions. Even when men have become united by -sympathies and beliefs, the possibility of perpetuating their union is -a question of the character and resources of their environment. The -distribution of food is the dominating fact. Animals and men dwell -together where a food supply is found, or may be certainly and easily -produced. Other physical circumstances of the environment, however, -such as temperature and exposure, surface and altitude, which make life -in some places comparatively easy, in others difficult or impossible, -exert an influence not to be overlooked." (Franklin Henry Giddings, -The Principles of Sociology, p. 82. New York: 1911.) - -We need not trace the history of early civilizations to show the -influence exerted by physical factors. We need only to recall the -motives, familiar to all, which led to the discovery of America, -namely, the closing of the trade routes to the East through the -conquest of the Turks. And the history of this country itself furnishes -many illustrations. Both ancient and modern writers have had a good -deal to say about the strategic position of the Philippine Islands -in relation to the countries bordering around the Pacific Ocean. [4] -It was that central geographical position which explained the marked -predominance of Manila as a trade depot over all the other ports in the -Orient, at one time in our history. That was, furthermore, the reason -why the Spaniards kept the country; they wanted to use it "as a means -to be nearer, and to reach more quickly, the rich country of spices, -and then the continent of Asia, Japan, and the Orient in general." [5] - -Finally, we should distinguish the various causes that explain -historical events. For example, a good deal of what has been known -as the religious question in this country, is not concerned with -religion at all, but chiefly with economics. It is not always easy to -distinguish these various causes; a fact which only goes to explain -the one-sided point of view which has prevailed till the present. But, -that the questions connected with the means of getting a living were -considered paramount, even long before the formal exposition of the -economic interpretation of history, may be seen from the words of -the provincials of the religious orders in a remonstrance addressed -to the governor and captain-general of the Philippines, wherein they -depicted the deplorable conditions in the Islands: - -"Third, all the Christian Indians would be more steadfast and rooted -in the holy faith, and would become effective and most suitable -instruments for (gaining) new conversions of infidels (and) apostates, -the infidels themselves beholding the abundant wealth and profit, -and other benefits, of the Christian Indians; FOR IT IS THE TEMPORAL -WELFARE EVIDENT TO THEIR SENSES WHICH, AS EXPERIENCE TEACHES US, -STRONGLY INFLUENCES BOTH CLASSES OF INDIANS, TO BE CONVERTED OR TO -MAINTAIN THEMSELVES IN THE CHRISTIAN FAITH." [6] - - - -Divisions of present work. - -The present work is built around a group of ideas briefly summarized -as follows: The first three chapters portray the industries and -commerce at the time of the coming of the Spaniards; and explain -the causes that led to their decline; the fourth chapter dwells -upon the era of restriction, and the Manila-Acapulco trade, which, -for over two centuries, dominated this country, and has had such -depressing effect upon economic growth; the last chapter takes up -the era of liberalism, during the nineteenth century, and shows how -the opening of the Philippines to foreign influence resulted in the -development of its natural resources. Any attempt to trace Philippine -economic development in the past three centuries must necessarily -start, not so much with a detailed account of how the industries -developed as with an exposition of how they were not developed. On -the other hand, the remarkable social progress of the last half of -the nineteenth century, following the opening of the markets of the -world to Philippine products, is an encouraging indication of probable -social advance yet to be attained. - - - - - - -I. AGRICULTURE AND LANDHOLDING AT THE TIME OF THE DISCOVERY AND -CONQUEST - - -Agriculture. - -At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, agriculture in the -Philippines was in a comparatively prosperous condition. [7] The -Filipinos cultivated rice, which, as today, formed their chief article -of food. They grew also sugar-cane, coconuts, indigo, sweet potatoes, -and other tubers, various kinds of bananas, the betel-nut palm, the -tamarind, lansone, and several varieties of legumes, [8] The hemp -plant was likewise grown, and as we shall see later on, was used -at the time for making the so-called "sinamay" cloth. [9] Cotton -was cultivated, and furnished the material for weaving. Among the -native fruits mentioned by Morga are: "sanctors, mabolos, tamarinds, -nancas, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywhere many oranges, -of all kinds--large and small, sweet and sour; citrons, lemons, and -ten or twelve varieties of very healthful and palatable bananas." [10] - -With the coming of the Spaniards, very many plants which are commonly -considered to be indigenous in this country, were introduced. [11] -The most important economic plant imported since Spanish discovery -was the tobacco, which today forms one of the staple crops, though -it took many years before it came to anything like its present -position. The cacao nut also was imported. Among the most commonly -known of the others are; maize, peanut, papaya, and, also pineapple, -and sweet potato. [12] All of these plants came from Mexico. [13] -Coffee was introduced from Europe. [14] - - - - -Live stock. - -The Filipinos at the time of discovery had domestic animals, dogs, -cats, pigs, goats and buffaloes, i.e. carabaos. [15] "There were no -horses, mares, or asses in the islands, until the Spaniards had them -brought from China and brought them from Nueva Espana." [16] - -The Kings of Spain in their instructions to the governors-general -of the Philippines were solicitous about this matter of supplying -this country with sufficient live stock to carry on farm work. [17] -The early accounts of expeditions to find food for the Spaniards show -that chickens were raised by the Filipinos. [18] - -It has been truly said that the Filipino has been affected by the -centuries of Spanish sovereignty far less on his material side than -he has on his spiritual. [19] For as we read the early accounts -about agricultural life at the time of discovery and conquest, -and compare it with that of a decade ago, we do not find any marked -change or advance. [20] The early Filipinos knew how to construct -implements for the cultivation of their rice, such as for hulling -and separating the chaff from the grain; and they had wooden mortars -and pestles for pounding and whitening rice. Then, the women did most -of the work of pounding the rice for use, whereas today, the men do -it. [21] Furthermore, in the early days, the system of irrigating -the rice fields that is used today was known and practiced. [22] -Of course, the so-called caingin method of cultivation prevailed, -but the considerable amounts of rice which at various times were -contributed by the Filipinos for the support of the Spanish conquerors -could not have been produced under such a crude system of cultivation, -but only by the more advanced one, which closely resembled that of -the present time. [23] - - - - -Land holding. - -The lands of the ancient Filipinos were divided among the whole -barangay, so that each one had his holding and no resident of one -barangay was allowed to cultivate lands in another barangay unless he -had acquired them by inheritance, gift, or purchase. In some barangays -the lands belonged to the chief through purchase from the original -owners. In some localities the chiefs or principal personages also -owned the fisheries, and their rights were respected. [24] - -With the coming of the Spaniards, lands were assigned to the colonists, -of which they were to have perpetual ownership after four years' -residence. [25] Encomiendas of the Indians were also granted to -the discoverers and conquerors. [26] It is in connection with the -administration of these encomiendas that we find in the annals of the -Philippines many accounts of abuses and extortions practiced on the -natives, and the consequent revolts. It must not, however, be supposed -that the Filipinos were actually dispossessed of their lands by the -king; for, although according to the constitutional law of the Indies -the land and the soil in all colonies were the domain of the king [27] -and, therefore, could be assigned to deserving persons, there were -royal decrees intended to protect the natives in their time-honored -possession. [28] The question of land ownership has, however, from -earliest times been the source of conflicts between the religious -orders and the people. Without going into the technical,--and perhaps -today, academic,--question of which side had the better legal argument, -the fact cannot be denied that the Filipinos had always protested, -throughout the various centuries of contact with the Spaniards, -against what they considered to be usurpation of their lands. [29] - - - - - - -II. INDUSTRIES AT THE TIME OF DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST - - -Shipbuilding. - -One of the most important industries in the Philippines during this -period was shipbuilding. We would naturally expect this industry to -be developed among the Filipinos, for they belong to a seafaring race -that for centuries had been pushing their way northward and taking -possession of the islands of this part of the Pacific; furthermore, -once settled in this country, they had abundant supply of good timber -for building purposes. [30] Morga described the various kinds of -ships and boats used by the Filipinos. [31] There seems to be no -doubt that the Filipinos have forgotten much of what they knew about -shipbuilding. [32] - -The Spaniards took advantage of the abundance of materials in this -country, and engaged in shipbuilding on a large scale. Shipyards -were established at various places, [33] and to them the Filipinos -were compelled to go and work. To the honor and glory of Spain, -some of the largest ships in the world at that time were built in -the Philippines. [34] - -When the role played by the Filipinos in the history of Spanish -achievement in the Philippines comes to be finally written, their -share, in the form of service, direct--and indirect--and suffering of -different kinds, will occupy a considerable part of the account. [35] -First of all, the many lives sacrificed in connection with the -building of ships should be considered. [36] Then, the effect on -the industries of the country was disastrous. [37] Besides, very -frequently the laborers were not paid their wages. [38] And worse than -the physical cruelties practiced on them, the Filipinos were not only -helping the King in the extension of his empire, but also those who -actually abused them [39] to get rich. It is not strange, therefore, -that we should find good intentioned persons, among them the early -religious men--who wrote to the King and prayed for redress. [40] -In this connection, it is of interest to add that the Filipinos who -served as seamen in the galleons suffered as much as their brethren -who built the ships. [41] - -It is clear now why it is that the shipbuilding industry caused many -revolts. [42] An interesting effect of the hardships suffered by the -Filipinos was the migration of many of them to New Spain, and their -settlement there. [43] - - - - -Fishing. - -As, next to rice, fish formed an important part of the diet of the -Filipinos, we find them engaged in the fishing industry at the time -of discovery and conquest. Magellan and his party saw many fishing -boats near the coasts of the islands passed by them. "All the shores -of this bay (Manila) are well provided with abundant fisheries, of -all kinds." [44] The other islands were described to have many large -fisheries also. [45] The inland waters, too, furnished the inhabitants -with abundant fish supply. - -Most of the devices used today for catching fish were known then to -the ancient Filipinos. "The natives' method of catching them is by -making corrals of bejucos. They catch the fish inside these corrals, -having made the enclosures fast by means of stakes. They also catch the -fish in wicker baskets made from the bejucos, but most generally with -atarrayas (a species of fishing net), esparaveles (a round fishing -net, which is jerked along by the fisher through rivers and shallow -places), other small barrederas (a net of which the meshes are closer -and tighter than those of common nets, so that the smallest fish may -not escape it), and with hand lines and hooks." [46] The salambao -was also used. [47] - -Fishing for pearl oysters and other precious products of the sea was -also a developed industry at the time of discovery and conquest. These -products were exported to other countries. [48] - - - - -Mining and metal work. - -The early accounts abound in glowing descriptions of the mining -wealth of this country. "In many (indeed in most) islands are found -amber and civet, and gold mines--these especially in the mountain -ranges of Pangasinan and Paracale, and in Pampanga. [49] Consequently -there was hardly any Filipino who did not possess chains and other -articles of gold, according to the chroniclers. Indeed, many of the -early settlers in the country saw no other evidence of wealth but -the mines and metals. [50] - -The early Filipinos did not only know how to work mines, but also -knew the art of metal working. From the precious metals they made -jewelry and all kinds of ornaments. [51] They also used metal for -some of their weapons. [52] And the most noteworthy evidence of their -progress in working metals was their use of firearms. [53] - -Chief among the industries connected with the various kinds of palms -found in the Philippines was the distillation of the sap into alcohol, -a process known to the Filipinos long before Spanish arrival. "They -draw a great quantity of wine from the palm-trees; one Indian can -in one forenoon obtain two arrobas of sap from the palm-trees that -he cultivates. It is sweet and good, and is used in making great -quantities of brandy, excellent vinegar, and delicious honey." [54] -"Their drink is a wine made from the tops of coco and nipa palm, -of which there is great abundance. They are grown and tended like -vineyards, although without so much toil and labor. Drawing off -the 'tuba,' they distilled it, using for alembics their own little -furnaces and utensils, to a greater or less strength, and it becomes -brandy. This is drunk throughout the islands." [55] - -Other uses similar to those of today were made of the different parts -of the coconut and other palms. [56] - - - - -Textile industries. - -Weaving was one of the industries well-known to the Filipinos long -before the coming of the Spaniards. Contemporary writers all speak -of the great quantity of cloths, especially cotton, woven in the -country. [57] Says Sande: "All know how to raise cotton and silk, -and everywhere they know how to spin and weave for clothing." [58] - -Besides cotton, the fibers of the abacá or hemp plant was also used -for weaving; in fact, the latter must have been used even before -the former. [59] They wove cloths also from Piña, and from silk -imported from China. [60] The women knew the art of making lace and -of embroidery. [61] - - - - -Miscellaneous industries. - -That the Filipinos first seen by the Spaniards were not wandering -savages, as commonly assumed by later day writers, is shown by the -manner in which they built their houses--which very much resembled -those of today [62],--and fixed their settlements. [63] It is from -such and other similar facts that Rizal, [64] and other writers, -[65] claimed for the early Filipinos a higher degree of culture than -they were given credit for. - -Among the other industries at the time of discovery and conquest -were: the manufacture of gun-powder; hunting for edible birds' nests, -and exporting them to China; preparing hides, especially of deer, -for export to Japan. [66] "As they possess many civet cats, although -smaller than those of Guinea, they make use of the civet and trade -it. [67] They also carved the statues of their anitos." [68] - - - - -Conclusion. - -To quote Rizal, "All the histories of those first years, in short, -abound in long accounts about the industry and agriculture of -the natives. Mines, gold-washings, looms, farms, barter, naval -construction, raising of poultry and stock, weaving of silk and -cotton, distilleries, manufactures of arms, pearl fisheries, the civet -industry, the horn and hide industry, etc., are things encountered -at every step, and, considering the time and the conditions in the -islands, prove that there was life, there was activity, there was -movement." [69] - -Other evidences could be presented to strengthen the conclusion -advanced here. [70] - -The only question that remains to be answered is that asked by Rizal: -"How then, and in what way, was that active and enterprising infidel -native of ancient times converted into the lazy and indolent Christian, -as our contemporary writers say?" In connection with the discussion -of ancient industries we had occasion to see that the Filipinos had -neglected and even forgotten many such industries. Of this fact there -is plenty of reliable proof. [71] - -What were the causes that led to the decay of these old -industries? "First came the wars, the internal disorders which -the new change of affairs naturally brought with it." [72] Then, as -already pointed out, the effect of shipbuilding was fatal to the very -lives of the people. [73] Add to these the abuses practiced by the -encomenderos, and it is easy to understand the reason for the decline -of the industries at the time. [74] However, in this connection, the -benefits arising out of Spanish conquest should not be forgotten. [75] - - - - - - -III. TRADE AND COMMERCE AT THE TIME OF DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST - - -Centuries before Spanish discovery the Filipinos were in regular -intercourse with the neighboring countries of China, Japan, Borneo, -and others. In the work of Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese geographer of -the thirteenth century, there is a chapter on Philippine trade, -from which we learn that the "foreign traders import porcelain, -commercial gold, iron vases for perfumes, leaden objects, glass, -pearls of all colors, iron needles," [76] black damask, and other silk -fabrics, fish nets, and tin, and also silk umbrellas, and a kind of -basket woven from rattan. In exchange, the Filipinos exported cotton -(perhaps the "kapok" or tree cotton), yellow wax, strange cloth -(foreign cloth: sinamay, a light fabric made from abacá,--and other -textiles of the country.--Blumentritt's note), coconuts, onions, -(camotes?--Blumentritt's note), and fine mats; also pearls, shells -(i. e., tortoise-shell.--Blumentritt's note), betelnuts, and jute -(yuta) textiles. (Yu-ta seems to be the abacá.--Blumentritt's -note). [77] - - - - -Domestic trade. - -The first Spaniards who came to the Philippines observed a lively -commercial intercourse, not only among the peoples of the different -islands, but also with the near-by countries. [78] The chief method -of exchange was by means of barter, [79] though oftentimes gold dust -was used. - -With the coming of the Spaniards, domestic trade was upset. First -of all, restrictions were imposed upon trade; communication between -the villages was restrained. [80] Though later ordinances allowed -freedom of commerce between villages and provinces, [81] the spirit -of restriction predominated until modern times. [82] - -Then, the government officials, though in many decrees and ordinances -prohibited to engage in trade, [83] used their position as a means -of gaining profits in trade. [84] This evil prevailed till later -days. [85] However, as seen by Dr. Tavera, trading by the officials -was not without its good effect. [86] - - - - -Trade relations with oriental countries. - -The coming of the Spaniards opened a new market to the products of -the Orient, and Manila soon became the great distributing center of -the East. [87] "The merchants and business men form the bulk of the -residents of the islands, because of the great amount of merchandise -brought there--outside of native products--from China, Japan, Maluco, -Malacca, Siam, Cambojia, Borneo, and other districts." [88] - -From China, from thirty to forty ships sailed every year usually -in March, and reached Manila in fifteen or twenty days; here the -traders sold their goods, and, with the exception of some of the -larger dealers, returned towards the end of May or during the first -days of June, in order to avoid the stormy season. Morga gives a -detailed list of the goods imported from China. [89] - -The merchandise brought by the Chinese were unloaded into champans -(bancas), and taken to the Parian (Chinese quarter), or to other houses -and magazines outside of the city, and there freely sold. No Spaniard, -Sangley (Chinese trader), or any other person was allowed to go to the -ship to buy or trade merchandise, food, or anything else. The purchase -price was paid in silver and reals, for the Sangleys did not want gold, -or any other articles, and would not take other things to China. - -From Nagasaki, Japan, came Japanese and Portuguese merchants, who -brought excellent wheat-flour and highly prized salt meats. [90] -The bulk of the merchandise was used in the country. Returning to -Japan, during the months of June and July, they carried with them -raw Chinese silk, gold, deerskin, and brazil-wood for their dyes; -also honey, manufactured wax, palm and Castilian wine, civet-cats, -large tibors in which to store their tea, glass, cloth, and other -curiosities from Spain. - -From the Moluccas, Malacca, and India, the Portuguese imported many -articles, [91] and in return took with them to the Moluccas rice, -wine, crockery-ware, and other wares needed there; to Malacca, gold -and money, besides a few special trinkets and curiosities from Spain, -and emeralds. - -Smaller vessels belonging to natives of Borneo also came to Manila, -bringing well-made palm-mats, a few slaves, sago, and tibors; large -and small jars, and excellent camphor; these articles were bought -more by the Filipinos than by the Spaniards. The Borneans took with -them wine and rice, cotton cloth, and other wares of the Philippines. - -"Very seldom a few vessels came from Siam and Camboja, carrying -'benzoin, ivory, and cotton cloth; rubies and sapphires, badly cut -and set; a few slaves; rhinoceros horns, and the hides, hoofs, and -teeth of this animal; and other goods.'" [92] - -It was the goods that were imported into Manila by the Oriental -traders, especially the Chinese, that formed the bulk of the -commerce between the Philippines and New Spain. The only products -of Philippine industry dealt with in the so-called galleon trade -were gold, cotton cloth, mendriñaque, and cakes of white and yellow -wax. [93] By buying from the Oriental traders their merchandise, and -sending them to Mexico, the Spaniards in the Philippines made fabulous -profits. It is due to this trade that those engaged in it amassed -great wealth in a short time, and Manila became a great distributing -center of the East. [94] The prosperity of Manila during the first -years after the conquest is attributed to the fact that commerce was -then unrestrained. [95] To the same cause was due the settlement of -many Chinese and Japanese and other Orientals in the country. [96] -To say, however, that the later restrictions upon commerce killed -off all prosperity, would not be justified. [97] - - - - -IV. TRADE AND COMMERCE: THE PERIOD OF RESTRICTIONS - - -Hardly had wealth been created by the commerce of the first years -after the conquest, when the policy of restriction found its strong -supporters in the merchants of Cadiz and Seville, who, accustomed to -monopolize the trade with America, looked with jealous eyes upon the -rapidly growing prosperity of Manila, the new center of trade. The -cotton and silk cloths from China were underselling in Mexico those -coming from Spain and Peru, and a good deal of the silver was going, -not to Spain, but to the East; hence, the long drawn-out rivalry -between Manila, on the one hand, and Cadiz, and Seville, on the other, -with America as a third party, also working for her own interest. This -commercial activity was the phenomenon which dominated the Philippines -for over two centuries, and had such marked influence upon its whole -economic development. - -Before giving the various decrees passed from time to time to -regulate this commerce, it is advisable to discuss the arguments -advanced by the two sides. The Spanish merchants contended that -the competition of goods coming from the East would destroy the -manufactures on the Peninsula; and, further, that the sending of -silver to the Orient, would drain the supply available for Spain, and, -therefore, in accordance with the mercantilist doctrine, should be -prevented. Manila answered by saying that the goods that she exported -to New Spain were different from those coming from Spain; therefore, -there was really no competition between them. In other words, the -demand for either kind of goods was separate from, and independent -of, the demand for the other. [98] Other arguments were advanced to -prove that Manila should be treated with consideration; the driving -out of the Dutch from the Moluccas by the Philippine government, -[99] the preservation of the missionary conquests in the Far East, -[100] and the maintenance of the prestige of the Spanish crown, [101] -all of these would result from the maintenance of the Philippines, -by making it possible for her to support herself with the galleon -trade. These, added to the fact that the trade with New Spain was -not so profitable as commonly reported [102] on account of the many -perils involved in it, entitled Manila to a more liberal treatment. - - - - -Restrictions. - -The continued protests of the Spanish merchants finally led to the -prohibition of the shipment from New Spain to Perú or Tierra-Firme -of Chinese cloths brought from the Philippines. [103] "And in order -that what was prohibited in one way might not be obtained in another, -decrees were despatched on February 6 and December 18, 1591, ordering -the total cessation of commerce between the islands and Perú. That -was later extended to Tierra-Firme and Guatimala, by decrees of -January 12, 1593, and July 5, 1595, forbidding the trade of China -and its merchandise to all the Indias, except to Nueva España, which -was left open to the Philippines." [104] In 1593 a decree absolutely -limited the trade between Mexico and the Philippines to 250,000 pesos -annually for the exports to Mexico, and to 500,000 pesos for the -imports from Mexico, [105] to be carried in two ships not to exceed -three hundred tons burden. [106] It was also decreed that "no person -trade or traffic in the kingdom or in any part of China, and that -no goods be shipped from that kingdom to the Philippine Islands, on -the account of the merchants of those islands. The Chinese themselves -shall convey their goods at their own account and risk, and sell them -there by wholesale." [107] Further, it was ordered that "the Chinese -merchandise and articles which have been and shall be shipped from -Filipinas to Nueva España, can and shall be consumed there only, -or shipped to these kingdoms after paying the duties. They can not -be taken to Perú, Tierra-Firme, or any other part of the Indias, -under penalty of confiscation...." [108] - -"Fortunately," says Azcarraga, [109] "that tyrannical provision, -meeting with the opposition of the private interests, which it -so greatly injured, and among which were included those of the -authorities and officials who were called upon to enforce it--was -prevented from being carried in force, and thus, in reality, the -Acapulco trade continued unlimited until the year 1604, when, by -another decree the enforcement of previous laws was ordered." [110] -However, evasion of the law was a common practice, and the galleons -usually carried very much more cargo than was allowed. The abuses -became so apparent that in 1635, at the instigation of the merchants -of Cadiz and Seville, a special commissioner was sent to Manila, [111] -who strictly enforced the law. And, in order to prevent all evasions -of the law, it was decreed in 1636 to the viceroys of Perú and New -Spain "to prohibit and suppress, without fail, this commerce and -trade between both kingdoms, by all the ways and means possible." [112] - -The rest of the seventeenth century found Manila still engaged in a -great commercial controversy with the merchants of Spain; the endless -number of petitions sent from the Philippines to the king bears ample -testimony to the magnitude of the problem. [113] - -Further petition from Manila resulted in the decreeing in 1702 that in -the Philippine Islands two ships should be built, each of 500 toneladas -burden, which should transport the goods permitted to that trade; that -the citizens should be authorized to convey in these to Nueva España -the amount of 300,000 pesos in their products and other commodities, -and on the return to the Philippines to carry 600,000 pesos in silver, -allowing 100 per cent gain minus the duties and expenses. [114] It was -further provided in the decree that in the enumeration of the traders -should be included the Spaniards in the country, and the military men -stationed in the port of Cavite, excluding, however, ecclessiatical -ministers, whether secular or regular, and foreigners. [115] And -he who had no goods to lade was not allowed to give up his right in -favor of a third person, but a new distribution was made. [116] - -Induced by protests by Cadiz and Seville based on the ground that the -galleons carried more cargo than allowed, and that the great abundance -of silk in America had caused the decrease of the textile industry, -thus causing the decline of factories in Toledo, Valencia, Seville, -and Granada, a royal decree of January 8, 1718, prohibited the carrying -in the galleon of silk, woven or raw, from China. [117] The only trade -which could be carried on was in linen goods, porcelain, wax, cinnamon, -cloves, and other goods which were not brought from Spain. [118] - -More petitions came from Manila, and, finally, a royal decree of -June 17, 1724, repealed that of 1720, and allowed once more the -importation of Chinese silk. [119] An attempt on the part of the -Viceroy of Mexico to put a stop to the importation of Chinese silk -resulted in the royal decree of April 8, 1734, which, besides allowing -trade in silk, increased the amount of the trade permitted to Manila -to 500,000 pesos of investment and 1,000,000 of returns. [120] - -The galleon trade continued during the rest of the eighteenth century, -until 1811 when the last galleon sailed from Manila, and 1815, when -the final return voyage was made. The next period in the history of -Philippine commerce is characterized by the opening of the country -to foreign influence. - -Before, however, going into the next period let us see who were -entitled to participate in the galleon trade. The right to ship was -known as boleta or ticket, and there were as many boletas as divisions -in the ship. On the average there were 1,500 such divisions, each -worth from 200 to 225 pesos, a good portion of which were given to -the governor-general, the religious corporations, the regidores, the -favorites and privileged, and the widows of retired Spaniards. Those -who had no capital to invest in merchandise sold their boletas to the -merchants, and in spite of prohibition, this practice continued with -impunity. The cargo consisted chiefly of Chinese and Indian silk and -cotton cloths, and gold ornaments, and were sold at one hundred per -cent profit in New Spain. [121] Almost all the merchants secured -loans from the "Obras Pias," [122] which were funds donated for -pious purposes, and two-thirds of which loaned at the following rate -of interest: for Acapulco, fifty per cent; for China, twenty-five -per cent; for India, thirty-five per cent; the rest of the funds -formed the reserve. Besides the merchandise and silver the galleons -transported the official correspondence, arms, troops, missionaries, -and public officials. The officers of the galleon were highly paid. The -commander, who had the title of general, made 40,000 pesos per voyage, -the pilot about 20,000, [123] and the mates, 9,000 each. Most of the -crew were natives. [124] - - - - -Effects of the galleon trade - -What were the effects of the Manila-Acapulco trade upon the economic -growth of the Philippines? There are two answers to this question. On -the one hand, those who believe that the policy of restriction was -necessary in order to protect the industries of Spain, of course, -say that such policy was beneficial. Furthermore, it is alleged -that no other economic activity could have been possible during the -early part of Spanish domination because, at the time, there were -no products of the country which would serve as the basis of a rich -and flourishing commerce; there was no capital sufficient to exploit -the natural resources of the Philippines. And to show that Manila -was benefited by acting as a distributing point of Oriental goods, -the prosperity of Singapore and Hongkong is cited; what prosperity -would these cities enjoy if it were not for the fact that they act -as entrepots of the East? [125] The very retention of the Philippines -depended upon its ability to support itself in part, and the profits -from the trade as a whole made that possible. - -On the other hand, the galleon trade absorbed too much of the attention -of the Spaniards, [126] and caused the neglect of Philippine extractive -industries, especially agriculture. [127] It attracted the Spaniards -into Manila, and, thus, left the rest of the country without the -benefit of whatever good they could have done; and in Cebu, the point -was reached when, at one time, there was not a sufficient number of -persons to fill the offices of alcalde and regidores, and it was -necessary to assign to the city a few boletas from Manila. [128] -Lastly, it enriched only the few, [129] and the resulting economic -depression checked the growth of population. [130] - -Not everything, however, is to be attributed to the influence of the -galleon trade; a good deal of the neglect of the country's natural -resources was due to Spanish dislike of industrial activity. Azcarraga -explains that characteristic by saying that the eight centuries -of continuous struggle to drive out the Moors from Spain created a -chivalrous spirit and a love of risky undertakings; the discovery of -the New World furnished a wide sphere of action to that adventurous -spirit, and the resulting emigration to the newly discovered lands -depopulated the Peninsula to such an extent that labor could be -had neither for the factories nor for agriculture. "The current of -precious metals flowing into Spain from the mines of Mexico and Perú -fascinated the Spaniards; created easy-going and indolent habits; -held them off the mechanical arts, formerly called servile, and all -desired to gird the word and enjoy the spoils of conquest." [131] -This was the real cause of the decadence of Spanish industries, and -not, as alleged by the monopolists of Spain, the competition of the -Manila-Acapulco trade. With such causes operating to check development, -it is no wonder that Philippine industries were in a primitive state -down to the last years of Spanish domination. - - - - - - -V. THE NINETEENTH CENTURY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT - - -Towards the close of the eighteenth century there were events which -indicated the coming of greater liberty. Direct communication was -established in 1765 between Manila and Spain by means of a warship -which was to sail annually from Cadiz, with European goods, and to -come back loaded, not only with the products of the Philippines, -but also with Oriental merchandise, including goods from China and -Japan. However, the innovation was not well received in Manila, due -perhaps to the monopolistic habit of the merchants, and, in 1783, -these annual voyages were discontinued. [132] - -The coming of Governor José de Basco y Vargas marked a new era in the -economic history of the country, for two important events happened -during his term: the establishment of the Sociedad Económica de -Amigos del Pais, in 1781, and of the Real Compañía de Filipinas, -in 1785. These may be considered to be the most serious attempts -of Spain throughout her rule, to develop the natural resources of -the Philippines. - - - -The Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País. - -Basco's idea was to make the Philippines economically self-sufficing, -and not dependent on Mexico. For this reason, he encouraged the -development of agriculture by offering prizes to those who would -excel in the cultivation of cotton, spices, sugar and silk; those who -would open up the various kinds of mines; those who invented useful -things, and those who excelled in the arts and sciences. Likewise, he -issued circulars and pamphlets explaining the method of cultivating -the different Philippine crops. In order to get the community's -co-operation in carrying out his economic plan, he induced the King -to issue a decree establishing the Economic Society. In spite of -serious opposition on the part of many, the society was auspiciously -inaugurated in 1782. It seemed, however, as if Basco's ideas were -too advanced for his time, for the society led a declining life up -to 1822. A memoir published by the Society [133], and containing -a list of its achievements, shows its activity to have consisted of -discussions of economic subjects; the publication of pamphlets dealing -with the cultivation of coffee, sugar, indigo, silk, gutta-percha, -hemp, cacao, and other plants; the offering of prizes to persons who -succeeded in weaving cloths, making dyes, inventing hemp-stripping -machines, and contributing other useful things to agriculture; -and the introduction of agricultural implements of various kinds -from the United States. The Society lived for over a century, till -1890. Another means resorted to by Basco to free the Philippines from -its dependence on Mexico was the establishment of the tobacco monopoly -by the government. This proved to be a good source of revenue, and, -at the same time, was instrumental in bringing into cultivation -large tracts of land. However, the evils attending it were many; -the abuses of the government officials in enforcing the regulations, -and in trying to make profits for themselves; the lack of incentive -on the part of the producer to improve the quality of his tobacco; -the existence of smuggling and bribery, and the poverty of the farmer; -all these were attributed to the tobacco monopoly. [134] - - - -The Royal Company. - -The second important event during Basco's rule was the establishment -of the "Real Compañía de Filipinas" by royal decrece of March 10, -1785. The capital of the company was fixed at eight million pesos -divided into 32,000 shares of two hundred and fifty pesos each; -the king bought four thousand shares, and the citizens of Manila -were allowed three thousand. The chief object of the company was -to establish commercial relations among the different colonies, -and also between the colonies and Spain; to supply Manila with the -products of Europe, and, in return, to carry to Spain not only the -products of the Philippines, but also the merchandise coming from the -Oriental countries. The second important object was the encouragement -of Philippine agriculture, as shown in section four of the charter, -which required the company to invest four per cent. of its net profits -in some extractive industries, chiefly agriculture. In order to help -the company, all the laws and decrees which prohibited the importation -of Oriental cloths into Spain, were repealed, and the products of the -Philippines were exempted from all kinds of duties both in Manila and -in Spain. Furthermore, the merchants of Manila were allowed to go -to the Asiatic ports for trade, and the Chinese who came to Manila -were allowed to trade freely without subjecting themselves to any -restrictions. However, the old Manila-Acapulco trade was not to be -disturbed, for the company could not send ships to Acapulco. - -The company encouraged the production of silk, [135] indigo, -[136] sugar, [137] cotton, [138] and especially of pepper and other -spices. For this purpose it bought lands, established posts in Ilocos, -Bataan, Cavite, and Camarines, and offered prizes. It also gave -stimulus to manufacturing by establishing textile factories. - -In spite of the special protection and privileges granted to the -company, it declined from year to year. In 1805 it was rechartered, -and given fifteen years of life and the same privileges as before; -its capital was fixed at twelve and a half million pesos divided -into shares of two hundred and fifty pesos each; foreigners were -allowed to own shares; and the ships were allowed to sail directly -from the Asiatic ports without stopping at Manila; and finally the -three-year privilege, [139] allowed to foreigners at the request -of the company in 1789, of importing into Manila Asiatic goods, and -exporting the products of the country, was made perpetual. In 1830 -its privileges were revoked, and Manila was left open to foreign -commerce and navigation. - -What were the causes that led to the ill success of the Royal -Company? Among the minor causes mentioned was the indifference -of the residents of the Philippines; for, as Zuñiga says, [140] -"taught to gain in New Spain what is necessary for their comfort, -without any more work than sending a memorial once every year, it is -hard for them to engage in a commerce which is servile and vexatious; -and, accustomed to exorbitant profits, they cannot adapt themselves -to the gradual profits in a store; * * *. Furthermore, the company -neglected to import the goods from Europe, such as wines and groceries, -which the foreign ships brought at great profit." - -It also failed to establish direct trade relations with China and -India, but depended solely on buying the goods which were brought -there by the Chinese and other foreign traders; hence, it had to pay -higher prices for the Oriental goods it sent to Europe. The company, -too, overestimated the importance of certain Philippine products, -especially spices, which were produced much more cheaply in Sumatra and -Java. Though allowed to invest only four per cent of its net profits in -agriculture during the first years of its existence, it invested great -sums in buying lands, made advances to the producers; in other words, -it engaged in much speculation, which proved disastrous. It also gave -premature attention to the development of manufacturing. The chief -cause, however, of the failure of the company was the fact that it -was not given control of the Manila-Acapulco trade, which continued -to absorb the attention of the very men, who, because of experience -in the country, would have helped the Company during its formative -years. [141] - -According to Dr. Tavera, the Royal Company introduced capital, which -was essential for economic development. [142] - - - - -The opening of the ports. - -Even before the coming of Basco, the taking of Manila by the English -in 1762 had a good economic effect, for it acquainted England with -the natural resources of the Philippines, and the possibilities for -material development. [143] Perhaps as a result of the information -thus gained, we find an English commercial house obtaining permission -to establish itself in Manila in 1809. And in 1814, probably due to -the liberalizing influence of the war of independence just closed in -Spain, it was stipulated that all colonial ports still restricted -should be opened to foreign traffic, and that foreigners should be -allowed to enter, and engage in commercial activities; thus was swept -away the restrictive colonial policy, which had prevailed among the -European nations, and which Spain was the very last to abandon. In the -beginning, however, there was need of special royal permission for each -foreign house established. Later on the permission of the Governor -General only sufficed. [144] An earlier edict of the Philippine -government, repeated in 1828 and again in 1840, forbade foreigners to -sell at retail or to enter the provinces to carry on business of any -kind. [145] In 1842 there were in Manila thirty-nine Spanish shipping -and commercial houses, and about a dozen foreign houses, of which seven -or eight were English, two were Americans, one was French, and another -Danish, while consuls of France, the United States, Denmark, Sweden, -and Belgium resided there. [146] By about 1859, according to Bowring, -there were in Manila seven English, three American, two French, two -Swiss, and one German commercial establishments; and in the other -ports, there was no European business house, except one in Iloilo, -where there was an English firm of which the British vice-consul was -the directing partner. [147] - -Once Manila was opened, the advocates of greater freedom did not rest -content with only one free port, because there were great difficulties -in connection with the exportation of products from the places far -from Manila. The products of the Ilocano provinces, southern Luzon, -and the Visayas, and even Mindanao, had all to be taken to Manila, -and from there, exported. Thus, the system entailed unnecessary risks, -waste of time, and extra expense. [148] Accordingly, at the request -of the government of the Philippines, Royal Order of September 29, -1855, approved the opening of the ports of Sual (Pangasinan), Iloilo, -and Zamboanga. And lastly, by Royal Decree of July 30, 1860, Cebu, -which up to that time was obliged to send her products for exportation -either to Manila or Iloilo, was opened. - - - -Effects of the opening of the ports. - -Taking the increase of exports as an indication of greater agricultural -and commercial activity, we find that, with the opening of the ports, -exports increased; and these now consisted of the products of the -country, instead of manufactured goods brought from elsewhere in the -Orient. [149] By 1839, the Philippines exported 2,674,220 pesos of her -own products, as against 500,000 pesos in 1810. [150] Sugar in 1782, -was the only product which was attracting any attention, because at the -time, thirty-thousand piculs of it had been exported; in 1840, 146,661 -piculs were exported; in 1854 the amount had increased to 566,371, -almost four times greater than in 1840; and in 1857 the amount reached -714,059 piculs. [151] Similarly, the amount of hemp exported increased, -in spite of the fact that it found its way in the world's market for -the first time only in the early part of the nineteenth century. [152] - -The same effect that was observed in connection with the opening of -Manila followed that of the other ports. The production of the regions -around the new ports increased as shown by export statistics, and -commercial activity was stimulated, as shown in the greater movement -of ships. For example, Sual in 1857 sent abroad twelve ships with rice, -and two hundred and twenty-five ships to Manila, also loaded with rice; -in 1860, sixty ships went abroad, and one hundred and seventy-two -to Manila, loaded mostly with the same cargo. Again, although in the -first three or four years there were no marked increase in her exports, -Iloilo by 1859 began to show signs of increasing productivity. [153] -Its total value of exports, which in 1858 amounted to 82,000 pesos, -had increased to 1,000,000 pesos in 1863. - -Furthermore, the opening of Iloilo encouraged production in the -island of Negros. Previous to the new era the conditions there were -described thus: "... before the happy event that we are considering, -that island was uncultivated, thinly populated, and above all, without -any kind of production to keep commerce alive; besides the Governor, -the Alcalde mayor, and the curates sent by the religious orders, -there were no other Spaniards; only one European, a French doctor by -the name of Gaston, had settled there, cultivating sugar cane, and -now and then sending some cargoes to Manila. [154] Again, Jagor tells -us that in 1857 there was not one iron mill to be found on the island; -and that in working with the wooden mill, about 30% of the sap remained -in the cane, even after it had been thrice passed through. However, -the old wooden presses were disappearing, and were being supplanted -by iron mills run by steam or carabao. These mills the natives had no -difficulty in obtaining because they could get them on credit from -the warehouses of the English importers. Instead of the old Chinese -cast-iron pans which were in use, far superior articles had been -imported from Europe; and many large factories worked by steam power -and with all modern improvements had been established. In agriculture, -likewise, great progress was noticeable. Improved plows, carts, and -good farming implements generally were to be had in plenty. [155] -After the opening, the 4,000 piculs of sugar produced in Negros in -1856 had increased to 100,000 in 1864 for exportation; there were -25 Europeans in the same year, 7 machines run by steam in the towns -of Bacolod, Minuluan, and Bago, and 45 run by animal power. Similar -advance characterized the other parts of the islands. [156] - -The increased production, due to the improved methods of cultivation, -had a great effect on the inhabitants of the islands, for, not only did -it bring about greater welfare because of more adequate satisfaction -of their necessities, but also because it developed a demand for other -necessities; hence, raising the standard of living. Referring to the -same phenomenon in Iloilo Mr. Loney in a report as vice-consul of Great -Britain, said that the current testimony of all the elder residents -in the province was that during the last few years a very marked -change had taken place in the dress and general exterior appearance -of the inhabitants of the large pueblos, owing in great measure to -the comparative facility with which they obtained articles which -were formerly either not imported, or the price of which placed them -beyond their reach. In the interior of the houses the same change was -observable in the furniture and other arrangements, and the evident -wish to add ornamental to the more necessary articles of household -use. [157] - -And since the opening of the ports, a great many people, especially -mestizos, who before traded in manufactured goods purchased in Manila, -abandoned their business, and, unable to compete with the Chinese -dealers, had betaken themselves to the raising of sugar, and other -products to the great benefit of the country. [158] And, thus, the -greater exploitation of natural resources gave rise to the demand for -better means of communication, [159] and other material improvements. - -The material progress of the Filipinos wrought great changes in -the social population, mind, and structure. Though not affecting -the majority of the people, economic advance paved the way for -the development of the spirit of independence and criticism, which -characterizes an independent and stable middle class. It was that -class, which, because of contact with the new ideas brought by the -newcomers, and of increasing material power, first questioned the -abuses of the government, and demanded social reforms. [160] - -Furthermore, the law that all the energy in the growth and activity of -a population is derived from the physical world, and hence, density of -population is dependent on material progress, is well illustrated by -the increase of population in this country during the last century, -especially its first half. [161] In turn, density of population made -possible further social progress. [162] - - - - -Conclusion. - -Why is it that writers attribute great significance to the coming of -the foreign business men, especially the American and British? [163] -Why was it that the opening of the ports, and the coming of the -foreigners, resulted in the material progress of the country? Two -circumstances are of prime importance in considering the growth of -new settlements, and the conditions determining their economic and -social progress. The first is whether or not they possess markets -for commodities which their natural resources enable the people to -produce easily. This condition is important for, without markets in -other communities new countries can possess no material advantage over -old ones in the production of wealth. Now, the opening of Philippine -ports to foreigners brought our products in contact with the world's -market, without which it would have been useless to attempt to produce -any more than what was required by the local demand. In other words, -the world's demand for the commodities we produce easily, served as -an effective stimulus to further production. - -The second circumstance affecting the growth of a new country is -the extent to which the people are able to secure the co-operation -of capital from older communities to assist them. There are several -ways by which capital may co-operate in the development of a new -territory. The first is, where capital in the form of stocks of -commodities of all kinds is advanced or sold upon credit by the -commercial houses. This has been used in this country. The example of -Mr. Nicholas Loney, an Englishman, agreeing to be paid for his sugar -machineries with the increased earnings due to the use, by the Filipino -planters, of such machines, is a good illustration of how foreign -capital could be utilized to advantage by all parties concerned. On -the one hand, the planter improved his method of cultivation, -thereby increasing his produce, and, on the other, the foreign -merchant sold more of his imported machineries, and exported more of -the products of the Philippines to his country. [164] Furthermore, -labor is not without some benefit, for the payment of higher wages is -then possible. The second way by which capital may co-operate is by -providing transportation facilities to connect a new country with the -markets, and especially with those so necessary to its prosperity; -for example, by organizing steamboat companies, building important -roads, and, above all, constructing railroads. This also was done -in this country; the building of the Manila-Dagupan railroad, for -example, has had a remarkable influence upon the economic progress -of the provinces through which it passed. - -Thus is explained why it is that the opening of the Philippines to -the outside world caused great social changes. - - - - - - - -II. THE FILIPINOS' PART IN THE PHILIPPINES' PAST - -Pre-Spanish Philippine History -A. D. 43-1565 - - -Pre-Spanish Philippine History during the first years of the -conversion-conquest was tabooed because of its pagan and infidel -associations. Whatever had to do with the past, the many records -there must have been in a land where literacy is reported to have been -general, was religiously destroyed by the missionaries. Likewise the -converts, and it was almost an unanimous conversion, were exhorted -to banish from their memories all traditions and recollections as -they valued their immortal souls. Thus was repeated, on a much larger -scale and more effectively, the Christianizing of England's Saxons. - -The possibility of classical references to the archipelago had at -first to be generally ignored, even had the early European comers -been educated men, which for the most part they were not. Spain's -occupation was based on discovery from the New World and it would -have been considered like championing Portugal's rival claims to -circulate accounts of earlier Asiatic associations. - -The contempt in which the Chinese were held acted to prevent much -mention of their former knowledge of the islands though scanty -references, apparently unwittingly, have occasionally crept into some -of the first chronicles. - -Similarly a prejudice consequent upon the 1762-3 occupation of Manila -banned English histories of the Indian Archipelago. Then during the -last decades of Spain's final century of rule her apologists sought to -minimize the lamentable lack of progress since the first few decades -by ascribing savagery to the people Legaspi found. - -A suggestion of the antagonism to historical research appears in the -frequent assertions of Spanish writers from 1888 to 1898 that the -only Philippine history was the chapter of Spanish history dealing -with Spain in the Philippines. More emphatic proof is the bitter -criticism of the early Spanish historian Morga whose 1609 "Events -in the Philippines" Doctor Rizal was blamed for republishing. That -Spaniards were not ignorant of the Philippines' past may be proved by -Raimundo Geler, who, in a book issued in Madrid during the liberal -régime of 1869, made a brief summary of what foreign writers had -gleaned from Arabian sources about the early Filipinos, but with the -return of the Bourbon dynasty to power he had to withdraw his work from -circulation till the claim is made that only a single copy remains. - -Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt, the Austrian professor, seems to have -pioneered in applying modern critical methods to extract the -true narrative from conflicting early authorities, in the later -1880s. Isabelo de los Reyes, a Filipino born in the Ilocos provinces, -tried to make deductions to fill out this narrative and supplemented -it with materials from folk-lore. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, another -Filipino, sought the aid of philology, dealing with the considerable -Sanscrit element in the local dialects. To Juan Luna, also a Filipino, -belongs the credit for the first essays in Philippine historical -paintings, for he availed himself of European museums to depict his -characters in the real costumes of their times. And Mariano Ponce, -in the Filipino students' Madrid review La Solidaridad, popularized -the chief events and prominent personalities of the conquest period. - -Dr. José Rizal, greatest of all Filipinos, however, excelled all -the rest. His is the first history from the Filipino view point (to -be found in The Philippines a Century Hence, The Indolence of the -Filipinos, and his annotations to Morga's History). His was the first -systematic work by a Filipino in zoology, philology, and ethnology as -aids to history; and as well his was the earliest Filipino interest -in the Chinese records referring to these Islands. It was in 1887, -in Dresden, Germany, that Rizal conferred with Dr. A. B. Meyer and -Professor Blumentritt on the Chua Ju-Kua account of Manila in the -middle of the thirteenth century which had just been translated -by Dr. Friedrich Hirth, an extract from the work begun in 1885 and -continuing over ten years. - - - - - - - -PRE-HISTORIC CIVILIZATION IN THE PHILIPPINES - -By Elsdon Best - -(Polynesian Society, Journal, Vol. 1) - - -When a powerful and highly civilized nation comes in contact with -a barbaric and isolated people, who have nevertheless advanced many -steps on the road of progress, it would naturally be thought that the -superior and conquering race would endeavor to collect and place on -record information concerning such people: their manners, customs, -language, religion, and traditions. Unfortunately, in the case -of the Spanish conquests of the XVI century, that nation appears -never to have considered it a duty to hand down to posterity any -detailed description of the singularly interesting races they had -vanquished. As it was with the Gaunches of the Canaries, the Aztecs -of Mexico, and the Quichuas of Peru, so was it with the Chamorro of -the Ladrones, and the Tagalog-Bisayan tribes of the Philippines. The -same vandal spirit that prompted the conquistadores to destroy the -Maya and Aztec literature also moved them to demolish the written -records of the Philippine natives, and but few attempts were made to -preserve relics or information concerning them. The Spanish priests, -as the lettered men of those times, were the persons we should look -to for such a work, but in their religious ardor they thought only -of the subjugation and conversion of the natives, and so, with the -sword in one hand and crucifix in the other, they marched through -that fair land ignoring and destroying the evidences of a strange -semi-civilization which should have been to them a study of the -deepest interest. Fortunately, however, there were a few in that -period who were interested in such matters, and who wrote accounts -of the state of culture of the islanders of that early date. Some -of these MSS. have been preserved in the archives of Manila and have -lately attracted the attention of Spanish scholars. - -Such is the article from which the greater part of these notes is -taken. In the volume for 1891 of the Revista Ibero-Americana, published -at Madrid, there appeared a series of papers contributed by the Bishop -of Oviedo, and entitled La antigua civilización de las Islas Filipinas, -in which he gives a very interesting description of the natives and -their mode of life. The source of this information is an old folio -manuscript written on rice-paper in the year 1610 from data collected -at the period of the Spanish conquest of the Philippines by Legaspi. It -is extended to the year 1606, and relates minutely the condition of -the islanders prior to the arrival of the Spanish. The codex is divided -into five books, and these again into 183 capitulos, or chapters. The -writer lived in the group for twenty-nine years in order to complete -his work, which is authorised by authentic signatures of responsible -persons. Extracts have also been made from Miguel de Loarca's account -of the Philippines written in 1583, Dampier's voyage in the Pinkerton -collection, and Antonio de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. - -The first historical existence of the Malay proper is traced to -Menangkabau in the Island of Sumatra, from whence they have spread -over the islands of the East India Archipelago, and by their vigor, -energy and skill have made themselves masters of the original -inhabitants. At an early period they probably received instruction -from Hindoo immigrants in the arts of working metals, spinning, -weaving, etc. As to the whence of the various Malayan tribes of -the Philippines, it is most probable that they originally reached -the Archipelago from Borneo, or the Malay Peninsula. From northern -Borneo the Sulu islands form a series of stepping stones across -to Mindanao. As the Tagalog language is looked upon as one of the -purest of Malay dialects, and contains the least number of Sanscrit -words, it may be inferred from this that the race has occupied the -islands from an early date. It is possible that the first settlers -were carried thither by ocean currents, and that the Kuro Siwo, or -Black Current, which sweeps up past Luzon, is also responsible for -the existence of the Kabaran (a Malay tribe) in Formosa. From ancient -times boats and men have drifted up from the Malay Islands to Japan, -and W. E. F. Griffis, in his "Mikado's Empire," states that Shikoku -and Kiushiu were inhabited by a mixed race descended from a people who -had come from Malaysia and southeast Asia. It is most probable that -Micronesia was settled from the Philippine Group, which thus became -the meeting ground of the northern migration of Polynesians from Samoa, -and the Micronesians proper. The Spanish codex before mentioned states -that the Tagalog-Bisayan tribes were thought to be derived from the -coast of Malabar and Malacca, and that, according to tradition, they -arrived at the islands in small vessels called barangayan under the -direction of dato or maguinoo (chiefs or leaders), who retained their -chieftainship after the landing as the basis of a social organization -of a tribal kind, and that every barangay (district or tribal division) -was composed of about fifty families. Nothing definite appears to -have been obtained from their traditions as to the original habitat -of the race, and this may be accounted for by the supposition that -the migration occurred at a remote period, and that all knowledge of -their former home was lost. When a migratory race takes possession of -new regions it maintains little or no correspondence with those left -behind; thus in time they forget their old habitations, and their -geographical knowledge is reduced to obscure and fading traditions. - -On arriving at their new home the invaders must have ejected the -indigenous Aieta from the low-lying country, and driven them back -into the mountains. Juan de Salcedo, the Cortes of the Philippines, -in his triumphal march round the island of Luzon, was unable to -conquer many of the hill tribes, both Aieta and Tagalog, some of -whom have remained independent until the present time. The Spanish -Government forbade all intercourse with these mountaineers, on pain -of one hundred lashes and two years' imprisonment, and this edict -had the effect of preserving the ruder, non-agricultural hill-races. - -This invading race of Malays was divided into many different tribes, -the principal ones being the Tagalog of Luzon and the Bisayan of the -southern isles. The Tagalog, or Ta-Galoc, were the most numerous, -and were endowed with all the valor and politeness which can be -expected in a semi-civilized people. The Pampangan and Camarine tribes -were noted for their generosity. The Cagayans were a brave people, -but easily civilized. The Bisayans were also called Pintados, or -"painted ones," by the Spanish, from their custom of tattooing the -body. Within this community of tribes there are numerous differences -of dialects and customs, clothing, character, and physical structure, -which in many cases indicate obvious traces of foreign mixture. - -As a race, the Philippine natives of the Malayan tribes are of moderate -stature, well-formed, and of a coppery-red color, or, as Morga quaintly -describes them, "They were of the color of boiled quinces, having -a clever disposition for anything they undertook: sharp, choleric, -and resolute." Both men and women were in the habit of anointing -and perfuming their long black hair, which they wore gathered in a -knot or roll on the back of the head. The women, who were of pleasing -appearance, adorned their hair with jewels, and also wore ear-pendants -and finger-rings of gold. The men had little or no beard, and both -sexes were distinguished for their large, black eyes. The Zambales, -or Beheaders, shaved the front part of the head, and wore on the -skull a great lock of loose hair, which custom also obtained among -the ancient Chamorro of the Ladrones. Most of the tribes filed their -teeth, and stained them black with burnt coconut shell; while among -the Bisayans the upper teeth were bored, and the perforations filled -with gold, a singular custom observed by Marco Polo in China, and which -was also practised in ancient Peru and Egypt. Many of the tribes are -spoken of by the early Spanish navigators as being endowed with fair -intellectual capacities, possessing great powers of imitation, sober, -brave, and determined. The Tagalog character, according to some later -writers, is difficult to define: the craniologist and physiognomist -may often find themselves at fault. They are great children, their -nature being a singular combination of vices and virtues. - -The costume of the men consisted of a short-sleeved cotton tunic -(chinina), usually black or blue, which came below the waist, a -colored cotton waistcloth, or kilt (bahaque), extending nearly to -the knee, and over this a belt or sash of silk a handbreadth wide, -and terminating in two gold tassels. On the right side hung a dagger -(bararao) three palms long, and double-edged, the hilt formed of -ivory or gold, and the sheath of carabao-hide. They wore a turban -(potong) on the head, and also leg-bands of black reeds or vines -such as are seen among the Papuans of New Guinea. Chains, bracelets -(calombiga), and armlets of gold, cornelian and agate were much worn, -and he was reckoned a poor person who did not possess several gold -chains. Hernando Requel, writing home to Spain, stated: "There is -more gold in this island of Luzon than there is iron in Biscaya." - -The Tinguianes had a peculiar custom of wearing tightly-compressed -bracelets, which stopped the growth of the forearm, and caused the -hand to swell. Women wore the tapis, a bordered and ornamented cloth -wrapped round the body, which was confined by a belt, and descended -to the ankles. The bust was covered with a wide-sleeved camisita, -or waist (baro), to which was sometimes added a handkerchief. The -women of Luzon were without headdress, but made use of a parasol of -palm leaves (payong). Among the Bisayans the women wore a small cap -or hood, and in the northern isles they were permitted the luxury -of being carried on the shoulders of slaves. Both sexes wore the -same dress among the Ilokanos, the chief article of attire being a -loose coat (cabaya) similar to those of the Chinese. The dress of -the Chief's wives was more elegant than that of women of the common -people (timaguas). They wore white robes, and others of crimson -silk, plain or interwoven with gold, and trimmed with fringes and -trinkets. From their ears were suspended golden pendants of excellent -workmanship, and on their fingers and ankles were massive gold rings -set with precious stones. The timaguas and slaves went barefooted, -but the upper class wore shoes, the women being daintily shod with -velvet shoes embroidered with gold. "Both men and women were very -cleanly and elegant in their persons and dress, and of a goodly mien -and grace; they took great pains with their hair, rejoicing in its -blackness, washing it with the boiled bark of a tree called gogo, -and anointing it with musk oil and other perfumes. They bathed daily, -and looked upon it as a remedy for almost every complaint. On the -birth of a child the mother repaired to the nearest stream, and bathed -herself and the little one, after which she returned to her ordinary -occupation. Women were well treated among these people, and had for -their employment domestic work, needle work, in which they excelled, -the spinning and weaving of silk and cotton into various fabrics, -and also the preparation of the hemp, palm, and banana fibers. - -The Philippine natives, with the exception of some of the hill tribes, -were diligent agriculturists, this being their chief occupation. In -some mountainous regions they adopted a system of terrace cultivation -similar to that of China, Peru, and Northern Mexico in bygone times, -and which may also be seen in Java. They cultivated rice, sweet -potatoes, bananas, coconuts, sugar-cane, palms, various vegetable -roots and fibrous plants. They hunted the wild carabao, deer and wild -boar. The flesh of the carabao, or water buffalo, was preserved for -future use by being cut into slices and dried in the sun, when it -was called tapa. Rice was prepared by being boiled, then pounded in -a wooden mortar and pressed into cakes, thus forming the bread of the -country. They made palm wine (alac or mosto) from the sap of various -species of palms. Food was stored in raised houses similar to the -pataka of the Maori. The first fruits of the harvest were devoted -to the deified spirits of ancestors, called anito. The Bisayans, -when planting rice, had the singular custom of offering a portion -of the seed at each corner of the field as a sacrifice. The ordinary -dainty among the islanders was the buyo or betel quid, consisting of -a leaf of betel pepper (tambul or siri) smeared over with burnt lime -and wrapped round a piece of areca nut (bonga). - -"The Filipinos," says the old Spanish padre "lived in houses (bahai) -built of bamboo six feet from the ground." These dwellings were -supplied with cane screens in the place of divisions and doors. The -elevated floor, where they ate and slept, was also made of split -cane, and the whole structure was secured by reeds and cords for -want of nails. They ascended to these houses by a portable ladder, -which was removed when the inmates went out, a sign that no person -might approach the dwelling, which was otherwise unsecured. The house -was surrounded by a verandah, and in one apartment were the household -utensils, dishes and plates of earthenware, and copper vessels for -various purposes. They had, moreover, in their houses some low tables -and chairs, also boxes, called tampipi, which served for the purpose of -keeping wearing apparel and jewels. Their bedding consisted usually of -mats manufactured from various fibers. The houses of the chiefs were -much larger and better constructed than those of the timaguas. Many -of their villages were built on the banks of rivers and the shores of -lakes and harbors, so that they were surrounded by water, in the manner -of the seaside dwellings of New Guinea and the Gulf of Maracaibo. Among -the Tinguianes tree houses were made use of. In these they slept -at night in order to avoid being surprised by enemies, and defended -themselves by hurling down stones upon the attacking party, exactly -in the same manner as the natives of New Britain do to this day. - -The external commerce of the Tagalog tribes was principally with -China, of which nation there were vessels in Manila on the arrival of -the Spanish. They are also said to have had intercourse with Japan, -Borneo, and Siam. They had no coined money, but to facilitate trade -they utilized gold as a medium of exchange in the form of dust and -ingots, which were valued by weight. Magellan speaks of their system -of weights and measures. These people were skilful shipwrights and -navigators. The Bisayans were in the habit of making piratical forays -among the isles. Their vessels were of various kinds, some being -propelled by oars or paddles, and others were provided with masts and -sails. Canoes were made of large trees, and were often fitted with -keels and decks, while larger vessels, called virey and barangayan, -were constructed of planks fastened with wooden bolts. The rowers, -with paddles (busey) or oars (gayong), timed their work to the voices -of others, who sung words appropriate to the occasion and by which -the rowers understood whether to hasten or retard their work. Above -the rowers was a platform (bailio) on which the fighting men stood -without embarrassing the rowers, and above this again was the carang, -or awning. They sometimes used outriggers (balancoire) on both sides -of the vessel. The laip and tapaque were vessels of the largest kind, -some carrying as many as two hundred and fifty men. The barangayan, -a type of vessel used from the earliest times, was singularly like -those of the ancients described by Homer. - -Society among the Tagalog-Bisayan tribes was divided into three -classes, the chiefs and nobles, the common people (timagua), and -the slaves. The principal of every group, styled maguinoo among -the Tagalogs, bagani by the Manobos, and dato by the Bisayans, -was the only political, military, and judicial authority. These -chieftainships were hereditary, and the same respect was shown to -the women as to the men of the ruling families. Their power over -the people was despotic, they imposed a tribute upon the harvests, -and could at any time reduce a subject to slavery, or dispose of -his property and children. The slaves were divided into two classes: -the sanguihuileyes, who were in entire servitude as also were their -children, lived and served in the houses of their masters; while the -namamahayes lived in houses of their own, and only worked as slaves -on special occasions, such as at harvesting and housebuilding. Among -this latter class there obtained a peculiar half-bond system, which -may be explained thus: In the event of a free man marrying a slave -woman, and their having only one son, that child would be half free -and half enslaved--that is, he would work one month for his owner and -the next for himself. If they had more than one child, the first born -would follow the condition of the father, the second of the mother, -and so on. If there were uneven numbers, the last born was half free -and half bond. Slaves were bought, sold, and exchanged like ordinary -merchandise. In their social manners these people were very courteous, -more especially the Luzon tribes. They never spoke to a superior -without removing their turban. They then knelt upon one knee, raised -their hands to their cheeks, and awaited authority to speak. The hongi, -or nose-pressing salutation of the Polynesians, was an ancient custom -in the Philippine Group, and on the island of Timor. It also obtained -among the Chamorro of the Ladrones, who termed it tshomiko. The -Philippine natives addressed all superiors in the third person, and -added to every sentence the word po, equivalent to Sir. They were -given to addresses replete with compliments, and were fond of music -of the cud, a guitar with two strings of copper wire. In regard to -judicial matters, all complaints were brought before the dato of the -barangay (district) for examination. Though they had no written laws, -they had established rules and customs by which all disputes were -settled, and the chiefs recovered their fees by seizing the property -not only of the vanquished party, but also of his witnesses. Trial -by ordeal was common, the usual mode being that of plunging the arm -into a vessel of boiling water and taking out a stone off the bottom; -or a lighted torch was placed in the hands of the accused, and if -the flame flickered towards him he was pronounced guilty. Theft was -sometimes punished by death, in which case, the condemned was executed -by the thrust of a lance. In some cases the punishment was by being -reduced to slavery. Loans with excessive interest were ordinary, the -debtor and his children often becoming enslaved to the lender. Verbal -insults were punished with great severity. It was also regarded as a -great insult to step over a sleeping person, and they even objected to -awakening one asleep. This seems to refer to the widespread belief of -the soul leaving a sleeping body. Their worst curse was "May thou die -sleeping." The male children underwent a species of circumcision at -an early age, which was but preparatory to further rites. Their oaths -of fidelity, in conventions of peace and friendship, were ratified by -the ceremony of bloodbrotherhood, in which a vein of the arm being -opened, the flowing blood was drunk by the other party. Among these -people was sometimes seen that singular mania for imitation called -by the Javanese sakit latar, on the Amoor olon, in Siberia, inuira, -and in the Philippines malimali. This peculiar malady, presumably by -the result of a deranged nervous system, manifests itself as far as -I can gather, in the following manner, the afflicted person is seized -with a desire to copy or imitate the action and movements of others, -and will do the most extraordinary and ridiculous things to attain his -object. The despair induced by this strange mania and its consequent -ridicule, urges the unfortunate to end his life in the dreaded -Amok. These unfortunates were sometimes attacked by the amok frenzy. - -It is certain that gold and copper mines have been worked in the -islands from early times. The copper ore was smelted, and worked -into various utensils and implements, and the gold was formed into -ornaments, or used, as a medium of exchange. The ruder mountain -tribes brought much gold from the interior and traded it to the -lowland people in exchange for various coveted articles. Several of -the tribes were in the habit of tattooing the body, the Bisayans being -the most noted for the practice. The Catalangan Iraya used for tattoo -patterns, and as decorations for sacred places, certain marks and -characters which appeared to be of Chinese or Japanese origin. The -Iraya proper used only straight and simple curved lines like those -of the Aieta. The Ysarog (Issaro), a primitive race of mountaineers, -who have been isolated for centuries, are said by later writers to -resemble the Dyaks of Borneo. Time was reckoned in former days by -suns and moons, and feasts were held on the occurrence of certain -astronomical phenomena. Brass gongs were much used at these feasts, -and also on war expeditions. - -Such are some of the notes collected in reference to this interesting -race. These Tagalogs, Bisayans, Pampangans and Cagayanes were despised -by their Iberian conquerors as being ignorant savages; but, as the -good old padre says in his MS., they were worthy of being placed -on a superior level to certain ancient people who possess a more -illustrious fame. And who shall say it was not so? - -The various tribes of the Philippines were frequently at war with each -other, as seems to be the invariable rule where a race is broken up -into many separate divisions. The weapons used in former times were -the bow and arrow, the lance, long curved knives, and in the southern -isles the blow pipe (sarbacan), for propelling poisoned darts. The -arrows and lances were pointed with iron and bone, or were simply -hardened with fire. Their defensive armour consisted of carved wooden -shields (carans), inlaid with tortoise-shell and mother-of-pearl, -which covered them from head to foot, and also cuirasses formed of -bamboo. It is not clear whether they manufactured artillery, but they -certainly used cannon of iron and bronze before the advent of the -Spanish, at which time the Mindanao tribes held strongly fortified -positions--defended with cannon. These fortifications consisted of -earthworks and stockades, sometimes surrounded by morasses. Such -were the defences of the town of the Chief Rahamora when Legaspi -attacked it. This town consisted of four thousand houses, and, -having destroyed it, the victorious Spaniards built on its site, in -1571, the city of Manila. The poison used for the sarbacan darts was -either derived from certain trees, or, it is said, from the saliva of -a green lizard (chacon). The natives are said by Morga to have used -this poison in order to kill the Spanish, for whom they had conceived -a most bitter hatred. - -The Manobos and Zambals were the most savage tribes. The Manobos -surprised their enemies while asleep, slaughtered the men, and enslaved -the women and children. The priest opened the breast of the first -victim with the sacred knife, took out the heart, and ate it. This -tribe also sacrificed slaves to the god of war, to whom the color red -was sacred. They were also head-hunters, and hung these trophies to -the roofs of their houses. The Zambals, a fierce and savage tribe, -were also head-hunters, as their name signifies, and were in the -habit of extracting and eating the brains of slain enemies. Among -the Ifugaos the lasso is said to have been used as a weapon. - -In regard to marriage customs, there was one peculiar form worthy -of observation. When a man wished to marry he went to live with his -prospective father-in-law, thus becoming a member of the household, -and as such he worked at whatever duties were imposed upon him. This -lasted sometimes for several years. If the family became dissatisfied -with him he was dismissed, but if all went well he paid over to the -parents what was known as "the price of the mother's milk"--that is, -a compensation for the rearing of his wife. During the probationary -period the young man assumed the name of bagontao, and the girl -that of dalaga. They were much given to the practice of divination -during the period of the wedding festivities, which lasted for several -days. Although polygamy did not exist in a legal sense, yet concubinage -was common. The first woman married, however, was the only legitimate -wife (inasaba). To the inferior wives were assigned the various -domestic labors, the milking of the carabao-cows, and the rearing of -ducks, swans, geese, and pigeons. The women, in paying visits or in -walking abroad, were attended by a following of maids and slaves. In -various tribes the Assuan, an evil deity, was supposed to exercise an -evil influence over women in labor, and at such a time the husband -mounted the house-roof, or stationed himself, before the door, and, -with lance or dagger in hand, cut, and slashed vigorously at the air -in order to drive away the dreaded spirit. Among these people also -obtained that strange and world-wide custom known among anthropologists -as the couvade the origin of which it is difficult to conjecture. In -China and Africa, in Egypt and South America, in Malabar and Corsica, -among the Basques, Caribs, Burmese, and many other races, this singular -custom of simulated maternity seems to have originated independently. - -The language of the Philippines was divided into many different -dialects, of which the Tagalog, an abundant and copious tongue, -was the most perfect specimen. These, together with the languages -of various outlying groups, can be traced to the same origin by -unequivocal marks of affinity, both in word formation and grammatical -construction. In spite of various linguistic changes it has been -noted by Le Gobien that the language of the Carolines bears a -strong resemblance to the Tagalog, and the same may be said of the -ancient Chamorro tongue. The Battak speech of Sumatra is said to be -closely allied to the Tagalog. Prichard states that the Malagasi -resembles Tagalog more than it does any other Malayan tongue. The -Tagalog-Bisayan-languages are said by several writers to be the most -highly developed of this family, and are in a transition state between -the agglutinative and inflective stages. Von Humboldt considered -the Tagalog to be the parent language of the Malay type, but this -was denied by Crawfurd. In the Javanese, one hundred and ten words -per thousand are Sanscrit, in Malay fifty, in the Bugi, seventeen, -in Tagalog one and a half, and in Malagasi there are none. It might -be inferred from this that the Tagalog-Bisayan migrations from the -southwest took place prior to, or about, the sixth century of our -era, about which time the Hindu religion was introduced into the East -Indies, bringing with it many Sanscrit terms. The native languages -hold their own in the Philippines. Pickering, in his "Races of Man," -states that the Tagalog is still the chief language of Luzon, being -in general use in all the interior towns. - -In respect to religion, the more advanced of the tribes appeared -to have arrived at the stage of intellectual progress when Nature -worship begins to give place to a dim idea of a Supreme Being, a -Maker of all things. This protecting genius, to whom they offered -sacrifices, was called Bathalang Meicapal. These people had a vague -conception of a future state in which the good were rewarded and -the wicked punished. Among the Bisayans, Ologan was the term for -Heaven in their ancient religion, and their Hell was Solad. The -souls of their dead were said to pass to the mountain of Medias in -the Oton district. Tigbalan was the name of a forest demon among -the northern tribes, who was treated with great respect. In passing -beneath a tree a native would invariably say "Tavit po,"--that is, -"By your leave, my lord." They practised fire worship and fetishism -and paid homage to the Sun, Moon, rainbow, to animals, birds, and -even to trees, and to rocks of peculiar appearance. The worship of -birds appears to have been confined to two species, the bathala, -a small blue bird, and the maylupa, a species of crow or kite. The -trees, rocks, and headlands which were close to contrary currents, -or places dangerous to navigation, were objects of veneration and -dread, and the deities of these places were propitiated by offerings -of food, or were supposed to be quelled by a flight of arrows being -discharged against them. Influenced by terror, they venerated the -crocodile, calling it nono, or grandfather, and it was sometimes -tamed and cherished by the priests. These huge saurians were extremely -dangerous, and many natives lost their lives by them, for which reason -they constructed enclosures for bathing purposes. The Manobos revered -the lightning, and believed thunder to be its voice. The Bisayans held -that all who perished in battle or were killed by crocodiles became -divata. The divata or anito were guardian spirits, and among some -tribes were represented by idols of gold, ivory, or stone. There were -anito of the cultivations, of the rains, of the sea, cocoanut trees, -also of newly-born children, and of children during the period of -lactation. Again there were family anito, a species of household -gods, who protected the family, and who were principally deified -ancestors, having, it is said, ascended to heaven on the rainbow -(balangao). Images representing these were kept in the houses, or in -the vacant space beneath them, and slaves were sometimes sacrificed -in their honor. It has been denied by some writers that the Philippine -natives had any idols or images, or any places set apart for religious -ceremonies, but the account of Cavendish, the adventurous English -navigator, who visited the Philippines in 1588, states: "These people -wholly worship the Devil, who appears unto them in divers horrible -forms, and they worship him by making figures of these forms, which -they keep in caverns and special houses, offering to them perfumes and -food, and calling them anito or licha." The MS. which we quote says: -"These people lacked capacious temples, neither had they sacred days -set apart for religious practices, but they had at the entrances to -their towns, and even close to their houses, small chapels or rooms -consecrated to the anito, and to the offering of sacrifices. In -these places were deposited offerings of food to sustain the souls -of the dead in their journey of three days which divided death from -the re-incarnation which ensued. Before the figures also were placed -small braziers burning perfumes, and plates of sago and fruits." - -The priests of these tribes were known as catalona in the north, -and as babailan among the Bisayans. They were the sorcerers, or -"medicine men," and rude beyond measure was their art in curing, -consisting generally of the imaginary extraction of pebbles, leaves, -or pieces of cane from the affected part. The priests possessed great -authority among the people. In their invocations to the anito they -sometimes deceived the spectators by a peculiar sound produced by -burning the kernels of the cashew (casuy); "and at all times," says -the padre, "they were assisted by the devil." The secret of these -frauds was transmitted by inheritance, or was sold to the highest -bidder, and after being consecrated the priests did no other work -than net-making or weaving cloth. - -As to their sacrifices, the object of them in many cases was to gain a -knowledge of the future. Among other modes, they practised divination -by an examination of the victim's entrails, and also by the stars, -both widely spread customs. In the case of prolonged illness a new -house was built, and the patient removed to it. The priestess being -summoned, she sacrificed according to the wealth of the offerers, -sometimes a tortoise, and sometimes as many as three slaves. The house -was filled with small tables, on which were placed refreshments, and -which correspond with the number of guests. The priestess performed a -sacred dance, purified and sacrificed the victim, and with the warm -blood sprinkled the most distinguished of the guests, distributing -to the remainder small copper bells. After repeating an incantation -the entrails were examined after the manner of the Roman augurs, by -the priests, who were often seized with convulsions, made grotesque -contortions, foamed at the mouth, and finally announced the sentence -of the death, or recovery of the patient. If the omen was of health, -a revel was held, and the valor of the patient's family and ancestors -celebrated with songs. If the omen was of death, they diverted the -mind of the patient by dancing, drinking, singing his praises, -and persuading him that the gods removed him from this world in -order to elevate him to the dignity of anito. At the close of the -proceedings the priest received presents of gold and food from -the guests. Sacrifices which were offered before undertaking a war -or assault were conducted in a similar manner. Others, which were -arranged by the chiefs, and dedicated to the principle of good, were -celebrated with feasting and dancing to the sound of their primitive -music. The best dancer was invited by the priest to give the fatal -thrust, and the flesh of sacrificed hogs was distributed among the -guests, who looked upon it as sacred food. - -The Philippine natives had a firm belief in omens and superstitions -of many kinds. Thus, in the house of the fishermen, new nets -were not spoken of until they had been tested and found reliable, -and among hunters the merits of dogs recently acquired were not -discussed until they had been successful in catching game. A belief -in the invulnerability (anting) of certain persons was a common -superstition. A pregnant woman was not allowed to cut her hair for fear -the infant should be bald. Much importance was attached to dreams, of -which they were anxious to divine the meaning. In order to navigate -their seas with safety it was not permitted to carry in the vessel -either animals or land birds, nor even to name them; and in like -manner, when travelling by land, they did not mention things which -pertained to the sea. Before embarking on a voyage they caused the -boat to oscillate and observed carefully to which side it inclined -the most. If to the right, it was accepted as a good omen, but if to -the left, it was an evil omen. They also tied together many cords, -and one end being made fast, would rub the other between the hands, -and by observing the manner in which the cords became entangled, they -inferred the good or evil fortune which fate had in store for them. - -The geogony of primitive and semi-civilized races always contains an -element of interest, and that of the Philippine natives was certainly a -singular belief. The creators of the earth were the sky and the kite, -and the sea. After the bird had flown many times across the ocean, -and found nothing to alight upon, the sky, in quarreling with the sea, -caused the bird to throw huge rocks with the aim of subduing it. These -rocks became islands, and the earth generally. - -The tradition of the origin of man is as follows: "Two logs of bamboo, -impelled by the waves, were cast on shore at the feet of the bird, -which becoming enraged, began to pick them to pieces, when there -appeared from the first log a man, and from the second a woman, -thus proving the monogeny of the human species." The man succeeded in -gaining the affections of the woman, and from them are descended the -whole human race. The dispersion of the race throughout the world was -caused by a family quarrel. The many children of the primal couple -lived independent in the house of the parents, which displeased the -father, who belabored them with a cudgel, and expelled them from -the house. Some concealed themselves in the house, and from them -are descended the maguinoo, or chiefs. Others went out openly from -the house, and these were the fathers of the timagua (timawa) or -freemen, and yet others took refuge in the cooking-sheds and beneath -the house. From these last sprang the slaves. Finally, those who were -banished, and never returned, became the ancestors of distant people, -and remote tribes. It is worthy of note that, on the arrival of the -Spanish, they were supposed by the natives to be the descendants of -the last-mentioned migration. The various animals are also said by -tradition to have been derived from other logs of bamboo; and the -fact that the monkey came from one close to that which contained man, -explains satisfactorily the resemblance between them. - -Respecting their idea of a future life, the belief was, that preceding -the state of happiness after death, there was a series of incarnations -or purifications of the soul, which successive transmigrations took -place in a cluster of one and fifty islands, on which were sheltered -the souls of the dead. In those beautiful isles departed spirits -enjoyed perpetual youth. In this paradise there were trees always -loaded with ripe fruits, and fastened to the earth by chains of gold, -which served as roots. Of gold also were the ornaments, the bells, -ear-rings (panica), the cloths (isine), and many other things. The -shores of the sea were formed of pure rice, and there was also a -sea of milk, and another of linogao, which is rice boiled with milk -or fat. Yet another sea was of blood, and on the bank of this grew -plants, whose flowers had petals of flesh ready for eating. - -These people held primitive notions concerning original sin, and -also cherished a belief in the punishments and rewards of a future -life. They accounted for the coming of death into the world in the -following manner: Far back in the very night, the god Laon possessed -a most beautiful fish which was his delight, also a tree which bore -the most luscious fruits. The offenders killed the fish and plucked -the fruit. For this offence Laon caused men to die in all ages. - -Such was then the state of civilization among the Tagalog-Bisayan -tribes at the time when the Malay Mohammedans, and the Spanish -conquistadores attempted, from opposite points, to introduce their -religions into the archipelago. The Moros of the Sulu Islands were -beginning to overrun the Philippines on the arrival of the Spanish, -and would eventually have Mohammedanised the entire group. The -Philippine natives at this time were in a singularly interesting stage -of intellectual progress. They had lived through the crude fetishism -of savagedom, and were emerging from the second stage of religious -feeling, during which they had evolved, out of the contemplation of -Nature, one of those wonderful mythologies which are met with among so -many nations. They were beginning to renounce the old Nature worship, -of which the central figure was a Supreme Maker. - -It has been truly said that nothing requires such calm and impartial -judgment as the inquiry into the moral and religious condition of -uncivilized races. The co-evolution of religion and civilization -is an extremely interesting subject to the student of anthropology, -when he notes the gradual refinement of the national religion as the -culture of the race improves, and the degradation of that religion -when a race retrogrades in civilization. It is one of the many grand -problems, based on the retributive laws of Nature, which confront the -enquirer into that great and wonderful mystery--the development of the -human race. Well it is for him who can learn from the savage Aieta, -or the semi-civilized Tagalog, a lesson in the evolution of the human -intellect; but, unfortunately, so many who have golden opportunities -of studying the intellect and works of uncultured man are careless of -those matters, and look with contempt upon the noblest of studies. They -cannot interest themselves in the struggling intellect of primitive -man; they no longer understand the craving of youth for advancement; -they disdain to look upon the dawn of intellectual day. - -These are the most interesting points procured from the aforementioned -works on the Philippine Islands, a land which we call new, but in -which the events of the Tagalog-Bisayan migrations were but as of -yesterday. Here, as elsewhere, the rude savage retreats before a -superior race, but the receptive Tagalog attaches himself to the -civilization of his conquerors. He had already advanced himself to -the difficult highway that leads from barbarism to a higher culture, -and was thus enabled to receive the teachings of his Iberian invaders; -but he who would seek the indigenous Aieta must look for him in the -distant recesses of the primeval forest, or in the dark and gloomy -cañons of the great ranges. - - - - - - - -A THOUSAND YEARS OF PHILIPPINE HISTORY BEFORE THE COMING OF THE -SPANIARDS - -By Austin Craig - - -The Philippine History of which one is apt to think when that subject -is mentioned covers hardly a fourth of the Islands' book-recorded -history. - -These records are not the romantic dream of a Paterno that under -the name Ophir the Philippines with their gold enriched Solomon -(10th century B. C.). There are solider grounds than any plausible -explanations that Manila hemp (abaká) was Strabo's (A. D. 21) "ta -seerika," the cloth made of "a kind of flax combed from certain barks -of trees." The shadowy identification of the Manilas with Ptolemy's -Maniolas (c. A. D. 130) is not in their class. Nor, to accept them, -is recourse needed to farfetched deductions like Zuñiga's that the -American Continent received Israel's ten lost tribes, and thence, -through Easter Island, Magellan's archipelago was peopled. Their -existence saves us from having to accept such references as how -Simbad the sailorman (Burton: The Arabian Nights, Night 538 et -seq.) evidently made some of his voyages in this region, though it -would not be uninteresting to note that the great Roc is a bird used -in Moro ornament, the "ghoul" of the Thousand and One Nights is the -Filipino Asuang and that the palm-covered island which was believed to -be a colossal tortoise because it shook might well have been located -where the Philippine maps indicate that earthquakes are most frequent. - -The records hereinafter to be cited are for the most part of the -prosaic kind, all the more reliable and valuable because they are -inclined to be dry and matter-of-fact. They make no such demand -upon imagination as Europe's pioneer traveller's tales, for instance -the sixteenth century chart which depicted America as inhabited by -headless people with eyes, nose and mouth located in the chest. - -The British Museum's oriental scholar (Douglas: Europe and the Far -East, Cambridge, 1904) states that by the beginning of the Chou dynasty -(B. C. 1122-255) intercourse had been established at Canton with -eight foreign nations. Duties as early as 990 B. C. were levied, -and among the imports figure birds, pearls and tortoise shell, -products of the Philippines, but the origin of these has not been -investigated. "Reliable history," says Dr. Pott (A Sketch of Chinese -History, Shanghai, 1908), "does not extend further back than the -middle of the Chou dynasty (B. C. 722). * * * After the time of the -Chou dynasty we come to more solid ground, for at the beginning of -the Han dynasty (B.C. 206) the custom originated of employing Court -chroniclers to write a daily account of governmental proceedings. These -diaries were kept secret and stored away in iron chests until the -dynasty they chronicled had passed away; then they were opened and -published, and so form the basis of our knowledge of the events that -had transpired while the dynasty was in existence." - -Philippine history, however, has attracted only incidental interest -in the translating of these voluminous chronicles so that while -the first three mentions hereafter to be cited are well within the -reliable history period they have not been verified and are valuable -only as suggesting more definitely where to investigate. - -Dr. von Moellendorf, a sinologist, formerly German consul in Manila, -states that the Philippines were once called "Gold" in China, -because of their considerable export thither of the precious yellow -metal. This parallels the Malay province named "Silver" (Perak or -Pilak). Further he refers to Becker's Geology of the Philippines where -(on page 90 of the reprint) F. Karusch gives a former German Consul -in Manila as authority for gold having been exported to China during -the third century. If the Chinese authority for this can be found it -will destroy the value of Dr. Groeneveldt's observation (Notes on the -Malay Archipelago and Malacca compiled from Chinese sources; Batavia, -1876, p. 4) on his quotation from the history of the Liang dynasty -(Book 54, p. 1): - - - "In the time of Sun Ch'uean of the house of Wu (A. D. 222-251) - two functionaries, called Chu-ying and K'antai, were ordered to - go to the south; they went to or heard from a hundred or more - countries and made an account of them." - - -The commentator admits that "what these countries were is not stated," -but believes the "Malay islands were not amongst them, otherwise their -name would have appeared at that time already in the annals of China." - -Since only a beginning has as yet been made in studying the voluminous -records of China, a little further investigation may easily result -in establishing this early date. - -The last of the early three possible references to the Philippines, -classed only as introductory because of their uncertain character, -is from the narrative of Fahien, the details of whose home voyage -seem to suggest that he passed in the vicinity of, if not through, -this group of islands. This Buddhist priest in A. D. 400 went -overland to India (Groeneveldt, Notes, p. 6) in search of Buddhist -books and fifteen years later came back by sea in Indian vessels -via Ceylon and Java. Shortly after his death a book was published, -written from his narratives, giving "an account of Buddhist countries" -(Fo Kuo Chi). After staying five months in Java where "heretics and -Brahmans flourished but the law of Buddha hardly deserved mention," -Fahien embarked in May, 414, on a large merchant vessel with a crew -of over two hundred and provisioned for fifty days. Steering a north -east course for Canton, when over a month out they struck a typhoon, -"a sudden dark squall accompanied by pelting rain." The Brahmans -felt that the priest of the rival religion was a Jonah and wanted -to land him on one of the neighboring islands but were dissuaded by -a trader representing the danger that would be to all on coming to -China. The weather continued very dark and the pilots did not know -their situation. Finally on the 78th day, with water almost gone -and provisions short, they determined to change their course since -they had already exceeded the usual fifty days for the run. So on -a northwest route in twelve days more they reached not Canton but -Shantung, nearly thirteen degrees farther north. Now this voyage -on a map works out that they passed the Philippines about the time -that marooning the priest on an island was under discussion, and, as -St. John notes (The Indian Archipelago, London 1853, Vol. I, p. 103), -"The Philippines * * * occupy the only part of the Archipelago liable -to hurricanes." Apparently the land was then unfamiliar to these -early navigators. - -No voyages of discovery were attempted by the Chinese but, -creeping along the coast, they finally came to the Malay -Peninsula and they worked from one island to another in the Indian -Archipelago. (Groeneveldt, p. 1.) By this roundabout course in -connection with the great island of Borneo, then called Polo and -noted to have sent envoys to China in 518, 523 and 616, we find the -Sulu islands suggested. The reference reads "at the east of this -country is situated the land of the Rakshas (or lawless persons, or -pirates.)" These were stated to have the same customs as the Poli -people, unerring in throwing a saw-edged (wooden) discus knife, -but using other weapons like those in China, in ways resembling -Cambodia and with products like Siam's. Murder and theft were -punished by cutting off the hands and adultery by chaining together -the legs for a year. In the dark of the moon came the sacrifices, -bowls of wine and eatables set adrift on the surface of the water, -as Bornean tribes supposed to be akin to the Bisayans and Tagalogs -now are doing. The Polans collected coral and trained parrots to talk, -and so probably did the men of Sulu. In their ears were the teeth of -wild beasts and a piece of home-made cotton cloth was wrapped about -their waists, sarong fashion. Their markets they held at night and -they were accustomed to keep their faces covered. - -Next in point of time is a reference through Southern Formosa, -called by the Chinese P'i-sho-ye, which the author of "China before -the Chinese" (De Lacouperie) believes is only a miscalling of Bisaya, -and former Consul Davidson of Formosa corroborates this both on Chinese -authority (Ma Touan-lin) and from local traditions. (Davidson: The -Island of Formosa Past and Present, New York, 1903). - -"Bands of uncivilized Malays" from the south drove into the interior -the Formosans with whom the Chinese earlier had been familiar. So on -the next expedition from the mainland, in 605, the Chinese leader was -surprised to find on the coast strange inhabitants with whom he could -not communicate. His surmise that the newcomers were Malays led the -next expedition to take with it interpreters from different southern -Malayan islands, of whom at least one made himself understood. The -immigrants kept up communication with Luzon and on their rafts raided -coast towns of China, as will be later seen. - -Pangasinan once extended much farther north in Luzon and Mr. Servillano -de la Cruz, a University of the Philippines student specializing in -the history of that province, describes rafts of bamboo bound together -with vines, of a size which two men can lift, yet used on rivers and -by people venturing as far as four miles from the coast upon them. - -The chronological order takes us again to the south. - -A "Ka-ling" mentioned in the old Chinese history of the T'ang dynasty -(618-906) has been, it seems to me, wrongly identified by the Dutch -scholar Groeneveldt (Notes on the Malay Archipelago, p. 12) as Java -on the assumption that Pali or Po-li was Sumatra. Since it is much -more probable that Poli is only an older form of Poni, Brunei, our -Borneo (Hose and McDougall: Pagan Tribes of Borneo, London, 1912, -Vol. I), Kaling rather should be looked for as an island off the -eastern side of Borneo, Cambodia to the north, the sea to the south, -and on the western side of the island of Dva-pa-tan, which might have -been the old, and more extensive, district of Dapitan on the northwest -of Mindanao. Directions are so general that the fixing of the spot -is only guess work, yet the probability puts it within the southern -(Sulu) part of the Philippine Archipelago. - -The walls of the city were of palisades as were those enclosing Fort -Santiago's Moro predecessor. The king's palace was a two-story affair -thatched with coir from the abundant coco palms and the throne of -the monarch was an ivory couch. Using neither spoons nor chopsticks, -food was handled with that manual dexterity of which the Tondo tribune -has recently been complaining as contributory to cholera. The palm -wine was obtained just as tuba is now prepared. - -The older history was considered vague and in its revision, called "the -new history," fuller details appear, among them another name (Djava, -Djapa or Dayapo (Dva-apo?)). The larger houses were covered with palm -leaves and like the king's equipped with ivory couches. Bamboo mats -are also mentioned and the exports are given as tortoise shell, gold -and silver, rhinoceros-horns, and ivory. The ivory might have been -white camagon, since it was used for furniture, and the rhinoceros -horns could have been imported. The rapid intoxication from the -native drink is emphasized and, contrary to the American traveller -(Rev. Arthur J. Browne) who attributed the introduction of vice here to -his soldier-countrymen, a virulent venereal disease is mentioned. The -alternative name of the island turns out to belong to the place on it -where the king resided and he is said to be a descendant of Ki-yen -who had lived more to the east in the town of Pa-lu-ka-si. Of his -thirty-two high ministers Datu Kan-liung was chief and twenty-eight -small neighboring countries owed him allegiance, as the twenty-eight -islands would to a powerful Sulu sultan. (As to number of islands, -see Saleeby's History of Sulu, Manila, 1908, p. 15.) - -A royal mountain resort overlooking the sea was Lang-pi-ya, a name -for which, like the others, Groeneveldt finds it difficult to name a -counterpart in Java, in this case noting "we think it advisable not -to insist upon the above identification." The latitude would seem -to have been in the Sulu neighborhood for at the summer solstice an -8-foot gnomon cast, on the south side, a 2.4-foot shadow. - -Between 627 and 649 envoys to China accompanied the tribute bearers -from Dva-ha-la and Dva-pa-tan (Dapitan?), receiving acknowledgments -under the Chinese Emperor's great seal. Dva-ha-la also asked for good -horses, and got them. - -Then in 674 there was an ideal ruler, a woman named Sima, of whom a -story is told similar to one remembered in Korea, and somewhat like -the tales of China's Golden Age, that a foreign king (prince of Arabs) -to test the reports he had heard sent a bag of gold to be left in the -road. There it remained undisturbed till the heir apparent happened -to step over it. The incensed queen was dissuaded by her ministers -from killing him but, saying his fault lay in his feet, insisted -on cutting these off, finally, however, compromising on amputating -the toes. Not only was this an example to the whole nation but it -so frightened the Arab king that he did not carry out his planned -attack. This variation of the Queen of Sheba-Solomon anecdotes is -common in Chinese history, and its extensive use was probably due -to the same sort of local adaptation as later made an orientalized -Dido story of land-measurement trickery spread so quickly after the -coming of the Europeans. Groeneveldt suggests the Arab prince might -have been one of the Arab chiefs in the Archipelago, which would by -our identification nicely fit with Bornean conditions. - -Between 766 and 779 three Ka-ling envoys visited China and in 813 -four slaves (Groeneveldt thinks negroes), assorted colored parrots, -"pinka-birds"--whatever these may have been, and other gifts were -presented to their powerful neighbor. A title of "Left Defender -of the office of the Four Inner Gates" came to the ambassador who, -by cleverly seeking to relinquish this title to his younger brother, -secured imperial praise and the coveted honor for two members of his -family instead of one. - -In 827 and 835 were two embassies, and between 837 and 850 an envoy -presented female musicians as the tribute gift. (Account summarized -from Groeneveldt, pp. 12-15.) - -"The great sea southwest of Hainan," says he, "* * * has in it -Triple-joint currents (Shan-ho-lin). The waves break here violently, -dividing into three currents: one flows south and is the sea which -forms the highway to foreign lands; one flows north and is the sea of -Canton (and Amoy) * * * one flows eastward and enters the boundless -place, which is called the Great Eastern Ocean Sea. - -"Ships in the southern trade, both going and coming, must run through -the Triple-joint currents. If they have the wind, in a moment they -are through it. But if on getting into the dangerous place there is no -wind, the ship cannot get out and is wrecked in the three currents. * -* * It is said that, in the Great Eastern Ocean Sea there is a long -bank of sand and rocks some myriads of li (705 yards or 2-5 mile) in -length. It marks the gulf leading to Hades (Wei-lu). In olden times -there was an ocean-going junk which was driven by a great westerly wind -to within hearing distance of the roar of the waves falling into Wei-lu -of the Great Eastern Ocean. No land was to be seen. Suddenly there -arose a strong easterly wind and the junk escaped its doom. (Hirth -and Rockhill, Chau Ju-Kua, note 3, p. 185.) - -Such superstition, like that of the Pillars of Hercules, in the -Strait of Gibraltar, naturally restrained explorations so that the -first voyages across the China sea came from Manila. - -The earliest account of Filipino traders comes through a brief -mention in a French ethnologist's notes on foreigners in China -(Henry St. Denis, Ethnographie, II, 502, according to Rockhill) -that in 982 merchants from Manila visited Canton for trade. They -probably were not pioneers as it is related that they came with -valuable merchandise. This was about the time (between 976 and 983) -when the Canton trade was declared a state monopoly. Over two centuries -a maritime customs service had existed in that port, reorganized in -971 because of the greatly increased foreign trade. - -From 1174 to 1190 (Chau Ju-Kua's account, Hirth and Rockhill, p. 165) -the Formosan Bisayan chiefs were in the habit of assembling parties of -several hundreds to make sudden raids on villages of the neighboring -Chinese coast. There murders innumerable and even cannibalism were -charged against them, though perhaps there should be some discount -upon these unfavorable statements as even today enemies are not always -reliable authorities upon their adversaries. - -They placed great value upon iron, even to the extent of attaching -ropes, of over a hundred feet in length, to their spears so that -these might be recovered after each throw. - -Such was their fondness for all forms of iron that those surprised -by them would throw away spoons or chopsticks of that metal so -while the pursuers were stopping to pick these up they could gain -a start. Once in the house the door had only to be closed and they -would be distracted from the attack by sight of an iron knocker which -they would wrench off and then immediately depart with it. - -The soldiers decoyed them with mail-covered horsemen and in their mad -struggle to strip off the armor they would meet their death without -being sensible of their danger. Bamboo lashed into rafts conveyed -them over the waters and when hard pressed facilitated their escape -for these, folded up like screens, were easy to lift and swim off with. - -A collector of customs (the Chau Ju-Kua before quoted) of Chinchew, -the port in the Amoy district later made famous by Marco Polo, from -personal investigation obtained data as to the Philippines which he -published in a geography written between 1209 and 1214 (B. Laufer, -Relations of Chinese to the Philippines, Washington, 1907, p. 24). - -Under "Mai," an island north of Borneo, he is supposed to include -Western Luzon, and the Island of Mindoro, which Blumentritt thinks -(Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen, 65) had the name -"Mait," or black, from the former negrito population. The opening -description, now held to be of Manila, tells of about a thousand -families who occupied both banks of a water-course. Some people wore -only waist-cloths while others draped themselves in a sort of cotton -sheet, getting presumably much the same effect as may be seen among -the feminine bathers on the Tondo beach any Sunday morning. - -Little bronze idols of unknown origin were to be found in the grassy -region outside the village, for Mr. Rockhill is careful to translate -"idols" instead of "Buddhas," holding that the word has the more -general meaning often. Yet because the later idols of the country -were of wood and clay one wonders where bronze idols would be made at -that time if not in a Buddhist land. Manila was a peaceable community -then, and peaceful too, for the fierce pirates of the south had not -yet gotten into the habit of coming there, still less had settled, -as they were to do two centuries later. - -The traders' ships anchored in front of the quarters of the chiefs, -to whom they presented the white silk parasols which these dignitaries -were accustomed to use. There the market was held, and the shore -people at once went on board, mixing in friendly fashion with the -newcomers. Nor was there fear of loss, for such then was the Manilans' -honesty that even when some one helped himself and took away goods -without being seen he could be relied on in due season to faithfully -account for them. The period was usually eight or nine months so that, -though not travelling the greatest distance, those trading to Manila -were among the latest in getting back to China. - -The trade was without money, a barter of the country's yellow wax (a -medium grade), cotton, pearls, tortoise shell, medicinal betel nuts, -and native cloth, for imported porcelain, trade gold, iron censers, -leads, colored glassbeads and iron needles. Names of other settlements -in this region may be what we now call the Babuyanes islands, Polillo -island, off the East coast, Lingayen in Pangasinan, Luzon perhaps used -of East Luzon and (according to Luther M. Parker, a graduate student -in the University of the Philippines, 1913-14) Lian in Batangas. - -For the group called "the three islands," Calamianes, Palawan and -Busuanga are the closest resemblances to the curious names of the -Chinese narrative, though B. Laufer in his notes to Fay Cole's Chinese -pottery in the Philippines (Field Museum Bulletin) suggests another -for Calamianes. - -Local customs were said not to differ particularly from the ways of -Mai. The country, grand in its scenery, had many ridges and ranges -of cliffs rose from the shore, steep as the walls of a house. - -Each tribe had about a thousand families (which seems to be only -another way of saying that the tribes were large rather than an -effort at statistics) and they lived in wattled huts in commanding -situations difficult of access. The sight of women bringing water -from the streams in jars gracefully and easily carried on the head, -two or three being borne one above another, still amazes and interests -us as it did the Chinese geographer's informant. - -In more remote valleys lurked the negritoes, nesting in the trees -the author alleges. They were stunted in stature, with eyes round -and yellow, curly hair, and teeth exposed by their parted lips. In -groups of three or five they would ambuscade some unwary wayfarer and -many fell victims to their cunning and deadly arrows. But throwing -a porcelain bowl would make them forget their murderous purpose and -off they would go, leaping and shouting in joy. - -The country folk evidently did not inspire in the traders the same -confidence these felt toward the Manilans. Their ships would anchor -in midstream and none went ashore till there had been sent one or -two hostages to be retained till the trading was over. Drum beating -announced their arrival, when the local traders raced for the ship -carrying, evidently as samples, cotton, yellow wax, and home made -cloth, and coconut heart mats, whatever this last may have meant. In -case of disagreement over prices the chiefs of the traders came -in person, when, after a mutually satisfactory settlement had been -reached, there would be presents given,--silk umbrellas, porcelain -and rattan baskets, probably the first two from the visitors and the -last from the people. Then the barter was concluded ashore. Three -or four days was the usual stop in each place when the ships sailed -to another anchorage, for each of the settlements was independent -of its neighbors. The Chinese goods were porcelain, black damask, -and other silks, beads of all colors leaden sinkers for nets, and tin. - -Polillo, on the Pacific coast, was also, but less frequently, -visited, to obtain two prized varieties of coral. There local -customs and commercial usages were the same as on the other side of -the archipelago, but though the settlements were more populous the -coral was hard to get and so there was little trade. The coast, too, -was dangerous, with the sea full of "bare ribs of rock with jagged -tooth-like blasted trees, their points and edges sharper than swords -and lances." Ships tacked far out from shore in passing to avoid -these perils, and besides the people were "of cruel disposition and -given to robbery." - -Northern Formosa, during this period, was not visited by Chinese for -there were no goods of special importance to be gotten there while the -people were also given to robbery, but Formosan goods,--yellow wax, -native gold, buffalo tails, and jerked leopard-meat, were brought to -the Philippines for sale. - -For 1349, in an unpublished translation by Mr. Rockhill of "A -Description of the Barbarians of the Isles (Tao-i-chih-lio) by Wang -Ta-yuan is mentioned the "three archipelagoes," if that is the proper -way to distinguish between Chao-ju-kua's Sanhsu and the present -San-tao. Islands were for the Chinese merely places distant by a -sea route from each other rather than our "bodies of land completely -surrounded by water." - -This author's region was to the east of a very curious range of -mountains if one may translate the name "taki-shan." It was divided -by a triple peak and there was range upon range of mountains which -suggests to Mr. Rockhill the Pacific coast of Luzon south of Cape -Engaño. - -As now, the soil was poor and the crops sparse, while the heated -climate was variable. - -The old question of a lost white tribe, attributed so often to -Mindoro, is raised by mention of "some males and females," being -"white." Perhaps the breeding principle that a second cross sometimes -reverts to the original type may be the explanation. Chinese mestizos -have seemed to me whiter here than European blends with Filipinas -where no Chinese strain was present. Their delicate beauty suggests -the Caucasians from whom the earliest Chinese may have taken wives -in the remote past before they came to the "eighteen provinces." The -first Spaniards comment also on exceedingly fair Filipinas and as -the Caucasian type is the European ideal of beauty it probably -resulted that such mixed marriages as occurred were with these -Chinese mestizas. The prejudice of new converts against pagans, -linked with the humiliation to which the Chinese residents in the -Philippines were subject during Spain's rule here, led to covering -up and ignoring all Chinese relations and is a very good reason why -even where known there is today reluctance to admit descent from the -oldest of civilized races. Yet before the Spaniards came both in the -Philippines and in the lands from which successive immigrations of -Filipinos have come, the Chinese traders ranked with the aristocracy -and Chinese wives were sought by royalty. - -A trait by no means died out was a fondness for jewelry shown by -stowaways on board junks for Chinchew. When their money was all -expended on personal adornments they returned home, there to be -honored as travelled personages, the distinction of having visited -China raising them above even their own fathers and the older men. - -The 1349 account of Mai, or Manila, credits the people with "customs -chaste and good." Both men and women wore their hair done up in a -knot and clothed themselves in blue cotton shirts. Since the earlier -notice, within the century and a quarter interval, Hindu influence -had become manifest for a sort of suttee is related. New widows with -shaven heads would lie fasting beside their husband's corpses for seven -days. Then if still alive they could eat but were never permitted to -remarry and many when the husband's body was placed on the funeral pyre -accompanied it into the flames. The region must have been populous for -on the burial of a chief of renown two or three thousand slaves would -be buried in his tomb. The imports show more luxuries; red taffetas, -ivory and trade silver figuring in the later list. - -Sulu comes in for mention with fields losing their fertility in the -third year of cultivation. Sago, fish, shrimps and shell fish made up -the diet and the people, with cut hair, wore black turbans as may now -be seen in parts of Borneo, and dressed in sarongs. Boiling seawater -for salt, making rum and weaving were their occupations ashore, and -dyewoods of middling quality, beeswax, tortoise-shell and pearls, -surpassing in roundness and whiteness, were their exports. - -Laufer (Relations of Chinese to the Philippines, p. 251) gives 1372 -as the date of the first tribute embassy to China from the Philippine -peoples under their present name of "Luzon-men," then designating -principally Manilans (Ming Chronicles chap. 323, p. 110 according -to his reference). Luzon was then stated to be situated in the South -Sea very close to Chinchew, Fukien province. - -The ruler of the great Middle Kingdom in return sent an official to -the king of Luzon with gifts of silk gauze embroidered in gold and -colors. The commentator adds a well founded caution against accepting -the word "first" as meaning anything other than that the chronicler -was unfamiliar with previous notices. - -Laufer quotes from the Ming Chronicles of the Malayan tribe -F'ing-ka-shi-lau whom he concludes are the Pangasinanes, inhabitants of -the western and southern shores of Lingayen Bay, Luzon, but in earlier -days apparently extending further north. Early in the XV century they -had a small realm of their own, sending an embassy to China in 1406 -and presenting the emperor as gifts "with excellent horses, silver -and other objects" and receiving in return paper money and silks. In -1408 the chief was accompanied by an imposing retinue of two headmen -from each village subject to his authority and these in turn each -accompanied by some of his retainers. This time the imperial gifts -were paper money for the sub-chiefs and for each hundred men six -pieces of an open-work variegated silk, for making coats, and linings. - -Besides a 1410 embassy from Pangasinan there was another tribute -party from Luzon headed by one Ko-Ch'a-lao who brought products of -his country, among which gold was most prominent. This last party -came because in 1405 the Emperor Yung-lo had sent a high Chinese -officer to Luzon to govern that country. Here is definite political -identification with the Chinese empire. In 1407 it is probable this -moral force of respect for the superior culture of what was the Rome of -the Orient witnessed also a physical demonstration, for in that year -the eunuch Cheng-ho set sail, with his 62 large ships bearing 27,800 -soldiers, on the expedition which explored as far as the Arabian Gulf -and required the nominal allegiance of the numerous countries visited -during repeated voyages extending over thirty years. - -Ian C. Hannah states in his "Eastern Asia: A History" that outside -the North of Toh Chow, in Shantung province, by a little mosque, -is yet marked the burial place of a former sultan of Sulu who died -on a visit to the Emperor Yung-lo in 1417. - -In the same year, Sulu's eastern, western and village rajahs with -their wives, children and headmen all came to the Chinese court with -tribute, and another tribute mission from Sulu arrived in 1420. - -About the middle of the XV century, Doctors Hose and McDougall -in their history of Borneo (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, London, 1912, -chap. 1) assert, a Bisayan was king of Brunei. This Alakber Tala, -later to be called Sultan Mohammed, introduced Arabic doctrines -into his kingdom and the use of Arabic writing made his reign the -beginning of Brunei's local recorded history. His great grandnephew, -Makoda Ragan, had Arab and Chinese as well as Bisayan blood, a fact -remembered to this day by having representatives of these three races -officiating at the king's coronation, and the fourth official on these -occasions is dressed in ancient Bisayan costume. Makoda Ragah, also -called Sultan Bulkiah, is spoken of as the most heroic character in -Bornean history and conquered the Sulu islands, and sent expeditions -to Manila, the second time seizing the place. His wife, the first -queen of the Philippines of whom we know, was a Javan princess. This -great king was accidentally killed by his wife's bodkin. It was this -monarch or his son who died in 1575 that so impressed the chronicler -of Magellan's expedition. - -Corroboration for this considerable historic association comes in -the Chinese jars found in the oldest burial caves as well as prized -among the more remote hill tribes as ancestral possessions, handed -down from so remote an antiquity that their origin has long been -forgotten and they are now venerated as objects that came from heaven -(Fay Cole: Chinese Pottery in the Philippines). The four-toed dragon -claw designs place them among the Chinese manufacture of not later -than the last of the XIV century. - -Legend is not lacking, either, for a tradition of Tapul (Saleeby: The -Origin of the Malayan Filipinos, p. 1) relates that a Chinese rajah who -anchored his boat at the south of their island had his daughter stolen -in the night by the "dewas." She was hidden in a bamboo stalk and there -found by the solitary male who had hatched out of a roc's egg. Their -daughter, the earliest recorded Chinese mestiza, was, according to -Doctor Saleeby again, the grandmother of the Chiefs of Sulu. - -The very name Luzon is not the time-honored rice mortar, La-sung, -but Luzong of which John Crawfurd (History of the Indian Archipelago, -vol. 1, p. 324) says: "The term, I have no doubt, is Chinese, for the -Chinese, who destroy the sound of all other native names of countries, -or use barbarisms of their own, apply the word Lusong familiarly and -correctly." They even associate it with their famous dynasty of that -name and have a joke of their own at the expense of the Spaniards -(B. Laufer: The Chinese in the Philippines). - -Naming in pairs is common enough by Chinese to make it seem more -than a mere coincidence that these islands are called "Liu sung," -while their neighbors to the north were originally "Liu Kiu." - - - - - - - -(Translation, by Hon. W. W. Rockhill, of a Chinese book of 1349, -by Wang Ta-yuan, Description of the Barbarians of the Isles -(Tao-i-chih-lio).) - -San-tao. - -It is to the east of Ta-ki-shan. (1). It is divided by a triple peak, -and there are range upon range of mountains. The people live along -the roadsides. The soil is poor and the crops sparse. The climate -is of varying degrees of heat. Among the males and females some -are white. The men knot their hair on the tops of their heads; the -women do it up in a chignon behind. They wear a single garment. The -men frequently get on board junks and come to Ch'uanchou (in -Fu-kien). When the brokers there have got all the money out of -their bags for ornaments for their persons, they go home, where -their countrymen show them great honor at which even fathers and old -men may not grumble, for it is a custom to show honor to those who -come from China. The people boil seawater to make salt, and ferment -sugar-cane juice to make liquor. They have a ruler (or chief). The -natural products are beeswax, cotton, and cotton stuffs. In trading -with them use is made of copper beads, blue and white porcelain cups, -small figured chintzes, pieces of iron and the like. Secondary to them -there is T'a-p'ei, Hai-tan, Pa-numg-ki, Pu-li-lao, Tung-liu-li. They -are only noted here as they have no very remarkable products. - - - -1) The San hsü of Chao Ju-kua were Kia-ma-yen (Calamian), Pa-lao-yu -(Palawan?), and Pa-ki-nung (Busuanga?). The San-tao of our author -seems to be a more restricted area, presumably the coast south of -Cape Engano, which may be his Ta-ki shan. The San hsü of Chao were -dependencies of Ma-i which probably included all of the northern and -western portions of Luzon, if not all the island. - -2) Chao Ju-kua states that in San hsü were "many lofty ridges and -ranges of cliffs which rise steep as the walls of a house." - -3) T'a-pei defies identification. Hai-tan is found already -in Chao's book, it is the Aeta, the Negrito aborigines of the -Philippines. Pa-nung-ki must be an error for Pa-ki-nung; Pu-li-lao -is Chao's P'u-li-lu (Polillo island) and Tung Liu-li is also in all -likelihood an error for Tung Liu-hsin and may mean "Eastern Luzon." See -Hirth and Rockhill, op. sup. cit., 160, where these names are wrongly -divided; we should read Li Kin and Tung Liu-hsin. - -In reference to what our author says of white colored natives in -the Philippines, I have been assured that such is the fact; I, -unfortunately, cannot now recall on which island they have been -found. (Mindoro, probably albinos.--A. C.) - - - - -Ma-i. - -The island is flat and broad. It is watered by a double branched -stream. The soil is rich. The climate is rather hot. In their customs -they are chaste and good. Both men and women do up their hair in a -knot behind. They wear a blue cotton shirt. When any woman mourns her -husband, she shaves her head and fasts for seven days, lying beside her -husband. Most of them nearly die, but if, after seven days, they are -not dead, their relatives urge them to eat. Should they get quite well -they may not remarry during their whole lives. There are some even who, -to make manifest their wifely devotion, when the body of their dead -husband has been consumed, get into the funeral pyre and die. At the -burial of a chief of renown they put to death two or three thousand -slaves to bury with him. The people boil sea-water to make salt, -and ferment treacle to make spirits. The native products are cotton, -beeswax, tortoise-shell, betelnuts and chintzes. The goods used -in trading are caldrons, pieces of iron, colored cotton stuffs, red -taffetas, ivory, sycee shoes and the like. The natives and the traders -having agreed on prices, they let the former carry off the goods and -later on they bring the amount of native products agreed upon. The -traders trust them, for they never fail to keep their bargains. - - - -Cf. Chu-fan-chih Hirth and Rockhill, op. sup. cit., 159-162. It refers -to the custom of the people building their dwellings along the banks of -streams and not in villages. It refers also at length to the honesty -of the natives in their dealings with the Chinese traders. The custom -of suttee was evidently introduced into the islands subsequent to Chao -Ju-kua's time (1225), brought there of course, from India or Java, -otherwise the earlier writer would probably have noted it. - - - - -Su-lu. - -This place has the Shih-i island as a defense. The fields of the -island of three years cultivation are lean; they can grow millet -and wheat. The people eat shahu (sago), fish, shrimps, and shell -fish. The climate is half hot. The customs are simple. Men and women -cut their hair, wear a black turban, and a piece of chintze with a -minute pattern tied around them. They boil sea-water to make salt, -and ferment the juice of the sugar-cane to make spirits. They earn -a living by weaving chu pu. They have a ruler. The native products -include laka-wood of middling quality, beeswax, tortoise-shell, -and pearls. These Su-lu pearls are whiter and rounder than those -got at Sha-li-pa-tan (Jurfattan of the Arabs, on Malabar coast), -Tisan-kiang (gulf of Manár), and other places. Their price is very -high. The Chinese use them for head ornaments. When they are off-color -they are classed as "unassorted." There are some over an inch in -diameter. The large pearls from this country fetch up to seven or -eight hundred ting. All below this are little pearls. Pearls worth -ten thousand taels and upwards, or worth from three or four hundred -to a thousand taels, come from the countries of the western Ocean and -from Ti-san-kiang (near Ceylon); there are none here (in Su-lu). The -goods used in trading here are dark gold, trade silver Pa tu-la -cotton cloth, blue beads Chu (choufu) china-ware, pieces of iron, -and such like things. Hsi-yang chao-kung tien-lu, 1.20 (Su-lu) says, -"this country is in the Eastern Sea. Its trade centre is the island of -Shih-ch'i. In 1417 its eastern raja Pa-tu-ko pa-ta-la, its western raja -Pa-tu-ko pa-su-li, and its village raja Pa-tu-ko pa-la-pu came with -their wives, children, and headmen to court with tribute. Again in 1420 -there came a tribute mission from Su-lu. See Rouffaer, op. sup. cit., -IV., 391. He gives us the equivalents of these names, Paduka Bohol, -Paduka Suli, and Paduka Prabu. Duarte Barbosa, 203, says of the Sulu -(Solor) islands that "all around this island the Moros gather much -seed pearl and fine pearls of perfect color and not round." - - - - - - - -SPANISH UNRELIABILITY; EARLY CHINESE RULE OVER PHILIPPINES; AND REASON -FOR INDOLENCE IN MINDANAO - -Mr. Salmon's "Modern History," London, 1744, Vol. I, pp. 92-93. - - -The Portuguese were no sooner in possession of Malacca, but they -discovered the Moluccas or Spice islands; at which time Magallanes -returning home and not being rewarded according to his expectations, -as has been hinted above, offered his service to the Emperor Charles -the Fifth, proposing to discover a passage to these very Spice islands -by sailing westward, which he apprehended would bring them within the -Emperor's share, according to the agreement above mentioned, that all -countries which should be discovered westward should belong to Spain, -as all the discoveries eastward were to belong to Portugal. - -The Spaniards who lived to return home again, gave a very extravagant -account of the inhabitants which has since appeared to have little -truth in it. They afterwards sailed into the 50th degree of South -latitude, where they pretended to meet with a monstrous race of -giants, which have never been heard of since; and, among other -improbable stories, tell us that their way of letting blood there -was by chopping a great gash in their arms and legs with a hatchet, -instead of using a lancet; and the way of vomiting their patients -was by thrusting an arrow a foot and a half long down their throats. - -So little credit is to be given to some discoverers, especially where -they happen to be people of no judgment, and who have little regard -for truth, as it happened in this case where the commander, Magellan, -and most of the officers died in the voyage, and very few besides -the common sailors returned to give an account of the expedition. - -Magellan was killed in a skirmish with the natives; having a little -before his death received intelligence that the Molucca islands, -which he came out in search of, were not far distant; and his ships, -afterwards pursuing the voyage, arrived at Tidore, one of the Moluccas, -on the 8th day of November, 1521. In these islands they were kindly -received by the respective Princes and suffered to build a fort and -erect a factory at Tidore; they also left one of their ships which -was leaky there to be refitted, which the Portuguese afterwards took -as a prize and ruined their factory. - -These islands were probably first peopled from the continent of China, -being formerly under the Emperor of China's government; who deserted -them, it seems, on account of their being too remote from the rest of -his dominion; but their religious rights, as well as several other -customs they retained when the Spanish came thither, show that the -people were of Chinese extraction. - -The Mindanayans are said to be an ingenious, witty people and active -enough when they have a mind to it; but for the most part very lazy -and thievish, and will not work unless compelled to it by hunger; but -our author attributes their want of industry chiefly to the tyranny -of the government, which will not suffer them to enjoy the wealth -they acquire, and therefore they never endeavor to lay up anything. - - - - - - - -BISAYANS IN FORMOSA - -(Dr. Terrien de Lacouperie, Formosa Notes; Hertford, 1887, p. 39.) - - -There are other evidences of importance, which show that the Chinese -were acquainted with the dark-skinned occupiers of Formosa as -originated from the Philippine Archipelago. The Yang tchou wen Kao -(v. Geo. Kleinwachter, The History of Formosa under the Chinese, -p. 345) says that "the island of Tai-wan (or Formosa), which was -formerly called Ki-lung, was originally a part of the Liu-Kiu state, -which was founded by some descendants of the Ha-la. The author -does not say what the Ha-la are, assuming that his readers are -acquainted with that name, so that we must look elsewhere for the -wanted explanations. I find it in the Miao Man hoh tchi (k. III, -ff. 6-7), "A Description of the Miao and Man Tribes," by Tsao -Shu-K'iao of Shanghai. The entry about that people is amongst those -of the South. They are described as "dark, with deep-set eyes," -a peculiarity which the Chinese stated to be that of the kun-lun -men, as we have seen above. The author of the Miao Man hoh tchi says -also that the Hala do not know the practice of chewing betel and he -proceeds with some details on their clothes and customs in so far -as they are peculiar to themselves, but they are unimportant. Now -these Ha-la of the Chinese are simply the Gala, commonly Ta-gala, -with the usual Ta [165] prefix of the Philippine Islands and the -statements agree entirely with the inferences of ethnologists deduced -from travellers' reports as to the parentship of several tribes of -aborigines of Formosa with the Tagal population of the Philippines. - -The Chinese ethnographical notices of the Sung Dynasty on the Liu -Kiu islands, including as it does all the islands from Japan to the -Philippines, states that next to Liu-Kiu lies the country of the -P'i-she-ye [166] in which we must I think recognize the Bisayas, -the most diffused population of the Philippines, and next to the -Tagalas in importance. - -They made a raid on the coasts of Fuhkien at Tsiuen-tchou during the -period A. D. 1174-1189 and caused a great deal of havoc. They are -described as naked savages with large eyes, greatly covetous of iron -in any shape, using bamboo rafts and a sort of javelin attached by a -long string and which they throw on their enemy (cf. Ma Tuanlin, Wen -hien t'ung K'ao; d'Hervey de St. Denis, Ethnographie de Matouanlin, -Vol. 1, p. 425). These people travelling on rafts could not have -come from afar, and therefore may be supposed to have come over to -the Chinese coast from Formosa. In which probable case, this ought -to have resulted from an emigration of them to the great island. - - - - - - - -THE TAGALOG TONGUE - -By Jose Rizal - - -Tagalog belongs to the agglutinative branch of languages. For a long -time it was believed to be one of the dialects of Malay, through that -language having been the first of the family known to Europeans. But -later studies, by comparing the Malay-Polynesian idioms with one -another, have succeeded in showing how slight is the basis for this -supposition. The conjugation of the Tagalog verbs, far from being -derived from the Malay verbs, contains in itself every form of that's -and besides some from other dialects. - -Although in Tagalog as at present spoken and written (slightly -different from ancient Tagalog), there are to be found many Sanscrit, -Spanish and Chinese words, nevertheless the structure of the language -still retains its own distinctive character. These foreign words are -stitched to the fabric much as gems are set in jewels; they could -come off and something else be substituted without the framework -losing its form. - -Like every other language, Tagalog has its alphabet; composed of five -vowels and fourteen consonants. - -The vowels are: A, E, I, O, U. - -A is pronounced clear and full as in all other languages. The same -may be said of I and U. - -E and O only are found in the last syllable, or in the next to the -last when that begins with the same vowel. In these cases E or O can -be likewise represented by I or U, since the sounds of these final, -or penultimate, vowels partake of both sounds. For example, in mabuti -or mabute, the final I or E sounds like the final Y of the English -words pity and beauty, where Y has a sound intermediate between E and -I; leeg or liig is pronounced with a vowel which resembles E as much -as it does I. - -In the same way, O in the words dulo, ubod, look, has the value of -a vowel intermediate between O and U. - -The consonants are: B, D, G, G, H, K, L, M, N, P, R, S, T, Y. - - - - - - - -PHILIPPINE TRIBES AND LANGUAGES - -By Prof. Ferdinand Blumentritt. - - -Notwithstanding the rich literature concerning the peoples and -languages of the Philippine Archipelago, there is no book or -publication in which are catalogued the names of the tribes and the -languages, and this appears the more inexcusable, since both Spanish -and Philippine writers, with few exceptions, handle these names very -carelessly, so that great confusion must ensue. The prevailing bad -form in the Philippines, of transferring the name of one people or -family (Stamm) to another, who possess similarities of any kind with -the first, either in manner of life, or even only in culture grade -in the widest sense of the term, has its counterpart in a second -bad fashion of making several peoples out of one by replacing the -folk name with the tribal names. Only with the greatest pains and -thought is it possible to extricate one's self from this labyrinth of -nomenclature. After thorough search, I am convinced that many names -reported to me must be eliminated, since they owe their existence to -mistakes in penmanship or printing, to ridicule, misunderstanding, -or error, as I have proved in single instances. However, I have -been convinced that by a closer and intelligent exploration of the -archipelago, it would not only be possible to make many corrections, -particularly in orthography, but that new names would also be added, -especially from northern Luzon and from the interior of other islands. - -I have introduced into this catalogue all the variations of published -names known to me, and briefly the description of tribal locations and -reports on their culture grades, especially their religion. Besides -the Negritos, I differentiate only Malay peoples (Stamme) in -general, because here regard for different principles of grouping -and subdividing of the Malay race would appear to serve no good end -and perhaps prove troublesome. Obsolete forms of names are carefully -marked with a cross. Where I, as with the Talaos, Mardicas, and Cafres, -take note of foreign peoples or castes on the islands, it is because -Spanish authors have erroneously set them down as Philippine. On the -other hand, in order to draw attention to a few names customary in -the country for races and castes, I have included the following, not -belonging here in strict accordance with the title of this article: -Castila, Cimarrones, Indios, Infieles, Insulares, Mestizos, Montaraz, -Peninsulares, Remontados, and Sangley: - - -Abacas.--Heathen Malay people, who lived in the dense forests of -Caraballo Sur (Luzon). Warlike, probably head-hunters. In the last -century they were Christianized, and in their territory the parish -of Caranglan (province of Nueva Ecija) was founded, where their -descendants lived as peaceful Christians. They have a language of -their own, but appear now to be thoroughly Tagalized. - -Abra-Igorots, Igorots of Abra.--Collective title for the head-hunters -living in the province of Abra (Luzon). Belong for the most part to -the Guinaanes. - -Abulon.--The name of a group of wild peoples living in the mountain -regions of Zambales. They are perhaps identical with the Zambales -and Igorots. - -Adang.--A folk with a language of their own, who dwell about a mountain -of the same name in the province of Ilocos Norte. According to the -Augustians P. Buzeta and P. Bravo, they are a mixture of Malays -and Negritos. But the first-named element is more prevalent than -the second. Their customs resemble those of the Apayaos, their next -neighbors; still they do not appear to be head-hunters. - -Aeta, see Negrito. (Variants: Aheta, Eta, Aita, Aigta, Ita, Atta, -Agta, Inagta, Até, Atá, etc., from the Tagalog, ita, itim, Malay itam, -Bicol, ytom, black). - -Agutainos.--Name of the natives of Malay race in the island of Agutaya, -in the Cuyo archipelago (province of Calamianes). They have their -own dialect, called Agutaino; are Christianized and civilized. - -Alibaon, Alibabaun.--Not the name of a people, but, it seems, a title -of the Moro chief, settled on the bay of Davao. - -Alimut.--This name is cited in the form Igorots of Alimut. Supposed -to be the tribe of head-hunters who lived in June, 1889, in the lately -erected comandancia Quiangan and on the banks of the river Alimut. In -this case they should belong to the Mayoyao or Ifugao family (Luzon). - -Altasanes or Altabanes.--In both forms a head-hunting people of -northwestern Nueva Vizcaya (Luzon) is known. The correct spelling of -the name should be decided. They appear to have no language of their -own and perhaps belong to the Mayoyaos and Ifugaos. - -Apayaos.--Warlike head-hunters, having their own language and dwelling -in the northwestern portion of the province of Cagayan (Luzon) and the -adjoining portions of Ilocos Norte and Abra. Buzeta and Bravo report -that they are not full-blood Malays, but mixed with Negritos. It must -not be forgotten, however, that the Spanish authors have such mixtures -ready made. Dark hair is a mixture of Negrito blood; clear skin or -yellowish is the result of crossing with Chinese or Japanese. They -are partly Christianized. Some Spanish authors declare their language -to be Mandaya, but this is improbable. - -Variants: Apayos, Apoyaos. (Consult also Vol. VIII, folio series -of the Royal Ethnographic Museum in Dresden, by A. B. Meyer, with -A. Schadenberg.) - -Aripas.--A Malay language, spoken by a peaceable people. They live -near Nacsiping and Tubang (Luzon). They are heathen, but a portion of -them have been converted to Christianity. With these new Christians -the village of Aripa has been founded. - -Atas (also Ataas, Itaas).--(1) A powerful people of unknown origin, who -occupy the head waters of the rivers Davas, Tuganay, and Libaganum, -and their country extends in the eastern portion of the province -of Misamis (Mindanao) to the home of the Bukidnones. Little is -known about the Atás; they appear to be a mixture of Negritos and -Malays. They have a language of their own. Their name means "dwellers -in highlands." Variants: Ataas, Itaas. (2) A mixture of Bicols and -Negritos in Camarines Sur. [On the confounding of Atás with Aetas, -consult A. B. Meyer, 1899, p. 18. The Atás are not pure Negritos.--Tr.] - -Até.--Name which the Tagbanuas of Palawan (Paragua) give to the -Negritos. - -Atta.--Dialect spoken by the Negritos of the province of Cagayan -(Luzon). - -Baganis.--No people is known under this name, as Moya erroneously -asserts; it is the title conferred on every Manobo warrior who has -slain seven enemies. - -Bagobos.--A heathen and bloodthirsty people of Malay derivation and -with an idiom of their own. Their home is at the foot of the volcano -of Apo (Davao, in Mindanao). There are detached Christian settlements -of them. - -Balugas.--(1) Collective title for dark mixed people of Malay and -Negrito race, derived from the Tagalog word baloga, "black mixed -one." Balugas are to be found in several portions of central Luzon. (2) -Some authors identify Aetas with Balugas. Camarca calls the black, -woolly savages of the mountains in Camumusan "Negros Balugas," so it -seems that in certain regions more or less pure-blooded Negritos were -called by this name. - -Banaos.--[In northern Luzon. See A. B. Meyer, with A. Schadenberg, in -Vol. VIII, folio series of the Royal Ethnographic Museum, in Dresden.] - -Bangal-Bangal.--The Dulanganes are so called by the Moros. - -Bangot.--A name conferred on various bands of Manguianes in Mindoro, -for the place and mode of life. So called are (1), by the Socol and -Bulalacao, those Manguianes who inhabit the plains; and (2) those -Manguianes of Mongoloid type who have their dwelling places on the -banks of the streams south of Pinamalayan. - -Banuaon.--Name of the Manobos tribe from which the Christian settlement -of Amporo, in the district of Surigao (Mindanao), was formed. - -Barangan.--Name borne by those Manguian hordes who occupy the most -elevated stations in the Mangarin Mountains (Mindoro). - -Batak.--Another name for the Tinitianos, especially those that dwell -in the neighborhood of Punta Tinitia and the Bubayán Creek, on the -island of Palawan. - -Batan.--The inhabitants of Batanes Island were and are enumerated -by Spanish authors among the Ibanags or Cagayanes. According to -Dr. T. H. Pardo this is incorrect, for their idiom differs not only -from the Ibanag but from all others in the Philippines, having the -sound of "tsch," unknown elsewhere in the archipelago, and a nasal -sound like that of the French "en." They are therefore to be separated -from the Cagayanes. - -Bayabonan.--Name of a supposed Malay people with a language of their -own, living as neighbors to the Gamunanges on the mountain slopes -eastward from Tuao, in Cagayan (Luzon). They are heathen and little -is known of them save the name. - -Beribi.--Manguianes domiciled between Socol and Bulalacao, living on -the mountains. (Compare Bangot.) - -Bicol.--Autonym of those natives of Malay race who inhabit the -peninsula of Camarines in Luzon and some outlying islands. On the -arrival of the Spaniards they were somewhat civilized and had a -kind of writing. They are Christians, still a section of them live -under the names Igorots, or Cimarrones, mostly mixed with Negrito -blood, in the wilds of Isarog, Iriga, Buhi, Caramuan, etc., wild, -and plunged in the deepest heathendom. The official spelling of -the name is Vicol. This is clear, since in Spanish the letter v, -especially before e or i, is sounded like German b. - -Bilanes.--A Malay people occupying, according to latest accounts, a -larger area than I have attributed to them in my ethnographic chart -of Mindanao, here thoroughly penetrated also by other stocks. The -Sarangani islands, lying off the southern point of Mindanao, are -inhabited by them. They are heathen, of peaceable disposition. Their -language is characterized by the possession of the letter f. The -proper form of their name ought to be Buluan, so that they have the -same title as the lake. They must then at first have been called -Tagabuluan (Taga = whence, from there). (Compare Tagabelies.) - -Variants: Buluanes, Buluan, Vilanes, Vilaanes. - -Bisayas.--Officially written Visayas. A Malay people who, on the -arrival of the Spaniards, had a culture and an art of writing of -their own. They inhabit the islands named after them, besides the -northern and the eastern coast of Mindanao, with small intrusions of -heathen populations that have become Visayised since the converted -tribes--Manobos, Buquidnones, Subanos, Mandayas, etc., have been taught -the Visaya language in the schools. Also Zamboango and Cottobato show -Visaya settlements. Among them are to be counted the Mundos. At the -time of the discovery they painted (or tattooed) their bodies, on -which account they received from the Spaniards the name of Pintados, -which stuck to them even till the eighteenth century. They are -Christians. Their language is divided into several dialects, of which -the Cebuano and Panayano are most important. (Compare Calamiano, -Halayo, Hiliguayna, Caraga. Blumentritt places their number at -2,500,000 and upward. Globus, 1896, LXX, p. 213.) - -Bontok-Igorots.--Collective name of the head-hunting peoples living -in the province of Bontok, to whom also the Guinaanes belong. - -Bouayanan.--A heathen folk in the interior of Palawan. The name -appears to mean "crocodile men." - -Buhuanos, Bujuanos.--A heathen folk related to the Igorots -(head-hunters?), dwelling in the province of Isabela de Luzon. They -are warlike in nature. - -Bulalacaunos.--A wild people of Malay race (without Negrito mixture?), -having its own (?) idiom. It is to be found in the interior of the -northern part of the island of Palawan (Paragua) and in Calamianes -islands. - -Buluanes, see Bilanes. - -Bungananes.--A warlike, head-hunting (?) people, who live in the -provinces of Nueva Vizcaya and Isabela de Luzon. Except the name, -almost nothing is known of them, and in my view this is not certain. - -Bukidnones, Buquidnones.--A heathen Malay people living in the -eastern part of the district of Misamis (Mindanao), from Ibigan to -Punta Divata (the coast is settled chiefly by Visayas), and along -the Rio de Tagoloan. Lately they have been partly Christianized. The -Spaniards conferred on them the name of Monteses, "dwellers in the -mountains," which is a translation of their name. - -Bukil, Buquil.--Name of different Manguiana tribes of Mindoro: -(1) the Manguianes mixed with Negrito blood, whose homes are in the -vicinity of Bacoo and Subaan; (2) those that dwell on the spurs of the -mountains between Socol and Bulalacao, and show a pure Malay type; -(3) in Pinamalayan they are called Manguianes of Mongoloid type, -who inhabit the plains; (4) the Manguianes who dwell on the banks -of the rivers are named Mangarin. In view of the fact that Bukil is -identical with Bukid, and can be applied only to tribes living in -mountain forests, it appears to me that the settlements given under -3 and 4 are incorrect. - -Buquitnon.--A "race" by this name, on the island of Negros, until -recently unknown (used in La Oceañía Española, Manila, August 9, -1889, copied from the Provenir de Visayas.) The Buquitnon are said -to be a heathen tribe of about 40,000 souls that has its homes on the -mountains of Negros, not massed together and not to be distinguished -from the Visayas living on the coast. Whether the Carolanos are -identical with them is hard to say. The name Buquitnon and also -Buquidnon in Mindanao means mountaineers, upland forest dwellers, -yet are the Buquitnon, of Negros, and the Buquidnon, of Mindanao, -to be strongly distinguished from each other. - -Buriks.--Under this name figures a pretended Igorot people in all -publications devoted to the Igorots, but Dr. Hans Meyer found that -Burik applies to any Igorot who is tattooed in a certain manner. I did -not believe this until a Philippine friend, Eduardo P. Casal, wrote -that the Igorots in the Philippine Exposition in Madrid, in 1887, -had confirmed the statement of Dr. Meyer. - -Busaos.--From Spanish accounts the Busaos are a separate division -of Igorots. Dr. Hans Meyer has reported that the Basaos, or Bisaos, -through manner, costume, and custom, are to be numbered rather with -the Guiaanes and Bontok-Igorots than with the Igorots proper. - -Cafres.--No native people by this name. The Papuan slaves brought to -Manila by the Portuguese at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning -of the seventeenth century were so called. (The abolition of slavery -under Philip II arrested this traffic.) - -Cagayanes.--A Malay language group. Their dwelling places are the Rio -Grande de Cagayan (Luzon) from Furao to the mouth, the Babuyanes and -Batanes islands, although the people of the last named are by some -authors made an independent stock. (Compare Batan.) The Cagayanes -had at the time of the Spanish discovery a civilization of their -own. They are Christians. Their language is Ibanag. From them are -to be sharply discriminated the people of Cagayan, in Mindanao, -belonging to the Visayan stock. - -Calaganes.--A small Malayan people who live on the Casilaran Creek -(Bay of Davao, Mindanao). Partly converted to Christianity. - -Calamiano.--Buzeta and Bravo understand by Calamiano a Visaya dialect -which was made up of Tagalog mixed with Visaya and spoken by the -Christians of northern Palawan (Paragua) and Calamianes islands. Pere -Fr. Juan de San Antonio has preached in Calamiano and composed in it -a catechism. The existence of the Calamiano language should therefore -be unassailable, but A. Marche has declared that it does not exist. - -Calauas (pronounced Calawas).--A Malay people, heathen and -peaceable. They live near Malauec, in the valleys of the Rio Chico -de Cagayan (Luzon), and on the strip of land called Partido de -Itavés. Their language is called Itavés also, but others declare their -speech to be identical with the Malauec. The portion of the Calauas -who hold the Itavés land are by some authors called Itaveses. I am -not sure whether there may not have been a misunderstanding here. - -Calibuganes.--So are called in western Mindanao the mixtures of Moros -and Subanos. - -Calingas.--(1) In northern Luzon, Calinga is the collective designation -for "wild" natives, independent heathen, as, in northwestern Luzon, -the word Igorot is applied. (2) This term is specially attached -(a) to that warlike people of Malay descent who live between Rio -Cagayan Grande and Rio Abulug, and are marked by their Mongoloid -type; (b) according to Semper, also the Irayas. (See Die Calingas, -by Blumentritt, in Das Ausland, 1891, No. 17, pp. 328-331.) - -Camucones, Camocones.--Name of the Moro pirates who inhabit the little -islands of the Sulu group east of Tawi-Tawi, and the islands between -these and Borneo; but on the last the name Tirones is also conferred. - -Cancanai, Cancanay.--Igorot dialect spoken in the northwest of Benguet. - -Caragas.--In older works are so named the warlike and Christian -inhabitants of the localities subdued by the Spaniards on the east -coast of Mindanao, and, indeed, after their principal city, Caraga. It -has been called, if not a peculiar language, a Visaya dialect, while -now only Visaya (near Manobo and Mandaya) is spoken, and an especial -Caraga nation is no longer known. I explain this as follows: Already -at that time newly arrived Manobos and Mandayas were settled who spoke -Visaya only imperfectly. This Visaya muddle and the mixture of Visayas -and newcomers are to be identified with the Caraga, if in the end, -under the first, the Mandaya is not to be directly understood. - -Variants: Caraganes†, Calaganes (to be distinguished from Calaganes -of Davao), Caragueños (now the name of the inhabitants of Daraga la -Nueva and Caraga.) - -Carolanos.--Diaz Arenas so designates the heathen and wild natives -who inhabit the mountain lands of Negros, especially the Cordillera, -of Cauyau. They appear to be of Malay stock, transplanted Igorots -from Negros. Practically nothing is known concerning them. Compare -Buquitnon. - -Castilas.--Native name for Spaniards and other Europeans in the -Philippine Islands. - -Catalanganes.--A Malay people of Mongoloid type. They live in the flood -plain of the Catalangan river (province of Isabela de Luzon). They are -heathen and peaceable, and have the same language as the Irayas. (Half -Tagala and half Chinese, Brinton, American Anthropologist, 1898, XI, -p. 302.) - -Cataoan.--A dialect spoken by the Igorots of the district of Lepanto, -living in the valley of the Abra River. - -Catubanganes, or Catabangenes.--Warlike heathen, settled in the -mountains of Guinayangan, in the province of Tayabas (Luzon). Through -lack of available information nothing can be said about their race -affiliations, whether they be pure Malay or Negrito-Malay. They are -probably Remontados mixed with Negrito blood and gone wild. - -Cebuano.--Dialect, Visaya. - -Cimarrones.--This characterization ("wild," "gone wild") is given to -heathen tribes of most varied affiliations, living without attachment -and in poverty, chiefly posterity of the Remontados. (See note by -A. B. Meyer, 1899, p. 12.--Translator.) - -Coyuvos.--The natives of Cuyo archipelago (province of Calamianes), -with exception of those who belong to the stock of Agutainos. According -to A. Marche, the Coyuvos appear to be Christianized Tagbanuas. For -that reason would the idiom called official Coyuvo be the Tagbanua. - -Culamanes.--Another name for the Manobos, who live on the southern -portion of the east coast of Davao Bay, the so-called coast of Culaman. - -Dadayag.--A Malay people, who occupy the mountain wilds in the western -part of Cabagan (province of Cagayan). They have a language of their -own and are warlike heathen as well as head-hunters. - -Variant: Dadaya. - -Dapitan (Nacion de)†.--Title conferred in the sixteenth century on the -Visayas of the present comandancia of Dapitan (province of Misamis, -Mindanao). - -Dayhagang†.--According to S. Mas, before the arrival of the Spaniards, -the progeny of Borneo-Malays and Negrito women were so called. - -Dulanganes.--This heathen people occupy the southern part of the -district of Davao. The name signifies "wild men." It is not known -whether they are pure bloods or Malays with infusion of Negrito -blood. I believe that the Malay type predominates. Since they -also bear the name of Gulanganes, perhaps, more properly, it is -to be suspected that they form with the Mangulangas, Manguangas, -and Guiangas (q. v.) a single linguistic group, or at least a stock -closely related to them. This is merely a conjecture. By the Moros -they are called Bangal-Bangal. - -Dumagat.--A name conferred on the Negritos of the northeast coast -of Luzon and by older non-Spanish writers on coast dwellers of -Samar, Leyte, and Mindoro. Latterly it has come about that the Tagal -name Dumagat (from dagat, "sea," "dweller on the strand," "skillful -sailor," etc.) has been taken for the name of a people. (A. B. Meyer, -1899, p. 11, calls the Dumagates Negrito half-breeds of the island -of Alabat, quoting Steen Bille, Reise der Galathea, 1852, Vol. I, -p. 451.--Translator.) - -Durugmun.--The Manguianes of Mongoloid type are so called who -occupy the highest portions of the mountains around Pinamalayan -(Mindoro). They are called also Buchtulan. - -Etas, see Negritos. - -Gaddanes.--A Malay head-hunting people, with a language of their own, -settled in the provinces of Isabela and Cagayan, but especially in -the comandancia of Saltan (Luzon). The Gaddanes of Bayombong and -Bagabag are Christians; the rest are heathen. - -Gamungan, Gamunanganes.--A Malay people having their own idiom, and -inhabiting the mountain provinces in the eastern and northeastern -portions of Tuao (province of Cagayan, Luzon). They are heathen. - -Guiangas, Guangas.--A Malay people in the northeastern and northern -part of Davao (Mindanao). They are heathen and do not differ greatly -from the Bagobo, their neighbors; on the other hand, according to the -accounts of the Jesuit missionaries, their speech differs totally -from those of the heathen tribes near by, and for that reason it -is difficult to learn. On account of their wildness they are much -decried. The variants, Guanga and Gulanga, which mean "forest people," -give rise to the bare suspicion that they are a fragment of the -little-known tribe who, according to location, lived scattered in -southern Mindanao under the names: Manguangas, Mangulangas, Dulanganes. - -Guimbajanos (pronounced Gimbahanos).--The historians of the -seventeenth century, under this title, designated a wild, heathen -people, apparently of Malay origin, living in the interior of Sulu -Island. Their name is derived from their war drum (guimba). Later -writers are silent concerning them. In modern times the first mention -of them is by P. A. de Pazos and by a Manila journal, from which -accounts they are still at least in Carodon and in the valley of the -Loo; it appears that a considerable portion of them, if not the entire -people, have received Islam. - -Variants: Guinbajanos, Guimbanos, Guimbas, Quimpanos. - -Guinaanes (pronounced Ginaanes).--A Malay head-hunting people -inhabiting the watershed of the Rio Abra and Rio Grande de Cagayan -(Luzon), as well as the neighboring region of Isabela and Abra. They -are heathen; their language possesses the letter f. - -Variants: Guianes, Ginan, Quinaanes, Quinanes. (See A. B. Meyer, with -A. Schadenberg, Volume VIII, folio series, Royal Ethnographic Museum, -Dresden, 1890.) - -Gulanga, see Guianga. - -Gulanganes, see Dulanganes. - -Halaya†.--A Visaya dialect spoken in the interior of Panay. - -Haraya.--A Visaya dialect spoken in the interior of the island of -Panay, nearly identical with the foregoing. - -Hiliguayna†.--A Visaya dialect spoken on the coast of the island of -Panay. Variants: Hiligueyna, Hiligvoyna. - -Hillunas, Hilloonas, see Illanos. - -Ibalones†.--Ancient name of Bicols, especially those of Albay. - -Ibanag.--Name of the language spoken by the Cagayanes. They possess -the letter f. - -Idan, Idaan.--The Idan, sought by non-Spanish authors on the islands -of Palawan (Paragua) and Sulu, have not been found. - -Ifugaos.--A dreaded Malay head-hunting people who inhabit the provinces -of Nueva Vizcaya and Isabela and the lately formed comandancia of -Quiangan. To them belong the Quianganes, Silipanos, etc. They are -heathen. Their language possesses the sound of f. - -Ifumangies.--According to Diaz Arenas, this name applies to a tribe -of Igorots who were then (1848) in the province of Nueva Vizcaya. The -f in their name leads to the suspicion that they are Ifugaos. - -Ibilaos.--A Malay head-hunting people, having also apparently Negrito -blood in their veins. They are heathen and inhabit the border lands -of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Ecija. - -Igorots.--With the name Ygolot the first chroniclers characterized -the warlike heathen who now inhabit Benguet, therefore the pure -Igorots. Later, the name extended to all the head-hunters of northern -Luzon; still later it was made to cover the Philippine islanders -collectively, and to-day the title is so comprehensive that the -name Igorot is synonymous with wild. According to Hans Meyer, the -name applies only to the Igorots of Lepanto and Benguet, who speak -the dialects Inibaloi, Cancanai, Cataoan, and a fourth (Suflin?), -that of the Berpe Data. - -Variant: Ygolot, Ygulut. - -(A Chinese-Japanese Tagala group. Brinton, Amer. Anthropologist, -1898, XI, p. 302. Consult A. B. Meyer, with A. Schadenberg, -in Vol. VIII, folio series of the Royal Ethnographic Museum, in -Dresden, 1890; and Die Igoroten von Pangasinan, F. Blumentritt, -in Mittheil. T. K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien, 1900. hft. 3 u. 4.) - -Ilamut.--Name of an Igorot tribe always mentioned together with that of -Altsanes. If this tribe really exists, its home is in the Cordilleras -which separate Benguet from Nueva Vizcaya, and is to be sought, -indeed, in the last-named province, especially in Quiangan. They may -be identical with the Alimut. - -Ilanos, Illanos.--The Moros dwelling in the territory of Illano, -Mindanao. Their name should be connected with Lanao, "lake," -since their land incloses Lake Dagum, or Lanao. This conjecture is -strengthened through the names Lanun, Lanaos, Malanaos, existing in -the neighborhood. (Consult A. B. Meyer, 1899, p. 18, on the Hillunas, -"Correcting Quatrefages and Hamy Crania Ethnica," 1882, p. 178, -where they are called Negrito.--Translator.) - -Ileabanes.--According to Diaz Arenas there existed an Igorot tribe -of this name (1848) in the province of Nueva Vizcaya. - -Ilocanos.--A Malay people, with language of their own. At the discovery -they had their peculiar culture and an alphabet. They inhabit the -provinces of Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Union, and form the civic -population of Abra, whose Tinguian peasants they Ilocanise. Since -they are fond of wandering, their settlements are scattered in other -provinces of Luzon, as Benguet, Pampanga, Cagayan, Isabela de Luzon, -Pangasinan, Zambales, and Nueva Ecija. They are to be found as far -as the east coast of Luzon. They are Christians and civilized. (The -Ilocanos of the northwest are markedly Chinese in appearance and -speech. Brinton, Amer. Anthropologist, 1898, XI, p. 302. Consult -A. B. Meyer, with A. Schadenberg, in Vol. VIII, folio series, of the -Royal Ethnographic Museum in Dresden, 1890.) - -Ilongotes.--A Malay people of apparent Mongoloid type, inhabiting -the borders of Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela, and Principe, and known also -in Nueva Ecija. They are bloodthirsty head-hunters. (In the eastern -Cordillera, a rather pure but wild Tagala horde. Brinton, American -Anthropologist, 1898, p. 302.) - -Indios.--Under this title the Spanish understand the non-Mohammedanized -natives of Malay descent, especially those Christianized and civilized. - -Infieles.--Heathen, uncivilized peoples of Malay descent; were so -named by the Spaniards. - -Inibaloi.--Name of the dialect spoken by the Igorots Agnothales. - -Insulares.--Spaniards born in the Philippine Archipelago. - -Irapis.--After Mas, a subdivision of Igorots. - -Irayas.--A Malay people mixed with Negrito blood, who dwell south of -the Catalanganes and in the western declivities of the Cordillera of -Palanan (Luzon). They speak the same language as the Catalanganes, -and are likewise heathen. Their name seems to mean "dwellers on the -plains," "owners of plains." To them the collective name Calinga is -applied. (Consult A. B. Meyer, with A. Schadenberg, in Vol. VIII, -folio series, of the Royal Ethnographic Museum in Dresden, 1890.) - -Isinays (Isinayas, Isinay).--In the eighteenth century the heathen -population of the then mission province of Ituy were so called, -which includes the present communities of Aritao, Dupax, Banibang, -Bayombong (Nueva Vizcaya, Luzon). It is not certain whether they are -a separate people or are identical with Gaddanus, Italones, or Ifugaos. - -Italones.--A head-hunting Malay people who inhabit the mountain wilds -of Nueva Vizcaya (Luzon). They are heathen, only a small part of them -having embraced Christianity. - -Ita, see Negritos. - -Itaas, see Atas. - -Itanegas, Itaneg, Itaveg. See Tinguianes. - -Itaves.--So used the language of the Calauas to be called; still -there are authors who affirm that these two are different. Nothing -certain is known concerning this name, which is also written Itaues, -Itanes. From latest accounts, this is a dialect of Gaddan. - -Itetapanes (Itetapaanes).--According to Buzeta and Bravo, a -head-hunting Malay people mixed with Negrito blood, living on the -western borders of Isabela de Luzon and perhaps also in Bontok. - -Ituis.--According to Mas, a subdivision of Igorots. Nothing more is -known. Compare Isinays. - -Ivanha.--Form of Ibanag. - -Joloanos.--The Moros of Sulu. - -Jacanes, see Yacanes. - -Kianganes, see Quianganes. (Meyer has Kingianes, 1899.) - -Jumangi, see Humanchi. - -Humanchi.--Heathen people of central Luzon (?); written Jumangi. - -Latan.--Another name for the Manguianes who inhabit the plains of -Mangarin (Mindoro). - -Lanaos, see Illanos and Malanaos. - -Lanun, see Illanos. - -Laut, see Samales-Laut. - -Lingotes, see Ilongotes. - -Loacs.--Not a separate people, but the name of a very poor Tagacaolo -tribe who dwell in the mountain forests of San Augustin Peninsula -(Mindanao). - -Lutangas.--A Mohammedan mixed race of Moros and Subanos, who inhabit -the island of Olutanga and the adjacent coast of Mindanao. - -Lutaos, Lutayos.--Moros of the district of Zamboanga and frequently -called Illanos. It appears to be the Hispanicized form of the Malay -Orang-Laut. - -Maguindanaos (Mindanaos).--Another of the Moros who inhabit the valley -of the Rio Palangui or Rio Grande de Mindanao. To them belong also -the Moros of Sarangani Islands and partly those of Davao Bay. (See the -Maguindanaos, by Blumentritt, Das Ausland, 1891, No. 45, pp. 886-892.) - -Malanaos.--Common name of those Moros, specially of Ilanos, who -inhabit the shores of Malanas Lake (Mindanao). - -Malancos.--A tribe alleged to be settled in Mindanao, but the name -is plainly an error for Malanaos. - -Malauec.--In an anonymous author of "Apuntes interesantes sobre -las islas Filipinas," (Madrid, 1870), and quoting V. Barrantes, -the common language of commerce of Malaneg (province of Cagayan) is -so called; but on the last named also (only) Ibanag is spoken. Other -authors understand by this the language of the Nabayuganes or that of -the Calaluas. The suspicion is also well founded that by Malauec is -meant a lingua franca made up from various tongues. It is difficult -to extract the truth from these conflicting accounts. - -Mamanuas.--A Negrito people inhabiting the interior of Surigao -Peninsula (northeast Mindanao). Semper and others have called them a -bastard race, but the Jesuit missionaries, who have turned a great -number of them to Christianity, call them "los verdaderos negritos -aborigines de Mindanao." (On the Mamanuas consult A. B. Meyer, -Distribution of the Negritos, Dresden, 1899, p. 17.--Translator.) - -Mananapes.--A heathen people alleged to dwell in the interior of -Mindanao, possibly a tribe of Buquidnones or Manobos. - -Mandaya.--In some authors this is the name of the Apayas language, -which is somewhat doubtful. - -Mandayas.--A bloodthirsty Malay and bright-colored head-hunting people -in the comandancia of Bislig and the district of Davao (Mindanao). They -are heathen, partly converted to Christianity by the Jesuits. - -Mancayaos.--Not a separate people, but merely the warriors among the -Manobos, who carry lances. - -Manguangao.--Under this name the Jesuits near Catel (comandancia -Bislig, east Mindanao) characterized the heathen inhabitants. By the -same authors the heathen living on the upper tributaries of the Rio -Agusan, Rio Manat, and Rio Batutu are called Manguangas and Mangulangas -(forest people). Pere Pastells identifies Manguangas and Mangulangas -and says that they inhabit the head waters of the Rio Salug (which -does not agree with Montano's communications). From all which it -results that Manguangas is a collective name and stands in connection -with that of the Dulanganes and Guiangas. Perhaps all the folk named -belong to one people. They are heathen and of the Malay race. - -Manguianes.--The heathen, unaffiliated natives inhabiting the -interior of Mindoro, Romblon, and Tablas. Manguian (forest people) -is a collective name of different languages and races. According to -R. Jordana, the Manguianes of Mindoro are divided into four branches, -one of which, Bukil or Buquel, is a bastard race of Negritos, while a -second in external appearance reminds one of Chinese Mestizos, and on -that account it is to be regarded as a Mongoloid type. The other two -are pure Malay. To the name Manguianes (which calls to mind Magulangas) -specially belong only (1) those Manguianes who live in the mountains -near Mangarin and (2) only those between Socol and Bulacao who dwell -on the river banks. The remaining tribes bear different names--Bangot, -Buquil, Tadianan, Beribi, Durugmun, Buctulan, Tiron, and Lactan. The -Manila journals speak of Manguianes of Paragua (Palawan). These have -naught to do with those of Mindoro, since on Paragua this title in -its meaning of "forest people" is applied to all wild natives of -unknown origin. - -Mangulangas, see Manguangas. - -Manobos.--A Malay head-hunting people, sedentary, chiefly in the -river valley of middle Rio Agusan (district of Swigao), as well as at -various points in the districts of Davao (Mindanao). A considerable -portion have been converted through Jesuit missionaries; the rest -are heathens. The correct form of the name is Manuba, or, better, -Man-Suba; that is, "river people." The name in earlier times was -frequently extended to other heathen tribes of Mindanao. (On the -relationship of Manobos with Indonesians, an allophyllic branch of -the white race, see remark of Brinton on Quatrefages and Hamy in -American Anthropologist, 1898, Vol. XI, p. 297.) - -Mardicas†.--In the war between Spain and Holland (seventeenth century) -the mercenaries from the Celebes, Macassars, and the Moluccas were -so called. - -Maritimos.--The Remontados, who inhabit the islands and rocks on the -north coast of Camarines Norte. (The island of Alabat, on the east -coast of Luzon, is peopled by Negrito half-breeds, called Dumagat -and Maritimos.--A. B. Meyer.) - -Mayoyaos.--A Malay head-hunting people, who inhabit the southwest -corner of Isabela and the northwest angle of Nueva Vizcaya. The -Mayoyaos belong, without doubt, to the Ifugao linguistic stock. - -Mestizo.--Mixture. Mestizo Peninsulo, Mestizo Español, Mestizo -Privilegiado, mixture of Spaniards and natives; Mestizo Chino, Mestizo -Sangley, Mestizo Tributante, or mixture of Chinese with natives. - -Mindanaos, see Maguindanaos. - -Montaraz, Montesinos.--Collective name for heathen mountain peoples -and also for Remontados. - -Monteses.--(1) Collective name in the same sense as Montaraz; (2) -Spanish name for Buquidnones and Buquitnon. - -Moros.--Mohammedan Malays in the south of the archipelago, southern -Palawan, Balabac, Sulu Islands, Basilan, western and partly the -southern coast of Mindanao, as well as the territorio illano and the -Rio Grande region and the Sarangani islands. Various subdivisions -have been recognized: Maguindanaos, Illanos, Samales, Joloanos, etc. - -(In the sixteenth century, 1521-1565, the Moros of Brunei (Borneo) -propagated Islam among the brown race of the Philippines.) - -Mundos.--Heathen tribes inhabiting the wilds of Panay and Cebu. Buzeta -and Bravo regard them as Visaya Remontados gone wild. Baron Huegel -says that their customs resemble those of the Igorots. This is a -contradiction, in which more stress is laid on the testimony of the -two Augustinians, that Mundos is misused as a collective name, like -Igorots, Maguianes, etc. - -Nabayuganes.--A warlike, head-hunting people of Malay origin, dwelling -westward from Malaneg or Malanec (province of Cagayan). They appear -to be related to the Guinaanes. - -Negrito.--(Native names: Aeta, Até (Palawan), Eta, Ita, Mamanua -(northeast Mindanao), old Spanish name, Negrillo, Negros del País). The -woolly-haired, dark-colored aborigines of the land who, in miserable -condition, live scattered among the Malay population in various -parts of Luzon, Mindoro (?), Tablas, Panay, Busuanga (?), Culion (?), -Palawan, Negros, Cebu, and Mindanao. There are supposed to be 20,000 -of them. They are also spoken of under the word Balugas. The Negrito -idiom of the province of Cagayan is called Atta. - -("It may be regarded as proved that Negritos are found in Luzon, -Alabat, Corregidor, Panay, Tablas, Negros, Cebu, northeastern Mindanao, -and Palawan. It is questionable whether they occur in Guimaias -(island south of Panay), Mindoro."--A. B. Meyer, 1899, p. 19. - -Upon the Negritos, consult A. B. Meyer: The Negritos of the -Philippines, publications of the Royal Ethnographic Museum of Dresden, -1893, Vol. IX, 10 pl., folio; also, The Distribution of the Negritos, -Dresden, 1899; Montano, Mission aux Philippines, 1885; Marche, Lucon -et Palaouan, 1887.--Translator.) - -Palauanes.--Another name for Tagbanuas, perhaps their original -name, from which the island of Paragua got the name Isla de los -Palauanes. The u in these names equals the German w and the English v. - -Pampangos.--A Malay language group who, at the arrival of the -Spaniards, possessed a civilization and method of writing of its -own. The people inhabit the province of Pampanga, Porac, and single -locations in Nueva Ecija, Bataan, and Zambales. They are Christians. - -Panayano.--Dialect of Visaya. - -Pangasinanes.--A Malay language group which already at the time of -the conquest had its own civilization and writing. The people inhabit -the larger part of Pangasinan and various localities of Zambales, -Nueva Ecija, Benguet, and Porac (?). They are Christians. - -Panguianes, see Pungianes. - -Panuipuyes (Panipuyes).--A tribe of so-called Igorots. Their dwellings -were to be sought in the western portion of Nueva Vizcaya or Isabela -de Luzon. - -Peninsulares.--European Spaniards. - -Pidatanos.--In the back country of Libungan, therefore not far from -the delta of the Rio Grande de Mindanao, dwell, as the Moros report, -a heathen mountain people bearing the name of Pidatanos. Probably -they have not a separate language, but belong to one of the well-known -families, perhaps the Manguangas. - -Pintados,† see Visayas. - -Pungianes.--Tribe of Mayoyaos. - -Quianganes.--(Pronounced Kianganes). A head-hunting people, settled -in 1889 in the comandancia of Quiangan (Luzon), for that reason -belonging to the Ifugao linguistic family. (See Die Kianganes (Luzon), -by Blumentritt, Das Ausland, Stuttgart, 1891, pp. 129-132.) - -Quimpano, see Quimbazanos. - -Quinanes, see Guinaanes. - -Remontados.--Name of civilized natives who have given up the civilized -life and fled to the mountain forests. - -Samales.--(1) A small Malay people living on the island of Samal in -the Gulf of Davao (Mindanao). They are heathen, but they are partly -converted to Christianity. (2) Another name for the Moros who inhabit -the islands lying between Basilan and Sulu. - -Samales-Laut.--The Moros who inhabit the coasts of Basilan. Compare -Samales (2). - -Sameacas.--Some authors speak of them as the aborigines of Basilan -pushed back into the interior by the Moros. According to Claudio -Montero y Gay, they are heathen. - -Sangley.--A name borne in early times by Chinese settled in the -Philippines. Going into disuse. - -(It is thought that the Chinese were not numerous on the islands -until the settlement of the Spaniards had established commerce -with Acapulco, introducing Mexican silver, greatly coveted by the -Celestials.--Translator.) - -Sanguiles.--(1) Until most recent times by this name was understood -a people in the little-known southern part of the district of Davao -(Mindanao). The Jesuit missionaries have found no people bearing this -name; it seems, therefore, that Sanguiles was a collective title for -the Bilanes, Dulanganes, and Manobos, who occupied the most southern -part of Mindanao, the peninsula of the volcano Sanguil or Saragana. (2) -Moros Sanguiles means those Moros who dwell in the part of the south -coast of Mindanao (district of Davao) lying between the Punto de Craan -and the Punta Panguitan or Tinaka. They also appear to have received -their name from the volcano of Sanguil. - -Silipanes.--A heathen head-hunting people having its abode in the -province of Nueva Vizcaya (and comandancia Quiangan). It belongs to the -Ifugao linguistic family. (Consult A. B. Meyer, with A. Schadenberg, in -Vol. VIII, folio series, Royal Ethnographic Museum in Dresden, 1890.) - -Subanos.--(Properly Subanon, "river people.") A heathen people of -Malay extraction, who occupy the entire peninsula of Sibuguey (west -Mindanao), with exception of a single strip on the coast. (See Die -Subanos (Mindanao), by Blumentritt, Das Ausland, Stuttgart, 1891, -pp. 392-395.) - -Suflin.--An Igorot dialect. The f in the name would hint at Guinaanes -or Ifugaos. The official nomenclature in 1865 so characterizes a -dialect spoken in Bontok. - -Tabanus, see Tagbanuas. - -Tadianan.--Another name for those Mongoloid Manguianes who live in -the mountain vales of Pinamalayan (Mindoro). - -Tagabaloyes.--In a chart of the Philippines for 1744, by P. Murillo -Velardi, S. J., this name is to be seen west of Caraga and Bislig -(Mindanao). English authors speak of the Tagabaloyes, Waitz mentions -their clear color, and Mas calls them Igorots. Others add that they -were Mestizos of Indians and Japanese, and more fables to the same -effect. Their region has been well explored, but only Manobos and -Mandayas have been found there. The last named are clear colored, -so Tagabaloyes seems to be another name for Mandayas. The name sounds -temptingly like Tagabelies. - -Variants: Tagbalvoys, Tagabaloyes, Tagobalooys, etc. - -Tagabawas.--Dr. Montano reports that this is not a numerous people -and that it is made up of a mixture of Manabos, Bagobos, and -Tagacaolos. Their dwelling places are scattered on both sides of -Davao Bay (Mindanao), especially near Rio Hijo. - -Tagabelies.--A heathen people of Malay origin, living in the region -between the Bay of Sarangani and Lake Buluan (Mindanao). Since they -call themselves Tagabulu (people of Bulu), it is suspected that -they, like the Buluanes or Bilanes, derive their name from the lake -mentioned. - -Tagabotes.--A people of Mindanao mentioned in the Ilustración Filipina -(1860, No. 17). - -Tagabulu, see Tagabelies, also Tagabuli. - -Tagacaolos.--A Malay, heathen people. Their settlements are scattered -among those of other tribes on both sides of the Gulf of Davao -(Mindanao). Compare also Loac. Their name Taga-ca-olo would mean -"dwellers on the river sources." - -Variant: Tagalaogos. - -Tagalos, Tagalog (elsewhere Tagalas).--A Malay people of ancient -civilization, possessing already an alphabet in pre-Spanish times. They -are Christians, and inhabit the provinces and territory of the -following: Manila, Corregidor, Cavite, Bataan, Bulacan, Batangas, -Infanta, Laguna, Mindoro; in less degree, Tayabas, Zambales, Nueva -Ecija, Isabela, and Principe. They form, with the Visayas and Ilocanos, -the greater part of the native population, as well by their numbers -as by their grade of culture. Their language is called Tagalog. (See -Brinton, American Anthropologist, 1898, XI, pp. 303-306.) - -Tagbalvoys, see Tagabaloyes. - -Tagbanuas.--A Malay people mixed with Negrito blood. They are heathen, -with exception of the Calmianos, and appear to have formerly stood -on higher culture grade, for A. Marche found them in possession -of an alphabet of their own. They inhabit the island of Palawan -(Paragua) and the Calamianes. The Moros of Palawan are partly -Tagbanuas. Variant: Tabanuas. (See Dean Worcester, Philippine Islands, -1898, p. 99.--Translator.) - -Tagobalooys, see Tagabaloys. - -Talaos.--This newly christened name belongs to no Philippine people, -but is the Spanish title of the inhabitants of the Dutch island -Talaut. They come to southern Mindanao to purchase provisions. - -Tandolanos.--Wild natives living on the west coast of Palawan, between -Punta Diente and Punta Tularan. As they are also called Igorots they -appear to belong to the Malay race. - -Teduray, see Tirurayes. - -Tegurayes.--A variant form of Tirurayes. - -Tinguianes.--A heathen people of Malay origin and peaceable -disposition. Their home is the province of Abra and the bordering -parts of Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur. They have also villages in -Union (Luzon). The Tinguianes converted to Christianity are strongly -Ilocanised. Variants: Itanega,† Itaneg,† Itaveg,† Tingues.† (See -Brinton's note on the identification of Tinguianes with Indonesians, an -allophyllic branch of the white race, by Quatrefages and Hamy. American -Anthropologist, 1898, Vol. XI, p. 297. Consult A. B. Meyer, with -A. Schadenberg, in Volume VIII, folio series, Royal Ethnographic -Museum, in Dresden, 1890.) - -Tinitianes.--A heathen people, probably of Malay origin. They inhabit -a strip of land north of Bubayan Creek, Palawan. (A. B. Meyer, 1899, -pp. 9, 19, quotes Blumentritt's The Natives of the Island of Palawan -and of the Calamanian Group (Globus, Braunschweig, 1891, Vol. LIX, -pp. 182, 183), to the effect that the Tinitianes are probably only -Negrito half-breeds.--Translator.) - -Tinivayanes.--Moros (?) or heathen (?). Said to live along the Rio -Grande de Mindanao. - -Tino.--Name of the language of the Zambales. - -Tiron.--Separate name of those Manguianes of Mindoro who inhabit the -highest mountain regions in the surroundings of Naujan. - -Tirones†.--The Moro pirates of the province of Tiron in Borneo and -the islands near-by are so called. - -Tirurayes.--A peaceable heathen people of Malay origin. They live in -the district of Cottabato, in the mountains west of the Rio Grande -de Mindanao. The Christian Tirurayes live in Tamontaca. Variants: -Teduray, Tirulay. - -Vicol, see Bicol.--(Vicol is preferable.) - -Vilanes, see Bilanes.--(Vilanes is preferable.) - -Visayas, see Bisayas.--(This spelling is preferable to Bisayas.) - -Ygolot, see Igorots. - -Ycanes--According to P. P. Cavallería, S.J., the Moros dwelling in -the interior of the island are so called. (Compare Jacanes, Sameacas, -and Samales-Lautes.) - -Yvgades, see Gaddanes. - -Zambales.--A civilized, Christianized people of Malay origin, -living in the province of the same name. Those called by different -writers Igorotes de Zambales, Cimarrones de Zambales, are posterity -of Remontados. Their language is Tino. - - - - - - - -THE BEGINNINGS OF PHILIPPINE NATIONALISM - - -The third of a thousand years during which Spain misgoverned the -archipelago that Magellan had discovered for her was a period of -Philippine preparation. - -Divided already so each town was jealous of its neighbors and anxious -to enlist the Europeans in waging war upon them, the Filipinos were -an easy conquest for soldiers whose first military maxim was Rome's -"Divide and Conquer." - -The conquest might better be called a conversion for the cross did much -more to establish and maintain Spain's authority than the sword. And -the new religion formed a bond of union, perhaps the only one which -could have brought together such diverse elements. - -Spanish catholicism was not merely a Spanish church, the church was -Spain. There was therefore no humiliation over subjugation, rather -exultation in having found salvation. - -The people were seafaring folk with the sturdiness such a life -gives. Their chiefs were their captains, and, in waters that are -the home of the typhoon, leadership, if in no other way than by the -survival of the fittest, came to the most capable. - -Women held high position, for with their husband so much away not only -the household but all the family affairs were under their control, -a condition still notable. Thus the home influence in which the -children grew up was not that of the Orient, a shut-in Zenana with, -for the child's first model, a mother who had been a slave and now -as mistress was a tyrant, but the youth of the Philippines earlier -saw the real world and had training from mothers who knew its ways. - -There were gradations of rank, but people were constantly falling from -the higher to the lower so that these had ambitious persons among -them seeking to regain their former estate and arousing ambition -among their fellows. And the condition of even the lowest was not -hopeless. So well ordered was society that even slaves had rights and -knew them; had too the civic courage to stand up for them against -their masters. Witness the story of the surprise of the Spaniards -who heard slaves saying to their masters, "What is there in it for -me in this?", when orders were given them. - -Nor should it be thought that the wholesale conversion betrayed -weakness of character. The islands had had a nature religion, the -belief of an artistic people, that their Gods would delight in and -frequent the most beautiful spots. Then came the religion of Mahomet -with a system which reason readily recognized as superior, but before -it was fairly established there arrived another religion which not -only commended itself to reason but appealed to the artistic sense, -both in larger measure than either of its predecessors. - -Those who had felt exalted in the glory of the tropical sun, found -comfort in the moonbeams' softer radiance, had sought the leafy -recesses of the forest for reflection and were soothed and sustained -by the musical murmurs of mountain cascades found greater comfort -and a higher gratification in the rites and ceremonies of a church -which has ever been the patron of art and consecrates all that is -beautiful in music, painting and sculpture to adorn its sanctuaries -and dignify its worship. - - - - - - - -THE FRIAR DOMINATION IN THE PHILIPPINES - -By "Plaridel" (Marcelo H. del Pilar). - - -Three centuries have passed since the blood of Legaspi and of Sikatuna -mingled in a cup of which both partook in token of eternal friendship, -thus ratifying their oaths to fuse thenceforward into a single -ideal the aspiration of Spain and the Philippines. But the passage -of time, instead of making firmer this fusion, has only strengthened -the predominance of the religious orders who have turned the islands -into a colony exploited by friars. - -No one is ignorant of the rebellion of the friars against the highest -political and religious authorities of the archipelago; nor is anyone -ignorant of the violent death of some, the coercion exercised on -others and the vexations visited upon all those who in governing the -country have dared to place the interests of the motherland of the -Catholic religion before the convents. - -The immunity of those implicated and the predominance of the rebellious -elements compel the unhappy belief that Spain has already abdicated -the sovereignty in favor of Philippine friarism. - -So it is worth while to dissipate this erroneous impression. Sad is it -to think that the planning of Charles V and Philip II, the efforts of -Magellan and Elcano, the sufferings of Villalobos, the prudence and -the valor of Legaspi, the sacrifices of Salcedo, Lavezares, Goiti, -and the others, only served as a stepping-stone for enthroning the -friar orders. - -The Filipino people are passing in these moments through an interesting -period. Already they have manifested their aversion to the friars, -and I believe the time has come to draw attention to the aspirations -which palpitate in their bosoms. - -On the one hand their future and on the other the attitude of China, -Japan and other nations which from Europe and Asia have fixed their -gaze on the map of Oceanica, offer to the thoughtful man problems of -deep seriousness which perhaps may be resolved in time to forestall -and smooth out future difficulties. - -Luna's palette has revived the recollection of the "Blood Compact" -between Legaspi and Sikatuna, and the Filipino cannot view without -regret the powerful intervention of the friar interests which, -blocking every tendency toward fraternity between Spain and the -Philippines, are creating a difficult situation by increasing the -former's unfriendliness and the latter's burdens. For this they rely -on the difference of language between the governing and the governed -classes; and to maintain that difference, to impede popular instruction -and to prevent at all cost that the people and their government shall -come to understand each other is the best way to maintain them in -perpetual antagonism. - -How far this plan has already gone can be estimated by analyzing the -relations of the friarocracy with the official institution which makes -up the organization of the towns of the Philippines. As everywhere -else, in the Philippines the relation of residents to the municipal -officers is of the utmost importance. The petty governor, or chief of -the village, in each locality constitutes the channel of communication -and the agency for carrying out the ideas of the government, and -according to the activity or inertness of this element the plan of -the higher authorities works out effectively or suffers sad shipwreck. - -The parish priest has no vote in these elections, but controls them -because in his hands is the veto power. In forwarding the returns for -the ratification of the election result, the parish priest makes two -reports: one is public in character and is limited to setting forth -the grade of instruction of the candidate in the official language; -the other is confidential and under no restrictions whatever. - -The candidate who has no legal impediment, unless he is of the -priest's following, will turn out disqualified in some other way, -thanks to the confidential report. He will be anti-Spanish, an agitator -(filibustero), separatist, and if this report cannot be controverted -the candidate of the town meeting will be thrown out. The parish -priest, in the final result, is master of the situation. - -In carrying on their municipal duties, the local authorities are -dependent upon the parish priest. For a report on the conduct of a -resident, a hundred of the principal men are not enough; the vital -point is having the "O. K." of the parish priest. In turning in the -tax rolls of the neighborhood, his signature is necessary. For the -calling to the colors of the young men to whom the lot has fallen -to serve as soldiers, the parish priest's "approved;" to validate -accounts and other official documents, the parish priest's "approved;" -in everything and for everything there is demanded as the essential -requisite the approval of the parish priest. - -In exchange there exists no corrective provision which regulates the -conditions under which the parish priest may grant or withhold this -approval. He grants or withholds it according to his own free will or -as he is directed by his ecclesiastical superiors. The chief local -authority is the only one on whom falls this burden of regularizing -his acts with the indispensable approval of the parish priest. If -the parish priest refuses it, then the chief incurs the discipline -of his superiors. - -Manifold are the functions of the chief local authority in the -Philippines. Aside from his judicial duties, he has charge of the -administration, of the tax collecting, of the port, etc., and, given -the dependence upon the parish priest in which he finds himself, -it is not to be wondered at that the latter controls even to the -official correspondence, in fact retaining the right to authorize -its transmission. - -Orders from above are complied with when it so pleases the Most -Reverend Parish Priest. If the higher authority attempts to impose -and require energetic compliance with his commands, the parish -priest communicates it to one of the superiors of his order, and this -obtains the overthrowing of the official. For it he has an argument -incontrovertible and of magic effect, to wit, that it endangers -the national indivisibility. If it is an effort to open a road and -the parish priest doesn't want it, then it endangers the national -indivisibility. Or if the public health requires that dead bodies -should not be taken into the church, still it is no reason,--it would -imperil the national indivisibility. - -And in everything, the same tendency. - - - - - - - -ARCHBISHOP MARTINEZ'S SECRET DEFENSE OF HIS FILIPINO CLERGY - -(Translated from a copy obtained from the Manila Executive Bureau -Archives) - - -Your Serene Highness: The undersigned archbishop respectfully addresses -your highness, impelled by a true love of country as well as from a -sense of the duty incumbent upon him of working for the tranquillity -of his archdiocese. Frequently has it been disturbed and altered by -the turning over of the curacies of the secular clergy which some -years since were granted to the friar orders. This has been the cause -of an antagonism between the two branches of the clergy each time -more marked, and is taking a turn which sooner or later can become -untoward for our beloved Spain. - -Merely to fix the time of the beginning of this antagonism do I -mention the royal decree of July 8th, 1826, by which there were -restored to the religious communities the curacies in charge of the -secular clergy since the second period of the governorship of Don -Simon de Anda y Salazar. Just as this measure, as the native priests -had those parishes for over half a century and considered them then -theirs, they felt it a great hardship each time when, on the death or -transfer of one of their number, a friar was put in to replace him. On -the death of the parish priest of San Simon, in this present year, -the last of the provisions of said royal order was carried out. - -One may cite, as another cause contributing to the growing antagonism, -the royal order of March 9th, 1849, which takes away from the secular -clergy and gives to the friars seven more parishes in Cavite, namely: -Bacoor, Cavite Viejo, and Silang to the Recollect Augustinians; -and Santa Cruz and San Francisco de Malabon, Naic and Indan to the -Dominicans. By reason of their having become vacant five of these -have already been turned over. - -But what brought the antagonism to a crisis and filled the native -priesthood with indignation was the royal order of September 10th, -1861, to which and to its results the subscriber has in mind especially -to call the exalted attention of your Highness. - -Article 13 of the royal decree of July 30th, 1859 (relative to the -establishment of a government for Mindanao), arranged that the Jesuit -priests should take charge of the parishes and religious duties of -that island then held and attended to by the Recollect Friars of -the Province of San Nicolas de Tolentino. It thus became necessary -to have some workable plan for carrying the arrangement into effect, -and the above mentioned royal order of September 10th was given for -this purpose, besides indemnifying the Recollects by assigning to -their administration curacies in Cavite Province or elsewhere (in -the archdiocese of Manila according to a later provision) which had -been under the native clergy. The circumstances under which this -royal decree was issued deserve careful examination. In the first -place, there was then no archbishop, a condition under which the -sacred canons enjoin and counsel prudence, when no innovation of -any kind shall be introduced; secondly the opinion of the customary -ecclesiastical authority was not asked, though here on matters of -much less importance numerous endorsements are the rule; thirdly, -your Highness is already aware how the priest nominated to the mitre -of Manila knew nothing of the anomalous ecclesiastical administration -nor of the usages and customs (the reason why he would have renounced -such a heavy responsibility and only did accept after strong urging) -and so there had to elapse considerable time before he could learn -enough of the matter to cause him to complain of it. The foregoing -facts are respectfully submitted to Your Highness. - -When, toward the close of May, 1862, the writer took possession of his -archbishopric, he found the native clergy extraordinarily excited and -on every hand was urged to request the revocation of the September -10th royal order aforesaid. Unconvinced by petitions and appeals, -rather, then in his heart persuaded that the Supreme Government could -give him good and sufficient reason for taking so serious a step, -the archbishop was disposed to comply as he has complied, cheerfully -and to the letter. If he courteously declined to award the Antipolo -curacy to the Recollects, it was because he understood this was a -request not warranted by the royal order, and he could not have been -far out of the way when the State Council formally upheld his judgment -as appears in the royal order of May 19th where the formula used is -"Having listened to the State Council," one indicating action against -their advice. Moreover now, after long residence in the country, with -some knowledge of the church conditions and of its running and of -affairs and persons, each time I see with greater clearness that the -complaints of the native clergy are not without foundation, that there -ought to be some effort to conform the royal order of September 10th, -1861, to the rules of propriety and equity, and that if one observes -its results, one must conclude that it does not conform entirely to -those of wise policy. Briefly I shall explain these assertions. - -The Supreme Government was within its rights in entrusting to the -recognized zeal of the Jesuit Fathers the curacies and missions of -Mindanao, the law on the Royal Patronship in the code of the Indies -authorizing such action. Worthy, too, of praise is it that there should -be recognition of the Recollect Fathers' services and compensation -for the loss of their Mindanao religious establishments, because, -although many of these were founded by the early Jesuit Fathers, -yet the Recollects were then in possession of them and had made them -theirs by right of prescription. But if it had been taken into account -that likewise the native priests' services merited appreciation (for -under unfavorable vicissitudes they have always borne themselves as -faithful subjects of Spain and in the parochial ministry as coadjutors, -theirs is even the hardest part of the charge), then by no means -would so deserving a class have been wronged to reward any other, -and there would have been sought some gentler and equitable way of -carrying out the wishes of the Government. The very diocese of Cebu, -within whose borders at that time belonged the island of Mindanao, -in fact offered no obstacle since it would have been only justice to -have not compensated the Recollects with the parishes of other friars, -for to them had been previously granted all the curacies of the Island -of Negros, which belonged to the native clergy, for want of persons -of that class. - -The curacies of the aforesaid diocese were two hundred and -thirty-seven, of which forty-eight belonged to the secular clergy. The -scant resources of Cebu's theological seminary, its lack of professors -and the students' ignorance of the Spanish language, knowledge of -which is indispensable in the study of Latin and moral theology, not -only prevented the preparation of a sufficient number of priests for -the control of the above-mentioned parishes, but also detracted from -the success of those needed as coadjutors to aid the parish priests in -the administration of the sacraments and the care of the sick. That -seminary rightly should be called a college because the natives go -to it for the purpose of learning Spanish, and most of them leave -when they only have half learned the language. Suffice it to say -that there have been, and still are within the former boundaries -of the Bishopric of Cebu towns (not compact but confined to distant -and scattered barriers) seventeen thousand and more souls where the -spiritual administration rests on a single friar priest, usually -advanced in years, too. For this reason it cannot be doubted that its -zealous prelate would have welcomed the assistance of twenty-seven -friars who could have taken charge of that number of parishes, because -manifestly this would have improved the parochial administration, -and still there would have been left him twenty-one curacies with -which to reward those coadjutors who were distinguished among their -scanty number for virtue, learning, and hard work. - -Though the Archdiocese of Manila lacked ministers to attend to all -the spiritual necessities of the faithful (for the force scarcely -suffices under normal conditions to respond to the most urgent calls), -nevertheless it formed a striking contrast in this matter to the -Diocese of Cebu. - -The Archbishopric had at the time approximately one million four -hundred thousand inhabitants, with one hundred and ninety-one parishes -served by both classes of clergy. Deduct from this number assigned to -the secular clergy those which had to be returned by order of the Royal -Decree of 1826, those which the Royal Order of 1849 commanded to be -given the Recollects and the Dominicans, and the twenty-seven which, -by the order of September 10th, 1861, the parishes and missions they -had had to surrender to the Jesuits in Mindanao, and there are only -twelve left to reward deserving coadjutors. The priests of this class, -comparing them with those of Cebu, are very numerous, for there are -not four cases where coadjutors are not provided on the scale of -one for parishes of 4,000, two for 8,000, three for 12,000, and so -on up to Taal, which has seven coadjutors. But let us continue the -comparison of the two dioceses. - -Though the diocese of Cebu has few who understand the Spanish -language, there are many in Manila and adjacent provinces who speak -it; and in contrast to the limited facilities of the Cebu seminary, -the archdiocese has the University of Sto. Tomas and the colleges -of San Juan de Letran and of San José, where numerous students -are studying Latin, philosophy, theology and the sacred canons. Nor -should one omit the seminary of San Carlos in spite of the fact that, -because of difficulties elsewhere enumerated, it is not of a standard -commensurate with the importance of the capital of the Philippine -Archipelago, a land conquered and held by Spain primarily for religious -reasons. Do not the foregoing facts prove that the losses suffered -by the Recollects should be compensated with curacies in the diocese -of Cebu, and not with those of Manila? - -The spirit inspiring the Royal Order of September 10th, 1861, seems -no more in conformity with policy and equity, when the native priests -compare the missions and curacies relinquished by the Recollects -with those they received in exchange in this Archbishopric. If Your -Highness will have the goodness to glance over the accompanying table, -perhaps you may agree with them and also may observe, as they do, -that if to the term "indemnization" (which should only mean making -good the actual loss) there is to be given the broader meaning that -the present result suggests, then there will be many who will want to -be damaged in order to get back ten-fold the value of what they lose. - -It is worthy of especial note that, despite the Antipolo parish having -few parishioners, such is the devotion on the part of the towns toward -the image of the Virgin venerated there, so great are the crowds who -from even more remote provinces during the month of May repair to -this celebrated shrine, and so many and so large are the largesses -for masses ordered that this is considered the pearl of the curacies, -one of the fattest parishes in all the Archipelago. So it is not -at all to be wondered at that the secular clergy have especially -regretted its loss, and there is good reason for asserting that the -Royal Order of May 19th, 1864, is far from harmonizing with the order -of September 10th, 1861. - -Besides the facts above set forth, which have created and continued -antagonism and animosity between the secular and regular clergy, it -is necessary to add another for your Highness' better understanding -of the discontent of the native priests. - -To fill a vacancy in the curacy of San Rafael, Bulacan Province, -occasioned by the death of its parish priest, seventy days' notice was -given of a competition, the time expiring February 17th, 1868. The -examinations were held in the manner prescribed by Pope Benedict -XIV on the 21, 22 and 23rd, and seventeen candidates presented -themselves. Their papers were already graded and the highest three -eligibles selected to be certified to the Vice Royal Patron on March -2nd, but the day previous the Diocesan prelate received a communication -from him transmitting a brief by the Provincial of the Augustinian -arguing that the said curacy should be adjudged theirs. - -I at once replied begging the Vice Royal Patron not to disturb the -course of the competition because the secular clergy were already in -possession of the curacy and the candidates had acquired a right to -it by the holding of the competition while the objection had not been -made at the proper time. This was to be without prejudice to later -going fully into the claim raised by the Reverend Provincial, which -turned upon the question of ownership. The reply denied this just -petition on the ground that would prejudice the question grievously, -conferring the right to possession with the title of ownership. I -made clearly apparent the error which had been incurred, and received -a reply that "the Vice Royal Patron was not in the habit of changing -a decision once it had been decreed." - -The question of ownership resulted equally unsatisfactorily. To the -case were attached the original canonical order for the creation issued -in 1746 at the instance of the Vice Royal Patron and in conformity -with the canonical custom and the laws of the Indies. Likewise there -were submitted certified copies of the nomination of the parish priest -who served the parish from the last named date to 1808, since which -date as the Provincial admitted "it had been bestowed on competition -and appointment by the Vice Royal Patron on secular priests." Against -its having been a canonical foundation, the most legal and strongest -of claims, and to a continuous, undisturbed, unquestioned and clear -possession for one hundred twenty years, the Provincial offered -that his order had claimed the curacy within a few days of its -establishment. He did in fact submit two documents which were written -by the Provincial of San Juan de Dios, to which order the hacienda -of San Rafael had belonged. But in one hundred and twenty-two years -it had not been found convenient to push the claim, possibly because -at first the curacy had only some eighty poverty-stricken natives, -herders and laborers, while now it has over three thousand souls. - -Likewise it was argued that since the Royal warrant of July 8th, 1826, -monastic orders had been returned to their charges in the state and -conditions they had when these were secularized by the Royal Warrant -of December 11th, 1776, the curacy of San Rafael must be included -because of the situation within the territory ceded to them. One must, -however, remember that this curacy could not be secularized, because -from its foundation it had been secular, and the two Royal warrants -mentioned are not applicable except by making the laws retroactive, -since the curacy was created thirty years before the Royal Warrant -of 1776 was issued. - -These arguments, with others of the weakest character, were set forth -in a lengthy and hazy brief fathered by the Administrative Council, -and as the Vice Royal Patron endorsed it without changing a letter, -the matter was closed, because, although the undersigned petitioned -the Vice Royal Patron to submit the case to the Supreme Government's -decision, enclosing an opinion from two attorneys, he could not gain -this point and out of respect to the highest authority of the Island -(whose prestige he has ever endeavored to sustain) he desisted from -further effort. This result produced a real scandal among the native -priests and greatly enhanced their grief over so great and repeated -losses. - -The chief cause of the obstacles which in every direction the clergy -of the country encounter is a public sentiment in vogue for some -years back, which unreasonably opposes having any native parish -priest. Those who think thus entirely forget the facts, allowing -their imagination to freely rove in the realm of imagination. Certain -is it that if the ecclesiastical establishment of the Archipelago -were being for the first time set up and it were possible to bring -from Spain enough priests to attend to the spiritual needs of its -populous parishes, scarcely would there be found a Spaniard of any -intelligence to whom such an arrangement would not seem the politic -course. But the question is not theoretic, on the contrary it is -eminently practical, and before it is settled there is no escape from -the previous examination of others which offer serious difficulties, -for example, considering the present cooling of religious ardor, what -likelihood is there of obtaining a considerable number of young men -willing to abandon their home country and go to lend their services in -spiritual ministrations in so distant a clime, especially one which -is reputed bad for the health? Could the public treasury without -difficulty meet the expenses necessary for establishing colleges and -maintaining professors and students, and for fitting out and paying -the fares of so many persons from the Peninsula to the Philippine -Islands? And even if this offered no difficulty and putting aside -present conditions, is there nothing to fear from keeping the native -clergy in their present growing bitterness? Let anybody put himself -in their place and reflect upon the series of measures heretofore -mentioned and he cannot but recognize how enormous have been the -damages they have suffered, and that those with which they are -still threatened give over-sufficient and powerful motives that, -notwithstanding their timidity, should change to hostility their -former fidelity and respect for the Spaniards. - -Formerly the native priests controlled the curacies of the provinces -of Zambales, Bataan, and Pampanga. Of these they were dispossessed -and when they felt that with the taking away of these parishes all -their ills had ended, they received fresh, ruder shocks which renewed -and inflamed the wound. Consequently it is no longer possible to -characterise as class hatred their resentment against the friars, -though that was the proper term while the natives attributed their ill -fortune to the ambition and power of the monastic order. Now, after -repeated proofs, they are convinced that the government is assisting -the friars' immoderate aspirations; and that in the opinion of these -same priests of the country there has been adopted the policy of -reducing them to insignificance, they pass over the ancient barrier, -direct their glances higher, and what was formerly only hostility to -the friars is changing into anti-Spanish sentiment. I do not hesitate -to assert that if the Anglo-Americans or the English were to possess -themselves of the Philippine Archipelago they surely would show the -natives more consideration than they are receiving at the hands of -the Spaniard. And so, Your Royal Highness, to escape an imaginary -risk there is being created a real and true danger. - -It will be readily understood that for the full carrying out of the -Royal Order of September 10th there will have to elapse a period -as long as that (from 1826 till the present) taken for completing -the turning over of the curacies assigned the friars under the Royal -Warrant before mentioned. And likewise it must be understood that as -the resentment of the natives is renewed each time that they lose -a curacy (as has just happened with the loss of Rosario parish in -Batangas province and of Cavite of which the Recollects are going -to take charge by way of compensation for the parish of Dapitan and -Lubugan mission, which they relinquished to the Jesuit fathers last -July) their hearts are filled with bitter grief, and so far from its -finding any relief, it is embittered, as seeing themselves without -any assistance at all while on the other hand the influence of their -adversaries is increasing on every hand. It is more urgent to furnish -prompt relief for their discontent and exasperation since if the -effervescence which I noticed in them on my return from the Vatican -council continues for any considerable length of time it will give an -opportunity for the sentiments of the native clergy spreading among -their parents, relatives, and the entire Filipino people, with whom -they are in closer touch than are the friars, and so the evil might -take on grave proportions. - -It will not be hidden from the exalted acumen of Your Highness that -it is highly desirable and even necessary to put out this small fire -which might by mischance change itself into a formidable conflagration, -which perhaps in the first stage of slight apprehension might serve -the purpose of those who are trying to spread vain terrors, and I say -vain, because in spite of the strictest investigation, until now there -has been no positive proof to justify the accusation latterly directed -against the secular clergy, for the reason set forth that the writer -is of the opinion that the Royal Order of September 10th, and the -explanation thereof insofar as they affect the Archbishopric of Manila, -should be changed restoring matters by prompt and effective measures -to the conditions and state in which they were when the Mindanao -curacies and missions were turned over by the Recollect friars to -the Jesuit fathers; that the Recollect should be compensated with -other parishes in the Diocese of Cebu and the Jaro Diocese, which -was taken from them in 1867, according to the number of parishes -supplied in each of them by the secular clergy, to make up for the -lack of native priests which is experienced in both; and, lastly, -that there be ordered the reference to the Minister of Ultramar of the -original case instituted at the suggestion of the Provincial (now the -Procurator) of the Calced Augustinians (i. e., Recollects), regarding -the holding of the parish of San Rafael, Bulac province, in order that -it may be investigated and reach a solution in accordance with justice, -which in the judgment of the secular clergy it is now far from being. - -The writer earnestly implores Your Excellency so to adjust the matter, -with full confidence that it will not only calm the inquietude of -their minds, but also that, reenforced by the gratitude of the never -tarnished loyalty of the Filipino native clergy, it may tighten -more and more the ties that unite this fruitful Archipelago to our -beloved Spain. - -May God preserve for many years the life of Your Highness and grant him -amplest wisdom and favor for the well-being of the Catholic religion -and of our beloved fatherland. - - -GREGORIO, -Archbishop of Manila. - - -Manila, December 31, 1870. - - -HIS SERENE HIGHNESS -The Regent of the Kingdom. - - - - - - - -NINETEENTH CENTURY DISCONTENT - -(In Madrid review: "La Politica de España en Filipinas" in a -series. "Las Insurrecciones de Filipinas," beginning with Vol. I, -p. 44.) - - -1807.--The political troubles and intrigues of the Court between Godoy, -Maria Luisa and Ferdinand VII reached the Philippines (as had the -errors of Carlos III and those of a celebrated American archbishop, -a great reformer). - -In spite of the vigilance of the authorities an outbreak occurred in -Ilokos, at first controlled by the missionaries, who put themselves -at the head of the loyal towns, but soon it broke out again, the -insurgents making themselves masters of the town of Pigdig and -conquering the king's forces there. An Augustinian friar (parish -priest of Batac) preached obedience to the sovereign but a woman -immediately made a speech in opposition, saying not to believe the -priest for they all were deceivers who in the name of God, of the -Gospel and of the King only beguiled them so the Spaniards might -despoil them and suck their blood; that the friars were Spaniards -like the rest. The priest preached again next day and got the people -to take arms, cheering for the king, march to the mountains of Patae -where he maintained them all at his own expense. - -1811.--In this same region, there was another uprising to change -the religion, setting up a new God called Lingao. The principales -(former town-chiefs--C.) and cabezas de barangay (vice-chiefs for -wards--C.) conspired with the igorots and other persons, madmen and -savages of Cagayan, to exterminate the Spaniards, but they were found -out by the friars who informed the Government in time to thwart so -terrible a plot. - -1814.--At the beginning of the year, against the advice of the friars, -General Gardoqui set out to publish the Constitution of 1812 and the -Indians took so seriously the equality between themselves and the -Spaniards that they began to rebel, refusing to pay the tribute and -slight taxes placed upon them. They would not recognize the authority -of the principales and barangay chiefs and in some towns of Ilokos -they went so far as to set free the prisoners. - -Ferdinand VII abolished the Constitution of 1812, which had so pleased -the Indians, and then arose a conspiracy because the Indians believed -the abolition of the Constitution was due to the intrigues of the -Spaniards and the missionaries to deprive them of the equality over -which they had gotten so enthusiastic. With the organic law of 1812 -they had thought themselves free, happy, and independent, with no -tribute to pay nor any authority to obey. - -Other insurrections followed in 1820, 1828, 1837, 1844, 1854, 1863, -1869, 1872, 1883, and 1888. (Also in 1896 and 1898--C.) - -The fatal consequences of the imprudent proclamation of the -constitution of Cadiz in the Philippines produced a certain lack -of social discipline and led to uprisings. A pitiable one was the -catastrophe of 1820, when, with excuse of cholera, the Indians -assassinated countless Chinese and many foreigners who were in -Manila. The hatred against the French (from Napoleon's attempt to make -his brother King of Spain in place of Ferdinand VII.--C.) the pretext -which caused the American conspiracies--had come even there. Let us -cover with a veil the horrible picture, only saying that the ones -chiefly guilty of this international crime were the acting Captain -General Folgueras, weak and not far-seeing, and the Alcalde of Tondo -(a position corresponding to the later Governor of Manila) who was -a Spaniard of the country (creole) named Varela, more ignorant, -impressionable and of worse and bad faith than any Indian. - -The archbishop and all the clergy sallied forth in procession -through the streets of Binondo, yet nevertheless did not succeed in -pacifying the insurgents, who now commenced to attack by word the -same missionaries until the peninsulars united with the friars, in -obliging Folgueras, who had shut himself up in the walled city, to -display energy and military skill. For the affair was not alone with -the foreigners and Chinese, but was taking very serious proportions. - -The political events happening in the Peninsula from 1820-1823, -likewise had in the Philippines their echo. A vast conspiracy was -discovered by various native women who denounced it to the friars, -so there were exiled to Spain several persons, among whom figured -officers of the army. But there was great laxity by the authorities -because they left there other conspirators, among them a creole captain -named Novales who gathered up the scattered threads of the conspiracy. - -The Auditor de Guerra (Judge Advocate--C.) asked that Novales be -likewise exiled and watched very closely, even in exile, but General -Martinez, a goodhearted fellow and more than goodhearted, simple, -and unsuspecting, was content to order him to Mindanao to chase -pirates in the province of Cagayan de Misamis. - -Mr. Gironiere relates that Novales went to see him on the morning -that he received the order to embark and told him that the Spanish -Government had repented of having distrusted him. According to Estado -de Filipinos he did not embark because of bad weather. According to -Mr. Gironiere he returned to Manila that same night. This was June -2. On guard at the palace of the Captain General was Lieutenant Ruiz, -a mestizo and a conspirator like Novales, and Novales' brother was -in Fort Santiago, the only fort of Manila. Fortunately for Spain and -for General Martinez the Governor resided outside the walled limits -of Manila in Malacañang Palace, as it was then the season of greatest -heat. The mutineers (free from all difficulty, for the authorities, -despite the warnings of the friars, did nothing to prevent the -rebellion) assassinated the Teniente del Rey, Folgueras, who so -expiated his weakness of the year 1820, and it was not without labor -that the Coronel del Rey, Sta. Romana, escaped death, deserting his -poor wife, for she then was in the family way. However the Indians, -more humane than their bloodthirsty leaders were not anxious to -assassinate her, and they made prisoners and kept safe many Spanish -officials who had scorned and ridiculed the predictions of the -patriotic missionaries. - -Although it was in the late hours of the night, the shouts of "Long -Live Emperor Novales" awoke the Mayor de Plaza, Duro, who bravely ran -to the Parian gate and taking the guard that was there, entered with -it into the barracks of the mutineers. The one who opened the door -was Novales' own brother for he was too accustomed to discipline -to refuse obedience. Thus the Spanish party was organized in the -artillery barracks. - -The friars preached to the multitude submission and due obedience to -the King and of the grave sin committed in rising against the generous -Spanish nation. - -Novales, who had returned to the barracks, found the door shut by -his own brother and with his plans upset, took possession of the -cathedral. Some unknown persons kept him out of the Government Palace, -where he could have maintained himself for some time, and finally he -was abandoned by his own troops. This was through the efforts of the -Spanish friars, for the rebels threw down their guns, fearful of the -wrath of God, and cried "Long live the king." Novales was captured -at the Real Gate and Ruiz made prisoner and manacled, by the Indians -themselves, in the district of Tondo. The other mutineers were easily -apprehended and shot, to the number of 23. - -So fell the most astute of the Filipino conspirators who, helped -on by unwise reforms, tried to raise the country against the mother -fatherland. At midnight he was banished, at 2 proclaimed Emperor of -the Philippines, and at 5 in the afternoon shot in the back. - -1828.--Had another conspiracy. Two army officers, brothers, like -the Novales brothers, put themselves at the front of a separatist -movement which broke out in Manila in consequence of the excitement -which there was in the country because of the famous interpretations -which the Indians anew were making of the Constitution of Cadiz. That -was suppressed too, not without first reenforcing the army with Spanish -troops which till then had not regularly and permanently existed in -the country. - -In 1836-1837 the Acting Governor, Salazar, had not a little to do with -the consequences of the uprising of La Granjo and the uncloistering -of the Religious orders in Spain. - -The Indians were divided into two factions, one wanted that the -friars should leave the Islands and as well the other Spaniards -(castilas). The other said it was better that the other Spaniards -should go away and leave the friars in charge of the Government. The -missionaries appeased the trouble, saying that they and the other -Spaniards were in the islands in the name of God and of the King and -one and all sought only the Indians' happiness and well being. - -The imprudence of a few Spaniards of high position very quickly -produced a new conflict, because while some wanted that the -Constitution should be sworn to, others believed it perilous to -introduce political reforms of such great importance. The excitement -was increased by the appointment of General Camba who had been -there before and was favorable to certain Filipinos. The relief -of the general, with great scandal, came after sixteen months of -administration. This was because of the suspicion of the Government -of Maria Cristina who realized his undesirability and the perils -which the conduct of Camba could bring to the archipelago. - -A stormy passage was made, and shortly after their arrival, a -meeting of the commanders of the different vessels was convened by -Commodore Dewey on board the flagship Olympia, and the plans for the -operations of the fleet were discussed. The bombastic proclamation -of Governor-General Basilio Augustin y Davila was read over to the -commanders, and occasioned much merriment. It was resolved to have -copies made of the proclamation, to be read out to the men on the -different ships. Mr. Williams' narration of the position of affairs -in Manila, and the hasty but ineffective measures for the defence, -more especially the extinguishing of lights on the coasts and the -instructions issued to neutral vessels entering Manila harbor to take -a pilot at Corregidor Island to avoid dangers from mines, torpedoes, -etc., were somewhat lightly regarded, the latter instruction being -received with much laughter as an antique dodge to frighten the enemy. - -The conference concluded, the commanders departed to their -respective vessels, with orders to get ready to steam off -immediately. Mr. Williams, late United States Consul at Manila, went -on board the Baltimore and the rebel leader Alejandrino was berthed on -the transport Zafiro. Consul Rounsevelle Wildman and the two rebels -who accompanied Alejandrino to the fleet then boarded the Fame. The -commanders having made known their orders, the ships were weighed, -and amidst great enthusiasm the fleet steamed out of Mirs Bay. The -fleet left in double line, the Olympia and Baltimore leading. - - - - - - - -THE LIBERAL GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF 1869-1871 - -By Austin Craig - - -In July of 1869 a new Governor-General arrived in Manila. He was a -soldier who could prove his valor by wounds gained in many successful -battles which had brought him to the rank of Lieutenant General. The -nobility of his family, almost as distinguished as royalty, gave him -precedence among aristocrats. Wealth, too, he had. Yet he was Manila's -first democratic governor. - -Unusual were the circumstances of his coming and epoch-making were -the events of his administration. - -The Philippines had been loyal to the royal family of Spain during -the Napoleonic wars and the withdrawal of their representation in -the Cortes, which occurred at intervals for a third of a century, had -not disturbed that loyalty. Yet now there had come a governor-general -who represented a government in power through the expulsion of their -sovereign. It was revolutionary, and the excitement over the news -was increased by De La Torre's reversal of all precedents. - -The stately guard of halberdiers was dismissed and the highest official -of the land mixed in society unceremoniously. A proclamation announced -him to be at the people's service at all hours for whatever complaints -they might have, and deeds promptly followed his words. - -The alleged outlaws, who were really persons who had been wronged in -the land troubles, were pardoned and from their number under their -former chief was organized a corps of rural guards which speedily -brought a theretofore unknown tranquillity. - -No wonder the Filipinos gave to the new administration an honor unknown -to his predecessors, the spontaneous tribute of a popular serenade. - -Twenty-one months passed and De La Torre was replaced by Izquierdo, for -whom he conscientiously compiled an explanation of his administration -that the new authority might intelligently carry on the work. But -reaction came, those who had applauded De La Torre for that reason -found themselves in disfavor. - -As a precaution Governor De La Torre had had all foreign mail examined -and the list of men of liberal ideas thus obtained was the basis of -the persecutions which followed the executions and wholesale exiling -nominally connected with Cavite. - -An old man, he retired to his family estates, once broad but sadly -shrunken through his years of liberality. There from Pozorubio he -wrote his defence against the charge of being responsible for the -uprising of Cavite. - -Contrast the brave words of the Governor-General upon his first coming -to the Philippines, and his expressions after the conclusion of his -office when he was upon the defensive. - -"As good, honored and loyal, you are recognized as our brothers. * * * -I shall indicate to you the salient features that will characterize my -administration, which I hope will be as my character dictates, foreign -to all kinds of repression, because command is more pleasant when it is -chosen by those who are under the necessity of being affected by it." - -And on the defensive: "I have governed, with justice and, honesty, -conformably to the special laws of that country, without consenting -or permitting the slightest alteration in them, and what is more, -without permitting in the newspapers of Manila any discussion nor -even any allusion as to whether or no it were desirable to alter or -modify those laws." - -Yet that was the most liberal period of Philippine history under -Spanish rule. Twenty odd years later another liberal Governor of the -Philippines defended himself against the charge of too great humanity -by telling of how many men he had ordered shot. - -Sorry indeed was Spain when a De La Torre had to save himself with his -countrymen in the Peninsula by exaggerating his despotism and a Blanco -found his only defense in magnifying his brutality. There's a contrast -with the present régime which marks 1898 as the beginning of different -days, and the men of the old era are entitled to the charitable -consideration which belongs to those who come out of great tribulation. - -Biographical details and incidents of De La Torre's administration -would detract from the one great lesson which paints the past -in its true colors and reveals how the Filipino people found -themselves without hope and came to resort to the weapon of despair, -insurrection. The outcome of the events of 1869 was the origin of -the events of 1896. - - - - - - - -THE REBELLION IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS - -(A British magazine article of 1896, by John Foreman.) - - -At this crisis, when the development of Japan is attracting public -attention, the following paragraph in a recent issue of the St. James -Gazette would be highly instructive were it based on real facts. That -journal says:-- - -"This revolt, in fact, is really a consequence, to some extent, -of the rising power of Japan in Far Eastern waters. Having acquired -Formosa and become ambitious of a territorial and commercial empire, -the eyes of the Japanese have lately been eagerly directed towards -the next islands to the south; and the weakness of Spain is regarded -as the opportunity of Japan. But it is quite another matter whether -the European powers will take the same view." - -Those who have been long resident in the Far East and are well informed -on the subject do not take that view at all. From the facts which -I am about to give regarding this rebellion it will be clearly seen -that the above statement is merely a hypothetical conjecture. - -A plot was formed, at the instance of rich Chinese half-breeds, -to murder all the Europeans. The priests choose to call this secret -society "freemasonry," whilst the conspirators themselves style their -body the "Katipunan," which simply means the "League." Each member, -on being sworn in, made the "blood compact," which consists of an -incision in the arm or leg whence the blood was taken to inscribe -the roll of brotherhood. The general massacre of whites was to have -taken place on the night of the 20th of August last, but at almost -the last hour a woman came to Father Mariano Gil, the parish priest of -Tondo--a suburb of Manila--and paved the way for a repentant member of -the League to make his full confession of the plot under a promise of -immunity from punishment. The promise was given and the confession -made. An hour afterwards the civil guard was on the track of the -principal leaders of the movement. Three hundred known malcontents -were arrested in a few hours in the capital and adjacent provinces of -Bulacan and Pampanga and further arrests having since been effected -daily, the Manila prisons are overcrowded with suspects and proved -delinquents. Room for more is being made by the periodical shipping -off of batches of prisoners to the Caroline Islands, Mindanao Island, -Fernando Po, and other distant possessions. I have just learnt from the -secretary of the military court that at this moment there are 4,377 -individuals awaiting trial by court-martial. Many of the richest men -in the colony, the leaders of Manila society, such as it is, figure -amongst the promoters of this conspiracy. Pedro Rojas, a wealthy -Chinese half-caste and popularly supposed to be the prime mover of -the rebellion, accepted the hospitality of the Governor-General -in his palace only forty-eight hours before the hour destined to -witness the general massacre. The most curious fact--which no one -dares to discuss in public--is that this man, denounced by all, -was allowed to quietly leave the colony. He embarked in a steamer, -ostensibly for Spain, but left it at Singapore and is supposed to -be residing in some Asiatic port to watch events. The arch-agitator, -José Rizal, who had been purging himself of his former misdemeanors -by a two years' banishment to the south, was sent as a prisoner to -Spain, where he was confined in the Catalunian fortress of Montjuich -for a few days and then shipped back to Manila for trial. - -It appears that some months ago a deputation of Philippine natives went -to Japan and presented a petition to the Mikado, praying his Majesty -to annex these Islands. The petition was signed, it is said, by 5,000 -natives and half-breeds. The Japanese Government, far from regarding -the troubled condition of Spanish affairs as their opportunity, -forwarded the petition to the Spanish Government, thus the names -of 5,000 disaffected persons became known to the authorities here -and were inscribed in their Black Book. No measures, however, were -taken until the storm was about to burst. Intense excitement prevailed -amongst the Europeans as the names of the 300 arrested were disclosed, -for they were not mostly individuals known to us personally or by -repute. But since then three months have lingered on, with the daily -arrests of so many men of position that we are prepared to meet the -most startling event with perfect equanimity. - -On the 23rd of August the leading newspaper of Manila published -a stirring article, ringing with high patriotism, which concluded -with an appeal to the Spaniards to go en masse to Government House -the next day to discuss a proposal for extraordinary measures. They -closed their offices and shops and went. It looked like a Sunday or -a three-cross saint day. The Governor-General refused to receive -them, and fined the newspaper $500, which was raised at once by -public subscription. Indignation was openly expressed. A cablegram -was sent to the Home Government asking for one thousand troops, -etc. The reply came advising the immediate dispatch of 2,000 men, -two millions of cartridges, 6,000 Remington rifles, and the gunboats -Isla de Luzon and Isla de Cuba. Every fortnight, indeed, has brought -fresh supplies of troops, which now make a total in the colony of -about 10,000 Spanish regulars under arms. - -On the 26th of August one thousand rebels appeared at Caloocan, -four miles from Manila. They murdered some Chinese and took others -prisoners. They were held back by the gendarmerie until reinforcements -of cavalry came from the capital, but just before the squadron of -troops arrived the rebels fled. The cavalry scoured the district -and returned to Manila the next day. I saw them pass over the Bridge -of Spain. There was tremendous excitement. Groups formed about the -Escolta--the principal business street--discussing the situation. For -days no one met another without having some news, real or imaginary, -to disclose. Business was, and still is, much interrupted. Market -people, washmen, traders of all sorts from outside, were afraid to -venture along the approaches to the city. Two days passed--three days -passed, there was really no fresh event. The nervous tension of the -amazed population began to slacken. A reaction set in, and whilst -precautions were discussed and everybody was prepared to say what he -should do, the Caloocan onslaught began to be talked of as a mere -filibustering expedition which would break up at the first smell -of powder, and simply go to swell the ranks of the ever-existing -brigand bands. The Governor-General refused to proclaim martial -law. The circumstances were declared to be not sufficiently grave to -warrant that measure being taken, and the public were settling down -into a state of acquiescence with that view when, like a bombshell, -the news of a far more serious raid fell upon Manila. On Sunday, -30th of August, before daybreak, the rebels again concentrated at -San Juan del Monte, four miles from the city walls. An artilleryman -was murdered, and an attempt was made to seize the powder-magazine, -whilst several of the loyalists were wounded. - - - - - - - -FILIPINOS WITH DEWEY'S SQUADRON - -(Hongkong Telegraph, April 28, 1898.) - - -The United States Asiatic Squadron left Mirs Bay yesterday afternoon -for the Philippines. It was previously arranged that the fleet should -have left on Tuesday, but the departure was delayed to await the -arrival of Mr. O. F. Williams and several officers who had stayed -behind for dispatches. As we have already intimated, Mr. Williams -and the officers were stormstayed on Tuesday and had to return to -Hongkong. * * * * * * Meanwhile Mr. Rounsevelle Wildman, United -States Consul at Hongkong, and Mr. Williams had had interviews with -several of the Philippine rebel chiefs who were deported to Hongkong, -and arrangements were made that one of their number, J. Alejandrino, -should accompany the squadron, and act as the intermediary between -the Americans and rebels. Yesterday morning, about eight o'clock, -Mr. Wildman, Mr. Williams, the United States officers, newspaper -representatives, and J. Alejandrino, accompanied by two rebel friends, -started in the Fame to make their way to the fleet. - - - - - - - -A PREDICTION OF 1872 - - -(From the London and China Telegraph of March 22, 1872, -retranslated.) Reviewing the Cavite uprising, it concludes: - -"The magnificent resources of these Islands have been neglected -too long, whatever has been done toward their development is due -to Anglo-Saxons whose efforts have been impeded by every possible -means through the indifferent and indolent ideas of the Spanish -government. As to the future government of the Philippines, could our -government, or the American, be induced to accept any responsibility no -one would benefit more than they from a change in affairs so necessary -to the due development of the rich and magnificent products of that -soil. Therefore the best thing that the inhabitants there could do -would be to establish their independence under a republican form of -government, making use in this of some of the Anglo-Saxons who now -reside among them. - -"The local government would be acting with practical wisdom did it -not oppose a peaceable revolution. That a separation has to take -place is inevitable. The power of Spain to govern distant colonies -has disappeared, never to return. - -"We cannot, however, end this article without paying a merited -tribute of respect to the gallant Governor and Captain-General. His -proclamation, which we published in the last issue of the London and -China Telegraph, is worthy of the most exalted patriotism. He had -the duty of stifling the revolution, but now it will be found that -its spirit is like the fabled seven-headed serpent." - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] "This modest work, which does not pretend to be without mistakes, -and perhaps other flaws, has a special interest in that it treats of a -matter about which the historians of those islands had hardly occupied -themselves. The chronicles written by the laborious ecclesiastics, the -only books of history which may be consulted about the Philippines, -contain nothing but descriptions of the campaigns against the Dutch, -the wars against the infidels--in the Archipelago as well as on the -continent of Asia--the rebellions of the natives in some provinces, -so easily suppressed, the bloody encounters with the Chinese settled -in the islands, portentous miracles, progress of the missions in -China, Annam and Japan, famous conflicts between the ecclesiastical -jurisdiction and the civil power represented by the Governor General -and the Real Acuerdo, great crimes, other notable events of different -kinds and changes in the personnel and form of administration of -the country. - -"But in all these works, though useful and important, there is -observed, among others, the absence of antecedents relative to -economic and mercantile legislation, the scarcity of data to show the -development of wealth of the country and of its commercial movement, -the lack of a critical analysis of the legal provisions concerning -such activities, and of their influence on the decadence or progress -of production and commerce." (Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, Gobernador -civil cesante de Manila, Alcalde mayor que ha sido de Cagayan y de -Bulacan, Auditor honorario de Marina, etc., La Libertad de Comercio -en las Islas Filipinas.--Madrid, 1872, pp. 9-10.) - -[2] " * * * The result is that Spanish writers, with them the -Filipinos, and to a great extent the writers of Philippine treatises -in other languages (drawing hastily upon Spanish sources), have over -emphasized the political history of this Philippine record. Of course, -in Spain and the Spanish countries long-standing habit makes it the -tendency to look to government for everything, and to think of all -amelioration of evils and all incitements to progress as coming from -above; while social and economic conditions in the Philippines are such -as to emphasize this tendency, the aristocracy of wealth and education -standing apart from the masses and being, to the latter, identified in -the main with the government, with the "powers above." Nevertheless, it -is to be insisted that social and economic progress in the Philippines -during the last half-century should be considered separately and -studied more practically than they have been thus far." (Le Roy's -Bibliographical Notes.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, 134.) - -[3] For detailed discussion of this theory, see The Economic -Interpretation of History, by E. R. A. Seligman. Also, History -of Civilization in England, by H. T. Buckle, Vol. I, Chapter II, -Influence Exercised by Physical Laws over Organization of Society and -the Character of Individuals. This chapter is reprinted in Sociology -and Social Progress, by T. N. Carver. - -[4] "In many ways the next decade of the history of the Philippines -may resemble the splendid development of the neighboring country -of Japan. Both countries have in past times been isolated more or -less from the life and thought of the modern world. Both are now -open to the full current of human affairs. Both countries promise -to play an important part in the politics and commerce of the Far -East. Geographically, the Philippines occupy the more central -and influential position, and the success of the institutions -of the Philippines may react upon the countries of southeastern -Asia and Malaysia to an extent that we cannot appreciate or -foresee." (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, pp. 9-10.) - -"Manila was also the commercial center of the Far East, and the -entrepôt through which the kingdoms of eastern Asia exchanged -their wares. Here came great fleets of junks from China laden with -stores. Morga fills nearly two pages with an enumeration of their -merchandise, which included all manner of silks, brocades, furniture, -pearls and gems, fruits, nuts, tame buffalo, geese, horses and mules, -all kinds of animals, 'even to birds in cages, some of which talk and -others sing and which they make perform a thousand tricks; there are -innumerable other gewgaws and knickknacks, which among Spaniards are -in much esteem.' - -"Each year a fleet of thirty to forty vessels sailed with the new moon -in March. The voyage across the China Sea, rough with the monsoons, -occupied fifteen or twenty days, and the fleet returned at the end of -May or the beginning of June. Between October and March there came, -each year, Japanese ships from Nagasaki which brought wheat, silks, -objects of art, and weapons, and took away from Manila the raw silk -of China, gold, deer horns, woods, honey, wax, palm-wine, and wine -of Castile. - -"From Malacca and India came fleets of the Portuguese subjects -of Spain, with spices, slaves, Negroes and Kafirs, and the rich -productions of Bengal, India, Persia, and Turkey. From Borneo, too, -came the smaller craft of the Malays, who from their boats sold the -fine palm mats, the best of which still come from Cagayan de Sulu -and Borneo, slaves, sago, water-pots and glazed earthenware, black -and fine. From Siam and Cambodia also, but less often, there came -trading-ships. Manila was thus a great emporium for all the countries -of the East, the trade of which seems to have been conducted largely -by and through the merchants of Manila." (Ibid., pp. 173-174.) - -"Their position, whether in a political or a commercial point of view, -is strikingly advantageous. With India and the Malay Archipelago -on the west and south, the islands of the fertile Pacific and the -rising empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of -China at their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers -affording a facility of communication and defence to every part of -them, an active and industrious population, climates of almost all -varieties, a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as -almost to exceed credibility; the Philippine Islands alone, in the -hands of an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and -enlightened government would have become a mighty empire--they are--a -waste!" (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 51, pp. 74-75, Remarks on the Philippine -Islands, 1819-22, by "An Englishman.") - -[5] " * * * No one who has studied this subject with care can get -rid of the idea that the religious aim was not the chief basis of -the activities connected with the occupation of the Philippines. It -was purely commercial. It was only later that the religious element -acquired greater strength. * * * " - -" * * * In such mercantile activities, the Philippines played the -role of a central market for the distribution of products between -the West and East,--a work which was of greatest importance. * * * -These Islands were not only a great commercial market, but also a -great religious center. * * * " - -" * * * No one who has followed the opportunities offered to these -Islands, can doubt the importance that they will have, due to their -geographic position, in the modern commercial market which is opened -to them with the establishment of their new means of communication -with the world. (Referring to the Panama Canal.) These Islands, -and not Japan, or Hongkong will bind the East with the West." ("The -Importance of the Study of Philippine Geography,"--Lecture delivered -by Dr. J. A. Robertson, before the Asociación Geográfica de Filipinas, -November 27, 1912.) - -[6] Manila, October 7, 1701. (The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898--Blair -and Robertson, Vol. 44, p. 139.) - -[7] "Historia General de Filipinas," Jose Montero y Vidal, Vol. 1, -p. 66. - -[8] "Purposely introduced species comprise those of various other -tropical countries that, for reason of their economic importance, -have been introduced either in prehistoric or within historic -times. Naturally the first plants introduced were those of the Malayan -region that were familiar to the original invaders or their successors -in western Malaya, and these include such species as Job's tears (Coix -lachryma-jobi L.), the more common form of use for ornamental purposes, -another form cultivated for food; sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum -L.), as a source of sugar; lemon grass (Andropogon citratus DC), -used as a condiment; vetiver (Andropogon zizanioides Urb.), for its -aromatic root; sorghum (Andropogon sorghum L.), for food; Italian -millet (Setaria italica Beauv.), for food; rice (Oryza sativa L.), for -food; bamboos (Bambusa vulgaris Schrad., and B. blumeana Schultes), -for purposes of construction; coconut (Cocos nucifera L.), for food -(this species is unquestionably of American origin, but reached the -Orient long before the advent of Europeans); betel-nut palm (Areca -catechu L.), for its stimulating properties; sweet flag (Acorus calamus -L.), medicinal; taro (Colocasia esculentum Schott), food; yam, "ubi" -(Dioscorea alata L.), for food; garlic (Allium sativum L.), for food; -various varieties of the banana (Musa paradisiaca L.), for food; -various zingiberaceous plants (Kaempferia galanga L., Curcuma zedoaria -L., C. longa L., Zingiber zerumbet Sm., and Z. officinale Rosc), -for condiments, etc.; betel-pepper (Piper betel L.) for use with the -betel-nut for chewing; bread fruit (Artocarpus communis Forst.), -and the jak fruit (A. integrifolia L. f.), for food; amaranths -(Amaranthus gangeticus L., A. caudatus L.), for ornamental purposes -and food; "libato" (Basella rubra L.), for food; champaca (Michelia -champaca L.), for its fragrant flowers (this may have been introduced -later by the Spaniards); siempre viva (Bryophyllum pinnatum Kurz), -for medical purposes; horse radish tree (Moringa oleifera Lam.), -for food and medicine; sappan (Caesalpinia sappan L.), for dyeing; -the tamarind (Tamarindus indica L.), for food; indigo (Indigofera -tinctoria L.), for dye; "caturay" (Sesbania grandiflora Pers.), -for its edible flowers and its resinous exudation; the pigeon pea -(Cajanus cajan Merr.), for food; the cow pea (Vigna sesquipedalis L.), -for food; the asparagus pea (psophocarpus tetragonolobus DC.), for -food; "batao" (Dolichos lablab L.), for food; the mungo (Phaseolus -radiatus L.), for food; various citrus fruits, such as the pomelo -(Citrus decumana Murr.), the lime (C. lima Lunan.), and varieties -of the orange (C. aurantium L.), for food; the santol (Sandoricum -koetjape Merr.), for food; the lansone (Lansium domesticum Jack), -for food; some euphorbias (E. tirucalli L.), for medicine; "iba" -(Cicca disticha L.), for food; crotons (Codiaeum variegatum Blume), -for ornamental purposes; castor oil plant (Ricinus communis L.), for -medicine; croton oil plant (Croton tiglium L.), for medicine and for -poisoning fish; balsam (Impatiens balsamina L.), for medicine and for -ornamental purposes; cotton (Gossypium sp.), for textile purposes; -silk cotton tree (Ceiba pentandra Gaertn.) for its fibrous floss; -various Eugenias (E. jambolana Lam., E. malaccensis L., E. jambos L., -and E. javanica L.), for food; "papua" (Nothopanax fruticosum Miq.), -for medicine and for ornamental purposes; jasmine (Sasminum sambac -Ait.), for its fragrant flowers; "solasi" (Ocimum basilicum L., and -O. sanctum L.), for condiments; sesame (Sesamum orientale L.) for its -oily seed; the bottle gourd (Lagenaria leucantha Rusby), for food; -the sponge gourd (Luffa cylindrica Roem. and L. acutangula Roxb.), -for food; the "condol" (Benincasa hispida Cogn.), for food; and the -"ampalaya" (Momordica charantia L.) for food. - -From an examination of the above list it will readily be seen that -a great number of species were purposely introduced in prehistoric -times from various parts of the East, chiefly through Malaya, for one -reason or another, usually for their food value or for other reasons -of economic importance. It is quite certain that none of the species -enumerated above are natives of the Philippines, and it is equally -certain that none reached the Archipelago without the aid of man. Again -it is equally certain that, with possibly very few exceptions, all -these species were introduced by the early Malay invaders, by their -successors, or by peoples of various other nationalities with whom -they came in contact, long before the advent of the Europeans in the -Orient."--"Notes on the Flora of Manila with special reference to the -Introduced Element. E. D. Merrill. The Philippine Journal of Science, -Vol. VII, No. 3, Sec. C. Botany, pp. 192-194. - -[9] "If we exclude the abacá plant (Musa textilis Née) and the various -trees yielding timbers, gums, and resins, a few palms, some bamboos, -the rattans, etc., it will be found that practically all the species -now found in the Archipelago that are of the greatest importance -in the economy of the native, whether for food, for condiments, -for clothing, for dyes, for ornamental purposes, and very many for -medicinal purposes, have originated outside of the Philippines, and -have purposely been introduced at one time or another." (The Flora -of Manila, E. D. Merrill, Ibid.) - -[10] Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Antonio de Morga, Chap. 8. In -Blair and Robertson Vol. 16, p. 87. - -"Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit, -like walnuts, which they call "paos." (Pahó.) Some are small, -and others larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant -taste. They also preserve "charas" in pickle brine, and all sorts -of vegetables and greens, which are very appetizing. There is much -ginger, and it is eaten green, pickled, and preserved." (Ibid. p. 97). - -[11] Merrill: Flora of Manila. - -[12] However, both Dr. Tavera (Census of the Philippine Islands, -Vol. I, p. 329), and Montero y Vidal (Historia General de Filipinas, -Vol. I, p. 66.), state that the sweet potato was being cultivated here -at the time of the conquest. Pigafetta also mentions it in his account. - -[13] The American element in the Philippine flora is of peculiar -interest as showing the effect of commerce on the vegetation of a -country. Even with the limited communication between the Philippines -and Mexico, it is surprising to consider the number of American forms -introduced here through the medium of the galleons in the years -when all communication between Spain and the Philippines was via -Mexico. From the time of the Spanish conquest up to the year 1815, -a period of nearly 300 years, the government galleons sailed annually -for Manila, first from Navidad and later from Acapulco, on the western -coast of Mexico. These galleons carried not only the civil, military, -and ecclesiastical authorities between Spain and the Philippines via -Mexico, but also other travellers, merchants, etc., as well as large -quantities of merchandise. - -At an early date various Spanish officials, but, apparently, chiefly -the priests, introduced here the various species of economic value, -food plants, medicinal plants, fruits, etc., that were familiar to -their countrymen in tropical America, most often bringing seeds, -but in some cases most certainly living plants. Undoubtedly many -species were introduced at that time that failed to become established -here. Among the American species purposely introduced from Mexico may -be mentioned the following: "Maize (Zea mays L.), introduced for food; -the "pineapple" (Ananas sativus Schultes), for its edible fruit and -its fiber; maguey (Agave cantula Roxb.), for its fiber; the tuberose -(Polianthes tuberosa L.), for its fragrant flowers; the spider lily -(Hymenocallis tenuiflora Herb.), for ornamental purposes; the canna -(Canna indica L.), for ornamental purposes; arrowroot (Marania -arundinacea L.), for food; "aposotis" (Chenopodium ambrosioides -L.), for medical purposes; four o'clock (Mirabilis jalapa L.), -for ornamental purposes; "libato" (Anredera scandens Moq.); various -species of Anona (A. muricata L., A. reticulata L., and A. squamosa -L.), for their edible fruits; the avocado (Persea americana Mill.), -for its edible fruit; the Mexican poppy (Argemone mexicana L.), for -ornamental purposes or for medicine; "camanchile" (Pithecolobium -dulce Benth.), for its tanbark and its edible fruit; "aroma" -(Acacia farnesiana Willd.) for its fragrant flowers; "ipel-ipel" -(Leucaena glauca Benth.), as a hedge plant; the sensitive plant -(Mimosa pudica L.), for ornamental purposes; "cabellero" (Caesalpinia -pulcherrima Sw.), for ornamental purposes; "acapulco" (Cassia alata -L.), for medicinal purposes; the "peanut" (Arachis hypogaea L.), for -food; indigo (Indigofera suffruticosa Mill.), for dye; "madre cacao" -(Gliricidia sepium Steud.), for hedges and for ornamental purposes; the -lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus L.), for food; the yam bean (Pachyrrhizus -erosus Urb.), for its edible root; the bilimbi and carambola (Averrhoa -bilimbi L., and A. carambola L.), for their edible fruits; physic nut -(Jatropha curcas L.), for medicine, as well as J. multifida L. for -ornamental purposes; cassava (Manihot utilissima Pohl), for food; -the cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale L.), for its edible fruit; -"ciruelas" (Spondias purpurea L,.), for its edible fruit; "cotton" -(Gossypium braziliense Macf.), for textile purposes; "cacao" -(Theobroma cacao L.), the source of chocolate and cacao; acheute -(Bixa Orellana L.), for dye; the "papaya" (Carica papaya L.), for -its edible fruit; various species of cacti (Nopalea and Cereus), for -ornamental purposes; the guava (Psidium guajava L.), for its edible -fruit; the "chico" (Achras sapota L.), for its edible fruit; the "chico -mamey" (Lucuma mammosa L.), for its edible fruit; the "sapote negro" -(Diospyros ebenaster Retz.), for its edible fruit; the temple flower -(Plumeria acutifolia Poir.), for its fragrant flowers; the periwinkle -(Lochnera rosea Reichb.), for its ornamental flowers; "campanello" -(Thevetia neriifolia Juss. and Allamanda caihartica L.), for ornamental -and medicinal purposes; some species of convolvuli (Ipomoea nil Roth, -Quamoclit pinnata Boj., Colonictyon aculeatum House), for ornamental -purposes, and the "sweet potato" (Ipomoea batatas Poir.), for food; -lantana (Lantana camara L.), for ornamental purposes; "dama de -noche" (Cestrum nocturnum L.), for its fragrant flowers; "tobacco" -(Nicotiana tabacum L.); the tomato (Lycopersicum esculentum Mill.); -the peppers (Capsicum frutescens L. and C. annuum L.), for condiments -and for food; some ornamental Bignoniaceae (Crescentia alata HBK., -and Tecoma stans Juss.); (?) the squash (Curcubita maxima Duch.), -for food; some ornamental Compositae (Tagetes erecta L., Helianthus -annuus L., Cosmos caudatus HBK., and C sulphureus Cav.), and "ayapana" -(Eupatorium triplinerve Vahl), for medicine." - -(Merrill: Flora of Manila, pp. 198-199.) - -[14] On the whole, agriculture was not the chief aim of Spanish -colonization. "How little attention, on the whole, the conquistadores -directed to agricultural colonies, considering their various -services in the transplantation of domestic animals, cereals, and -vegetables from the Old to the New World, is very clearly shown by -Peter Martyr, who condemns the expedition to Florida with the words: -"For what purpose do we need such products as are identical with -those of southern Europe?" It is true that Columbus's second voyage of -discovery had a settlement in view, and for that reason was provided -with domestic animals, seeds, etc. It was a failure, however, owing -to the mutinous spirit of the Spaniards. The regions which were best -adapted to agricultural colonies, as, for example, Caracas, Guiana, -Buenos Ayres, were neglected by the Spaniards for centuries. ("The -Spanish Colonial Policy," Wilhelm Roscher (1904), pp. 2-3.) - -"It is a strange thing that the Spaniards who go to those regions -(The Philippines) honestly to make a small fortune do not engage more -in agriculture, in a country where there is so much virgin land and -of such great fertility, where labor is extremely cheap, and the crop -easily and profitably sold." (La Libertad de Comercio en Filipinas, -Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, p. 27.) - -" * * * the Spaniards cared but little for the cultivation of the -lands." (The Ecclesiastical System in the Philippines, Manuel Buzeta, -O. S. A., and Felipe Bravo, O. S. A., Madrid, 1850. From their -Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas. In Bl. and Rb., Vol. 28, p. 285. - -[15] Montero y Vidal, "Historia General de Filipinas," Vol. I, p. 67. - -[16] "Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stockfarms in -many different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from those -of China and Nueva España. The Chinese cattle are small, and excellent -breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and some cattle can -move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, and are very -manageable beasts. * * * There is abundance of flesh of wild game, -such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts porcupines. There -are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which are raised in the -fields and are spirited; others are brought tame from China; these are -very numerous, and very handsome. These last are used only for milking, -and their milk is thicker and more palatable than that of cows. Goats -and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because of the -humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for that reason, -and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams, although -often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequently there -are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not as -yet seemed suitable for them. There were no horses, mares, or asses, -in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China and -brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare, but -there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked with -them, and those born (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out well, -and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and -are of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong, -good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horses -of good colors are brought from Japan. They have well-shaped bodies, -thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which make them -look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and their mouths -rather hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited and -of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughout the -year of green provender, besides rice in the husk, which keeps them -very fat." (Morga's Sucesos, 1609, Bl. and Rb. Vol. 16, pp. 89-91.) - -[17] "The islands, as I am told, need stallions, mares and cows, -and other domestic animals. In order that they may be bred there -in numbers, I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva España, to send -to the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty cows, -and two bulls. You shall ask him for these as you pass there, and -shall take them with you in your vessels as you go upon your voyage; -and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from -China and Japan. You shall order those farmers who are about to go -to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes, so -that with all these animals there may be sufficiency to carry on the -farming, and for other needful services." (Instruction to Dasmariñas -of Felipe II, Aug. 9, 1589;--Bl. and Rb. Vol. 7, p. 156.). - -Also, Instructions to Tello, 1596, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 9, p. 236. - -[18] "There are plenty of fowls like those of Castilla, and others -very large, which are bred from fowls brought from China. They are -very palatable, and make fine capons. Some of these fowls are black in -feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are pleasant to the taste. Many -geese are raised, as well as swans, ducks, and tame pigeons brought -from China." - -(Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Chap. 8.--Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 16, p. 90.) - -[19] "The material surroundings of the Filipino before the arrival of -the Spaniards were in nearly every way quite as they are today. The -"center of population" of each town today, with its great church, -tribunal, stores and houses of stone and wood, is certainly in marked -contrast; but the appearance of a barrio of little distance from -the center is today probably much as it was then. Then, as now, -the bulk of the people lived in humble houses of bamboo and nipa -raised on piles above the dampness of the soil; then, as now, the -food was largely rice and the excellent fish which abound in river -and sea. There were on the water the same familiar bancas and fish -corrals, and on land the rice fields and coconut groves. The Filipinos -had then most of the present domesticated animals,--dogs, cats, goats, -chickens, and pigs,--and perhaps in Luzon the domesticated buffalo, -although this animal was widely introduced into the Philippines from -China after the Spanish conquest. Horses followed the Spaniards and -their numbers were increased by the bringing in of Chinese mares, -whose importation is frequently mentioned. - -"The Spaniards introduced also the cultivation of tobacco, coffee, -and cacao, and perhaps also the native corn of America, the maize, -although Pigafetta says they found it already growing in the Bisayas. - -"The Filipino has been affected by these centuries of Spanish -sovereignty far less on his material side than he has on his spiritual, -and it is mainly in the deepening and elevating of his emotional -and mental life and not in the bettering of his material condition -that advance has been made." (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the -Philippines, pp. 106-107). - -[20] "The planters keep working the soil almost as they used to -do three centuries ago." Memoria sobre los Montes de Filipinas, -Sebastian Vidal y Soler; Madrid, 1874, p. 74.) - -[21] Antonio de Morga, "Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas," -chap. 8. Rival's note to this says: This work, although not laborious, -is generally performed now by the men, while the women do only the -actual cleaning of the rice. (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 79). - -[22] "The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole -barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his -own." Customs of the Tagalogs, Juan de Plasencia, O. S. F.; Manila, -October 21, 1589. Blair and Robertson, Vol. 7, p. 174. - -[23] See Chapter II, as to evidences of prosperity of the Filipinos -at the time of the coming of the Spaniards. - -Caingin system described: "They reported that the country was so -fertile that when natives desired to plant their rice they only burn -a part of the mountain and, without any further plowing or digging, -they make holes with a stick in the soil, and drop some grains of -rice in them. This was their manner of sowing; and, after covering the -rice with the same earth, they obtained very heavy crops." (Historia -de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores, Diego -Aduarte, O. P., Manila, 1640.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 32, p. 199.) - -[24] "Customs of the Tagalogs," Juan de Plasencia: "* * * * The lands -on the 'tingues' or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in -common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, -any individual of any particular barangay, although he may come from -some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and -no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for -example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid -annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was -that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the -lands, which the new chief upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; -and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, -and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, -since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided. * * * - -"The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established -limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could -fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, -unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village." (Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 7, pp. 174-175.) - -Also, T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vol. I, -p. 325. - -[25] Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos. (Résumé of Contemporaneous -Documents, Talavera, July 6, 1541.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 54.) - -[26] The origin of the encomienda "was in the REPARTIMIENTO, which -at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country; -it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling thereon, who -were compelled to till the land for the conqueror's benefit. In 1503 -ENCOMIENDAS were granted, composed of a certain number of natives, -who were compelled to work. The word ENCOMIENDA is a term belonging -to the military orders (from the ranks of which came many officials -appointed for the colonies) and corresponds to our word commandery. It -is defined by Helps (practically using the same language of Solorzano, -the eminent Spanish jurist), as a right conceded by royal bounty, -to well-deserving persons in the Indies, to receive and enjoy for -themselves the tributes of the natives who should be assigned to -them, with a charge of providing for the good of those natives in -spiritual and temporal matters, and of inhabiting and defending the -provinces where these ENCOMIENDAS should be granted to them." (Note, -Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 54.) - -[27] "According to the constitutional law of the Indies the -land and the soil in all colonies were the domain of the king; -therefore the encomiendas, which were granted only to discoverers -and other men of conspicuous merit, were to be considered not so -much as landed estates as public offices. (Compare "Recopilación," -'IV 8, 9, 11.) The encomendero was appointed and sworn (law of 1532) -for the express purpose of giving his natives military protection -(law of 1552) and of promoting politically and religiously their -conversion to civilization (laws of 1509, 1554, 1580). Whoever -neglected to do this lost his encomienda (laws of 1536, 1551). It is -characteristic that the Spaniards so readily combined the functions -of discoverers, pacificators, and founders of settlements; as a -matter of fact most of the Indian races were led to civil life, -in our sense of the word, by them. In order to prevent extortion -no encomendero could own a house in his village or stay there more -than one night (law of 1609, 1618). Not even his nearest relatives -or his slaves could enter the encomienda (law of 1574, 1550, and -often). He was forbidden to maintain any industrial establishment -in the encomienda (law of 1621), or to take into his house any -of the inhabitants (law of 1528). That the natives were free men, -that they could not be sold by an encomendero, was recognized in -many laws. ("Recopilación," VI, 2, I, II). After the legislation of -1542 some of the natives were the immediate subjects of the king, -and the rest dependents attached to the encomiendas. The former paid -three-fourths of their taxes to the treasury, and the latter the same -proportion to their landlords. The right of holding an encomienda was -granted, regularly for two generations, except in New Spain, where, -on account of the very unusual services rendered by the conquerors, -it was granted for three and even four generations. (Ibid. VI, 11, -14.) During the 18th century many of the families of the landlords -died out and their possessions were not again granted. The authorities -always interested themselves in the cause of the natives, until at -length Charles III abolished the encomiendas." (W. Roscher (1904) -"The Spanish Colonial System," pp. 4-5.) - -[28] "Let such allotments be made without prejudice to the natives, -retaining for them their arable lands, gardens, and pastures, so -that all shall be cared for." (Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila, -Felipe II; Aranjuez, May 5, 1583.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, p. 292.) - -"I was petitioned on behalf of the said islands, to order that -encomiendas be granted with the condition and obligation upon the -encomenderos that some patch of ground should be cultivated, and that -the farmers and natives should be aided so that they also may till -and cultivate. I charged Gomez Perez strictly in his instructions with -this, and now I charge you too. You shall grant lands and homesteads, -cattle and horses for breeding and farming, both to the natives, -and to the settlers and farmers. Inasmuch as the execution of this -is important, you shall advise me of the conditions of former days -and what ordinances you shall enact, so that what is advisable may -be done during your term." (Instructions to Tello, Felipe II, Toledo, -May 25, 1596.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 9, p. 237.) - -(To the same effect, Instructions to Dasmariñas, Felipe II, San -Lorenzo, August 9, 1589. Ibid., Vol. 7, p. 157). - -[29] On July 25, 1609, Don Miguel Banal, a Filipino chief of Quiapo, -sent a petition to the King, for redress against what he considered a -usurpation of his lands. The petition begins thus: "Sire:--In former -years the archbishop of these Philippine Islands, on petition of the -natives of the village of Quiapo, which is near the city of Manila, -wrote to your Majesty, informing you that the fathers of the Society -of Jesus--under pretext that the former dean of this holy church -of Manila, whom your Majesty has lately appointed archbishop, had -sold them a garden lying back of our village--have been insinuating -themselves more and more into our lands and taking more than what was -assigned them by the dean; and that we had scarcely any land remaining -in the village for our fields, and even for our houses. The petition -begged your royal Majesty to remedy this and protect us under your -royal clemency, since we are natives, who cannot defend ourselves -by suits, as we are a poor people, and it would be a matter with a -religious order. (Nothing was heard from the King, and in the meantime, -petitioner was forcibly ejected from his own lands, and a house built -by him thereon, destroyed.) For I fear that I can find no one to -aid me in the suits that the fathers are about to begin against me, -or who will appear for my justice, since I have even been unable to -find any one who dared to write this letter for me. This letter is -therefore written by my own hand and in my own composition, and in the -style of a native not well versed in the Spanish language. Also in the -meanwhile will you order the fathers not to molest me in the ancient -possession that I have inherited from my fathers and grandfathers, who -were chiefs of the said village." (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 14, pp. 327-329.) - -A letter from Felipe III to Silva, refers to above petition and -orders thus: "Having examined it in my Council for the Yndias, it has -appeared best to order and command you, as I do to inform me of what -has occurred in this matter, and is occuring, and in the meantime to -take such measures as are expedient. Madrid, on the 7th of December, -1610." (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 17, pp. 151-152.) - -[30] "For the above reason there is a large supply of lumber, which -is cut and sawed, dragged to the rivers, and brought down, by the -natives. This lumber is very useful for houses and buildings, and -for the construction of small and large vessels. Many very straight -trees, light and pliable, are found, which are used as masts for -ships and galleons. Consequently, vessels of any size may be fitted -with masts from these trees, made of one piece of timber, without its -being necessary to splice them or make them of different pieces. For -the hulls of the ships, the keels, futtock-timbers, top-timbers, and -any other kinds of supports and braces, compass-timbers, transomes, -knees small and large, and rudders, all sorts of good timber are easily -found; as well as good planking for the sides, decks, and upper-works, -from very suitable woods." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas -Filipinas.--Chapter 8, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 84-87.) - -[31] "Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers and -creeks inland they use certain very large canoes, each made from one -log, and others fitted with benches and made from planks, and built -up on keels. They have vireys and barangays, which are certain, -quick, and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together -with little wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at -the bow, and they can hold a number of rowers on both sides, who -propel their vessels with 'bucceyes' or paddles, and with 'gaones,' -on the outside of the vessels; and they time their rowing to the -accompaniment of some who sing in their language refrains by which -they understand whether to hasten or retard their rowing. Above the -rowers is a platform or gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the -fighting men stand, in order not to interfere with the rowing of -the oarsmen. In accordance with the capacity of the vessels, is the -number of men on these gangways. From that place they manage the sail, -which is square and made of linen, and hoisted on a support or yard -made of two thick bamboos, which serves as a mast. When the vessel -is large, it also has a foresail of the same form. Both yards, with -their tackle, can be lowered upon the gangway when the weather is -rough. The helmsmen are stationed in the stern to steer. It carries -another bamboo framework on the gangway itself; and upon this when -the sun shines hot, or it rains, they stretch an awning made from -some mats, woven from palm-leaves. These are very bulky and close, -and are called 'cayanes.' Thus all the ship and its crew are covered -and protected. There are also other bamboo frameworks for each side -of the vessel, which are as long as the vessel, and securely fastened -on. They skim the water, without hindering the rowing, and serve as -a counterpoise, so that the ship cannot overturn nor upset, however -heavy the sea, or strong the wind against the sail. - -"It may happen that the entire hull of these vessels, which have -no decks, may fill with water and remain between wind and water, -even until it is destroyed and broken up, without sinking, because -of these counterpoises. These vessels have been used commonly through -the islands since olden times. They have other larger vessels called -'lapis,' and 'tapaques,' which are used to carry their merchandise, -and which are very suitable, as they are roomy and draw but little -water. They generally drag them ashore every night, at the mouths -of rivers and creeks, among which they always navigate without going -into the open sea or leaving the shore. All the natives can row and -manage these boats. Some are so long that they can carry one hundred -rowers on a side and thirty soldiers above to fight. The boats commonly -used are barangays and vireys, which carry a less crew and fighting -force. Now they put many of them together with iron nails instead -of the wooden pegs and the joints in the planks, while the helms and -bows have beaks like Castilian boats." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de -las Islas Filipinas.--Ch. 8, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 82-84.) - -[32] "The Filipinos, like the inhabitants of the Marianas, who are -no less skilful and dexterous in navigation, far from progressing, -have retrograded; since, although boats are now built in the islands, -we might assert that they are all after European models. The boats -that held one hundred rowers to a side and thirty soldiers have -disappeared. The country that once, with primitive methods, built -ships of about 2,000 toneladas, today (1890) has to go to foreign -ports, as Hongkong, to give the gold wrenched from the poor, in -exchange for unserviceable cruisers. The rivers are blocked up, and -navigation in the interior of the islands is perishing, thanks to the -obstacles created by a timid and mistrusting system of government; and -there scarcely remains in the memory anything but the name of all that -naval architecture. It has vanished, without modern improvements having -come to replace it in such proportion as during the past centuries has -occurred in adjacent countries." (Rizal's note to Morga.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 16, p. 84.) - -[33] "The shipyards of the galleons built during Don Juan de Silva's -term were thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, seventy, and eighty leguas from -the city of Manila, in different places; namely, on the island of -Marinduque, where the galleon San Juan Bautista was built, which is -forty leguas from Manila; in the province of Camarines at Dalupanes -were built Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, and the Angel de la Guardia -(i. e. Guardian Angel), fifty leguas from Manila; in the province of -Ibalon at Bagatan were built San Felipe and Santiago, eighty leguas -from Manila; in Mindoro was built the galleon San Juan Bautista, fifty -leguas from Manila; in Marinduque was built the almiranta San Marcos, -forty leguas from Manila; in Masbate was built the royal flagship -Salvador, seventy leguas from Manila, in the point where the fleets -anchor; in the port of Cavite, six galleys; in the city of Manila, -two." (Sebastian de Pineda; Mexico, 1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, -pp. 173-174.) - -[34] "Governor Don Diego de Salcedo, considering the many oppressions -that were experienced by the provinces near Manila from the continual -cutting of timber and building of galleons--a necessary evil and -one in which the wrongs that are committed in it can be obviated -only with great difficulty--very prudently determined to build the -galleon Nuestra Señora del Buen Socorro in the province of Albay. He -entrusted its execution to the commander Diego de Arévalo who was -most experienced in maritime matters. He appointed him alcalde-mayor -of the adjoining province of Camarines for the better expedition -of the timber-cutting, putting him under greater obligations (to -do well) by the future reward of commander of the galleon which -he was about to build. In order that that galleon might be built -more quickly and finished sooner, he sent as chief overseer his -lieutenant master-of-camp, Don Agustin de Cepeda Carnacedo, who was -then master-of-camp of the army of these islands for his Majesty, -in order that he might live in the port of Albay. He did that with -so great care that in little more than one year the largest and best -galleon that had yet been seen in the islands was built--and very -few so large have been seen in European seas, and extremely few that -are larger. For that purpose the woods of Filipinas are the best that -can be found in all the universe." (Casimiro Diaz, O. S. A.; Manila, -1718. Conquistas, in Bl. and Rb., Vol. 37, pp. 250-251.) - -[35] "Those who cut these woods and build these ships and galleys -are Indian natives of the said islands. They are carpenters, who are -called cagallanes or pandais, in their language. Those Indians who -are no more than woodcutters, and serve only as hewers and planers -of wood, are paid each seven or eight reals a month, and are given -daily rations of one-half celemin of rice. Those of better trades than -the latter generally earn ten to twelve reals a month. Those who are -masters--the ones who lay out, prepare, round, and make the masts, -yards, and topmasts are each paid three or four pesos of eight reals -a month, and double rations." (Philippine Ships and Shipbuilding, -Sebastian de Pineda (1619).--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, p. 174.) - -[36] "When a fleet was being prepared in Cavite there were generally -one thousand four hundred of these carpenters there. Just now there -are very few, for when the Mindanao enemies burned one galleon and -two petaches in the past year, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, -which were being built in the shipyard of Pantao, sixty leguas from the -city of Manila, they captured more than four hundred of the workmen, -and killed more than two hundred others; while many have died through -the severe work in the building. And because they have been paid -for five years nothing except a little aid, many have fled from the -land; and so few remain that when the last ships sailed from the -city of Manila last year, six hundred and eighteen, there were not -two hundred of those Indians in Cavite." (Ships and Shipbuilding, -Sebastian de Pineda, 1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 174-175.) - - - -"As above stated, it will be necessary for Governor Don Alonso Fajardo -to devise immediate means for building galleons and to repair the six -at Manila. I regard the present building of ships in that country -as impossible. For with the former ships and fleets and with the -depredations and deaths caused by the enemy in those districts the -natives are quite exhausted; for, as I said above, in the former -years of six hundred and seventeen the Mindanao enemy captured four -hundred native carpenters and killed more than two hundred others. The -year before that, six hundred and sixteen, in the expedition made by -Don Juan de Silva to the strait of Cincapura, where he died, it was -found from lists that more than seven hundred Indians, of those taken -as common seamen (of whom more than two hundred were carpenters), -died on that expedition. Before that, in the year six hundred and -fourteen, the said Mindanao enemy captured in the islands of Pintados -nine hundred odd Indians, of whom but few have been ransomed. In the -shipbuilding and in the hauling of wood many have died. Consequently, -on account of all combined, there is a lack of natives for the above -works. Therefore your Majesty must order the said Don Alonso Fajardo, -governor and captain-general of the said islands, that in case galleons -are to be built, it should not be in the islands--on the one hand, -on account of the short time that those woods last, and on the other -because of the lack in that land of natives (occurring through the -above-mentioned causes, and because those natives in the islands -are serving in the fleets as common seamen and carpenters)." (Ibid., -pp. 182-183.) - -[37] "The shipbuilding carried on in these islands on your Majesty's -account is the total ruin and death of these natives, as all tell -me. For, in addition to the danger caused by it in withdrawing them -from the cultivation of their lands and fields--whereby the abundance -of foods and fruits of the country is destroyed--many of them die from -severe labor and harsh treatment. Joined to this is another evil, -namely, that every Indian who takes part in the shipbuilding is -aided by all the neighborhood where he lives with a certain number -of pesos, on account of the small pay that is given them in behalf -of your Majesty. Hence many are being harassed and worn out by these -methods, and a great expense is being caused to your Majesty's royal -treasury." (Letter to Felipe III, Alonso Fajardo de Tenza, Cavite, -Aug. 10, 1618; Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 130-131.) - -[38] "Item: That the governor be warned to endeavor to avoid, as far -as possible, the injuries inflicted upon the natives in the cutting of -wood and in personal services; for they sometimes draft them in the -planting season or at harvest, so that they lose their fields, as I -have seen. In addition to this, many times they do not pay the Indians, -because there is no money in the treasury, which is continually short -of funds. This often arises from the fact that they do not estimate -and consider the needs of the Indians with the amount of money that is -available; and consequently all the Indians complain. Finally, when -the said Indians are paid, it is done by the hand of the chiefs or -cabezas de barangay, who generally keep the money." (Reforms Needed -in Filipinas, by H. de los Rios Coronel.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, -pp. 315-316.) - -[39] "The loss of so many ships caused us great sadness of heart. The -greatest hardship fell to the Indians, for they cannot live without -ships. When one is lost it is necessary to build another, and that -means the cutting of wood. Six or eight thousand Indians are assembled -for that task, and go to the mountains. On them falls the vast labor -of cutting and dragging the timber in. To that must be added the blows -that are rained down upon them, and the poor pay, and bad nourishment -that they receive. At times, religious are sent to protect and defend -them from the infernal fury of some Spaniards. Moreover, in the timber -collected for one ship there is (actually enough) for two ships. Many -gain advantage at the cost of the Indians' sweat, and later others -make a profit in Cavite, as I have seen." (D. F. Navarrete, O. P.; -1676, from his Tratados Históricos.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 38, pp. 42-43.) - -[40] "* * * I must remind your Majesty that the islands are at the -end of their resources, as far as the Indians in them are concerned; -for it is they who bring the timber from the forests for the said -shipbuilding. I have thought of an expedient for this, in order not to -complete the destruction of the Indians; it is, to ask the viceroys -of your Majesty in Nueva España and Pirú to send vessels here. * * -*" (Letter to Felipe IV, by Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, Cavite, -July 11, 1636.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 26, p. 289.) - -[41] "Item. That it be ordered that the common seamen who serve in -the said ships, who are always Indian natives, be all men of that -coast, who are instructed how to navigate; and that they be made to -wear clothes, with which to shelter themselves from the cold; for, -because they do not, most of them die in high latitudes, of which he -(the writer) is a witness. Inasmuch as the factor enrolls other Indians -who live in the interior, and who do not know the art of sailing, -and as they are a wretched people, they are embarked without clothes -to protect them against the cold, so that when each new dawn comes -there are three or four dead men (a matter that is breaking his heart); -besides, they are treated inhumanly and are not given the necessaries -of life, but are killed with hunger and thirst. If he were to tell in -detail the evil that is done to them, it would fill many pages. He -petitions your Majesty to charge your governor straitly to remedy -this." (Reforms Needed in Filipinas, Hernando de los Rios Coronel, -1619-1620.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 299-300.) - -[42] "This has been the cause of tumults and insurrections, such as -that of Palapag in 1649, and that of the province of Pampanga in 1660; -and, in the time of Governor Don Juan de Silva, that of 1614, because -of the considerable felling of timber which was occasioned by so much -shipbuilding as was caused by the undertaking against the Dutch. Then, -most of the provinces of these islands mutinied and almost rose in -insurrection; and there was danger of a general outbreak, had not -the religious who were ministers in the provinces reduced the minds -of the natives to quiet; for they, overburdened by so heavy a load, -were at the point of desperation." (Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A.; Manila, -1718, Conquistas.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 37, p. 212.) - -[43] "Those islands have so few natives, that if your Majesty does not -expressly order no vessels to be constructed in them, not any of their -people will be left, for as a result the events that have happened in -those islands for the last eight years, both murders and captivities, -many of those who have been left, who are constantly coming to Nueva -España, every year as common seamen in the vessels that regularly sail, -remain in Nueva España. In the galleon Espíritu Santo which came last -year, six hundred and eighteen, were seventy-five native Indians as -common seamen, but not more than five of the entire number returned -in the said galley. If your Majesty does not have that corrected, -the same thing will occur every year, and should your Majesty not -correct it, the following things will occur. The first is the great -offense committed against our Lord, for many (indeed most) of those -native Indians of the Filipinas Islands who come as common seamen -are married in those said islands; and, inasmuch as they are unknown -in Nueva España, they remarry here. Another wrong follows which is -very much to the disservice of your Majesty and your royal treasury, -which is caused by the said Indian natives of the Filipinas Islands -who come as common seamen and remain in Nueva España; and if it -is not checked in time, it will cause considerable injury to these -kingdoms. This consists in the fact that there are in Nueva España -so many of those Indians who come from Filipinas Islands who have -engaged in making palm wine along the other seacoast, that of the -South Sea, and which they make with stills, as in Filipinas, that it -will in time become a part reason for the natives of Nueva España, -who now use the wine that comes from Castilla, to drink none except -what the Filipinos make. For since the natives of Nueva España are -a race inclined to drink and intoxication, and the wine made by -the Filipinos is distilled and as strong as brandy, they crave it -rather than the wine from España. Consequently it will happen that -the trading fleets (from Spain) will bring less wine every year, -and what is brought will be more valuable every year. So great is -the traffic in this (palm wine) at present on the coast of Navidad, -among the Apusabalcos, and throughout Colima, that they lead beasts -of burden with this wine in the same way as in España. By postponing -the speedy remedy that this demands, the same thing might also happen -to the vineyards of Piru. It can be averted, provided all the Indian -natives of the said Filipinas Islands are shipped and returned to -them, that the palm groves and vessels with which that wine is made -be burnt, the palm-trees felled, and severe penalties imposed on -whomever remains or returns to make that wine. - -"Incited by their greed in that traffic, all the Indians who have -charge of making that wine go to the port of Acapulco when the ships -reach there from Manila, and lead away with them all the Indians who -come as common seamen. For that reason, and the others above mentioned, -scarcely any of them return to the said Filipinas Islands. From that it -also results that your Majesty loses the royal revenues derived from -those islands, inasmuch as all those Indians are tributaries there, -and when absent pay nothing." (Ships and Shipbuildings, by Sebastian -de Pineda, 1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 183-185.) - -[44] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, -Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 108. - -[45] Relación de las Islas Filipinas, Miguel de Loarca; Arévalo, -June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, p. 73. - -[46] Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Antonio de Morga, -Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 96. - -[47] Report of Conditions in the Philippines, Antonio de Morga, -Manila, June 8, 1598.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 10, pp. 85-86. - -"The fishing is done with salambaos, and with fine-meshed nets; with -which they block up the bay and kill the small fish. These nets ought -not to be employed, and the size of the mesh should be regulated so -that the supply of fish will not be exhausted; for already experience -has demonstrated that they are not so abundant as formerly." - -Night fishing was also practiced. "What we call pitch in this -region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order to -use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of Nueva -España, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell, -and taste." (Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. [Résumé of -Contemporaneous Documents, 1558-68.]--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 153.) - -Artificial fish-culture seems to have been introduced by the Japanese -before the Spanish arrival. "The greatest of the Japanese industries, -which they taught the natives, was breeding ducks and fishes for -export. The rivers and coast waters of the Archipelago provided -splendid feeding grounds for numerous varieties of fish and fowl, and -the Japanese assisted nature's breeding process, particularly in the -case of fishes in a manner followed by present day experts. The roe -were transported to safe places for development, tanks were used to -guard small fish from harm, and various other precautionary measures -were adopted properly to rear the fish. To the early Spaniards, the -pisciculture of the Filipinos was regarded almost as a new art, so much -more advanced it was than fish breeding methods in Europe." (Commercial -Progress in the Philippine Islands, Antonio M. Regidor and J. Warren -T. Mason, 1905.) - -[48] In some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially -in the Calamianes, where some have been obtained that are large -and exceedingly clear and lustrous. Neither is this means of profit -utilized. (By the Spaniards, he means, as is clear from the preceding -paragraph, which states that, "if the industry and efforts of the -Spaniards were to be converted into the working of the gold, as -much would be obtained from any one of these islands as from those -provinces which produce the most in the world. But since they attend -to other means of gain rather than to this, as will be told in due -time, they do not pay the proper attention to this matter.") In all -parts, seed pearls are found in the ordinary oysters, and there are -oysters as large as a buckler. From the (shells of the) latter the -natives manufacture beautiful articles. There are also very large -turtles in all the islands. Their shells are utilized by the natives, -and sold as an article of commerce to the Chinese and Portuguese, -and other nations who go after them and esteem them highly, because -of the beautiful things made from them. - -"On the coasts of any of these islands are found many small white -snail shells, called siguei. The natives gather them and sell them by -measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoples of the -mainland. It serves there as money, and those nations trade with it, -as they do with cacaobeans in Nueva España." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos -de las Islas Filipinas, Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 103.) - -[49] Description of Filipinas Islands, Bartholome de Letona, -1662.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 36, p. 201. - -"All these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and mines -of gold, a metal which the natives dig and work. However, since the -advent of the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowly -in this, and content themselves with what they already possess in -jewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiquity and inherited -from their ancestors. This is considerable for he must be poor and -wretched who has no gold chains, calombigas (bracelets), and earrings. - -Some placers and mines were worked at Paracale in the province of -Camarines, where there is good gold mixed with copper. This commodity -is also traded in the Ilocos, for at the rear of this province, -which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rugged mountains -which extend as far as Cagayan. On the slopes of these mountains, -in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom -no incursion has been made, who are called Ygolotes. These natives -possess rich mines, many of gold and silver mixed. They are wont to -dig from them only the amount necessary for their wants. They descend -to certain places to trade this gold (without completing its refining -or preparation), with the Ilocos; there they exchanged it for rice, -swine, carabaos, cloth and other things that they need. The Ilocos -complete its refining and preparation, and by their medium it is -distributed throughout the country. Although an effort has been made -with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work them, -and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has been -learned, for the Ygolotes fear that the Spaniards will go to seek -them for their gold, and say that they keep the gold better in the -earth than in their houses. - -There are also many gold mines and placers in the other islands, -especially among the Pintados, on the Botuan River in Mindanao, -and in Sebu, where a mine of good gold is worked, called Taribon. If -the industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be converted into -the working of the gold, as much would be obtained from any one of -these islands as from those provinces which produce the most in the -world. But since they attend to other means of gain rather than to -this, they do not pay the proper attention to this matter." (Antonio -de Morga, Sucesos; Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 101-103.) - -[50] Memorial to the Council by Citizens of the Philippine Islands; -July 26, 1586.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 6, p. 223. - -"In this island, there are many gold mines, some of which have been -inspected by the Spaniards, who say that the natives work them as -is done in Nueva España with the mines of silver; and, as in those -mines, the vein of ore here is continuous. Assays have been made, -yielding so great wealth, that I shall not endeavor to describe them, -lest I be suspected of lying. Time will prove the truth." - -Las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del Poniente, Hernando Riquel y -otros. Mexico, January 11, 1574.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 243. - -[51] "They are the best and most skilful artificers in jewels and gold -that we have seen in this land. Almost all the people of Los Camarines -pursue this handicraft." Letter from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II, -Manila, July 17, 1574.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 273.) - -"During these five days, the Moros had, little by little, given two -hundred taels of impure gold, for they possess great skill in mixing -it with other metals. They give it an outside appearance so natural -and perfect, and so fine a ring, that unless it is melted they can -deceive all men, even the best of silversmiths." (Relation of the -Voyage to Luzon, 1570.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 81.) - -"There are some chiefs in this island who have on their persons ten -or twelve thousand ducats' worth of gold in jewels--to say nothing of -the lands, slaves, and mines that they own. There are so many of these -chiefs that they are innumerable. Likewise the individual subjects -of these chiefs have a great quantity of the said jewels of gold, -which they wear on their persons--bracelets, chains, and earrings -of solid gold, daggers of gold, and other very rich trinkets. These -are generally seen among them, and not only the chiefs and freemen -have plenty of these jewels, but even slaves possess and wear golden -trinkets upon their persons, openly and freely." (Reply to Fray Rada's -'Opinion,' Guido de Lavezaris and others; Manila, June, 1574.--Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 3, p. 267.) - -[52] "About their necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun -wax, and with links in our fashion, some larger than others. On their -arms they wear armlets of wrought gold, which they call calombigas, -and which are very large and made in different patterns. Some wear -strings of precious stones--cornelians and agates; and other blue and -white stones, which they esteem highly. They wear, around the legs some -strings of these stones, and certain cords, covered with black pitch -in many foldings, as garters." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos.--Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 76-77.) - -[53] "The people are the most valiant yet found in these regions; -they possess much good armour--as iron corselets, greaves, wristlets, -gauntlets, and helmets--and some arquebuses and culverins." (Letter -from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II, Manila, July 17, 1574.--Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 3, p. 273.) - -"At the waist they carry a dagger four fingers in breadth, the blade -pointed, and a third of a vara in length; the hilt is of gold or -ivory. The pommel is open and has two cross bars or projections, -without any other guard. They are called bararaos. They have -two cutting edges, and are kept in wooden scabbards, or those of -buffalo-horn, admirably wrought." - -(This weapon has been lost, and even its name is gone. A proof of the -decline into which the present Filipinos have fallen is the comparison -of the weapons that they manufacture now, with those described to us -by the historians. The hilts of the talibones now are not of gold -or ivory, nor are their scabbards of horn, nor are they admirably -wrought.--Rizal.) - -(Morga's Sucesos, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 81 and note 65.) - -"Since they have seen the Spaniards use their weapons, many of the -natives handle the arquebuses and muskets quite skilfully. Before -the arrival of the Spaniards they had bronze culverins and other -pieces of cast iron, with which they defended their forts and -settlements, although their powder is not so well refined as that of -the Spaniards." (Ibid., p. 82.) - -"This intercourse and traffic had acquainted the Filipinos with many -of the accessories of civilized life long before the arrival of the -Spaniards. Their chiefs and datos dressed in silks, and maintained -some splendor of surroundings; nearly the whole population of the -tribes of the coast wrote and communicated by means of a syllabary; -vessels from Luzon traded as far south as Mindanao and Borneo, although -the products of Asia proper came through the fleets of foreigners; -and perhaps what indicates more clearly than anything else the -advance the Filipinos were making through their communication with -outside people is their use of firearms. Of this point there is no -question. Everywhere in the vicinity of Manila, on Lubang, in Pampanga, -at Cainta and Laguna de Bay, the Spaniards encountered forts mounting -small cannon, or lantakas. The Filipinos seem to have understood, -moreover, the arts of casting cannon and of making powder. The first -gun-factory established by the Spaniards was in charge of a Filipino -from Pampanga." (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, -pp. 101-102.) - -[54] (Relación de las Islas Filipinas, Miguel de Loarca; Arévalo, -June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, p. 169.) - -[55] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos, Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 80. - -[56] "The coconuts furnish a nutritious food when rice is scarce. From -the nut-shells they make dishes, and (from the fibrous husk) -match-cords for their arquebuses; and with the leaves they make -baskets." (Relación, Miguel de Loarca; Arévalo, June, 1852.--Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 5, p. 169.) - -See also First Voyage Around the World, Antonio Pigafetta.--Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 33, p. 105, for description of how the palm sap was obtained, -oil made, and of other uses of the coconut. - -[57] Relación, Miguel de Loarca; June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, -pp. 34-188. - -Conquest of the Island of Luzon. Manila, April 20, 1572.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 3, p. 171. - -[58] Relation and Description of the Philippine Islands, Francisco -de Sande; Manila, June 8, 1577.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 4, p. 98. - -"Cotton is raised abundantly throughout the islands. It is spun and -sold in the skein to the Chinese and other nations, who come to get -it. Cloth of different patterns is also woven from it, and the natives -also trade that. Other cloths, called medriñiques, are woven from -the banana leaf." (Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Antonio de Morga; -Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 106.) - -Cotton was woven into sail. "The canvas (lienzo) from which the sails -are made in the said islands is excellent, and much better than what is -shipped from España, because it is made from cotton. There are certain -cloths (lienzos) which are called mantsa from the province of Ilocos, -for the natives of that province manufacture nothing else, and pay -your Majesty their tribute in them. They last much longer than those -of España." (Philippine Ships and Shipbuilding, Sebastian de Pineda, -1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, p. 178.) - -[59] Relation of the Western Islands called Filipinas, Diego de -Artieda, 1573.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 203. - -Fray Rada's Opinion, Guido de Lavezaris and others, Manila, June, -1574.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p.... - -"The island of Zubu produces a small quantity of rice, borona, and -millet and little or no cotton; for the cloth which the natives use -for their garments is made from a kind of banana. From this they make -a sort of cloth resembling colored calico, which the natives call -medriñaque (Relación, Miguel de Loarca, June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 5, pp. 43-45.) - -[60] T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Census, 1903, Vol. I, p. 329. - -[61] Ibid. "The women have needlework as their employment and -occupation, and they are very clever at it, and at all kinds of -sewing. They weave cloth and spin cotton, and serve in houses of -their husbands and fathers. (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 16, p. 79.) - -[62] "Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks -and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must -enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under -the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls." (Antonio Pigafetta, -First Voyage Around the World.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 33, p. 153.) - -"The houses and dwellings of all these natives are universally set -upon stakes and arigues (i. e., columns) high above the ground. Their -rooms are small and the roofs low. They are built and tiled with wood -and bamboos, and covered and roofed with nipa-palm leaves. Each house -is separate, and is not built adjoining another. In the lower part -are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, where fowls and cattle are -reared, and the rice pounded and cleaned. One ascends into the houses -by means of ladders that can be drawn up, which are made from two -bamboos. Above are their open batalanes (galleries) used for household -duties; the parents and (grown) children live together. There is -little adornment and finery in the houses, which are called bahandin. - -"Besides these houses, which are those of the common people, and those -of less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. They are built upon -trees and thick arigues, with many rooms and comforts. They are well -constructed of timber and planks, and are strong and large. They are -furnished and supplied with all that is necessary, and are much finer -and more substantial than the others. They are roofed, however, as -are the others, with the palm-leaves called nipa." (Antonio de Morga, -Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 117-118.) - -[63] "The edifices and houses of the natives of all these Filipinas -Islands are built in a uniform manner, as are their settlements; -for they always build them on the shores of the sea, between rivers -and creeks. The natives generally gather in districts or settlements -where they sow their rice, and possess their palm trees, nipa and -banana groves, and other trees, and implements for their fishing and -sailing." Ibid., p. 117.) - -[64] Especially in La Indolencia de los Filipinos, in "La Solidaridad," -1890, which develops the idea advanced by Sangcianco y Gozon. - -[65] "* * * As already seen, we must reject so often reiterated of -late years that the early missionaries found nomadic or half-fixed -clans and taught them the ways of village life. Village life there -was already, to some extent, and it was upon this that the friars -built. Doubtless they modified it greatly until in time it approached -in most ways as closely to European village life as might be expected -in tropical islands whose agricultural resources are not as yet -well developed. From the first there would be a tendency to greater -concentration about the churches, beginning with the rude structures -of cane and thatch, which are replaced before 1700 in all the older -settlements by edifices of stone, frequently massive and imposing, -especially, so as they tower over the acres of bamboo huts about them, -from the inmates of which have come the forced labor which built -them. From the first, too, it was to the interest of the Spanish -conquerors, lay and priestly, to improve the methods of communication -between the communities which formed their centers of conversion or -of exploration and collection of tribute. Yet to represent either -the friars or the soldiers as great pathfinders and reconstructors -of wilderness is the work of ignorance. When Legaspi's grandson, -Juan de Salcedo, made his memorable marches through northern Luzon, -bringing vast acres under the dominion of Spain with a mere handful of -soldiers, he found the modern Bigan a settlement of several thousand -people; his successors in the conquest of the Upper Kagayan Valley, -one of the most backward portions of the archipelago to-day, reported -a population of forty thousand in the region lying around the modern -Tuguegarao, and so it was quite commonly everywhere on the seacoasts -and on the largest rivers. Some very crude deductions have been made -as to the conquest period by writers of recent years who assume that -the natives were at the beginning mere bands of wandering savages, -and that all the improvements visible in their external existence -to-day were brought about in these early years." (James A. LeRoy, -The Americans in the Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 8-10.) - -"The friar missionaries did not bring about the first settlement and -conquests under Legaspi; they did not blaze the way in wildernesses -and plant the flag of Spain in outlying posts long in advance of -the soldiers, the latter profiting by their moral-suasion conquests -to annex great territories for their own plunder; they did not find -bloodthirsty savages, wholly sunk in degradation, and in the twinkling -of an eye convert them to Christianity, sobriety, and decency, * * *; -they did not teach wandering bands of huntsmen or fishermen how to -live peacefully in orderly settlements, how to cultivate the soil, -erect buildings (except the stone churches), and did not bind these -villages together by the sort of roads and bridges which we have today, -though they had considerable share in this work, especially in later -time; they did not find a squalid population of 400,000 to 750,000 -in the archipelago, and wholly by the revolution wrought by them in -ways of life make it possible for that population to increase by ten -or twenty times in three centuries." (Ibid., pp. 10-11.) - -[66] Relación de las Islas Filipinas, Pedro Chirino, S. J., Roma -1604.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 12, p. 188. - -[67] Morga's Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 105. - -[68] Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, Vol. I, p. 329. - -[69] In La Indolencia de los Filipinos, Rizal continues thus: - -"And if this, which is deduction, does not convince any minds imbued -with unfair prejudices, perhaps of some avail may be the testimony of -the oft-quoted Dr. Morga, who was Lieutenant-Governor of Manila for -seven years and after rendering great service in the Archipelago was -appointed criminal judge of the Audiencia of Mexico and Counsellor -of the Inquisition. His testimony, we say, is highly credible, not -only because all his contemporaries have spoken of him in terms that -border on veneration but also because his work, from which we take -these citations, is written with great circumspection and care, as well -with reference to the authorities in the Philippines as to the errors -they committed. 'The natives,' says Morga, in chapter VII, speaking of -the occupations of the Chinese, 'are very far from exercising those -trades and have even forgotten much about farming, raising poultry, -stock and cotton, and weaving cloth AS THEY USED TO DO IN THEIR -PAGANISM AND FOR A LONG TIME AFTER THE COUNTRY WAS CONQUERED.'" - -"The whole of Chapter VIII of his work deals with this moribund -activity, this much-forgotten industry, and yet in spite of that, -how long is his eighth chapter! - -"And not only Morga, not only Chirino, Colin, Argensola, Gaspar de -San Agustin and others agree in this matter, but modern travelers, -after two hundred and fifty years, examining the decadence and misery, -assert the same thing. Dr. Hans Meyer, when he saw the unsubdued -tribes cultivating beautiful fields and working energetically, asked -if they would not become indolent when they in turn should accept -Christianity and a paternal government. - -"Accordingly, the Filipinos, in spite of the climate, in spite of -their few needs (they were less then than now), were not the indolent -creatures of our time, and, as we shall see later on, their ethics -and their mode of life were not what is now complacently attributed -to them." - -Rizal has the following, to say about the abundance of wealth in -this country: - -"Wealth abounded in the islands. Pigafetta tells us of the abundance -of foodstuffs in Paragua and of its inhabitants, who nearly all -tilled their own fields. At this island the survivors of Magellan's -expedition were well received and provisioned. A little later, these -same survivors captured a vessel, plundered and sacked it, and took -prisoner in it the chief of the Island of Paragua (!) with his son -and brother. - -"In this same vessel they captured bronze lombards, and this is the -first mention of artillery of the Filipinos, for these lombards were -useful to the chief of Paragua against the savages of the interior. - -"They let him ransom himself within seven days, demanding 400 measures -(cavanes?) of rice, 20 pigs, 20 goats, and 450 chickens. This is the -first act of piracy recorded in Philippine history. The chief of -Paragua paid everything, and moreover voluntarily added coconuts, -bananas, and sugar-cane jars filled with palm-wine. When Caesar -was taken prisoner by the corsairs and required to pay twenty-five -talents ransom, he replied: 'I'll give you fifty, but later I'll -have you all crucified!' The chief of Paragua was more generous: he -forgot. His conduct, while it may reveal weakness, also demonstrates -that the islands were abundantly provisioned. This chief was named -Tuan Mahamud; his brother, Guantil, and his son, Tuan Mahamed. (Martin -Mendez, Purser of the Ship "Victoria": Archivos de Indias, Ibid.) - -[70] I have already said that all of it is thickly populated, and -that it has a great abundance of rice, fowls, and swine, as well -as great numbers of buffaloes, deer, wild boars, and goats; it -also produces great quantities of cotton and colored cloths, wax, -and honey; and date palms abound. In conclusion, it is very well -supplied with all the things above mentioned, and many others which -I shall not enumerate. It is the largest island which has thus far -been discovered in these regions. As I say, it is well populated and -very rich in gold mines. There is much trade with China. That part of -it which has thus far been conquered and pacified, the governor has -begun to allot to the conquerors." Conquest of the Island of Luzon, -Manila, April 20, 1572. (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, pp. 171-172.) - -"This province (Pampanga) possesses many rivers and creeks that -irrigate it. They all flow and empty into the bay. This province -contains many settlements of natives and considerable quantities -of rice, fruits, fish, meat, and other foods." (Antonio de Morga's -Sucesos, 1609.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 108.) - -(Rizal's Note:--"This province had decreased so greatly in population -and agriculture, a half century later, that Gaspar de San Agustin -said: 'Now it no longer has the population of the past, because of -the insurrection of that province, when Don Sabiniano Manrique de -Lara was governor of these islands, and because of the incessant -cutting of the timber for the building of his Majesty's ships, which -prevents them from cultivating their extremely fertile plain.' Later, -when speaking of Guagua or Wawa, he says: 'This town was formerly -very wealthy because of its many chiefs, and because of the abundant -harvests gathered in its spacious plains, which are now submerged by -the water of the sea.'" (Ibid.) - -"In reply to the fourth question he stated that, before the coming -of the Spaniards, all the natives lived in their villages, applying -themselves to the sowing of their crops and the care of their -vineyards, and to the pressing of wine; others planting cotton, -or raising poultry and swine, so that all were at work; moreover, -the chiefs were obeyed and respected, and the entire country well -provided for. But all this has disappeared since the coming of the -Spaniards." (Testimony of Nicolas Ramos, chief of Cubao village -and governor of same, under oath, in compliance with order of -G. P. Dasmariñas "forbidding" the Indians to wear Chinese stuff; -April 9, 1591.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 8, p. 87.) - -[71] "* * * Many islands and villages are devastated and almost wiped -out, partly by the Spaniards or because of them, and partly by famines -of which, or at the beginning of them, the Spaniards were the reason; -for either by fear or to get rid of the Spaniards the natives NEGLECTED -THEIR SOWING, and when they wished to sow then anguish came to them, -and consequently many people have died of hunger." (Augustinian -Memoranda, 1373.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 34, p. 279.) - -"After the end of the war the need of the city began, for, because -of not having Sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought in -all the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear, -not even at excessive prices. The native Indians are very far from -exercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, -and the raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of -cloth, which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for -a long time after the conquest of the country. In addition to this, -people thought that Chinese vessels would not come to the islands -with food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. * * *" -(Antonio de Morga's Sucesos, 1601.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 42-43). - -[72] In La Indolencia, Rizal further says: - -"It was necessary to subject the people either by cajolery or force; -there were fights, there was slaughter; those who had submitted -peacefully seemed to repent of it; insurrections were suspected, -and some occurred; naturally there were executions, and many capable -laborers perished. Add to this condition of disorder the invasion of -Limahong, add the continual wars into which the inhabitants of the -Philippines were plunged to maintain the honor of Spain, to extend -the sway of her flag in Borneo, in the Moluccas and in Indo-China; -to repel the Dutch foe: costly wars, fruitless expeditions, in which -each time thousands and thousands of native archers and rowers were -recorded to have embarked, but whether they returned to their homes was -never stated. Like the tribute that once upon a time Greece sent to the -Minotaur of Crete, the Philippine youth embarked for the expedition, -saying good-by to their country forever: on their horizon were the -stormy sea, the interminable wars, the rash expeditions. Wherefore, -Gaspar de San Agustin says: 'Although anciently there were in this -town of Dumangas many people, in the course of time they have very -greatly diminished because the natives are the best sailors and most -skillful rowers on the whole coast, and so the governors in the port -of Iloilo take most of the people from this town for the ships that -they send abroad. * * * When the Spaniards reached this island (Panay) -it is said that there were on it more than fifty thousand families; -but these diminished greatly; * * * and at present they may amount -to some fourteen thousand tributaries.' From fifty thousand families -to fourteen thousand tributaries in little over half a century! - -We would never get through, had we to quote all the evidence of the -authors regarding the frightful diminution of the inhabitants of the -Philippines in the first years after the discovery. In the time of -their first bishop, that is, ten years after Legaspi, Philip II said -that they had been reduced to less than two-thirds." - -[73] La Indolencia de los Filipinos: - -"In order to make headway against so many calamities, to secure their -sovereignty and take the offensive in these disastrous contests, to -isolate the warlike Sulus from their neighbors in the south, to care -for the needs of the empire of the Indies (for one of the reasons why -the Philippines were kept, as contemporary documents prove, was their -strategical position between New Spain and the Indies), to wrest from -the Dutch their growing colonies of the Moluccas and get rid of some -troublesome neighbors, to maintain, in short, the trade of China with -New Spain, it was necessary to construct new and large ships which, -as we have seen, costly as they were to the country for their equipment -and the rowers they required, were not less so because of the manner in -which they were constructed. Fernando de los Rios Coronel, who fought -in these wars and later turned priest, speaking of these King's ships, -said: 'As they were so large the timber needed was scarcely to be -found in the forests (of the Philippines!), and thus it was necessary -to seek it with great difficulty in the most remote of them, where, -once found, in order to haul and convey it to the shipyard the towns -of the surrounding country had to be depopulated of natives, who get it -out with immense labor, damage, and cost to them. The natives furnished -the masts for a galleon, according to the assertion of the Franciscans, -and I heard the governor of the province where they were cut, which -is Laguna de Bay, say that to haul them seven leagues over very broken -mountains 6,000 natives were engaged three months, without furnishing -them food, which the wretched native had to seek for himself.' - -"And Gaspar de San Agustin says: 'In these times (1690), Bacolor has -not the people that it had in the past, because of the uprising in -that province when Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara was Governor of -these islands and because of the continual labor of cutting limber -for his Majesty's shipyards, WHICH HINDERS THEM FROM CULTIVATING THE -VERY FERTILE PLAIN THEY HAVE'." - -[74] "The Indians, upon seeing that wealth excited the rapacity of -the encomenderos and soldiers, abandoned the working of the mines, -and the religious historians assert that they counseled them to a -similar action in order to free them from annoyances. Nevertheless, -according to Colin (who was 'informed by well-disposed natives'), -more than 100,000 pesos of gold annually, conservatively stated, -was taken from the mines during his time, after eighty years of -abandonment. According to a 'manuscript of a grave person who had -lived long in these islands,' the first tribute of the two provinces -of Ilocos and Pangasinan alone amounted to 109,500 pesos. A single -encomendero, in 1587, sent 3,000 taheles of gold in the 'Santa Ana,' -which was captured by Cavendish." (Rizal's Notes to Antonio de Morga's -Sucesos, 1609, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 101.) - -"If this is not sufficient to explain the depopulation of the islands -and the abandonment of industry, agriculture and commerce, then -add 'the natives who were executed, those who left their wives and -children and fled in disgust to the mountains, those who were sold -into slavery to pay the taxes levied upon them,' as Fernando de los -Rios Coronel says; add to all this what Philip II said in reprimanding -Bishop Salazar about 'natives sold by some encomenderos to others, -those flogged to death, the women who are crushed to death by their -heavy burdens, those who sleep in the fields and there bear and nurse -their children and die bitten by poisonous vermin, the many who are -executed and left to die of hunger and those who eat poisonous herbs * -* * and the mothers who kill their children in bearing them,' and you -will understand how in less than thirty years the population of the -Philippines was reduced one-third. We are not saying this: it was said -by Gaspar de San Agustin, the preeminently anti-Filipino Augustinian, -and he confirms it throughout the rest of his work by speaking every -moment of the state of neglect in which lay the farms and fields -once so flourishing and so well cultivated, the towns thinned that -had formerly been inhabited by many leading families! - -"How is it strange, then, that discouragement may have been infused -into the spirit of the inhabitants of the Philippines, when in the -midst of so many calamities they did not know whether they would see -sprout the seed they were planting, whether their field was going to -be their grave or their crop would go to feed their executioner? What -is there strange in it, when we see the pious but impotent friars of -that time trying to free their poor parishioners from the tyranny -of the encomenderos by advising them to stop work in the mines, -to abandon their commerce, to break up their looms, pointing out to -them heaven for their whole hope, preparing them for death as their -only consolation?"--(La Indolencia.--Rizal.) - -[75] "* * * Doubtless if we could see the whole character of the -Spanish rule in those decades, we should see that the actual condition -of the Filipino had improved and his grade of culture had risen. No one -can estimate the actual good that comes to a people in being brought -under the power of a government able to maintain peace and dispense -justice. Taxation is sometimes grievous, corruption without excuse; -but almost anything is better than anarchy. - -"Before the coming of the Spaniards, it seems unquestionable that the -Filipinos suffered greatly under two terrible grievances that afflict -barbarous society--in the first place, warfare, with its murder, -pillage, and destruction, not merely between tribe and tribe, but -between town and town, such as even now prevail in the wild mountains -of northern Luzon, among the primitive Malayan tribes; and in the -second place, the weak and poor man was at the mercy of the strong -and the rich. - -"The establishment of Spanish sovereignty had certainly mitigated, -if it did not wholly remedy, these conditions. 'All of these -provinces,' Morga could write, 'are pacified and are governed from -Manila, having alcaldes mayores, corregidors, and lieutenants, -and dispense justice. The chieftains (principales), who formerly -held the other natives in subjection, no longer have power over -them in the manner which they tyrannically employed, which is not -the least benefit these natives have received in escaping from such -slavery.'" (Dr. D. P. Barrows, History of the Philippines, p. 166.) - -[76] Chao Ju-kua's Description of the Philippines.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 34, pp. 183-191. - -Rizal, La Indolencia. (All quotations from this work are taken from -the Derbyshire translation.): - -"Indolence in the Philippines is a chronic malady, but not a -hereditary one. The Filipinos have not always been what they are, -witnesses whereto are all the historians of the first years after -the discovery of the Islands. - -"Before the arrival of the Europeans, the Malayan Filipinos carried -on an active trade, not only among themselves but also with all the -neighboring countries. A Chinese manuscript of the 13th century, -translated by Dr. Hirth (Globus, Sept. 1889), which we will take -up at another time, speaks of China's relations with the islands, -relations purely commercial, in which mention is made of the activity -and honesty of the traders of Luzon, who took the Chinese products -and distributed them throughout all the islands, traveling for nine -months, and then returned to pay religiously even for the merchandise -that the Chinamen did not remember to have given them. The products -which they in exchange exported from the islands were crude wax, -cotton, pearls, tortoise-shell, betelnuts dry-goods, etc." - -[77] The method of trading is thus described by Chao Ju-kua: - -"When (Chinese) merchantmen arrive at that port they cast anchor -at a place (called) the place of Mandarins. That place serves -them as a market, or site where the products of their countries are -exchanged. When a vessel has entered into the port (its captain) offers -presents consisting of white parasols and umbrellas which serve them -for daily use. The traders are obliged to observe these civilities -in order to be able to count on the favor of those gentlemen. - -"In order to trade, the savage traders are assembled (the Chinese -call all foreigners savages except the Japanese, Koreans, and people -of Anam.--Blumentritt) and have the goods carried in baskets, and -although the bearers are often unknown, none of the goods are ever -lost or stolen. The savage traders transport these goods to other -islands, and thus eight or nine months pass until they have obtained -other goods of value equivalent to those that have been received -(from the Chinese). This forces the traders of the vessels to delay -their departure, and hence it happens that the vessels that maintain -trade with Ma-yi are the ones that take the longest to return to -their country." * * * - -"When foreign traders come to one of their villages, they must not -touch the ground, but must remain aboard their vessel, which is -anchored in the middle of the current, and announce their presence -by beat of drum. Thereupon the savage traders approach in their -light craft, in which they carry cotton, yellow wax, strange cloth, -coconuts, onions, and fine mats, and all those things they offer -for sale in exchange (for the articles of the Chinese). In case of -misunderstanding in the price of the goods, it is necessary to summon -the chief of the traders of that place, so that he may present himself -in person, and arrange the tariff to the satisfaction of all." * * * - -[78] The first thing noticed by Pigafetta, who came with Magellan in -1521, on arriving at the first island of the Philippines, Samar, was -the courtesy and kindness of the inhabitants and their commerce. "To -honor our captain," he says, "they conducted him to their boats where -they had their merchandise, which consisted of cloves, cinnamon, -pepper, nutmegs, mace, gold and other things; and they made us -understand by gestures that such articles were to be found in the -islands to which we were going." - -Further on he speaks of the vessels and utensils of solid gold that he -found in Butuan, where the people worked mines. He describes the silk -dresses, the daggers with long gold hilts and scabbards of carved wood, -the gold sets of teeth, etc. Among cereals and fruits he mentions rice, -millet, oranges, lemons, panicum, etc. - -That the islands maintained relations with neighboring countries and -even with distant ones is proven by the ships from Siam, laden with -gold and slaves, that Magellan found in Cebu. These ships paid certain -duties to the King of the island. In the same year, 1521, the survivors -of Magellan's expedition met the son of the Rajah of Luzon, who, -as captain-general of the Sultan of Borneo and admiral of his fleet, -had conquered for him the great city of Lave (Sarawak?). Might this -captain, who was greatly feared by all his foes, have been the Rajah -Matanda whom the Spaniards afterwards encountered in Tondo in 1570? - -In 1539 the warriors of Luzon took part in the formidable contests -of Sumatra, and under the orders of Angi Siry Timor, Rajah of Batta, -conquered and overthrew the terrible Alzadin, Sultan of Atchin, -renowned in the historical annals of the Far East. (Marsden, Hist. of -Sumatra, Chap. XX.) - -At that time, that sea where float the islands like a set of emeralds -on a paten of bright glass, that sea was everywhere traversed by junks, -paraus, barangays, vintas, vessels swift as shuttles, so large that -they could maintain a hundred rowers on a side (Morga); that sea bore -everywhere commerce, industry, agriculture, by the force of the oars -moved to the sound of warlike songs of the genealogies and achievements -of the Philippine divinities. (Colin, Labor Evangelica, Chap. XV.) - - - -Legaspi's expedition met in Butuan various traders of Luzon with -their boats laden with iron, wax cloths, porcelain, etc. (Gaspar de -San Agustin), plenty of provisions, activity, trade, movement in all -the southern islands. - -They arrived at the Island of Cebu, "abounding in provisions, with -mines and washings of gold, and peopled with natives," as Morga says; -"very populous, and at a port frequented by many ships that came -from the islands and kingdoms near India," as Colin says; and even -though they were peacefully received discord soon arose. The city was -taken by force and burned. The fire destroyed the food supplies and -naturally famine broke out in that town of a hundred thousand people, -as the historians say, and among the members of the expedition, -but the neighboring islands quickly relieved the need, thanks to the -abundance they enjoyed. (La Indolencia, Rizal.) - -Dr. J. A. Robertson in a note to the English translation of this -work says: - -"There is no doubt of the frequency of interisland trade among the -peoples of the Philippines at an early period. Trade was stimulated -by the very fact that the Malay peoples, except those who have been -driven into the mountainous interiors, are by their very nature a -seafaring people. The fact of an interisland traffic is indicative -of a culture above that possessed by a people in the barbarian stage -of culture. Of course, there was considerable Chinese trade as well -throughout the islands." - -[79] "Their customary method of trading was by bartering one thing for -another, such as food, cloth, cattle, fowls, lands, houses, fields, -slaves, fishing-grounds, and palm-trees (both nipa and wild). Sometimes -a price intervened, which was paid in gold, as agreed upon, or in metal -bells brought from China. These bells they regard as precious jewels; -they resemble large pans and are very sonorous. They play upon these -at their feasts, and carry them to the war in their boats instead -of drums and other instruments. There are often delays and terms for -certain payments, and bondsmen who intervene and bind themselves, but -always with usurious and excessive profits and interests." (Antonio -de Morga, Sucesos; Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 128.) - -[80] "The natives are free to move from one island to another, and from -one province to another, and pay their tribute for that year in which -they move and change their residence in the place to which they move; -and to move from a Christian village that has instruction to another -village possessing it. But on the other hand, they may not move from -a place having instruction to one without it, nor in the same village -from one barangay to another, nor from one faction to another. In -this respect, the necessary precautions are made by the government, -and the necessary provisions by the Audiencia, so that this system -may be kept, and so that all annoyances resulting from this moving -of the settled natives of one place to another may be avoided. - -"Neither are the natives allowed to go out of their villages for trade, -except by permission of the governor, or of his alcaldes-mayores -and justices, or even of the religious, who most often have been -embarrassed by this, because of the instruction. This is done so that -the natives may not wander about aimlessly when there is no need of it, -away from their homes and settlements." (Morga's Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 16, pp. 162-163.) - -[81] "17. (Commerce is to be free to all Indians of whatever -jurisdiction they be, throughout the Philippines; and no license is -required, nor can any fee be charged. This will ensure a good supply -of provisions and other necessities, and promote the cultivation of -the land. Good treatment must be shown to them, and their passage -from one place to another facilitated, under penalty of a fine of 100 -pesos, and a charge in the residencia of the one who transcends this -order.)" (Ordinances of Good Government by Corcuera, 1642, and Cruzat -y Gongora, 1696.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 50, p. 203). - -[82] "70. (Interprovincial trade of the various products shall not be -prohibited, as such prohibition is in violation of law vii, título -xviii, book iv and law xxv, título i, book vi, in accordance with -which laws trade is to be encouraged. The Indians may cut timber in -accordance with law xiv, título xvii, book iv. The desire to gain, -however, shall not be allowed to cause the Indians to send out of -any province the products necessary for its conservation. This may -be prohibited with the consent of the father minister, from whom the -alcalde-mayor shall ask a certification for his own protection. Without -the certification, he shall not make such prohibition, under penalty -of the penalties of the preceding ordinance. The natives shall pay -no fees for the privilege of interprovincial trade; and, if any -alcalde-mayor violates this, he shall incur a fine of 100 pesos, -besides the responsibility of making good all the loss occasioned -by his action. This shall be a charge in the residencia.) (Raon's -Ordinance, February 26, 1768.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 50, pp. 250-251.) - -This is one of the reasons adduced by Rizal to explain the decay of -agriculture in this country: - -"Of no little importance were the hindrances and obstacles that from -the beginning were thrown in the farmers's way by the rulers, who were -influenced by childish fear and saw everywhere signs of conspiracies -and uprisings. The natives were not allowed to go to their labors, -that is, their farms, without permission of the governor, or of his -agents and officers and even of the priests as Morga says. Those who -know the administrative slackness and confusion in a country where -the officials work scarcely two hours a day; those who know the -cost of going to and returning from the capital to obtain a permit; -those who are aware of the petty retaliations of the little tyrants -will well understand how with this crude arrangement it is possible -to have the most absurd agriculture. True it is that for some time -this absurdity, which would be ludicrous had it not been so serious, -has disappeared; but even if the words have gone out of use other -facts and other provisions have replaced them. The Moro pirate has -disappeared but there remains the outlaw who infests the fields and -waylays the farmer to hold him for ransom. Now then, the government, -which has a constant fear of the people, denies to the farmers even -the use of a shotgun, or if it does allow it does so very grudgingly -and withdraws it at pleasure; whence it results with the laborer, -who, thanks to his means of defense, plants his crops and invests -his meager fortune in the furrows that he has so laboriously opened, -that when his crop matures, it occurs to the government, which is -impotent to suppress brigandage, to deprive him of his weapon; -and then, without defense and without security he is reduced to -inaction and abandons his field, his work, and takes to gambling as -the best means of securing a livelihood. The green cloth is under -the protection of the government, it is safer! A mournful counselor -is fear, for it not only causes weakness but also in casting aside -the weapons strengthens the very persecutor!"--(La Indolencia.) - -[83] There were other earlier decrees to the same effect as the -following: - -"6. (Alcaldes-mayor and corregidors are not to accept any presents, -even of food, during the term of their office, as their hands -will be bound thereby. They must pay a just price for what they -purchase. During the term of their office they are not to purchase a -ranch or any lands in the territory of their jurisdiction; neither are -their secretaries or alguacils-mayor to buy them: for many evils follow -therefrom. They are to build no sailing craft under any consideration, -'under penalty of loss thereof and two hundred pesos, applied half to -fines for the treasury and fortifications, because of the great harm -caused to the natives by such constructions. For when you need any -vessel, you can charter one.' Likewise they are forbidden to engage -in any trade with the natives and citizens of their jurisdiction, -either directly or through agents.") (Ordinances of Good Government, -by Corcuera, 1642.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 50, p. 195.) - -[84] "106. The chief aim of the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and -assistants, is trade. They buy up by wholesale the products of the -land, especially rice and other food supplies, exactly as is said above -concerning the religious of certain curacies, and their interpreters -and helpers. - - - -"111. It is not advantageous for these alcaldes-mayor and corregidors, -or their assistants or friends, to receive the royal collections, -for they perpetrate the numberless frauds and cheats, both against -the royal treasury and against the Indians; and there is no remedy for -this, as they themselves administer justice. They hold the collections -in their possession for a long time, trading with them, and the royal -treasury is the loser." (Report of Conditions in the Philippines, -by Antonio de Morga; Bl. and Rb., Vol. 10, pp. 94-95.) - -Referring to the religious men, Morga says in the same report: - -"2. They trade and make a profit in their districts, from rice, wax, -wine, gold, boats, fowls, cloth, and deerskins, to the great detriment -of the Indians, as well as that of the entire country. - -"3. They deal openly in merchandise of the above-mentioned articles, -as well as in those of China, in the trade with Nueva España." - -"Before the governor Don Gonzalo Ronquillo came, there were not more -than three or four alcaldes-mayor in all these islands; but now there -are sixteen and most of them are men who came with him. As they came -poor, and as the salaries are small, they have taken the Indians--as -all affirm, and it is common talk--at the time for harvesting rice; -and they buy up all other provisions, and many profit by selling them -again. In this way everything has become dear, because, as they have -forbidden the Indians to trade and traffic, they sell at whatever -price they wish. Formerly the Indians brought their products to the -gates, and sold it at very low prices; for they are satisfied with -very little gain, which is not true of the Spaniards." (Affairs in the -Philippine Islands, Fray Domingo de Salazar. (Manila, 1593).--Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 5, p. 217.) - -[85] Rizal, La Indolencia.--"We will not cite our own experiences, -for aside from the fact that we do not know which to select, critical -persons may reproach us with partiality; neither will we cite those -of other Filipinos who write in the newspapers; but we shall confine -ourselves to translating the words of a modern French traveler who -was in the Philippines for a long time: - -"'The good curate,' he says with reference to the rosy picture a -friar had given him of the Philippines, 'had not told me about the -governor, the foremost official of the district, who was too much -taken up with the ideal of getting rich to have time to tyrannize over -his docile subjects; the governor, charged with ruling the country -and collecting the various taxes in the government's name, devoted -himself almost wholly to trade; in his hands the high and noble -functions he performs are nothing more than instruments of gain. He -monopolizes all the business and instead of developing on his part -the love of work, instead of stimulating the too natural indolence -of the natives, he with abuse of his powers thinks only of destroying -all competition that may trouble him or attempt to participate in his -profits. It matters little to him that the country is impoverished, -without cultivation, without commerce, without industry, just so the -governor is quickly enriched!" - -[86] Resultados del Desarrollo Económico de Filipinas; in "Revista -Económica," November, 1912: - -"In imposing a tax payable in articles of food or dress, the -foundations of the Philippine industry were unwittingly laid. It is -natural for a person manufacturing a piece of cloth for the purpose -of paying tribute with it to have an interest in making another like -piece to sell or to exchange for some other needed object. At the same -time, as the encomendero and alcaldes mayores engaged in trade sold -the articles received as tribute, a market for industrial products -was in this wise created which provoked a demand for such merchandise." - -[87] Azcarraga, La Libertad de Comercio de Filipinas, p. 40. - -"To this abundance and fertility was added the proximity of China, -India, Japan, Malacca, and Maluco. From China they not only began to -ship their riches in silks and glazed earthenware, as soon as they -learned of our wealth of four and eight real pieces: * * *." (Relación -de las Islas Filipinas, Pedro Chirino, S. J.; Roma, 1604.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 12, p. 191.) - -[88] Morga's Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 176. - -[89] "These vessels come laden with merchandise, and bring wealthy -merchants who own ships, and servants and factors of other merchants -who remain in China. They leave China with the permission and leave of -the Chinese viceroys and mandarins. The merchandise that they generally -bring and sell to the Spaniards consists of raw silk in bundles, of -the fineness of two strands ("dos cabezas"), and other silk of poorer -quality; fine untwisted silk, white and of all colors, wound in small -skeins; quantities of velvets, some plain, and some embroidered in -all sorts of figures, colors, and fashions--others with body of gold, -and embroidered with gold; woven stuffs and brocades, of gold and -silver upon silk of various colors and patterns; quantities of gold -and silver thread in skeins over thread and silk--but the glitter -of all the gold and silver is false, and only on paper; damasks, -satins, taffetans, gorvaranes, picotes (coarse stuff made of goat's -hair, or a glossy silk stuff; probably the latter is intended in -the text. Gorvaran or gorgoran is a sort of silk grogram), and other -cloths of all colors, some finer and better than others; a quantity -of linen made from grass, called 'lencensuelo' (handkerchief). (This -fabric is now called Piña); and white cotton cloth of different kinds -and qualities, for all uses. They also bring musk, benzoin, and ivory; -many bed ornaments, hangings, coverlets, and tapestries of embroidered -velvet; damask and gorvaran of different shades; tablecloths, cushions, -and carpets; horse-trappings of the same stuff, and embroidered with -glass beads and seed-pearls; also some pearls and rubies, sapphires -and crystal-stones; metal basins, copper kettles, and other copper and -cast-iron pots; quantities of all sorts of nails, sheet-iron, tin and -lead; saltpetre and gunpowder. They supply the Spaniards with wheat -flour; preserves made of orange, peach, 'scorzonera,' pear, nutmeg, -and ginger, and other fruits of China; salt pork and other salt meats; -live fowls of good breed, and very fine capons; quantities of green -fruit, oranges of all kinds; excellent chestnuts, walnuts, pears, and -'chicueyes' (both green and dried, a delicious fruit); quantities of -fine thread of all kinds, needles, and knick-knacks; little boxes and -writing-cases; beds, tables, chairs, and gilded benches, painted in -many figures and patterns. They bring domestic buffaloes; geese that -resemble swans; horses, some mules and asses; even caged birds, some -of which talk, while others sing, and they make them play innumerable -tricks. The Chinese furnish numberless other gewgaws and ornaments -of little value and worth, which are esteemed among the Spaniards; -besides a quantity of fine crockery of all kinds; canganes, (this -must be the cloth and not the porcelain of Kaga, which even today -is so highly esteemed.--Rizal), sines, and black and blue robes; -'tacley,' which are beads of all kinds; strings of cornelians, and -other beads and precious stones of all colors; pepper and other spices; -and rarities--which, did I refer to them all, I would never finish, -nor have sufficient paper for it." (Ibid., pp. 178-180.) - -[90] "They also bring some fine woven silk goods of mixed colors; -beautiful and finely-decorated screens done in oil and gilt; all kinds -of cutlery; many suits of armor, spears, catans, and other weapons, -all finely wrought; writing cases, boxes and small cases of wood, -japanned and curiously marked; other pretty gewgaws; excellent fresh -pears; barrels and casks of good salt tunny; cages of sweet-voiced -larks, called "fimbaros;" and other trifles." (Ibid., p. 183.) - -[91] "* * * They take merchandise consisting of spices--cloves, -cinnamon, and pepper; slaves, both black and Cafres; cotton cloth -of all sorts, fine muslins (caniquies), linens, gauzes, rambuties, -and other delicate and precious cloths; amber, and ivory; cloths edged -with pita, for use as bed covers; hangings, and rich counterpanes from -Vengala (Bengal), Cochin, and other countries; many gilt articles -and curiosities; jewels of diamonds, rubies, sapphires, topazes, -balas-rubies, and other precious stones, both set and loose; many -trinkets and ornaments from India; wine, raisins, and almonds; -delicious preserves, and other fruits brought from Portugal and -prepared in Goa; carpets and tapestries from Persia and Turquia, made -of fine silks and wools; beds, writing-cases, parlor-chairs, and other -finely-guilded furniture, made in Macao; needle-work in colors and -in white, of chain-lace and royal point lace, and other fancy-work -of great beauty and perfection. Purchases of all the above are made -in Manila, and paid in reals and gold. The vessels return in January -with the brisas, which is their favorite monsoon. They carry to Maluco -provisions of rice and wine, crockery-ware, and other wares needed -there; while to Malacca they take only the gold or money, besides a -few special trinkets and curiosities from España, and emeralds. The -royal duties are not collected from these vessels." (Morga's Sucesos, -1609.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 184-185.) - -[92] Ibid., pp. 185-186. - -[93] Ibid., p. 186. - -[94] "All of these things (referring to the trade of the Philippines) -make life in that region pleasant and an object of desire to men; and -indeed it seems a copy of that Tyre so extolled by Ezequiel." (Relación -de las Islas Filipinas, Pedro Chirino.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 13, p. 192.) - -"The capital of our colony was, therefore, a few years after the -conquest, an emporium of wealth which, by its commercial activity, -gained in those seas the title of Pearl of the Orient." (La Libertad -de Comercio, Azcarraga, p. 41.) - -"The commerce of these islands began with their second discovery and -the first settlement, which was in the year 1565. However, it was at -the first scanty and of little weight, until during the government -of Guido de Labazarris, in the year 1576, the trade of China was -introduced, and with it considerable profits, which extended it freely -to Nueva España, Guatimala, Tierrafirme, and Perú, by a royal decree -of April 14, 1579." (Informatory Memorial addressed to the king, Juan -Grau y Monfalcon; Madrid, 1637.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 27, pp. 157-158.) - -[95] "For thirty years after the conquest the commerce of the -islands was unrestricted and their prosperity advanced with great -rapidity." (Historical Introduction, E. G. Bourne.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 1, p. 61.) - -"As for the second point, the amount of the commerce, this was formerly -without any limitation; and during the time (which was short) while -that condition lasted the islands acquired what strength and wealth -and grandeur they now possess." (Juan Grau y Monfalcón in Extracto -Historial by Antonio Alvarez de Abreu; Madrid, 1736.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 30, p. 50.) - -This is the point of view taken by Azcarraga in his La Libertad de -Comercio en Filipinas. - -[96] "In 1603, that is, when our colony had only thirty-two years -of existence, there were already in the capital 25,000 Chinese, -and the number of Japanese must have been also quite considerable, -since they formed a colony which occupied the barrios of San Anton -and San Miguel, at present inhabited by natives and a great portion -of the white population." (Azcarraga, La Libertad de Comercio, p. 44.) - -[97] "37. Accordingly the commerce of this city is extensive, rich, -and unusually profitable; for it is carried on by all these Chinese -and their ships, with those of all the islands above mentioned and -of Tonquin, Cochinchina, Camboja, and Siam--four separate kingdoms, -which lie opposite these islands on the continent of Great China--and -of the gulfs and the numberless kingdoms of Eastern India, Persia, -Bengala, and Ceilan, when there are no wars; and of the empire and -kingdom of Xapon. The diversity of the peoples, therefore, who are -seen in Manila and its environs is the greatest in the world; for -these include men from all kingdoms and nations--España, Francia, -Inglaterra, Italia, Flandes, Alemania, Dinamarca, Suecia, Polonia, -Moscobia; people from all the Indias, both eastern and western; and -Turks, Greeks, Moros, Persians, Tartars, Chinese, Japanese, Africans, -and Asiatics. And hardly is there in the four quarters of the world -a kingdom, province, or nation which has not representatives here, on -account of the voyages that are made hither from all directions--east, -west, north, and south." Description of Filipinas Islands, Bartholomé -de Letona, O. S. F.; La Puebla, Mexico, 1662.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 36, -p. 205.) - -[98] "Number 96. Distinctions in products from the islands, and their -qualities with respect to those of España. - -"All these products that are trafficked from the islands are -divided into six (sic) classes. The first is of silk, in skeins, -thread, and trama. The second, the silk textiles. The third, the -cotton textiles. The fourth, the products of the islands. The fifth, -other small wares and articles that are brought. Of these, the last -class amounts to but little, and is not harmful to the commerce -of España, as it is composed of rarities and foreign products. The -fourth class, namely, that of the products of the islands, by that -very fact ought to be exported--a claim that is founded on justice; -since it is not usual to prohibit to any province its own trade, and -the exportation of its products wherever they may have a sale, even -though foreign commerce be denied to it. Besides, this sort has the -characteristic of the third, namely, that these wares are so cheap -that their like cannot be supplied from España, as has been said, -on account of the great difference of their prices. (In the margin: -"In number 95.") Hence, the wares of these kingdoms would not be -used any more, even did those of the islands fail; nor less, even if -there were an over-supply. For the Indians and negroes care only for -the linens of China and Filipinas, and, if they do not have them, -they get along without them; for they have no wealth to give eight -reals for what costs them one and one-half reals. One thousand bales -of linen which is shipped from Sevilla in each trading fleet always -finds a sale, and no more can be carried (to Nueva España)--because -that would create a lack in España, and it would, moreover, be too -advantageous to the foreigners, to whom almost all this commodity -belongs. Two thousand bales of cotton textiles exported from Manila -are also consumed (there); and the fact that there is less or more does -not cause any considerable loss in the linen made from flax and hemp, -nor does it involve much money; for the two thousand bales of cotton -are worth one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, while one thousand of -fine linen are worth more than one million." (Informatory Memorial -addressed to the King, Juan Grau y Monfalcon, Procurator General; -Madrid, 1637.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 27, pp. 200-201.) - -[99] Ibid., pp. 98-104. - -[100] Ibid., pp. 115-116. - -[101] Ibid., pp. 120. - -[102] Ibid., pp. 186-197. - -[103] Ibid., p. 158. - -[104] Ibid. - -[105] Recopilación de Leyes, Lib. IX, Tit. XXXV, Ley VI. In Bl. and -Rb., Vol. 17, pp. 30-31. Jan. 11, 1593. - -[106] Ibid., Ley XV.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 17, pp. 31-32. Jan. 11, 1593. - -[107] Ibid., Ley XXXIV.--Bl.and Rb., Vol. 17, p. 32. Jan. 11, 1593. - -[108] Ibid., Ley LXVIII.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 17, p. 33. Jan. 11, 1593. - -[109] La Libertad de Comercio, p. 49. - -[110] Recopilación, Lib IX, Tit. XXXV, Leyes LXXIV, LXXV, and -LXXVI.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 17, pp. 42-44. - -[111] Pedro Quiroga. - -[112] Recopilación, ibid., Ley LXXVIII.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 17, -pp. 44-45. - -[113] As to the effect of these restrictions Azcarraga says: "* * * -thus, at the end of that century, there was nothing but poverty and -discontent in the city; the white population had hardly increased; -commerce, confined within the narrow sphere of periodic voyages -to Acapulco, was languishing, without attempting to engage in any -other kind of traffic; and poverty was reflected even in the very -troops stationed in the city, who did duty unshod and without uniform -(camisa), frequently committing robberies at the Chinese stores. * * *" -(La Libertad, p. 54.) - -[114] Extracto Historial, Antonio Alvarez de Abreu.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 44, p. 231. - -[115] Ibid., p. 236. - -[116] Ibid., p. 232. - -[117] Ibid., pp. 256-258. - -Also Azcarraga, La Libertad, pp. 58-59. - -[118] Royal decree of October 27, 1720, enforcing that of 1718, -provides further that: "The values of the lading which the said ships -are to carry from the Philippines to the port of Acapulco may be up -to the amount of 300,000 pesos, which must come invested strictly -and solely in the following kinds of merchandise: gold, cinnamon, -elephants, wax, porcelain, cloves, pepper, cambayas, and linens -woven with colors (lienzos pintados), chitas, chintzes, gauzes, -lampotes, Hilocos blankets, silk floss and raw silk spun, cordage, -and other commodities which are not silks." These ships are prohibited -from carrying silken fabrics, "satins, pitiflores, velvets, damasks, -Pekin silks (Pequines), sayasayas, brocades, plain satins, grograms, -taffetas; silver and gold brocades; embroidered pieces of silk stuff -for (covers of) beds, the (hangings for) drawing-rooms (estrados), -and women's petticoats; silken gauzes flowered with gold and silver; -pattern pieces for petticoats, figured or embroidered; dressing-gowns, -chimones, or made-up garments; hose, ribbons, or handkerchiefs; -or any fabric which contains silk." (Commerce in the Philippines -with Nueva España, 1640-1736, by Antonio Alvarez de Abreu; Madrid, -1736. (From Extracto Historial.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 44, pp. 266-268.) - -[119] Ibid., p. 306. - -[120] Extracto Historial, Antonio Alvarez de Abreu.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 45, pp. 57-59. - -[121] For a detailed list of the goods sent to Mexico, and as to what -was done with them there, see Informatory Memorial addressed to the -King, Juan Grau y Monfalcon, 1637.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 27, pp. 198-200. - -"Number 95. Trade of the islands necessary in Nueva España, because -of their goods. - -"In regard to the first part, which pertain to the merchandise, -the trade of the Filipinas is so necessary today in Nueva España, -that the latter country finds it as difficult as do the islands to -get along without that trade; and its lack cannot be supplied with -merchandise from these kingdoms. The wares taken to Acapulco are -plain and figured velvets, satins, and damasks; grograms, taffetas, -and picotes; headdresses and stockings; silk, loose and twisted, in -skeins, that reeled on spindles, and woven; thread; tramas, plushes, -and other silk stuffs and textiles. Of cotton, there are sinavafas, -fine glazed buckrams (bocacies), glazed linen (olandilla), fine -muslins (canequies), and semianas; and of cotton and silk, beds, -curtains, coverlets, quilts, and other pieces. (They also carry) -civet, musk, and amber; gold and pearls; crockery-ware, cabinets, -and articles made of wood and other things; and the products of the -islands themselves, of which mention has been made (in the margin: -"In number 15"). But the bulk of the commerce is reduced to the silk -and cotton textiles; for there is but little else that is rare or -elegant, or that has much export. From the skeined silk, and the silk -thread, and trama are manufactured in Nueva España velvets, veils, -headdresses, passementeries, and many taffetas, which were taken to -Perú when there were ships that went to Callao, and to other parts -of the Indias--where the black, brown, and silver-colored goods that -are sent from Sevilla do not arrive in good shape, because the sea -rots them. It is known that the skein silk of China is more even and -elegant for delicate and smooth fabrics than is the Misteca which is -produced in that kingdom; besides that, there is less of the latter -kind than is necessary in the country. By this trade and manufacture, -more than fourteen thousand persons support themselves in Mexico, La -Puebla, and Antequera, by their looms, the whole thing being approved -by royal decrees. Of the cotton textiles, linens (lienzos) are used -in Nueva España more than any other stuff, as they are so cheap that -they sell for one and one-half or two reals per vara. Therefore, they -are desired by the Indians and negroes; and when these are lacking, -even though there should be an over-supply of the linens of Europa, -they do not want them or use them, as those are dear and not so much -used by them; and they get along with their own cloths from Campeche -or La Guasteca, and others that they weave." - -[122] "The basis of it was, and is, the funds called "Obras Pías" -(Pious Works). These are funds under various denominations, whose -origin was the piety of well-meaning Spaniards, who dying rich have -bequeathed large sums for the purpose of lending to deserving traders -to commerce or continue their career with. The administration of -these is confided to various religious and charitable institutions, -or to civil associations--the trustees forming a board, at which -the sums to be lent, etc., are determined. Their statutes differ -in many unessential points; but their general tenor is the same, -viz., that sums not exceeding two-thirds of the fund shall be lent on -respondentia at certain rates of interest, which are fixed according -to the risk of the voyages; and these, when repaid, shall be added, -principal and interest, to the original fund. The interests are 25 per -cent. to Acapulco, 15 to Bengal, and so in proportion. The total of -the capitals of these establishments (there are 12 or 14 of them), -amounted to about three millions and a half of dollars in 1820, -of which about two millions are due to the funds on various risks, -principally those of New Spain: of this the major part is considered -as lost by those best qualified to judge of the subject. - -"The principal employ of these funds has been in the commerce to -Acapulco; and from the facility with which capital was procured, -the excessive gambling spirit which this introduced, as well as the -system of mutual accommodations from the trustees of different funds, -and the utter absence of the wholesome restraint of public examinations -of their accounts, it has resulted that more harm than good has been -done by these establishments. The original intentions are entirely -perverted, a few small sums being lent to young adventurers (when they -have powerful friends), but far the greatest part is employed by the -trustees themselves under the name of a relation or friend." (Remarks -on the Philippine Islands, and their capital Manila, 1819-1822, -by an Englishman.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 51, pp. 148-149.) - -[123] Zuñiga, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas. - -Historia General de Filipinas, José Montero y Vidal, Chapter XXVIII. - -[124] It is represented that the seamen are allowed to carry each -30 pesos' worth of goods as a private investment, in order to -encourage Spaniards to enter the marine service; but this ought -to be increased to 300 pesos (the allowance made to the men on the -fleets that go to the Indias), for more Spaniards are needed on the -Acapulco trade-route--hardly one-third of the men on the galleon -being of Spanish birth, the rest being Indians--and on the rivera of -Cavite." Extracto Historial, Antonio Alvarez Abreu, 1736.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 44, Pp. 307-308. - -[125] Azcarraga, La Libertad, pp. 81-95. - -[126] "This trade and commerce is so great and profitable, and -easy to control--for it only lasts three months in the year, from -the time of the arrival of the ships with their merchandise, until -those vessels that go to Nueva España take that merchandise--that -the Spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any other -industry. Consequently, there is no husbandry or field-labor worthy of -consideration. Neither do the Spaniards work the gold mines or placers, -which are numerous. They do not engage in many other industries that -they could turn to with great profit, if the Chinese trade should fail -them. That trade has been very hurtful and prejudicial in this respect, -as well as for the occupations and farm industries in which the -natives used to engage. Now the latter are abandoning and forgetting -those labors. Besides, there is the great harm and loss resulting -from the immense amount of silver that passes annually by this way -(of the trade), into the possession of infidels, which can never, -by any way, return into the possession of the Spaniards." (Morga's -Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb. Vol. 16, p. 187). - -"When, without risking any capital of his own, the merchant might -thus share the enormous profits of this trade, with no more exertion -than signing the invoices and letters (they were written by Indian -clerks), and receiving the treasure on the return of the vessel, it -is not surprising that for nearly two centuries they neglected all -the other commercial advantages which surrounded them, or that such -a commerce produced such merchants; the history of it and of them for -that period may be confined to a few words:--they were agents of the -merchants of Madras and Bengal, receiving and shipping their goods, -and returning their proceeds, while their profits were confined to -a large commission on them." (Remarks on the Philippine Islands and -on their capital Manila, 1819-1822, by an Englishman.--Bl. and Rb., -Vol. 51, p. 150.) - -[127] "... This I say, then, Sire, that it is a most pitiable thing -that there is not a man in all these Philippine Islands--Spaniard, or -of any other nation--saving some religious, who make their principal -aim and intent the conversion of these heathen, or the increase of -the Christian faith; but they are only moved by their own interests -and seek to enrich themselves, and if it happened that the welfare -of the natives was an obstacle to this they would not hesitate, -if they could, to kill them all in exchange for their temporal -profit. And since this is so, what can your Majesty expect will -happen if this continues? From this inordinate greed arises the -violation of your Majesty's decrees and mandates, as everyone is -a merchant and trader--and none more so than the governor, who has -this year brought ruin upon the country. There comes each year from -Nueva España a million in money, contrary to the mandate of your -Majesty, all of which passes on to the heathen of China. From here, -in violation of your Majesty's decrees, cargoes are loaded for the -Peruvians and the merchants of Mexico, without leaving room for those -of this country--especially the poor, who are unable to secure any -interest therein except for a wretched bundle which is allowed them -as a cargo. If I were to go into the multitude of evils which are -connected with this, I should have to proceed ad infinitum." (Letters -from the archbishop of Manila to Felipe II; Ignacio de Santibañez; -Manila, June 24 and 26, (1598);--Bl and Rb. Vol 10, p. 145.) - -[128] Azcarraga: La Libertad, p. 68. - -[129] "By this system for two centuries the South American market for -manufactures was reserved exclusively for Spain, but the protection did -not prevent Spanish industry from decay and did retard the well-being -and progress of South America. Between Mexico and the Philippines a -limited trade was allowed, the profits of which were the perquisites -of the Spaniards living in the Philippines and contributed to the -religious endowments. But this monopoly was of no permanent advantage -to the Spanish residents. It was too much like stock-jobbing, and -sapped all spirit of industry. Zúñiga says that the commerce made a -few rich in a short time and with little labor, but they were very -few; that there were hardly five Spaniards in Manila worth $100,000, -nor a hundred worth $40,000, the rest either lived on the King's pay -or in poverty. 'Every morning one could see on the streets of Manila, -in greatest poverty and asking alms, the sons of men who had made a -fine show and left much money, which their sons had squandered because -they had not been well trained in youth.' The great possibilities -of Manila as an entrepôt of the Asiatic trade were unrealized; for -although the city enjoyed open trade with the Chinese, Japanese, -and other orientals, it was denied to Europeans and the growth of -that conducted by the Chinese and others was always obstructed by -the lack of return cargoes owing to the limitations placed upon the -trade with America and to the disinclination of the Filipinos to -work to produce more than was enough to insure them a comfortable -living and pay their tributes. That the system was detrimental to the -economic progress of the islands was always obvious and its evils were -repeatedly demonstrated by Spanish officials. Further it was not only -detrimental to the prosperity of the islands but it obstructed the -development of Mexico." (Historical Introduction, by Edward Gaylord -Bourne.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 1, pp. 67-68.) - -[130] "Trade between America and the Far East all passed for a time -through the port of Manila. This commerce was greatly desired by the -Spanish colonists of Mexico, Perú, and Chile, but the selfish and -rapacious merchants of Spain so influenced the policy of the mother -country as to throttle this trading and prevent for more than two -hundred years the legitimate development of the islands. From the -early part of the seventeenth century until 1837 the Philippines -were in the grasp of a protective monopoly, which not only prevented -the productive development of the soil, but kept the Filipinos down -to those necessarily restricted numbers which attend a population -that raises nothing in excess of its daily needs. If there is one -thing to be learned from this and every other study of increase of -population in a fertile and tropical country it is that population -increases in exact proportion to the agricultural production and -export." (Dr. D. P. Barrows, in Philippine Census, 1903, Vol. 1, -p. 247.) - -[131] "* * * All thrifty activity was regarded as despicable. No -trader had a seat in the Cortes of Aragon. As late as 1781 the -Academy of Madrid was obliged to offer as the subject for a prize -essay the proposition that there was nothing derogatory in the useful -arts. Every tradesman and manufacturer sought only to make enough -money to enable him to live on the interest of it or to establish a -trust fund for his family. If he was successful he either entered a -cloister or went to another province in order to pass for a noble. In -Cervantes we find the maxim: 'Whoever wishes to make his fortune -seeks the church, the sea (i. e., service in America), or the king's -house.' The highest ambition of the nation in its golden age was to -be to Europe just what the nobility, the clergy, and the army were -to single nations. Consequently there was an enormous preponderance -of personal service in the industrial organism, and much of this -was purely for ostentation. Nowhere in the world were there so many -nobles, so many officers, civil and military, so many lawyers and -clerks, priests and monks, so many students and school-boys, with -their servants. But as truly, nowhere in the world were there so -many beggars and vagabonds." (The Spanish Colonial System, by Wilhelm -Roscher, pp. 3-4.) - -[132] Azcarraga, pp. 117-118. - -[133] See Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, pp. 307-322. Also Vidal, Historia -General de Filipinas, Vol. 2, pp. 285-297; Mas, Informe Sobre el -Estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, part II, pp. 28-31; and the -Boletin de la Sociedad Económica for the different years. - -[134] Jagor, Travels in the Philippines, chapter 25. - -Memoria Sobre el Desestanco del Tabaco en las Islas Filipinas, José -Jimeno Agius, Manila, 1871. - -[135] "* * * at the time of Basco there were in Camarines four and -a half million mulberry trees, and this was one of the results of -the industrious administration of that famous governor, and of the -first patriotic attempts of the Economic Society, so ably aided by -the alcalde mayor, Don Martin Ballesteros, who later became factor of -the Company in said province. At the request of the Society the first -seeds were sent to Manila in 1780 by an Augustinian by the name of -Fray Pedro Galiano; the director of the Company decided at all cost -to stimulate this production, by advancing big sums * * (and) thought -of introducing Chinese laborers for this purpose, and even proposed to -bring over families from Granada, Valencia, and Murcia, well acquainted -with this kind of industry; and, according to report of those agents, -the first crops gave good results because of the continuous sprouting -of the leaves, possibly the harvesting of even nine crops in each -year. They were assured too, that according to Chinese experts, the -silk of the country was inferior to that of Nanking, but very much -superior to that of Canton." (Azcarraga, p. 133.) - -[136] "The cultivation of the indigo had already been encouraged -and improved by another Augustinian, Fray Matias Octavo, with the -generous aid of a worthy merchant of Manila, Don Diego Garcia Herreros, -applying the method then used at Guatemala; (thus) it was possible -in 1784 to make a shipment, by the warship Asuncion, which found a -good market in Cadiz. With these antecedents, the Company did not -have to do much to exploit this product, and limited itself to making -advances to the farmers for the purchase of implements needed * * *, -and buying everything that was offered for sale; thus in 1786 it was -able to export one hundred and forty quintals of this valuable article, -and double that in 1788." (Ibid., pp. 133-134). - -[137] "With the same eagerness the Company devoted itself to promote -the cultivation of the sugar cane, and very soon began to reap the -harvest of its well-calculated attempts, and shipped for the Peninsula -in 1786 eight hundred and sixty arrobas, and in 1788, nine thousand -six hundred and sixty three arrobas for the same place, and for China -and India; and thus this article continued to progress, always heading -the list of exports from the country, since in a memorial or report -sent to the king in 1790 by Governor Don Felix Berenguer de Marquina, -it is stated that the amount of sugar exported the year before was -between forty and fifty thousand piculs." (Ibid., pp. 134-135.) - -[138] Azcarraga says that upon cotton, which--at different times, -especially during the revolutionary war in the United States--had -been recommended to the chiefs of the provinces as an article to -whose cultivation they should especially devote themselves, the -company placed a great deal of hope, because of its good quality; -it could compete with what the English exported from the coasts of -Malabar, and thus, by promoting its cultivation in great scale, at -the same time that the projected textile factories of the country -would be supplied with raw materials, it would supply the constant -demand of China; these expectations were confirmed by the good sale -which the first shipment of one hundred and fifty sacks to China had, -and thus the directors adopted this article as the chief commodity -for its trade. (Ibid.) - -[139] Text of decree is given in Montero y Vidal, Historia, Vol. 2, -pp. 302-303. - -[140] Estadismo, Vol. 1, p. 273. - -[141] Azcarraga, Chapters 9, 10, and 11; Mas, Part II, pp. 31-35; -Vidal, Historia, Vol. II, pp. 297-307. - -[142] In this way a new element was introduced which was essential -for economic development: capital. Up to that time money had -been scarce and it was all derived from local sources: owing to -the conditions to which we have heretofore referred our community -was obliged to furnish its own capital. It was necessarily small, -first, on account of the slight productive forces, second, because -of the easy destruction of acquired property, which was dissipated -in fires and storms principally. In those first days of our history, -the preservation and transmission from one generation to another -of created and inherited wealth was, as it is even now, a problem -almost impossible of solution. The general construction of houses, -manufactured from such weak and transient elements as cane and nipa, -does not leave us in a condition to conserve: it leaves us rather -in a condition of easy destruction, as may be readily understood. So -it is, that we get the benefit of only a small part of the property -acquired by the generations that have gone before us. Where will -you find even the trace of so many millions of cane and nipa houses -which have absorbed the money earned by past generations? Destroyed -by fire and storms. In their destruction was also involved all the -industrial production, all the labor converted into capital represented -by furniture, books, manuscripts, cloths, jewelry, coins, articles, of -practical utility, religious, artistic and every sort of objects which -ran the same precarious risk and had the same ephemeral existence as -our flimsy cane and nipa houses."--Results of the Economic Development -of the Philippines. - -[143] "The taking of Manila in 1762 by the English had subsequently -great influence on our future. They, during the occupation of Manila, -had an opportunity to know the natural resources of this country, -the condition of abandonment and neglect of agriculture and commerce, -and the contempt that was felt for them, and realize the possibilities -that existed for material development as understood by the British. As -a result of such contact with the Filipinos English commerce was able -to understand the conditions of our archipelago until then entirely -unknown, owing to the conditions of their tutelar sequestration, -and, on their part, the authorities and prominent persons of Manila -had occasion to observe, during the short period of the occupation -of Manila, what the English were who had been reputed as the enemies -par excellence of the Roman Catholic Apostolic religion. It is said -that they appropriated to themselves the money that they found in the -treasury, which, on the other hand, we must assume, was found empty, -both because Anda y Salazar took with him what he could find there -to organize the war, and because private persons concealed their -treasure. From whatever source it may have come, either brought by -them as was really the case, or taken from the Filipinos, the fact -was, that in order to maintain themselves, they spent a great deal -of money and placed in movement the dormant activity of all whom they -found within their reach." (Ibid.) - -[144] Azcarraga, pp. 151-152; also Mas, under Comercio Exterior, p. 2. - -[145] "The first result was the collision of the new arrivals with -the exploiters of the old order, whose peaceful possession of a -livelihood which suited them--because nobody questioned it or disturbed -it--was suddenly threatened by the competition of more active, more -industrious, better prepared and richer individuals, supported by firms -located in the most important centers of the commercial world. In the -same manner as, by arrival of the Spaniards, the old Filipino caciques -were subjected to the Spanish officials, now the caciques who dominated -during the period of tutelar sequestration found themselves immediately -supplanted and converted into something lower than the new caciques of -the economic order. They (the former) understood that such supremacy -would give them (the latter) supremacy in everything. To defend their -position they had recourse to the anti-foreign sentiments of the entire -community; foreigners had always been regarded as the enemies of Spain -and God; they must be the enemies of the Filipinos, too. The crusade -was not new; it had been used before with excellent results at the -time of the English domination. This campaign was hardly started when -the cholera for the first time made its appearance in Manila. Taking -advantage of that event, which was also called providential, the rumor -was started that the foreigners had poisoned the waters of the Pasig, -with the results that in 1820 the people of Manila exterminated the -foreigners who were then residing at the capital." (Tavera, Ibid.) - -[146] Le Roy, The Americans in the Philippines, Vol. 1, p. 33, -Diccionario Geográfico-Estadistíco-Historico de las Islas Filipinas, -Manuel Buzeta and Felipe Bravo, (Madrid, 1850-1851). - -[147] Bowring, A Visit to the Philippines (London, 1859), p. 301. - -[148] Mas, under Comercio Exterior, pp. 28-29; also Azcarraga, -Chapter 13. - -[149] "The merchants and even all the residents of Manila during the -epoch of the Acapulco (trade), firmly believed that the interruption -of its voyages would be the infallible and total ruin of the colony, -and that upon them depended even the maintenance of the inhabitants -of the farms. However, experience has demonstrated the error in which -they were." (Mas, Ibid., pp. 2-3.) - -After giving a table of imports and exports for 1810, Mas says: -"From this statement it is seen that at that epoch the commerce of the -Philippines was reduced mostly to receiving funds from New Spain, and, -in return, remitting articles of China and India; that the importation -of foreign goods consumed in the Philippines amounted to 900,000 pesos, -and the exportation of the products of the country, such as sugar, -indigo, hide, etc., did not amount to 500,000 pesos. The gains, -therefore, from that traffic, for which Manila was only a port of -exchange, were divided between the merchants who had the monopoly -of the galleon, but the wealth of the territory received but small -advantages from it." (Ibid.) - -[150] Mas, Ibid., p. 4. - -[151] Azcarraga, p. 18. - -[152] An item in the memoir published by the Sociedad Económica de -Amigos del País (Manila, 1860), containing a list of its achievements, -is to the effect that on August 8, 1834, "abacá" was exported for -the first time. (See Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, p. 317.) - -Azcarraga (p. 19) gives the following figures for hemp: - - Piculs - exported. - - 1840 83,790 - 1845 102,490 - 1850 123,410 - 1853 221,518 - 1857 327,574 - 1858 412,502 - - -[153] Azcarraga (p. 167) gives the following figures for Iloilo: - - - Foreign Countries. Manila. - Piculs of Sugar. Piculs of sugar. - - 1859 9,344 77,488 - 1860 40,176 72,592 - 1861 44,256 29,312 - 1862 102,464 98,912 - 1863 170,832 80,000 - - -[154] Azcarraga, pp. 168-169. - -[155] Jagor, (Spanish edition, Madrid, 1874), p. 255. - -[156] "From these dates (referring to the opening of the ports) the -prosperity of the Philippines advanced steadily and rapidly without -interruption until the outbreak of the Philippine revolution six -years ago. To this period is due the propagation of the hemp fields of -Ambos Camarines, Albay, and Sorsogon; the planting of the innumerable -coconut groves; the sugar haciendas of Pampanga and Negros; the tobacco -fields of Cagayan and the Ilocos provinces; the coffee of Batangas, -and the utilization everywhere of the specially adapted soils for -the production of these admirable articles of trade. One thing is to -be noticed, and is important in estimating the future development of -the islands. The money that was invested here was not brought in by -capitalists but was made here. Haciendas arose from small beginnings, -and this continued prosperity apparently suffered no diminution -or check until it was interrupted by the ravages and desolation of -warfare. * * *" (Barrows, Census of the Philippine Islands (1903), -Vol. 1, p. 446.) - -[157] Bowring, p. 410. - -"The Filipinos gave a proof of their intelligence and of their -aspirations by sending their children to Manila to be educated, -buying furniture, mirrors, articles of luxury for their homes and -persons; buying pianos, carriages, objects imported from the United -States and Europe which came their way, owing to foreign trade. These -articles caused a revelation which produced a revolution in the -social mind, thanks to that veritable revolution of an economic -character which permitted the only possible development--the material -development." (Tavera, Ibid.) - -[158] Jagor, ibid., p. 256. - -[159] "The needs of commerce, demanded not by the poor but by the -powerful, were attended to; for that reason roads were made, bridges -were built, new highways of communication were opened, public safety -was organized in a more efficient manner, the abuses of the dominators -had greater publicity and, therefore, were fewer and more combated, -the mail service was improved, Spaniards and other Europeans penetrated -into the provinces, the natives themselves were permitted to go from -one pueblo to another and change their residence, and the Filipinos -were able to place themselves in contact with the civilized world, -emerging from their prolonged and harmful sequestration, thanks to -the workings of economic forces." (Tavera, Ibid.) - -[160] "During the previous epoch the so-called natural resources -constituting the extractive industries--consisting of the collection of -the spontaneous products of nature--were exploited: whereas freedom of -trade brought about the development of agriculture which had already -been initiated by the Real Compañía. In Ilocos, indigo was made, in -Batangas, Pampanga, Bulacan, Laguna and the Visayas, sugar-cane was -cultivated and sugar made; in Albay abaca was produced. Bigan, Taal, -Balayan, Batangas, Albay, Nueva Caceres, Cebu, Molo, Jaro, Iloilo -began to be covered with solidly constructed buildings; their wealthy -citizens would come to Manila, make purchases, become acquainted with -the great merchants, who entertained them in their quality as customers -whose trade they needed; they visited the Governor-General, who would -receive them according to the position that their money gave them; -they came to know the justices of the Supreme Court, the provincials -of the religious orders; they brushed up, as a result of their contact -with the people of the capital and, on returning to their pueblo, -they took in their hearts and minds the germ of what was subsequently -called, "subversive ideas" and, later still, "filibusterismo." - -"The opening of the Suez Canal brought us nearer to Europe, and, -carried along by the current of economical nature, came the ideas -and principles of a political character which did no less than to -revolutionize the ideas predominant in a country which had existed so -completely separated from the nations of the modern world. Already the -"brutes loaded with gold" dared to discuss with their curate, complain -against the alcalde, defend their homes against the misconduct of -the lieutenant or sergeant of the police force; such people were -starting to emancipate themselves insensibly as a consequence of -their economic independence. Their money permitted them effectively -to defend questions involving money first, then, those of a moral -character--they were becoming actually "insolent" according to the -expression of the dominators: in reality, they were beginning to -learn to defend their rights." (Tavera, Ibid.) - -[161] For a good discussion of the growth of population since Spanish -conquest down to 1903, see Census of the Philippine Islands, Vol. 1, -pp. 442-445. - -[162] This principle is stated as follows: "The beginnings of social -evolution * * * are always to be found in a bountiful environment. -Moreover, density of population follows abundance of food, whether -the supplies are obtained from the soil directly, or indirectly, -in exchange for manufactures; and other things being equal, the -activity and the progress of society depend, within limits, on the -density of population. - -A sparse population, scattered over a poor soil, can carry on -production only by primitive methods and on a small scale. It can -have only the most rudimentary division of labor; it cannot have -manufacturing industries, or good roads, or a rapid interchange -of intelligence; all of which, together with a highly developed -industrial organization and a perfect utilization of capital, are -possible to the populations that are relatively dense. - -A highly developed political life, too, is found only where population -is compact. Civil liberty means discussion, and discussion is dependent -on the frequent meeting of considerable bodies of men who have varied -interests and who look at life from different points of view. Movements -for the increase of popular freedom have usually started in towns. - -Education, religion, art, science, and literature are all dependent on -a certain density of population. Schools, universities, churches, the -daily newspaper, great publishing houses, libraries, and museums come -only when the population per square mile is expressed by more than one -unit, and their decay is one of the first symptoms that population is -declining. * * *."--Franklin H. Giddings, The Principles of Sociology, -(New York, 1911), pp. 366-367. - -[163] "These changes show how important it was to establish at -different points, extending over two hundred miles of the Archipelago, -commercial centers, where it was desirable that foreigners should -settle. Without these latter, and the facilities afforded to credit -which hereby ensued, the sudden rise and prosperity of Iloilo would -not have been possible, inasmuch as the mercantile houses in that -capital would have been debarred from trading with unknown planters -in distant provinces, otherwise than for ready money." Jagor, Travels -in the Philippines. (London, 1875), p. 304. - -Azcarraga, pp. 168-177; 197-198. - -Le Roy, Bibliographical Notes, 1860-1898.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, -pp. 112-114. - -[164] Jagor gives credit to the two American houses in the Philippines -for the development of the abacá into an important article of -export. These American houses in the first years sank large sums -of money in advance loans, and were only able to get the business -on a paying basis when, in 1863, they were permitted to establish -warehouses and presses in the provinces at the principal points where -the crop was produced, and to deal directly with the producers. Jagor -(Spanish edition, p. 264); Le Roy, The Americans in the Philippines, -Vol. 1, pp. 33-34. - -For an interesting discussion of the struggle between England and -the United States for supremacy in the Philippines, and the role -played by the English banks in that struggle, see a pamphlet entitled -Commercial Progress in the Philippine Islands, by Antonio M. Regidor -and J. Warren T. Mason, (1905). - -[165] This prefix does not seem, however, to be genuine in the -language, so that the Chinese have mistaken the first syllable Ta for -their own word (adjective preposed) ta "great", and dropped it with -their usual contempt for foreign nations. But all this is conjectural. - -[166] apparently Sanskrit ... some such sound as ... Vaisadja.--Parker -(China, London, 1901.)--C. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Philippine Progress Prior to 1898, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PHILIPPINE PROGRESS PRIOR TO 1898 *** - -***** This file should be named 41959-8.txt or 41959-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/9/5/41959/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously -made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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